Historical Phonology of Chinese [1 ed.] 9781003411444, 9781032533131, 9781032533148

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Historical Phonology of Chinese

As an important introduction to the phonological history of Chinese, this title explores the phonological systems of the Chinese language and explains basic concepts, materials and methodologies. Unlike many historical accounts, this book adopts a reverse chronological sequence – starting with the phonology of Modern Mandarin and modern Chinese dialects, then looking back on Early Mandarin and Middle Chinese, and ultimately ending with Old Chinese phonology. This arrangement makes the book reasonably approachable to both professionals and general readers, building up knowledge along an ascending order of difficulty, from familiar, observable facts to theoretical, speculative hypotheses. Based on the extant studies and two essential types of rhyme materials, the book reconstructs the speech sounds of Middle and Old Chinese, in terms of initials, finals and tones. It also analyses the transition and evolution of phonological systems of the Chinese language in different periods. Marking the beginning of historical Chinese phonological studies and drawing on modern Western linguistics, this book will serve as an essential read for students and researchers of Chinese language, Chinese linguistics and especially historical Chinese phonology. Dong Tonghe (1911–1963) was a leading linguist and historical Chinese phonologist of China. In 1932, he was enrolled in the Department of Chinese of Tsinghua University and learned historical Chinese phonology from Wang Li. In 1937, he was admitted to the Institute of History and Philology of Academia Sinica, working as assistant to the eminent Chinese linguist Yuen Ren Chao. In 1949, he was appointed as professor at the Department of Chinese Literature of Taiwan University. Dong Tonghe had outstanding achievements in his main fields of research, including Old Chinese phonology, Middle Chinese phonology, modern Chinese dialects (with special focus on Min) and Austronesian languages.

China Perspectives

The China Perspectives series focuses on translating and publishing works by leading Chinese scholars, writing about both global topics and China-related themes. It covers Humanities & Social Sciences, Education, Media and Psychology, as well as many interdisciplinary themes. This is the first time any of these books have been published in English for international readers. The series aims to put forward a Chinese perspective, give insights into cutting-edge academic thinking in China, and inspire researchers globally. To submit proposals, please contact the Taylor & Francis Publisher for the China Publishing Programme, Lian Sun ([email protected]) Titles in linguistics currently include: Modern Chinese Grammar IV Special Forms and Europeanized Grammar WANG Li Singapore Mandarin Grammar I Lu Jianming Cognitive Neural Mechanism of Semantic Rhetoric Qiaoyun Liao, Lijun Meng Singapore Mandarin Grammar II Lu Jianming Automated Written Corrective Feedback in Research Paper Revision The Good, The Bad, and The Missing Qian Guo, Ruiling Feng, and Yuanfang Hua The Chinese Rhyme Tables Volume II Pan Wenguo For more information, please visit www.routledge.com/China-Perspectives/book-series/CPH

Historical Phonology of Chinese Dong Tonghe

This book is published with financial support from Chinese Fund for the Humanities and Social Sciences. First published in English 2024 by Routledge 4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2024 Dong Tonghe Translated by Wang Pin The right of Dong Tonghe to be identified as author of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. English Version by permission of Zhonghua Book Company. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN: 978-1-032-53313-1 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-032-53314-8 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-41144-4 (ebk) DOI: 10.4324/9781003411444 Typeset in Times New Roman by Apex CoVantage, LLC

Contents

List of Tables Translator’s Preface Foreword to the Chinese Edition  by Yuen Ren Chao (趙元任) Preface to the Chinese Edition   1 Introduction

vii ix xi xii 1

  2 Standard Mandarin Phonology

14

  3 Modern Dialects

33

  4 Early Mandarin

56

  5 Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries

76

  6 Graded Rhyme Charts

102

  7 Middle Chinese Phonology

126

  8 Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals

169

  9 From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese

198

10 Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes

223

11 Reconstruction of Old Chinese Finals

250

vi  Contents

12 Old Chinese Initials

269

13 Issues of Old Chinese Tones

286

Appendix: A Brief Introduction to Speech Sounds 295 Index308

Tables



2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7 3.8 3.9 3.10 3.11 3.12 3.13 3.14 3.15 4.1 5.1 5.2 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4



6.5 7.1 7.2 7.3

Consonants in Standard Mandarin Monophthongs in Standard Mandarin Initials in Standard Mandarin Finals in Standard Mandarin Tones in Standard Mandarin Matches Between Initials and Finals in Standard Mandarin Initials in the Suzhou Dialect Finals in the Suzhou Dialect Tones in the Suzhou Dialect Initials in the Guangzhou Dialect Finals in the Guangzhou Dialect Tones in the Guangzhou Dialect Initials in the Mei County Dialect Finals in the Mei County Dialect Tones in the Mei County Dialect Initials in the Fuzhou Dialect Finals in the Fuzhou Dialect Tones in the Fuzhou Dialect Initials in the Xiamen Dialect Finals in the Xiamen Dialect Tones in the Xiamen Dialect Initials in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn The 206 Rhymes in Four Tones in the Guǎngyùn Classification of Lower Characters Examples for the Thirty Initials The Thirty-six Initials Rhyme Tables of the Yùnjìng Correspondence Between 博 bó/方 fāng Type Upper Characters and 幫 bāng/非 fēi Group Initials Third-grade Rhymes in Rhyme Charts Labial Initials of Middle Chinese Dental Plosive Initials of Middle Chinese Dental Nasal Initial of Middle Chinese

15 15 18 18 20 21 35 37 39 40 41 43 44 45 47 47 48 51 51 52 55 58 84 93 106 107 112 115 124 127 130 131

viii  Tables

7.4 7.5 7.6 7.7 7.8 8.1

8.2 9.1 9.2 9.3 9.4 10.1 10.2 A.1

Dental Affricate and Fricative Initials of Middle Chinese Palatal and Postalveolar Initials of Middle Chinese Velar and Glottal Initials of Middle Chinese Initials 來 lái and 日 rì in Middle Chinese Evolution of Middle Chinese Tones Correspondences Between Pingshui Rhymes and Guǎngyùn Rhymes Classes of Initials in the Yùnhuì Comparison of Initials Between Middle Chinese and Standard Mandarin Evolution of ‘Open’ Finals Evolution of ‘Closed’ Finals Evolution of Tones Correspondences Between Gu Yanwu’s 10 Divisions of Old Chinese Rhymes and the Guǎngyùn’s 206 Rhymes Old Chinese Rhyme Divisions Selected IPA Symbols

132 133 137 141 167 175 181 200 205 208 220 228 248 306

Translator’s Preface

The translation of Dong Tonghe’s Historical Phonology of Chinese, with financial support from Chinese Fund for the Humanities and Social Sciences, is intended to bring this classic work on the phonological history of Chinese to the accessibility of the English readership. The Chinese original was first published in the 1950s under a different title and expanded to the present form in the republication in the 1960s after the author’s death. Doubtless, during the six decades after the book came out, substantial achievements have been made in the study of historical Chinese phonology, such as reconstruction of second-grade rhymes in Old Chinese, among many others, and more materials have been put to use by historical Chinese phonologists, such as the Mongolian transliteration of earlier Chinese. For all the remarkable progress, Dong’s work by no means loses its importance or is seen as inferior. It continues to serve effectively as a fundamental introduction to the field and be designated as a must-read for related courses. In the translation, I  tried my utmost to maintain both the original ideational meaning and the original textual format, including tabulation and annotation. All Chinese characters used as examples in the text are followed by Romanisation in Pinyin to indicate how they are pronounced in modern Standard Mandarin; for key terms and concepts and titles of books and articles, I kept the Chinese characters and added Pinyin and translation to provide maximum information; for names of people, I put Chinese characters in parentheses after the Romanised form. In each chapter, I also provided translator’s notes, either to give extra information or to point out or rectify errors I suspected due to miscopy or misprint in the original text. For those errors that I was quite certain about, I replaced them in the text with corrected forms and offered explanations in translator’s notes; for those problems caused by time and space (e.g. pronunciation of a character in current Standard Mandarin that is different from the variety spoken by the author), I annotated them with ‘sic’ and made necessary clarifications. This translation project could not have been accomplished without help from others. I am deeply indebted to Prof. Randy LaPolla for proofreading my translation and providing a lot of useful information about issues discussed in the book based on his critical reading of it. I  am also grateful to Prof. Zhang Yulai and Prof. Peng Xuanwei for their generous support for this project and to Prof. Pan

x  Translator’s Preface Wenguo, Prof. Zhang Shuzheng and Dr Edward McDonald for their valuable advice on translation. Moreover, I would like to thank the Zhonghua Book Company, the publisher of the Chinese version, for placing trust in me as translator of this prestigious book. My sincere gratitude goes to the rights director Ms Wang Ruiling and staff members Ms Wang Ruiyu and Mr Zhang Meng of the Book Company and Ms Sun Lian and Ms Feng Xiaoyin of the Taylor & Francis Group for their work to make this publication possible. Wang Pin December 2022

Foreword to the Chinese Edition by Yuen Ren Chao (趙元任 趙元任)

Once I  thought that it would be good to ask Dong Tonghe (董同龢) to write a few lines as preface for my own posthumous works. It had never occurred to me to be writing for his. Dong had all along been modest and courteous – he always addressed himself in his letters to me as ‘student’s student’ for the reason that, at Tsinghua, he attended a lecture taught by Wang Liaoyi (王了一), whom I had supervised on his thesis《兩粵音說》Liǎngyuè Yīnshuō ‘An Account of Speech Sounds in the Two Yue Areas’. It is a long-held expectation that students should surpass their masters; therefore, Dong’s《漢語音韻學》Hànyǔ Yīnyùn Xué ‘Historical Phonology of Chinese’ should be a culmination of historical Chinese phonology studies of the two generations prior to his. I am not giving mere remarks of courtesy. Wang Liaoyi shifted his research interest to Chinese grammar; I myself turned to grammatical and general linguistic issues after some research work on Chinese dialects; Tonghe, however, was making sustained contributions over these years in historical Chinese phonology. I am not saying he was no good at other areas – he was one of the most capable researchers when we were working on Hubei dialects. However, he had papers on Old Chinese and Middle Chinese speech sounds very early on. Once in Nanjing, Tonghe’s criticism of Bernhard Karlgren’s arbitrary classification of rhymes in the《詩 經》Shījīng ‘Classic of Poetry’ even worked Karlgren up, but later he acknowledged that the criticism was not entirely unreasonable. Under the trying circumstances during the Anti-Japanese War, Tonghe made the first major breakthrough in tackling the 重紐 chóngniǔ ‘redundant syllable’ problem in the《廣韻》Guǎngyùn ‘Expanded Rhymes’, which had baffled many generations of scholars. Later he spent his years in Taiwan. The linguistic conditions there offer many ‘virgin territories’. I do not need to cite examples since readers can see the meticulousness in methodology and the copiousness of materials from this book. It is not to pay all compliment to someone who is dead; however, how many more years do we have to wait until another book of this kind comes out in Taiwan? 1965 Yuen Ren Chao Cambridge, Massachusetts

Preface to the Chinese Edition

Ever since Westerners introduced their linguistics into China, there has been a remarkable progress in the studies of ancient Chinese speech sounds. It can be safely asserted that, over the last few decades, domestic and foreign scholars have made academic achievements comparable to or even more than what had been accomplished by the numerous masters in the three hundred years of the Qing Dynasty. We now have a broader vision, more abundant materials, more powerful toolsets and more efficient methodologies. Therefore, we can progress our studies of ancient Chinese phonology from sound types to sound values. More importantly, we are now able to save this discipline from the hopeless situation where no thorough understanding could be attained even if one’s entire life were devoted to it. Be that as it may, we are still short of an introductory textbook for beginners, which should explicitly address these issues: What materials can be used to study ancient Chinese speech sounds? What methods can be adopted? What achievements have been made thus far? During our stay in Sichuan, where we kept clear of the Anti-Japanese War zones, I mentioned this to Li Fang-kuei (李方桂), who agreed that such a textbook indeed needed to be soon written. Unfortunately, those who were utterly devoted to research work had no extra time to write a textbook, and those on teaching posts rarely did academic research. Perhaps by a lucky chance, I could both continue working in Academia Sinica and teach historical Chinese phonology at Taiwan University after arrival in Taiwan. I allowed myself no hesitation. With two years of teaching and compiling, this long-lasting wish has finally been fulfilled. When I  sent the draft to Yuen Ren Chao and Li Fang-kuei for advice, they seemed not disappointed at it. So I was very happy that this little textbook could manage as an introduction to this field of study. I was also very happy that my students regarded their learning with this textbook not as a futile effort although they did find it an onerous task. I would like to thank Prof. Xu Shiying (許世瑛) of Taiwan Provincial College of Education, who gave me many useful pointers based on his teaching experience. I would also like to thank my colleagues at Taiwan University, Mr Zhao Ronglang (趙榮琅) and Ms Lan Yaxiu (藍亞秀), and student Qiao Wei (喬偉). They took considerable pains to organise my manuscript despite their tight work schedule and the sweltering summer. Dong Tonghe

1 Introduction

§1.1 The course 聲韻學 Shēngyùn Xué ‘Study of Initials and Rhymes’ on the current college curriculum is, as a matter of fact, a branch of study about the phonological system of the Chinese language. In this light, we had better call it 漢語音 韻學 Hànyǔ Yīnyùn Xué ‘Historical Phonology of Chinese’. The ‘Chinese’ here takes the narrow sense and refers to the language of the Han nationality;1 the study of speech sound systems is generally known as phonology. Historical Phonology of China is also a serviceable name, as less technically we tend to use ‘language of China’ to mean ‘Chinese’. Arguably, it is too general and unclear if we refer to this study as ‘phonology’ only. The common name Shēngyùn Xué appeared relatively late, and it is the most inappropriate. The term was established because 聲韻 shēngyùn ‘initials and rhymes’ was felt to be sufficient to cover everything there was in ‘Historical Phonology of Chinese’, as studies of Chinese speech sounds had always focused on so-called 聲 shēng ‘initial’ and 韻 yùn ‘rhyme’ of a syllable. This is actually a dubious argument. For one thing, analysis of speech sounds in terms of initials and rhymes are not only applicable to Chinese, but to all monosyllabic languages. Therefore, shēngyùn is nothing but vague. For another, there is another element in Chinese and similar languages, i.e. tone, which is by no means less important than the initial or rhyme in a syllable. However, it is not reflected in the term in question. Then what exactly should historical phonology represent? Here are our answers: (1)  The philological studies of Chinese have all along featured specialised studies of text interpretation, script and speech sound. The study of speech sounds concerns the phonological system in different historical periods, including initials, rhymes and tones. (2)  In modern linguistics, the study of speech sound system is known as ‘phonology’, covering all aspects of speech sound, hence the propriety of our term ‘historical phonology’. §1.2 The question why study historical phonology of Chinese is rather a question of why study Chinese, as the historical phonology of Chinese is but one aspect of Chinese studies in general. DOI: 10.4324/9781003411444-1

2  Introduction Whatever language we study, our aim is to understand the culture in which the language takes its root. Those at home with literature are more sensitive to the relationship between language and literature. However, do we, as Chinese speakers, still need to study Chinese? The answer is yes. The study of Chinese covers an extensive range. Some are aware of certain linguistic facts, but without knowing why they are so; therefore, they need deeper understanding of our language. Some others know barely anything about the language and so have to study it from scratch. Synchronically, Modern Chinese has a great number of dialects, some of which are not even mutually intelligible; doesn’t this call for learning? In case of even the widest spread Mandarin, ordinary users can speak and understand, but how many can answer questions such as ‘What is the difference between 森 sēn and 生 shēng?’ and ‘Why is 老 lǎo in 老虎 lǎohǔ “tiger” different from 老 lǎo in 老人 lǎorén “old person”?’ An even smaller number of Mandarin speakers can explain rhymes, metres, alliteration, or rhyming compound words in literary works. It is all due to insufficient knowledge of the language. Diachronically, we allege that we have a recorded history of five thousand years, but we can trace it still further back. Our language keeps changing ever since our ancestors started using it. Modern people could by no means talk with the ancients even if they could meet. The Chinese characters we use change tremendously less slow than does the language itself. It takes considerable training for us to understand written works from 1,000 years ago (Tang and Song dynasties); those dating 1,500 years back (Han Dynasty and so-called ‘Six Dynasties’) required explanatory notes long ago; those from 2,000  years ago (the pre-Qin era) have caused many disagreements despite numerous notes and comments; as for oracle bone and bronzeware inscriptions from 2,500  years ago (Shang and Zhou dynasties), decades of study would at best offer some grounds for reasonable conjecture. From these facts we know how big the gap must be between ancient and modern language. We can safely conclude that the Chinese language used by our forefathers is as incomprehensible as any foreign language. §1.3 We often find ancient poem lines rhyming awkwardly, such as the third verse of 關雎 Guānjū in the《詩經》Shījīng ‘Classic of Poetry’: 參差荇菜 cēn cī xìng cài 左右采之 zuǒ yòu cǎi zhī 窈窕淑女 yǎo tiǎo shū nǚ 琴瑟友之 qín sè yǒu zhī Scholars of the Shījīng say that 采 cǎi rhymes with 友 yǒu; however, their modern pronunciation cǎi and yǒu differ markedly. This represents the great gap between ancient and modern speech sound. Also we often find some text in ancient literature difficult to understand, such as this sentence in the《左傳》Zuǒzhuàn:2 豕人立而啼 shǐ rén lì ér tí

Introduction 3 Those who understand it will tell us that 豕 shǐ means ‘pig’ (豬 zhū in modern Chinese) and represents a difference between ancient and modern use of characters (rather a difference in vocabulary). Moreover, 人立 rén lì means ‘stand like a human’, where 人 rén ‘human’ can function as an adverb in ancient Chinese. This represents a difference between ancient and modern grammar. From the two simple examples, we can see that study of language involves that of sound, vocabulary and grammar. Among the three areas, sound is fundamental as it provides elements for vocabulary and material for variations in grammar to be realised. The historical study of language is roughly comparable to ancient China’s so-called 小學 xiǎoxué ‘minor studies’, which comprise three fields: studies of script, sound and text. The study of script is now known as grammatology, the study of sound is the historical phonology we discuss in this book, and the study of text is actually interpretation of old vocabulary. The concept of grammar is imported from the West, and scholars of the minor studies scarcely touched upon grammatical issues. In the minor studies, phonology serves as the basis for the other two subjects. Around ninety percent of the over nine thousand characters recorded in the《說文 解字》Shuōwén Jiězì ‘Explaining Graphs and Analysing Characters’ are phonosemantic compound characters. It is a historical phonological question as to why the character 江 jiāng ‘big river’ takes 工 gōng as its phonetic component. Exegesis relies much on studies of derivative cognates and phonetic loan characters, both of which are based on similarity in sound. Duan Yucai (段玉裁), scholar of the Qing Dynasty (1644–1911), stated that the understanding of historical phonology leads to the understanding of the six categories of character classification, which in turn leads to the understanding of classical texts. This comment amply expresses the relationship between historical phonology studies and understanding of ancient Chinese culture. A prominent difference in the study of historical phonology of Chinese between past and present is that scholars of earlier generations put in much effort in examining the course of change of historical materials, whereas modern scholars focus on speech sounds themselves and give historical materials only simple, necessary accounts. Moreover, earlier scholars put particular stress on ancient times so that historical Chinese phonology is centred around ancient sounds. However, influenced by Western linguistics, modern scholars are putting equal emphasis on modern sounds; as a result, dialectology can be of great help for us to understand ancient speech sounds besides its recognised contributions to dialect studies. §1.4 What modern people speak we can hear by ourselves. Therefore, the study of modern speech sounds can rely easily on ready, live materials. Dialectological scholars nowadays first learn some fundamental knowledge about the language, then record data during their fieldwork, and finally sum up the system of the language based on analysis and synthesis.

4  Introduction The sounds of ancient people’s speech have vanished with them. Knowledge of those sounds has to be inferred from written documents. Ancient Chinese materials and their values are synopsised as follows: (1)   Characters It is a common saying that writing is the record of a language; however, no writing is an impeccable record of any language. It is also no easy matter to tell what a written character originally sounds like. Even phonograms give us considerable complications in investigating their ancient sounds, let alone Chinese characters such as the pictographs 日 rì ‘sun’ and 月 yuè ‘moon’, the ideographs 上 shàng ‘up’ and 下 xià ‘down’, and the compound ideographs 武 wǔ ‘military’ (compounded of 止 zhǐ ‘stop’ and 戈 gē ‘dagger-axe’) and 公 gōng ‘public, official’ (compounded of 八 meaning ‘contrary’ and 厶 meaning ‘private’). Phono-semantic compound characters, formed on the basis of sound, do account for the majority of Chinese characters, but this fact cannot readily provide answers to the following important questions: The phonetic component of 江 jiāng ‘big river’ is 工 gōng and that of 河 hé ‘river’ is 可 kě. How were 工 gōng and 可 kě pronounced in the ancient times? Aren’t the phonetic components 工 gōng and 可 kě themselves derived from ideograms? In old times, did 江 jiāng sound like 工 gōng or 工 gong like 江 jiāng? Or did both have another pronunciation? In old times, did 江 jiāng and 工 gōng sound exactly alike, or just similarly? If they sound just similarly, how similarly did they sound? So based on phono-semantic compound characters we can only arrive sketchily at some big categories of ancient speech sounds of Chinese. (2)   Old rhymes Here is the first poem in the Shījīng: 關關雎鳩 guān guān jū jiū

在河之州 zài hé zhī zhōu

窈窕淑女 yǎo tiǎo shū nǚ

君子好逑 jūn zǐ hǎo qiú

參差荇菜 cēn cī xìng cài

左右流之 zuǒ yòu liú zhī

窈窕淑女 yǎo tiǎo shū nǚ

寤寐求之 wù mèi qiú zhī

求之不得 qiú zhī bù dé

寤寐思服 wù mèi sī fú

悠哉悠哉 yōu zāi yōu zāi

輾轉反側 zhǎn zhuǎn fǎn cè

參差荇菜 cēn cī xìng cài

左右采之 zuǒ yòu cǎi zhī

窈窕淑女 yǎo tiǎo shū nǚ

琴瑟友之 qín sè yǒu zhī

參差荇菜 cēn cī xìng cài

左右芼之 zuǒ yòu mào zhī

窈窕淑女 yǎo tiǎo shū nǚ

鐘鼓樂之 zhōng gǔ lè zhī

Some of the old rhymes still rhyme in modern Chinese, such as 鳩 jiū, 州 zhōu and 逑 qiú in the first line; some no longer do, such as 采 cǎi and 友 yǒu, 芼 mào

Introduction  5 and 樂 lè3 in the last two lines. These are clues for us in examining the similarities and differences between old and modern sounds, and other poems in the Shījīng and rhyming texts in other old Chinese documents can afford many useful materials. Nevertheless, they can only bring to light general categories of historical Chinese rhymes. Evidence of tones might also be found, but nothing about syllable initials can be detected. (3)   Variant characters and phonetic loan characters in ancient texts It was less strict in ancient times than the modern era as to what character is used for a certain word,4 so it is common to see one word represented by different characters in different texts. 時日曷喪 shí rì hé sàng ‘When will this sun expire?’ in the《尚書》Shàngshū ‘Venerated Documents’5 is quoted as 是日曷喪 shì rì hé sàng in the《史記》Shǐjì ‘Historical Records’.6 Both meaning ‘this’, 時 shí and 是 shì are known as variant characters of the same word. 曷 hé is commonly used in ancient Chinese texts to mean ‘when’ or ‘what time’, equivalent to modern Chinese 何時 héshí, but many times it is written as 害 hé, such as 害澣害否 hé huàn hé fǒu ‘Which (clothes) need to be washed, which do not?’ in the third stanza of the poem 葛覃 Gětán of the Shījīng. These are known as phonetic loans. Doubtless there is a phonetic association between 時 shí and 是 shì, and between 曷 hé and 害 hé. Such associations have a utility comparable to that of phono-semantic compound characters. (4)   Reads-as, sound gloss, description, homophone Sound descriptions after the Han Dynasty (206 BC–AD 220) use the formula ‘character A sounds like B’. Prior to that people used ‘reads as’, or ‘reads in the same way as’, to denote sound. These represent the beginning of Chinese people’s annotation of character sound. The characters that share the same sound are later recognised as homophones: 公 gōng, equal division. It compounds the meaning of 八 and 厶. (There is a note under the character 厶 stating it ‘reads as 司 sī’.) (Shuōwén) 䇂 reads as 愆 qiān; 䋼 reads in the same way as 聽 tīng. (Shuōwén) 孚尹旁達 fú yǐn páng dá ‘jade glows with bright colour’, metaphorically ‘a person has high standards of morality’. Zheng Xuan’s annotation: 孚 reads as 浮 fú, 尹 reads as 筠 yún7 which means bamboo skin. (《禮記·聘義》Chapter Pìnyì ‘Observances in Missions’ in the Lǐjì ‘Book of Rites’) These examples have much to do with exegesis.8 Be that as it may, phonology plays an inextricable part in them. So these sound descriptions may very well serve as hints for the exploration of historical phonology, it is only that they are not adequate quantitatively, nor strictly accurate phonologically. On exegesis, scholars of the Han Dynasty had the ‘sound gloss’ method – that is, to interpret the meaning of a given character using another character with identical or similar sound. Sound glosses date far back but became popular in the Eastern Han Dynasty (AD 25–220). The best-known books on sound gloss are Ban Gu’s

6  Introduction (班固)《白虎通》Báihǔ Tōng ‘White Tiger Generality’ and Liu Xi (劉熙)’s 《釋名》Shìmíng ‘Explanation of Names’. There are many examples of sound gloss in the Shuōwén as well; for example, 天 tiān ‘sky, heaven’ is sound-glossed as 顛 diān ‘top’; 旁 páng ‘side’ is sound-glossed as 溥 pǔ ‘broad, extensive’; 馬 mǎ ‘horse’ is sound-glossed as 怒 nù ‘rage’ and 武 wǔ ‘military, valiant’. Sound glosses have a comparable value to ‘reads-as’. He Xiu’s (何休) annotation of the《公羊》Gōngyáng9 and Gao You’s (高誘) annotation of the《呂氏春秋》Lǚshì Chūnqiū ‘Master Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals’ and the《淮南子》Huáinánzǐ ‘Writings of the Huainan Masters’ have sound descriptions: 伐 fá in 伐人為客 fá rén wéi kè is pronounced long; 伐 fá in 見伐者為主 jiàn fá zhě wéi zhǔ is pronounced short. (Annotation of the chapter ‘28th Year of Duke Zhuang’ in the Gōngyáng) 駤 zhì is pronounced like 質 zhì, with slow breath, articulated at the tip of the tongue. 旄 máo is close in pronunciation to 繆 móu as in 綢繆 chóumóu, articulated with rapid breath. (Annotation of the Huáinánzǐ) There is no way we can know what manner of articulation is meant by ‘long pronunciation’, ‘short pronunciation’, ‘slow breath’ and ‘rapid breath’, which makes it difficult for us to obtain useful information from such materials. (5)   Fǎnqiè and rhyme dictionaries In the latter stage of the Eastern Han Dynasty, we started to use, under the influence of Indian scripts, a new method to mark the pronunciation of Chinese, which is the 反切 fǎnqiè system. Scholars of the Six Dynasties era (from the early third century to the late sixth century) paid careful attention to rhymes and metres in their prose; as a result, there appeared a good number of rhyme dictionaries adopting the fǎnqiè system. Although those dictionaries failed to be handed down to us, we can still secure a sketchy outline from the comprehensively synthesised work, the《切韻》Qièyùn ‘Segmented Rhymes’, whose compilation was led by Lu Fayan (陸法言) of the Sui Dynasty (581–619). The fǎnqiè system works by way of eliciting the pronunciation of a Chinese character with two other characters. The initial of the first character and the rhyme and tone of the second are conglomerated to represent the pronunciation of the character under question. Here is an example whose pronunciation represented by fǎnqiè is still applicable nowadays: 同 tóng, 徒紅切 tú hóng qiè: 徒 t(ú) + 紅 (h)óng → 同 tóng This Sinographic spelling pattern presupposes sound analysis and is therefore much more advanced than the use of homophones. It has greater accuracy and works for almost all characters. The extant rhyme dictionaries divide their volumes per the four tones, within which a certain number of rhymes are distinguished. In each rhyme are listed characters that

Introduction  7 have the same rhyme. Those that have the same pronunciation are grouped together, with the first character annotated with a fǎnqiè pattern. Thus, the pronunciation of all characters in this group is known. The rhymes are categorised according to the rhyming scheme of poems or songs; in conjunction with the four ancient tones, these are the phonological basis on which rhyme dictionaries are compiled. (6)   Rhyme charts The latter years of the Tang Dynasty (618–906) saw the creation of rhyme charts under the influence of India’s phonological studies. Roughly speaking, rhyme charts arrange syllable initials in columns, and rhymes and tones in rows, and puts characters in rhyme dictionaries in the corresponding cells of the rhyme tables. The advantage of rhyme charts lies in their conciseness and systematicity compared with the fǎnqiè system; their disadvantage is that homophonic characters cannot all be included, since each cell contains but one character. Early rhyme charts that are extant today date back to the end of Tang or the Five Dynasties period (907–960). They were produced in accordance with contemporary rhyme dictionaries and therefore serve as the best reference for the study of fǎnqiè. Later rhyme charts are from the dynasties of Song (960–1279) and Yuan (1279–1368); they feature some conflations and deletions of rhymes on the basis of earlier rhyme charts and provide evidence of the pronunciation of the time. Explanatory texts before and after the rhyme charts are good reference material: some clarify the method of chart compilation; others are descriptions of speech sounds. (7)   Yuan Dynasty operas and their rhymes The Northern opera verse is a faithful representation of vernacular speech sounds since it took shape in the general public and did not win popularity among the scholar-officials. The rhyme book《中原音韻》Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn ‘Rhymes of the Central Plain’, compiled by Zhou Deqing (周德清) of the Yuan Dynasty, was a reference book for verse composers at the time. The compilation of the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn is known for its break with the established practice of traditional rhyme dictionaries and represents the actual speech sounds of its time. Later, the Ming and Qing dynasties saw a lot of publications of opera verse rhymes recording more or less the contemporary speech sounds, under the influence of the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn. (8)   Records by foreign missionaries in the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644) Among the missionaries that came from the West to China in the Ming Dynasty, many transliterated Chinese sound values with Western alphabets. The most prominent is the《西儒耳目資》Xīrú Ěrmù Zī ‘Aid to the Eyes and Ears of Western Scholars’ complied by Jesuit missionary Nicolas Trigault (1577–1628).

8  Introduction (9) Modern dialects in China and transliteration abroad Many modern Chinese dialects have evolved from old Chinese; therefore, we can reconstruct ancient sounds with the help of modern dialects. Based on written materials, we can only obtain categories of ancient sounds; as for their values, we can only resort to modern dialects. This is a major inspiration we draw from modern Western linguistics. The historical phonology of Chinese has made considerable achievements over the last two or three decades. The Chinese language of the Tang Dynasty also spread abroad, and its pronunciation is represented by transliteration in Japan, Korea and Vietnam. Transliteration is representation of pronunciations of the borrowed Chinese characters that are adjusted in accordance with the borrower’s phonological system. Transliteration abroad is still in use today and can also serve as material for our research on the speech sounds of the Tang Dynasty, comparable in value to modern Chinese dialects. (10)  Transliteration between Chinese and foreign characters In the Six Dynasties and the Tang Dynasty, large quantities of Buddhist scriptures were translated into Chinese. The source texts were mainly in Sanskrit, while some were in Central Asian languages. Proper names in the scriptures that could not be translated in meaning were transliterated, i.e. they were represented in sound with corresponding Chinese characters. Chinese characters do not indicate sound, whereas the writing systems of the source texts do; therefore, the transliteration used in translation is very valuable material. With the dissemination of Chinese culture, proper names of China have their transliterated version in foreign languages as well. But we know too little about this. (11)  Phonological comparison within the Sino-Tibetan family We have learned from modern linguists that Chinese and the Tai language spoken along China’s southwest border area and Thai belong to the same language group known as Sino-Tai branch; Sino-Tai languages and Tibeto-Burman languages make up the Sino-Tibetan family. Languages of the same family or branch share some common features in their sound system, and sound evolution may demonstrate parallel patterns amongst member languages. It is a subject of comparative linguistics to reconstruct the parent language based on related languages, to testify to the unknown based on what is known. Now that comparative studies of Sino-Tibetan languages have been preliminarily established, we can expect them to throw a lot of light on the study of ancient Chinese. §1.5 It has been many tens of thousands of years since the Han nationality came into being. It has been at least three thousand years since the Han people started to use characters. When it comes to our ancient phonological systems, however, we

Introduction 9 only have some rudimentary knowledge of the following stages since extant materials are limited and related studies are not advanced enough. (1)   Old Chinese phonology The main references are characters with shared phonetic symbols and rhyming patterns in books written before the Qin Dynasty (221–206 BC). Collection and collation of variant characters and phonetic loan characters in ancient classics and their commentaries have not been completed; so far we only see random citations. Reads-as and sound glosses recorded by scholars of the Han Dynasty can be viewed as phonetic loan characters if used in exegesis; the notes exclusively for sound representations can serve as evidence of old phonology, but the time to which those sound descriptions apply is often brought into question.10 The study of rhymes of the pre-Qin era is based on the Shījīng and the poems therein are on the whole dated to the Western Zhou Dynasty (11th century BC–771 BC). The so-called 六書 liùshū ‘six scripts’ or ‘six categories of character construction’ is based on the small seal script, which had had a long history before being fixed in the Qin Dynasty; therefore, characters with shared phonetic symbols correspond largely to the rhymes used in the Shījīng. That being the case, the phonological system established through rhymes in the Shījīng and characters with shared phonetic symbols generally reflects speech sound patterns of the Zhou Dynasty (11th century BC–256 BC). It would be more prudent and more general to say that Old Chinese speech sounds are those prevalent in the pre-Qin era. (2)   Middle Chinese phonology Middle Chinese phonology refers to the phonological system as recorded in the Qièyùn. The Preface to the Qièyùn was written in the first year (601) of the Renshou Reign (601–604) of the Sui Dynasty. The Qièyùn served as the rhyming standard for poems of the Tang Dynasty, after the middle of which certain rhymes could be conflated in poem writing. The fǎnqiè patterns used in the Qièyùn extended their influence all the way to the beginning of the Song Dynasty. So it is fair to say that Middle Chinese was spoken in the Sui and Tang dynasties. Recently there is the suggestion that the formulation of the Qièyùn was inherited from previous times, and it is not unreasonable to claim that the phonological system it represents could be traced back to prior to the Sui Dynasty. Thus, we had better say that the time of Middle Chinese was centred on Sui and early Tang. Early rhyme charts make the best reference for reconstructing the phonological system as recorded in the Qièyùn since they are compiled in compliance with Qièyùn-based rhyme dictionaries. The translation of Buddhist scriptures had its peak in the Tang Dynasty, so the transliteration bears many traces of speech sounds of that time. As the Qièyùn phonological system gave rise to modern Chinese dialects, the sound values of Qièyùn phonological categories can only be evaluated

10  Introduction against live dialectal realisations. Transliteration abroad, as variants of the Tang sound patterns, are supplementary to modern Chinese dialects. (3)   Late Middle Chinese phonology Rhyme dictionaries compiled by scholars of the Song Dynasty contained fewer rhymes, the fǎnqiè patterns that had been prevalent for hundreds of years could no longer be used after the Song, and later rhyme tables had omission or conflation of rhymes. All this attests to the fact that a profound change occurred in Chinese phonology in the Song Dynasty. A manifestation of this phonological change is the 《古今韻會舉要》Gǔjīn Yùnhuì Jǔyào ‘Essential Collection of Ancient and Modern Rhymes’ compiled jointly by Huang Gongshao (黃公紹) and Xiong Zhong (熊忠) in the later years of the Song. Ostensibly following the layout of traditional rhyme dictionaries, the Essential Collection provides new phonetic notation to all characters and rearranges their order. It thus presents a clear description of the contemporary phonological system, which can be regarded as a bridge connecting Middle and Early Modern Chinese phonology. (4)   Early Modern Chinese phonology Officially compiled rhyme dictionaries could by no means break away from orthodox literature; as a result, adjustments made to the rhyme dictionaries from Song to Ming dynasties were not very rigorous and so could not faithfully represent speech sounds of the time. The Yuan Dynasty saw the enormous popularity of the Northern opera, which was entirely folk literature. Zhou Deqing’s Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn compiled for the opera verse was thus capable of removing restraints imposed by traditional rhyme dictionaries and representing contemporary speech sounds. It can be said to embody the Northern stage speech of the Yuan, which is also the remote ancestor of modern Northern Mandarin. The speech sounds recorded by missionaries in the Ming Dynasty are positively closer to Modern Chinese. (5)   Modern Chinese phonology Mandarin is the current national standard speech. The study of Mandarin phonology has had a fairly long history. The study of Chinese dialects only started two or three decades ago. It is being obstructed by so many years of war, so we have yet to gain sufficient knowledge of dialects. §1.6 The study of ancient speech sounds is largely constrained by the materials available. The stages of ancient Chinese phonology mentioned earlier are only roughly determined according to existing records. It is not that Chinese speech sounds have only undergone those phases of evolution. Most obviously, we know nothing about speech sounds prior to the Zhou Dynasty and barely anything in the thousand years between the pre-Qin era and the Sui and Tang dynasties.

Introduction 11 Modern speech sounds are readily accessible; however, we still do not have enough knowledge of them since dialect studies are only beginning in China. The hitherto known dialects of Modern Chinese can be divided into the following groups:   (1) Northern Mandarin: generally covering areas north of the Huai River, the Han River and the Zhongnan Mountains. Standard Mandarin is one of its varieties.   (2) Southwestern Mandarin: spoken in Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou, Hubei, West Hunan, North Guangxi and North Jiangxi.   (3) Xiajiang Mandarin:11 lower reaches of the Yangtze River, Central Anhui and North Jiangsu.   (4) Wu: South Jiangsu and Zhejiang.   (5) Gan: Gan River valley.   (6) Xiang: Valleys of the Xiang River, the Yuan River and the Zi River.   (7) Cantonese: Guangdong, Guangxi and overseas.   (8) Hakka: centred in North Guangdong and South Jiangxi; widespread in Taiwan and overseas.   (9) Northern Min: North Fujian, centred in Fuzhou. (10) Southern Min: centred in Xiamen, Chaozhou and Shantou; widespread in Taiwan, Hainan and overseas. (11) Unidentified dialects such as Huizhou dialect.12 Ancient Chinese would have no fewer dialects than does Modern Chinese. The ancient speech sounds verified today are all standard variety of their times. Ancient Chinese dialects are recorded in even fewer documents, so we have access only to odd bits and pieces of information in relation to them. §1.7 Although we do not have adequate knowledge about ancient phonology, it is still not an easy job to provide a general account of what we do know about it in this small book. This is because (1) we have much more to cover for Chinese than for many other languages since our language has three thousand years of history; (2) it takes a lot of trouble to account for ancient Chinese, as the materials we depend on are problematic in themselves; and (3) many side issues are likely to crop up since we are talking about phonology, which was obscure to many early scholars. The study of phonology requires a set of phonetic symbols, whose importance is on a par with numbers in the study of mathematics. To the end of this book, a brief account of phonetics is appended, providing a succinct summary of all phonetic symbols used in this book. In terms of Chinese phonology, this book adopts a practice that has never been deployed elsewhere, that is to start with modern Chinese phonology. The author believes that, in so doing, it would be easier for beginners to handle on the one hand, and learning modern phonology lays the foundation for learning ancient phonology on the other.

12  Introduction Nevertheless, Modern Chinese covers an enormous scope. We can only focus on Mandarin and mention other dialects in passing. Early Modern Chinese is a little older than Modern Chinese. To account for it we also start with Modern Chinese. The Late Middle Chinese materials follow on from the Middle Chinese materials, so we should start the study of the older periods with Middle Chinese. The Qièyùnbased rhyme dictionaries and rhyme charts are comparatively complete materials for our study of ancient speech sounds; nevertheless, they are not easy to describe and explain. Therefore, we shall put in more effort in this respect. Elucidation of Middle Chinese phonology will lead naturally to the solution to problems in Late Middle Chinese, which falls out of the scope of this book due to space constraints. Old Chinese phonology is the most difficult part, and our studies of it are all predicated on Middle Chinese phonology. So Old Chinese is positioned toward the end of this book although chronically it appeared at the earliest stage. In our account of Chinese phonology, apart from synchronic descriptions of the phonological system in various time frames, it is equally important to reveal the diachronic evolution between them. In this regard, we set a chapter ‘From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese’ after discussion of Middle Chinese phonology. There should have been a chapter ‘From Old Chinese to Middle Chinese’ after Old Chinese phonology as well. However, it can be dispensed with since our description of Old Chinese phonology is derived from that of Middle Chinese phonology. It is obvious that we are placing emphasis on a number of key points. Out of all of the aspects of Chinese phonology, we focus on Modern Mandarin, Middle Chinese and Old Chinese, on which basis we hope to extend our knowledge to other aspects. On the face of it, we present our contents in a reversed time order; however, this sequence will work mostly naturally for our description and explanation. Notes 1 Apart from Chinese, there are many other languages in China. Chinese is but the most important one among all languages in China. Generally speaking, languages in China can be classified into various branches of five big families: I. Sino-Tibetan or Indo-Chinese Family  (1)  Sino-Tai Group (a)  Chinese (b) Tai: Dai, Buyi, Zhuang in southwestern provinces (in the same branch with Thai) (c)  Miao, Yao  (2)  Tibetan-Burman Group (a)  Tibetan: languages of the Tibetan people in Tibet, Xikang and Qinghai (b)  Yi, Naxi, etc. (Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou) (c) Patois along the Yunnan-Burma border, such as Nu and Dulong (close to Burmese) II. Altaic Family  (1)  Turkic: languages of Muslims in and nearby Xinjiang  (2)  Mongolian  (3)  Tungusic: Manchu and others

Introduction 13 III. Austronesian Family: languages of Taiwan aborigines (in the same family with Malay and Filipino) IV. Austric Family: languages in Southwest Yunnan, such as Wa (in the same family with Khmer in Vietnam and some languages in Burma) V. Indo-European Family: Tajik in Xinjiang (in the same family with many languages of India and Europe) 2 Translator’s note: The full title is《春秋左氏傳》Chūnqiū Zuǒshì Zhuàn, ‘Master Zuo’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals’. 3 Translator’s note: The character 樂 lè used to have a pronunciation yào in modern Mandarin which rhymes well with 芼 mào. However, this pronunciation is not considered standard at present; it is not included in Modern Chinese dictionaries and annotated as outdated in dictionaries on ancient Chinese. 4 ‘Word’ refers to the minimal unit in language in actual use, which is composed of certain sounds and represents a certain concept. ‘Character’ is the graphological form of a word. In Mandarin Chinese, for example, the combination of sounds x, i and ng represents shining objects in the night sky. This is known as a word. We use 星 in modern writing to represent the syllable xīng. This is known as a character. Each Chinese character represents a syllable in the Chinese language, and most Chinese words are monosyllabic; therefore, the idea of a word is often confused with that of a character. Note that 我們 wǒmén ‘we’ is also a word but has two syllables and is usually written with two characters. For one single word, ancient people might represent it with variant characters, just like modern people misuse characters. On this account, we should distinguish between the concept of word and that of character. 5 Translator’s note: Also known widely in English as the ‘Book of Documents’. 6 Translator’s note: Also known widely in English as the ‘Records of the Grand Historian’. 7 Translator’s note: In modern Mandarin Chinese 尹 is read as yǐn, not as 筠 yún. 8 Duan Yucai comments in his《說文解字注》Shuōwén Jiězì Zhù ‘Annotated Shuōwén Jiězì’ that there are two types of ‘reads-as’ in the annotation of sounds for classical texts: ‘讀若 dúruò indicates an equivalence of sound, whereas 讀為 dúwéi represents a change of character (i.e. phonetic loan character). Annotations of classics have both 讀 若 dúruò and 讀為 dúwéi. 讀為 dúwéi has a synonymous term, 讀曰 dúyuē; 讀若 dúruò has a synonymous term, 讀如 dúrú. Actually the distinctions among these terms are not as strict as Duan claims. His comment only roughly reflects the actual practice in the annotation of ancient texts. 9 Translator’s note: The full title is《春秋公羊傳》Chūnqiū Gōngyáng Zhuàn, ‘Gongyang Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals’. 10 Our knowledge of phonetic loans comes mostly from ancient classic commentaries compiled by scholars of the Han Dynasty. Although the Han scholars based their works on teaching handed down by masters of previous generations, they still tended to describe old sounds of characters according to their contemporary pronunciation. Thus, some phonetic loans only reflect the phonological system of the Han period. 11 Translator’s note: Presently 下江官話 ‘Xiajiang Mandarin’ is commonly called 江淮官 話 ‘Jianghuai Mandarin’. 12 Translator’s note: The Huizhou dialect is identified as an independent major dialect in Language Atlas of China (2nd edition, China: Commercial Press, 2012).

2

Standard Mandarin Phonology

§2.1 國語 guóyǔ (lit. ‘national language’), or Standard Mandarin, refers to the standard variety of Modern Chinese, which is based on the language used by people in Beijing with a considerable level of education.1 For several hundred years, leading figures of Chinese society spent their life mostly in Beijing and wrote many literary works in the living language; therefore, their language has long established itself as the standard variety of Chinese. 國語 guóyǔ is but a new term proposed by the Nationalist government in 1920. Our account of the phonological system of Standard Mandarin starts with the description of the consonants and vowels. (1)   Consonants (Table 2.1) Among the labial consonants, [p], [p‘] and [m] are bilabial and [f] is labiodental. There is no bilabial fricative nor labiodental plosive or nasal, so we group the four consonants together as labials. Strictly speaking, there is a difference between [t], [t‘], [n] and [l] on the one hand and [ts], [ts‘] and [s] on the other – the former set is closer to alveolar whereas the second set is closer to dental. However, the main difference between [t], [t‘] and [ts], [ts‘] is one of manner of articulation: [t] and [t‘] are plosives whereas [ts] and [ts‘] are affricates (for further discussion see §10 of the Appendix). As far as independent syllables are concerned, voiced plosives or affricates do not exist in Standard Mandarin. In multisyllabic words or complete sentences, however, they are not uncommon, in which cases they are treated as resulting from assimilation in connected speech rather than being independent phonemes (see §2.8). [ʐ] is the only voiced fricative, as opposed to the voiceless [ʂ] of the same place of articulation. There are other voiced fricatives, too; however, like voiced plosives and affricates aforementioned, they exist only in connected speech. Syllables represented by 安 ān, 餓 è, etc. can begin with a glottal stop [ʔ] or voiced velar fricative [ɣ]. Whether these initials are present or not does not make any difference in language use. Therefore, they are not treated as independent phonemes. DOI: 10.4324/9781003411444-2

Standard Mandarin Phonology 15 Table 2.1  Consonants in Standard Mandarin Plosives and affricates

labial dental retroflex palatal velar

Unaspirated

Aspirated

[p] [t] [ts] [tʂ] [tɕ] [k]

[p‘]1 [t‘] [ts‘] [tʂ‘] [tɕ‘] [k‘]

Nasals

Voiceless fricatives

[m] [n]

[f]

[l]

[s] [ʂ] [ɕ] [x]

[ŋ]

Voiced fricatives and laterals

[ʐ]2

Notes 1 Translator’s note: Sic. However, the standard IPA symbol for aspiration is not [‘] but [h], e.g. [ph] and [th]. 2 Translator’s note: Sic. This is actually [ɹ] (pinyin r) but actually realised in different ways. Some people do actually make it a fricative, but mainly it is produced using tongue root retraction or it is an alveolar approximate with lip rounding (not retroflex). (Prof. Randy LaPolla made this clarification.)

Table 2.2  Monophthongs in Standard Mandarin Apical Front

high mid low

[ɿ]

Palatal Back

Front

[ʅ] [ɚ]

Central

Unrounded

Rounded

[i] [e]

[y]

[ə] [a]

Back Unrounded

Rounded

[ɤ]

[u] [o]

(2) Monophthongs (Table 2.2) The high apical vowels [ɿ] and [ʅ] are usually pronounced with unrounded lips, with no rounded counterparts. [ɚ] has neutral lip rounding position. The palatal vowels only have three levels of openness – [e], [ə], [ɤ] and [o] are mid vowels; there is no need to describe them as mid-low or mid-high. Frontness is not applicable to low vowels in Standard Mandarin; [a] represents a sound with a rather broad range of variation. Generally speaking, at the end of a syllable, [a] is close to central; when followed by [ŋ] or [u], it is further back; when followed by [n] or [i], it is further front; when followed by [n] or [i] and preceded by [i], it features a higher tongue position as a mid-low front vowel. We do not divide [a] into four vowels because such a delicate division is not necessary in use; more importantly, it represents one single phoneme as far as phonological structure is concerned. (3)   Diphthongs [ai]

[ei]

[au]

[ou]

16  Standard Mandarin Phonology Here we only list falling diphthongs; rising diphthongs and triphthongs are not treated as phonemes (see §6 of the Appendix). §2.2 None of the consonants in Standard Mandarin appears in the middle of a syllable. Only [n] and [ŋ] can appear at the end of a syllable, e.g. 暗 àn [an] and 剛 gāng [kaŋ]. [ŋ] does not appear at the beginning of a syllable, whereas [n] does, e.g. 拿 ná [na] and 您 nín [nin]. All other consonants appear only at the beginning of a syllable, e.g. 八 bā [pa], 唐 táng [t‘aŋ] and 誰 shéi [ʂei]. The high apical vowels [ɿ] and [ʅ] always end a syllable, and always follow a consonant. The consonant before [ɿ] must be [ts], [ts‘] or [s], and before [ʅ] must be [tʂ], [tʂ‘], [ʂ] or [ʐ], e.g. 司 sī [sɿ] and 日 rì [ʐʅ]. [ɚ] is always used on its own, with nothing before or after, e.g. 耳 ěr [ɚ]. For these reasons, we can sometimes represent the three apical vowels with a single symbol [ï]. It reads [ɿ] after [tʂ‘], [ʂ] or [ʐ]; [ʅ] after [tʂ], [tʂ‘], [ʂ] or [ʐ]; or [ɚ] when used alone. There will be no confusion if 司 sī, 日 rì and 耳 ěr are symbolised by [sï], [ʐï] and [ï], respectively. Among the palatal vowels [i], [u], [y] and [a] are used most frequently. They can stand alone or follow and/or precede other sounds: 衣 yī [i] 比 bǐ [pi] 因 yīn [in] 兵 bīng [piŋ]

烏 wū [u] 都 dū [tu] 臥 wò [uo] 送 sòng [suŋ]

魚 yú [y] 呂 lǚ [ly] 月 yuè [ye] 君 jūn [tɕyn]

啊 ā [a] 牙 yá [ia] 安 ān [an] 羊 yáng [iaŋ]

Here ‘other sounds’ are not any sound that is not the vowel itself. Which other sounds can occur before or after a certain vowel is determined by rules specified in §12 of the Appendix. [ɤ]can occur alone, e.g. 鵝 é [ɤ]; it can be preceded by some consonants, e.g. 得 dé [tɤ]; it can never be followed by any other sound. [ə]never occurs alone. It may be preceded by some consonants or vowels and is always followed by either [n] or [ŋ] except in neutral-tone syllables, e.g. 恩 ēn [ən], 燈 dēng [təŋ] and 溫 wēn [uən]. [e]and [o] do not occur alone. [e] always occurs after [i] or [y], and [o] always after [u], regardless of whether it is followed by a consonant, e.g. 夜 yè [ie], 碟 dié [tie], 月 yuè [ye], 缺 quē [tɕ‘ye], 窩 wō [uo] and 鍋 guō [kuo]. Except when forming diphthongs as listed in §6 of the Appendix, they are not followed by any other sound. All diphthongs can occur after some consonants or vowels, e.g. 孩 hái [xai], 尾 wěi [uei], 搖 yáo [iau] and 鉤 gōu [kou]. They cannot be followed by other sounds. All but [ei]2 can occur alone, e.g. 哀 āi [ai], 敖 áo [au] and 藕 ǒu [ou]. §2.3 We have always divided a Standard Mandarin syllable up into initial, final and tone. Such a division, although following the practice in traditional Chinese phonology, has its advantage in light of modern linguistics. In addition, this division can be conveniently applied to phonological studies of ancient Chinese and

Standard Mandarin Phonology  17 languages related to Chinese, as well as Modern Chinese. Such being the case, we had better clarify these terms here. 聲母 shēngmǔ ‘initials’ are syllable-initial consonants that are phonemically significant, e.g. [p] in 班 bān [pan], [ts‘] in 參 cān [ts‘an] and [x] in 酣 hān [xan]. If there is no consonant at the initial position of a syllable or the consonant at that position is not phonemically significant, we can say that that syllable has no initial or that it has zero initial, e.g. 安 ān [an], 哀 āi [ai], 鵝 é [ɤ] and 恩 ēn [ən]. They sometimes do not begin with a consonant, or sometimes they begin with a glottal stop [ʔ] or a voiced velar fricative [ɣ], neither of which bears any phonological significance. 韻母 yùnmǔ ‘finals’ are post-initial vowels plus consonants after the vowels. If a syllable does not have an initial, it is all final. Syllable-forming consonants are also treated all as finals. Among finals, diphthongs that involve an opening process3 are analysed as composed of a medial and a main vowel: [ie] – [i|e]

[io] – [i|o]

[ua] – [u|a]

[ye] – [y|e]

Triphthongs are analysed as composed of a medial and a diphthong: [iau] – [i|au]

[uei] – [u|ei]

When a vowel is followed by a consonant, the consonant is analysed as 韻尾 yùnwěi ‘coda’ in the final: [an] – [a|n]

[aŋ] – [a|ŋ]

Diphthongs involving a closing process are analysed also as composed of a main vowel and a coda: [ai] – [a|i]

[ou] – [o|u]

The most complex final is composed of a medial, a main vowel and a coda: [ian] – [i|a|n]

[uaŋ] – [u|a|ŋ]

聲調 shēngdiào ‘tone’ refers to the pitch of a syllable; it is sometimes also related to the syllable’s length. In Chinese and languages genealogically related to

18  Standard Mandarin Phonology Chinese, tone is a constituent element of a syllable – on a par with the initial and final. For example, 媽 mā, 麻 má, 馬 mǎ and 罵 mà in Standard Mandarin share the initial [m] and the final [a]; the difference among them is in the tone. Roughly speaking, 媽 mā has a level tone, 麻 má has a rising tone, 馬 mǎ has a falling-rising tone, and 罵 mà has a falling tone. Note that not all Chinese dialects have four tones, and tones do not have the same rising and falling patterns across dialects. §2.4 The initials, finals and tones of Standard Mandarin are listed as follows (with examples provided in parentheses): (1)   Initials (Table 2.3) Table 2.3  Initials in Standard Mandarin [p] [p‘] [m] 巴 bā, 比 bǐ, 怕 pà, 皮 pí, 馬 mǎ, 米 mǐ, 布 bù 鋪 pù 母 mǔ [t] [t‘] [n] 答 dá, 低 dī, 他 tā, 提 tí, 拿 ná, 泥 ní, 都 dū 途 tú 奴 nú, 女 nǚ [ts] [ts‘] 資 zī, 雜 zá, 此 cǐ, 擦 cā, 租 zū 醋 cù [tʂ] [tʂ‘] 知 zhī, 札 zhá, 遲 chí, 茶 chá, 朱 zhū 除 chú [tɕ] [tɕ‘] 基 jī, 居 jū 齊 qí, 去 qù [k] [k‘] 哥 gē, 姑 gū 科 kē, 苦 kǔ [∅] 岸 àn, 鵝 é, 恩 ēn, 衣 yī, 汪 wāng, 魚 yú

[f] 法 fǎ, 夫 fū

[s] 思 sī, 撒 sǎ, 蘇 sū [ʂ] 施 shī, 沙 shā, 書 shū [ɕ] 喜 xǐ, 許 xǔ [x] 喝 hē, 虎 hǔ

[l] 拉 lā, 利 lì, 魯 lǔ, 呂 lǚ

[ʐ] 日 rì, 惹 rě, 如 rú

(2)   Finals (Table 2.4) Table 2.4  Finals in Standard Mandarin [ï] 子 zǐ, 紙 zhǐ, 耳 ěr

[i] [u] 皮 pí, 底 dǐ, 基 jī, 布 bù, 都 dū, 租 zū, 朱 衣 yī zhū, 姑 gū, 五 wǔ

[y] 呂 lǚ, 舉 jǔ, 雨 yǔ

[ɤ] [a] 怕 pà, 打 dǎ, 薩 sà, 德 dé, 色 sè, 車 查 chá, 哈 hā, 啊 ā chē, 哥 gē, 俄 é [ia] [ie] 家 jiā, 牙 yá 別 bié, 鐵 tiě, 歇 xiē, 也 yě [ua] 耍 shuǎ, 瓜 guā, 瓦 wǎ [ye] 雪 xuě, 月 yuè

[uo] 波 bō, 多 duō, 坐 zuò, 説 shuō, 郭 guō, 臥 wò

Standard Mandarin Phonology  19 [ï] 子 zǐ, 紙 zhǐ, 耳 ěr

[i] [u] 皮 pí, 底 dǐ, 基 jī, 布 bù, 都 dū, 租 zū, 朱 衣 yī zhū, 姑 gū, 五 wǔ

[ei] [ai] 拜 bài, 台 tái, 災 zāi, 陪 péi, 內 nèi, 賊 齋 zhāi, 該 gāi, zéi, 誰 shéi, 黑 矮 ǎi hēi

[y] 呂 lǚ, 舉 jǔ, 雨 yǔ

[au] 包 bāo, 刀 dāo, 曹 cáo, 高 gāo, 奧 ào

[ou] 否 fǒu, 頭 tóu, 搜 sōu, 周 zhōu, 鉤 gōu, 歐 ōu [iau] [iou] 飄 piāo, 條 tiáo, 叫 jiào, 謬 miù, 流 liú, 九 jiǔ, 遊 yóu 要 yào

[uai] 揣 chuāi, 快 kuài, 外 wài

[uei] 堆 duī, 最 zuì, 追 zhuī, 歸 guī, 爲 wéi

[an] 半 bàn, 單 dān, 三 sān, 展 zhǎn, 甘 gān, 安 ān [ian] 邊 biān, 添 tiān, 間 jiān, 鹽 yán [uan] 端 duān, 算 suàn, 船 chuán, 官 guān, 完 wán

[ən] [in] 本 běn, 嫩 nèn, 森 賓 bīn, 鄰 lín, 心 xīn, 因 yīn sēn, 枕 zhěn, 根 gēn, 恩 ēn

[yn] 羣 qún, 雲 yún

[uən] 頓 dùn, 遵 zūn, 準 zhǔn, 昆 kūn, 穩 wěn

[yan] 全 quán, 圓 yuán [aŋ] [əŋ] [iŋ] [uŋ] 邦 bāng, 當 dāng, 蓬 péng, 登 dēng, 兵 bīng, 丁 dīng, 興 xīng, 東 dōng, 松 sōng, 桑 sāng, 張 zhāng, 曾 zēng, 正 英 yīng 中 zhōng, 公 剛 gāng, 昂 áng zhēng, 耕 gēng gōng, 翁 wēng [iaŋ] 良 liáng, 香 xiāng, 陽 yáng [uaŋ] 莊 zhuāng, 光 guāng, 王 wáng [yuŋ] 兄 xiōng, 用 yòng

Finals in the first and second partitions have no coda and are traditionally known as open-end finals. Finals in the third partition are diphthongs, or finals with vowel codas. Finals in the fourth and fifth partitions have nasal codas. Finals with nasal codas are termed 陽聲 yángshēng finals, while those without nasal codas are collectively called 陰聲 yīnshēng finals. Finals in the first row in each partition have no medial before the main vowel; those in the second, third and fourth rows have the medials [i], [u] and [y] respectively. Finals with the same medial tend to match the same initials, and finals with

20  Standard Mandarin Phonology [i], [u] and [y] as main vowel share the same features with finals with [i], [u] and [y] as medial. Thus, we classify finals into four types: 開口 kāikǒu ‘open-mouth’ final: no medial, or main vowel other than [i], [u], [y] 齊齒 qíchǐ ‘even-teeth’ final: medial [i], or main vowel [i] 合口 hékǒu ‘closed-mouth’ final: medial [u], or main vowel [u] 撮口 cuōkǒu ‘round-mouth’ final: medial [y], or main vowel [y] Sometimes we group ‘open-mouth’ and ‘closed-mouth’ finals together as 洪音 hóngyīn ‘broad sounds’ and ‘even-teeth’ and ‘round-mouth’ finals together as 細 音 xìyīn ‘narrow sounds’. ‘Narrow’ finals feature high vowels [i] or [y], while ‘broad’ ones do not. Having no round-lip vowels, ‘even-teeth’ finals are sometimes reclassified as ‘open-mouth’; having round-lip vowels, ‘round-mouth’ finals are sometimes reclassified as ‘closed-mouth’. In this light, both ‘open-mouth’ and ‘closed-mouth’ finals have a broad sense and a narrow one. Based on this classification, finals of Standard Mandarin can be displayed in a neat grid: [ï] [i] [u] [y]

[a] [ia] [ua]

[ɤ] [ie] [uo] [ye]

[ai]

[ei]

[uai]

[uei]

[au] [iau]

[ou] [iou]

[an] [ian] [uan] [yan]

[ən] [in] [uən] [yn]

[aŋ] [iaŋ] [uaŋ]

[əŋ] [iŋ] [uŋ] [yuŋ]

(3)   Standard Mandarin has four tones (Table 2.5): Table 2.5  Tones in Standard Mandarin Class

Contour

Symbol

Examples

陰平 yīnpíng (first tone)

high level (55)

˥

陽平 yángpíng (second tone)

high rising (35)

˧˥

上 shǎng (third tone)

falling-rising (315)1

˧˩˥

去 qù (fourth tone)

full falling (51)

˥˩

巴 bā, 梯 tī, 雖 suī, 申 shēn, 皆 jiē, 姑 gū, 屋 wū 拔 bá, 提 tí, 隋 suí, 神 shén, 潔 jié, 胡 hú, 無 wú 把 bǎ, 體 tǐ, 髓 suǐ, 沈 shěn, 姐 jiě, 古 gǔ, 五 wǔ 霸 bà, 替 tì, 碎 suì, 甚 shèn, 戒 jiè, 固 gù, 誤 wù

1 Translator’s note: The shǎng tone in Standard Mandarin is more commonly designated 214 in pitch value.

The names of tone classes: 陰平 yīnpíng, 陽平 yángpíng, 上 shǎng and 去 qù are phonological terms, whereas ‘first tone’, ‘second tone’, etc. are their common names. §2.5 Matches between initials and finals are displayed in Table 2.6. A table showing in detail the matches between tones on the one hand and initials and finals on the other would be fairly sizable. Here we only mention a few important points: (1) Syllables whose initials are unaspirated plosives and affricates do not take the yángpíng tone (˧˥) with yángshēng finals. Those having the yángpíng tone with yīnshēng finals, e.g. 拔 bá [pa˧˥], 則 zé [tsə˧˥], 直 zhí [tʂï˧˥], 毒 dú [tu˧˥], 極 jí [tɕi˧˥], have evolved from ancient syllables in the 入 rù tone.4

Standard Mandarin Phonology  21 (2) Syllables with voiced initials do not take the yīnpíng tone (˥), except for a small number of onomatopoeic characters, e.g. 咪 mī [mi˥], and a few characters used colloquially, e.g. 媽 mā [ma˥] and 撈 lāo [lau˥]. (3) Syllables with the initial [s] and ‘open-mouth’ finals do not take the yángpíng tone, which is only possible in syllables with ‘closed-mouth’ finals, e.g. 俗 sú [su˧˥] and 隨 suí [suei˧˥]. Table 2.6  Matches Between Initials and Finals in Standard Mandarin Example

Final ‘Open-mouth’ [ï]1 [a]

Initial Bilabial

[p] [p‘] [m] [f]

dental

[t] [t‘] [n] [l] [ts] [ts‘] [s]

retroflex

[tʂ] [tʂ‘] [ʂ] [ʐ]

palatal

巴 bā 怕 pà 馬 mǎ 法 fǎ 答 dá 他 tā 拿 ná 拉 lā 資 雜 zī zá 此 擦 cǐ cā 思 撒 sǎ sī 知 札 zhī zhá 遲 茶 chí chá 施 沙 shī shā 日 rì

[ɤ]

德 dé 特 tè 訥 nè 肋 lē 則 zé 冊 cè 色 sè 者 zhě 車 chē 捨 shě 惹 rě

[ai]

[ei]

[au]

白 bái 排 pái 買 mǎi

杯 bēi 佩 pèi 梅 méi 肥 féi

包 bāo 跑 pǎo 毛 máo

代 dài 太 tài 乃 nǎi 來 lái 再 zài 才 cái 賽 sài 齋 zhāi 柴 chái 篩 shāi

2

內 nèi 累 lèi (賊) zéi

(塞) sēi3 (這) zhèi4

(誰) shéi

[ou]

[an]

班 bān 剖 盤 pōu pán 謀 滿 móu mǎn 否 凡 fǒu fán 刀 斗 單 dāo dǒu dān 桃 頭 談 táo tóu tán 腦 耨 南 nǎo nòu nán 老 樓 藍 lǎo lóu lán 早 走 贊 zǎo zǒu zàn 草 湊 參 cǎo còu cān 掃 叟 三 sǎo sǒu sān 照 周 展 zhào zhōu zhǎn 超 愁 産 chāo chóu chǎn 燒 手 陝 shāo shǒu shǎn 饒 肉 然 ráo ròu rán

[ən] 本 běn 盆 pén 門 mén 分 fēn

[aŋ]

邦 bāng 旁 páng 忙 máng 房 fáng 當 dāng 湯 tāng 嫩 囊 nèn náng 郎 láng 怎 葬 zěn zàng 岑 藏 cén cáng 森 桑 sēn sāng 真 張 zhēn zhāng 沉 長 chén cháng 申 商 shēn shāng 人 讓 rén ràng

[əŋ] 崩 bēng 蓬 péng 孟 mèng 風 fēng 登 dēng 謄 téng 能 néng 冷 lěng 曾 zēng 層 céng 僧 sēng 正 zhèng 成 chéng 生 shēng 扔 rēng

[tɕ] [tɕ‘] [ɕ] (Continued)

22  Standard Mandarin Phonology Table 2.6 (Continued) Example

Final ‘Open-mouth’ [ï]1 [a]

Initial velar

[k] [k‘] [x] [∅] 耳 ěr

Example

[i] [p] [p‘] [m]

dental

[f] [t] [t‘] [n] [l]

retroflex

palatal

[ai]

[ei]

[au]

[ou]

[an]

[ən]

[aŋ]

[əŋ]

哥 gē 科 kē 喝 hē 俄 é

該 gāi 開 kāi 海 hǎi 矮 ǎi

(給) gěi

高 gāo 考 kǎo 好 hǎo 奧 ào

鉤 gōu 口 kǒu 後 hòu 藕 ǒu

干 gān 看 kàn 含 hán 安 ān

根 gēn 墾 kěn 痕 hén 恩 ēn

岡 gāng 康 kāng 杭 háng 昂 áng

耕 gēng 坑 kēng 亨 hēng

(黑) hēi

Final ‘Even-teeth’

Initial Bilabial

(嘎) gā (卡) kǎ (哈) hā (啊) ā

[ɤ]

[ts] [ts‘] [s] [tʂ] [tʂ‘] [ʂ] [ʐ] [tɕ] [tɕ‘] [ɕ]

[ia]

[ie]

[iau]

比 bǐ 皮 pí 米 mǐ

別 bié 撇 piě 滅 miè

表 biǎo 飄 piāo 苗 miáo

低 dī 提 tí 泥 ní 利 lì

(倆) liǎ

碟 dié 帖 tiè 臬 niè 列 liè

弔 diào 跳 tiào 鳥 niǎo 了 liǎo

基 jī 齊 qí 喜 xǐ

加 jiā 掐 qiā 下 xià

皆 jiē 且 qiě 歇 xiē

交 jiāo 巧 qiǎo 孝 xiào

[iou]

[ian]

[in]

謬 miù

編 biān 篇 piān 面 miàn

賓 bīn 貧 pín 民 mín

丙 bǐng 平 píng 明 míng

牛 niú 留 liú

顛 diān 甜 tián 年 nián 廉 lián

(您) nín 林 lín

丁 dīng 廷 tíng 娘 寧 niáng níng 涼 陵 liáng líng

九 jiǔ 秋 qiū 休 xiū

間 jiān 錢 qián 現 xiàn

今 jīn 親 qīn 欣 xīn

將 jiāng 強 qiáng 香 xiāng

丟 diū

[iaŋ]

[iŋ]

京 jīng 青 qīng 興 xīng

Standard Mandarin Phonology  23 Example

Final ‘Even-teeth’

Initial velar

Example

[k] [k‘] [x] [∅]

[p]

[m] [f] [t] [t‘] [n] [l] [ts] [ts‘] [s] retroflex [tʂ] [tʂ‘] [ʂ] [ʐ] palatal

[ie]

[iau]

[iou]

[ian]

[in]

[iaŋ]

[iŋ]

衣 yī

牙 yá

夜 yè

妖 yāo

由 yóu

鹽 yán

因 yīn

羊 yáng

英 yīng

[u]

[p‘]

dental

[ia]

Final ‘Closed-mouth’

Initial Bilabial

[i]

布 bù 鋪 pù 母 mǔ 夫 fū 都 dū 途 tú 奴 nú 魯 lǔ 租 zū 醋 cù 蘇 sū 朱 zhū 除 chú 書 shū 如 rú

[ua]

抓 zhuā

耍 shuǎ

[uo] 玻 bō 破 pò 末 mò 佛 fó 多 duō 妥 tuǒ 糯 nuò 羅 luó 坐 zuò 挫 cuò 鎖 suǒ 桌 zhuō 戳 chuō 説 shuō 若 ruò

[uai]

[uei]

[uan]

[uən]

[uaŋ]

堆 duī 推 tuī

短 duǎn 團 tuán 暖 nuǎn 亂 luàn 鑽 zuàn 竄 cuàn 算 suàn 專 zhuān 穿 chuān 閂 shuān 軟 ruǎn

頓 dùn 屯 tún

東 dōng 通 tōng 農 nóng 龍 lóng 總 zǒng 葱 cōng 松 sōng 莊 中 zhuāng zhōng 窗 重 chuāng chóng 雙 shuāng 戎 róng

罪 zuì 崔 cuī 綏 suí 5 追 zhuī 揣 吹 chuāi chuī 帥 税 shuài shuì

論 lùn 尊 zūn 寸 cùn 孫 sūn 准 zhǔn 春 chūn 舜 shùn 閏 rùn

[uŋ]

[tɕ] [tɕ‘] [ɕ] (Continued)

24  Standard Mandarin Phonology Table 2.6 (Continued) Example

Final ‘Closed-mouth’

Initial velar

[k] [k‘] [x] [∅]

[u]

[ua]

[uo]

[uai]

[uei]

[uan]

[uən]

[uaŋ]

[uŋ]

姑 gū 苦 kǔ 虎 hǔ 烏 wū

瓜 guā 誇 kuā 花 huā 蛙 wā

鍋 guō 括 kuò 活 huó 窩 wō

怪 guài 快 kuài 懷 huái 外 wài

歸 guī 虧 kuī 回 huí 惟 wéi

官 guān 寬 kuān 還 huán 完 wán

滾 gǔn 困 kùn 昏 hūn 溫 wēn

光 guāng 狂 kuáng 黃 huáng 汪 wāng

公 gōng 空 kōng 紅 hóng 翁 wēng

Final ‘Round-mouth’

Example Initial Bilabial

dental

[p] [p‘] [m] [f] [t] [t‘] [n] [l]

retroflex

palatal

[ts] [ts‘] [s] [tʂ] [tʂ‘] [ʂ] [ʐ] [tɕ] [tɕ‘] [ɕ]

velar

[k] [k‘] [x] [∅]

[y]

[ye]

[yan]

[yn]

[yŋ]

女 nǚ 呂 lǚ

虐 nüè 略 lüè

居 jū 去 qù 許 xǔ

決 jué 缺 quē 靴 xuē

捐 juān 全 quán 宣 xuān

君 jūn 羣 qún 勛 xūn

窘 jiǒng 窮 qióng 兄 xiōng

魚 yú

月 yuè

圓 yuán

雲 yún

用 yòng

Standard Mandarin Phonology  25 Notes 1 Pronounced [ɿ] after [tʂ‘], [ʂ] or [ʐ]; [ʅ] after [tʂ], [tʂ‘], [ʂ] or [ʐ]; [ɚ] after [∅]. 2 Colloquial speech has [tei˥] (meaning ‘catch’), [tei˧˩˥] (meaning ‘need, have to’), etc. 3 Translator’s note: In Standard Mandarin the character 塞 has the pronunciations sāi, sài and sè. It is pronounced sēi in colloquial speech of some Mandarin dialects. 4 Pronunciation of 這 zhèi as [tʂei˥˩] results from conflation of 這 zhè [tʂɤ˥˩] and 一 yī [i˥]. 5 [tʂuai˥˩] means ‘pull’. Translator’s note: In the original text there is no character in this cell; however, this cell can be filled in with 拽 zhuài (pronounced [tʂuai˥˩], meaning ‘pull’ – as indicated in the original note).

§2.6 In Standard Mandarin phrases or sentences, some syllables are pronounced more lightly than others, e.g. 去 qu in 上去 shàngqu ‘go up’, 下 xia in 底下 dǐxia ‘under’, 的 de in 我的 wǒde ‘mine’, 得 de in 做得好 zuòde hǎo ‘well done’, and 了 le and 嗎 ma in 來了嗎 láile ma ‘did (you/she/they) come?’. We call them 輕 聲 qīngshēng ‘light’ syllables since their pronunciation requires less force. They take a neutral tone; in other words, they have no fixed tone. According to Yuen Ren Chao, the pitch of a neutral tone syllable depends on its preceding non-neutral tone syllable: 他的 tā de [t‘a˥ tə˧] 誰的 shéi de [ʂei˧˥ tə˨] 你的 nǐ de [ni˧˩˥ tə˦] 破的 pò de [p‘uo˥˩ tə˩]

撕掉 sī diao [sï˥ tiau˧] 塗掉 tú diao [t‘u˧˥ tiau˨] 走掉 zǒu diao [tsou˧˩˥ tiau˦] 去掉qù diao [tɕ‘y˥˩ tiau˩]

蓮子 liánzǐ ‘lotus seed’ and 簾子 liánzi ‘hanging screen’ differ only in whether 子 zǐ is pronounced in the neutral tone, which requires a special symbol in its phonetic representation. In addition, some characters, such as 的 de, 了 le and 嗎 ma mentioned earlier, always take the neutral tone. Without a special symbol representation, there would be no way to indicate their pronunciation. The current practice is adding [꜏] after the initial and final symbols: 上去 shàngqu [ʂaŋ˥˩ tɕ‘y꜏] 我的 wǒde [uo˧˩˥ tə꜏] 做得好 zuòde hǎo [tsuo˥˩ tə꜏ xau˧˩˥] 簾子 liánzi [lian˧˥ tsï꜏]

底下 dǐxia [ti˧˩˥ ɕia꜏] 來了嗎 láile ma [lai˧˥ lə꜏ mə꜏] (蓮子 liánzǐ [lian˧˥ tsï˧˩˥])

For syllables that always take the neutral tone, we cannot conjecture about their non-neutral tone pronunciation based on the Chinese characters they use. For example, 的 de [tə꜏] in 我的 wǒde was not originally [ti˥˩] simply because it shares the character with 的 dì in 目的 mùdì; the second syllable in 弟弟 dìdi also takes the neutral tone, but it is not pronounced [tə꜏]. Likewise, 了 le [lə꜏] in 來了 láile is not derived from 了 liǎo [liau˧˩˥] in 完了 wánliǎo; 掉 diao in 走掉 zǒu diao also takes the neutral tone, but it is pronounced [tiau꜏] rather than [tə꜏]. [ə] appears to be a final exclusive to syllables in the neutral tone. It is problematic to suggest that it is originally pronounced either [ɤ] or [a].

26  Standard Mandarin Phonology §2.7 Standard Mandarin words like 花兒 huār and 鳥兒 niǎor are commonly written with two characters, and 兒 er is regarded as taking the neutral tone. From the perspective of grammar, 花兒 huār, 鳥兒 niǎor and suchlike are composed of stems [xua˥] and [niau˧˩˥] and the suffix [ɹ]. [xuaɹ˥] and [niauɹ˧˩˥] are monosyllabic. Here we describe the influences that the suffix [ɹ] has on the stem final. (1) [ï] + [ɹ] → [əɹ], e.g. 字兒 zìr [tsəɹ˥˩] ← [tsəɹ˥˩] + [ɹ], 紙兒 zhǐr [tʂəɹ˧˩˥] ← [tʂï˧˩˥] + [ɹ]. (2) [ɹ] causes no change to [i], [u], [y], [a], [ia], [ua], [ɤ], [ie], [uo] and [ye], e.g. 雞兒 jīr [tɕiɹ˥], 鼓兒 gǔr [kuɹ˧˩˥], 魚兒 yúr [yɹ˧˥], 靶兒 bǎr [paɹ˧˩˥], 家兒 jiār [tɕiaɹ˥], 瓜兒 guār [kuaɹ˥], 格兒 gér [kɤɹ˧˥], 葉兒 yèr [ieɹ˥˩], 桌兒 zhuōr [tʂuoɹ˥], 月兒 yuèr [yeɹ˥˩]. (Some Beijing people say [ieɹ] and [yeɹ] when finals [i] and [y] in the falling-rising or falling tone takes the suffix [ɹ], e.g. 幾兒 jǐr [tɕieɹ˧˩˥], 底兒 dǐr [tieɹ˧˩˥], 雨兒 yǔr [yeɹ˧˩˥] and 句兒 jùr [tɕyeɹ˥˩].) (3) The coda [i] in diphthongs is deleted when followed by the suffix [ɹ]:

[ai][uai] + [ɹ] → [aɹ][uaɹ], e.g. 牌兒 páir [p‘aɹ˧˥] (← [p‘ai˧˥] + [ɹ]), (老)帥兒 (lǎo) shuàir [ʂuaɹ˥˩] ← [ʂuai˥˩] + [ɹ]; [ei][uei] + [ɹ] → [əɹ][uəɹ], e.g. 杯兒 bēir [pəɹ˥] (← [pei˥] + [ɹ]), 鬼兒 guǐr [kuəɹ˧˩˥] ← [kuei˧˩˥] + [ɹ].

(4) [ɹ] causes no change to diphthongs with the coda [u], e.g. 刀兒 dāor [tauɹ˥], 鳥 兒 niǎor [niauɹ˧˩˥], 頭兒 tóur [t‘ouɹ˧˥] and 油兒 yóur [iouɹ˧˥]. (5) the coda [n] is deleted when followed by the suffix [ɹ]: [an] + [ɹ] → [aɹ], e.g. 瓣兒 bànr [paɹ˥˩] (← [pan˥˩] + [ɹ]) [ian] + [ɹ] → [iaɹ], e.g. 辮兒 biànr [piaɹ˥˩] (← [pian˥˩] + [ɹ]) [uan] + [ɹ] → [uaɹ], e.g. 碗兒 wǎnr [uaɹ˧˩˥] (← [uan˧˩˥] + [ɹ]) [yan] + [ɹ] → [yaɹ], e.g. 院兒 yuànr [yaɹ˥˩] (← [yan˥˩] + [ɹ]) [ən] + [ɹ] → [əɹ], e.g. 針兒 zhēnr [tʂəɹ˥] (← [tʂən˥] + [ɹ]) [in] + [ɹ] → [iɹ], e.g. 今兒 jīnr [tɕiɹ˥] (← [tɕin˥] + [ɹ]) [uən] + [ɹ] → [uəɹ], e.g. 滾兒 gǔnr [kuəɹ˧˩˥] (← [kuən˧˩˥] + [ɹ]) [yn] + [ɹ] → [yɹ], e.g. 雲兒 yúnr [yɹ˧˥] (← [yn˧˥] + [ɹ]) (6) the coda [ŋ] is deleted when followed by the suffix [ɹ], and the main vowel in the final is nasalised: [əŋ] + [ɹ] → [ə̃ɹ], e.g. 凳兒 dèngr [tə̃ɹ˥˩] (← [təŋ˥˩] + [ɹ]) [iŋ] + [ɹ] → [ĩɹ], e.g. 名兒 míngr [mĩɹ˧˥] (← [miŋ˧˥] + [ɹ]) [uŋ] + [ɹ] → [ũɹ], e.g. 空兒 kòngr [k‘ũɹ˥˩] (← [k‘uŋ˥˩] + [ɹ]) [aŋ] + [ɹ] → [ãɹ], e.g. 湯兒 tāngr [t‘ãɹ˥] (← [t‘aŋ˥] + [ɹ]) [iaŋ] + [ɹ] → [iãɹ], e.g. 樣兒 yàngr [iãɹ˥˩] (← [iaŋ˥˩] + [ɹ]) [uaŋ] + [ɹ] → [uãɹ], e.g. 光兒 guāngr [kuãɹ˥] (← [kuaŋ˥] + [ɹ]) For the sake of convenience, we can use [ŋ] in writing instead of the nasalisation diacritic, e.g. 凳兒 dèngr [təŋɹ˥˩]), on the condition that we know the [ŋ] before [ɹ] indicates nasalisation of the main vowel.

Standard Mandarin Phonology  27 It is also to be noted that the suffix [ɹ] can make different syllables sound identically, e.g. 今兒 jīnr = 雞兒 jīr [tɕiɹ˥], 枝兒 zhīr = 針兒 zhēnr [tʂəɹ˥] and 蓋兒 gàir = 榦兒 gànr [kaɹ˥˩]. §2.8 The pronunciation of a single syllable tends to vary in connected speech, which is known as ‘sandhi’. Such sound change is not prominent in Standard Mandarin, except for two types of tone sandhi conditioned by context.5 (1) When two falling-rising tone syllables are next to each other, the first in converted to the rising tone, e.g. 好馬 hǎo mǎ [xau˧˥ (←˧˩˥) ma˧˩˥] and 打狗 dǎ gǒu [ta˧˥ (←˧˩˥) kou˧˩˥]. This change takes effect even when the second syllable takes the neutral tone, e.g. 小姐 xiǎo jie [ɕiau˧˥ (←˧˩˥) tɕie꜏] and 走走 zǒu zou [tsou˧˥ (←˧˩˥) tsou꜏]. Note, however, that the suffix 子 zi causes no change to the preceding falling-rising tone, e.g. 李子 lǐzi [li˧˩˥ tsï꜏]. Nor do sentence particles, e.g. 走了 zǒu le [tsou˧˩˥ lə꜏]. A syllable in the falling-rising tone preceding one in other tones does not remain unchanged. It usually loses the rising half and retains the falling half, e.g. 好 hǎo in 好花 hǎo huā, 好人 hǎo rén and 好漢 hǎo hàn, and is thus pronounced similar to a falling tone. The tone thus resulted is sometimes called ‘half shǎng’ tone. The realisation of this half falling-rising tone usually escapes notice because it is different from that of any of the four ‘normal’ tones. The change to a fallingrising tone syllable caused by another one that follows makes it sound like the existing rising tone, so people know that 五 wǔ in 五百 wǔbǎi is changed to sound like 吴 wú. (2) 一 yī ‘one’ takes the level tone when standing alone, e.g. in counting numbers 一 yī, 二 èr and 三 sān [i˥, ə˥˩, san˥]. It turns into the falling tone when followed by syllables in the level, rising or falling-rising tone, e.g. 一張 yī zhāng [i˥˩ tʂaŋ˥], 一條 yī tiáo [i˥˩ t‘iau˧˥] and 一把 yī bǎ [i˥˩ pa˧˩˥]. It takes the rising tone when followed by syllables in the falling tone, e.g. 一個 yī gè [i˧˥ kɤ˥˩] and 一 塊 yī kuài [i˧˥ k‘uai˥˩]. 不 bù ‘not’ usually takes the falling tone, either alone or before syllables in the level, rising or falling-rising tone, e.g. 不開 bù kāi [pu˥˩ k‘ai˥], 不來 bù lái [pu˥˩ lai˧˥] and 不好 bù hǎo [pu˥˩ xau˧˩˥]. It turns into the rising tone before syllables in the falling tone, e.g. 不去 bù qù [pu˧˥ tɕ‘y˥˩]. 七 qī ‘seven’ and 八 bā ‘eight’ are normally pronounced in the level tone. They can take the rising tone before syllables in the falling tone, but only optionally. For example, some people pronounce 七個 qī gè and 八個 bā ge as [tɕ‘i˧˥ kɤ˥˩] and [pa˧˥ kɤ˥˩], whereas others pronounce them as [tɕ‘i˥ kɤ˥˩] and [pa˥ kɤ˥˩]. In addition, when we say 耕地 gēngdì, the initial of 地 dì will sometimes be a voiced plosive; when we say 辦法 bànfǎ, the coda of 辦 bàn will often change from [n] to [m] or [ɱ]. These can be explained as sound change conditioned by adjacent

28  Standard Mandarin Phonology sounds. In 耕地 gēngdì [kəŋ˥ ti˥˩], the conversion of [t] into [d] is a natural one since it is preceded by the vowel [i] and followed by the nasal [ŋ]. In 辦法 bànfǎ [pan˥˩ fa꜏], [n] turns into [m] or [ɱ] obviously because of the influence from the following [f]. Two syllables can be conflated into one because of frequent use. In Standard Mandarin, there are a few examples: (1) 不 bù and 用 yòng merge into 甭 béng: [pu˥˩ yuŋ˥˩] → [pu˧˥ yuŋ˥˩] → [puŋ˧˥] → [pəŋ˧˥]. (In Standard Mandarin [p] cannot form a syllable with [uŋ], hence the last step of change.) (2) Conflation of 這 zhè [tʂɤ˥˩] and 一 yī [i] results in [tʂei˥˩]; that of 哪 nǎ [na˧˩˥] and 一 yī [i] results in [nei˧˩˥]; that of 那 nà [nà] and 一 yī [i] results in [nei˥˩]. (The change from [a] or [ɤ] into [e] is effected under the influence of [i].) §2.9 Systematic phonological study of Standard Mandarin naturally requires the use of International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA). A few other notations, however, are also widely used. Here we only introduce the Bopomofo system. Bopomofo is officially known as Mandarin Phonetic Symbols (Version 1). Publicised by the Republican government, it consists of symbols for initials, medials, rhymes and tones. Initial symbols represent initials in Standard Mandarin syllables and precede all other symbols. ㄅ  ㄆ  ㄇ  ㄈ ㄉ  ㄊ  ㄋ  ㄌ ㄍ  ㄎ  ㄏ ㄐ  ㄑ  ㄒ ㄓ  ㄔ  ㄕ  ㄖ ㄗ  ㄘ  ㄙ

[p] [t] [k] [tɕ] [tʂ] [ts]

[p‘] [t‘] [k‘] [tɕ‘] [tʂ‘] [ts‘]

[m] [n] [x] [ɕ] [ʂ] [s]

[f] [l] [ʐ]

Medial symbols are placed between other symbols. 丨ㄨㄩ

[i]

[u]

[y]

They represent the three medials in Standard Mandarin on the one hand, and main vowels [i], [u] and [y] on the other. Rhyme symbols are positioned after other symbols. They represent all ‘openmouth’ finals in Standard Mandarin. ㄭ  ㄚ  ㄛ  ㄜ  ㄝ ㄞ  ㄟ  ㄠ  ㄡ ㄢ  ㄣㄤ   ㄥ ㄦ

[ɿ, ʅ] [ai] [an] [ɚ]

[a] [ei] [ən

[o] [au] [aŋ]

[ɤ] [ou] [əŋ]

[e]

Standard Mandarin Phonology  29 ‘Even-teeth’, ‘closed-mouth’ and ‘round-mouth’ finals are represented by attaching 丨, ㄨ and ㄩ before rhyme symbols. All finals of Standard Mandarin are listed in the following table; on the left are their Bopomofo symbols. ㄭ ㄚ ㄜ ㄞ ㄟ ㄠ ㄡ ㄢ ㄣ ㄣ ㄥ ㄦ

丨 丨ㄚ 丨ㄝ 丨ㄠ 丨ㄡ 丨ㄢ 丨ㄣ 丨ㄣ 丨ㄥ

ㄨ ㄨㄚ ㄨㄛ ㄨㄞ ㄨㄟ ㄨㄢ ㄨㄣ ㄨㄣ ㄨㄥ

ㄩ ㄩㄝ

ㄩㄢ ㄩㄣ ㄩㄥ

[ɿ, ʅ] [a] [ɤ] [ai] [ei] [au] [ou] [an] [ən] [aŋ] [əŋ] [ɚ]

[i] [ia] [ie]

[u] [ua] [uo] [uai] [uei]

[iau] [iou] [ian] [in] [iaŋ] [iŋ]

[uan] [uən] [uaŋ] [uŋ]

[y] [ye]

[yan] [yn] [yuŋ]

Note that 丨ㄣ is not [iən] but [in], ㄩㄣ not [yən] but [yn], 丨ㄥ not [iəŋ] but [iŋ], ㄨㄥ not [uəŋ] but [uŋ] and ㄩㄥ not [yəŋ] but [yŋ]. In actual transcription of syllables, ㄭ is omitted so that 資 zī, 此 cǐ, 四 sì, 知 zhī, 遲 chí, 使 shǐ and 日 rì are transcribed as ㄗ, ㄘ, ㄙ, ㄓ, ㄔ, ㄕ and ㄖ, respectively. Aside from this, when ㄨㄛ follows ㄅ, ㄆ, ㄇ or ㄈ, the medial ㄨ is omitted so that 博 bó, 破 pò, 磨 mó and 佛 fó are transcribed as ㄅㄛ, ㄆㄛ, ㄇㄛ and ㄈㄛ, respectively. There are four symbols for tones: ̄ stands for the level tone, ́ for the rising tone, ̌ for the falling-rising tone, and ̀ for the falling tone, but the level tone symbol ̄ is usually omitted: 通 tōng ㄊㄨㄥ

同 tóng ㄊㄨㄥ́

桶 tǒng ㄊㄨㄥ̌

痛 tòng ㄊㄨㄥ̀

The neutral tone is represented by the symbol ̇ in Bopomofo: 桌子 zhuōzi ㄓㄨㄛ ㄗ̇

底下 dǐxia ㄉ丨̌ ㄒ丨ㄚ̇

§2.10 Gwoyeu Romatzyh is another officially publicised system for transcribing Standard Mandarin, also known as Mandarin Phonetic Symbols (Version 2). Its compilation is based on the principle that only twenty-odd letters in the Roman alphabet are used, with no additional symbols. As a result, voiced consonant letters are used to represent the unaspirated voiceless initials in Standard Mandarin, and voiceless consonant letters are used to represent the aspirated voiceless initials. Tones are represented by varied spellings of finals.

30  Standard Mandarin Phonology The letters representing initials are as follows: b d g j j tz

p t k ch ch ts

m n h sh sh s

f l

[p] [t] [k] [tɕ] [tʂ] [ts]

r

[p‘] [t‘] [k‘] [tɕ‘] [tʂ‘] [ts‘]

[m] [n] [x] [ɕ] [ʂ] [s]

[f] [l] [ʐ]

That both [tɕ, tɕ‘, ɕ] and [tʂ, tʂ‘, ʂ] use the letters j, ch and sh will not cause conflict since the two groups match only with ‘narrow’ finals and ‘broad’ finals respectively. Spelling of finals and tones is listed as follows: [ɿ, ʅ]

[a]

[ɤ]

[ai]

[ei]

[au]

[ou]

[an]

[ən]

[aŋ]

[əŋ]

[ɚ]

˥ ˧˥ ˧˩˥ ˥˩

y yr yy yh

a ar aa ah

e er ee eh

ai air ae ay

ei eir eei ey

au aur ao aw

ou our oou ow

an arn aan ann

en ern een enn

ang arng aang anq

eng erng eeng enq

el erl eel ell

˥ ˧˥ ˧˩˥ ˥˩

[i] i yi ii ih

[ia] ia ya ea iah

[ie] ie ye iee ieh

[iau] iau yau eau iaw

[iou] iou you eou iow

[ian] ian yan ean iann

[in] in yn iin inn

[iaŋ] iang yang eang ianq

[iŋ] ing yng iing inq

˥ ˧˥ ˧˩˥ ˥˩

[u] u wu uu uh

[ua] ua wa oa uah

[uo] uo wo uoo uoh

[uan] uan wan oan uann

[uən] uen wen oen uenn

[uaŋ] uang wang oang uanq

[uŋ] ong orng oong onq

˥ ˧˥ ˧˩˥ ˥˩

[y] iu yu eu iuh

[yan] iuan yuan euan iuann

[yn] iun yun eun iunn

[ye] iue yue eue iueh

[uai] uai wai oai uay

[uei] uei wei oei uey

[yuŋ] iong yong eong ionq

Obviously, the spelling of syllables in the rising, falling-rising and falling tones is based on that of the level tone and manifests regular patterns. Therefore, the spelling of syllables in the level tone is the base form of Gwoyeu Romatzyh. In application, there are three variant rules: (1) Syllables with initials m, n, l and r use forms in the rising tone for their base; for the level tone, a letter h is put after the initial, e.g. ma (麻 má) and mha (媽 mā). This is because these initials are used far more in the rising tone than in the level tone. (2) ‘Even-teeth’, ‘closed-mouth’ and ‘round-mouth’ syllables in the falling-rising tone, if without an initial, have a letter y or w before their final as shown in the

Standard Mandarin Phonology  31 table, e.g. yeou (有 yǒu) and woan (碗 wǎn). The first letter in iee and uoo are replaced with y and w, e.g. yee (野 yě) and woo (我 wǒ). (3) ‘Even-teeth’, ‘closed-mouth’ and ‘round-mouth’ syllables in the falling tone, if without an initial, have the first letter i and u in the spelling forms of their finals replaced by y and w, respectively, e.g. yaw (要 yào), wey (畏 wèi) and yueh (月 yuè). But the letter y or w is added before ih, uh, inn and inq. The neutral tone is represented by a dot at the lower left side of the syllable, e.g. li. ba (籬笆 líba) and chow.de (臭的 chòude). § 2.11 For representing pronunciation of Standard Mandarin, Westerners almost always use the Wade System. It was originally invented by Thomas Wade and later refined by Herbert Giles, hence its common name Wade-Giles system. The letter and symbols used for initials are as follows: p t ts ch ch k

p‘ t‘ ts‘ ch‘ ch‘ k‘

m n s sh hs h

f l r

[p] [t] [ts] [tʂ] [tɕ] [k]

[p‘] [t‘] [ts‘] [tʂ‘] [tɕ‘] [k‘]

[m] [n] [s] [ʂ] [ɕ] [x]

[f] [l] [ʐ]

Like in Gwoyeu Romatzyh, [tʂ, tʂ‘] and [tɕ, tɕ‘] are represented by a same set of symbols; in Wade-Giles they are ch and ch‘. The finals are Romanised as follows: [ɿ] – zǔ, [ʅ] – ih [i] – i [u] – u [y] – ü

[a] – a [ia] – ia [ua] – ua

[ɤ] – ê [ie] – ieh [uo] – o, uo [ye] – üeh

[au] – ao [iau] – iao

[ou] – ou [iou] – iu

[an] – an [ian] – ian [uan] – uan [yan] – üan

[aŋ] – ang [iaŋ] – iang [uaŋ] – uang

[əŋ] – êng [iŋ] – ing [uŋ] – ung [yuŋ] – iung

[ɚ] – er

[ai] – ai

[ei] – ei

[uai] – uai

[uei] – uei

[an] – ên [in] – in [uən] – un [yn] – ün

Note the following: (1) In the case of ‘even-teeth’, ‘closed-mouth’ and ‘round-mouth’ syllables with zero initials, single vowels i, u and ü are rewritten as yi, wu and yü; medials i, u and ü are changed to y, w and yü; syllables ui, un and ung are rewritten as wei, wên and wêng, respectively. (2) The diacritic of ê can be dispensed with, so ê can be written as e. (3) uo is used for the [uo] rhyme with [k, k‘, x] as initial; o is used for the [uo] rhyme with other initials; wo is used when there is no initial.

32  Standard Mandarin Phonology Tones are marked by superscript numbers 1, 2, 3 and 4 on the right side of a syllable, e.g. 通 tōng t‘ung1, 同 tóng t‘ung2, 桶 tǒng t‘ung3 and 痛 tòng t‘ung4. However, tones are usually not marked since Westerners are not used to distinguishing among tones. In common practice, aspiration in the initial is sometimes not marked, either. Apart from the Wade-Giles System, postal Romanisation is also in common use. Nevertheless, it is not totally based on Mandarin phonology, so we do not describe it here. Notes 1 Translator’s note: This is actually incorrect, as Standard Mandarin is not a natural language but an engineered language. Only the sound system of Beijing was used; the grammar was created from a general Northern Mandarin literature by a committee in 1920. The earlier standard for Mandarin was actually the Nanjing variety. (I am grateful to Prof. Randy LaPolla for pointing this out.) 2 Translator’s note: Actually [ei] can also occur alone. The character 誒/欸 is pronounced [ei], taking any one of the four tones. 3 Translator’s note: Termed ‘ascending diphthongs’ in §7 of the Appendix. 4 Translator’s note: The names of the four major tone classes – 平 píng (divided further into 陰平 yīnpíng and 陽平 yángpíng here), 上 shǎng, 去 qù and 入 rù – literally mean ‘level’, ‘rising’, ‘departing’ and ‘entering’, respectively. However, the literal meaning can be misleading because syllables of the píng tone do not necessarily display a level pitch contour in many dialects, the shǎng tone is not necessarily a rising tone, and qù ‘departing’ and rù ‘entering’ do not really describe pitch effectively. So we only use the pinyin forms píng, shǎng, qù and rù in the text to indicate that they are simply names of the tone classes. In description of Standard Mandarin tones, we also use ‘level’, ‘rising’, ‘falling-rising’ and ‘falling’ in translation of 陰平 yīnpíng, 陽平 yángpíng, 上 shǎng and 去 qù tones, as in §2.8. 5 Translator’s note: There is actually a third type that is found in Beijing Mandarin but not Taiwan Mandarin: in trisyllabic words, if the middle syllable is in the yángpíng tone (whether derived or citation), it becomes a yīnpíng tone, e.g. zhāng liánshēng > zhāng liānshēng and zhǎnlǎnguǎn > zhánlánguǎn > zhǎnlānguǎn. (I am indebted to Prof. Randy LaPolla for bringing this to my attention.)

3

Modern Dialects

§3.1 Among modern Chinese dialects, closest to Northern Mandarin, which is the basis of Standard Mandarin, are Xiajiang Mandarin and Southwestern Mandarin. As far as the phonological system is concerned, they bear strong similarity to Northern Mandarin, differing only on some minor points: (1) Along the Yangtze River valley: from the upper reaches covering areas of the Jinsha River and the Min River, to the lower reaches near Zhenjiang of Jiangsu Province, Standard Mandarin initials [n] and [l] are not distinguished in ‘broad’ syllables. Hence, there is no difference in the pronunciation between 南 nán and 藍 lán and between 怒 nù and 路 lù. In ‘narrow’ syllables the initials are differentiated in some areas, e.g. 年 nián [nian] vs. 連 lián [lian] and 女 nǚ [ny] vs. 呂 lǚ [ly], while they are not in some other areas, either both initials are pronounced as [n], or as [l], or as nasalised [l]. Or they are randomly pronounced as either [n] or [l], but the speakers think they produce only one sound. From a linguistic point of view, the confused initial is a voiced consonant with a full or partial closure at the tip of the tongue, with or without a nasal feature, hence the difference detected by an outside listener. (2) In many places, [ts, ts‘, s] and [tʂ, tʂ‘, ʂ] are not distinguished so that 租 zū and 朱 zhū, 村 cūn and 春 chūn, and 三 sān and 山 shān are pronounced the same. Where they are distinguished, the pronunciation may not be the same with that in Standard Mandarin. For example, the initial of 史 shǐ and 生 shēng is [ʂ] in Standard Mandarin but is [s] in Southwestern Mandarin where [ʂ] and [s] are two separate phonemes. (3) Velar nasal initial [ŋ] is prevalent, but it is only used in such ‘broad’ syllables as take no initial in Standard Mandarin, e.g. 艾 ài [ai] (Standard Mandarin) vs. [ŋai] (Chongqing) and 恩 ēn [ən] (Standard Mandarin) vs. [ŋən] (Nanjing). (4) Standard Mandarin finals [an] and [aŋ] as well as [uan] and [uaŋ] are not distinguished in many Xiajiang Mandarin dialects. For example, in Nanjing, both 單 dān and 當 dāng are pronounced [tã], and both 船 chuán and 牀 chuáng are pronounced [tʂ‘uã]. In some areas even [ian] and [iaŋ] are indistinguishable, e.g. [tɕiẽ] for both 堅 jiān and 姜 jiāng. (5) Standard Mandarin finals [ən] and [əŋ] as well as [in] and [iŋ] are differentiated in neither Xiajiang Mandarin nor Southwestern Mandarin. Generally, they are DOI: 10.4324/9781003411444-3

34  Modern Dialects pronounced [ən] and [in] in Xiajiang Mandarin and [əŋ] and [iŋ] in Southwestern Mandarin. For example, both 根 gēn and 耕 gēng are pronounced [kən] in Chongqing and [kəŋ] in Nanjing; both 金 jīn and 經 jīng are [tɕin] in Chongqing and [tɕiŋ] in Nanjing. (6) Xiajiang Mandarin dialects mostly have five tones, e.g. the Nanjing dialect: Class

Yīnpíng

Yángpíng

Shǎng

Qù

Rù

Pitch contour Examples

˧˩ 梯 tī 詩 shī 烏 wū

˧˥ 題 tí 時 shí 吴 wú

˨˧ 體 tǐ 始 shǐ 五 wǔ

˦ 替 tì 是 shì 事 shì 試 shì 務 wù

˥ 踢 tī 石 shí 屋 wū 物 wù

In terms of tone class, the rù tone is not found in Standard Mandarin. Syllables in the rù tone merged into the yīnpíng, yángpíng, shǎng and qù tones in Standard Mandarin. (7) Southwestern Mandarin dialects from the upper reaches of the Yangtze River to Jiangjin near Chongqing, have five tones, too. They are identical in class to Xiajiang Mandarin but not in value. The five tones in Southwestern Mandarin are roughly as follows: Class

Yīnpíng

Yángpíng

Shǎng

Qù

Rù

Pitch contour

˥

˧˩

˥˧

˩˨

˧

Outside this area, most dialects have four tones. They do not have the rù tone, like Standard Mandarin. But unlike Standard Mandarin, syllables originally in the rù tone all merged into the yángpíng tone so that 踢 tī and 題 tí, 石 shí and 時 shí, and 屋 wū, 物 wù and 吴 wú are all homophonic groups. Some dialects in east and south Hubei and north Hunan have six tones. The single qù tone elsewhere is in these places divided into two subclasses, commonly known as yīnqù and yángqù, e.g. the Changsha dialect:1 Class

Yīnpíng

Yángpíng

Shǎng

Yīnqù

Yángqù

Rù

Pitch contour Examples

˧ 梯 tī 詩 shī 烏 wū

˩˨ 題 tí 時 shí 吴 wú

˥˧ 體 tǐ 始 shǐ 五 wǔ

˥ 替 tì 試 shì

˥ 是 shì 事 shì

˧˥ 踢 tī 石shí 屋 wū 物 wù

Modern Dialects 35 §3.2 Wu is being spoken in a much smaller area than Mandarin, but its dialects are all very complex. Now we account for it only through one dialect. Admittedly, Shanghai is the most important centre in the Wu-speaking region; however, the socalled Shanghainese has no standard since Shanghai is an emerging metropolitan area with a mixed population. What is described in the following is the system of initials, finals and tones of the Suzhou dialect. Our choice of the Suzhou dialect is because of Suzhou’s culturally prominent position in the Wu area on the one hand and the availability of detailed and reliable materials on the other. (1) Initials (Table 3.1) Table 3.1  Initials in the Suzhou Dialect [p] 巴 bā 本 běn 賓 bīn [t] 帶 dài 跌 diē

[p‘] 潘pān 匹pǐ 鋪 pū [t‘] 天 tiān 通 tōng

[b‘] 陪 péi 病 bìng 白 bái [d‘] 同 tóng 杜 dù 毒 dú

[ts] 最 zuì 濟 jǐ 爭 zhēng

[ts‘] 翠 cuì 秋 qiū 產 chǎn

[tʂ] 竹 zhú 招 zhāo

[tʂ‘] 穿 chuān 春 chūn

[tɕ] 基 jī 軍 jūn

[tɕ‘] 缺 quē 輕 qīng

[ʥ‘] 強 qiáng 局 jú

[k] 公 gōng 高 gāo [∅] 衣 yī 恩 ēn 彎 wān 鬱 yù

[k‘] 苦 kǔ 客 kè

[g‘] 共 gòng 葵 kuí

[m] 馬 mǎ 蚊 wén [n] 內 nèi 農 nóng 乃 nǎi

[ȵ] 牛 niú 年 nián 人 rén [ŋ] 額 é 誤 wù

[f] 法 fǎ 風 fēng

[v] 伐 fá 房 fáng 文 wén [l] 蘭 lán 列 liè

[s] 新 xīn 素 sù 史 shǐ

[z] 從 cóng 絕 jué 俗 sú 柴 chái

[ʂ] 式 shì 申 shēn

[ʐ] 熟 shú 人 rén 姪 zhí 船 chuán

[ɕ] 勳 xūn 休 xiū

[h] 海 hǎi 灰 huī

[ɦ] 河 hé 滑 huá 韋 wéi 搖 yáo 形 xíng 雄 xióng 園 yuán

One prominent characteristic of Wu is that there are both voiceless and voiced plosive and affricate initials. The voiced plosives and affricates and the voiced fricative [ɦ] are not found in Standard Mandarin and other dialects. Among syllables

36  Modern Dialects that have voiced plosive or affricate initials in Wu, those in the píng tone have aspirated plosive or affricate initials with the same place of articulation in Standard Mandarin, and those historically in the shǎng, qù and rù tones take their unaspirated counterparts as initials:

陪 péi 同 tóng 強 qiáng 葵 kuí

Wu

Mandarin

[b‘] [d‘] [ʥ‘] [g‘]

[p‘] [t‘] [tɕ‘] [k‘]

: : : :

病 bìng 杜 dù 局 jú 共 gòng

Wu

Mandarin

[b‘] [d‘] [ʥ‘] [g‘]

[p] [t] [tɕ] [k]

The correspondence between the Suzhou dialect and Mandarin in terms of voiced fricative initials is as follows: Example

Suzhou

Mandarin

房 fáng 文 wén 姪 zhí 船 chuán 熟 shú 人 rén 字 zì 從 cóng 俗 sú 閘 zhá 柴 chái 誰 shuí 絕 jué 情 qíng 習 xí 形 xíng 園 yuán 河 hé 滑 huá 韋 wéi

[v]

[f] [∅] [tʂ] [tʂ‘] [ʂ] [ʐ] [ts] [ts‘] [s] [tʂ] [tʂ‘] [ʂ] [tɕ] [tɕ‘] [ɕ] [ɕ] [∅] [x] [x] [∅]

[ʑ]

[z]

[ɦ]

Aside from a tiny minority of exceptions, voiced plosive, affricate and fricative initials only occur in syllables in the yángpíng, yángqù and yángrù tones. A few other points in relation to initials are as follows: (a) The distinction between [ts, ts‘, s, z] and [tʂ, tʂ‘, ʂ, ʐ] is only retained among older speakers in Suzhou; even if the two groups are distinguished, there is a systematic difference from the distinction in Mandarin, as shown in the previous examples. For younger generations and in other Wu dialects, [tʂ, tʂ‘, ʂ, ʐ] have merged, respectively, into [ts, ts‘, s, z]. (b) The initial [n] co-occurs only with ‘broad’ finals, [ȵ] only with ‘narrow’ finals.

Modern Dialects  37 (c) Like most Southwestern Mandarin and Xiajiang Mandarin dialects, Wu has the velar nasal initial [ŋ], though its use is much restricted in Suzhou. For example, 藕 ǒu, 歐 ōu, 岸 àn and 安 ān all have the initial [ŋ] in other Wu dialects; in Suzhou, however, only 藕 ǒu and 岸 àn begin with [ŋ] whereas 歐 ōu and 安 ān begin with [∅]. (d) The initial [∅] and all voiceless initials only occur in syllables in the yīnpíng, shǎng, yīnqù and yīnrù tones. (e) Initials [m], [n], [ȵ], [ŋ], [l] and [ʐ] (only in the literary reading of some characters) occur in syllables in the shǎng tone and in the yángpíng, yángqù and yángrù tones. (2) Finals (Table 3.2) Table 3.2  Finals in the Suzhou Dialect [ï] 子 zǐ 之 zhī 水 shuǐ 書 shū 耳 ěr [ia] 西 xī 徐 xú 耳 ěr [u] 布 bù 婆 pó 多 duō 都 dōu 果 guǒ 古 gǔ [y] 居 jū

[ɑ] 拜 bài 太 tài 家 jiā

[a] 好 hǎo 趙 zhào

[e] 來 lái 醉 zuì 山 shān 藍 lán

[o] 蝦 xiā 花 huā 車 chē

[ø] 蠶 cán 干 gān 滿 mǎn

[iɑ] 皆 jiē 借 jiè 家 jiā [uɑ] 怪 guài

[ia] 小 xiǎo 叫 jiào

[ie] 天 tiān 店 diàn

[io] 靴 xuē

[iø] 圈 quān

[ue] 歸 guī 灰 huī 還 huán

[uo] 蛙 wā

[uø] 寬 kuān

[øy] 走 zǒu 酒 jiǔ 樓 lóu 流 liú

[ən] 根 gēn 森 sēn 登 dēng 耕 gēng 倫 lún [i(ə)n] 品 pǐn 斤 jīn 令 lìng 興 xīng [uən] 昆 kūn

[aŋ] 生 shēng 杏 xìng 耕 gēng 昌 chāng

[ɑŋ] 郎 láng 牀 chuáng

[oŋ] 通 tōng 從 cóng

[m] 嘸 ḿ

[iøy] 九 jiǔ 油 yóu

[yən] 君 jūn

[iaŋ] 強 qiáng 羊 yáng [uaŋ] 橫 héng

[n] 唔 ń

[ŋ] 五 wǔ

[ioŋ] 兄 xiōng 窮 qióng [uɑŋ] 黃 huáng 沃 wò

(Continued)

38  Modern Dialects Table 3.2 (Continued) [əʔ] 撥 bō 鴿 gē 蝨 shī 黑 hēi

[ɑʔ] 格 gé 尺 chǐ

[aʔ] 搭 dā 瞎 xiā

[iəʔ] 接 jiē 雪 xuě 栗 lì 極 jí 亦 yì [uəʔ] 活 huó 骨 gǔ 國 guó [yəʔ] 屈 qū 缺 quē

[iɑʔ] 腳 jiǎo

[iaʔ] 甲 jiǎ

[ɔʔ] 北 běi 剝 bō 木 mù 谷 gǔ 閣 gé [iɔʔ] 肉 ròu 曲 qū 覺 jué

[uaʔ] 刮 guā 劃 huà

Another feature of Wu is that it has a relatively small number of diphthong finals. Mandarin [ai] is pronounced [ɑ] or [e] in Suzhou: 太 tài – [t‘ai] : [t‘ɑ] 來 lái – [lai] : [le] 怪 guài – [kuai] : [kuɑ] Mandarin [ei] is pronounced [e] in Suzhou: 杯 bēi – [pei] : [pe] 灰 huī – [xuei] : [hue] 醉 zuì – [tsuei] : [tse] Mandarin [au] is pronounced [a] in Suzhou: 好 hǎo – [xau] : [ha] 趙 zhào – [tʂau] : [ʐa] 叫 jiào – [tɕiau] : [tɕia] Mandarin final [an] is pronounced as a monophthong without any nasal ending in most Wu dialects, e.g. in Mandarin and the Suzhou dialect: 藍 lán – [lan] : [le] 蠶 cán – [ts‘an] : [zø] 天 tiān – [t‘ian] : [tïe] 圈 quān – [tɕ‘yan] : [tɕ‘iø] 還 huán – [xuan] : [ɦue] 寬 kuān – [k‘uan] : [k‘uø] Like Xiajiang Mandarin and Southwestern Mandarin, Wu does not distinguish [ən] from [əŋ], nor [in] from [iŋ]. They are conflated either as [ən] and [in] or as [əŋ]

Modern Dialects  39 and [iŋ]. What is special about Wu is that some characters with [əŋ] in Northern Mandarin retain their nasal ending [ŋ] in spoken form, and the vowel changes from [ə] to [a], e.g. in Suzhou: 生 shēng: [saŋ] (literary reading [sən]) 耕 gēng: [kaŋ] (literary reading [kən]) The glottal stop occurs only in syllables in the two rù tones, which is also a characteristic of Wu. That being so, syllables with both yīnshēng and yángshēng finals take only the píng, shǎng and qù tones. A few points need to be made in relation to the phonetic description of the Suzhou dialect: (a) [ï] is a portmanteau symbol for apical vowels. After [ts] group initials, it represents a front apical vowel, usually unrounded; after [tʂ] group initials, it represents a back apical vowel, either rounded or unrounded. For those who merge [tʂ] group into [ts] group, [ï] represents a front apical vowel only, rounded or unrounded. [ï] without any initial only occurs in literary reading and is pronounced [ɚ] as in Mandarin. (b) [u] represents a pure vowel only after [p] group initials. When following other initials or standing alone, it is preceded by a short [ə]; for this reason, the sound is also represented by [ə̆u]. (c) [a] is generally pronounced [æ] (as in English at) by women; it is more central when spoken by men. (d) [ø] is a rounded mid-high central vowel. (e) [iən] has [ə] as its main vowel, which is prominent after [tɕ] group initials or with no initial. In other circumstances it can be represented as [in]. (3) Tones The Suzhou dialect has seven tones (Table 3.3). Table 3.3  Tones in the Suzhou Dialect Class

Yīnpíng

Yángpíng

Shǎng

Yīnqù

Yángqù

Yīnrù

Yángrù

Pitch contour Examples

˩ 風 fēng

˨˧ 逢 féng 顏 yán

˥˧ 孔 kǒng 老 lǎo

˧˨˧ 送 sòng

˧˦˧ 舅 jiù 鳳 fèng 賣 mài

˦˨ 曲 qū

˨ 局 jú 曰 yuē

There are two subtypes of the rù tone, a distinction that does not exist in Mandarin. In many Wu dialects, yángpíng and yángqù are not distinguished. §3.3 The Guangzhou dialect can be regarded as the standard variety of Cantonese. Detailed documentations reveal more diverse descriptions of the phonological system of the Guangzhou dialect than Mandarin. What follows is a generally acknowledged system.

40  Modern Dialects (1) Initials (Table 3.4) Table 3.4  Initials in the Guangzhou Dialect [p] 巴 bā 別 bié

[p‘] 怕 pà 貧 pín

[m] 馬 mǎ 尾 wěi

[t] 多 duō 定 dìng

[t‘] 推 tuī 陶 táo

[n] 男 nán 念 niàn

[tʃ] 左 zuǒ 濟 jǐ 致 zhì 征 zhēng

[tʃ‘] 慈 cí 清 qīng 茶 chá 初 chū

[ʃ] 司 sī 心 xīn 殺 shā

[k] 歌 gē 轎 jiào

[k‘] 驅 qū 葵 kuí

[ŋ] 礙 ài 銀 yín 五 wǔ

[∅] 夜 yè 如 rú 回 huí 威 wēi 二 èr 然 rán

[f] 非 fēi 花 huā 苦 kǔ [l] 羅 luó 領 lǐng

[h] 霞 xiá 可 kě 謙 qiān

Cantonese has a relatively simple initial system. A number of features can be derived from the previous examples: (a) [p, p‘, t, t‘, n, l] correspond largely to their Mandarin equivalents (some people in Guangzhou do not distinguish between [n] and [l], like Southwestern and Xiajiang Mandarin speakers). (b) The initial [m], apart from corresponding to [m] in Mandarin, also occurs in part of the ‘closed-mouth’ syllables that have zero initial in Mandarin. In the Suzhou dialect these syllables take the initial [v] in literary reading and [m] in colloquial pronunciation. (c) The initial [f], apart from corresponding to [f] in Mandarin, also occurs in ‘closed-mouth’ syllables that have the initial [x] in Mandarin, e.g. 花 huā, and part of ‘closed-mouth’ syllables that have the initial [k‘] in Mandarin, e.g. 苦 kǔ. (d) [tʃ, tʃ‘, ʃ] correspond to Mandarin [ts, ts‘, s], [tʂ, tʂ‘, ʂ] and part of [tɕ, tɕ‘, ɕ]. (e) [k, k‘, h] occur in ‘open-mouth’ syllables that have initials [k, k‘ (except for syllables accounted for in (c) and (f)), x] in Mandarin and in part of syllables with initials [tɕ, tɕ‘, ɕ] in Mandarin. In the latter case, Cantonese [k, k‘, h] take both ‘broad’ and ‘narrow’ finals. (f) Some syllables that have the initial [k‘] in Mandarin take the initial [h] in Guangzhou.

Modern Dialects 41 (g) All Mandarin syllables beginning with [ʐ] have zero initial in Guangzhou, and some Guangzhou people merge [ŋ] into [∅] as well. (2) Finals (Table 3.5) Table 3.5  Finals in the Guangzhou Dialect [i] 字 zì 遲 chí 衣 yī

[ui] 輩 bèi 枚 méi 灰 huī 會 huì

[iu] 表 biǎo 料 liào 燒 shāo 喬 qiáo

[u] 父 fù 古 gǔ

[y] 朱 zhū 如 rú 餘 yú

[ai] 賴 lài 皆 jiē 快 kuài

[ɐi] 泥 ní 世 shì 揮 huī

[uai] 怪 guài

[uɐi] 桂 guì 鬼 guǐ 爲 wèi

[au] 包 bāo 巢 cháo 交 jiāo

[ɐu] 謬 miù 侯 hóu 斗 dǒu 九 jiǔ [iɐu] 油 yóu 幼 yòu

[im] 點 diǎn 漸 jiàn 兼 jiān 炎 yán

[am] 男 nán 銜 xián

[ɐm] 今 jīn 甚 shèn 林 lín 含 hán [iɐm] 任 rèn 音 yīn

[in] 篇 piān 展 zhǎn 肩 jiān 然 rán

[un] 門 mén 滿 mǎn 官 guān

[yn] 暖 nuǎn 尊 zūn 袁 yuán

[a] 巴 bā 花 huā 紗 shā 家 jiā 牙 yá

[ɔ] 波 bō 左 zuǒ 初 chū 哥 gē

[e] 且 qiě 者 zhě

[ua] 瓜 guā 話 huà

[uɔ] 過 guò 和 hé

[ɔi] 來 lái 哀 āi

[ei] 幾 jǐ 比 bǐ 飛 fēi

[œy] 雷 léi 歲 suì 居 jū 呂 lǚ [iœy] 銳 ruì

[ɐn] 品 pǐn 恩 ēn 巾 jīn 身 shēn

[ɔn] 干 gān

[œ] 靴 xuē

[ie] 野 yě

[ou] 高 gāo 刀 dāo 土 tǔ 補 bǔ 保 bǎo

[an] 凡 fán 旦 dàn 眼 yǎn

[œn] 秦 qín 春 chūn

(Continued)

42  Modern Dialects Table 3.5 (Continued)

[uan] 關 guān [iŋ] 聲 shēng 病 bìng 輕 qīng 定 dìng

[uŋ] 公 gōng 風 fēng [iuŋ] 戎 róng 用 yòng

[aŋ] 爭 zhēng 烹 pēng

[ɐŋ] 肯 kěn 登 dēng 幸 xìng 更 gèng

[ɔŋ] 邦 bāng 當 dāng 康 kāng 莊 zhuāng

[uaŋ] 橫 héng

[uɐŋ] 宏 hóng 轟 hōng

[uoŋ]1 光 guāng 王 wáng

[at] 法 fǎ 八 bā

[ɐt] 姪 zhí 七 qī

[ip] 獵 liè 帖 tiē 葉 yè

[ap] 答 dá 甲 jiǎ

[ɐp] 急 jí 十 shí 合 hé [iɐp] 入 rù 邑 yì

[it] 傑 jié 舌 shé 跌 diē

[ut] 末 mò 活 huó 沒 mò

[yt] 脱 tuō 説 shuō 厥 jué

uat 刮 guā [ik] 益 yì 尺 chǐ 歷 lì 食 shí

[uk] 谷 gǔ 曲 qǔ 燭 zhú [iuk] 肉 ròu 育 yù

[iɐn] 因 yīn 人 rén [uɐn] 坤 kūn 君 jūn

[ak] 格 gé 責 zé

[uak] 劃 huà

[ɐk] 北 běi 測 cè 呃 è

[uɐk] 或 huò

[iœn] 閏 rùn

[eŋ] 輕 qīng 聲 shēng

[œŋ] 長 cháng 良 liáng 窗 chuāng 強 qiáng [iœŋ] 讓 ràng 羊 yáng

[ot]2 渴 kě

[œt] 卒 zú 出 chū

[ek] 尺 chǐ 石 shí

[œk] 略 lüè 腳 jiǎo

iɐt 日 rì 一 yī uɐt 骨 gǔ 鬱 yù [ok]3 博 bó 捉 zhuō 學 xué 鶴 hè

[uok]4 國 guó 郭 guō

[iœk] 若 ruò 曰 yuē

Notes 1 Translator’s note: Sic. However, this final is better represented as [uɔŋ]. 2 Translator’s note: Sic. However, 渴 kě has the final [ɔt] in Guangzhou Cantonese. 3 Translator’s note: Sic. However, this final is better represented as [ɔk]. Example characters 博 bó, 學 xué and 鶴 hè have this final, but 捉 zhuō has the final [uk]. 4 Translator’s note: Sic. However, this final is better represented as [uɔk].

Modern Dialects 43 The yángshēng finals in Cantonese show a distinction among the codas [m], [n] and [ŋ], and the rù tone syllables have three codas: [p], [t] and [k]. These are not found in Mandarin and Wu. Syllables with nasal endings [n] and [ŋ] in Cantonese correspond to those in Mandarin, whereas syllables ending with [m] in Cantonese are pronounced with [n] in Mandarin. The codas [p], [t] and [k] of rù tone syllables are merged into [ʔ] in Wu and lost altogether in Mandarin. Vowels that co-occur with the coda [p] also co-occur with [m], those with [t] also with [n], and those with [k] also with [ŋ]. This is unlike Wu in which vowels in rù tone syllables are mostly not the same with those in syllables in other tones. There are only a small number of finals with the medial [i], and they take no initial. The medial is sometimes represented as a semi-vowel [j] and classified as an initial so that the Guangzhou dialect can be said to have no medial [i]. Finals with the medial [u] only co-occur with initials [k] and [k‘].2 The vowel and compound vowel systems are considerably more complex than those of other dialects. Here are some prominent features: (a) [i] corresponds to [ï] in Mandarin except in initial-less syllables; [ei] corresponds to [i] in Mandarin except in syllables with labial initials. (b) [ɔi] corresponds to [ai] in Mandarin. (c) [ou] corresponds to part of Mandarin [au], and [u] in syllables with nasal and dental initials; [ɐu] corresponds largely to Mandarin [ou] and [iou]. (d) [im] and [in] correspond to Mandarin [ian] and part of [an]; Cantonese syllables with [ɐm], [iɐm], [ɐn] and [iɐn] include all Mandarin syllables with [in]. (e) [aŋ] corresponds to part of Mandarin [əŋ]; [oŋ] corresponds to Mandarin [aŋ]. More delicate comparison is out of the present scope. More discoveries can be made through careful observation of the examples provided in the synopsis of finals. (3) The nine tones of the Guangzhou dialect are as follows (Table 3.6). Table 3.6  Tones in the Guangzhou Dialect Class

Yīnpíng

Yángpíng

Yīnshǎng

Yángshǎng

Pitch contour Examples

˥˧ 山 shān

˨˩ 林 lín 城 chéng

˧˥ 水 shuǐ

˩˨ 老 lǎo 近 jìn

Class Pitch contour Examples

Yīnqù ˧ 信 xìn

Yángqù ˨ 路 lù 自 zì 上 shàng

Yīnrù ˥ 谷 gǔ 出 chū 急 jí

Zhōngrù ˦ 百 bǎi 脱 tuō

Yángrù ˩ 白 bái 合 hé 月 yuè

Most yīnshǎng and yángshǎng tone syllables take the shǎng tone in Mandarin and the Suzhou dialect. Only some syllables, e.g. 近 jìn, take the qù tone in Mandarin and yángqù in Wu.3

44  Modern Dialects Tones yīnrù and zhōngrù are collectively the yīnrù tone in Wu. The distinction between yīnrù and zhōngrù has to do with the vowel. Syllables in the yīnpíng tone change to a high-level pitch contour4 when followed by a syllable in the yīnpíng or yīnrù tone. In general, the pitch contour of yīnrù, zhōngrù and yángrù tones are relatively short. §3.4 The Mei County5 dialect is used here to represent Hakka since comprehensive records of it are available. (1) Initials (Table 3.7) Table 3.7  Initials in the Mei County Dialect [p] 巴 bā [t] 多 duō [ts] 左 zuǒ 阻 zǔ [tɕ] 旨 zhǐ 張 zhāng [k] 歌 gē 建 jiàn [∅] 哀 āi 延 yán

[p‘] 怕 pà 皮 pí 敗 bài [t‘] 炭 tàn 亭 tíng 道 dào [ts‘] 錯 cuò 茶 chá 助 zhù [tɕ‘] 車 chē 重 zhòng 遲 chí [k‘] 豈 qǐ 件 jiàn

[m] 馬 mǎ 尾 wěi [n] 男 nán 奴 nú

[ȵ] 堯 yáo 嚴 yán 二 èr [ŋ] 蛾 é 瓦 wǎ 眼 yǎn

[f] 非 fēi 花 huā 胡 hú [l] 羅 luó 靈 líng

[v] 萬 wàn 汪 wàng

[s] 賽 sài 沙 shā 生 shēng [ɕ] 時 shí 舌 shé [h] 何 hé 希 xī

The most prominent feature of Hakka initials is that the initials of 敗 bài, 道 dào, 助 zhù, 重 zhòng, 件 jiàn, etc. are aspirated. We know from the previous sections that these characters take voiced initials in Wu and unaspirated voiceless initials in Mandarin and Cantonese. In addition, like Cantonese, [h] does not co-occur with ‘closed-mouth’ finals, and 花 huā, 胡 hú, etc. have the initial [f]; like Wu and Cantonese, 尾 wěi etc. take the initial [m]; like Wu, 堯 yáo, 嚴 yán, 二 èr, etc. take the initial [ȵ]; [∅] does not take ‘closed-mouth’ finals – [∅u] or [∅u] in Mandarin has the initial [v] in Hakka. Many Hakka dialects do not distinguish between [ts, ts‘, s] and [tɕ, tɕ‘, ɕ], not even some Mei County dialect speakers. The distinction between the two groups is comparable to that of [ts] group and [tʂ] group in Suzhou, slightly different from that of [ts] group and [tʂ] group in Mandarin (see §3.2).

Modern Dialects 45 (2) Finals (Table 3.8) Table 3.8  Finals in the Mei County Dialect [ï] 私 sī 粗 cū 數 shù

[ai] 災 zāi 壞 huài1 泥 ní

[i] 器 qì 詩 shī 虛 xū 美 měi

[oi] 開 kāi 外 wài 税 shuì

[uai] 怪 guài [am] 凡 fán 衫 shān 散 sàn

[im] 今 jīn 沈 chén

[iam] 鹽 yán 店 diàn 占 zhān

[u] 古 gǔ 豬 zhū

[a] 家 jiā 花 huā 詐 zhà

[iu] 九 jiǔ 周 zhōu 幼 yòu [ui] 鬼 guǐ

[ia] 借 jiè 車 chē

[au] 高 gāo 孝 xiào

[eu] 口 kǒu 瘦 shòu

[ua] 瓜 guā

[o] 左 zuǒ 火 huǒ

[uo] 過 guò

[iau] 轎 jiào 桃 táo [an] 蘭 lán 山 shān

[on] 安 ān 段 duàn 專 zhuān

[en] 恩 ēn 能 néng 生 shēng [ien] 天 tiān 戰 zhàn 袁 yuán

[uan] 關 guān

[uon] 官 guān

[uŋ] 工 gōng 雙 shuāng 同 tóng [iuŋ] 共 gòng 龍 lóng 勇 yǒng

[m] 嘸 ḿ

[ŋ] 五 wǔ

[iaŋ] 頸 jǐng

[oŋ] 剛 gāng 莊 zhuāng 江 jiāng [ioŋ] 香 xiāng 昌 chāng 匡 kuāng [uoŋ] 光 guāng

[ip] 給 gěi 十 shí

[ap] 合 hé 甲 jiǎ2

[at] 達 dá 末 mò 襪 wà

[ot] 割 gē 脱 tuō 刷 shuā

[et] 克 kè 責 zé

[aŋ] 硬 yìng 生 shēng

[e] 細 xì

[in] 品 pǐn 貞 zhēn 蒸 zhēng 信 xìn

[it] 吉 jí 擲 zhì 力 lì

[un] 論 lùn 困 kùn [iun] 君 jūn 永 yǒng

[ut] 骨 gǔ 物 wù (Continued)

46  Modern Dialects Table 3.8 (Continued) [iap] 貼 tiē 涉 shè [uat] 活 huó 滑 huá [ak] 石 shí 白 bái [iak] 壁 bì 逆 nì

[ok] 閣 gé 捉 zhuō 學 xué [iok] 腳 jiǎo 藥 yào [uok] 郭 guō

[iet] 別 bié 絕 jué 月 yuè [uet] 國 guó

[iut] 屈 qū

[uk] 哭 kū 獨 dú [iuk] 六 liù 足 zú 菊 jú

Notes 1 Translator’s note: The original table has 壤 rǎng here. This should be a printing mistake. The character 壤 rǎng ends with a nasal, and it is pronounced [ioŋ] in Meizhou Hakka. The similar-looking character 壞 huài has the final [ai] in Meizhou Hakka, hence the correction. 2 Translator’s note: The original table has the character 申 shēn here. It must be a mistake, and the correct character should be 甲 jiǎ, which has the final [ap] in Hakka.

The most striking feature of Hakka finals is the non-existence of a ‘roundmouth’ vowel. In general, the vowel [y] in Mandarin corresponds to [i] or [iu] (before [n] or [t]) in Hakka, e.g. 虛 xū (M. [ɕy], H. [hi]), 袁 yuán (M. [yan], H. [ien]), 絕 jué (M. [tɕye], H. [tsʰiet]), 君 jūn (M. [tɕyn], H. [kiun]) and 屈 qū (M. [tɕʰy], H. [kiut]).6 The endings are mostly parallel to those in Cantonese. However, 克 kè, 責 zé, 國 guó, 擲 zhì, 力 lì, etc. take the [t] ending, as opposed to [k] in Cantonese; 生 shēng, 蒸 zhēng, etc. end in [n], as opposed to [ŋ] in Cantonese and Mandarin. The vowel system is close to that of Mandarin. The distinction in vowel class is as follows: Examples

Mei County

Mandarin

Examples

Mei County

Mandarin

私 sī 粗 cū

[ï]

[ï] [u]

開 kāi 税 shuì

[oi]

[ai] [uei]

山 shān 安 ān

[an] [on]

[an]

關 guān 官 guān

[uan] [uon]

[uan]

器 qì 詩 shī 虛 xū 美 měi

[i]

[i] [ï] [y] [ei]

詐 zhà 家 jiā 車 chē

[a]

[a] [ia] [ɤ]

Modern Dialects  47 (3) The Mei County dialect has six tones (Table 3.9). Table 3.9  Tones in the Mei County Dialect Class

Yīnpíng

Yángpíng

Shǎng

Qù

Yīnrù

Yángrù

Pitch contour Examples

˧˥

˨˧

˧˩

˦˨

˥˧

˥

天 tiān 馬 mǎ 上 shàng

時 shí 林 lín

景 jǐng 老 lǎo

看 kàn 面 miàn 事 shì 柱 zhù

角 jiǎo

獨 dú 蠟 là

A peculiarity of Mei County Hakka is that the yīnpíng tone7 includes some syllables which take the yángshǎng tone in Cantonese, e.g. 馬 mǎ. Apart from this, the non-rù tones cover a scope of syllables largely comparable to those of Mandarin. The two types of rù tones resemble those of Wu, and the yīnrù tone corresponds to yīnrù plus zhōngrù in Cantonese. §3.5 Northern Min can be exemplified by the Fuzhou dialect. (1) Initials (Table 3.10) Table 3.10  Initials in the Fuzhou Dialect [p] 邊 biān 方 fāng 平 píng 肥 féi 被 bèi

[p‘] 波 bō 匪 fěi

[m] 蒙 méng 微 wēi

[t] 低 dī 置 zhì 陳 chén 亭 tíng 治 zhì

[t‘] 湯 tāng 抽 chōu

[n] 日 rì 紐 niǔ 奴 nú

[tʃ] 曾 zēng 周 zhōu 樵 qiáo 棧 zhàn

[tʃ‘] 燦 càn 車 chē

[k] 該 gāi 求 qiú 跪 guì

[k‘] 氣 qì 考 kǎo

[∅] 溫 wēn 隱 yǐn 暗 àn 醫 yī

[l] 柳 liǔ

[ʃ] 時 shí 隨 suí [ŋ] 語 yǔ 邀 yāo 迎 yíng 瓦 wǎ

[h] 喜 xǐ 恆 héng 紛 fēn

48  Modern Dialects Fuzhou initials have the following features: (a) There is no labiodental. Syllables with the initial [f] in Mandarin are distributed into [p], [p‘] and [h] (with ‘closed-mouth’ final) in Fuzhou, e.g. 方 fāng [p], 匪 fěi [p’] and 紛 fēn [h]. (b) Initials in 平 píng, 亭 tíng, 陳 chén, 樵 qiáo and 求 qiú are unaspirated; they are all aspirated in the dialects that have been described earlier. (c) Some of the syllables with initials [tʂ] and [tʂ‘] in Mandarin, e.g. 置 zhì, 陳 chén and 抽 chōu, have the initial [t] or [t‘] in Fuzhou. (d) Some syllables taking the initial [n], e.g. 日 rì, has the initial [ʐ] in Mandarin. (2) Finals (Table 3.11) Table 3.11  Finals in the Fuzhou Dialect [i] 幾 jǐ 遲 chí 非 fēi

[u] 母 mǔ 苦 kǔ 阻 zǔ 夫 fū

[y] 師 shī 你 nǐ 居 jū 諸 zhū

[iu] 九 jiǔ 壽 shòu

[ai] 該 gāi 拜 bài

[oi] 櫃 guì 雷 léi

[ei] 器 qì 示 shì 被 bèi

[a] 霞 xiá 佳 jiā 炒 chǎo 柏 bǎi

[o] 歌 gē 坐 zuò 高 gāo 卓 zhuó

[e] 排 pái 泥 ní

[ia] 寧 níng 額 é

[io] 銳 ruì 廚 chú 藥 yào 綠 lǜ

[ie] 支 zhī 啟 qǐ 世 shì 慧 huì 吠 fèi

[ua] 花 huā 掛 guà

[uo] 科 kē 補 bǔ 槨 guǒ 局 jú

[ay] 內 nèi 兑 duì 豆 dòu 縐 zhòu

[œy] 次 cì 去 qù 處 chù

[au] 交 jiāo

[ou] 富 fù 度 dù

[eu] 咬 yǎo 口 kǒu 愁 chóu 就 jiù 浮 fú [ieu] 喬 qiáo 超 chāo 聊 liáo 謬 miù

[uai] 怪 guài

[uoi] 貝 bèi 海 hǎi 外 wài 贅 zhuì

Modern Dialects  49 [aŋ] 談 tán 咸 xián 難 nán 棚 péng 柄 bǐng [iaŋ] 命 mìng

[oŋ] 酸 suān 斷 duàn

[ieŋ] 儉 jiǎn 棉 mián 念 niàn 展 zhǎn 玄 xuán

[uaŋ] 官 guān 頑 wán 反 fǎn 橫 héng 撞 zhuàng [aiŋ] [eiŋ] 扮 bàn 甚 shèn 硬 yìng 田 tián 陣 zhèn 肯 kěn 爭 zhēng 性 xìng 宏 hóng [ak] 塔 tǎ 鴨 yā 渴 kě 八 bā [iek] 葉 yè 舌 shé 傑 jié 缺 quē [uak] 法 fǎ 活 huó 刷 shuā [aik] [eik] 澀 sè 急 jí 瑟 sè 失 shī 刻 kè 橘 jú 百 bǎi 特 tè 白 bái

[iŋ] 今 jīn 珍 zhēn 民 mín 均 jūn 輕 qīng 兄 xiōng

[uŋ] 魂 hún 準 zhǔn 君 jūn 公 gōng

[yŋ] [œŋ] 巾 jīn 雙 shuāng 允 yǔn 冬 dōng 弓 gōng 中 zhōng

[ouŋ] 恩 ēn 坤 kūn 訓 xùn 康 kāng 莊 zhuāng 江 jiāng 動 dòng [ik] 及 jí 姪 zhí 逆 nì

[ayŋ] [œyŋ] 宋 sòng1 近 jìn 仲 zhòng

[uk] 術 shù 掘 jué 族 zú 毒 dú

[yk] 祿 lù 逐 zhú

[ouk] 突 tū 出 chū 弗 fú 鶴 hè 學 xué 哭 kū

[ayk] 殼 ké

[œyk]2 乞 qǐ 菊 jú

[ioŋ] 建 jiàn 宣 xuān 轉 zhuǎn 強 qiáng 暢 chàng [uoŋ] 捲 juǎn 本 běn 光 guāng 宋 sòng [auŋ] 恨 hèn 嫩 nèn 蕩 dàng 項 xiàng

[œk] 或 huò 雹 báo 六 liù 斛 hú

[iok] 歇 xiē 説 shuō 腳 jiǎo [uok] 月 yuè 忽 hū 國 guó [auk] 骨 gǔ 各 gè 駁 bó 撲 pū

Notes 1 Translator’s note: Sic. However, this might be a mistake as the colloquial reading of 宋 sòng in Fuzhou has the final [œyŋ]. (I am grateful to Prof. Randy LaPolla for pointing out the likely mistakes in the original table.) 2 Translator’s note: In the original text this [œyk] is mistyped as [æyk].

50  Modern Dialects Diphthongs abound in the Fuzhou dialect. Some of them can take a consonant ending, which is rare in other dialectal areas. There are only two consonant codas, both of which are velar: [ŋ] and [k]. The coda [k] only occurs in syllables in the rù tone, like Cantonese syllables ending in [p], [t] or [k] and Wu syllables ending in [ʔ]. However, syllables with some yīnshēng finals can take the rù tone as well, e.g. 拍 pāi [a] and 卓 zhuó [o]. They are spoken without a [k] ending, although they have the rù tone. Some of the yīnshēng and yángshēng finals only co-occur with the yīnpíng, yángpíng and shǎng tones; the others only with yīnqù and yángqù. They are found in complementary distribution if we compare them with corresponding finals in other dialects. Illustrative examples are as follows: Yīnpíng, yángpíng and shǎng only

Yīnqù and yángqù only

Corresponding finals in Mandarin

[i] (幾 jǐ, 遲 chí, 非 fēi)

[ei] (器 qì, 示 shì, 被 bèi)

[u] (夫 fū, 阻 zǔ) [y] (師 shī, 居 jū)

[ou] (富 fù, 度 dù) [œy] (次 cì, 去 qù)

[yŋ] (巾 jīn, 中 zhōng)

[œyŋ] (近 jìn, 仲 zhòng)

[i] (幾 jǐ, 器 qì) [ï] (遲 chí, 示 shì) [ei] (非 fēi, 被 bèi) [u] (夫 fū, 富 fù, 阻 zǔ, 度 dù) [ï] (師 shī, 次 cì) [y] (居 jū, 去 qù) [in] (巾 jīn, 近 jìn) [uŋ] (中 zhōng, 仲 zhòng)

Some of the finals ending in [k] co-occur only with the yīnrù tone, whereas others only with the yángrù tone: Yīnrù only

Yángrù only

Corresponding finals in Mandarin

[œyk] (菊 jú)

[yk] (綠 lǜ)

[y] (菊 jú, 綠 lǜ)

More complicated correspondences include the following: Mandarin

Fuzhou

[ən] (。珍 zhēn, 陣。 zhèn) [iŋ] (。行 xíng, 硬。 yìng)

[iŋ] (珍 zhēn) : [ɛiŋ] (陣 zhèn) [ɛiŋ] (行 xíng) : [aiŋ] (硬 yìng)

Although [ɛiŋ] co-occurs with different tones, there is a systematic distinction between píng and shǎng on the one hand and qù on the other. Another example of such a tonal distinction is as follows:

Modern Dialects 51 Mandarin

Fuzhou

[uei] (。鬼 guǐ, 櫃。 guì) [ei] (。雷 léi, 內。 nèi)

[ui] (鬼 guǐ) : [oi] (櫃 guì) [oi] (雷 léi) : [ay] (內 nèi)

The final [oi] also has a systematic distinction in Mandarin between píng and shǎng on the one hand and qù on the other. There are too many other examples of this kind to account for in detail. In light of these correspondences, it would appear immensely complicated if we compare the overall final system of Fuzhou with that of other dialects. Thus, we set it aside for the present. (3) Tones (Table 3.12) Table 3.12  Tones in the Fuzhou Dialect Class

Yīnpíng

Yángpíng

Shǎng

Yīnqù

Yángqù

Yīnrù

Yángrù

Pitch contour Examples

˥

˨˩

˧

˩

˦˥˦

˨˧

˥

悲 bēi

蘋 píng 疑 yí

審 shěn 野 yě

退 tuì

士 shì 事 shì 義 yì

插 chā

十 shí 略 lüè

In terms of class, the seven tones in Fuzhou are comparable to those in Suzhou. §3.6 The Xiamen dialect is the most widely popular one of the Southern Min dialects. Colloquial and literary versions of the Xiamen dialect differ so much so that they can be regarded as two different dialects. The materials available provide a full and accurate account of literary pronunciation; many problems remain to be solved on the part of colloquial pronunciation. Our following description focuses chiefly on literary pronunciation of the Xiamen dialect, with only a very brief mention of its difference from literary pronunciation. (1) Initials (Table 3.13) Table 3.13  Initials in the Xiamen Dialect [p] 半 bàn 平 píng 步 bù

[p‘] 片 piàn

[b] 謀 móu

[t] 當 dāng 同 tóng 豆 dòu

[t‘] 湯 tāng

[l] 樓 lóu 林 lín 男 nán 年 nián (Continued)

52  Modern Dialects Table 3.13 (Continued) [ts] 左 zuǒ 情 qíng 爭 zhēng 正 zhèng 成 chéng

[ts‘] 千 qiān 初 chū 昌 chāng

[ʥ] 認 rèn 二 èr

[s] 素 sù 沙 shā 守 shǒu 上 shàng

[k] 古 gǔ 奇 qí 近 jìn

[k‘] 口 kǒu

[g] 牛 niú

[h] 化 huà 活 huó 方 fāng 飯 fàn

[∅] 亞 yà 有 yǒu 由 yóu

Both literary and colloquial pronunciations of the Xiamen dialect lack labiodental initials. Mandarin [f] is pronounced [h] in literary Xiamen, but [p] or [p‘] colloquially, as in the case of the Fuzhou dialect. Another feature of the Xiamen dialect is that nasal initials do not exist whereas voiced initials do. As far as the literary readings are concerned, the voiced plosives [b] and [g] in Xiamen correspond to [m] and [ŋ] elsewhere. The [m] and [ŋ] that do exist in the Xiamen dialect only co-occur with nasalised vowels and thus are conditional variants of [b] and [g]. A very small number of characters can be pronounced either with [b]/[g] or with [m]/[ŋ] initials, just like the indistinguishability between [n] and [l] in Southwestern Mandarin. The initial [l] in Xiamen represents a combination of [l] and [n] elsewhere. Phonetically it is close to [d], so often used in Xiamen as transliteration of [d] in Western languages. In colloquial speech, [l] is pronounced [n] when co-occurring with a nasalised vowel, as [b] and [g] are pronounced [m] and [ŋ] in the same condition. Therefore, there is no phonological difference between [l] and [n] in the Xiamen dialect. Generally, the initial [ʥ] in Xiamen corresponds to [ʐ] in Mandarin. However, it is lacking among some Xiamen dialect speakers, and syllables represented by characters such as 認 rèn and 二 èr take the initial [l]. The distribution of [ts, ts‘, s] and [k, k‘, h] is comparable to that of the Guangzhou and Fuzhou dialects. (2) Finals (Table 3.14) Table 3.14  Finals in the Xiamen Dialect [i] 悲 bēi 知 zhī 記 jì 二 èr

[u] 廚 chú 旅 lǚ 雨 yǔ 次 cì

[a] 怕 pà 加 jiā

[o] 保 bǎo 破 pò 早 zǎo 交 jiāo 科 kē 考 kǎo

[ɔ] 布 bù 土 tǔ 梳 shū 故 gù

[e] 低 dī 啟 qǐ 制 zhì 帝 dì

Modern Dialects 53 [iu] 謬 miù 柳 liǔ

[ia] 借 jiè

[ui] 堆 duī 水 shuǐ

[ua] 歌 gē

[ai] 拜 bài 代 dài 界 jiè

[ue] 陪 péi 內 nèi 回 huí

[au] 包 bāo 膠 jiāo

[am] 淡 dàn 斬 zhǎn 巖yán

[iau] 表 biǎo 朝 cháo 叫 jiào 小 xiǎo

[iam] 店 diàn 染 rǎn

[im] 沉 chén 林 lín 金 jīn 音 yīn

[an] 板 bǎn 眼 yǎn 萬 wàn 旦 dàn 干 gān [ian] 便 biàn 見 jiàn 戰 zhàn 然 rán [uan] 盤 pán 短 duǎn 倦 juàn 凡 fán 全 quán

[uai] 怪 guài

[in] 賓 bīn 陳 chén 真 zhēn 印 yìn

[ap] 答 dá 鴿 gē 鴨 yā

[iap] 蝶 dié 涉 shè

[ip] 立 lì 執 zhí 入 rù

[un] 本 běn 吞 tūn 斤 jīn 羣 qún 分 fēn

[at] 八 bā 達 dá 渴 kě

[ɔŋ] 亡 wáng 孔 kǒng 冬 dōng 唐 táng 方 fāng 紅 hóng [iɔŋ] 中 zhōng 良 liáng 宮 gōng 姜 jiāng 羊 yáng 用 yòng [it] [ut] 筆 bǐ 物 wù 姪 zhí 律 lǜ 乞 qǐ 骨 gǔ 屈 qū [iet] 別 bié 舌 shé

[iŋ] 兵 bīng 丁 dīng 永 yǒng 兄 xiōng 爭 zhēng 成 chéng

[ɔk] 北 běi 棹 zhào 毒 dú 國 guó 哭 kū

[ik] 白 bái 笛 dí 宅 zhái 客 kè 亦 yì 激 jī

[iɔk] 腳 jiǎo 約 yuē 肉 ròu (Continued)

54  Modern Dialects Table 3.14 (Continued) [uat] 末 mò 脱 tuō 缺 quē 月 yuè 法 fǎ

Like Hakka, the Xiamen dialect does not have ‘round-mouth’ finals; unlike Hakka, it does not conflate Mandarin [y] into [i], but mostly into [u]. In literary pronunciation, there are consonantal codas [m, n, ŋ] and [p, t, k], manifesting a general correspondence with those of Cantonese. In colloquial pronunciation, however, [m, n, ŋ] can nasalise the vowel in the syllable and disappear themselves, and [p, t, k] can merge into [ʔ]. As a result, many new finals are created, and the distinction among [m], [n] and [ŋ] and among [p], [t] and [k] are lost to a considerable extent. Vowels of the Xiamen dialect are not uniformly correspondent with those in Mandarin, either: [i]: Mandarin [ei] (悲 bēi), [ʅ] (知 zhī), [i] (記 jì), [ɚ] (二 èr). [u]: Mandarin [u] (廚 chú), [y] (旅 lǚ), [ɿ] (次 cì). [o]: Mandarin [uo] (左 zuǒ), [au] (考 kǎo). [ɔ]: Mandarin [u] (布 bù). [e]: Mandarin [i] (低 dī), [ʅ] (制 zhì). [ɔŋ]: Mandarin [aŋ] (唐 táng), [uŋ] (孔 kǒng). The difference between literary and colloquial pronunciations of vowels cannot be fully explained as succinctly as we did for initials and codas, so we leave it aside. What should be noted is that apart from nasalised vowels and the glottal stop coda [ʔ], a number of other finals are specific to colloquial pronunciation. [m] (梅 méi, 母 mǔ) [əŋ] (方 fāng, 門 mén, 長 cháng, 軟 ruǎn, 黃 huáng) [aŋ] (房 fáng, 縫 féng, 人 rén) [iaŋ] (涼 liáng, 上 shàng) [uaŋ] (闖 chuǎng) [iak] (爆 bào) There is also a nasalised vowel [iũ], used in characters such as 張 zhāng, 兩 liǎng and 羊 yáng. It does not correspond systematically to their literary pronunciation. Besides, the vowel in a small number of characters can be nasalised in colloquial pronunciation, e.g. 宰 zǎi [tsaĩ]. (3) Both literary and colloquial pronunciations of the Xiamen dialect have seven tones (Table 3.15).

Modern Dialects 55 Table 3.15  Tones in the Xiamen Dialect Class

Yīnpíng

Yángpíng

Shǎng

Yīnqù

Yángqù

Yīnrù

Yángrù

Pitch contour Examples

˦ 刀 dāo

˩˧ 平 píng 牛 niú

˥˧ 反 fǎn 老 lǎo

˩ 半 bàn

˧ 婦 fù 段 duàn 硬 yìng

˧˩ 百 bǎi

˦ 奪 duó 月 yuè

The tones of literary pronunciation correspond systematically to those of Wu or Hakka, whereas those of colloquial pronunciation do not. Tone sandhi in connected speech is the most prominent in the Xiamen dialect in that the first syllable in all multisyllabic words will change in tone.8 The variation can be represented roughly as follows: ˦>˧

˩˧ > ˩

˥˧ > ˥

˩ > ˥˩

˧>˩

˧˩ > ˦, ˥˧

˦>˩

§3.7 Among the dialects classified in §1.6, only Xiang and Gan have not been described thus far. The phonological system of Xiang is close to that of Southwestern Mandarin and resembles that of Wu in the existence of voiced plosive and affricate initials. Gan resembles Hakka in some aspects and Southwestern Mandarin in others. Xiang and Gan themselves cannot be classified as any of those other dialects. However, it is not necessary to describe them separately here since the purpose of this chapter is to provide but a sketchy account of Modern Chinese phonology. Notes 1 Translator’s note: The Changsha dialect is now commonly classified as a Xiang dialect (湘語). 2 Translator’s note: As [i] is often represented as a semi-vowel [j] and classified as an initial, [k] and [k‘] with [u] is often analysed as velarised initials. Thus, Cantonese can be considered as having no medials altogether. (Prof. Randy LaPolla reminded me of this.) 3 Translator’s note: 近 jìn had the yángshǎng tone in Middle Chinese. It changed to the qù tone in Mandarin and yángqù in Wu. In colloquial reading of Guangzhou Cantonese, it retains the yángshǎng tone ([khɐn˩˨]), whereas in literary reading it also underwent the change into yángqù ([kɐn˨]). 4 Translator’s note: The high-level tone has now become the norm; the falling tone can be heard on the final syllable of a word or phrase. 5 Translator’s note: Mei County is currently known as Meizhou City. 6 Translator’s note: The pronunciations of these characters in Mandarin and Hakka in parentheses are not in the original text. (Prof. Randy LaPolla added them to manifest the contrast.) 7 Translator’s note: The original text has ‘yángpíng tone’ here, which should be a typo. The character 馬 mǎ takes yīnpíng tone in the Meizhou dialect, and it appears in the yīnpíng slot above. 8 Translator’s note: It is not just the first syllable of a multi-syllable word or phrase that will change in tone, but every syllable except the last one. (Prof. Randy LaPolla added this comment.)

4

Early Mandarin

§4.1 We can see from the operas of the Yuan Dynasty (1279–1368) and subsequent vernacular novels that the standard Chinese of that era, the so-called ‘Central Plain elegant pronunciation’, was very close to present-day Modern Mandarin. For clarity’s sake, we call the standard Chinese of the Yuan Dynasty ‘Early Mandarin’. The phonological system of Early Mandarin can be constructed based on the adequately available materials, among which the earliest, most influential and inextricably related to the renowned operas is the《中原音韻》Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn ‘Rhymes of the Central Plain’, compiled by Zhou Deqing (周德清) of the Yuan Dynasty. The Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn is not a character dictionary but a reference book designed for the purpose of checking rhymes and characters, serving the need of opera performers and writers. This is unlike traditional rhyme dictionaries. The standards of categorising rhymes and characters, according to Zhou, were based on works of authoritative Northern opera writers Guan Hanqing (關漢卿), Zheng Guangzu (鄭光祖), Ma Zhiyuan (馬致遠) and Bai Pu (白樸). Northern operas were written with language in actual use, and works by Guan, Zheng, Ma and Bai with ‘rhymes that follow natural order and characters that are in common use’; therefore, we regard the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn as a faithful phonological record of Early Mandarin. §4.2 The Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn contains some five or six thousand characters. All characters are first categorised into nineteen rhyme classes in accordance with the rhyming patterns of Northern operas. Each class is represented by two characters. 1 東鍾 dōng – zhōng

2 江陽 jiāng – yáng

3 支思 zhī – sī

4 齊微 qí – wēi

5 魚模 yú – mú

6 皆來 jiē – lái

7 真文 zhēn – wén

8 寒山 hán – shān

9 桓歡 huán – huān

10 先天 xiān – tiān

11 蕭豪 xiāo – háo

12 歌戈 gē – gē

13 家麻 jiā – má

14 車遮 chē – zhē

15 庚青 gēng – qīng

16 尤侯 yóu – hóu

17 侵尋 qīn – xún

18 監咸 jiān – xián

19 廉纖 lián – xiān

DOI: 10.4324/9781003411444-4

Early Mandarin 57 Some say that the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn comprises nineteen rhymes. Strictly speaking, the rhymes in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn are not the same as those in traditional rhyme dictionaries. In traditional rhyme dictionaries, under each rhyme there are only characters in the same tone. For example, under the rhyme ‘1 東 dōng’ there are only the so-called píng tone characters, under ‘1 董 dǒng’ there are only the so-called shǎng tone characters, under ‘1 送 sòng’ there are only the so-called qù tone characters, and under ‘1 屋 wū’ there are only the so-called rù tone characters. In the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, however, from 東鍾 dōng – zhōng to 廉纖 lián – xiān, each rhyme class comprises characters in four tones, and the four tones are not the traditional píng, shǎng, qù and rù, but píng: yīn, píng: yáng, shǎng and qù. In other words, traditional rhyme dictionaries classify tones before classifying rhymes, whereas the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn classifies rhymes before classifying tones. §4.3 The four tones in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn are systematically different from those in traditional rhyme dictionaries (píng, shǎng, qù and rù) but correspond roughly to the four tones in modern Northern Mandarin. píng: yīn – yīnpíng shǎng – shǎng

píng: yáng – yángpíng qù – qù

Note that in the nine rhymes of 支思 zhī – sī, 齊微 qí – wēi, 魚模 yú – mú, 皆來 jiē – lái, 蕭豪 xiāo – háo, 歌戈 gē – gē, 家麻 jiā – má, 車遮 chē – zhē and 尤侯 yóu – hóu, there are characters listed after the píng section, with a section label ‘rù as píng’ and a note ‘yáng, same hereinafter’,1 etc. After the shǎng and qù sections, there are also characters grouped as ‘rù as shǎng’ and ‘rù as qù’. The ‘rù’ tone here is meant to be a separate tone in traditional rhyme dictionaries and other contemporary dialects, apart from the píng, shǎng and qù tones. In Northern operas, it had merged into the other three tones. It would have been justifiable if Zhou Deqing had listed those characters under the píng, shǎng and qù tones instead of listing them separately; however, the compiler, since he was from the southern part of China (Gao’an, Jiangxi), could not help but be influenced by his own dialect, and also he could not break free from the restraints of traditional rhyme dictionaries. Thus, conflation and separation exist side by side on the part of those characters. In the guide notes of the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, Zhou makes this statement: Among the four tones of píng, shǎng, qù and rù, the rù tone is not applicable to characters collected in this book, but merges into píng, shǎng or qù. This has been made clear in many good works previously written, but characters have never been listed in such tone classes as reflect the merging. Now I gather the characters according to the merged tones. . .

58  Early Mandarin This clearly shows that there is no rù tone in the Northern operas. On the other hand, he makes another statement: Since the merging of the rù tone into the píng, shǎng or qù tones expands rhyming possibilities, it is applied in writing opera lyrics. In colloquial speech, however, the rù tone stands out as a separate tone. This shows that his dialect still had the rù tone. In light of this, he decides to make this arrangement: The rù tone merges into the other three tones . . . Characters in the rù tone are appended to the list of characters in the non-rù tones, so as to distinguish characters evolving from the rù tone from those taking the non-rù tone originally. The Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn makes hardly any phonological classification below the level of tones. The compiler simply groups characters with the same pronunciation together, setting each group apart with a circle ‘◯’. The guide notes state, In this book, each segment represents one syllable, and begins with a commonly used character. All characters in a segment are pronounced like the first character, and no fǎnqiè pattern is provided. This provides us with clues to determine initials and medials of the language used in Northern operas. When characters within one rhyme class and one tone class are pronounced differently, the difference can only exist in initial and medial. Through observation of all the sameness and differences, and through comparison with modern dialects, it is not difficult to arrive at a full view of the phonological system of the Yuan Dynasty. §4.4 According to our most reasonable judgement, the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn has the following system of initials (Table 4.1). Table 4.1  Initials in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn [p] 斑 bān 辨 biàn [t] 丹 dān 但 dàn [ts] 贊 zàn 尖 jiān

[p‘] 盤 pán 判 pàn [t‘] 壇 tán 歎 tàn [ts‘] 殘 cán 餐 cān 錢 qián

[m] 慢 màn [n] 難 nán

[f] 反 fǎn 飯 fàn

[s] 珊 shān 先 xiān

[v] 晚 wǎn [l] 闌 lán

Early Mandarin 59 [tʃ] 展 zhǎn 棧 zhàn [k] 干 gān 堅 jiān [∅] 安 ān 顏 yán 彎 wān 元 yuán

[tʃ‘] 廛 chán

[ʃ] 山 shān

[k‘] 看 kàn 牽 qiān

([ŋ])

[ʒ] 然 rán

[x] 漢 hàn 現 xiàn

Among these initials, [p, p‘, m, f] and [t, t‘, n, l] are largely consistent in the Modern Mandarin system. The others are more or less different between the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn and Modern Mandarin. (1) Syllables in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn with [v] initial correspond with one part of the zero-initial ‘closed-mouth’ syllables of Modern Mandarin. The full set of Standard Mandarin syllables beginning with [∅(u)] is divided into two groups: one with [v] and the other with [∅(u)] at the time of the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn. This can be inferred from the following dichotomies. Píng

Shǎng

江陽 jiāng – yáng

忘 wàng : 王 wáng 亡 wáng

齊微 qí – wēi

微 wēi 維 wéi 無 wú 蕪 wú

罔 wǎng 網 wǎng 輞 wǎng 尾 wěi 亹 wěi 武 wǔ 舞 wǔ 刎 wěn 吻 wěn 晚 wǎn 挽 wǎn

魚模 yú – mú 真文 zhēn – wén 寒山 hán – shān

: 圍 wéi 危 wēi : 吾 wú 梧 wú

Qù : 枉 wǎng 往 wǎng : 委 wěi 猥 wěi : 五 wǔ 午 wǔ : 穩 wěn : 綰 wǎn

望 wàng 忘 wàng 妄 wàng 未 wèi 味 wèi 務 wù 戊 wù 問 wèn 紊 wěn 萬 wàn

: 旺 wàng 王 wàng : 胃 wèi 蝟 wèi : 誤 wù 悮 wù : 搵 wèn 諢 hùn : 腕 wàn

The differently pronounced characters are homophones in Standard Mandarin, but in some Mandarin dialects, they still retain the difference that 忘 wàng, 微 wēi, etc. take the initial [v], whereas 王 wáng, 圍 wéi, etc. take [∅(u)]. That being the case, we can assume the same division of initials at the time of the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn. In modern Min and Cantonese dialects, 忘 wàng, 微 wēi, etc. have the initial [m]; however, this cannot be applied to the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn because there are separate syllable groups with the initial [m] in these rhyme classes, e.g. 忙 máng, 梅 méi, 模 mú, etc. as opposed to 忘 wàng, 微 wēi, 無 wú, etc.

60  Early Mandarin (2) Characters that take the initials [tɕ, tɕ‘, ɕ] in Standard Mandarin have different pronunciations in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn:

江陽 jiāng – yáng 齊微 qí – wēi 魚模 yú – mú

Píng

Shǎng

Qù

漿 jiāng : 姜 jiāng 將 jiāng 江 jiāng 齊 qí : 奇 qí 臍 qí 其 qí 須 xū : 虛 xū 需 xū 墟 xū

搶 qiǎng : 強 qiǎng

象 xiàng : 巷 xiàng 相 xiàng 向 xiàng 霽 jì : 計 jì 濟 jì 記 jì 趣 qù : 去 qù

洗 xǐ 璽 xǐ 咀 jǔ

: 喜 xǐ 蟢 xǐ : 舉 jǔ 莒 jǔ

In many modern dialects, these characters have different initials, too. One type of distinction is between [ts, ts‘, s] and [k, k‘, x]: 將 jiāng [ts] : 姜 jiāng [k] 齊 qí [ts‘] : 奇 qí [k‘] 須 xū [s] : 虛 xū [x] The other type of distinction is between [ts, ts‘, s] and [tɕ, tɕ‘, ɕ]: 將 jiāng [ts] : 姜 jiāng [tɕ] 齊 qí [ts‘] : 奇 qí [tɕ‘] 須 xū [s] : 虛 xū [ɕ] In dialects where 姜 jiāng, 奇 qí, 虛 xū take the initials [tɕ, tɕ‘, ɕ], the initials [k, k‘, x] do not co-occur with ‘narrow’ finals, so obviously [tɕ, tɕ‘, ɕ] is derived from [k, k‘, x] that take ‘narrow’ finals. Thus, we can presume that the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn features the first type of distinction. (3) It can be concluded that the initials [tʃ, tʃ‘, ʃ, ʒ] in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn correspond largely to the initials [tʂ, tʂ‘, ʂ, ʐ] in Standard Mandarin. However, two points need to be made clear. (a) The different pronunciations of the following characters should be attributed to the distinction in finals rather than initials. Píng 魚模 yú – mú 蕭豪 xiāo – háo 尤侯 yóu – hóu

梳 shū 疏 shū 抄 chāo 䜈 chāo 鄒 zōu 諏 zōu

Shǎng : : :

Qù

書 shū 舒 shū 超 chāo

楚 chǔ 礎 chǔ 爪 zhǎo

:

周 zhōu 州 zhōu

㑳 zhòu

:

:

杵 chǔ 楮 chǔ 沼 zhǎo

助 zhù

:

哨 shào

:

丑 chǒu 醜 chǒu

皺 zhòu 驟 zhòu

:

注 zhù 樹 shù 少 shào 紹 shào 晝 zhòu 咒 zhòu

Early Mandarin 61 Although 梳 shū, 抄 chāo, etc. have the initials [ts, ts‘, s] and 書 shū, 超 chāo, 周 zhōu, etc. have the initials [tʂ, tʂ‘, ʂ] (or [tʃ, tʃ‘, ʃ]) in some modern dialects, the same distinction in initials cannot hold for the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn because there are characters like 蘇 sū, 操 cāo, etc. in these rhyme classes that have the initials [ts, ts‘, s] appearing in different groups from 梳 shū, 抄 chāo, etc. (b) The initials of the characters are not to be reconstructed as [tʂ, tʂ‘, ʂ, ʐ] as in most Mandarin dialects, because they co-occur with the medial or main vowel [i] (see next section); it is very unnatural for retroflex consonants to match the vowel [i]. Instead, we can make a reasonable conjecture that in the phonological system of Northern operas, the initials [tʃ, tʃ‘, ʃ], when not co-occurring with [i], show more dental features and are pronounced close to [tʂ, tʂ‘, ʂ]; when co-occurring with [i], they show more palatal features and are pronounced close to [tɕ, tɕ‘, ɕ]. (4) A small number of examples in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn suggest the existence of the initial [ŋ], as opposed to [∅] in ‘open-mouth’ syllables and [n] or [∅] in ‘even-teeth’ syllables. Shǎng 仰 yǎng : 養 yǎng 癢 yǎng 鞅 yāng

江陽 jiāng – yáng

Qù 仰 yǎng : 釀 niàng : 樣 yàng 怏 yàng

Qù 蕭豪 xiāo – háo 傲 ào : 奧 ào 奡 ào 懊 ào 鏊 ào 澳 ào 車遮 chē–zhē

歌戈 gē–gē

業 yè 鄴 yè 額 é 我 wǒ

:

Rù as qù 拽 yè : 葉 yè

揑 niē 聶 niè

Shǎng : 婀 ē

(a) In the qù tone group of 江陽 jiāng – yáng rhyme class, 仰 yǎng is placed next to 釀 niàng. The two characters might have the same pronunciation, and the circle in between might be added due to miscopying. If this is the case, the 仰 yǎng in the shǎng tone group should be pronounced [niaŋ], which shows a distinction from 養 yǎng etc. as [n] vs. [∅], rather than [ŋ] vs. [∅].

62  Early Mandarin (b) In the ‘rù as qù’ tone group of 車遮 chē – zhē rhyme class, 業 yè etc. are placed next to 拽 yè etc. It might be the case that they have the same pronunciation and the circle between them was added due to miscopying. (c) In the shǎng tone group of 歌戈 gē – gē rhyme class, 我 wǒ might be pronounced as a ‘close-mouth’ syllable [uo] as in Standard Mandarin, whereas 婀 ē is pronounced [o]. (d) In both ancient and modern Chinese phonological systems, if there is a distinction between the initials [ŋ] and [∅], [ŋ] will not co-occur only with one certain final. As far as the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn is concerned, 蕭豪 xiāo – háo is the only rhyme class in which there is a real distinction between [ŋ] and [∅]. We can assume that this distinction results from the influence of traditional rhyme classification or Zhou Deqing’s own dialect and that the two groups are not conflated because of an incautious oversight. Based on this reasoning, the initial [ŋ] should not exist in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn. §4.5 The system of finals of Northern operas can be derived from a comparison between the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn’s nineteen rhyme classes and modern dialects. The following are the names of the rhyme classes and the finals they represent. In each rhyme class, no transcription will be given if the final of a character is the same as that of the character in Modern Standard Mandarin; if it is different, an explanation as to what difference there is will be provided. Only one example will be discussed no matter how many characters there are in the homophone group. Characters in square brackets are originally in the rù tone but have merged into the píng, shǎng or qù tone. (1) 東鍾 dōng – zhōng: [uŋ, iuŋ] [uŋ]: 崩 bēng, 唪 fěng, 迸 bèng ([p-]); 烹 pēng, 蓬 péng, 棒 bàng ([p‘-]); 蒙 méng, 猛 měng, 夢 mèng ([m-]); 風 fēng, 馮 féng, 諷 fěng ([f-]). Standard Mandarin final [-uŋ] does not co-occur with labial initials, and the final of characters such as 崩 bēng, 烹 pēng, 蒙 méng and 風 fēng has changed into [-əŋ]. In the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, these characters are listed in the rhyme class 東鍾 dōng – zhōng rather than 庚青 gēng – qīng, demonstrating an apparent difference from their modern pronunciation. [iuŋ]: 濃 nóng ([n-]); 龍 lóng, 隴 lǒng ([l-]); 踨 zōng, 縱 zòng ([ts-]); 從 cóng ([ts‘-]); 松 sōng, 聳 sǒng, 頌 sòng ([s-]). In Modern Standard Mandarin, there is no difference in pronunciation between (1) 濃 nóng, 龍 lóng, 踨 zōng, 從 cóng and 松 sōng and (2) 膿 nóng, 籠 lóng, 宗 zōng, 叢 cóng and 鬆 sōng; however, the two groups are separated in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn. In many modern Mandarin dialects, the former group has a ‘narrow’ final and the latter group a ‘broad’ one.

Early Mandarin 63 (2) 江陽 jiāng – yáng: [aŋ, iaŋ, uaŋ] [aŋ]: 忘 wàng, 罔 wǎng, 望 wàng ([v-]). These characters have the final [uaŋ] in Standard Mandarin and no initial. As stated in the previous section, in  the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn these characters have the initial [v], hence their final is [aŋ]. [iaŋ]: 章 zhāng, 長 zhǎng, 丈 zhàng ([tʃ-]); 昌 chāng, 長 cháng, 敞 chǎng, 唱 chàng ([tʃ‘-]); 商 shāng, 賞 shǎng, 上 shàng ([ʃ-]); 穰 ráng, 壤 rǎng, 讓 ràng ([ʒ-]). The final of these characters must be reconstructed as [iaŋ] if the characters 莊 zhuāng, 牕 chuāng, 雙 shuāng, etc. have the final [aŋ]. Or it can be reconstructed as [aŋ] if 莊 zhuāng etc. have the final [uaŋ]. From a historical perspective, it is better to assume the existence of the medial [i]. [uaŋ]: 莊 zhuāng, 壯 zhuàng ([tʃ-]); 牕 chuāng, 床 chuáng, 創 chuàng ([tʃ‘-]); 雙 shuāng, 爽 shuǎng ([ʃ-]). The final of these characters can be thus reconstructed according to Standard Mandarin. It may also be reconstructed as [aŋ] according to many other dialects. (3) 支思 zhī – sī: [ï] The final of [塞 sè] and [澀 sè] in Standard Mandarin is [ɤ]; in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn they are placed in this rhyme class as ‘rù as shǎng’. 兒 ér, 爾 ěr, 二 èr ([ʒ-]): In Standard Mandarin, their initial is lost and their final is [ɚ]; in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, their final should be [ï]. (4) 齊微 qí – wēi: [i, iei, uei] [i]: 知 zhī, [直 zhí], [質 zhì], 制 zhì ([tʃ-]); 癡 chī, 池 chí, 恥 chǐ, [尺 chǐ] ([tʃ‘-]); [實 shí], [失 shī], 世 shì ([ʃ-]); [日 rì] ([ʒ-]). In Standard Mandarin, the final of these characters is [ï], whereas in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, they are classified into the 齊微 qí – wēi rather than 支思 zhī – sī rhyme; therefore, the final they have must be different from that in Standard Mandarin. [ei]: The final of 彼 bǐ, [筆 bǐ] ([p-]) in Standard Mandarin is [i]; the final of [墨 mò] ([m-]) in Standard Mandarin is [uo]; the final of [劾 hé] in Standard Mandarin is [ɤ]. These characters take the final [ei] (as in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn) in some modern Mandarin dialects. [uei]: 餒 něi, 內 nèi ([n-]); 雷 léi, 壘 lěi, 淚 lèi ([l-]). These characters do not have the medial [u] in Standard Mandarin, but they do in many Mandarin dialects. (5) 魚模 yú – mú: [u, iu] [u]: The character 做 zuò is pronounced with the final [uo] in Standard Mandarin but still as [u] in some Mandarin dialects. [iu]: (Almost all characters under the [iu] rhyme have the final [y] in Modern Mandarin; if their final was also [y] at the time of Northern operas, they could not have been used to rhyme with characters with the final [u].)

64  Early Mandarin 足 zú, 促 cù, 俗 sú, 粟 sù, etc., under the categories ‘rù as píng’ or ‘rù as shǎng’, have the ‘broad’ final [u] in Standard Mandarin and are put in different homophone groups in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, 卒 zú, 簇 cù, 速 sù, etc., respectively. We can infer from other Mandarin dialects that 足 zú etc. have the ‘narrow’ final [iu]. 諸 zhū, [逐 zhú], 主 zhǔ, [築 zhù], 注 zhù ([tʃ-]); 樞 shū, 除 chú, 杵 chǔ, [出 chū], 處 chù ([tʃ‘-]). These characters are not homophonic with 阻 zǔ, 初 chū, 觸 chù, 梳 shū, 熟 shú, etc. Based on modern dialects, we can conclude that 阻 zǔ etc. have ‘broad’ finals, while 諸 zhū etc. have ‘narrow’ finals. (6) 皆來 jiē – lái: [ai, iai, uai] [ai]: [則 zé], [責 zé], [策 cè], [色 sè], [革 gé], [客 kè], all grouped in ‘rù as shǎng’, have the final [ɤ] in Standard Mandarin. The same final as in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn is retained in many Mandarin dialects. [iai]: 皆 jiē, 解 jiě, 戒 jiè ([k-]); 揩 kāi, 楷 kǎi ([k‘-]); 鞋 xié, 蟹 xiè, 懈 xiè ([x]); 挨 āi, 捱 ái, 矮 ǎi, 隘 ài ([∅-]). The characters with the initials [k] and [x] have the final [ie] in Standard Mandarin; those with [k‘] and [∅] have the final [ai]. In the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, since they are not homophonic with 哀 āi, 開 kāi, etc., 挨 āi, 揩 kāi, etc. cannot have the final [ai]. Since 皆 jiē, 鞋 xié, etc. are in this rhyme class, their main vowel cannot be [e]. [uai]: 劃 huá, grouped in ‘rù as píng’, has the final [ua] in Standard Mandarin. (7) 真文 zhēn – wén: [ən, iən, uən, yən] [ən]: 文 wén, 吻 wěn, 問 wèn ([v-]). In Standard Mandarin, they have zero initial and their final is [uən]. 吞 tūn ([t‘-]). In the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, this character is not homophonic with 暾 tūn; in Standard Mandarin, they are pronounced the same, both having a ‘closedmouth’ final. 莘 xīn/shēn ([s-]). In Standard Mandarin, it is homophonic with 新 xīn, whereas in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, it is not. [iən]: 真 zhēn, 軫 zhěn, 震 zhèn ([tʃ-]); 嗔 chēn, 陳 chén ([tʃ‘-]); 申 shēn, 神 shén, 哂 shěn, 腎 shèn ([ʃ-]); 人 rén, 忍 rěn, 刃 rèn ([ʒ-]). In the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, 真 zhēn, 嗔 chēn, 申 shēn and 人 rén are not in homophonic groups with 榛 zhēn, 襯 chèn, 莘 shēn, etc. Based on evidence from modern dialects, we can infer that characters of the former group have ‘narrow’ finals. [uən]: (Characters in this subclass generally have the final [uən] in Standard Mandarin, too.) [yən] (equivalent to Standard Mandarin [yn]): 倫 lún, 遵 zūn, 逡 qūn and 筍 sǔn are not homophonic with 崘 lún, 尊 zūn, 村 cūn and 損 sǔn. Judging from certain modern dialects, the former group has the ‘narrow’ final [yən], and the latter group has a ‘broad’ final. 諄 zhūn, 準 zhǔn ([tʃ-]); 春 chūn, 唇 chún, 蠢 chǔn ([tʃ‘-]); 瞬 shùn, 舜 shùn ([ʃ-]); 閏 rùn ([ʒ-]) – it is also possible that these characters in this subclass have the final [uən].

Early Mandarin 65 (8) 寒山 hán – shān: [an, ian, uan] [an]: 晚 wǎn, 萬 wàn ([v-]). In Standard Mandarin they have no initial; their final is [uan]. [ian] (only a small number of characters with the final [ian] in Standard Mandarin belong here): 姦 jiān, 簡 jiǎn, 間 jiàn ([k-]); 慳 qiān ([k‘-]); 閑 xián, 限 xiàn ([x-]); 顏 yán, 眼 yǎn, 晏 yàn ([∅-]). In many modern dialects, these characters do not have the medial [i]; in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, however, they are not homophonic with 干 gān, 刊 kān, 寒 hán, 安 ān, etc. [uan] (only part of the characters with the final [uan] in Standard Mandarin belong here): 跧 quán, 譔 zhuàn ([tʃ-]); 篡 cuàn ([tʃ‘-]); 拴 shuān, 𤅲 shuàn ([ʃ-]); 關 guān, 慣 guàn ([k-]); 還 huán, 患 huàn ([x-]); 彎 wān, 頑 wán, 綰 wǎn, 腕 wàn ([∅-]). (9) 桓歡 huán – huān: [on] 搬 bān, 半 bàn ([p-]); 潘 pān, 盤 pán, 判 pàn ([p‘-]); 瞞 mán, 滿 mǎn, 鏝 màn ([m-]). In Standard Mandarin, their final is [an]. 端 tuān, 短 duǎn, 斷 duàn ([t-]); 湍 tuān, 團 tuán, 疃 tuǎn, 彖 tuàn ([t‘-]); 暖 nuǎn, 愞 nuò ([n-]); 鸞 luán, 卵 luǎn, 亂 luàn ([l-]); 鑽 zuān, 纂 zuǎn ([ts-]); 攛 cuān, 攢 cuán, 竄 cuàn ([ts‘-]); 酸 suān, 算 suàn ([s-]); 官 guān, 館 guǎn, 貫 guàn ([k-]); 寬 kuān, 款 kuǎn ([k‘-]); 歡 huān, 桓 huán, 澣 huàn, 喚 huàn ([x-]); 剜 wān, 丸 wán, 椀 wǎn, 玩 wán ([∅-]). In Standard Mandarin, their final is [uan]. Since these characters are in a separate rhyme class from 寒山 hán – shān, their main vowel cannot be [a]. (10) 先天 xiān – tiān: [ien, yen] [ien] (characters with the final [ian] in Standard Mandarin, apart from a small number in the 寒山 hán – shān rhyme class, mostly belong here): 鸇 zhān, 展 zhǎn, 戰 zhàn ([tʃ-]); 廛 chán ([tʃ‘-]); 羶 shān, 闡 chǎn,2 扇 shàn ([ʃ-]); 然 rán ([ʒ-]). In Standard Mandarin, their final is [an]; in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, they are not in the 寒山 hán – shān rhyme class. [yen]: 攣 luán, 臠 luán, 戀 liàn ([l-]). In Standard Mandarin, their final is [uan] or [yan]; in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, they are not in the 寒山 hán – shān rhyme class. 專 zhuān, 轉 zhuǎn, 傳 zhuàn ([tʃ-]); 川 chuān, 船 chuán, 舛 chuǎn, 串 chuàn ([tʃ‘-]); 軟 ruǎn ([ʒ-]). In Standard Mandarin, their final is [uan]; in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, they are not in the 寒山 hán – shān rhyme class. (11) 蕭豪 xiāo – háo: [ɑu, au, iau, (uau)] [ɑu]: Some characters under the categories ‘rù as píng’ or ‘rù as shǎng’ have the final [uo] in Standard Mandarin, e.g. 末 mò, 縛 fù, 鐸 duó, 託 tuō, 作 zuò, 錯 cuò and 索 suǒ.

66  Early Mandarin 閣 gé, 鶴 hè, 壑 hè, 萼 è, etc. have the final [ɤ] in Standard Mandarin, but in some modern dialects they have the final [au]. [au]: 包 bāo, 飽 bǎo, [剝 bāo], 豹 bào ([p-]); 交 jiāo, 狡 jiǎo, [角 jiǎo], 教 jiào ([k-]); 敲 qiāo, 巧 qiǎo ([k‘-]); 哮 xiào, 爻 yáo, [學 xué], 孝 xiào ([x-]); 坳 ào, 齩 yǎo, [岳 yuè] ([∅-]). 包 bāo, 交 jiāo, 敲 qiāo, 哮 xiào and 坳 ào are not pronounced the same as 褒 bāo, 高 gāo, 考 kǎo, 蒿 hāo and 爊 āo nor as 標 biāo, 嬌 jiāo, 趫 qiáo, 囂 xiāo and 邀 yāo, which is not reflected in modern Standard Mandarin. However, dialects of Guangzhou, Fuzhou and Xiamen all have this tripartite distinction as in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn.

Guangzhou Fuzhou Xiamen

褒 bāo 高 gāo

包 bāo 交 jiāo

標 biāo 嬌 jiāo

[ou] [o] [o]

[au] [au] [au]

[iu] [ieu] [iau]

Since these characters can rhyme with one another in Northern operas, they can be assumed to have the finals [ɑu], [au] and [iau], respectively. [iau]: 昭 zhāo, 著 zháo, 沼 zhǎo, [斫 zhuó], 趙 zhào ([tʃ-]); 超 chāo, 潮 cháo, [綽 chuò] ([tʃ‘-]); 燒 shāo, [芍 sháo], 少 shǎo, [爍 shuò], 少 shào ([ʃ-]); 饒 ráo, 繞 rào, [弱 ruò] ([ʒ-]). These characters are not homophonic with 爪 zhǎo, 抄 chāo and 梢 shāo. Based on evidence from modern dialects, we know that 爪 zhǎo etc. do not have the medial [i]. Many characters under the categories ‘rù as píng’, ‘rù as shǎng’ and ‘rù as qù’ also appear in the 歌戈 gē – gē rhyme class. 郭 guō, 廓 kuò and 鑊 huò in the present rhyme class should be [kuau], [k‘uau] and [xuau], respectively (in 歌戈 gē – gē, they are [kuo], [k‘uo] and [xuo], which is not problematic), but a final such as [uau] appears to be too peculiar. (12) 歌戈 gē – gē: [o, io, uo] [o]: [薄 bó] ([p-]); [莫 mò]3 ([m-]); [縛 fù] ([f-]); [鐸 duó] ([t-]); [諾 nuò] ([n-]); [落 luò] ([l-]); [鑿 záo] ([ts-]). These characters under the categories ‘rù as píng’ and ‘rù as qù’ have the finals [uo] or [au] in Standard Mandarin. In the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, many of them also appear in the 蕭豪 xiāo – háo rhyme class. 歌 gē, 舸 gě, [葛 gě], 箇 gè ([k-]); 軻 kē, 可 kě, [渴 kě], 嗑 kè ([k‘-]); 呵 hē, 何 hé, [合 hé], 㰤 hē, 賀 hè ([x-]); 阿 ē, 娥 é, 妸 ē, 餓 è, [惡 è] ([∅-]). These characters have the final [ɤ] in Standard Mandarin. [io]: [虐 nüè] ([n-]); [略 lüè] ([l-]); [著 zháo] ([tʃ-]); [杓 sháo] ([ʃ-]); [若 ruò] ([ʒ-]); [學 xué] ([x-]); [岳 yuè] ([∅-]). These characters have the final [iau]4 in

Early Mandarin 67 Standard Mandarin; in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, many of them also appear in the 蕭 豪 xiāo – háo rhyme class. [uo]: 課 kè, 禾 hé, 訛 é, 我 wǒ, etc. have the final [ɤ] in Standard Mandarin. In many dialects they have a ‘closed-mouth’ final. (13) 家麻 jiā – má: [a, (ia), ua] [a]: [襪 wà] ([v-]). In Standard Mandarin this character has zero initial and ‘closed-mouth’ final. 家 jiā, 賈 jiǎ, [甲 jiǎ], 駕 jià ([k-]); [洽 qià] ([k‘-]); 蝦 xiā, 霞 xiá, [狎 xiá], [瞎 xiā], 下 xià ([x-]); 鴉 yā, 牙 yá, 雅 yǎ, 亞 yà, [壓 yā] ([∅-]). Presumably, they have the final [ia] as they do in Standard Mandarin. In many modern dialects, however, they do not have the medial [i]. [ua]: (All characters in this subclass have the same final as in Standard Mandarin.) (14) 車遮 chē – zhē: [ie, ye] [ie]: 遮 zhē, 者 zhě, [哲 zhé], 柘 zhè ([tʃ-]); 車 chē, 撦 chě, [轍 zhé], 𠍽 shà ([tʃ‘-]); 奢 shē, 蛇 shé, [折 shé], 捨 shě, [設 shè], 舍 shè ([ʃ-]); 惹 rě, [熱 rè] ([ʒ-]). In Standard Mandarin, they all have the final [ɤ];5 in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, they fall in the same rhyme class as [別 bié], 爹 diē, 姐 jiě, 謝 xiè, etc., so naturally they should take the final [ie] as in some modern dialects. [ye]: [拙 zhuō] ([tʃ-]); [啜 chuò] ([tʃ‘-]); [説 shuō] ([ʃ-]); [爇 ruò] ([ʒ-]). In Standard Mandarin, they all have the final [uo]. In the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, these characters are placed in the present rhyme class, so they should take the final [ye] as do the characters [絕 jué], 靴 xuē, etc. (15) 庚青 gēng – qīng: [əŋ, iəŋ, uəŋ, yəŋ] [əŋ] (Standard Mandarin has a comparable final [əŋ]): 崩 bēng, 迸 bèng ([p-]); 烹 pēng, 鵬 péng ([p‘-]); 甍 méng, 艋 měng, 孟 mèng ([m-]). Most of these characters with labial initials also appear in the 東鍾 dōng – zhōng rhyme class, probably because they have different finals in dialects of various Northern opera writers. [iəŋ] (Standard Mandarin has a comparable final [iŋ]): 征 zhēng, 整 zhěng, 正 zhèng ([tʃ]); 稱 chēng, 澄 chéng, 騁 chěng, 稱 chèng ([tʃ‘-]); 聲 shēng, 繩 shéng, 聖 shèng ([ʃ-]); 仍 réng ([ʒ-]). In Standard Mandarin, they have the final [əŋ]. In this rhyme class, there are separate homophonic groups comprising characters, such as 等 děng, 橙 chéng, 生 shēng, etc., which also have the final [əŋ] in Standard Mandarin. Based on evidence from other dialects, characters 征 zhēng etc. should have a ‘narrow’ final, whereas 等 děng etc. have a ‘broad’ final. [uəŋ] (there is no such final in Standard Mandarin): 觥 gōng, 礦 kuàng ([k-]); 轟 hōng, 橫 héng, 橫 hèng ([x-]); 泓 hóng, 甖 yīng ([∅-]). These characters have the final [uŋ]6 in Standard Mandarin. In the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, many of them also

68  Early Mandarin appear in the 東鍾 dōng – zhōng rhyme class, probably because of variations in dialects of various Northern opera writers. [yəŋ] (there is no such final in Standard Mandarin): 坰 jiōng, 冋 jiǒng ([k-]; 瓊 qióng, 頃 qǐng ([k‘-]); 兄 xiōng, 熒 yíng, 迥 jiǒng ([x-]); 榮 róng, 永 yǒng, 詠 yǒng ([∅-]). In Standard Mandarin, they have the final [uŋ] (except for 頃 qǐng and 熒 yíng which have the final [iŋ]). Some of the characters are also found in the 東鍾 dōng – zhōng rhyme class. (16) 尤侯 yóu – hóu: [ou, iou] [ou] (Standard Mandarin characters that have the final [ou] are largely the same as those in this subclass): 貿 mào ([m-]) is an exception; it has the final [au] in Standard Mandarin. [宿 sù]. It has the final [-u] in Standard Mandarin. [iou]: 周 zhōu, [軸 zhóu], 肘 zhǒu, [竹 zhú], 晝 zhòu ([tʃ-]); 抽 chōu, 紬 chóu, 丑 chǒu, 臭 chòu ([tʃ‘-]); 收 shōu, [熟 shú], 首 shǒu, 受 shòu ([ʃ-]); 柔 róu, 揉 róu, [肉 ròu] ([ʒ-]). In Standard Mandarin, these characters have the final [ou].7 In separate homophonic groups of this rhyme class, there are also characters 皺 zhòu, 愁 chóu, 瘦 shòu, etc., which also have the final [ou] in Standard Mandarin. Based on evidence from other dialects, 周 zhōu etc. should have a ‘narrow’ final, whereas 皺 zhòu etc. have a ‘broad’ final. (17) 侵尋 qīn – xún: [əm, iəm] (There is no [m] coda in Standard Mandarin; characters of this rhyme class are not distinguished from those of the 真文 zhēn – wén rhyme class.) [əm]: 怎 zěn ([ts-]); 簪 zān ([tʃ-]); 岑 cén, 墋 chěn, 讖 chèn ([tʃ‘-]); 森 sēn, 滲 shèn ([ʃ-]). In Standard Mandarin, they have the final [ən]. [iəm]: 恁 nèn, 賃 lìn ([n-]); 林 lín, 廩 lǐn, 淋 lìn ([l-]); 駸 qīn, 浸 jìn ([ts-]); 侵 qīn, 寢 qǐn, 沁 qìn ([ts‘-]); 心 xīn, 尋 xún/xín ([s-]); 金 jīn, 錦 jǐn, 禁 jìn ([k-]); 欽 qīn, 琴 qín ([k‘-]); 歆 xīn ([x-]); 音 yīn, 吟 yín, 飲 yǐn, 蔭 yìn ([∅-]). In Standard Mandarin, they have the final [in]. 針 zhēn, 枕 zhěn, 朕 zhèn ([tʃ-]); 琛 chēn,8 沉 chén ([tʃ‘-]); 深 shēn, 沈 shěn, 甚 shèn ([ʃ-]); 任 rén, 稔 rěn, 任 rèn ([ʒ-]). They are not in the same homophonic groups as 簪 zān, 岑 cén, 森 sēn, etc. Based on evidence from some modern dialects, 針 zhēn etc. should have ‘narrow’ finals. (18) 監咸 jiān – xián: [am, iam] (There is no [m] coda in Standard Mandarin; characters of this rhyme class are not distinguished from those of the 寒山 hán – shān rhyme class.) [am]: 擔 dān, 膽 dǎn, 淡 dàn ([t-]); 貪 tān, 覃 tán, 毯 tǎn, 探 tàn ([t‘-]); 南 nán, 腩 nǎn ([n-]); 婪 lán, 覽 lǎn, 濫 làn ([l-]); 簪 zān, 喒 zán, 昝 zǎn, 暫 zàn ([ts-]); 參 cān, 蠶 cán, 慘 cǎn ([ts‘-]); 三 sān ([s-]); 詀 zhān, 斬 zhǎn, 蘸 zhàn ([tʃ-]); 攙 chān, 讒 chán, 懺 chàn ([tʃ‘-]); 衫 shān, 訕 shàn ([ʃ-]); 甘 gān, 感 gǎn, 淦 gàn ([k-]); 憨

Early Mandarin 69 hān, 含 hán, 憾 hàn ([x-]); 庵 ān, 黯 àn, 暗 àn ([∅-]). In Standard Mandarin, they have the final [an]. [iam]: 監 jiān, 減 jiǎn, 鑑 jiàn ([k-]); 鵮 qiān, 嵌 qiàn, 坎 kǎn, 瞰 kàn ([k‘-]); 咸 xián, 喊 hǎn, 陷 xiàn ([x-]); 渰 yān, 岩 yán, 俺 ǎn ([∅-]). In Standard Mandarin, they have the final [ian].9 (19) 廉纖 lián – xiān: [iem] (There is no [m] coda in Standard Mandarin; characters of this rhyme class are not distinguished from those of the 先天 xiān – tiān rhyme class.) 掂 diān, 點 diǎn, 店 diàn ([t-]); 添 tiān, 甜 tián, 忝 tiǎn ([t‘-]); 鮎 nián, 念 niàn ([n-]); 廉 lián, 歛 liǎn ([l-]); 尖 jiān, 漸 jiàn ([ts-]); 僉 qiān, 潛 qián, 塹 qiàn ([ts‘-]); 纖 xiān, 燖 xún ([s-]); 兼 jiān, 檢 jiǎn, 劒 jiàn ([k-]); 謙 qiān, 鈐 qián, 欠 qiàn ([k‘-]); 杴 xiān, 嫌 xián, 險 xiǎn ([x-]); 淹 yān, 嚴 yán, 掩 yǎn, 豔 yàn ([∅-]). In Standard Mandarin, they have the final [ian]. 瞻 zhān, 颭 zhǎn, 占 zhàn ([tʃ-]); 襜 chān, 蟾 chán, 諂 chǎn, 韂 chàn ([tʃ‘-]); 苫 shān, 閃 shǎn, 贍 shàn ([ʃ-]);10 髯 rán, 染 rǎn ([ʒ-]). In Standard Mandarin, they have the final [an]. Since they are not in the same homophonic groups with 斬 zhǎn, 讒 chán, 衫 shān, etc. in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, they unquestionably take ‘narrow’ finals as they do in some modern dialects. §4.6 The Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn was compiled during the Taiding Reign period (1324–1328). During the Zhizheng Reign (1341–1368), Zhuo Congzhi (卓從之) compiled the《中州樂府音韻類編》Zhōngzhōu Yuèfǔ Yīnyùn Lèibiān ‘Central Region Folk Song Rhyme Classes’ (shortened as《中州音韻》Zhōngzhōu Yīnyùn or《中州韻》Zhōngzhōu Yùn ‘Central Region Rhymes’), whose styles and contents are largely comparable to those of the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn. The only distinction is that the píng tone is subclassified into yīn, yáng and yīnyáng. Take the píng tone in the 江陽 jiāng – yáng rhyme class for example (only one character from each homophonic group is provided): yīn tone: 姜 jiāng, 邦 bāng, 雙 shuāng, 章 zhāng, 商 shāng, 漿 jiāng, 莊 zhuāng, 岡 gāng, 桑 sāng, 康 kāng, 光 guāng, 當 dāng yáng tone: 忙 máng, 良 liáng, 穰 ráng, 忘 wàng, 娘 niáng, 郎 láng, 航 háng, 囊 náng, 昂 áng yīnyáng tone: 牕 chuāng, 牀 chuáng; 香 xiāng, 降 xiáng; 鎊 bàng, 傍 bàng; 腔 qiāng, 強 qiáng; 鴦 yāng, 陽 yáng; 方 fāng, 防 fáng; 昌 chāng, 長 cháng; 湯 tāng, 塘 táng; 湘 xiāng, 詳 xiáng; 槍 qiāng, 牆 qiáng; 匡 kuāng, 狂 kuáng; 倉 cāng, 藏 cáng; 荒 huāng, 黃 huáng All characters in the yīn subclass take the yīnpíng tone, while all characters in the yáng subclass take the yángpíng tone. The characters in the yīnyáng subclass are arranged in pairs. Each pair has the same initial; the first member takes the yīnpíng tone, and the second member takes the yángpíng tone. Therefore, as far as actual pronunciation is concerned, the píng tone is dichotomised into yīn and yáng. The guide notes of the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn Zhou Deqing state,

70  Early Mandarin The genuine edition of the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn subclassifies the píng tone into yīn and yáng . . . After the first year of the Taiding Reign,11 tens of copies were made and distributed, in which the píng tone was subclassified into yīn, yáng and yīnyáng. Admittedly, any character in the píng tone belongs either to yīn or to yáng. How can any character belong to yīn and yáng simultaneously? This must have been caused by miscopy. Now that the definitive edition has been printed and published, those who obtain other copies please do not ridicule the inconsistency. Thus, it is clear that there has been this tripartite distinction of the píng tone into yīn, yáng and yīnyáng in earlier versions of the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn. Zhou deemed it inappropriate, and the finalised edition did not have the subclass of yīnyáng. It is Zhou Deqing’s unfinalised manuscript that Zhou Congzhi’s work was based on. §4.7 The《洪武正韻》Hóngwǔ Zhèngyùn ‘Correct Rhymes of the Hongwu Reign’, officially compiled during the early Ming Dynasty (1368–1644), was heavily influence by the so-called ‘Central Plain elegant pronunciation’. However, since most of the compilers were from South China and their compilation was largely based on traditional rhyme dictionaries, the Hóngwǔ Zhèngyùn turns out to be considerably different from the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn. The major differences are as follows: (1) The tones are píng, shǎng, qù and rù; the píng tone is not further divided into yīn and yáng. (2) Characters in the rù tone are independently categorised into ten rhyme classes that match respective yángshēng rhymes. Obviously, there is a distinction of syllable codas of [p], [t] and [k]. (3) Recent studies show that there are altogether thirty-one initial classes in the Hongwǔ Zhèngyùn. The most outstanding difference from the initial system of the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn is the inclusion of voiced plosives, voiced affricates and voiced fricatives, like those of Modern Wu. The sixty-six rhyme classes in the píng, shǎng and qù tones in the Hóngwǔ Zhèngyùn have the following correspondences with those of the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn. 東董送 dōng – dǒng – sòng 支紙寘 zhī – zhǐ – zhì 齊薺霽 qí – jì – jì 魚語御 yú – yǔ – yù 模姥暮 mú – mǔ – mù 皆解泰 jiē – jiě – tài 灰賄隊 huī – huì – duì 真軫震 zhēn – zhěn – zhèn 寒旱翰 hán – hàn – hàn

東鍾 dōng – zhōng (without 轟 hōng, 弘 hóng, etc.) part of ‘open-mouth’ rhymes in 支思 zhī – sī and 齊微 qí – wēi part of ‘open-mouth’ rhymes in 齊微 qí – wēi ‘narrow’ rhymes in 魚模 yú – mú (It is likely that the [iu] final in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn is pronounced [y] in the Hóngwǔ Zhèngyùn.) ‘broad’ rhymes in 魚模 yú – mú 皆來 jiē – lái ‘closed-mouth’ rhymes in 齊微 qí – wēi 真文 zhēn – wén 干 gān, 看 kàn, 寒 hán, 安 ān, etc. in 桓歡 huán – huān and寒山 hán – shān (It is likely that 干 gān etc. have the final [on] and characters in the 桓歡 huán – huān rhyme class have the final [uon], as in some Mandarin dialects.)

Early Mandarin 71 刪產諫 shān – chǎn – jiàn 先銑霰 xiān – xiǎn – xiàn 蕭筱嘯 xiāo – xiǎo – xiào 爻巧效 yáo – qiǎo – xiào 歌哿箇 gē – gě – gè 麻馬禡 má – mǎ – mà 遮者蔗 zhē – zhě – zhè 陽養漾 yáng – yǎng – yàng 庚梗敬 gēng – gěng – jìng 尤有宥 yóu – yǒu – yòu 侵寢沁 qīn – qǐn – qìn 覃感勘 tán – gǎn – kān 鹽琰豔 yán – yǎn – yàn

寒山 hán – shān (excluding 干 gān etc.) 先天 xiān – tiān ‘narrow’ rhymes in 蕭豪 xiāo – háo (The final [iau] in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn is probably pronounced [ieu] in the Hóngwǔ Zhèngyùn.) ‘broad’ rhymes in 蕭豪 xiāo – háo 歌戈 gē – gē 家麻 jiā – má 車遮 chē – zhē 江陽 jiāng – yáng 庚青 gēng – qīng 尤侯 yóu – hóu 侵尋 qīn – xún 監咸 jiān – xián 廉纖 lián – xiān

Within the rhyme classes, the Hóngwǔ Zhèngyùn bears notable differences from the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn in the grouping of homophonic characters. The most striking difference is the former’s distinction between 覃 tán, 耽 dān, 婪 lán, 毿 sān, 含 hán, etc. and 談 tán, 擔 dān, 藍 lán, 三 sān, 酣 hān, etc. Based on evidence from Modern Wu, it can be inferred that the former group has the final [ɑm], the latter group [am]. Unquestionably, the pronunciations of characters in the rù tone are radically different from those recorded in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn. The rhyme class 屋 wū corresponds to 東 dōng; hence, its final should be [uk, iuk]. The rhyme class 質 zhì corresponds to 真 zhēn; hence, its final should be [ət, iət, uət, yət]. The rhyme class 曷 hé corresponds to 寒 hán; hence, its final should be [ot, uot]. The rhyme class 轄 xiá corresponds to 刪 shān; hence, its final should be [at, iat, uat]. The rhyme class 屑 xiè corresponds to 先 xiān; hence, its final should be [iet, yet]. The rhyme class 藥 yào corresponds to 陽 yáng; hence, its final should be [ak, iak, uak, yak]. The rhyme class 陌 mò corresponds to 庚 gēng; hence, its final should be [ək, iək, uək, yək]. The rhyme class 緝 jī corresponds to 侵 qīn; hence, its final should be [əp, iəp]. The rhyme class 合 hé corresponds to 覃 tán; hence, its final should be [ap, iap]. The rhyme class 葉 yè corresponds to 鹽 yán; hence, its final should be [iep]. If the Hóngwǔ Zhèngyùn was not purposefully accommodated to old rhyme dictionaries, its rhyme classes and homophonic groups presumably reflect the pronunciation of Southern Mandarin at the time of compilation. It is unknown, however, if there is further distinction within the píng, shǎng, qù and rù tones on account of the voicing of initials.

72  Early Mandarin §4.8 The popularisation of Southern operas prompted compilation of rhyme dictionaries; for lack of originality, however, the compilers based their works on those of Zhou Deqing and Zhuo Congzhi and revised with reference to the Hóngwǔ Zhèngyùn. At first, Zhu Quan (朱權), son of Hongwu Emperor (r. 1368–1398), compiled the《瓊林雅韻》Qiónglín Yǎyùn ‘Collected Elegant Rhymes’. During the Chenghua Reign (1465–1487), Chen Duo (陳鐸) compiled the《菉斐軒詞林 要韻》Lùfěi Xuān Cílín Yàoyùn ‘Main Verse Rhymes of the Elegant Bamboo House’. During the Zhengde Reign (1506–1521), Wang Wenbi (王文璧) compiled《中州音韻》Zhōngzhōu Yīnyùn ‘Rhymes of the Central Region’. Their classification of rhymes was exactly like that of Zhou and Zhuo; apart from the addition of characters, annotations and fǎnqiè patterns, the only difference is the removal of the yīn/yáng distinction in the píng tone. Nevertheless, the distinction was restored in Wang Wenbi’s rhyme dictionary after being revised and enlarged by someone surnamed Bu (卜) from Zuili (㰎李). By and large, they did not go beyond the frameworks established by the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn and the Hóngwǔ Zhèngyùn. Toward the end of the Ming Dynasty, Fan Shanzhen (范善臻) compiled《中 州全韻》Zhōngzhōu Quányùn ‘Complete Rhymes of the Central Region’. During the Qianlong Reign (1736–1795) of the Qing Dynasty (1616–1911), Wang Jun (王鵕) compiled《中州音韻輯要》Zhōngzhōu Yīnyùn Jíyào ‘Collection of Major Rhymes of the Central Region’, in which yīn and yáng are distinguished not only in the píng tone but also in the qù tone. A  little later than Wang Jun, Shen Chenglin (沈乘麐) compiled《曲韻驪珠》Qǔyùn Lízhū ‘Precious Pearls of Opera Rhymes’; it separates the rù tone into eight rhyme classes, a classification different from the Hóngwǔ Zhèngyùn. Zhou Ang (周昻) compiled《增訂中州全 韻》Zēngdìng Zhōngzhōu Quányùn ‘Enlarged and Revised Complete Rhymes of the Central Region’, in which yīn and yáng are further distinguished for the shǎng tone. These works gradually broke out of the confines of the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn and the Hóngwǔ Zhèngyùn systems; however, what they recorded was the phonological systems of the Wu area in the Ming and Qing dynasties, as their compilers were all from the southern part of Jiangsu. Ever since Wang Jun, rhymes have been categorised into more classes than the nineteen classes in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, although not out of the scope of the Hóngwǔ Zhèngyùn. It is worth mentioning that Zhou Ang’s work has a new rhyme class 知如 zhī – rú, which contains characters 知 zhī, 癡 chī, 池 chí, etc. from 支思 zhī – sī and 諸 zhū, 書 shū, 如 rú, etc. from 魚模 yú – mú. According to our account of the finals in the Suzhou dialect, we know that this newly established rhyme class reflects a phonological fact. §4.9 There are a number of popular rhyme dictionaries after the founding of the Ming Dynasty which are noteworthy in our study of the history of Mandarin. The earliest and most famous one is the《韻略易通》Yùnlüè Yìtōng ‘Easy Concise Rhymes’, shortened as the《韻略》Yùnlüè ‘Concise Rhymes’, compiled by Lan Mao (蘭茂), also known as Lan Tingxiu (蘭廷秀).

Early Mandarin

73

The Yùnlüè contains twenty rhyme classes: 東洪 dōng – hóng 先全 xiān – quán 支辭 zhī – cí 蕭豪 xiāo – háo

江陽 jiāng – yáng 庚晴 gēng – qíng 西微 xī – wēi 戈何 gē – hé

真文 zhēn – wén 侵尋 qīn – xún 居魚 jū – yú 家麻 jiā – má

山寒 shān – hán 緘咸 jiān – xián 呼模 hū – mú 遮蛇 zhē – shé

端桓 duān – huán 廉纖 lián – xiān 皆來 jiē – lái 幽樓 yōu – lóu

Apparently, they follow the conventions established by the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn and the Hóngwǔ Zhèngyùn. According to the guide notes, ‘Each initial is represented by a character in a twentycharacter 早梅 zǎoméi “Early Plum” poem. There is a heading on top; each rhyme is represented by a character in the píng tone, and harmonised in the following way: if you take the píng tone of a character, the shǎng, qù and rù tones will be the same as this’. Thus, it is understood that the Yùnlüè has twenty initials and four tones. However, judging from the difference in rhyme classes from the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, it can be inferred that there are actually five tones, with píng subdivided into yīn and yáng. It is Lan’s original idea to represent the initials with characters forming a poem. The Early Plum poem reads, 東風破早梅，向暖一枝開，冰雪無人見，春從天上來。 dōng fēng pò zǎo méi, xiàng nuǎn yī zhī kāi, bīng xuě wú rén jiàn, chūn cóng tiān shàng lái. ‘The east wind blows early plums open, their blossoms bathed in warm weather; ice and snow are nowhere to be seen, and spring is descending hither’. The twenty characters represent the following initials. [p] (冰 bīng) [t] (東 dōng) [ts] (早 zǎo) [tʃ] (枝 zhī) [k] (見 jiàn) [∅] (一 yī)

[p‘] (破 pò) [t‘] (天 tiān) [ts‘] (從 cóng) [tʃ‘] (春 chūn) [k‘] (開 kāi)

[m] (梅 méi) [n] (暖 nuǎn) [x] (向 xiàng)

[f] (風 fēng) [s] (雪 xuě) [ʃ] (上 shàng)

[v] (無 wú) [l] (來 lái) [ʒ] (人 rén)

The initial system of the Yùnlüè resembles that of the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn. Within the twenty rhyme classes, characters in the rù tone are affiliated to the previous ten yángshēng rhymes, systematically resembling the Hóngwǔ Zhèngyùn. This arouses many suspicions that its rhyme classification does not reflect the phonological reality. Lan Tingxiu was from Southwest China’s Yunnan. The Yùnlüè was produced during the Zhengtong Reign (1436–1449), when Lan was on an expedition at Luchuan, so it was quite popular in the Shandong area.12

74

Early Mandarin

The《雲南叢書》Yúnnán Cóngshū ‘Collected Books of Yunnan’ includes the two volumes of the Yùnlüè Yìtōng, and one with the title《真空本悟禪師集》Zhēnkōng Běnwù Chánshī Jí ‘Collected Works of Master Zhenkong Benwu’. It is an enlarged and revised version of Lan Tingxiu’s Yùnlüè. Its record of ‘repeated rhymes’ shows that Lan’s twenty rhymes have much conflation in Southwest China. §4.10 During the Chongzhen Reign (1628–1644) of the Ming Dynasty, Bi Gongchen (畢拱辰) from Ye County, Shandong, compiled《韻略匯通》Yùnlüè Huìtōng ‘A Comprehensive Sketch of Rhymes’. According to the author’s preface, the rhyme dictionary was compiled on the basis of Lan Tingxiu’s Yùnlüè Yìtōng, with some division, conflation, deletion and addition of rhymes. (1) There are some adjustments of characters between rhyme classes 東洪 dōng – hóng and 庚晴 gēng – qíng (demonstrating conflation between [uəŋ, yəŋ] and [iuŋ, yuŋ]). (2) The rhyme class 端桓 duān – huán is merged into 山寒 shān – hán (demonstrating merging of [on] in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn into [uan]). (3) Most characters in the rhyme class 緘咸 jiān – xián are merged into 山寒 shān – hán; a small number of characters with ‘even-teeth’ finals is merged into 先 全 xiān – quán. (4) The rhyme class 廉纖 lián – xiān is merged into 先全 xiān – quán. (5) The rhyme class 侵尋 qīn – xún is merged into 真文 zhēn – wén and the combined rhyme class is renamed 真侵 zhēn – qīn. ((3)–(5) demonstrating change of the coda from [m] to [n]). (6) Characters in the rhyme class 西微 xī – wēi that have the final [i] are assigned to 居 魚 jū – yú, the rest are renamed 灰微 huī – wēi (demonstrating combination of [i] and [y] into one rhyme class and separation of [ei] as an independent rhyme class). (7) Characters in the rù tone are affiliated to yángshēng rhymes but systematically differ from Lan’s model (demonstrating the disappearance of the distinction among codas [p], [t] and [k]; the coda would be [ʔ] if anything). (8) The píng tone is divided into ‘upper’ shàngpíng and ‘lower’ xiàpíng, comparable to the distinction between yīn and yáng in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn and between yīnpíng and yángpíng in modern times. In early Qing Dynasty, Fan Tengfeng (樊騰鳳) compiled《五方元音》Wǔfāng Yuányīn ‘Primary Sounds of Five Directions’, a modification of the Yùnlüè Yìtōng, which reduces the number of rhyme classes to twelve: 天 tiān, 人 rén, 龍 lóng, 羊 yáng, 牛 niú, 獒 áo, 虎 hǔ, 駝 tuó, 蛇 shé, 馬 mǎ, 豺 chái, 地 dì Among Lan’s twenty initials, all but 無 wú ([v]) are retained. The tones follow Bi Gongchen’s pattern, but characters in the rù tone appear in both yīnshēng and yángshēng rhymes. Seen from the rhyme dictionaries by Bi and Fan, the phonological system of Mandarin in late Ming and early Qing appears to be almost the same as of Modern Mandarin.

Early Mandarin

75

§4.11 Our probe into the phonological system of Early Mandarin can also be greatly facilitated by the《西儒耳目資》Xīrú Ěrmù Zī ‘Aid to the Eyes and Ears of Western Literati’, written by Jesuit missionary Nicolas Trigault during the Tianqi Reign (1621–1627) of the Ming Dynasty. The Xīrú Ěrmù Zī uses Roman letters to spell out the pronunciation of Chinese characters. More than twenty individual symbols are used by Trigault to compose twenty 字父 zìfù ‘character father’ (i.e. initials) and fifty 字母 zìmǔ ‘character mother’ (i.e. finals). Five diacritics are used to represent five tones: qīng (yīnpíng), zhuó (yángpíng),13 shǎng, qù and rù. Judging from the way of spelling, we know that the phonological system represented in this work generally conforms to that recorded in the Yùnlüè Huìtōng. The author’s preface to the Xīrú Ěrmù Zī has it that before Trigault himself, Matteo Ricci, Lazane Cattaneo and Diego de Pantoja had written their own works on Chinese phonology. Regrettably, we can only see four essays on the representation of Chinese speech sounds by Ricci,14 adding up to some 400 words, collected in the《程氏墨苑》Chéngshì Mòyuàn ‘Cheng’s Ink Garden’. Ricci’s representation is much the same as the Xīrú Ěrmù Zī, with only slight differences. Notes

ranslator’s note: The final [iau] probably represents the pronunciation of the author’s time. Currently the finals of these characters are not thus pronounced in Standard Mandarin, although [iau] can occasionally be heard in colloquial speech. anslator’s note: In current Standard Mandarin, 𠍽 shà has the final [a] and the initial [ʃ], not [ɤ] and [tʃ‘]. anslator’s note: Not so in current Standard Mandarin as shown by the pinyin provided for the characters. anslator’s note: In current Standard Mandarin, 熟 shú has the final [u], although [ou] is also used in colloquial speech. anslator’s note: The original text has the character 深 shēn here, but it does not have the initial [tʃ‘-]. Probably 琛 chēn is mistyped as 深 shēn.

5

Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries

§5.1 We used to say that thanks to fǎnqiè, reasonably accurate representations of the pronunciation of Chinese characters is made possible; also thanks to fǎnqiè, the pronunciation can be represented character by character. Since our study of ancient speech sounds is largely based on written materials, rhyme dictionaries using the fǎnqiè system compiled since the Six Dynasties period (220–589) are the earliest and most direct reference. 反切 fǎnqiè, alternatively called in ancient times as 反 fǎn, 翻 fān or 切 qiè, is a method to indicate the pronunciation of a monosyllabic character through using two other characters. However, the natural combination in pronouncing two successive characters as one syllable does not count as fǎnqiè. For example, in pre-Qin classics, 叵 pǒ stands for 不可 bùkě, 耳 ěr for 而已 éryǐ, 諸 zhū for 之乎 zhīhū and 旃 zhān for 之焉 zhīyān; modern Beijing people combine 不用 bùyòng as 甭 béng; Suzhou people say 勿曾 wùcéng with a combined form that sounds like 分 fēn.1 Purposeful employment of two characters to indicate the pronunciation of another character, as far as we know, stemmed from the Eastern Han Dynasty (25–220) and prevailed during and after the Six Dynasties. Back in the Eastern Han, when Buddhism was first introduced to China, Chinese scholars devised the method of analysing the pronunciation of characters drawing on the phonographic writing system of ancient India and gradually replaced the inaccurate and sometimes impossible homophony with the fǎnqiè system. During the Six Dynasties, 音義 yīnyì ‘sound – meaning’ (discrimination of pronunciation and explanation of meaning for ancient classics) was massively popular, and one of its characteristics was using fǎnqiè to represent pronunciation. Some scholars used to say that fǎnqiè originated in Sun Yan’s (孫炎)《爾雅音義》Ěryǎ Yīnyì ‘Sound and Meaning in the Ěryǎ’. Although this was an unfounded claim, we have reason to believe that the Ěryǎ Yīnyì was one of the most respected books that use the fǎnqiè system. Another significant event during the Six Dynasties was the discovery of the four tones. People used to say that the four tones were created by Shen Yue (沈 約), which is a serious error. On the one hand, according to recent research, there were scholars talking about the four tones before Shen Yue. On the other hand, the distinction in tones is inherent in the speech of every Chinese speaker; moreover, DOI: 10.4324/9781003411444-5

Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries 77 the tonal distinction had been formed even before the formation of the Han nationality (see Chapter 13). How could Shen Yue or scholars at his time have created the four tones? Nevertheless, we must admit that it is highly likely that scholars during the Six Dynasties discovered and revealed the existence of four tones in Chinese, although they did not create them. That the four tones were discovered during the Six Dynasties, not at any other time, has its historical background. When Buddhists at that time read Buddhist scriptures, they learned the concept of ‘three sounds’ from the ancient Indian śabdavidyā (sound learning) theory. The śabda (sound) here refers to tone pitch. It is also known that almost all prominent scholars at that time kept close contact with Buddhists, through whom they became aware of tones in their own speech, as might be expected. The following is an excerpt from the chapter ‘Biography of Lu Jue (陸厥)’ in the History of the Southern Dynasties: In the contemporary literature circle, Shen Yue from Wuxing, Xie Tiao (謝脁) from Chen County and Wang Rong (王融) from Langya had similar tastes and interests, and Zhou Yong (周顒) from Runan was especially good at sounds and rhymes. The compositions of Shen Yue and his friends all conformed to musical tones and identified rhyme patterns known as 平頭 píngtóu ‘flat head’, 上尾 shàngwěi ‘high tail’, 蜂腰 fēngyāo ‘bee waist’ and 鶴膝 hèxī ‘crane knee’ based on the distinction of four tones, namely píng, shǎng, qù and rù. The tone pitches have strict, unalterable patterns of variation within and across verse lines. This pattern of composition is known as Yongming Style.2 Thus we know that Shen Yue and his peers were trying to set up composition patterns based on knowledge of the four tones so as to draw admiration from people and create a literary style. Since it had become a prevailing practice to pay attention to rhyme patterns in writing, determination of pronunciation of characters would naturally brook no delay. The fǎnqiè system, vastly popular at this time, served as an effective tool. As a result, rhyme dictionaries which distinguish tones, classify rhymes and indicate pronunciation of each character emerged at this opportune time in China. §5.2 Li Deng’s (李登)《聲類》Shēnglèi ‘Sound Class’ has long been regarded as the earliest ancestor of rhyme dictionaries. It was not handed down so we know virtually nothing about it except that Feng Yan’s (封演)《聞見記》Wénjiàn Jì ‘Records of Hearing and Seeing’ describes it as classifying characters according to nothing but five sounds. Does the ‘five sounds’ refer to the five musical pitches Gong, Shang, Jue, Zhi and Yu? Do they bear any relationship with the four tones píng, shǎng, qù and rù? If they do, what kind of relationship is it? Conjectures of later generations are unavoidably groundless. After Li Deng, rhyme dictionaries emerged one after another. According to recent research of historical records, there were dozens of rhyme dictionaries compiled during the Six Dynasties. The preface to Lu Fayan’s (陸法言)《切韻》

78  Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries Qièyùn ‘Segmented Rhymes’ mentions a few, which are presumably important ones: 《韻集》Yùnjí ‘Collection of Rhymes’, by Lü Jing (呂靜) 《韻略》Yùnlüè ‘Concise Rhymes’, by Xiahou Gai (夏侯該) 《韻略》Yùnlüè ‘Concise Rhymes’, by Yang Xiuzhi (陽休之) 《音韻》Yīnyùn ‘Sound and Rhyme’, by Zhou Siyan (周思言) 《音譜》Yīnpǔ ‘Sound Record’, by Li Jijie (李季節) 《韻略》Yùnlüè ‘Concise Rhymes’, by Du Taiqing (杜臺卿) These books, however, have long been lost, too. Now we can only investigate part of the resemblance and difference among them in their classification of rhymes, based on the manuscript of《刊謬補缺切韻》Kānmiù Bǔquē Qièyùn ‘Corrected and Supplemented Qièyùn’ (see next section) from the Tang Dynasty (618–907). Lu Fayan’s Qièyùn is generally acknowledged as the earliest extant rhyme dictionary. Its preface has the following statement: Earlier at the beginning of the Kaihuang Reign,3 eight people including honorary minister Liu Zhen (劉臻) came to visit me. After a long night’s drinking, we discussed matters of sound and rhyme. Rhymes and tones differ in the current speech, and contemporary scholars had diverse opinions on their classification. To make one’s writing read well, one must understand ‘clear’ and ‘opaque’ sounds and distinguish ‘light’ from ‘heavy’ sounds. Lü Jing’s Yùnjí . . . and Du Taiqing’s Yùnlüè, etc. are not in consensus, and classification of rhymes is inconsistent between east of the Yangtze River and north of the Yellow River. Subsequently we talked about similarities and differences in speech between south and north, past and present. We intended to establish clear and accurate speech sound categories and discard erroneous ones – this is largely attributed to Xiao and Yan’s decisions. Official Historian Wei suggested to me, ‘What was problematic and doubtful all along has been completely resolved; why don’t we note it down? It’s up to us to make the decision’. So I jotted down brief notes by candlelight. They should have represented essential knowledge gained through our extensive discussion and conclusive argument. Since then I had been otherwise engaged in learning and serving as a low-rank official, so I did not manage to revise and compile it for over ten years. Now that I have resigned, I privately teach it to my disciples. Literary elegance depends on a profound understanding of initials and rhymes. My current bucolic life hinders me from meeting people; I have no way to make inquiries when I have any question. . . . Therefore, I consulted what had been written before, including various scholars’ studies of speech sounds and rhyme dictionaries old and new, to finalise my five volumes of the Qièyùn.

Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries 79 From his statement, we can draw the following conclusions: (1) The compilation of the Qièyùn is inherited from previous works. To put it simply, the Qièyùn is a culminant synthesis of rhyme dictionaries of the Six Dynasties. (2) Lu Fayan etc.’s establishment of clear and accurate speech sound categories and discarding of erroneous ones are based on similarities and differences between south and north, past and present. In other words, their classification of rhymes is not grounded solely in one certain contemporary dialect but aims at embracing many speech sound systems of old and new dialects. The eight people’s names, according to the《廣韻》Guǎngyùn ‘Expanded Rhymes’, are Liu Zhen (劉臻), Yan Zhitui (顏之推), Wei Yuan (魏淵), Lu Sidao (盧思道), Li Ruo (李若), Xiao Gai (蕭該), Xin Deyuan (辛德源) and Xue Daoheng (薛道衡). Many people believed that the Qièyùn reflected the speech sounds of the Wu area. As a matter of fact, Lu Fayan was not from the south; the eight scholars at the meeting, except Xiao Gai, were all from the north. §5.3 The Qièyùn was a synthesis of rhyme dictionaries of the Six Dynasties, and for the very reason, it caused the extinction of all those rhyme dictionaries. Since it served as a reference book for general users, there were more and more revisions and additions. Over time, Lu’s original edition was rarely seen. Learners and researchers of the historical phonology of Chinese all commended Lu Fayan’s Qièyùn; nevertheless, what they could see was only Lu’s preface to the Qièyùn as recopied in the Guǎngyùn compiled during the Song Dynasty (960–1279). Not until recent decades could we see five editions of the Qièyùn’s surviving fragments from the Tang Dynasty and one edition from the Five Dynasties period (907–960). Close examination has revealed that they are not the original edition by Lu Fayan. Based on historical records and surviving fragments, we can get a general idea concerning the contents of the Qièyùn: (1) It has five volumes, two for the píng tone and one for the shǎng, qù and rù tones each. (2) The first volume of the píng tone comprises 26 rhymes, and the second volume 28 rhymes; the shǎng volume has 51 rhymes, the qù volume 56 rhymes, and the rù volume 32 rhymes – 193 rhymes in all. (3) The number of characters it includes is around 12,000. The Qièyùn was revised and enlarged in the Tang Dynasty by many scholars, including Guo Zhixuan (郭知玄), Guan Liang (關亮), Xue Xun (薛峋), Wang Renxu (王仁煦), Zhu Shangqiu (祝尚丘), Sun Mian (孫愐), Yan Baowen (嚴寶 文), Pei Wuqi (裴務齊) and Chen Daogu (陳道固), as listed in the preface of the Guǎngyùn. A《切韻》Qièyùn by Li Zhou (李舟) is recorded in the chapter ‘Treatise of Literature’ of the Book of Tang.4 There are many other works related to the

80  Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries Qièyùn recorded in other books. The works we have sufficient knowledge about are only the following: (1) 《刊謬補缺切韻》Kānmiù Bǔquē Qièyùn ‘Corrected and Supplemented Qièyùn’, by Wang Renxu A few years ago this book only existed in two versions of manuscript fragments dating back to the Tang Dynasty – one from Dunhuang, the other from the Palace Museum. Recently, a full manuscript was found in the Palace Museum. Wang Renxu’s introduction to this book says, Lu Fayan’s Qièyùn is valued and canonised in current scholarship, but the book has not enough characters and gives no explanation to them; hence the book Corrected and Supplemented Qièyùn. So we know that the ‘correction and supplementation’ aim at adding characters and explanations. Lu’s original arrangement is not much changed; only one more rhyme class is added to the shǎng and qù tones (see §5.6), making the total number of rhymes 195. This minor adjustment is seen in the fragmented Dunhuang version and the new Palace Museum full version. The fragmented old version from the Palace Museum has considerable difference in the sequence of rhymes, the reason for which is unknown. Both Palace Museum versions show another difference from Lu’s original: the numbering of rhymes in the second volume of the píng tone continues after the first volume instead of beginning anew. (2) 《唐韻》Tángyùn ‘Rhymes of Tang’, by Sun Mian A manuscript fragment from the Tang Dynasty is the only extant version now. The introduction to the Tángyùn has all along been publicly known because it was reprinted by the Guǎngyùn of the Song Dynasty. Based on studies of Bian Lingzhi’s (卞令之)《式古堂書畫彙考》Shìgǔ Táng Shūhuà Huìkǎo ‘Shigu Hall’s Comprehensive Research of Calligraphy and Painting’ and Wei Liaoweng’s (魏了翁) epilogue to the Tángyùn, Wang Guowei (王國維) has elicited the following information about the book. (a) An alternative title of the Tángyùn is《廣切韻》Guǎng Qièyùn ‘Expanded Qièyùn’, shortened as《切韻》Qièyùn or《廣韻》Guǎngyùn. (b) The book has two much distinct versions produced respectively during the Kaiyuan Reign (713–741) and the Tianbao Reign (742–756). The overall structure of the Kaiyuan version is broadly similar to that of the Corrected and Supplemented Qièyùn. The Tianbao version has more delicate rhyme classification – with three more rhymes in the píng tone, four more rhymes in the shǎng and qù tones each, and two more rhymes in the rù tone (see §5.6). (c) The numbering of rhymes in the second volume of the píng tone continues after the first volume.

Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries 81 The《康熙字典》Kāngxī Zìdiǎn ‘Kangxi Dictionary’ has it that the fǎnqiè patterns in the Tángyùn are those used in the Shuōwén annotated by Xu Xuan (徐鉉). It is highly questionable whether Xu Xuan’s fǎnqiè patterns are based on Sun Mian’s Tángyùn. In addition, the《切韻》Qièyùn mentioned in Xu Kai’s (徐鍇)《說文解字 篆韻譜》Shuōwén Jiězì Zhuànyùn Pǔ ‘Rhyme Chart for Seal Script Characters in the Shuōwén Jiězì’ and the《唐切韻》Táng Qièyùn mentioned in Xia Song’s (夏竦)《古文四聲韻》Gǔwén Sìshēng Yùn ‘Rhymes in the Four Tones of Ancient Writing’ are both alternative titles of the Tángyùn. This partly confirms and partly contradicts Wang Guowei’s finding. (3) 《切韻》Qièyùn, by Li Zhou The book is lost. The only thing that can be retrieved from Xu Kai’s Rhyme Chart for Seal Script Characters in the Shuōwén Jiězì is the rhyme classification, which is based on the various versions of the Tángyùn. The sequence of rhymes and their cross-classification with the four tones are followed by later generations. (4) The full version of Corrected and Supplemented Qièyùn, by Wang Renxu, was disclosed by the Palace Museum only in recent years. Prior to this, the earliest full expanded version of the Qièyùn was the《大宋重修廣韻》Dàsòng Chóngxiū Guǎngyùn ‘Expanded Rhymes Recompiled in the Great Song’ that Chen Pengnian (陳彭年), Qiu Yong (邱雍), etc. compiled at imperial command. Therefore, in the studies of ancient phonology, the Guǎngyùn has always had a particularly prominent position. The Guǎngyùn expands the 193 rhymes in Lu’s Qièyùn to 206 rhymes. In spite of an addition of 13 more rhymes, the classification is more of a matter of delicacy than a distinction in the rhyme system (see §5.6). The sequence of rhymes in the Guǎngyùn follows that of Li Zhou’s Qièyùn, which is not the same as in Lu Fayan’s original Qièyùn. The new sequence represents a correction of Lu’s oversight. As for the fǎnqiè system, the cream of rhyme dictionaries, there is not much difference between the Guǎngyùn and other rhyme dictionaries including the Qièyùn fragments and the various compilations of Tang scholars mentioned earlier. We can rest assured that it is not erroneous to view the Guǎngyùn as our main material to study Middle Chinese phonology. The fragments of the Qièyùn and Tang’s rhyme dictionaries, because of their incompleteness, are only used as additional references. The newly disclosed full version of Wang Renxu’s Corrected and Supplemented Qièyùn is much earlier than the Guǎngyùn. It remains to be seen if it would have higher value than the Guǎngyùn. Not long after the production of the Guǎngyùn, the《集韻》Jíyùn ‘Assembled Rhymes’ was compiled by Ding Du (丁度) etc. at imperial command in the Song Dynasty. It includes more characters than the Guǎngyùn, and marks the beginning of change to the style of Qièyùn-based rhyme dictionaries.

82  Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries §5.4 All Qièyùn-based rhyme dictionaries separate their volumes according to the four tones. However, there are altogether five volumes rather than four because there are two volumes for the píng tone. There are two separate volumes for the píng tone, 上平 shàngpíng ‘upper’ píng and 下平 xiàpíng ‘lower’ píng, simply because there are more characters in the píng tone and definitely not because there are two types of píng tone, i.e. yīnpíng and yángpíng, as there are since the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn. Nonetheless, since the yīnpíng and yángpíng tones of modern times are also called 上平 shàngpíng ‘upper’ píng and 下平 xiàpíng ‘lower’ píng tones, many people confuse them with their namesake volumes of the Guǎngyùn. That is a grave mistake. Zhou Deqing, the first scholar to distinguish between yīnpíng and yángpíng, clarified in his introduction to the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn: The ‘upper’ píng (yīnpíng) tone does not refer to the series from 1 東 dōng to 28 山 shān, and the ‘lower’ píng (yángpíng) tone does not refer to the series from 1 先 xiān to 27 咸 xián. Ancient scholars divided the Guǎngyùn into two volumes, i.e. ‘upper’ píng and ‘lower’ píng, to accommodate the multitude of characters in the píng tone, not to identify two types of píng tone. It is scarcely realised that each syllable in the píng tone can be read either in the ‘upper’ píng or the ‘lower’ píng tone, but not all syllables have corresponding characters. Besides, we can find two more pieces of evidence from within the Qièyùn-based rhyme dictionaries that the division of ‘upper’ píng and ‘lower’ píng volumes has nothing to do with tone values. (1) As mentioned in the previous section, in the two Palace Museum versions of Wang Renxu’s Corrected and Supplemented Qièyùn and all versions of Sun Mian’s Tángyùn, the numbering of rhymes in the ‘lower’ píng volume continues after the first volume instead of beginning anew. (2) In all Qièyùn-based rhyme dictionaries, the combined series of rhymes in ‘upper’ píng and ‘lower’ píng volumes correspond exactly to those in volumes for the shǎng, qù and rù tones (see §5.6). In essence, as far as tone value is concerned, the píng tone of Middle Chinese, like shǎng, qù and rù, was only one tone. There was no tone value distinction of píng into yīnpíng and yángpíng, or ‘upper’ píng and ‘lower’ píng. §5.5 Each rhyme in the rhyme dictionaries can be seen as a range of rhyming characters for poetry and prose writing designated by dictionary compilers. For this reason, not all characters within a class have the same final. (As far as rhyming is concerned, [uŋ] and [iuŋ] or [a] and [ia] can be classified in the same rhyme.) The minor differences in rhyme classification from Qièyùn to Guǎngyùn are motivated by a more or less rigorous standard for poetry and prose rhyming scheme, not at all concerned with the system of finals:

Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries 83 (1) Wang Renxu has two more rhymes than Lu Fayan: 广 yǎn in the shǎng tone and 釅 yàn in the qù tone. In fact, it is not that finals represented by 广 yǎn and 釅 yàn do not exist in the Qièyùn, but the characters of these two rhymes in Wang’s dictionary are placed in the 琰 yǎn and 豔 yàn rhymes, respectively. Wang’s dictionary has a systemic distinction between 广 yǎn and 琰 yǎn, and between 釅 yàn and 豔 yàn. (2) After Sun Mian, the 真 zhēn rhyme of the Qièyùn was divided into 真 zhēn and 諄 zhūn, 寒 hán into 寒 hán and 桓 huán, and 歌 gē into 歌 gē and 戈 gē. The difference is that Lu Fayan combines ‘open-mouth’ and ‘closed-mouth’ finals into one rhyme, whereas scholars after Sun Mian classify them separately (see Chapter 6). (3) 湩 dòng and 𪁪 mǎng are shǎng tone characters that correspond to the 冬 dōng rhyme in the píng tone. Since there are only two characters, they are not classified as an independent rhyme but affiliated to the 腫 zhǒng rhyme from Qièyùn to Guǎngyùn. Rhyme dictionaries from Qièyùn to Guǎngyùn all have unequal numbers of rhymes in the píng, shǎng and qù tones. The main reason is that not every combination of initial and final can take all the four tones; it is also because rhymes with too few characters are not classified independently. In parenthesis, the annotations 獨用 dúyòng ‘used exclusively’ and 同用 tóngyòng ‘used jointly’ under rhymes in the Guǎngyùn represent relaxation of rhyming restrictions after the Tang Dynasty. They should not interfere with our reconstruction of Middle Chinese phonological system. It has been made clear in the last chapter that the ‘rhymes’ in Qièyùn-based rhyme dictionaries do not mean the same as the opera ‘rhymes’ represented by the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn. Qièyùn-based rhyme dictionaries treat the distinction in tones as a distinction of rhymes; this being the case, either the 193 rhymes of the Qièyùn or the 206 rhymes of the Guǎngyùn do not lead to the conclusion that there are about 200 rhyme classes in Middle Chinese. In fact, we can say that the rhymes 1 東 dōng in the ‘upper’ píng tone, 1 董 dǒng in the shǎng tone and 1 送 sòng in the qù tone represent one single rhyme class, which can also incorporate 1 屋 wū in the rù tone. Likewise, the rhymes 1 先 xiān in the ‘lower’ píng tone, 27 銑 xiǎn in the shǎng tone and 12 霰 xiàn in the qù tone represent one single rhyme class, which can also include 16 屑 xiè in the rù tone. Although such a correlation has not been explicitly explained by any rhyme dictionary compiler since Lu Fayan, we can arrive at that based on the sequence of rhymes in the four tones. Sporadic doubts can be resolved by reference to other materials. We can also conclude from Chapters 5 and 6 that rhymes with similar pronunciations will be arranged close together in rhyme dictionaries. The revision of rhyme sequence by Li Zhou was largely based on this principle. §5.6 The correspondence of the 206 rhymes and the four tones in the Guǎngyùn is listed in Table 5.1. Notes are provided in relation to differences of rhyme classification in rhyme dictionaries before the Guǎngyùn, to serve as a detailed supplement to §5.3.

84  Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries Table 5.1  The 206 Rhymes in Four Tones in the Guǎngyùn Píng tone

Shǎng tone

Qù tone

Rù tone

1 東 dōng 2 冬 dōng 3 鍾 zhōng 4 江 jiāng 5 支 zhī 6 脂 zhī 7 之 zhī 8 微 wēi 9 魚 yú 10 虞 yú 11 模 mú 12 齊 qí

1 董 dǒng 2 腫 zhǒng 3 講 jiǎng 4 紙 zhǐ 5 旨 zhǐ 6 止 zhǐ 7 尾 wěi 8 語 yǔ 9 麌 yǔ 10 姥 mǔ 11 薺 jì

1 屋 wū 2 沃 wò1 3 燭 zhú 4 覺 jué

13 佳 jiā 14 皆 jiē

12 蟹 xiè 13 駭 hài

15 灰 huī 16 咍 hāi

14 賄 huì 15 海 hǎi

17 真 zhēn 18 諄 zhūn 19 臻 zhēn 20 文 wén 21 欣 xīn (殷 yīn)5 22 元 yuán 23 魂 hún 24 痕 hén 25 寒 hán 26 桓 huán 27 刪 shān 28 山 shān 1 先 xiān9 2 仙 xiān 3 蕭 xiāo 4 宵 xiāo 5 肴 yáo 6 豪 háo 7 歌 gē 8 戈 gē 9 麻 má 10 陽 yáng 11 唐 táng 12 庚 gēng

16 軫 zhěn 17 準 zhǔn

1 送 sòng 2 宋 sòng 3 用 yòng 4 絳 jiàng 5 寘 zhì 6 至 zhì 7 志 zhì 8 未 wèi 9 御 yù 10 遇 yù 11 暮 mù 12 霽 jì2 13 祭 jì 14 泰 tài 15 卦 guà 16 怪 guài 17 夬 guài 18 隊 duì 19 代 dài 20 廢 fèi 21 震 zhèn 22 稕 zhùn

18 吻 wěn 19 隱 yǐn

23 問 wèn 24 焮 xìn

20 阮 ruǎn 21 混 hùn 22 很 hěn 23 旱 hàn 24 緩 huǎn 25 潸 shān 26 產 chǎn 27 銑 xiǎn 28 獮 xiǎn10 29 篠 xiǎo 30 小 xiǎo 31 巧 qiǎo 32 皓 hào 33 哿 gě 34 果 guǒ 35 馬 mǎ 36 養 yǎng 37 蕩 dàng 38 梗 gěng

13 耕 gēng 14 清 qīng 15 青 qīng

39 耿 gěng 40 靜 jìng 41 迥 jiǒng

25 願 yuàn 26 慁 hùn 27 恨 hèn6 28 翰 hàn 29 換 huàn 30 諫 jiàn 31 襇 jiǎn 32 霰 xiàn 33 線 xiàn 34 嘯 xiào 35 笑 xiào 36 效 xiào 37 號 hào 38 箇 gè 39 過 guò11 40 禡 mà 41 漾 yàng 42 宕 dàng 43 映 yìng (敬 jìng)13 44 諍 zhèng 45 勁 jìng 46 徑 jìng

5 質 zhì 6 術 shù3 7 櫛 zhì4 8 物 wù 9 迄 qì 10 月 yuè 11 沒 mò 12 曷 hé 13 末 mò7 14 鎋 xiá 15 黠 xiá8 16 屑 xiè 17 薛 xuē

18 藥 yào 19 鐸 duó12 20 陌 mò 21 麥 mài 22 昔 xī 23 錫 xī

Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries 85 Píng tone

Shǎng tone

Qù tone

Rù tone

16 蒸 zhēng 17 登 dēng 18 尤 yóu 19 侯 hóu 20 幽 yōu 21 侵 qīn 22 覃 tán 23 談 tán 24 鹽 yán 25 添 tiān 26 咸 xián 27 銜 xián 28 嚴 yán 29 凡 fán

42 拯 zhěng 43 等 děng 44 有 yǒu 45 厚 hòu 46 黝 yǒu 47 寢 qǐn 48 感 gǎn 49 敢 gǎn 50 琰 yǎn 51 忝 tiǎn 52 豏 xiàn 53 檻 jiàn 54 儼 yǎn 55 范 fàn

47 證 zhèng 48 嶝 dèng14 49 宥 yòu 50 候 hòu 51 幼 yòu 52 沁 qìn 53 勘 kān 54 闞 kàn15 55 豔 yàn 56 㮇 tiàn 57 陷 xiàn 58 鑑 jiàn 59 釅 yàn16 60 梵 fàn

24 職 zhí 25 德 dé

26 緝 jī 27 合 hé 28 盍 hé 29 葉 yè 30 帖 tiè 31 洽 qià 32 狎 xiá 33 業 yè 34 乏 fá17

Notes  1 The shǎng tone characters that correspond to 冬 dōng, 宋 sòng and 沃 wò are only 湩 dòng and 𪁪 mǎng, which are merged into the 2 腫 zhǒng rhyme.   2 Some versions of the Tángyùn separate the 栘 yí rhyme, comprising the character 栘 yí etc., from the 齊 qí rhyme.   3 Lu Fayan and Wang Renxu do not separate 真 zhēn, 軫 zhěn, 震 zhèn and 質 zhì from 諄 zhūn, 準 zhǔn, 稕 zhùn and 術 shù. Some version of the Tángyùn do not have the rù tone rhyme 術 shù; some other versions have both 術 shù and 聿 yù rhymes.   4 The few characters in the shǎng and qù tones are incorporated into the 隱 yǐn and 震 zhèn rhymes, respectively.  5 The 欣 xīn rhyme had originally been named 殷 yīn; the latter was replaced because it was a taboo character in the Song Dynasty.   6 There is only one corresponding syllable in the rù tone in this row, represented by the character 紇 hé. The rù tone syllable is merged into the 沒 mò rhyme.   7 Lu Fayan and Wang Renxu do not separate 桓 huán, 緩 huǎn, 換 huàn and 末 mò from 寒 hán, 旱 hàn, 翰 hàn and 曷 hé.  8 The rù tone rhymes 鎋 xiá and 黠 xiá have long been mistakenly transposed. The author of this book proposes that their positions should be swapped (see my book《上古音韻表稿》Shànggǔ Yīnyùn Biǎogǎo ‘A Draft of Tables for Old Chinese Phonology’).  9 1 先 xiān and below belong to the second volume of the píng tone (‘lower’ píng). The numbering in Wang Renxu and Sun Mian continues after the ‘upper’ píng volume. 10 Some versions of the Tángyùn have the rhymes 宣 xuān and 選 xuǎn after 仙 xiān and 獮 xiǎn. It is not known whether there are additional rhymes in the qù and rù tones as well. 11 Lu Fayan and Wang Renxu do not separate 戈 gē, 果 guǒ and 過 guò from 歌 gē, 哿 gě and 箇 gè. 12 The sequence of rù tone rhymes from here are much confused before and after Li Zhou. See the last note to this table. 13 The 映 yìng rhyme had originally been named 敬 jìng; the latter was replaced because it was a taboo character in the Song Dynasty. 14 Before Li Zhou, 蒸 zhēng, 拯 zhěng and 證 zhèng and 登 dēng, 等 děng and 嶝 dèng were positioned between 添 tiān, 忝 tiǎn and 㮇 tiàn and 咸 xián, 豏 xiàn and 陷 xiàn; right after 青 qīng, 迥 jiǒng and 徑 jìng were 尤 yóu, 有 yǒu and 宥 yòu. 15 Before Li Zhou, 覃 tán, 感 gǎn and 勘 kān and 談 tán, 敢 gǎn and 闞 kàn were positioned between 麻 má, 馬 mǎ and 禡 mà and 陽 yáng, 養 yǎng and 漾 yàng. 16 The shǎng tone rhyme 儼 yǎn and qù tone rhyme 釅 yàn are before 豏 xiàn and 陷 xiàn in the current version of the Guǎngyùn. They should be after 檻 jiàn and 鑑 jiàn. Wu Yu’s (吳棫) quoted version in the《韻補》Yùnbǔ ‘Supplemented Rhymes’ has the correct order. Lu Fayan’s original Qièyùn does not separate 儼 yǎn and 釅 yàn from 琰 yǎn and 豔 yàn. 17 The rù tone rhymes after 薛 xuē in the Qièyùn fragments take the following order: 錫 xī, 昔 xī, 麥 mài, 陌 mò, 合 hé, 盍 hé, 洽 qià, 狎 xiá, 葉 yè, 乏 fá. The order is different from the Guǎngyùn and does not correspond to rhymes in the píng, shǎng and qù tones in the Qièyùn fragments themselves.

86  Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries The píng, shǎng and qù rhymes that have corresponding rù tone rhymes are commonly called 陽聲 yángshēng rhymes; those without corresponding rù tone rhymes are known as 陰聲 yīnshēng rhymes. In view of the correspondences among the four tones listed earlier, when we refer to a rhyme class of the Guǎngyùn, we simply use the píng tone rhyme to also include shǎng and qù rhymes or even use the píng tone rhyme to include shǎng, qù and rù rhymes. §5.7 In Qièyùn-based rhyme dictionaries, within each rhyme, characters that share the same pronunciation are listed together, and those that have different pronunciations are separated by a small circle. (However, there are occasionally characters that are not listed in their homophone groups because they are added later.) The homophone groups are not arranged according to any set order like the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn. However, Qièyùn-based rhyme dictionaries have an important feature that is absent in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn – the addition of a fǎnqiè pattern under the first character of every homophone group. Earlier rhyme dictionaries use the formula ‘A B 反 fǎn’; later ones use ‘A B 切 qiè’. The pronunciation each fǎnqiè pattern represents is applicable to the characters under the same small circle. For example, in the Guǎngyùn, there are seventeen characters beginning with 東 dōng under the first circle in the rhyme 1 東 dōng in the ‘upper’ píng volume. The fǎnqiè pattern’s 德紅切 dé hóng qiè represents the pronunciation of not only 東 dōng but all seventeen characters. This is confirmed by the word seventeen following the fǎnqiè pattern. When a character has an alternative pronunciation, another fǎnqiè pattern (indicated by also . . . qiè) or a homophonic character (indicated by also pronounced like . . .) will be provided. The alternative pronunciation indicated by also is naturally applicable to the said character only. The two characters used in a fǎnqiè pattern are usually called 切語 qièyǔ or 反 語 fǎnyǔ ‘fǎnqiè words’. The first character, representing the initial, is called 反 切上字 fǎnqiě shàngzì ‘upper character’; the second character, representing the final, is called 反切下字 fǎnqiě xiàzì ‘lower character’. The Guǎngyùn contains altogether over 3,000 fǎnqiè patterns, using more than 400 different characters as upper characters, and more than 1,000 lower characters in the 206 rhymes. As far as phonological study is concerned, nothing better represents the essence of Qièyùn-based rhyme dictionaries than the fǎnqiè system. The classification of rhymes only provides rhyme ranges for poetry and prose composition; without the fǎnqiè, there will be no clue as to the pronunciation of characters. Therefore, studying all the upper characters is the only way for us to know the initials in Middle Chinese syllables, and only through studying all the lower characters can we expect to know exactly how many finals there were in Middle Chinese syllables. The first scholar to have become aware of exploring Middle Chinese phonological system through using the fǎnqiè patterns was Chen Li (陳澧) over a century ago. His achievements are epitomised by his book《切韻考》Qièyùn Kǎo

Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries 87 ‘Investigations on the Qièyùn’. He recapitulated his methodologies in investigating the Qièyùn as follows: The fǎnqiè pattern combines two characters to represent the pronunciation of one character. the upper character shares the initial and the lower character shares the final of the character in question.  .  .  . All investigations on the fǎnqiè patterns are based on this. Since the upper character shares the initial with the character represented by fǎnqiè, all upper characters in common use, mutual use and chain use must have the same initial. Common use of upper character in the fǎnqiè patterns can be illustrated by 冬，都宗切 dōng, dū zōng qiè and 當，都郎切 dāng, dū láng qiè – both use 都 dū as the upper character. Mutual use of upper characters can be illustrated by 當，都郎切 dāng, dū láng qiè and 都，當孤切 dū, dāng gū qiè – 都 dū and 當 dāng serve as upper character for each other. Chain use of upper characters can be illustrated by 冬，都宗切 dōng, dū zōng qiè and 都，當孤切 dū, dāng gū qiè – 冬 dōng uses 都 dū, and 都 dū in turn uses 當 dāng as upper character. Through associations of upper characters like these, a total of forty classes of upper characters are sorted out. . . . Since the lower character shares the final with the represented character, all lower characters in common use, mutual use and chain use must have the same final. Common use of lower character can be illustrated by 東，德紅切 dōng, dé hóng qiè and 公，古紅切 gōng, gǔ hóng qiè – both have 紅 hóng as the lower character. Mutual use of lower characters can be illustrated by 公，古紅切 gōng, gǔ hóng qiè and 紅，戶公切 hóng, hù gōng qiè – 紅 hóng and 公 gōng serve as lower character for each other. Chain use of lower characters can be illustrated by 東，德紅切 dōng, dé hóng qiè and 紅，戶公切 hóng, hù gōng qiè – 東 dōng uses 紅 hóng, and 紅 hóng in turn uses 公 gōng as lower character. Through associations of lower characters like these, each rhyme can be subclassified into one, two, three or four types. This is Chen’s basic principles of association. Principles of analysis are as follows: Homophones in the Guǎngyùn do not use different fǎnqiè patterns – this must be Lu Fayan’s established convention. For any two fǎnqiè patterns, when the lower characters are of the same type, the upper characters must be of different types. For example, in 紅，戶公切 hóng, hù gōng qiè and 烘，呼東 切 hōng, hū dōng qiè, 公 gōng and 東 dōng are of the same type of rhyme, then 戶 hù and 呼 hū must be of different types of initial. The categorisation of upper characters is determined in this manner. When the upper characters are of the same type, the lower characters must be of different types. The categorisation of lower characters in each rhyme into two, three or four types is determined in this manner.

88  Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries In addition, there are two supplementary principles: Among upper characters of a same type, sometimes their relationship cannot be established through association, because mutual use only involves two characters. For example, 多 duō, 得 dé, 都 dū and 當 dāng represent the same type of initial; in 多，得何切 duō, dé hé qiè, 得，多則切 dé, duō zé qiè, 都， 當孤切 dū, dāng gū qiè and 當，都郎切 dāng, dū láng qiè, 多 duō and 得 dé are in mutual use, so are 當 dāng and 都 dū. Thus the four characters cannot be associated together. From examination of the Guǎngyùn, when a character has two pronunciations, the two fǎnqiè patterns must have upper characters of the same type. For example, in the 1 東 dōng rhyme, the character 涷 dōng has the fǎnqiè pattern 德紅切 dé hóng qiè and also 都貢切 dū gòng qiè; in the 1 送 sòng rhyme, it has the fǎnqiè pattern 多貢切 duō gòng qiè. Since 都 貢 dū gòng and 多貢 duō gòng are fǎnqiè patterns to represent the same pronunciation, 都 dū and 多 duō must be of the same type. Same types of upper characters, though not associable, can be determined in this way. Among lower characters of a same type, sometimes their relationship cannot be established through association, also because mutual use only involves two characters. For example, 朱 zhū, 俱 jù, 無 wú and 夫 fū represent the same type of final; in 朱，章俱切 zhū, zhāng jù qiè, 俱，舉朱切 jù, jǔ zhū qiè, 無，武夫切 wú, wǔ fū qiè and 夫，甫無切 fū, fǔ wú qiè, 朱 zhū and 俱 jù are in mutual use, so are 無 wú and 夫 fū. Thus the four characters cannot be associated together. It is observed that within a corresponding group of píng, shǎng, qù and rù rhymes, the subtypes of each rhyme are also corresponding to one another. When lower characters are not associable, if the subtypes they represent are divided in any corresponding rhyme in the same group, they must represent different finals. Otherwise, although not associable, they are of the same type. In his own introduction to the Investigations on the Qièyùn, Chen Li stated that all his conclusions were based solely on careful examination, not on evidence from contemporary speech. His principles, except for the ‘same type though not associable’ claim, which is logically unsound, are generally precise and sensible. §5.8 If the fǎnqiè were a system that accurately represents pronunciation and the fǎnqiè patterns adopted in the Guǎngyùn had been systematically regulated, the initial types and final types sorted out by applying Chen Li’s basic association principles would correspond approximately, if not exactly, to the genuine classes of initial and final in Middle Chinese. Unfortunately, that is not the reality. Firstly, the fǎnqiè system works by taking only the initial of the upper character and only the final of the lower character, but the final of the upper character and the initial of the upper character are inevitably neglected. Their very existence may sometimes cause misunderstanding and give rise to ‘abnormal’ fǎnqiè patterns, e.g. 黃練切 huáng liàn qiè for the character 縣 xiàn in the 32 霰 xiàn rhyme of the qù tone volume, 許戈切 xǔ gē qiè for the character 鞾 xuē in the 8 戈 gē rhyme of the ‘lower’

Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries 89 píng tone volume. Secondly, we have mentioned that Lu Fayan’s compilation of the Qièyùn carried on previous conventions; from Tang to Song dynasties, scholars made only supplementation and revision. So the Guǎngyùn unavoidably contains some rather early fǎnqiè patterns, which do not reflect the actual pronunciation of the Qièyùn’s time, e.g. 覱，子鑑切 zhàn, zǐ jiàn qiè in the 59 鑑 jiàn rhyme of the qù tone volume, 罩，都教切 zhào, dū jiào qiè in the 36 效 xiào rhyme of the qù tone volume. As far as classification of fǎnqiè characters is concerned, these irregular fǎnqiè patterns would either cause different initials or finals to be wrongly associated or include certain types of characters that should not belong. For example, 鞾，許戈切 xuē, xǔ gē qiè may cause three types of finals in the 戈 gē rhyme to be mistakenly conflated into two types; 罩，都教切 zhào, dū jiào qiè, although causing no influence on the classification of initials (since 罩 zhào is not used as an upper character), may obscure the fact that 罩 zhào and 都 dū have different initials. Thirdly, the fǎnqiè patterns in rhyme dictionaries are created individually without taking association into account; therefore, characters of the same type of initial or final may unavoidably fail to be associated when groups of two characters are in mutual use. So who can be sure that characters not associable do not fall into the same type? We have no idea how much Chen Li knew about these problems. At any rate, he was aware of them. His principles of analysis and supplementing principles quoted earlier are directed at these issues. Those principles represent his profound insight. However, more problems arise. Firstly, it could be problematic to judge that a certain fǎnqiè pattern is mistaken by analysing associable characters based on principles ‘in two fǎnqiè patterns, if the initials are the same, the finals must be different’ and ‘in two fǎnqiè patterns, if the finals are the same, the initials must be different’. If no other material is referred to, the judgement cannot be confirmed. If the judgement is wrong, isn’t the classification of initial or final is also wrong? For example, in the 5 旨 zhǐ rhyme of the shǎng tone volume, the lower characters 癸 guǐ, 誄 lěi, 洧 wěi, 美 měi and 鄙 bǐ can be associated: 癸 guǐ (居誄切 jū lěi qiè) → 誄 lěi (力軌切 lì guǐ qiè) → 軌 guǐ (居洧切 jū wěi qiè) → 洧 wěi (榮美切 róng měi qiè) → 美 měi (無鄙切 wú bǐ qiè) ⇄ 鄙 (方美切 fāng měi qiè) In these fǎnqiè patterns, 癸 guǐ and 軌 guǐ share the upper character 居 jū. Doubtless, the finals should be different since the initials are the same. This being the case, we can conclude that the lower character 誄 lěi for 癸 guǐ is misused because 誄 lěi is associable with 軌 guǐ but 軌 guǐ and 癸 guǐ have different types of final. In the same fashion, we can also say that the lower character 軌 guǐ for 誄 lěi is misused because 誄 lěi is associable with 軌 guǐ but 癸 guǐ and 軌 guǐ have different types of final. If the first conclusion is right, 癸 guǐ should stand as an independent type; if the second conclusion is right, 癸 guǐ should be of the same type as 壘 lěi (pronounced the same as 誄 lěi). In fact, we have no way to decide which is right.

90  Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries Or it is also possible that both conclusions are wrong since there might be mistakes in the use of upper characters that have not been detected. Secondly, sometimes it is difficult to decide whether it is because the types of final are different or because the characters are simply not used in association in fǎnqiè patterns that lower characters are not associable. For example, in the 6 豪 háo rhyme of the ‘lower’ píng tone volume, 袍 páo, 毛 máo and 褒 bāo constitute one type of lower character, and 刀 dāo, 勞 láo, 曹 cáo, 遭 zāo and 牢 láo another type – they are not associable to each other. Chen Li conflated them as one type on the ground that the corresponding shǎng tone rhyme 32 皓 hào and qù tone 37 號 hào have only one type of final each. It failed to be taken into account that 袍 páo, 毛 máo and 褒 bāo are used in fǎnqiè patterns for characters with labial initials; how can the final of characters with labial initials in the 豪 háo rhyme differ from the rest? Lastly, the fǎnqiè patterns for alternative pronunciations in the Guǎngyùn are all copied from earlier works, with more irregularities than the basic pronunciations. There are also a lot of contradictions in the fǎnqiè patterns. Chen oftentimes had to rely on his own subjective judgement. For instance, if he had only used the basic principle of association in his analysis of upper characters, he should have had much more than forty types of initial; if strictly applying his supplementary principles, he should have arrived at about thirty types of initial. As a matter of fact, the forty types of initials did not result from his statement that all the conclusions were based solely on careful examination. In light of this and the fact that many errors in fǎnqiè patterns cannot have been spotted only through analysing the patterns themselves, Chen Li’s achievements are largely restricted and blemished by the uncertainties and contradictions arising from his own principles. Admittedly, Chen Li did not see any rhyme dictionaries before the Guǎngyùn and sometimes was misled by it; moreover, his study often fell short of expectation. However, his failure to achieve the ideal classification was due to inherent defect in the fǎnqiè system and the nature of the rhyme dictionary. That being so, although many scholars carried on with the exploration after Chen Li, no one has ever achieved thorough success, and no two of them have had the same results. Therefore, classification of upper and lower characters can only reveal a broad outline of Middle Chinese initial and final types. It needs to be supplemented by evidence from other materials so as to arrive at the initial and final systems of Middle Chinese that are close to reality. §5.9 To obtain the maximum types of initial, the upper characters in the Guǎngyùn can be classified into fifty-one types, according to Zeng Yunqian’s (曾 運乾) study. 博 bó type (the upper character that appears most frequently is used as type name): 博 bó, 北 běi, 布 bù, 補 bǔ, 邊 biān, 伯 bó, 百 bǎi, 巴 bā, 晡 bū 方 fāng type: 方 fāng, 甫 fǔ, 府 fǔ, 必 bì, 彼 bǐ, 卑 bēi, 兵 bīng, 陂 bēi, 并 bīng, 分 fēn, 筆 bǐ, 畀 bì, 鄙 bǐ, 封 fēng

Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries 91 普 pǔ type: 普 pǔ, 匹 pǐ, 滂 pāng, 譬 pì 芳 fāng type: 芳 fāng, 敷 fū, 撫 fǔ, 孚 fú, 披 pī, 丕 pī, 妃 fēi, 峯 fēng, 拂 fú 蒲 pú type: 蒲 pú, 薄 bó, 傍 bàng, 步 bù, 部 bù, 白 bái, 裴 péi, 捕 bǔ 符 fú type: 符 fú, 扶 fú, 房 fáng, 皮 pí, 毗 pí, 防 fáng, 平 píng, 婢 bì, 便 biàn, 附 fù, 縛 fù, 浮 fú, 馮 féng, 父 fù, 弼 bì, 苻 pú 莫 mò type: 莫 mò, 模 mú, 謨 mó, 摸 mō, 慕 mù, 母 mǔ, 矛 máo 武 wǔ type: 武 wǔ, 亡 wáng, 彌 mí, 無 wú, 文 wén, 眉 méi, 靡 mǐ, 明 míng, 美 měi, 綿 mián, 巫 wū, 望 wàng5 都 dū type: 都 dū, 丁 dīng, 多 duō, 當 dāng, 得 dé, 德 dé, 冬 dōng6 他 tā type: 他 tā, 吐 tǔ, 土 tǔ, 託 tuō, 湯 tāng, 天 tiān, 通 tōng, 台 tái 徒 tú type: 徒 tú, 杜 dù, 特 tè, 度 dù, 唐 táng, 同 tóng, 陀 tuó, 堂 táng, 田 tián, 地 dì 奴 nú type: 奴 nú, 乃 nǎi, 那 nà, 諾 nuò, 內 nèi, 妳 nǐ 女 nǚ type: 女 nǚ, 尼 ní, 拏 ná, 穠 nóng7 陟 zhì type: 陟 zhì, 竹 zhú, 知 zhī, 張 zhāng, 中 zhōng, 豬 zhū, 徵 zhǐ, 追 zhuī, 卓 zhuó, 珍 zhēn 丑 chǒu type: 丑 chǒu, 敕 chì, 恥 chǐ, 癡 chī, 楮 chǔ, 褚 chǔ, 抽 chōu 直 zhí type: 直 zhí, 除 chú, 丈 zhàng, 宅 zhái, 持 chí, 柱 zhù, 池 chí, 遲 chí, 治 zhì, 場 chǎng, 佇 zhù, 馳 chí, 墜 zhuì 作 zuò type: 作 zuò, 則 zé, 祖 zǔ, 臧 zāng 子 zǐ type: 子 zǐ, 即 jí, 將 jiāng, 資 zī, 姊 zǐ, 遵 zūn, 兹 zī, 借 jiè, 醉 zuì 倉 cāng type: 倉 cāng, 千 qiān, 采 cǎi, 蒼 cāng, 麤 cū, 麁 cū, 青 qīng, 醋 cù 七 qī type: 七 qī, 此 cǐ, 親 qīn, 遷 qiān, 取 qǔ, 雌 cí, 且 qiě 昨 zuó type: 昨 zuó, 徂 cú, 才 cái, 在 zài, 藏 cáng, 酢 zuò, 前 qián 疾 jí type: 疾 jí, 慈 cí, 秦 qín, 自 zì, 匠 jiàng, 漸 jiàn, 情 qíng 蘇 sū type: 蘇 sū, 先 xiān, 桑 sāng, 喪 sàng, 速 sù 息 xī type: 息 xī, 相 xiāng, 私 sī, 思 sī, 斯 sī, 辛 xīn, 司 sī, 雖 suī, 悉 xī, 寫 xiě, 胥 xū, 須 xū8 徐 xú type: 徐 xú, 似 sì, 祥 xiáng, 辝 cí, 詳 xiáng, 寺 sì, 辭 cí, 隨 suí, 旬 xún, 夕 xī 側 cè type: 側 cè, 莊 zhuāng, 阻 zǔ, 鄒 zōu, 簪 zān, 仄 zè, 爭 zhēng 初 chū type: 初 chū, 楚 chǔ, 測 cè, 叉 chā, 芻 chú, 厠 cè, 創 chuàng, 瘡 chuāng 士 shì type: 士 shì, 仕 shì, 鋤 chú, 鉏 chú, 牀 chuáng, 查 chá, 雛 chú, 助 zhù, 豺chái, 崇 chóng, 崱 zè, 俟 sì9 所 suǒ type: 所 suǒ, 山 shān, 疎 shū, 色 sè, 數 shù, 砂 shā, 沙 shā, 疏 shū, 生 shēng, 史 shǐ 之 zhī type: 之 zhī, 職 zhí, 章 zhāng, 諸 zhū, 旨 zhǐ, 止 zhǐ, 脂 zhī, 征 zhēng, 占 zhàn, 支 zhī, 煑 zhǔ 昌 chāng type: 昌 chāng, 尺 chǐ, 充 chōng, 赤 chì, 處 chù, 叱 chì, 春 chūn, 姝 shū 食 shí type: 食shí, 神 shén, 實 shí, 乘 shèng, 示shì 式 shì type: 式 shì, 書 shū, 失 shī, 舒 shū, 施 shī, 傷 shāng, 識 shí, 賞 shǎng, 詩 shī, 始 shǐ, 試 shì, 矢 shǐ, 釋 shì, 商 shāng 時 shí type: 時 shí, 常 cháng, 市 shì, 是 shì, 承 chéng, 視 shì, 署 shǔ, 氏 shì, 殊 shū, 寔 shí, 臣 chén, 殖 zhí, 植 zhí, 嘗 cháng, 蜀 shǔ, 成 chéng 古 gǔ type: 古 gǔ, 公 gōng, 過 guò, 各 gè, 格 gé, 兼 jiān, 姑 gū, 佳 jiā, 乖 guāi

92  Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries 居 jū type: 居 jū, 舉 jǔ, 九 jiǔ, 俱 jù, 紀 jì, 几 jī, 規 guī, 吉 jí, 詭 guǐ 苦 kǔ type: 苦 kǔ, 口 kǒu, 康 kāng, 枯 kū, 空 kōng, 恪 kè, 牽 qiān, 謙 qiān, 楷 kǎi, 客 kè, 可 kě 去 qù type: 去 qù, 丘 qiū, 區 qū, 墟 xū, 起 qǐ, 驅 qū, 羌 qiāng, 綺 qǐ, 欽 qīn, 傾 qīng, 窺 kuī, 詰 jiē, 袪 qū, 豈 qǐ, 曲 qǔ, 卿 qīng, 棄 qí, 乞 qǐ10 渠 qú type: 渠 qú, 其 qí, 巨 jù, 求 qiú, 奇 qí, 暨 jì, 臼 jiù, 衢 qú, 強 qiáng, 具 jù, 狂 kuáng, 跪 guì 五 wǔ type: 五 wǔ, 吾 wú, 研 yán, 俄 é 魚 yú type: 魚 yú, 語 yǔ, 牛 niú, 宜 yí, 虞 yú, 疑 yí, 擬 nǐ, 愚 yú, 遇 yù, 危 wēi, 玉 yù 烏 wū type: 烏 wū, 安 ān, 烟 yān, 鷖 yī, 愛 ài, 哀 āi, 握 wò 於 yú type: 於 yú, 乙 yǐ, 衣 yī, 伊 yī, 一 yī, 央 yāng, 紆 yū, 憶 yì, 依 yī, 憂 yōu, 謁 yè, 委 wěi, 挹 yì 呼 hū type: 呼 hū, 火 huǒ, 荒 huāng, 虎 hǔ, 海 hǎi, 呵 hē, 馨 xīn, 花 huā 許 xǔ type: 許 xǔ, 虛 xū, 香 xiāng, 況 kuàng, 興 xīng, 休 xiū, 喜 xǐ, 朽 xiǔ, 羲 xī11 胡 hú type: 胡 hú, 户 hù, 下 xià, 侯 hóu, 何 hé, 黄 huáng, 乎 hū, 護 hù, 懷 huái, 獲 huò 于 yú type: 于 yú, 王 wáng, 雨 yú, 爲 wéi, 羽 yǔ, 云 yún, 永 yǒng, 有 yǒu, 雲 yún, 筠 yún, 遠 yuǎn, 韋 wěi, 洧 wěi, 榮 róng, 薳 wěi 以 yǐ type: 以 yǐ, 羊 yáng, 余 yú, 餘 yú, 與 yǔ, 弋 yì, 夷 yí, 予 yú, 翼 yì, 移 yí, 悅 yuè, 營 yíng 盧 lú type: 盧 lú, 郎 láng, 落 luò, 魯 lǔ, 來 lái, 洛 luò, 勒 lè, 賴 lài, 辣 là, 練 liàn 力 lì type: 力 lì, 良 liáng, 呂 lǚ, 里 lǐ, 林 lín, 離 lí, 連 lían, 縷 lǚ12 而 ér type: 而 ér, 如 rú, 人 rén, 汝 rǔ, 仍 réng, 兒 ér, 耳 ěr, 儒 rú Chen Li did not distinguish between the types in each of the following pairs, so there are forty types in his classification. 莫 mò – 武 wǔ; 作 zuò – 子 zǐ; 倉 cāng – 七 qī; 昨 zuó – 疾 jí; 蘇 sū – 息 xī; 古 gǔ – 居 jū; 苦 kǔ – 去 qù; 五 wǔ – 魚 yú; 烏 wū – 於 yú; 呼 hū – 許 xǔ; 盧 lú – 力 lì §5.10 Scholars who revised Chen’s classification of lower characters almost always had a self-recognised but incomplete final system of the Qièyùn, and then they adapted the lower characters to their assumptions. Not only were their classifications subjective, but they even obliterated facts that Chen had established. The following classification (Table 5.2) is largely based on Chen’s work, and corrections are made only when absolutely necessary. The classification also strives for maximum differentiation. Characters in square brackets [] in one type also occur in another type. The two types could have been associated but are differentiated according to the principles of analysis. It should be noted that classifications made in accordance with the principles of analysis sometimes need to be revised based on evidence from other materials.

Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries 93 Table 5.2  Classification of Lower Characters 1 東 dōng: 2 types 1 董 dǒng: 1 type 1 送 sòng: 2 types1 1 屋 wū: 2 types ① 紅 hóng, 東 dōng, 孔 kǒng, 董 dǒng, 動 ① 貢 gòng, 弄 nòng, ① 谷 gǔ,卜 bǔ, 祿 lù dòng, 揔 zǒng, 蠓 公 gōng 送 sòng, 凍 dòng ② 六 liù, 竹 zhú, měng ② 仲 zhòng, 鳳 fèng, ② 弓 gōng, 戎 róng, 逐 zhú, 福 fú, 中 zhōng, 融 róng, 眾 zhòng, [貢 gòng] 菊 jú, 匊 jū, 宿 sù 宮 gōng, 終 zhōng 2 冬 dōng: 1 type 冬 dōng, 宗 zōng

2 宋 sòng: 1 type 綜 zōng, 宋 sòng, 統 tǒng 3 用 yòng: 1 type 用 yòng, 頌 sòng

2 沃 wò: 1 type 沃 wò, 毒 dú, 酷 kù, 篤 dǔ 3 燭 zhú: 1 type 玉 yù, 蜀 shǔ, 欲 yù, 足 zú, 曲 qǔ, 錄 lù

3 鍾 zhōng: 1 type 2 腫 zhǒng: 2 types 容 róng, 恭 gōng, 封 ① 𪁪 mǎng, 湩 fēng, 鍾 zhōng, 凶 dòng (shǎng tone corresponding to冬 xiōng, 庸 yōng dōng) ② 隴 lǒng, 勇 yǒng, 拱 gǒng, 踵 zhǒng, 奉 fèng, 冗 rǒng, 悚 sǒng, 冢 zhǒng 4 江 jiāng: 1 type 3 講 jiǎng: 1 type 4 絳 jiàng: 1 type 4 覺 jué: 1 type 江 jiāng, 雙 shuāng 項 xiàng, 講 jiǎng, 慃 絳 jiàng, 降 jiàng, 角 jué, 岳 yuè, 覺 jué 巷 xiàng yǎng 4 紙 zhǐ: 4 types 5 寘 zhì: 3 types2 5 支 zhī: 4 types ① 支 zhī, 移 yí, 離 lí, ① 氏 shì, 紙 zhǐ, 爾 ① 義 yì, 智 zhì, 寄 jì, eř, 此 cǐ, 豸 zhì, 知 zhī 賜 cì, 豉 chǐ, 企 qǐ 侈 chǐ ② 宜 yí, 羈 jī, 奇 qí ② 恚 huì, 避 bì, ③ 規 guī, 隋 suí, 隨 ② 綺 qǐ, 奇 qí, 彼 bǐ, [義 yì] [委 wěi] suí, [爲 wéi] ③ 僞 wěi, 睡 shuì, 瑞 ③ 婢 bì, 彌 mí, 俾 bǐ ④ 爲 wéi, 垂 chuí, ruì, 累 lèi 危 wēi, 吹 chuī, ④ 委 wěi, 累 lěi, 捶 [支 zhī] chuí, 詭 guǐ, 毀 huǐ, 髓 suǐ, 靡 mǐ 5 旨 zhǐ: 3 types 6 脂 zhī: 3 types 6 至 zhì: 4 types3 ① 夷 yí, 脂 zhī, 尼 ní, ① 几 jǐ, 履 lǚ, 姊 zǐ, ① 利 lì, 至 zhì, 四 sì, 冀 雉 zhì, 視 shì, 矢 shǐ jì, 二 èr, 器 qì, 自 zì 資 zī, 飢 jī, 私 sī ② 追 zhuī, 悲 bēi, 隹 ② 軌 guǐ, 鄙 bǐ, 美 ② [利 lì] měi, 水 shuǐ, 洧 wěi,③ 類 lèi, 位 wèi, 遂 zhuī, 遺 yí, 眉 méi, 誄 lěi, 壘 lěi 綏 suí, 維 wéi suì, 醉 zuì, 愧 kuì, ③ 癸 guǐ, [誄 lěi] ③ [追 zhuī] 秘 mì, 媚 mèi, 備 bèi, 萃 cuì, 寐 mèi ④ 季 jì, 悸 jì 7 之 zhī: 1 type 6 止 zhǐ: 1 type 7 志 zhì: 1 type 之 zhī, 其 qí, 兹 zī, 持 里 lǐ, 止 zhǐ, 紀 jì, 士 史 shǐ, 記 jì, 置 zhì, chí, 而 ér, 菑 zī shì, 史 shǐ, 市 shì, 志 zhì 理 lǐ, 己 jǐ, 擬 nǐ 8 微 wēi: 2 types 7 尾 wěi: 2 types 8 未 wèi: 2 types ① 希 xī, 衣 yī, 依 yī ① 豈 qǐ, 狶 shǐ ① 既 jì, 豙 yì ② 非 fēi, 韋 wéi, 微 ② 鬼 guǐ, 偉 wěi, 尾 ② 貴 guì, 胃 wèi, 沸 wēi, 歸 guī wěi, 匪 fěi fèi, 味 wèi, 未 wèi, 畏 wèi (Continued)

94  Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries Table 5.2 (Continued) 9 魚 yú: 1 type 魚 yú, 居 jū, 諸 zhū, 余 yú, 菹 zū

8 語 yǔ: 1 type 9 御 yù: 1 type 呂 lǚ, 與 yǔ, 舉 jǔ, 許 據 jù, 倨 jù, 恕 shù, xǔ, 巨 jù, 渚 zhǔ 御 yù, 慮 lǜ, 預 yù, 署 shǔ, 洳 rù, 助 zhù, 去 qù 10 虞 yú: 1 type 9 麌 yǔ: 1 type 10 遇 yù: 1 type4 俱 jù, 朱 zhū, 無 wú, 矩 jǔ, 庾 yǔ, 主 zhǔ, 遇 yù, 句 jù, 戌 xū, 注 于 yú, 輸 shū, 俞 雨 yǔ, 武 wǔ, 甫 fǔ, zhù, 具 jù yú, 夫 fū, 逾 yú, 誅 禹 yǔ, 羽 yǔ zhū, 隅 yú, 芻 chú 11 模 mú: 1 type 10 姥 mǔ: 1 type 11 暮 mù: 1 type 胡 hú, 都 dū, 孤 gū, 古 gǔ, 戶 hù, 魯 lǔ, 補 故 gù, 誤 wù, 祚 zuò, 乎 hū, 吳 wú, 吾 bǔ, 杜 dù 暮 mù wú, 姑 gū, 烏 wū 12 齊 qí: 2 types 11 薺 jì: 1 types 12 霽 jì: 2 types ① 奚 xī, 雞 jī, 稽 jī, 禮 lǐ, 啟 qǐ, 米 mǐ, ① 計 jì, 詣 yì 兮 xī, 迷 mí, 臡 ní 弟 dì ② 惠 huì, 桂 guì ② 攜 xié, 圭 guī 13 祭 jì: 3 types5 ① 例 lì, 制 zhì, 祭 jì, 憩 qì, 弊 bì, 袂 mèi, 蔽 bì, 罽 jì ② [例 lì] ③ 芮 ruì, 銳 ruì, 歲 suì, 税 shuì, 衛 wèi, 劌 guì 14 泰 tài: 2 types ① 蓋 gài, 太 tài, 帶 dài, 大 dà, 艾 ài, 貝 bèi ② 外 wài, 會 huì, 最 zuì 13 佳 jiā: 2 types 12 蟹 xiè: 2 types 15 卦 guà: 2 types6 ① 佳 jiā, 膎 xié ① 蟹 xiè, 買 mǎi ① 懈 xiè, 賣 mài, 隘 ② 媧 wā, 蛙 wā, 緺 ② 夥 huǒ, 𦫳 guǎi, ài7 guā [買 mǎi] ② 卦 guà, [賣 mài] 14 皆 jiē: 2 types 13 駭 hài: 1 type 16 怪 guài: 2 types8 ① 皆 jiē, 諧 xié 駭 hài, 楷 kǎi ① 拜 bài, 介 jiè, 界 ② 懷 huái, 乖 guāi, jiè, 戒 jiè, [怪 guài] 淮 huái ② 怪 guài, 壞 huài 17 夬 guài: 2 types ① 犗 jiè, 喝 yè ② 夬 guài, 邁 mài,快 kuài, 話 huà 15 灰 huī: 1 type 14 賄 huì: 1 type 18 隊 duì: 1 type 回 huí, 恢 huī, 杯 bēi, 罪 zuì, 猥 wěi, 賄 huì 對 duì, 內 nèi, 佩 pèi, 灰 huī, 胚 pēi 妹 mèi, 隊 duì, 輩 bèi, 繢 huì 16 咍 hāi: 1 type 15 海 hǎi: 1 type 19 代 dài: 1 type 來 lái, 哀 āi, 才 cái, 亥 hài, 改 gǎi, 宰 zǎi, 代 dài, 溉 gài, 耐 nài, 開 kāi, 哉 zāi 愛 ài, 概 gài 在 zài, 乃 nǎi, 紿 dài, 愷 kǎi

Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries 95 20 廢 fèi 廢 fèi, 肺 fèi, 穢 huì 17 真 zhēn and 18 諄 16 軫 zhěn and 17 準 21 震 zhèn and 22 稕 5 質 zhì and 6 術 shù: zhǔn: 3 types 3 types9 zhūn: 3 types zhùn: 2 types ① 鄰 lín, 真 zhēn, 人 ① 忍 rěn, 引 yǐn, 軫 ① 刃 rèn, 覲 jìn, 晉 ① 質 zhì, 吉 jí, 悉 xī, zhěn, 盡 jǐn rén, 賓 bīn jìn, 遴 lín, 振 zhèn, 栗 lì, 必 bì, 七 qī, ② 殞 yǔn, 敏 mǐn ② 巾 jīn, 銀 yín 畢 bì, 一 yī, 日 rì, 印 yìn ③ 倫 lún, 勻 yún, 遵 ③ 準 zhǔn, 允 yǔn, ② 閏 rùn, 順 shùn, 比 bǐ 尹 yǐn zūn, 迍 zhūn, 脣 ② 乙 yǐ, 筆 bǐ, 密 mì 峻 jùn chún, 綸 lún, 旬 xún, ③ 聿 yù, 律 lǜ, 䘏 xù 贇 yūn 19 臻 zhēn: 1 type 7 櫛zhì: 1 type 臻 zhēn, 詵 shēn 瑟 sè, 櫛 zhì 20 文 wén: 1 type 18 吻 wěn: 1 type 23 問 wèn: 1 type 8 物 wù: 1 type 云 yún, 分 fēn, 文 wén 粉 fěn, 吻 wěn 問 wèn, 運 yùn 勿 wù, 物 wù,弗 fú 21 欣 xīn (殷 yīn): 19 隱 yǐn: 1 type 24 焮 xìn: 1 type 9 迄 qì: 1 type 1 type 謹 jǐn, 隱 yǐn 靳 jìn, 焮 xìn 訖 qì, 迄 qì, 乞 qǐ 斤 jīn, 欣 xīn 22 元 yuán: 2 types 20 阮 ruǎn: 2 types 25 願 yuàn: 2 types10 10 月 yuè: 2 types ① 言 yán, 軒 xuān ① 偃 yǎn, 幰 xiǎn ① 竭 jié, 謁 yè, 歇 ① 建 jiàn, 堰 yàn, ② 袁 yuán, 元 yuán, ② 遠 yuǎn, 阮 ruǎn, [万 wàn] xiē, 訐 jié 煩 fán ② 願 yuàn, 万 wàn, ② 月 yuè, 伐 fá, 越 晚 wǎn 販 fàn, 怨 yuàn yuè, 厥 jué, 發 fā 23 魂 hún: 1 type 21 混 hùn: 1 type 26 慁 hùn: 1 type 11 沒 mò: 2 types11 昆 kūn, 渾 hún, 尊 本 běn, 損 sǔn, 忖 困 kùn, 悶 mèn, 寸 ① 沒 mò, 骨 gǔ, 忽 zūn, 奔 bēn, 魂 hún cǔn, 袞 gǔn cùn hū, 勃 bó ② [沒 mò] 24 痕 hén: 1 type 22 很 hěn: 1 type 27 恨 hèn: 1 type 痕 hén, 根 gēn, 恩 ēn 很 hěn, 墾 kěn 恨 hèn, 艮 gèn 25 寒 hán: 1 type 23 旱 hàn: 1 type 28 翰 hàn: 1 type 12 曷 hé: 1 type 干 gān, 寒 hán, 安 ān 旱 hàn, 但 dàn, 笴 gě 旰 gàn, 案 àn, 贊 zàn, 割 gē, 葛 gě, 達 dá, 按 àn, 旦 dàn 曷 hé 26 桓 huán: 1 type 24 緩 huǎn: 1 type 29 換 huàn: 1 type 13 末 mò: 1 type 官 guān, 丸 wán, 潘 管 guǎn, 伴 bàn, 滿 貫 guàn, 玩 wán, 半 括 kuò, 活 huó, 潑 pō, pān, 端 duān bàn, 亂 luàn, 段 秳 huó mǎn, 纂 zuǎn, 緩 duàn, 換 huàn, 喚 huǎn, 旱 hàn12 huàn, 算 suàn 27 刪 shān: 2 types 25 潸 shān: 2 types13 30 諫 jiàn: 2 types 14 鎋 xiá: 2 types ① 姦 jiān, 顏 yán ① 板 bǎn, 赧 nǎn ① 晏 yàn, 諫 jiàn, 澗 ① 鎋 xiá, 轄 xiá, 瞎 ② 還 huán, 關 guān, ② [板 bǎn], 綰 wǎn, jiàn xiā 班 bān, 頑 wán 鯇 huàn ② 患 huàn, 慣 guàn ② 刮 guā, 䫄 chuà 28 山 shān: 2 types 26 產 chǎn: 2 types 31 襇 jiǎn: 2 types 15 黠 xiá: 2 types16 ① 閑 xián, 山 shān, 閒 ① 限 xiàn, 簡 jiǎn ① 莧 xiàn, 襇 jiǎn ① 八 bā, 黠 xiá xián, 𣊺 ba xián ② 滑 huá, 拔 bá, ② 綰 wǎn15 ② 幻 huàn, 辦 bàn ② 頑 wán,14 鰥 guān [八 bā] 27銑 xiǎn: 2 types 1 先 xiān: 2 types 32 霰 xiàn: 2 types17 16 屑 xiè: 2 types ① 前 qián, 賢 xián, ① 典 diǎn, 殄 tiǎn, 繭 ① 甸 diàn, 練 liàn, 佃 ① 結 jié, 屑 xiè, 篾 年 nián, 堅 jiān, diàn, 電 diàn, 麵 jiǎn, 峴 xiàn miè 田 tián, 先 xiān, 顛 ② 泫 xuàn, 畎 quǎn miàn ② 決 jué, 穴 xué diān, 煙 yān ② 縣 xiàn, [練 liàn] ② 玄 xuán, 涓 juān

(Continued)

96  Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries Table 5.2 (Continued) 17 薛 xuē: 4 types18 33 線 xiàn: 5 types ① 戰 zhàn, 扇 shàn, ① 列 liè, 薛 xuē, 熱 膳 shàn rè, 滅 miè, 別 bié, ② 箭 jiàn, 線 xiàn, 面 竭 jié miàn, 賤 jiàn, 碾 ② [列 liè] niǎn, 膳 shàn ③ 悅 yuè, 雪 xuě, 絕 ③ 戀 liàn, 眷 juàn, 捲 jué, 熱 rè juǎn, 卷 juàn, 囀 ④ 劣 liè, 輟 chuò zhuǎn, 彥 yàn ④ 絹 juān, 掾 yuàn, 釧 chuàn ⑤ 見 jiàn 3 蕭 xiāo: 1 type 29 篠 xiǎo: 1 type 34 嘯 xiào: 1 type 聊 liáo, 堯 yáo, 么 了 liǎo, 鳥 niǎo, 皎 弔 diào, 嘯 xiào, 叫 yāo, 彫 diāo, 蕭 xiāo jiǎo, 皛 xiǎo jiào 30 小 xiǎo: 2 types 35 笑 xiào: 2 types19 4 宵 xiāo: 2 types ① 遙 yáo, 招 zhāo, 昭 ① 小 xiǎo, 沼 zhǎo, ① 照 zhào, 召 zhào, 兆 zhào, 少 shǎo 少 shào, 笑 xiào, zhāo, 霄 xiāo, 邀 yāo, 消 xiāo, 焦 jiāo② 夭 yāo, 表 biǎo, 矯 妙 miào, 肖 xiào, ② 嬌 jiāo, 喬 qiáo, 囂 jiǎo, [兆 zhào] 要 yào xiāo, 瀌 biāo ② 廟 miào, [召 zhào] 5 肴 yáo: 1 type 31 巧 qiǎo: 1 type 36 效 xiào: 1 type 交 jiāo, 肴 yáo, 茅 巧 qiǎo, 絞 jiǎo, 爪 教 jiào, 孝 xiào, 皃 máo, 嘲 cháo zhǎo, 飽 bǎo mào,20 稍 shào 21 6 豪 háo: 1 type 32 皓 hào: 1 type 37 號 hào: 1 type 刀 dāo, 勞 láo, 袍 皓 hào, 老 lǎo, 浩 到 dào, 報 bào, 導 páo, 毛 máo, 曹 hào, 早 zǎo, 抱 bào, dǎo, 耗 hào, 倒 dào cáo, 遭 zāo, 牢 láo, 道 dào 褒 bāo 7 歌 gē: 1 type 33 哿 gě: 1 type 38 箇 gè: 1 type 何 hé, 俄 é, 歌 gē, 可 kě, 我 wǒ 箇 gè, 佐 zuǒ, 賀 hè, 河 hé 個 gè, 邏 luó 8戈 gē: 3 types22 34 果 guǒ: 1 type 39 過 guò: 1 type 臥 wò, 過 guò, 貨 ① 禾 hé, 戈gē, 波 bō, 果 guǒ, 火 huǒ huò, 唾 tuò 婆 pó, 和 hé ② 伽 jiā, 迦 jiā ③ 鞾 xuē, 𩨷 quē, 𦚢 yuē, [戈 gē] 40 禡 mà: 3 types23 35 馬 mǎ: 3 types 9 麻 má: 3 types ① 加 jiā, 牙 yá, 巴 bā,① 下 xià, 雅 yǎ, 賈 ① 駕 jià, 訝 yà, 嫁 jiǎ, 疋 yǎ 霞 xiá jià, 亞 yà, 罵 mà ② 瓦 wǎ, 寡 guǎ ② 瓜 guā, 華 huá, ② 化 huà, 㕦 huà, 霸 ③ 者 zhě, 也 yě, 野 花 huā bà, [駕 jià] yě, 冶 yě, 姐 jiě ③ 遮 zhē, 邪 xié, 車 ③ 夜 yè, 謝 xiè chē, 嗟 jiē, 奢 shē, 賒 shē 2 仙 xiān: 4 types ① 連 lián, 延 yán, 然 rán, 仙 xiān ② 乾 qián, 焉 yān ③ 緣 yuán, 專 zhuān, 川 chuān, 宣 xuān, 全 quán ④ 員 yuán, 圓 yuán, 攣 lán, 權 quán

28 獮 xiǎn: 3 types ① 善 shàn, 演 yǎn, 免 miǎn, 淺 qiǎn, 蹇 jiǎn, 輦 niǎn, 展 zhǎn, 辨 biàn, 剪 jiǎn ② 兗 yǎn, 轉 zhuǎn, 緬 miǎn, 篆 zhuàn ③ [兗 yǎn]

Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries 97 10 陽 yáng: 2 types 36 養 yǎng: 2 types 41 漾 yàng: 2 types24 18 藥 yào: 2 types ① 良 liáng, 羊 yáng, ① 兩 liǎng, 丈 zhàng, ① 亮 liàng, 讓 ràng, ① 略 lüè, 約 yuē, 灼 獎 jiǎng, 掌 zhǎng, 向 xiàng, 樣 yàng zhuó, 若 ruò, 勺 莊 zhuāng, 章 養 yǎng, 网 wǎng, ② 放 fàng, 況 kuàng, sháo, 爵 jué, 雀 zhāng, 陽 yáng, 張 昉 fǎng què, 虐 nüè zhāng 妄 wàng, 訪 fǎng, ② 縛 fù, 钁 jué, 籰 ② 方 fāng, 王 wáng, ② 往 wǎng, [兩 liǎng] [亮 liàng] yuè [良 liáng] 11 唐 táng: 2 types 37 蕩 dàng: 2 types 42 宕 dàng: 2 types 19 鐸 duó: 2 types25 ① 郎 láng, 當 dāng, ① 朗 lǎng, 黨 dǎng ① 浪 làng, 宕 dàng ① 各 gè, 落 luò 岡 gāng, 剛 gāng ② 晃 huǎng, 廣 guǎng② 曠 kuàng, 謗 bàng ② 郭 guō, 博 bó, ② 光 guāng, 旁 páng, [各 gè] 黃 huáng 12 庚 gēng: 4 types 38 梗 gěng: 4 types 43 映 yìng (敬 jìng): 20 陌 mò: 3 types26 4 types ① 庚 gēng, 行 háng, [ ① 梗 gěng, 杏 xìng, ① 格 gé, 伯 bó, 陌 冷 lěng, 打 dǎ 盲 máng] ① 孟 mèng, 更 gèng mò, 白 bái ② 橫 héng, 盲 máng ② 猛 měng, 礦 kuàng, ② 橫 hèng, [孟 mèng] ② 獲 huò, [伯 bó], 虢 䁝 yíng, [杏 xìng] ③ 敬 jìng, 慶 qìng ③ 京 jīng, 卿 qīng, guó, [白 bái] ③ 影 yǐng, 景 jǐng, 丙 ④ 病 bìng, 命 mìng ③ 戟 jǐ, 逆 nì, 劇 jù, 驚 jīng ④ 兵 bīng, 明 míng, bǐng, [永 yǒng] 却 què 榮 róng ④ 永 yǒng, 憬 jǐng 13 耕 gēng: 2 types27 39 耿 gěng: 1 type 44 諍 zhèng: 1 type 21 麥 mài: 2 types ① 革 gé, 核 hé, 厄 è, ① 耕 gēng, 莖 jīng, 幸 xìng, 耿 gěng 迸 bèng, 諍 zhèng 摘 zhāi, 擇 zé, 戹 è [萌 méng] ② 獲 huò, 麥 mài, 摑 ② 萌 méng, 宏 hóng guó 22 昔 xī: 2 types28 14 清 qīng: 2 types 40 靜 jìng: 2 types 45 勁 jìng: 1 type ① 盈 yíng, 貞 zhēn, ① 郢 yǐng, 井 jǐng, 整 正 zhèng, 政 zhèng, ① 益 yì, 石 shí, 隻 zhī, 成 chéng, 征 zhēng, zhěng, 靜 jìng 盛 shèng, 姓 xìng, 亦 yì, 積 jī, 易 yì, 辟 情 qíng, 并 bīng ② 頃 qǐng, 潁 yǐng 令 lìng bì, 迹 jì, 炙 zhì ② 營 yíng, 傾 yīng ② 役 yì, [隻 zhī] 15 青 qīng: 2 types 41 迥 jiǒng: 2 types 46 徑 jìng: 1 type 23 錫 xī: 2 types ① 經 jīng, 丁 dīng, 靈 ① 挺 tǐng, 鼎 dǐng, 定 dìng, 徑 jìng, 佞 ① 歷 lì, 擊 jī, 激 jī, líng, 刑 xíng 頂 dǐng, 剄 jǐng, 醒 nìng 狄 dí ② 扃 jiōng, 螢 yíng xǐng, 涬 xìng ② 闃 qù, 具 jù, 鶪 jú ② 迥 jiǒng, 熲 jiǒng 16 蒸 zhēng: 1 type 42 拯 zhěng: 1 type 47 證 zhèng: 1 type 24 職 zhí: 2 types29 陵 líng, 冰 bīng, 兢 拯 zhěng, 庱 chěng 證 zhèng, 孕 yùn, 應 ① 力 lì, 職 zhí, 側 cè, yìng, 𩜁 líng, 甑 即 jí, 翼 yì, 極 jí, 直 jīng, 矜 jīn, 膺 yīng, zèng zhí, 逼 bī 蒸 zhēng, 乘 chéng, ② [逼 bī] 仍 réng, 升 shēng 25 德 dé: 2 types 48 嶝 dèng: 1 type 17 登 dēng: 2 types 43 等 děng: 1 type ① 則 zé, 得 dé, 北 běi, 鄧 dèng, 亘 gèn, ① 登 dēng, 滕 téng, 等 děng, 肯 kěn 隥dèng, 贈 zèng 德 dé, 勒 lè, 墨 mò, 棱 léng, 增 zēng, 崩 黑 hēi bēng, 朋 péng, 恆 ② 或 huò, 國 guó héng ② 肱 gōng, 弘 hóng (Continued)

98  Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries Table 5.2 (Continued) 18 尤 yóu: 1 type30 44 有 yǒu: 1 type 49 宥 yòu: 1 type 鳩 jiū, 求 qiú, 曲 qū, 九 jiǔ, 久 jiǔ, 有 yǒu, 救 jiù, 祐 yòu, 又 yòu, 流 liú, 尤 yóu, 周 柳 liǔ, 酉 yǒu, 否 咒 zhòu, 副 fù, 僦 zhōu, 秋 qiū, 州 fǒu, 婦 fù jiù, 溜 liù, 富 fù, zhōu, 浮 fú, 謀 móu 就jiù 19 侯 hóu: 1 type 45 厚 hòu: 1 type 50 候 hòu: 1 type 侯 hóu, 鉤 gōu, 婁 lóu 后 hòu, 口 kǒu, 厚 候 hòu, 奏 zòu, 豆 hòu, 苟 gǒu, 垢 gòu, dòu, 遘 gòu, 漏 lòu 斗 dǒu 20 幽 yōu: 1 type 46 黝 yǒu: 1 type 51 幼 yòu: 1 type 幽 yōu, 虯 qiú, 彪 黝 yǒu, 糾 jiū 幼 yòu, 謬 miù biāo, 烋 xiū 47 寢 qǐn: 2 types 52 沁 qìn: 1 type 21 侵 qīn: 2 types 26 緝 jī: 2 types31 禁 jìn, 鴆 zhèn, 蔭 yìn,① 入 rù, 立 lì, 及 jí, ① 林 lín, 尋 xún, 心 ① 荏 rěn, 甚 shèn, xīn, 深 shēn, 針 稔 rěn, 枕 zhěn, 朕 任 rèn, 譖 zèn 戢 jí, 執 zhí, 汁 zhī zhēn, 淫 yín ② 急 jí, 汲 jí, [入 rù] zhèn, 凜 lǐn ② 金 jīn, 今 jīn, 音 ② 錦 jǐn, 飲 yǐn, 㾕 yīn, 吟 yín, 岑 cén shěn 22 覃 tán: 1 type 48 感 gǎn: 1 type 53 勘 kān: 1 type 27 合 hé: 1 type 含 hán, 南 nán, 男 感 gǎn, 𧝓 dàn, 唵ǎn 紺 gàn, 暗 àn 合 hé, 答 dá, 閤 gé, nán 沓 tà 23 談 tán: 1 type 49 敢 gǎn: 1 type 54 闞 kàn: 1 type 28 盍 hé: 1 type 甘 gān, 三 sān, 敢 gǎn, 覽 lǎn 濫 làn, 瞰 kàn, 𣊟 盍 hé, 臘 là, 榼 ké 酣 hān, 談 tán kàn, 暫 zàn, 蹔zàn 24 鹽 yán: 2 types 50 琰 yǎn: 2 types 55 豔 yàn: 2 types 29 葉 yè: 2 types32 ① 廉 lián, 鹽 yán, ① 琰 yǎn, 冉 rǎn, 染 ① 豔 yàn, 贍 shàn ① 涉 shè, 葉 yè, 攝 占 zhān rǎn, 歛 liǎn, 漸 jiàn ② 驗 yàn, 窆 biǎn shè, 接 jiē ② 淹 yān, 炎 yán, ② 檢 jiǎn, 險 xiǎn, ② 輒 zhé, [葉 yè] [廉 lián] 儉 jiǎn 25 添 tiān: 1 type 51 忝 tiǎn: 1 type 56 㮇 tiàn: 1 type 30 帖 tiè: 1 type 兼 jiān, 甜 tián 忝 tiǎn, 點 diǎn, 簟 念 niàn, 店 diàn 協 xié, 頰 jiá, 愜 qiè, diàn 牒 dié 26 咸 xián: 1 type 52 豏 xiàn: 1 type 57 陷 xiàn: 1 type 31 洽 qià: 1 type 咸 xián, 讒chán 減 jiǎn, 斬 zhǎn, 豏 陷 xiàn, 韽ān, 賺 洽 qià, 夾 jiá, 㘝 niè xiàn zhuàn 27 銜 xián: 1 type 53 檻 jiàn: 1 type 58 鑑 jiàn: 1 type 32 狎 xiá: 1 type 銜 xián, 監 jiān 檻 jiàn, 黤 yǎn 鑑 jiàn, 懺 chàn 甲 jiǎ, 狎 xiá 28 嚴 yán: 1 type 54 儼 yǎn: 1 type 59 釅 yàn: 1 type33 33 業 yè: 1 type 嚴 yán, 𩏩 xiǎn 广 yǎn, 掩 yǎn 釅 yàn, [欠 qiàn], [劒 業 yè, 怯 qiè, 刼 jié jiàn] 29 凡 fán: 1 type34 55 范 fàn: 1 type 60 梵 fàn: 2 types 34 乏 fá: 1 type 凡 fán, 䒦 fàn, [咸 犯 fàn, 鋄 wàn ① 泛 fàn, 梵 fàn 法 fǎ, 乏 fá xián] ② 劒 jiàn, 欠 qiàn

Notes   1 The 1 送 sòng rhyme is divided into two types based on fǎnqiè patterns 幪，莫弄切 méng, mò nòng qiè and 㝱，莫鳳切 mèng, mò fèng qiè.   2 In 5 支 zhī, Chen Li distinguished 支 zhī from 爲 wéi based on 垂，是爲切 chuí, shì wéi qiè and 提，是支切 tí, shì zhī qiè, 規 guī from 爲 wéi based on 虧，去爲切 kuī, qù wéi qiè and 闚，去隨 切 kuī, qù suí qiè. In 4 紙 zhǐ, Chen distinguished 綺 qǐ from 委 wěi based on 技，渠綺切 jì, qú qǐ qiè and 跪，渠委切 guì, qú wěi qiè. In 5 寘 zhì, Chen distinguished 義 yì and 恚 huì based on 恚， 於避切 huì, yú bì qiè and 縊，於賜切 yì, yú cì qiè. There are many more occurrences of ‘same

Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries 99 initial, different finals’ in these rhymes. Taking full account of them would give rise to different classifications.   3 In 6 脂 zhī, there are fǎnqiè patterns 逵，渠追切 kuí, qú zhuī qiè and 葵，渠追切 kuí, qú zhuī qiè. On the Qièyùn fragments, they are 渠隹切 qú zhuī qiè and 渠惟切 kuí, qú wéi qiè, respectively. Thus, 追 zhuī should be divided into two types. In 5 旨 zhǐ, there are 揆，求癸切 kuí, qiú guǐ qiè and 䣀，暨軌切 guǐ, jì guǐ qiè; thus, 軌 guǐ and 癸 guǐ are determined as two separate types. In 6 至 zhì, there are 器，去冀切 qì, qù jì qiè and 棄，詰利切 qì, jié lì qiè; thus, 利 lì is divided into two types. If all occurrences of ‘same initial, different finals’ in these rhymes were taken into account, we would arrive at still different classifications.   4 In the 10 虞 yú rhyme of the Guǎngyùn, 俱 jù and 朱 zhū are in mutual use, so are 無 wú and 夫 fū – the two pairs are not associable. Wang Renxu’s rhyme dictionary does not have these patterns of mutual use. In 9 麌 yǔ, ever since the Qièyùn, 矩 jǔ and 羽 yǔ are in mutual use, 庾 yǔ and 主 zhǔ are in mutual use – the two pairs are not associable. Wang Renxu has the same patterns as the Qièyùn fragments. However, they can be conflated as the same type in accordance with Chen Li’s supplementary principles.   5 Based on fǎnqiè patterns 藝，魚祭切 yì, yú jì qiè and 㓷，牛例切 yì, niú lì qiè, the 例 lì type should be further divided into two subtypes.  6 12 蟹 xiè is divided into two subtypes on account of fǎnqiè patterns 庍，乖買切 guǎi, guāi mǎi qiè and 解，佳買切 jiě, jiā mǎi qiè. 15 卦 guà is divided into two subtypes on account of fǎnqiè patterns 庍，方卦切 bài, fāng guà qiè and 㠔，方賣切 bài, fāng mài qiè.   7 Translator’s note: The original text has the character 益 yì here, which must be a typo. A check in the Guǎngyùn would reveal that it should be 隘 ài.   8 The 16 怪 guài rhyme is divided into two types based on fǎnqiè patterns 誡，古拜切 jiè, gǔ bài qiè and 怪，古壞切 guài, gǔ huài qiè.   9 Lu Fayan and Wang Renxu do not distinguish between 真 zhēn, 軫 zhěn, 震 zhèn and 質 zhì and 諄 zhūn, 準 zhǔn, 稕 zhùn and 術 shù. Although the Guǎngyùn makes the distinction, there are connections among the lower characters. The distinction is problematic, whereas the conflation here shows a much clearer picture. The fǎnqiè patterns for the 質 zhì rhyme are mistaken in the Guǎngyùn; actually, the 質 zhì and the 乙 yǐ type are associable. The distinction here is made in accordance with the Qièyùn fragments. 10 The 25 願 yuàn rhyme is divided into two types based on fǎnqiè patterns 健，渠建切 jiàn, qú jiàn qiè and 圈，臼万切 juàn, jiù wàn qiè. 11 The 11 沒 mò rhyme is divided into two types based on fǎnqiè patterns 搰，戶骨切 hú, hù gǔ qiè and 紇，下沒切 hé, xià mò qiè. 12 The Qièyùn does not distinguish between 寒 hán, 旱 hàn, 翰 hàn and 曷 hé and 桓 huán, 緩 huǎn, 換 huàn and 末 mò. The Guǎngyùn makes this distinction but uses 旱 hàn as lower character also in the 緩 huǎn rhyme. 13 The 25 潸 shān rhyme is divided into two types based on fǎnqiè patterns 澗，下赧切 jiàn, xià nǎn qiè and 皖，戶板切 wǎn, hù bǎn qiè. 14 The Guǎngyùn has 頑 wán in the 刪 shān rhyme but still uses it as lower character in the 山 shān rhyme. Both Lu Fayan and Wang Renxu have 頑 wán in the 山 shān rhyme. 15 Only one character in the 產 chǎn rhyme uses 綰 wǎn as lower character in its fǎnqiè; it is assumed to be borrowed here since it is not associated with any other lower character in this rhyme. Neither Lu Fayan nor Wang Renxu has this type in the 產 chǎn rhyme. 16 The 15 黠 xiá rhyme is divided into two types based on fǎnqiè patterns 黠，胡八切 xiá, hú bā qiè and 滑，戶八切 huá, hù bā qiè. 17 The 32 霰 xiàn rhyme is divided into two types based on fǎnqiè patterns 縣，黃練切 xiàn, huáng liàn qiè and 見，胡甸切 jiàn, hú diàn qiè. 18 There should be two subtypes of 兗 yǎn in the 28 獮 xiǎn rhyme because of fǎnqiè patterns 蜎， 狂兗切 yuān, kuáng yǎn qiè and 圈，渠篆切 juàn, qú zhuàn qiè. In the 33 線 xiàn rhyme, there is a fǎnqiè pattern 徧，方見切 biàn, fāng jiàn qiè; however, 見 jiàn is probably misused because it does not belong to this rhyme. In the 17 薛 xuē rhyme, based on fǎnqiè patterns [䇷]，方別切 bié, fāng bié qiè and 鷩，並列切 bì, bìng liè qiè, there should be two subtypes of 列 liè. 19 The 30 小 xiǎo rhyme is divided into two types based on fǎnqiè patterns 褾，方小切 biǎo, fāng xiǎo qiè, also 表，彼矯切 biǎo, bǐ jiǎo qiè, and 闄，於小切 yǎo, yú xiǎo qiè, also 夭，於兆切 yāo, yú zhào qiè. The 35 笑 xiào rhyme is divided into two types based on fǎnqiè patterns 廟，眉 兆切 miào, méi zhào qiè, also 妙，彌笑切 miào, mí xiào qiè, and 嶠，渠廟切 jiào, qú miào qiè, also 翹，巨要切 qiào, jù yào qiè. In the Guǎngyùn, 沼 zhǎo and 少 shǎo are not associated with 兆 zhào and 小 xiǎo in the 30 小 xiǎo rhyme, and 笑 xiào, 妙 miào, 肖 xiào and 要 yào are not

100  Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries

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31

32

associated with 照 zhào, 召 zhào and 少 shào in the 35 笑 xiào rhyme. Characters in each group are in mutual use; in Wang Renxu’s rhyme dictionary both types are associable. Translator’s note: The original text has the character 兒 ér here – it must have been mistyped. The correct character is 皃 mào (which conforms to the rhyme). The two characters look remarkably alike and thus are easily confused. 袍 páo, 毛 máo and 褒 bāo in the 6 豪 háo rhyme are not associated with other lower characters; Chen Li conflated them with the others following his supplementary principles. 鞾 xuē in the 8 戈 gē rhyme has fǎnqiè patterns 許𦚢切 xǔ yuē qiè and 許戈切 xǔ gē qiè in various versions of the Guǎngyùn. If the former fǎnqiè is used, the 戈 gē rhyme should consists of three types of lower characters; if the latter is used, the 鞾 xuē type is associable with the 禾 hé type. In the Qièyùn, however, there are no 𩨷 quē and 𦚢 yuē, and 鞾 xuē is given no fǎnqiè, meaning that it is not pronounced like any character in this rhyme. In this case, the 鞾 xuē type cannot merge with the 禾 hé type, and 許戈切 xǔ gē qiè is an irregular fǎnqiè pattern. In the 40 禡 mà rhyme, there are fǎnqiè patterns 霸，必駕切 bà, bì jià qiè and 化，呼霸切 huà, hū bà qiè, so 化 huà and 駕 jià are associable. However, there is also 嚇，呼訝切 xià, hū yà qiè in addition to 化，呼霸切 huà, hū bà qiè; according to the ‘same initial, different finals’ principle, 化 huà and 駕 jià should be separate types. The 10 陽 yáng rhyme is divided into two types based on fǎnqiè patterns 狂，巨王切 kuáng, jù wáng qiè and also 強，巨良切 qiáng, jù liáng qiè. The 36 養 yǎng rhyme is divided into two types based on fǎnqiè patterns 繈，居兩切 qiǎng, jū liǎng qiè and also 廣，居往切 guǎng, jū wǎng qiè. In 41 漾 yàng, there are fǎnqiè patterns 況，許訪切 kuàng, xǔ fǎng qiè and 訪，敷亮切 fǎng, fū liàng qiè, so the two types can be associated; however, because of 誑，居況切 kuáng, jū kuàng qiè and also 彊，居亮切 jiàng, jū liàng qiè, they should be analysed as two separate types. The 19 鐸 duó rhyme is divided into two types based on fǎnqiè patterns 各，古落切 gè, gǔ luò qiè and 郭，古博切 guō, gǔ bó qiè. In 12 庚 gēng, the 庚 gēng and 橫 héng types are distinguished based on fǎnqiè patterns 行，戶庚 切 háng, hù gēng qiè and 橫，戶盲切héng, hù máng qiè. In 38 梗 gěng, the 梗 gěng and 猛 měng types are distinguished based on fǎnqiè patterns 梗，古杏切 gěng, gǔ xìng qiè and 曠，古猛切 kuàng, gǔ měng qiè; the 影 yǐng and 永 yǒng types are distinguished based on fǎnqiè patterns 警， 居影切 jǐng, jū yǐng qiè and 憬，俱永切 jǐng, jù yǒng qiè. 猛 měng, apart from 莫杏切 mò xìng qiè, has another fǎnqiè莫幸切 mò xìng qiè, which is mistaken because 幸 xìng belongs to the 耿 gěng rhyme. In 43 映 yìng, the 孟 mèng and 橫 hèng types are distinguished based on fǎnqiè patterns 行，下更切 háng, xià gèng qiè and 蝗，戶孟切 huáng, hù mèng qiè. In 20 陌 mò, the 格 gé and 獲 huò types are distinguished based on pairs of fǎnqiè pattern 䪝，乙白切 hù, yǐ bái qiè and 啞，烏格切 yǎ, wū gé qiè, 垎，胡格切 hè, hú gé qiè and 嚄，胡伯切 huò, hú bó qiè. Moreover, in the shǎng tone rhyme, 梗 gěng and 杏 xìng are not associated with 冷 lěng and 打 dǎ, while every scholar treats them as belonging to the same type. The 13 耕 gēng rhyme is divided into two types based on fǎnqiè patterns 甖，烏莖切 yīng, wū jīng qiè and 泓，烏宏切 hóng, wū hóng qiè. The 22 昔 xī rhyme is divided into two types based on fǎnqiè patterns 皵，七迹切 què, qī jì qiè and 𥄎，七役切 xuè, qī yì qiè. In the 24 職 zhí rhyme, there is the fǎnqiè pattern 赩，許極切 xì, xǔ jí qiè, and also 洫，況逼切 xù, kuàng bī qiè. Thus, the rhyme should be divided into two subtypes. In the 18 尤 yóu rhyme, 浮 fú and 謀 móu are in mutual use, not associated with other lower characters; they are conflated with others in accordance with supplementary principles. The fǎnqiè patterns 愀，去秋切 qiǎo, qù qiū qiè and 丘，去鳩切 qiū, qù jiū qiè have the same upper character, but here we do not distinguish two types of lower character because 愀 qiǎo, a character of the 幽 yōu rhyme, is misplaced in this rhyme. See my book《廣韻重紐試釋》Guǎngyùn Chóngniǔ Shìshì ‘Tentative Interpretation of Redundant Syllables in the Guǎngyùn’. In the píng tone 侵 qīn rhyme, the first three lower characters are not associated with the last three; Chen Li put them together in accordance with his supplementary principles. In the shǎng tone 寢 qǐn rhyme, Wang Renxu only has one type of lower character; in the qù tone 52 沁 qìn rhyme, Wang has two types of lower character because 鴆 zhèn, 任 rèn and 浸 jìn and 禁 jìn, 蔭 yìn and 譖 zèn are not associable. The rù tone 緝 jī rhyme is divided into two types based on fǎnqiè patterns 揖， 伊入切 yī, yī rù qiè and 邑，於汲切 yì, yú jí qiè; Wang Renxu has 入 rù and 執 zhí as one type and 立 lì, 急 jí, 及 jí and 縶 zhí as the other; the two types are not associable. The 24 鹽 yán rhyme is divided into two types based on fǎnqiè patterns 懕，一鹽切 yān, yī yán qiè and 淹，央廉切 yān, yāng lián qiè. The 29 葉 yè rhyme is divided into two types based on fǎnqiè patterns 魘，於葉切 yǎn, yú yè qiè and 𢽱，於輒切 ye, yú zhé qiè.

Qièyùn-based Rhyme Dictionaries 101 33 Lower characters 欠 qiàn and 劒 jiàn under 59 釅 yàn are seen in the 60 梵 fàn rhyme. 34 In the Guǎngyùn, there is the fǎnqiè pattern 凡，符咸切 fán, fú xián qiè in the 29 凡 fán rhyme; however, 咸 xián does not belong in this rhyme. Wang Renxu has 符䒦切 fú fàn qiè; 䒦 fàn belongs in this rhyme.

Notes 1 Translator’s note: This character can be written as either 㬟 or 朆. 2 Translator’s note: Yongming (永明) is the era name of Emperor Wu of the Southern Qi Dynasty (479–502). The period of Yongming Reign was 482–493. 3 Translator’s note: The Kaihuang Reign was between the years 581 and 600. 4 Translator’s note: The Book of Tang in the original text is《唐書》. This should refer to the New Book of Tang (《新唐書》) since the Old Book of Tang (《舊唐書》) does not have the chapter ‘Treatise of Literature’ (藝文志). 5 There is no clear boundary between types in each pair: – 博 bó and 方 fāng, 普 pǔ and 芳 fāng, 蒲 pú and 符 fú, 莫 mò and 武 wǔ. 6 多 duō, 得 dé and 德 dé are not associated with丁 dīng, 都 dū, 當 dāng and 冬 dōng. They are conflated by Chen’s supplementary principles. 7 奴 nú and 女 nǚ types can be associated by alternative fǎnqiè patterns. 8 There is no clear boundary between types in each pair: – 作 zuò and 子 zǐ, 倉 cāng and 七 qī, 昨 zuó and 疾 jí, 蘇 sū and 息 xī. 9 The fǎnqiè pattern for 俟 sì in the Guǎngyùn is 牀史切 chuáng shǐ qiè, whose upper character conforms to this type. In both the Qièyùn fragments and Wang Renxu’s Corrected and Supplemented Qièyùn, it is 漦史切 sī shǐ qiè, and 漦 sī has the fǎnqiè pattern 俟之切 sì zhī qiè. 俟 sì and 漦 sī are in mutual use and not associated with other upper characters. 10 There is no clear boundary between types in each pair: – 古 gǔ and 居 jū, 苦 kǔ and 去 qù. 11 There is no clear boundary between types in each pair: – 五 wǔ and 魚 yú, 烏 wū and 於 yú, 呼 hū and 許 xǔ. 12 There is no clear boundary between the types 盧 lú and 力 lì.

6

Graded Rhyme Charts

§6.1 In the last chapter, we mentioned that the Qièyùn is the earliest existing dictionary that indicates the pronunciation of every character, and we also discussed how we should determine the characters’ pronunciation in the Sui and Tang dynasties based on the accessible Qièyùn and its various expansions and revisions. Nevertheless, although we listed at the end of the last chapter the types of upper and lower characters, the classification can only provide a general framework of the initial and final systems of Middle Chinese due to the many inherent defects of the fǎnqiè system. They do not represent the true classes of initials and finals of Middle Chinese. In fact, when we think further, even though the upper and lower characters represent a character’s initial and final, and all associations among them are established, there are many problems in our investigation on ancient speech sounds that we cannot possibly solve with rhyme dictionaries only. With regard to their background, rhyme dictionaries are compiled to provide a reference to poetry and prose writing; that being the case, they can serve their purpose when they comprise volumes in which rhymes are classified. The volumes correspond to the four tones in Middle Chinese; what about the rhymes? We have already known that they are just classes of rhyming patterns, not the real finals. Though the correspondence among rhymes in the píng, shǎng, qù and rù tones can be established by their sequence, what relationship do rhymes within each volume have with each other? What is more, the rhyme dictionaries provide hardly any more information beyond classification of rhymes. It can be said that the compilation of rhyme dictionaries takes no account of initials and medials. According to Chen Li, the fǎnqiè system, pivotal in understanding alliteration and rhyming before the Sui Dynasty, can make up for the shortcomings of rhyme dictionaries. However, in the Guǎngyùn there are more than four hundred upper characters for all the fǎnqiè patterns; as for lower characters, there are several to tens of them within each rhyme. Without a careful and accurate study, who can have surmised exactly how many classes of initial and final there were during the Sui and Tang eras? When it comes to the types of upper and lower characters, can the tens of types of upper characters show their interrelationship? When a rhyme has more than two types of lower characters, should the distinction be attributed to the openness of mouth or the broadness of sound? In a nutshell, the phonological knowledge in Lu Fayan’s time is restricted to the distinction of tones and rhyme DOI: 10.4324/9781003411444-6

Graded Rhyme Charts 103 classes and the indication of the pronunciation of one character through combination of two characters. Therefore, the inspiration we can draw from the Qièyùnbased rhyme dictionaries is by and large limited to what has been accounted for in the last chapter. As for the phonological system, it is well beyond the capability of scholars at that remote time, nor is it their objective of study since rhyme dictionaries are simply references for composition of poetry and prose. If the application of fǎnqiè represents the starting point of speech sound analysis of the Chinese, we can say that the 字母 zìmǔ ‘initials’ and 等韻 děngyùn ‘graded rhyme’ springing up after mid-Tang ushered in systematic study of phonology in China. The 字母 zìmǔ are classes of syllable initials Chinese scholars set up, drawing inspiration from the consonant letters of Sanskrit and Tibetan. Each initial is represented by a Chinese character; all the initials are arranged according to their place of articulation and voicing pattern. As for 等韻 děngyùn, it refers to the classification of rhymes into four grades under the influence of Buddhist sutra chanting with wheels. Furthermore, based on the co-occurrence patterns between the four grades and the four tones, some syllable finals are put together as one table, technically known as 轉 zhuǎn ‘turn’. Since initials, finals and tones are all systematically studied, tables are drawn with rows representing grades and columns divided by initials. Characters from rhyme dictionaries can be filled in the tables, and all the sound patterns can be thus shown. This kind of tabular representation is called 等韻圖 děngyùn tú ‘graded rhyme charts’. Their compilation is inspired by the analysis of Sanskrit speech sounds in Buddhist scriptures. §6.2 The earliest graded rhyme charts known today are the《七音略》Qīyīn Lüè ‘A Sketch of Seven Sounds’ in Zheng Qiao’s (鄭樵)《通志》Tōngzhì ‘Comprehensive Records’ (completed in 1161) and the《韻鏡》Yùnjìng ‘Rhyme Mirror’ published by Zhang Linzhi (張麟之), also during the Shaoxing Reign (1131–1162) of the Southern Song Dynasty (1127–1279). Although both rhyme charts were produced in the Song Dynasty, they were actually based on previous works. Their master copies were all from before the Song, as evidenced by the following three facts. (1) The Qīyīn Lüè’s master copy was《七音韻鑑》Qīyīn Yùnjiàn ‘Rhyme Mirror of Seven Sounds’ according to Zheng Qiao himself. The master copy of the Yùnjìng, according to Zhang Linzhi, was《指微韻鏡》Zhǐwēi Yùnjìng ‘Profound Reference of Rhyme Mirror’. Zhang comments on them that ‘their origins were far back, their authors unknown, so Master Zheng only said they were carried forward by Chinese Buddhist monks from Indian monks’. (2) There is a note in the introduction to Zhang Linzhi’s Yùnjìng, stating that the Yùnjìng was once given another title Yùnjiàn because Jìng, name of Emperor Taizong of Song’s grandfather, was to be avoided in conformity with the naming taboo. When he had become a remote ancestor of the emperor (thus, the naming taboo was no longer in effect), the original title Yùnjìng was restored. If the Yùnjìng was authored by a Song scholar, it should have been titled Yùnjiàn in the first place. Thus, there would have been nothing about an original title. Since the Yùnjìng is the original title, there is no doubt that it was produced before the Song Dynasty.

104  Graded Rhyme Charts (3) The Qīyīn Lüè puts the rhymes 覃 tán, 談 tán, 咸 xián, 銜 xián, 鹽 yán, 添 tiān, 嚴 yán and 凡 fán after 陽 yáng, 唐 táng, 庚 gēng, 耕 gēng, 清 qīng and 青 qīng, and both Yùnjìng and Qīyīn Lüè list the rhymes 蒸 zhēng and 登 dēng at the very end. In light of this, the rhyme dictionaries on which the two charts are based should be earlier than the Guǎngyùn, and the Qīyīn Lüè should have been based on a rhyme dictionary earlier than Li Zhou’s Qièyùn (see §5.3 and §5.6). Both Qīyīn Lüè and Yùnjìng comprise forty-three rhyme tables, with only slight differences. Their value lies more in their thorough preservation of the phonological system of Qièyùn-based rhyme dictionaries than in their early date. Characters with distinct fǎnqiè patterns in the rhyme dictionaries are put in different positions in the two rhyme charts, with very few omissions and no confusion at all. Therefore, the rhyme charts are ideal materials to correct the mistakes and make up for the shortcomings in rhyme dictionaries. Even earlier rhyme charts, though recorded in various documents, have long been lost. §6.3 Scholar used to wrongly attribute the《切韻指掌圖》Qièyùn Zhǐzhǎng Tú ‘Finger and Palm Charts of Segmented Rhymes’ to Sima Guang (司馬光) and overlooked the longer history of the Qīyīn Lüè and the Yùnjìng so that they regarded the Qièyùn Zhǐzhǎng Tú as the earliest rhyme chart. In fact, apart from the Qīyīn Lüè and the Yùnjìng, the《四聲等子》Sìshēng Děngzǐ ‘Measure of Four Tones’ was also earlier than the Qièyùn Zhǐzhǎng Tú. The clearest pieces of evidence are: (1) Part of the style guide at the beginning of the Zhǐzhǎng Tú is apparently quoted from the Děngzǐ. (2) The publisher of the Zhǐzhǎng Tú, Dong Nanyi (董南一) (born during the Jiatai Reign (1201–1204) of the Southern Song Dynasty) wrote an epilogue and also quoted the Děngzǐ. It is unknown who authored the Děngzǐ. The introduction mentions the《龍龕手 鑑》Lóngkān Shǒujiàn ‘Hand Mirror of the Dragon Shrine’, by the monk Xingjun (行均) of the Liao Dynasty (907–1125), so it cannot be earlier than the Song and the Liao. The author of the Děngzǐ conflated the forty-three rhyme tables into sixteen rhyme groups known as 攝 shè ‘absorption, assimilation’ (distributed in twenty tables), and occasionally adjusted the system of Qièyùn-based rhyme dictionaries. The merging of rhyme tables into rhyme groups has neutralised the distinction of many rhymes, thus unfavourable to our exploration of Middle Chinese phonology. However, thanks to the merger, we get to know the relations between some rhyme tables. Not only does the Zhǐzhǎng Tú follow the convention of the Děngzǐ, but even the so-called introduction by Sima Guang has been recently found out to be faked. Some words were even cribbed from the《切韻類例序》Qièyùn Lèilì Xù ‘Introduction to Types and Styles of Segmented Rhymes’, by Sun Di (孫覿) in early Southern Song. But the Zhǐzhǎng Tú cannot be too late a production since Dong Nanyi’s identity has been confirmed and his contemporary Sun Yi (孫奕), in his《示兒編》Shì Ér Biān ‘A Compilation for My Son’ (1205), quoted from the Zhǐzhǎng Tú a pronunciation of 不 bù, which was different from rhyme dictionaries. The Zhǐzhǎng Tú comprises

Graded Rhyme Charts  105 twenty rhyme tables, same as the Děngzǐ; it does not use the terms 攝 shè and 轉 zhuǎn and makes more adjustments to the system of rhyme dictionaries than does the Děngzǐ. As far as the study of Middle Chinese phonology is concerned, its value is mainly in helping us understand the organisation of rhyme tables. The《經史正音切韻指南》Jīngshǐ Zhèngyīn Qièyùn Zhǐnán ‘A Guide to Standard Pronunciation and Segmented Rhymes of Classics and Histories’, shortened as《切韻指南》Qièyùn Zhǐnán ‘A Guide to Segmented Rhymes’, is compiled by Liu Jian (劉鑑) of the Yuan Dynasty. It follows the style of the Děngzǐ and has a close relation with the《五音集韻》Wǔyīn Jíyùn ‘Assembled Rhymes of Five Sounds’, by Han Daozhao (韓道昭) of the Jin Dynasty (1115–1234). The Qièyùn Zhǐnán dates much later than the Sui and Tang dynasties; however, Liu Jian, highly expert at the study of graded rhymes, compiled the《門法玉鑰匙》Ménfǎ Yù Yàoshi ‘Jade Key Rules’ based on a synthesis of previous scholars’ explanations on rhyme charts and attached it to the end of the Zhǐnán, providing us with good material through which to understand the organisation of rhyme tables. The Zhǐnán has four more tables and is clearer than the Děngzǐ. Many people think that the 切韻 Qièyùn in the titles《切韻指掌圖》Qièyùn Zhǐzhǎng Tú and《切韻指南》Qièyùn Zhǐnán refers to Lu Fayan’s Qièyùn. It does not. It is made clear in both books that 切 qiè denotes upper characters and 韻 yùn lower characters. The 切韻 Qièyùn here is an alternative name of fǎnqiè. §6.4 The graded rhyme charts known today all have thirty-six initials; thus, when initials are mentioned, they are regularly referred to as the ‘Thirty-six Initials’. The Thirty-six Initials are commonly held to be created by the Buddhist monk Shouwen (守溫) at the end of the Tang Dynasty; however, with the discovery of the Tang’s manuscript《守溫韻學殘卷》Shǒuwēn Yùnxué Cánjuàn ‘Fragmented Volume of Shouwen’s Rhyme Studies’ in Dunhuang, we come to realise that the number of Shouwen’s initials is only thirty. They are copied here as they appear on the fragmented volume: 唇音 chúnyīn ‘lip sound’ 舌音 shéyīn ‘tongue sound’ 牙音 yáyīn ‘back tooth sound’ 齒音 chǐyīn ‘front tooth sound’ 喉音 hóuyīn ‘throat sound’

不 bù, 芳 fāng, 並 bìng, 明 míng 端 duān, 透 tòu, 定 dìng and 泥 ní are 舌頭 shétóu ‘tongue head sounds’ 知 zhī, 徹 chè, 澄 chéng and 日 rì are 舌上 shéshàng ‘tongue top sounds’ 見 jiàn, (君 jūn), 溪 xī, 羣 qún, 來 lái, 疑 yí, etc. 精 jīng, 清 qīng and 從 cóng are 齒頭 chǐtóu ‘tooth head sounds’ 審 shěn, 穿 chuān, 禪 shàn and 照 zhào are 正齒 zhèngchǐ ‘proper tooth sounds’ 心 xīn, 邪 xié and 曉 xiǎo are ‘throat sounds’, voiceless 匣 xiá, 喻 yù and 影 yǐng are also ‘throat sounds’, but voiced

On the Dunhuang manuscript, there are also examples for the thirty initials of the Tang Dynasty. Four example characters are given under each initial character (Table 6.1).

端 duān

透 tòu

定 dìng

泥 ní

審 shěn

穿 chuān

禪 shàn

日 rì

心 xīn

邪 xié

照 zhào

丁 dīng 當 dāng 顛 diān 敁 diān

汀 tīng 湯 tāng 天 tiān 添 tiān

亭 tíng 唐 táng 田 tián 甜 tián

寧 níng 囊 náng 年 nián 拈 niān

昇 shēng 傷 shāng 申 shēn 深 shēn

稱 chēng 昌 chāng 嗔 chēn 𧡪 dān

乘 shèng 常 cháng 神 shén 諶 chén

仍 réng 穰 ráng 忎rén 任rén

修 xiū 相 xiāng 星 xīng 宣 xuān

囚 qiú 詳 xiáng 餳 xíng 旋 xuán

周 zhōu 章 zhāng 征 zhēng 專 zhuān

精 jīng 煎jiān 將 jiāng 尖 jiān 津 jīn

清 qīng 千 qiān 槍 qiāng 僉 qiān 親 qīn

從 cóng 前 qián 牆 qiáng 朁 qián 秦 qín

喻 yù 延 yán 羊 yáng 鹽 yán 寅 yín

見 jiàn 今 jīn 京 jīng 犍 jiān 居 jū

溪 xī 欽 qīn 卿 qīng 褰 qiān 袪 qū

羣 qún 琴 qín 擎 qíng 蹇 jiǎn 渠 qú

疑 yí 吟 yín 迎 yíng 言 yán 䰻 yú

曉 xiǎo 馨 xīn 呼 hū 歡 huān 祅 yāo

匣 xiá 刑 xíng 胡 hú 桓 huán 賢 xián

影 yǐng 纓 yīng 烏 wū 剜 wān 煙 yān

知 zhī 張 zhāng 衷 zhōng 貞 zhēn 珍 zhēn

徹 chè 悵 chàng 忡 chōng 檉 chēng 縝 zhěn

澄 chéng 長 cháng 蟲 chóng 呈 chéng 陳 chén

來 lái 良 liáng 隆 lóng 泠 líng 鄰 lín

不 bù 邊 biān 逋 bū 賓 bīn 夫 fū

芳 fāng 偏 piān 鋪 pū 繽 bīn 敷 fū

並 bìng 便 pián 蒲 pú 頻 pín 苻 pú

明 míng 綿 mián 模 mú 民 mín 無 wú

106  Graded Rhyme Charts

Table 6.1  Examples for the Thirty Initials

Graded Rhyme Charts 107 Through relevant studies, we came to know that the thirty initials were sorted out by Shouwen with reference to Sanskrit and Tibetan scripts. At the beginning section of the Yuan Dynasty copy of the《玉篇》Yùpiān ‘Jade Chapters’, there is an anonymous introduction to the methods of segmenting syllables, in which thirty pairs of alliterative characters are listed. They show a similar system of initials, without using class names. Presumably, this version of the initial system dates further back than Shouwen’s. The Thirty-six Initials prevalent nowadays are naturally the result of supplementation by later scholars. The sequence of the initials, the names of the ‘five sounds’ and the names of different voicing patterns are all slightly different among various rhyme charts. Later on, a standard version has been developed (Table 6.2). Table 6.2  The Thirty-six Initials 全清 次清 quánqīng cìqīng ‘full clear’ ‘secondary clear’ 唇音 重唇 幫 chúnyīn zhòngchún bāng ‘lip sound’ ‘heavy lip’ 輕唇 非 qīngchún fēi ‘light lip’ 舌音 舌頭 端 shéyīn shétóu duān ‘tongue ‘tongue sound’ head’ 舌上 知 shéshàng zhī ‘tongue top’ 齒音 齒頭 精 chǐyīn chǐtóu jīng ‘front tooth ‘tooth head’ sound’ 正齒 照 zhèngchǐ zhào ‘proper tooth’ 牙音 yáyīn 見 ‘back tooth sound’ jiàn 喉音 hóuyīn 影 ‘throat sound’ yǐng 半舌 bànshé ‘half tongue’ 半齒 bànchǐ ‘half tooth’

全濁 quánzhuó ‘full opaque’

次濁 全清 全濁 cìzhuó quánqīng quánzhuó ‘secondary ‘full clear’ ‘full opaque’ opaque’

滂 pāng

並 bìng

明 míng

敷 fū

奉 fèng

微 wēi

透 tòu

定 dìng

泥 ní

徹 chè

澄 chéng

娘 niáng

清 qīng

從 cóng

心 xīn

邪 xié

穿 chuān

牀 chuáng

審 shěn

禪 shàn

溪 xī 曉 xiǎo

羣 qún 匣 xiá

(曉) xiǎo

(匣)1 xiá

疑 yí 喻 yù 來 lái 日 rì

Note 1 There are two ways of sequencing the ‘throat sounds’: 影 yǐng, 曉 xiǎo, 匣 xiá and 喻 yù or 影 yǐng, 喻 yù, 曉 xiǎo and 匣 xiá. In the former sequence, 曉 xiǎo is ‘secondary clear’; in the later, it is ‘full clear’.

108  Graded Rhyme Charts The so-called 五音 wǔyīn ‘five sounds’ have been all along referring to ‘lip’, ‘tongue’, ‘front tooth’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials (‘half tongue’ is integrated into the ‘tongue’ initials; ‘half tooth’, into the ‘front tooth’ initials). The notion 七 音 qīyīn ‘seven sounds’ counts ‘half tongue’ and ‘half tooth’ separately. There is even the term 九音 jiǔyīn ‘nine sounds’, in which ‘half tongue’ and ‘half tooth’ are collectively called ‘tongue – tooth’, the ‘lip sound’ is subclassified into ‘heavy lip’ and ‘light lip’, the ‘tongue sound’ into ‘tongue head’ and ‘tongue top’, and ‘front tooth sound’ into ‘tooth head’ and ‘proper tooth’. The ‘full clear’ and ‘full opaque’ are also known simply as ‘clear’ and ‘opaque’; the ‘secondary opaque’ is also known as ‘clear – opaque’ or ‘neither clear nor opaque’. Alternatively, the initials 心 xīn and 審 shěn are regarded as ‘secondary clear’ and 邪 xié and 禪 shàn as ‘secondary opaque’. Either way they must be confused with 精 jīng, 清 qīng and 從 cóng or 照 zhào, 穿 chuān and 牀 chuáng. This is a problem rhyme charts experts could not solve. Qing Dynasty scholar Jiang Yong (江永), in his《音學辨微》Yīnxué Biànwēi ‘Exquisite Distinctions in Speech Sound Studies’, classified心 xīn and 審 shěn as 又次清 yòu cìqīng ‘further secondary clear’ and 邪 xié and 禪 shàn as 又次濁 yòu cìzhuó ‘further secondary opaque’, thus managing to distinguish them from the other initials. Whether the terms are good or bad is another question. The terms ‘five sounds’, ‘clear’ and ‘opaque’ are not equally easy to understand. Explanations by rhyme chart experts are by no means clear enough. Using modern phonology terminologies, we have the following correspondences:1 ‘heavy lip’: bilabial ‘tongue head’: dental plosive ‘tooth head’: dental affricate and fricative

‘light lip’: labiodental ‘tongue top’: palatal plosive ‘proper tooth’: retroflex, dental – palatal or palatal affricate and fricative ‘back tooth sound’: velar ‘throat sound’: glottal ‘half tongue’: dental lateral ‘half tooth’: nature unclear, perhaps palatal nasal ‘full clear’: unaspirated voiceless ‘secondary clear’: aspirated voiceless ‘full opaque’: voiced plosive or affricate ‘secondary opaque’: liquid (nasal, lateral, etc.) ‘further secondary clear’: voiceless fricative ‘further secondary opaque’: voiced fricative

The Thirty-six Initials and Shouwen’s thirty initials have the following differences: (1) Shouwen does not distinguish between ‘light lip’ and ‘heavy lip’, so 幫 bāng, 滂 pāng, 並 bìng, 明 míng and 非 fēi, 敷 fū, 奉 fèng and 微 wēi are conflated as 不 bù, 芳 fāng, 並 bìng and 明 míng. The example characters on the Dunhuang manuscript have both ‘light lip’ and ‘heavy lip’ initials that were not distinguished until later. (2) Shouwen does not have the initial 娘 niáng, or we can say Shouwen’s initial 泥 ní represents the combination of 泥 ní and 娘 niáng later. (3) Although Shouwen has 禪 shàn but not 牀 chuáng, among the example characters under the 禪 shàn category on the Dunhuang manuscript, 乘 shèng and

Graded Rhyme Charts 109 神 shén have the initial 牀 chuáng, and 常 cháng and 諶 chén have the initial 禪 shàn per later classification. So we can conclude that Shouwen does not distinguish between 牀 chuáng and禪 shàn. Some say that Shouwen’s creation of the initials was constrained by the patterns of Sanskrit and Tibetan, and he discarded those initials that were present in Chinese but absent in Sanskrit and Tibetan so that there were six initials short of the later version. This notion is problematic. As for the difference in sequence, e.g. 來 lái in ‘back tooth’ category, 心 xīn and邪 xié in ‘throat’ category, it is apparently because the earlier version was less accurate than later versions. §6.5 The correspondences between the initials and the fifty-one types of upper characters in the Guǎngyùn are as follows. 幫 bāng and 非 fēi 滂 pāng and 敷 fū 並 bìng and 奉 fèng 明 míng and 微 wēi

博 bó type and 方 fāng type 普 pǔ type and 芳 fāng type 蒲 pú type and 符 fú type 莫 mò type and 武 wǔ type2

端 duān 透 tòu 定 dìng 泥 ní

泥 ní and 娘 niáng

都 dū type 他 tā type 徒 tú type 奴 nú type and 女 nǚ type3

知 zhī 徹 chè 澄 chéng

陟 zhì type 丑 chǒu type 直 zhí type

不 bù 芳 fāng 並 bìng 明 míng

精 jīng 清 qīng 從 cóng 心 xīn 邪 xié

作 zuò type and 子 zǐ type 倉 cāng type and 七 qī type 昨 zuó type and 疾 jí type 蘇 sū type and 息 xī type 徐 xú type

照 zhào 穿 chuān 牀 chuáng 審 shěn 禪 shàn

側 cè type and 之 zhī type 初 chū type and 昌 chāng type 士 shì type (except 俟 sì) and 食 shí type 所 suǒ type and 式 shì type 士 shì type (俟 sì) and 時 shí type4

見 jiàn 溪 xī 羣 qún 疑 yí

古 gǔ type and 居 jū type 苦 kǔ type and 去 qù type 渠 qú type 五 wǔ type and 魚 yú type

影 yǐng 喻 yù 曉 xiǎo 匣 xiá

烏 wū type and 於 yú type 于 yú type and 以 yǐ type 呼 hū type and 許 xǔ type 胡 hú type

來 lái 日 rì

盧 lú type and 力 lì type 而 ér type

110  Graded Rhyme Charts Sometimes one initial corresponds to two types of upper characters; such uneven correspondence is of four kinds: (1) Some types of upper characters, e.g. 作 zuò and 子 zǐ, 古 gǔ and 居 jū, 烏 wū5 and 於 yú, and 盧 lú and 力 lì, are only distinguished as they are, but it is by no means an absolute necessity. Therefore, 作 zuò and子 zǐ correspond to a single initial 精 jīng, 古 gǔ and 居 jū correspond to a single initial 見 jiàn, etc. It reflects rather a matter of classification standard than a systematic distinction. In fact, not all fǎnqiè scholars agree to the dichotomy. (2) As far as their relationship with Shouwen’s 不 bù, 芳 fāng, 並 bìng and 明 míng is concerned, the opposition between 博 bó and 方 fāng, 普 pǔ and 芳 fāng, 蒲 pú and 符 fú, and 莫 mò and 武 wǔ resembles the relationship between 作 zuò, 子 zǐ and 精 jīng; 古 gǔ, 居 jū and 見 jiàn; etc. As regards 幫 bāng and 非 fēi, 滂 pāng and 敷 fū, 並 bìng and 奉 fèng, and 明 míng and 微 wēi in the Thirty-six Initials, the distinction in each pair is of another kind made at a later time, which represents a distinction in the phonological system of that time from the Qièyùn era. (3) The relationship between 奴 nú type and女 nǚ type in fǎnqiè on the one hand and Shouwen’s initial 泥 ní on the other is exactly like that between 作 zuò, 子 zǐ and 精 jīng; 古 gǔ, 居 jū and 見 jiàn; etc. The distinction between 泥 ní and 娘 niáng in the Thirty-six Initials is only notional. (4) Each of 照 zhào, 穿 chuān, 牀 chuáng, 審 shěn and 喻 yù corresponds to two types of upper characters. These two types are completely distinct from each other. Although they appear under one initial on rhyme tables, they are kept in different grades and not confused. For example, although 側 cè type and 之 zhī type characters are both under the initial 照 zhào, the former are always positioned in the second grade, the latter always in the third grade; although 于 yú type and 以 yǐ type characters are both under the initial 喻 yù, the former are always in the third grade, the latter always in the fourth grade. This is an issue of arrangement in rhyme tables. §6.6 In general, the organisation of Middle Chinese finals in early rhyme charts features distinguishing rhymes by grades; the four grades cross-classify with the four tones, so as to constitute rhyme tables. The origin of distinguishing rhymes by grades is still unclear. The so-called ‘light and heavy examples of the four grades’ in the Fragmented Volume of Shouwen’s Rhyme Studies discovered in Dunhuang is the earliest known material. An excerpt is provided as follows: Píng tone

Shǎng tone

高古豪反 gāo gǔ háo fǎn 交肴 jiāo yáo 嬌霄 jiāo xiāo 澆蕭 jiāo xiāo

𦼮歌旱反 gǎn gē hàn fǎn 簡產 jiǎn chǎn 蹇獮 jiǎn xiǎn 蠒銑 jiǎn xiǎn

Graded Rhyme Charts 111 Píng tone

Shǎng tone

觀古桓反 guān gǔ huán fǎn 關刪 guān shān 勬宣 juān xuān 涓先 juān xiān 樓落侯反 lóu luò hóu fǎn ⭘ 流尤 liú yóu 鏐幽 liú yōu

埯烏敢反 ǎn wū gǎn fǎn 黤檻 yǎn kǎn 掩琰 yǎn yǎn 魘琰 yǎn yǎn 杲古老反 gǎo gǔ lǎo faň 姣巧 jiāo qiǎo 矯小 jiǎo xiǎo 皎篠 jiǎo xiǎo

Qù tone 旰古案反 gàn gǔ àn fǎn 諫諫 jiàn jiàn 建願 jiàn yuàn 見霰 jiàn xiàn 但徒旦反 dàn tú dàn fǎn 綻襇 zhàn jiǎn 纏線 chán xiàn 殿霰 diàn xiàn

Rù tone 勒郎德反 lè láng dé fǎn 礜麥 yù mài 力職 lì zhí 歷錫 lì xī 刻苦德反 kè gǔ dé fǎn 緙麥 kè mài 隙陌 xì mò 喫錫 chī xī

Each of the four rows represents the first, second, third and fourth grades. Characters of the first grade is given a fǎnqiè pattern; those of the other grades are only provided with the rhyme class. Presumably, it means that characters of the second, third and fourth grades can be derived from the fǎnqiè for the first-grade character and their gradation. The circle indicates that no character is available for that slot. Based on such an organisation, we know the following: (1) 高 gāo, 交 jiāo, 嬌 jiāo, 澆 jiāo and 觀 guān, 關 guān, 勬 juān, 涓 juān, etc. represent broader rhyme classes than single rhymes. (2) Some characters are placed within one rhyme in rhyme dictionaries, but they appear in two grades in rhyme charts; therefore, the distinction in grade represents distinction in final, not just in rhyme. (3) Since the four characters in each group belong to the same broad rhyme class and they have the same initial and tone, their distinction, i.e. the distinction among first, second, third and fourth grades, lies in the medial or delicate aspects of the main vowel. (4) Since 高 gāo, 觀 guān, etc. are all in the first grade, 交 jiāo, 關 guān, etc. are all in the second grade, 嬌 jiāo, 勬 juān, etc. are all in the third grade, and 澆 jiāo, 涓 juān, etc. are all in the fourth grade, the characters in the same grade must bear some similarities in medial or delicate aspects of main vowels. This marks the beginning of systematic arrangement of syllable finals. §6.7 Since grade distinctions were established, it was only natural for later rhyme charts to cross-classify syllables by rhymes, tones and grades and to consolidate the 206 rhymes as an array of rhyme tables. The forty-three rhyme tables of the Yùnjìng, together with rhyme classes of each grade, are presented in Table 6.3, to clarify the relationship between rhyme charts (grading and arrangement of rhyme tables) and rhyme dictionaries (classification of rhymes). Only the píng tone rhyme classes are provided since those of the shǎng, qù and rù tones can be subsumed.

112  Graded Rhyme Charts Table 6.3  Rhyme Tables of the Yùnjìng Grade

 Table

1st 2nd 3rd 4th Grade

 Table

1st 2nd 3rd 4th Grade

 Table

1st 2nd 3rd 4th Grade

 Table

1st 2nd 3rd 4th Grade

 Table

1st 2nd 3rd 4th Grade

 Table

1st 2nd 3rd 4th Grade 1st 2nd 3rd 4th

 Table

1

2

3

東 dōng (東 dōng)1 東 dōng (東 dōng)

冬 dōng (鍾 zhōng) 鍾 zhōng (鍾 zhōng)

⭘ 江 jiāng ⭘ ⭘

4, 52

6, 7

8

⭘ (支 zhī) 支 zhī (支 zhī)

⭘ (脂 zhī) 脂 zhī (脂 zhī)

⭘ (之 zhī) 之 zhī (之 zhī)

9, 10

11

12

⭘ ⭘ 微 wēi [廢 fèi]3 ⭘

⭘ (魚 yú) 魚 yú (魚 yú)

模 mú (虞 yú) 虞 yú (虞 yú)

13, 14

15, 16

17, 18

咍 hāi, 灰 huī 皆 jiē [夬 guài] 咍 hāi, 齊 qí [祭 jì]4 齊 qí

泰 tài 佳 jiā ⭘ (祭 jì)

痕 hén, 魂 hún 臻 zhēn 真 zhēn, 諄 zhūn (真 zhēn, 諄 zhūn)

19, 20

21, 22

23, 24

⭘ ⭘ 欣 xīn, 文 wén ⭘

⭘ 山 shān 元 yuán (仙 xiān)

寒 hán, 桓 huán 刪 shān 仙 xiān 先 xiān

25

26

27

豪 háo 肴 yáo (宵 xiāo) 蕭 xiāo

⭘ ⭘ ⭘ 宵 xiāo

歌 gē ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

28

29, 30

31, 32

戈 gē ⭘ 戈 gē ⭘

⭘ 麻 má 麻 má (麻 má)

唐 táng (陽 yáng) 陽 yáng (陽 yáng)

Graded Rhyme Charts 113

Grade

 Table

1st 2nd 3rd 4th Grade

 Table

1st 2nd 3rd 4th Grade 1st 2nd 3rd 4th

 Table

33, 34

35, 36

37

⭘ 庚 gēng 庚 gēng (清 qīng)

⭘ 耕 gēng 清 qīng 青 qīng

侯 hóu (尤 yóu) 尤 yóu (幽 yōu) (尤 yóu)5

38

39

40

⭘ (侵 qīn) 侵 qīn (侵 qīn)

覃 tán 咸 xián 鹽 yán 添 tiān

談 tán 銜 xián 嚴 yán (鹽 yán)6

41

42, 43

⭘ ⭘ 凡 fán ⭘

登 dēng (蒸 zhēng) 蒸 zhēng (蒸 zhēng)

Notes 1 Parentheses in second-grade and fourth-grade cells mean that there should have been no character in these slots; and that there are characters there is due to the organisation of rhyme tables. See the next section for details. 2 Some characters are found in two tables because they have variation between ‘open’ and ‘closed’. Two rhymes in one cell separated by a comma are ‘open’ and ‘closed’ rhymes that appear in two tables. 3 The four qù tone rhymes 祭 jì, 泰 tài, 夬 guài and 廢 fèi do not have corresponding rhymes in the píng, shǎng and rù tones. The Yùnjìng put 祭 jì rhyme characters in empty cells of Tables 13 and 14 and 泰 tài rhyme characters in empty cells of Tables 15 and 16; that leaves 夬 guài and 廢 fèi rhymes no place to go, so 廢 fèi rhyme characters are put in rù tone slots of Tables 9 and 10 and 夬 guài rhyme characters in rù tone slots of Tables 13 and 14, with a note saying ‘qù tone deposited here’. According to Sun Di’s《內簡尺牘》Nèijiǎn Chǐdu ‘Internal Slips and Letters’, the《切韻類 例》Qièyùn Lèilì ‘Types and Styles of Segmented Rhymes’, by Yang Zhongxiu (楊中修), has fortyfour rhyme tables, one more than the Yùnjìng and the Qīyīn Lüè. The extra table is probably where the four rhymes are placed. The Qīyīn Lüè deposits 廢 fèi rhyme characters in rù tone slots of Tables 15 and 16. 4 There are only a few 咍 hāi and 齊 qí rhyme characters in the third grade, píng and shǎng tones, in Table 13, so 祭 jì rhyme characters can be deposited in qù tone slots. Third-grade cells of Table 14 contain only 祭 jì rhyme characters. 5 In the fourth grade of Table 37, 尤 yóu rhyme characters are only found with ‘tooth head’ initials and the initial 喻 yù; the rest are 幽 yōu rhyme characters. 6 Translator’s note: The character 鹽 yán in this slot should be put in parentheses, which the original text inadvertently omits.

Each table in the Yùnjìng is specified as 開 kāi ‘open’, 合 hé ‘closed’ or 開合 kāihé ‘open – closed’. Generally speaking, ‘open’ and ‘closed’ are equivalent to the modern ideas of ‘open mouth’ and ‘closed mouth’ (§2.4). However, compared with rhyme charts after the Qīyīn Lüè and the Sìshēng Děngzǐ, the specifications in the Yùnjìng are sometimes mistaken, including the author’s oversight and copiers’ errors. The meaning of ‘open – closed’ is not yet known – either something we have not been able to understand or an unintentional addition of a character 開 kāi or 合 hé.

114  Graded Rhyme Charts Instead of ‘open’ and ‘closed’, the Qīyīn Lüè specifies 轻 qīng ‘light’ and 重 zhòng ‘heavy’. The specifications ‘heavy in heavy’, ‘heavy in heavy (heavy inside)’, ‘heavy in heavy (light inside)’, ‘light in heavy (heavy inside)’ and ‘light in heavy’ are all equivalent to ‘open’; ‘light in light’, ‘light in light (light inside)’, ‘heavy in light’ and ‘heavy in light (light inside)’ are all equivalent to ‘closed’. The ‘open’, ‘closed’, ‘open – closed’ in the Yùnjìng can perhaps be revised accordingly. Both Qīyīn Lüè and Yùnjìng specify each table as 内 nèi ‘inner’ and 外 wài ‘outer’, which we will discuss in the next section. §6.8 The arrangement of Middle Chinese syllable finals in early rhyme charts has been shown in the previous section. Meticulous comparison between positions of characters in the forty-three tables and rhyme dictionaries will reveal that such an arrangement is often procrustean due to restrictions of the format of rhyme charts. The first reason for the incompatibility between format and content of rhyme charts is that the Thirty-six Initials do not correspond strictly with the initial system of rhyme dictionaries. The biggest influence on the arrangement of characters in rhyme tables is that the initials 照 zhào, 穿 chuān, 牀 chuáng, 審 shěn, 禪 shàn and 喻 yù all correspond to two distinct types of upper characters (§6.5). We do not know whether 側 cè type and 之 zhī type, 初 chū type and 昌 chāng type. . . 于 yú type and 以 yǐ type were merged or not at the time of the Thirty-six Initials. Nonetheless, early rhyme charts were designed not to conflate distinct sound types of rhyme dictionaries, so they came up with the following solutions: (1) Since characters of the 之 zhī, 昌 chāng, 食 shí, 式 shì and 時 shí types only have third-grade rhymes, naturally they are put in the third-grade rows under initials 照 zhào, 穿 chuān, 牀 chuáng, 審 shěn and 禪 shàn. (2) Some of the characters of the 側 cè, 初 chū, 士 shì and 所 suǒ types have second-grade rhymes, others have third-grade rhymes, as do those of 之 zhī, 昌 chāng, etc. types. It is not problematic to put the former group in the secondgrade rows under initials 照 zhào, 穿 chuān, 牀 chuáng, 審 shěn and 禪 shàn; however, characters in the latter group conflict with those of 之 zhī, 昌 chāng, etc. types under the five initials. Fortunately, whenever such characters in the third grade are in conflict, there are not any second-grade characters at all in same table. So these third-grade characters intrude into the second-grade positions under ‘proper tooth’ initials. This happens in the 東 dōng, 鍾 zhōng, 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, 之 zhī, 魚 yú, 虞 yú, 陽 yáng, 尤 yóu, 侵 qīn and 蒸 zhēng rhymes. (3) Characters of both 于 yú type and以 yǐ type have third-grade rhymes only. In rhyme charts, characters of the 于 yú type are always positioned in the thirdgrade cells under the initial 喻 yù and characters of the 以 yǐ type intrude into the fourth-grade cells. Because finals of the first, second and fourth grades will not occur with the initial 喻 yù, the intrusion will cause no conflict. Since the distinction between幫 bāng group and 非 fēi group initials is systematically different from the distinction between 博 bó type and 方 fāng type upper characters, the arrangement of characters in rhyme charts is not influenced.

Graded Rhyme Charts  115 Table 6.4 Correspondence Between 博 bó/方 fāng Type Upper Characters and 幫 bāng/非 fēi Group Initials Types of upper character

Rhymes

Initials

方 fāng, 芳 fāng, 符 fú, 武 wǔ

東 dōng (third grade), 鍾 zhōng, 微 wēi, 虞 yú, 廢 fèi, 文 wén, 元 yuán, 陽 yáng, 尤 yóu and 凡 fán 東 dōng (first grade) and other rhymes

非 fēi, 敷 fū, 奉 fèng, 微 wēi

博 bó, 普 pǔ, 蒲 pú, 莫 mò

幫 bāng, 滂 pāng, 並 bìng, 明 míng

This correspondence (Table 6.4) shows no conflict among types of upper characters, rhymes and initials. Except in the Qièyùn Zhǐzhǎng Tú, the 非 fēi group initials do not occupy independent positions in rhyme tables but are attached to the 幫 bāng group. The second reason for the incompatibility between format and content of rhyme charts is that the five ‘tooth head’ initials and the five ‘proper tooth’ initials are conflated. As mentioned, ‘proper tooth’ syllables occupy second- and third-grade cells, so that leaves ‘tooth head’ syllables in first- and fourth-grade positions. ‘Tooth head’ initials do not co-occur with second-grade rhymes. Characters of first- and fourth-grade rhymes are unproblematically put in first- and fourth-grade rows, but those of the third-grade rhymes have no place to go since third-grade cells are taken up by characters with ‘proper tooth’ initials of 之 zhī, 昌 chāng, etc. types. The rhyme charts have the following solutions to this problem: (1) When there are no characters in the fourth-grade row under ‘front tooth’ initials in the same table, those fourth-grade cells are used to admit the third-grade rhymes with ‘tooth head’ initials. This is applied in the 東 dōng, 鍾 zhōng, 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, 之 zhī, 魚 yú, 虞 yú, 真 zhēn, 諄 zhūn, 麻 má, 陽 yáng, 尤 yóu and 侵 qīn rhymes. (2) When the fourth-grade cells under ‘front tooth’ initials in the same table are occupied by other characters, those third-grade rhymes are put in the fourth-grade cells in neighbouring tables, e.g. the 祭 jì, 仙 xiān, 清 qīng and 鹽 yán rhymes. If no neighbouring table is available, a new table will be created, e.g. the 宵 xiāo rhyme. The four ‘tongue head’ initials and the four ‘tongue top’ initials are also conflated in rhyme charts. Characters with initials 端 duān, 透 tòu, 定 dìng and 泥 ní always occupy the first- and fourth-grade rows, and characters with initials 知 zhī, 徹 chè, 澄 chéng and 娘 niáng always occupy the second- and third-grade rows. This causes no trouble since端 duān group initials only co-occur with the first- and fourth-grade rhymes, 知 zhī group initials only with the second- and third-grade rhymes. Also noteworthy about the organisation of tables and grades is that some characters with ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials in the 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, 真 zhēn, 諄 zhūn, 祭 jì, 仙 xiān and 宵 xiāo rhymes intrude into the fourth-grade slots, in the same table if the slots are available and in a neighbouring or new table if there are genuine fourth-grade characters in the same table. As far as the fǎnqiè is concerned, however, they are the same kinds of characters as the third-grade characters with ‘tongue’ and ‘front tooth’ initials in the same rhymes. Moreover, the Sìshēng Děngzǐ and Qièyùn

116  Graded Rhyme Charts Zhǐzhǎng Tú mention these characters as ‘third grade but extended into the fourth grade’. Clearly such an arrangement is problematic. Among such characters, e.g. in the 支 zhī rhyme, the characters 卑 bēi, 𤿙 pí, 陴 pī, 彌 mí, 祇 qí and 詑 yí have to intrude into the fourth-grade slots because in this rhyme there are already third-grade characters with the same initials: 陂 bēi, 鈹 pí, 皮 pí, 糜 mí, 奇 qí and 犧 xī. Some other characters, e.g. 蔽 bì, 潎 pì, 弊 bì and 袂 mèi in the 祭 jì rhyme, are put in the fourth-grade slots of Table 15 in the Yùnjìng, although third-grade cells are available in Table 13 (they cannot be put in the fourth-grade cells of Table 13 because those cells have been occupied by four characters of the 霽 jì rhyme, e.g. 閉 bì). In this case we would feel that it is not simply an issue of makeshift arrangement. If we examine the mentioned rhymes across different rhyme charts, we would find that the arrangement of third- and fourth-grade characters under ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials are generally consistent – this further confirms that this arrangement is purposeful. Thus, we are faced with a question: in the rhymes 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, etc., some characters with ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials indeed have to do with the third grade, but why are they put in the fourth-grade cells in rhyme charts even when third-grade cells are unoccupied? Doesn’t such an arrangement mean that there is more than one type of third-grade rhyme in the four-grade format of rhyme charts? In the rhymes 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, etc. with ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials, only some characters are put in third-grade cells like other third-grade characters; the others make up a minor type, which are ‘extended’ into the fourth grade so as not to be confused with regular thirdgrade characters. As a result, in fourth-grade positions of rhyme charts, characters in the rhymes 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, etc. with ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials are also not real fourth-grade characters, besides the mentioned characters with the 喻 yù initial and ‘tooth head’ initials. In addition, the 清 qīng rhyme characters with ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials are all put in the fourth grade in rhyme charts, and none of them are in third-grade slots as characters of ‘tongue’ and ‘front tooth’ initials in the same rhyme are. That is to say, there is only one type of characters with ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials in the 清 qīng rhyme, the same type that is not confused with regular third-grade characters as in the rhymes 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, etc. Thus, the following is the summary: (1) When there are only ‘front tooth’ characters in the second-grade slots and they do not constitute an independent rhyme, those are not real second-grade characters, but third-grade characters that borrow second-grade characters’ positions. Their difference from third-grade characters in the same table does not lie in final, but in initial. (2) When there are characters only in the fourth-grade slots and they do not constitute an independent rhyme, those characters are not real fourth-grade characters, but third-grade characters that are rearranged for reasons accounted for. (3) When third-grade characters need to be rearranged in fourth-grade slots, but the slots are already occupied by real fourth-grade characters in the same table, those third-grade characters have to be relocated in a neighbouring table. This will cause serious problems to the standard of distinction between tables. Moreover, any new table that is created because there is no neighbouring table to put those characters in should not exist in the first place.

Graded Rhyme Charts 117 §6.9 As far as reconstruction of Middle Chinese phonological system is concerned, rhyme charts after the Sìshēng Děngzǐ are helpful in that they combine rhyme tables into rhyme groups (摄 shè). The significance of combining rhyme tables into rhyme groups is as follows: (1) Two tables distinguished according to openness are combined into one rhyme group, with ‘open’ and ‘closed’ rhymes still arranged in separate tables. (2) Within ‘open’ or ‘closed’ rhyme classes, neighbouring rhymes are combined into one table. Therefore, in principle, every rhyme group with the ‘open vs. closed’ distinction has two tables, and those without such distinction (known as 獨韻 dúyùn ‘exclusive rhyme’) have only one table. The Qīyīn Lüè and Yùnjìng are works at the early stage of rhyme charts. The concepts of ‘open’ and ‘closed’ (or ‘light’ and ‘heavy’) are not sufficiently clear, sometimes even uninterpretable in use and inconsistent between the two books; therefore, it is often difficult to determine the relationship between rhyme tables. The combination of rhyme tables into rhyme groups after the Sìshēng Děngzǐ solves this problem. Moreover, if we are more audacious, we can even rectify the use of ‘open’ and ‘closed’ in the Yùnjìng and ‘light’ and ‘heavy’ in the Qīyīn Lüè based on the highly consistently used concepts ‘open-mouth’, ‘closed-mouth’ and ‘exclusive rhyme’ after the Děngzǐ. The combinations of neighbouring rhyme tables would inevitably neutralise the distinction between rhymes. If no distinction is shown between 東 dōng and 冬 dōng or among 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, 之 zhī and 微 wēi, it is not favourable to our work. But the combinations serve another purpose, helping us learn about rhyme tables that are wrongly or problematically differentiated. Therefore, guided by the sixteen rhyme groups after the Děngzǐ, and based on our discussion in the previous section, we can arrive at the system of finals in Middle Chinese as shown in rhyme charts as follows: 通 tōng group (no distinction between ‘open’ and ‘closed’): Tables 1 and 2 in the Yùnjìng6 1st 2nd 3rd 4th

東 dōng ⭘

東 dōng ⭘

董 dǒng ⭘

董 dǒng ⭘

送 sòng ⭘

送 sòng ⭘

屋 wū ⭘

屋 wū ⭘

冬 dōng ⭘

鍾 zhōng ⭘

[湩 dòng] ⭘

腫 zhǒng ⭘

宋 sòng ⭘

用 yòng ⭘

沃 wò ⭘

燭 zhú ⭘

江 jiāng group (no distinction between ‘open’ and ‘closed’): Table  3 in the Yùnjìng 1st 2nd 3rd 4th

⭘ 江 jiāng ⭘ ⭘

⭘ 講 jiǎng ⭘ ⭘

⭘ 絳 jiàng ⭘ ⭘

⭘ 覺 jué ⭘ ⭘

118  Graded Rhyme Charts 止 zhǐ group: Tables 4–10 in the Yùnjìng7 1st open closed 2nd open closed 3rd open

⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

支 zhī (x2) closed 支 zhī (x2) 4th open ⭘ closed ⭘

⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

紙 zhǐ (x2) 紙 zhǐ (x2) ⭘ ⭘

寘 zhì (x2) 寘 zhì (x2) ⭘ ⭘

脂 zhī (x2) 脂 zhī (x2) ⭘ ⭘

旨 zhǐ (x2) 旨 zhǐ (x2) ⭘ ⭘

至 之 止 志 zhì zhī zhǐ zhì (x2) 至 zhì (x2) ⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

微 wēi

尾 wěi

未 wèi

微 wēi

尾 wěi

未 wèi

⭘ ⭘

⭘ ⭘

⭘ ⭘

遇 yù group: Tables 11 and 12 in the Yùnjìng 1st 2nd 3rd 4th

open open open open

⭘ ⭘ 魚 yú ⭘

⭘ ⭘ 語 yǔ ⭘

⭘ ⭘ 御 yù ⭘

closed closed closed closed

模 mú ⭘ 虞 yú ⭘

姥 mǔ ⭘ 麌 yǔ ⭘

暮 mù ⭘ 遇 yù ⭘

蟹 xiè group: Tables 13–16 in the Yùnjìng8 1st

open

2nd

open

3rd

open

4th

open

咍 hāi ⭘ 皆 jiē 佳 jiā

海 hǎi ⭘ 駭 hài 蟹 xiè

代 dài 泰 tài 怪 guài 卦 guà

closed

[㹗 táo] [栘 yí] ⭘ ⭘ 齊 qí

[茝 chǎi] ⭘ ⭘ ⭘ 薺 jì

⭘ ⭘ 祭 jì (x2) 廢 fèi 霽 jì

closed

closed

closed

灰 huī ⭘ 皆 jiē 佳 jiā ⭘

賄 huì ⭘ ⭘ 蟹 xiè ⭘

⭘ ⭘ 齊 qí

⭘ ⭘ ⭘

隊 duì 泰 tài 怪 guài 卦 guà 夬 guài 祭 jì (x2) 廢 fèi 霽 jì

臻 zhēn group: Tables 17–20 in the Yùnjìng9 1st open 痕 hén 2nd open 臻 zhēn 3rd open 真 zhēn (x2) 欣 xīn 4th open ⭘

很 hěn ⭘ 軫 zhěn (x2) 隱 yǐn ⭘

恨 hèn ⭘ 震 zhèn (x2) 焮 xìn ⭘

[紇 hé] 櫛 zhì 質 zhì (x2) 迄 qì ⭘

closed 魂 hún closed ⭘ closed 諄 zhūn (x2) 文 wén closed ⭘

混 hùn ⭘ 準 zhǔn (x2) 吻 wěn ⭘

慁 hùn ⭘ 稕 zhùn (x2) 問 wèn ⭘

沒 mò ⭘ 術 shù (x2) 物 wù ⭘

Graded Rhyme Charts 119 山 shān group: Tables 21–24 in the Yùnjìng10 1st open 寒 hán 2nd open 刪 shān 山 shān 3rd open 仙 xiān (x2) 元 yuán 4th open 先 xiān

旱 hàn 潸 shān 產 chǎn 獮 xiǎn (x2) 阮 ruǎn 銑 xiǎn

翰 hàn 諫 jiàn 襇 jiǎn 線 xiàn (x2) 願 yuàn 霰 xiàn

曷 hé 鎋 xiá 黠 xiá 薛 xuē (x2) 月 yuè 屑 xiè

closed 桓 huán closed 刪 shān 山 shān closed 仙 xiān (x2) 元 yuán closed 先 xiān

緩 huǎn 潸 shān 產 chǎn 獮 xiǎn (x2) 阮 ruǎn 銑 xiǎn

換 huàn 諫 jiàn 襇 jiǎn 線 xiàn (x2) 願 yuàn 霰 xiàn

末 mò 鎋 xiá 黠 xiá 薛 xuē (x2) 月 yuè 屑 xiè

效 xiào group (no distinction between ‘open’ and ‘closed’): Tables 25 and 26 in the Yùnjìng11 1st 2nd 3rd 4th

豪 háo 肴 yáo 宵 xiāo (x2) 蕭 xiāo

皓 hào 巧 qiǎo 小 xiǎo (x2) 篠 xiǎo

號 hào 效 xiào 笑 xiào (x2) 嘯 xiào

果 guǒ group: Tables 27 and 28 in the Yùnjìng12 1st 2nd 3rd 4th

open open open open

歌 gē ⭘ 戈 gē13 ⭘

哿 gě ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

箇 gè ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

closed closed closed closed

戈 gē ⭘ 戈 gē ⭘

果 guǒ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

過 guò ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

假 jiǎ group: Tables 29 and 30 in the Yùnjìng14 1st 2nd 3rd 4th

open open open open

⭘ 麻 má 麻 má ⭘

⭘ 馬 mǎ 馬 mǎ ⭘

⭘ 禡 mà 禡 mà ⭘

closed closed closed closed

⭘ 麻 má ⭘ ⭘

⭘ 馬 mǎ ⭘ ⭘

⭘ 禡 mà ⭘ ⭘

宕 dàng group: Tables 31 and 32 in the Yùnjìng15 1st 2nd 3rd 4th

open 唐 táng 蕩 dàng 宕 dàng 鐸 duó closed 唐 táng 蕩 dàng 宕 dàng 鐸 duó open ⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘ closed ⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘ open 陽 yáng 養 yǎng 漾 yàng 藥 yào closed 陽 yáng 養 yǎng 漾 yàng 藥 yào open ⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘ closed ⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

120  Graded Rhyme Charts 梗 gěng group: Tables 33–36 in the Yùnjìng16 1st open ⭘ 2nd open 庚 gēng 耕 gēng 3rd open 庚 gēng 清 qīng 4th open 青 qīng

⭘ 梗 gěng 耿 gěng 梗 gěng 靜 jìng 迥 jiǒng

⭘ 映 yìng 諍 zhèng 映 yìng 勁 jìng 徑 jìng

⭘ 陌 mò 麥 mài 陌 mò 昔 xī 錫 xī

closed ⭘ closed 庚 gēng 耕 gēng closed 庚 gēng 清 qīng closed 青 qīng

⭘ ⭘ 梗 gěng 映 yìng ⭘ ⭘ 梗 gěng 映 yìng 靜 jìng ⭘ 迥 jiǒng ⭘

⭘ 陌 mò 麥 mài 陌 mò 昔 xī 錫 xī

曾 zēng group: Tables 42 and 43 in the Yùnjìng17 1st 2nd 3rd 4th

open open open open

登 dēng 等 děng 嶝 dèng 德 dé ⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘ 蒸 zhēng 拯 zhěng 證 zhèng 職 zhí ⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

closed closed closed closed

登 dēng ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

⭘ ⭘ ⭘ ⭘

德 dé ⭘ 職 zhí ⭘

流 liú group (no distinction between ‘open’ and ‘closed’): Table 37 in the Yùnjìng18 1st 2nd 3rd

侯 hóu ⭘ 尤 yóu 幽 yōu ⭘

4th

厚 hòu ⭘ 有 yǒu 黝 yǒu ⭘

候 hòu ⭘ 宥 yòu 幼 yòu ⭘

深 shēn group (no distinction between ‘open’ and ‘closed’): Table 38 in the Yùnjìng19 1st 2nd 3rd 4th

⭘ ⭘ 侵 qīn (x2) ⭘

⭘ ⭘ 寢 qǐn (x2) ⭘

⭘ ⭘ 沁 qìn (x2) ⭘

⭘ ⭘ 緝 jī (x2) ⭘

咸 xián group: Tables 39–41 in the Yùnjìng20 1st

open 覃 tán 談 tán 2nd open 咸 xián 銜 xián 3rd open 鹽 yán 嚴 yán 4th open 添 tiān

感 gǎn 敢 gǎn 豏 xiàn 檻 jiàn 琰 yǎn 儼 yǎn 忝 tiǎn

勘 kān 闞 kàn 陷 xiàn 鑑 jiàn 豔 yàn 釅 yàn 㮇 tiàn

合 hé 盍 hé 洽 qià 狎 xiá 葉 yè 業 yè 帖 tiè

closed closed

⭘

⭘

⭘

⭘

⭘

⭘

⭘

⭘

closed 凡 fán 范 fàn 梵 fàn 乏 fá closed

⭘

⭘

⭘

⭘

Graded Rhyme Charts 121 §6.10 Based on this synopsis of tables, we can categorise the rhymes as follows: 東 dōng (first grade), 冬 dōng, 模 mú, 咍 hāi, 灰 huī, 泰 tài, 痕 hén, 魂 hún, 寒 hán, 桓 huán, 豪 háo, 歌 gē, 戈 gē (first grade), 唐 táng, 登 dēng, 侯 hóu, 覃 tán, 談 tán and their corresponding shǎng, qù and rù tone rhymes as ‘firstgrade rhymes’; 江 jiāng, 皆 jiē, 佳 jiā, 夬 guài, 臻 zhēn, 刪 shān, 山 shān, 肴 yáo, 麻 má (second grade), 庚 gēng (second grade), 耕 gēng, 咸 xián, 銜 xián and their corresponding shǎng, qù and rù tone rhymes as ‘second-grade rhymes’; 東 dōng (third grade), 鍾 zhōng, 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, 之 zhī, 微 wēi, 魚 yú, 虞 yú, 祭 jì, 廢 fèi, 真 zhēn, 諄 zhūn, 欣 xīn, 文 wén, 仙 xiān, 元 yuán, 宵 xiāo, 戈 gē (third grade), 麻 má (third grade), 陽 yáng, 庚 gēng (third grade), 清 qīng, 蒸 zhēng, 尤 yóu, 幽 yōu, 侵 qīn, 鹽 yán, 嚴 yán, 凡 fán and their corresponding shǎng, qù and rù tone rhymes as ‘third-grade rhymes’; 齊 qí, 先 xiān, 蕭 xiāo, 青 qīng, 添 tiān and their corresponding shǎng, qù and rù tone rhymes as ‘fourth-grade rhymes’. Characters of first-grade rhymes are all arranged in first-grade slots in rhyme charts, characters of second-grade rhymes all in second-grade slots, and characters of fourth-grade rhymes all in fourth-grade slots. Among third-grade rhymes, only characters of 微 wēi, 廢 fèi, 欣 xīn, 文 wén, 嚴 yán and 凡 fán and the third-grade components of 戈 gē, 咍 hāi and 齊 qí are in third-grade slots; characters of all the rest of the third-grade rhymes, due to restrictions of the format of rhyme charts, intrude into second-grade or fourth-grade positions, as shown in Table 6.5 at the end of this chapter. The Sìshēng Děngzǐ and Qièyùn Zhǐnán annotate each rhyme table as ‘inner’ or ‘outer’. The introduction to the Děngzǐ specifies the eight rhyme groups 通 tōng, 止 zhǐ, 遇 yù, 果 guǒ, 宕 dàng, 曾 zēng, 流 liú and 深 shēn as 內轉 nèizhuǎn ‘inner turns’ and the other eight, i.e. 江 jiāng, 蟹 xiè, 臻 zhēn, 山 shān, 效 xiào, 假 jiǎ, 梗 gěng and 咸 xián, as 外轉 wàizhuǎn ‘outer turns’, in total conformity with the ‘inner’ or ‘outer’ specification of each rhyme group. Among the eight ‘inner’ rhyme groups, the second-grade slots of the 果 guǒ group have no character at all, and the second-grade slots of the other groups contain characters only under ‘front tooth’ initials, which are actually third-grade characters borrowing second-grade positions, as shown in categories (1) and (2) in Table 6.5. Therefore, the eight ‘inner’ rhyme groups have no second-grade finals. On the contrary, the eight ‘outer’ rhyme groups all have independent second-grade finals. For example, in the 江 jiāng group, all 江 jiāng rhyme characters are in second-grade slots; in the 蟹 xiè group, characters of second-grade rhymes 皆 jiē, 佳 jiā, 夬 guài bear no relationship with those of the third-grade rhyme 祭 jì. In the seven groups 江 jiāng, 蟹 xiè, 山 shān, 效 xiào, 假 jiǎ, 梗 gěng and 咸 xián, there are characters under ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials as well as under ‘front tooth’ initials. Although there are only characters under ‘front tooth’ initials in the second-grade slots of the 臻 zhēn group, they are not confused with characters of third-grade rhymes 真 zhēn and 諄 zhūn in the same group.

122  Graded Rhyme Charts As concerns the relationship between rhyme tables and rhyme groups, the specifications of ‘inner’ and ‘outer’ in Qīyīn Lüè and Yùnjìng are exactly the same as those in Děngzǐ and Zhǐnán. In the Zhǐnán, there are also specifications of 通 tōng ‘extended’, 廣 guǎng ‘expanded’, 侷 jú ‘restricted’ and 狹 xiá ‘confined’. ‘Extended’ and ‘expanded’ refer to situations where third-grade characters under ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials extend into the fourth grade, as shown in categories (2) and (3) in Table 6.5; ‘restricted’ and ‘confined’ refer to situations where no such extension takes place, as shown in category (1) in Table 6.5. Where there are genuine fourth-grade characters in the same rhyme group, the specifications are ‘extended’ and ‘restricted’; where there are not, the specifications are ‘expanded’ and ‘confined’. These specifications in the Zhǐnán are in conformity to the chapter ‘Distinction Among Expansion, Extension, Restriction and Confinement’ in the Děngzǐ. The occupation of fourth-grade slots by third-grade characters with 精 jīng group initials and the 以 yǐ type of the initial 喻 yù is common across rhyme groups and thus is given no special annotation. §6.11 In the last section of this chapter, we discuss in passing a kind of material that bears a close relationship with rhyme charts – namely, the rules of graded rhymes. In principle, the making of rhyme charts aims at replacing complicated fǎnqiè patterns in rhyme dictionaries with simple tables to represent all syllables, taking advantage of systematic correspondences among the Thirty-six Initials, the four grades and the four tones. An ideal scenario would be one where the distinction in Thirty-six Initials and four grades corresponds entirely to the initial and rhyme systems represented by the fǎnqiè system; it would be even better if it could correspond to the actual initials and finals of Middle Chinese syllables. Then the thousands of disorganised fǎnqiè patterns in rhyme dictionaries could be replaced by a set of simple principles. However, as we know, the study of graded rhymes has its own origin, and the Thirty-six Initials and the four grades correspond only roughly, rather than completely, to the fǎnqiè system. For this reason, the positioning of characters in rhyme charts has to make adjustments to suit the format of rhyme tables. As a result, although all characters representing different syllables find their slots in rhyme tables, their actual phonological status might be inconsistent with rhyme table formats. It takes detailed explanations to clarify such inconsistencies. So along with the distribution of rhyme charts, texts discussing the ‘five sounds’, initials, grades, etc. emerged, and they gradually evolved into a genre of rules known as 門法 ménfǎ. The Jade Key Rules appended to the end of the Zhǐnán is a culmination of such rules, which was slightly supplemented by the Buddhist monk Zhenkong (真空) in the Ming Dynasty. Of all the rules the first one is about accordant combination of sound elements. It explains regular positionings of characters in rhyme tables, and all the other rules are about irregular positioning of characters. According to the rule ‘sound accordance’ in the Jade Key Rules, sound accordance refers to situations where a character and the upper character of its fǎnqiè pattern is under the same initial, and where a character and the lower character of its fǎnqiè pattern is in the same grade.

Graded Rhyme Charts 123 Ideally, all characters and the upper characters of their fǎnqiè patterns should be in accordance; however, special arrangements of third-grade characters in rhyme charts incur the following irregular patterns: (1) Characters with 精 jīng group initials and the 以 yǐ type of the initial 喻 yù all intrude into fourth-grade slots, some of the characters with ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials in rhymes 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, 真 zhēn, 諄 zhūn, 祭 jì, 仙 xiān, 宵 xiāo and 清 qīng intrude into or are all in fourth-grade slots; if the lower characters of their fǎnqiè patterns are positioned in third-grade slots in rhyme tables, e.g. characters with initials of the 知 zhī or 照 zhào group, those characters and their lower characters are not in the same grade. Or conversely, if the lower characters in fǎnqiè patterns for third-grade characters with initials of the 知 zhī, 照 zhào, etc. group are characters with 精 jīng group initials, the 以 yǐ type of the initial 喻 yù, or characters with ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials in rhymes 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, etc., these lower characters and characters that use them in fǎnqiè are not in the same grade. The following rules account for these irregularities: (a) Characters with initials of the 知 zhī or 照 zhào group are always put in third-grade slots; when their fǎnqiè patterns use lower characters with initials of the 精 jīng group etc., the said characters and their lower characters are not in the same grade. (b) Characters with 精 jīng group initials are always put in fourth-grade slots; when their fǎnqiè patterns use lower characters with initials of the 知 zhī group etc., the said characters and their lower characters are not in the same grade. (c) Characters with initials of the 于 yú type are always put in third-grade slots, and characters with initials of the 以 yǐ type are always put in fourthgrade slots. When the fǎnqiè patterns of the former type use lower characters with initials of the 精 jīng group etc., and when the fǎnqiè patterns of the latter type use lower characters with initials of the 知 zhī group, etc., there is no sound accordance. (d) When characters with ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials in rhymes 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, etc. that are put in fourth-grade slots have in their fǎnqiè patterns lower characters with initials of the 知 zhī group etc., the said characters and their lower characters are not in the same grade. (e) When characters with ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials are put in third-grade slots, and in the same table there are characters with initials of the 精 jīng group etc., and when these characters have in their fǎnqiè patterns lower characters with initials of the 精 jīng group etc., the said characters and their lower characters are not in the same grade. (f) Characters of the initial 來 lái are always put in third-grade slots; when their fǎnqiè patterns use lower characters with initials of the 精 jīng group etc., the said characters and their lower characters are not in the same grade. (g) Some characters of the initial 日 rì are not in the same grade with their lower characters with initials of the 精 jīng group etc. (2) Characters with the 側 cè type of the 照 zhào group initials all intrude into the second-grade slots; if other characters from the same rhyme class are used

124  Graded Rhyme Charts as lower characters of their fǎnqiè patterns, or if the said characters are used as lower characters of the fǎnqiè patterns of other characters from the same rhyme class, there is no sound accordance, either. There are specific rules that account for such discordance. There are other types of discordance in rhyme charts caused by irregular fǎnqiè patterns and incompatibilities between rhyme charts and fǎnqiè systems. We shall address these issues in the next chapter. Table 6.5  Third-grade Rhymes in Rhyme Charts ‘Lip’ initial

‘Tongue’ ‘Front initial tooth’ initial

(1) 1st 2nd 3rd (幫 bāng group)

‘Back tooth’ initial

‘Throat’ initial

‘Half tongue/ tooth’ initial general

(知 zhī group)

4th (2) 1st 2nd

3rd (some 幫 (知 zhī bāng group group) characters) 4th (other 幫 bāng group characters)

(側 cè type of 照 zhào group) (之 zhī type (見 jiàn (影 (于 yú (來 lái, of  照 zhào group) yǐng, 曉 type) 日 rì) group) xiǎo) (精 jīng (以 yǐ group) type) 支 zhī, 脂 (側 cè type zhī, 真 of 照 zhào zhēn, 諄 group) zhūn, (之 zhī (some characters (于 yú (來 lái, 祭 jì, type of of 見 jiàn group, type) 日 rì) 仙 xiān, 宵 xiāo 照 zhào 影 yǐng, 曉 xiǎo) group) (精 jīng (other characters (以 yǐ group) of 見 jiàn group, type) 影 yǐng, 曉 xiǎo)

(3) 1st 2nd 3rd

清 qīng (知 zhī group)

(之 zhī type of 照 zhào group) 4th (幫 bāng (精 jīng (見 jiàn (影 group) group) group) yǐng, 曉 xiǎo) (See Chapter 7 for 侵 qīn, 鹽 yán and 幽 yōu.)

(于 yú (來 lái, type) 日 rì) (以 yǐ type)

Graded Rhyme Charts  125 Notes 1 Translator’s note: Some consonant classes are missing from the correspondence: ‘tongue head’ should also include nasal, i.e. 泥 ní; ‘tongue top’ should also include nasal, i.e. 娘 niáng; ‘full opaque’ should also include fricative, i.e. 匣 xiá. 2 The boundary between initials 幫 bāng and 非 fēi in the Thirty-six Initials is a different one from that between 博 bó type and 方 fāng type in the fǎnqiè system. The same relationship applies also to 滂 pāng / 敷 fū and 普 pǔ / 芳 fāng; 並 bìng / 奉 fèng and 蒲 pú / 符 fú; and 明 míng / 微 wēi and 莫 mò / 武 wǔ. See §6.7 for details. 3 The boundary between initials 泥 ní and 娘 niáng in the Thirty-six Initials is a different one from that between 奴 nú type and 女 nǚ type type in the fǎnqiè system. See the following for details. 4 Shouwen does not distinguish between 牀 chuáng and 禪 shàn. 5 Translator’s note: The original text has the character 影 yǐng here. It should be 烏 wū, as shown in the previous list. 6 Repeated occurrences of the 東 dōng, 董 dǒng, 送 sòng and 屋 wū rhymes here correspond to the two types of fǎnqiè of them. The 湩 dòng rhyme is merged into 腫 zhǒng. 7 There are two types of rhymes 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, etc. in both ‘open’ and ‘closed’ syllables since characters with ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials are separated in the third and fourth grades (see previous section). There are generally four distinct types of fǎnqiè in these rhymes. 8 The 泰 tài, 皆 jiē, 佳 jiā, 夬 guài, 廢 fèi and 齊 qí rhymes have two types of fǎnqiè each. The 祭 jì rhyme has more than two types, ‘open’ roughly corresponding to ‘closed’. [㹗 táo] is deposited in the 咍 hāi rhyme, [茝 chǎi] in the 海 hǎi rhyme, and [栘 yí] in the 齊 qí rhyme. See the next chapter for details. 9 Some characters with ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials in rhymes 真 zhēn, 諄 zhūn, etc. are put in the fourth grade, and their fǎnqiè patterns appear to consist of four types. 10 Repeated occurrences of 山 shān, 刪 shān, 元 yuán, etc. correspond to the two types of fǎnqiè they each have. Some characters with ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials in the 仙 xiān rhyme etc. are put in the fourth grade, and their fǎnqiè patterns appear to consist of four types. 11 Some characters with ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials in the 宵 xiāo rhyme, etc. are put in the fourth grade, and their fǎnqiè patterns consist of two types correspondingly. 12 The fǎnqiè patterns of the 戈 gē rhyme consist of three types correspondingly. There were no third-grade characters in early rhyme charts. 13 Translator’s note: The original text has the character 歌 gē here. It should be 戈 gē. 14 The fǎnqiè patterns of the 麻 má rhyme etc. consist of three types correspondingly. In the Sìshēng Děngzǐ and Qièyùn Zhǐzhǎng Tú, the 假 jiǎ group and the 果 guǒ group are conflated since their characters are not in conflict. The Děngzǐ makes a distinction between group names, whereas the Zhǐzhǎng Tú does not. 15 The fǎnqiè patterns of the rhymes 唐 táng, 陽 yáng, etc. consist of two types correspondingly. Both Děngzǐ and Zhǐzhǎng Tú incorporate the 宕 dàng group and the 江 jiāng group in one table, with some of the characters confused. 16 The fǎnqiè patterns of the 庚 gēng rhyme etc. consist of four types, and those of rhymes 耕 gēng, 清 qīng, 青 qīng, etc. consist of two types correspondingly. 17 The fǎnqiè patterns of the 登 dēng rhyme etc. and the 職 zhí rhyme consist of two types correspondingly. Both Děngzǐ and Zhǐzhǎng Tú incorporate the 曾 zēng group and the 梗 gěng group in one table, with some of the characters confused. 18 Characters of the 幽 yōu rhyme are actually third-grade characters but put in fourthgrade slots in rhyme charts. See Chapter 7 for details. 19 In the rhymes 侵 qīn and 緝 jī, some characters with the initial 影 yǐng are positioned in the fourth grade. This distinction also exists in their fǎnqiè patterns. 20 Some characters in the 鹽 yán rhyme with the initial 影 yǐng are positioned in the fourth grade.

7 Middle Chinese Phonology

§7.1 In the last two chapters, we have presented a succinct account and review of Qièyùn-based rhyme dictionaries and rhyme charts produced after the Tang Dynasty. Now we shall further consult these two types of materials to reconstruct the phonological system of Middle Chinese. The ‘consultation’ we can make with those materials is reflected specifically in two aspects: (1) The reconstruction is mostly grounded in the fǎnqiè system of rhyme dictionaries. The emergence of rhyme dictionaries preceded that of rhyme charts; despite the fact that the fǎnqiè system had stemmed from foreign phonographic scripts, its application developed independently in China. Between Lu Fayan’s Qièyùn and the Song Dynasty’s Guǎngyùn, the fǎnqiè system was largely unaltered although some adjustments were made to the classification of rhymes. (2) Rhyme charts came out later, whose division of grades was by no means independent of the borrowed scheme; the charts are all materially based on rhyme dictionaries, and thus, they can only serve as supporting data. The most prominent utility of rhyme charts is to help us organise the fǎnqiè system and confirm a significant number of unattested fǎnqiè patterns. It is not difficult for us to reconstruct the sound classes based on the fǎnqiè system and supported by rhyme charts, and we believe our reconstruction wellgrounded and close to the fact; however, we have greater ambition in our contemporary study of ancient speech sounds. After working out their classification, we decidedly want to extrapolate how they were actually pronounced. In other words, not only do we want to know the classification of ancient speech sounds, but we also want to know their phonetic value. It is obviously insufficient to rely solely on dead literature in our exploration of ancient sound value. A complementary approach for us is to discover traces in modern, live language. All modern Chinese dialects are derived from ancient Chinese. According to general linguistic studies, phonological evolution is more or less traceable, and dialectal variation results from the variation of evolutionary paths. Therefore, if we establish a parallel connection between ancient phonological classes as shown in literature on the one hand and the phonological realisations DOI: 10.4324/9781003411444-7

Middle Chinese Phonology  127 of modern dialects on the other, by means of general rules of linguistic evolution, can we not respectively reconstruct a common source sound for the diverse modern sounds and reasonably assume that it is the phonetic value of its corresponding ancient sound class? This is an effective research method pioneered by historical linguistics of modern times. It does not mean that the outcomes produced through this method are all accurate, since the materials we possess are not exhaustive and the techniques we apply to them are not impeccable. Still we are convinced of its plausibility – we can come nearer to the fact as long as we improve our work unremittingly. Some people say that the pronunciation of particular characters in a particular dialect represents their ancient sounds, or that a particular dialect preserves the most ancient sounds, or still, that a particular dialect is all relic of the ancient language. Those are absolutely untruthful, nonsensical statements. To draw a comparison, someone has a bunch of offspring, each of whom more or less resembles their ancestor in some way. Can we claim that the nose of a descendant is exactly the nose of their ancestor or even that someone is the reincarnation of their ancestor? Keep in mind that language changes incessantly. Swedish Sinologist Bernhard Karlgren is the first high achiever in studying ancient Chinese by means of modern-time linguistic methodologies. His Etudes sur la Phonologie Chinoise stands as a cornerstone of Middle Chinese phonology in recent years. We have now made much more progress in Middle Chinese phonology than Karlgren, which is not at all unanticipated because (1) Karlgren was mainly engaged in pioneering work, impossible to be flawless; (2) when he did his research, Karlgren was unable to make full use of rhyme dictionaries prior to the Guǎngyùn and early rhyme charts; (3) the data of modern Chinese dialects at his disposal were more comprehensive in northern dialects than southern ones; and (4) basic conceptions of phonetics and phonology have undergone considerable advancement in comparison with Karlgren’s time. The following sections present Middle Chinese initial and rhyme systems devised by Karlgren and revised by a number of scholars. Considering that this book is designed as an accessible introduction, we will not specify which items are Karlgren’s original reconstruction and which are subsequent modifications, except on occasions where our version differs substantially from Karlgren’s. For the present purposes, what we need is the most feasible outcome of reconstruction. §7.2 The labial initials of Middle Chinese are as follows (Table 7.1): Table 7.1  Labial Initials of Middle Chinese Class

Reconstructed Upper characters used in Thirty-six Initials phonetic value the Guǎngyùn

幫 bāng 滂 pāng 並 bìng 明 míng

[p] [p‘] [b‘] [m]

博 bó type, 方 fāng type 普 pǔ type, 芳 fāng type 蒲 pú type, 符 fú type 莫 mò type, 武 wǔ type

幫 bāng ([p]), 非 fēi ([f] or [pf]) 滂 pāng ([p‘]), 敷 fū ([f‘] or [pf‘]) 並 bìng ([b‘]), 奉 fèng ([v] or [bv‘]) 明 míng ([m]), 微 wēi ([ɱ])

128  Middle Chinese Phonology The 博 bó, 普 pǔ, 蒲 pú and 莫 mò types and 方 fāng, 芳 fāng, 符 fú and 武 wǔ types are distinguishable but not categorically differentiated – we mentioned this in the classification of fǎnqiè patterns in Chapter 5. That 博 bó and 方 fāng, 普 pǔ and 芳 fāng, 蒲 pú and 符 fú, and 莫 mò and 武 wǔ should be identified each with a separate initial can also be verified by the following three kinds of evidence. (1) Roughly speaking, the 博 bó set only appears in finals of the first, second and fourth grades, whereas the 方 fāng set appears only in the third grade. The two sets are not deployed simultaneously before the same final. (2) There are only four types of ‘lip’ initials – 不 bù, 芳 fāng, 並 bìng and 明 míng – in Shouwen’s initials. (3) The distinction between ‘heavy lip’ initials 幫 bāng, 滂 pāng, 並 bìng and 明 míng and ‘light lip’ initials 非 fēi, 敷 fū, 奉 fèng and 微 wēi occurs later on, and the demarcation between them does not bear any relation with that between 博 bó and 方 fāng etc. As to why the 方 fāng, 芳 fāng, 符 fú and 武 wǔ types with third-grade rhymes come to form an independent class, we have reason to believe that it is caused by some special influence of the finals, which is to be addressed in our discussion about finals. The distinction of 幫 bāng, 滂 pāng, 並 bìng and 明 míng from 非 fēi, 敷 fū, 奉 fèng and 微 wēi in the Thirty-six Initials does not correspond to the fǎnqiè system, and they represent only four classes of ‘lip’ initials in Shouwen’s initials. Therefore, it is self-evident that the dichotomy between ‘heavy lip’ and ‘light lip’ arose only in late Middle Chinese. Note that since the 方 fāng, 芳 fāng, 符 fú and 武 wǔ types of upper characters are used in the fǎnqiè system for characters with both ‘heavy lip’ and ‘light lip’ initials, ‘heavy lip’ and ‘light lip’ initials can co-exist with each other in third-grade rhymes, hence two groups of initials that cannot but be split apart. There are roughly five variations in modern pronunciation of the four ‘heavy lip’ initials:

(1) Wu (2) Mandarin, Cantonese (3) Hakka (4) Fuzhou (5) Xiamen

幫 bāng

滂 pāng

並 bìng

明 míng

[p] [p]

[p‘] [p‘]

[m] [m]

[p] [p] [p]

[p‘] [p‘] [p‘]

[b‘] [p‘] (píng tone) [p] (zè tones)1 [p‘] [p] [p]

[m] [m] [b]

In terms of place of articulation, all these initials are bilabial, so it can be presumed that they were bilabials in ancient times. Bilabial is designated as ‘heavy lip’. In terms of manner of articulation, the initial 幫 bāng is an unaspirated voiceless plosive, and the initial 滂 pāng is an aspirated voiceless plosive – presumably, these are how they were pronounced in ancient Chinese. The initial 明 míng is nasal except

Middle Chinese Phonology  129 in Southern Min dialects where it is an unaspirated voiced plosive; however, the [b] initial in Southern Min may have derived from [m]; thus, the initial 明 míng should be [m] in Middle Chinese. The initial 並 bìng is also plosive, but only in Wu dialects is it voiced, distinct from the initials 幫 bāng and 滂 pāng; in other dialects it is voiceless, aspirated or unaspirated, blending respectively with the initials 幫 bāng and 滂 pāng. Under these circumstances, we can only conjecture that the initial 並 bìng was a voiced plosive in Middle Chinese, which is preserved in Wu dialects but converted to a voiceless plosive in others. Aspiration is not consistent among dialects, which makes it difficult for us to draw an inference in this respect. Ideally, it would be more judicious to assume that the feature of aspiration vanishes from an aspirated sound to give rise to an unaspirated sound than the other way round; therefore, we reconstruct the Middle Chinese phonetic value of the initial 並 bìng as [b‘]. The four ‘light lip’ initials have the following variations in their modern pronunciations:

(1) Mandarin2 (2) Guangzhou (3) Wu3 (4) Hakka (5) Fuzhou (6) Xiamen4

非 fēi

敷 fū

奉 fèng

微 wēi

[f] ([x], [h]) [f] ([x], [h]) [f] [f] [f] [p], [h] [p], [h]

[f] ([x], [h]) [f] ([x], [h]) [f] [f] [f] [p‘], [h] [p‘], [h]

[f] ([x], [h]) [f] ([x], [h]) [f] [v] [f] [p], [h] [p], [h]

[∅] [f] ([x], [h]) [m] [m], [v] [m], [v] [m], [∅] [b]

The initials 非 fēi, 敷 fū and 奉 fèng have evolved into three variations, i.e. bilabials, labiodentals and glottals (or velars). The bilabial pronunciation in the two Min dialects presumably originates straight from the fǎnqiè, without going through the Thirty-six Initials stage. Labiodental pronunciation of these initials must have already arisen by the time of the Thirty-six Initials, in which they are specified as ‘light lip’. All ‘light lip’ initials are seen in ‘closed’ rhymes, so both [h] and [x] are formed arguably under the influence of the [u] sound in syllable finals. The initial 微 wēi, which used to be at one with 明 míng, is classified as ‘light lip’ and thus undoubtedly a labiodental nasal. The modern [m] either stems directly from the fǎnqiè or derives from [ɱ]; it is natural for [v] to have evolved from [ɱ]; the initial [∅] results from an intermediate stage of [v] ([ɱ] → [v] → [∅]). The initial 非 fēi resembles 幫 bāng in that it is a ‘full clear’ unaspirated voiceless consonant, the initial 敷 fū resembles 滂 pāng in that it is a ‘secondary clear’ aspirated voiceless consonant, and the initial 奉 fèng resembles 並 bìng in that it is a ‘full opaque’ voiced consonant. Therefore, the pronunciation they represent in the Middle Chinese period should be [f], [f‘] and [v] or [pf], [pf‘] and [bv‘], respectively. The fǎnqiè system makes no distinction between ‘heavy lip’ and ‘light lip’ initials – are 幫 bāng, 滂 pāng, 並 bìng and 明 míng and 非 fēi, 敷 fū, 奉 fèng and 微 wēi all ‘heavy lip’ bilabials? Or are they all ‘light lip’ labiodentals? Since the four

130  Middle Chinese Phonology initials of the 非 fēi group co-occur with a separate type of finals, their evolution from ‘heavy lip’ bilabials to ‘light lip’ labiodentals is a spontaneous one under the influence of the finals they take. Besides, the pronunciation of 非 fēi group initials as bilabials in Min dialects also testifies to this conclusion. Our convenient use of 幫 bāng, 滂 pāng, 並 bìng and 明 míng as representative of the labial initials in the Qièyùn era is grounded in the fact that these four ‘heavy lip’ bilabial initials can represent the pronunciation in early Middle Chinese, although the scope of their representation has shrunk compared to earlier eras. Since there is no distinction between ‘heavy lip’ bilabials and ‘light lip’ labiodentals in the fǎnqiè, if we look at the fǎnqiè from the perspective of initials, not unexpectedly we can find characters with ‘light lip’ labiodental initials using characters with ‘heavy lip’ bilabial initials as upper characters, e.g. 䒦，匹凡切 fàn, pǐ fán qiè in the 凡 fán rhyme of the Guǎngyùn, or characters with ‘heavy lip’ bilabial initials using characters with ‘light lip’ labiodental initials as upper characters, e.g. 彬，府巾切 bīn, fǔ jīn qiè in the 真 zhēn rhyme. Ancient scholars did not understand the difference between labial initials and fǎnqiè with labial initials and thought of these fǎnqiè patterns as anomalous and so termed them 類隔 lèigé ‘class partition’. In terms of classification of characters in rhyme charts, characters under ‘lip’ initials in rhymes 東 dōng (third grade), 鍾 zhōng, 微 wēi, 虞 yú, 文 wén, 元 yuán, 陽 yáng, 尤 yóu and 凡 fán are associated with initials 非 fēi, 敷 fū, 奉 fèng and 微 wēi, those in other rhymes with 幫 bāng, 滂 pāng, 並 bìng and 明 míng. These fǎnqiè patterns would not create in the rhyme charts ‘sound accordance’. That being the case, the Jade Key attributes it to interchangeability of ‘light’ labiodentals and ‘heavy’ bilabials, while other rhyme charts likewise call it ‘class partition’. Judging from the fǎnqiè patterns themselves, the initial of both 䒦 fàn and 匹 pǐ is in fact [p‘], and that of both 彬 bīn and 府 fǔ is [p], all creating ‘sound accordance’. §7.3 Among the dental initials of Middle Chinese, the fǎnqiè system and the Thirty-six Initials have identical classification for the plosives (Table 7.2). Table 7.2  Dental Plosive Initials of Middle Chinese Class

Reconstructed phonetic value

Upper characters used in the Guǎngyùn

Thirty-six Initials

端 duān 透 tòu 定 dìng

[t] [t‘] [d‘]

都 dū type 他 tā type 徒 tú type

端 duān 透 tòu 定 dìng

These initials have the following variations in modern Chinese dialects:

(1) Mandarin, Cantonese (2) Hakka (3) Min (4) Wu

端 duān

透 tòu

定 dìng

[t] [t] [t] [t]

[t‘] [t‘] [t‘] [t‘]

[t‘] (píng tone), [t] (zè tones) [t‘] [t] [d‘]

Middle Chinese Phonology  131 Thus, it is easy to infer that the ancient pronunciation of the initial 端 duān is [t], that of the initial 透 tòu is [t‘], and that of the initial 定 dìng is [d‘] (see earlier discussion of the initials 幫 bāng, 滂 pāng, and 並 bìng). Some unusual sounds that are heard occasionally in certain dialects – such as [ts] and [ts‘] in part of Gansu and Anhui, both occurring before the dental vowel [ɿ]; and [tɕ] and [tɕ‘] in western Sichuan, both occurring before [i] – are obviously altered forms under the impact of syllable finals. The dental nasal is represented differently between the fǎnqiè system and the Thirty-six Initials (Table 7.3). Table 7.3  Dental Nasal Initial of Middle Chinese Class 泥 ní

Reconstructed phonetic value [n]

Upper characters used in the Guǎngyùn 奴 nú type, 女 nǚ type

Thirty-six Initials 泥 ní, 娘 niáng

The following points must be taken into account: (1) The two types of upper characters are not categorically distinctive; the 奴 nú type mostly co-occurs with rhymes of the first, second and fourth grades, whereas the 女 nǚ type mostly with rhymes of the third grade, resembling the distinction between 博 bó and 方 fāng, etc. with labial initials (§7.2). (2) The Thirty-six Initials couple the first and fourth grades of ‘tongue sounds’ with initials 端 duān, 透 tòu, 定 dìng and 泥 ní and the second and third grades with知 zhī, 徹 chè, 澄 chéng and 娘 niáng. The couplings in relation to 端 duān, 透 tòu and 定 dìng and to 知 zhī, 徹 chè and 澄 chéng are in consistency with the fǎnqiè system, while 泥 ní and 娘 niáng are completely not related in the same manner. (3) Shouwen’s initials contain 泥 ní but not 娘 niáng, and it is widely suspected that the 娘 niáng in the Thirty-six Initials is designated only to fill the void at the ‘secondary opaque’ sonorant position of ‘tongue top’ palatal sounds. Let us combine 奴 nú type with 女 nǚ type in the fǎnqiè system, or泥 ní with 娘 niáng in the Thirty-six Initials, and survey their modern pronunciation as a whole: (1) In all characters, they are pronounced [n] (e.g. Standard Mandarin, Fuzhou). (2) In all characters, they are mingled with those with the initial 來 lái, and pronounced [n] or [l] (e.g. Nanjing). (3) In characters of the first- and second-grade rhymes, they are pronounced [n]; in characters of the third- and fourth-grade rhymes, they are pronounced [ȵ] (e.g. Suzhou, Hakka). (4) In characters of the first- and second-grade rhymes, they are pronounced [l] (e.g. Nanjing); in characters of the third- and fourth-grade rhymes, they are pronounced [ȵ] or [∅] (part of Southwestern Mandarin).

132  Middle Chinese Phonology It is also evident that the initials in question are all derived from a single [n]. In view of the fact that characters of the third- and fourth-grade rhymes all have a medial [i] or [y] in these dialects, the palatal [ȵ] is unmistakably caused by palatalisation of [n]; following the [ȵ] stage the initial could be lost to result in [∅]. The [l] pronunciation through mingling with characters with the initial 來 lái is another issue, which is to be addressed in our discussion about the initial 來 lái. Apart from plosives and nasals, Middle Chinese also has dental affricates and fricatives (Table 7.4). Table 7.4  Dental Affricate and Fricative Initials of Middle Chinese Class

Reconstructed phonetic value

Upper characters used in the Guǎngyùn

Thirty-six Initials

精 jīng 清 qīng

[ts] [ts‘]

精 jīng 清 qīng

從 cóng 心 xīn 邪 xié

[dz‘] [s] [z]

作 zuò type, 子 zǐ type 倉 cāng type, 七 qī type 昨 zuó type, 疾 jí type 蘇 sū type, 息 xī type 徐 xú type

從 cóng 心 xīn 邪 xié

The two types of fǎnqiè with initials 精 jīng, 清 qīng, 從 cóng and 心 xīn are not categorically separable either (see §5.9). The 作 zuò, 倉 cāng, 昨 zuó and 蘇 sū types mostly co-occur with rhymes of the first and fourth grades, while the 子 zǐ, 七 qī, 疾 jí and 息 xī types co-occur mostly with rhymes of the third grade (none of these initials co-occur with second-grade rhymes). The relationship between the two general types resembles that between the two types of fǎnqiè in the four labial initials and the initial 泥 ní. The initial 邪 xié only occurs in third-grade rhymes, hence a single type of fǎnqiè. The modern pronunciations of these initials mainly have the following variations:

(1) (2) (3) (4)

精 jīng

清 qīng

從 cóng (píng tone)

從 cóng 心 xīn (zè tones)

邪 xié (píng tone)

邪 xié (zè tones)

[ts] [ts] [tʃ] [tʃ]

[ts‘] [ts‘] [tʃ‘] [tʃ‘]

[z] [ts‘] [tʃ] [tʃ‘]

[z] [ts‘] [tʃ] [tʃ]

[z] [ts‘], [s] [s] [tʃ‘], [ʃ]

[z] [ts‘], [s] [s] [tʃ‘], [ʃ]

[s] [s] [s] [ʃ]

(e.g. Suzhou) (e.g. Hakka) (e.g. Fuzhou) (e.g. Guangzhou) (5) [ts] [ts‘] [ts‘] [ts] [s] [ts‘], [s] [s] (e.g. Standard (‘broad’) (‘broad’) (‘broad’) (‘broad’) (‘broad’) (‘broad’) (‘broad’) Mandarin) [tɕ] [tɕ‘] [tɕ] [tɕ] [ɕ] [tɕ‘], [ɕ] [ɕ] (‘narrow’) (‘narrow’) (‘narrow’) (‘narrow’) (‘narrow’) (‘narrow’) (‘narrow’)

Middle Chinese Phonology  133 It only takes a brief explanation to determine their pronunciation in Middle Chinese as we reconstructed. (1) The initials 從 cóng and 邪 xié are most clearly distinguishable in Fuzhou. In other dialects, the initial 從 cóng is all pronounced as an affricate whereas the initial 邪 xié is often pronounced as a fricative – distinguishable to some extent. These two initials are pronounced in some Wu dialects as [dz] and [z], which may be two variations of a single initial consonant and bear no relation with the distinction between 從 cóng and 邪 xié. (2) The pronunciations [tɕ], [tɕ‘] and [ɕ] before ‘narrow’ rhymes are speculated to have resulted from palatalisation. (3) Min and Cantonese dialects all have postalveolar features, some even featuring all postalveolar sounds, which is the result of conflation with postalveolar sounds to be introduced in the next section. §7.4 Formulation of palatal and postalveolar initials in Middle Chinese is a complicated issue. We list in Table 7.5 the results before spelling out details. Table 7.5  Palatal and Postalveolar Initials of Middle Chinese Class

Reconstructed phonetic value

Upper characters Thirty-six Initials used in the Guǎngyùn

知 zhī 徹 chè 澄 chéng

[ȶ] [ȶ‘] [ȡ‘]

陟 zhì type 丑 chǒu type 直 zhí type

知 zhī 徹 chè 澄 chéng

章 zhāng (照三 zhào3)

[tɕ]

之 zhī type

照 zhào

昌 chāng (穿三 chuān3) 船 chuán (牀三 chuáng3) 書 shū (審三 shěn3) 禪 shàn

[tɕ‘]

昌 chāng type

穿 chuān

[dʑ‘]

食 shí type

牀 chuáng

[ɕ]

式 shì type

審 shěn

[ʑ]

時 shí type

禪 shàn

莊 zhuāng (照二 zhào2)

[tʃ]

側 cè type

照 zhào

初 chū (穿二 chuān2) 崇 chóng (牀二 chuáng2) 生 sheng (審二 shěn2) 俟 sì (禪二 shàn2)

[tʃ‘]

初 chū type

穿 chuān

[dʒ‘]

士 shì type

牀 chuáng

[ʃ]

所 suǒ type

審 shěn

[ʒ]

俟 sì type

禪 shàn

Third grade in rhyme charts

Second grade in rhyme charts

134  Middle Chinese Phonology First, we shall address a few problems concerning classes of initials: (1) The two types of upper characters 俟 sì and 士 shì are associated in the Guǎngyùn. In the 之 zhī rhyme of the píng tone, there is a fǎnqiè pattern 漦， 俟之切 sī, sì zhī qiè, and in the 止 zhǐ rhyme of the shǎng tone 俟，牀史切sì, chuáng shǐ qiè. The upper character 牀 chuáng belongs to the 士 shì type, so Middle Chinese scholars generally classify 漦 sī and 俟 sì into the 崇 chóng initial class. There is, however, a dubious fact that in the 止 zhǐ rhyme, there is also a fǎnqiè pattern 鉏里切 chú lǐ qiè for 士 shì whose initial is classified as 崇 chóng, not distinguishable from the initial 俟 sì. Also, in some rhyme charts, 士 shì is positioned under the initial 牀 chuáng, whereas 俟 sì is under 禪 shàn. If we check with the Qièyùn fragments and Wang Renxu’s Corrected and Supplemented Qièyùn, we know that the upper character of 俟 sì is not 牀 chuáng but 漦 sī. Thus, we understand that 漦 sī and 俟 sì serve as the upper character for each other, not associable with other upper characters. That being so, we had better regard the two characters as having their own, independent initial. Chen Li, in his Investigations on the Qièyùn, quotes Xu Kai’s fǎnqiè pattern in the Shuōwén and concludes that 士 shì and 俟 sì represent the same initial. This is sound judgement, but it should have been caused by phonological changes in the late Middle Chinese period. (2) 牀 chuáng and 禪 shàn in the Thirty-six Initials are represented as a single 禪 shàn in Shouwen’s initials. It is suspected that the ‘proper tooth’ palatal initials 禪 shàn and 牀 chuáng are differentiated by imitation of the distinction between ‘tooth head’ dental initials 邪 xié and 從 cóng. French Sinologist Henri Maspero, based on evidence from transliteration, suggests that 牀 chuáng was not distinguished from 禪 shàn in the Tang Dynasty. Nevertheless, 食 shí and 時 shí types of upper characters are not confused in fǎnqiè patterns in the Guǎngyùn (the same holds for Wang Renxu’s Corrected and Supplemented Qièyùn), so we have no better choice than to set these two initials apart for the present purpose. (3) The five initials of 章 zhāng through 禪 shàn and the five initials of 莊 zhuāng through 俟 sì are definitely distinguished. Despite the fact that the five pairs of initials are merged as 照 zhào through 禪 shàn, they are separated in the rhyme charts, occupying second-grade and third-grade positions, respectively. On that account they were in fact not confused, which has been explained in Chapter 6. As regards the distinction between ‘tongue top’ palatals 知 zhī, 徹 chè and 澄 chéng and ‘proper tooth’ palatals 照 zhào, 穿 chuān and 牀 chuáng, the only clue we can obtain is the cross-classification between the ‘five sounds’ and the initials. ‘Tongue top’ palatals and ‘tongue head’ dentals are classified as ‘tongue sounds’, ‘proper tooth’ palatals and ‘tooth head’ dentals are classified as ‘front tooth sounds’. In rhyme charts, initials 知 zhī and 端 duān are arranged in the same column, and likewise arranged are 徹 chè and 透 tòu, 澄 chéng and 定 dìng, 照 zhào and 精 jīng, 穿 chuān and 清 qīng, 牀 chuáng and 從 cóng, 審 shěn and 心 xīn, and 禪 shàn and

Middle Chinese Phonology  135 邪 xié. It is stated in the previous section that ‘tongue head’ dentals are plosives while ‘tooth head’ dentals are affricates and fricatives. Then it can be concluded that 知 zhī, 徹 chè and 澄 chéng are plosives, and 照 zhào, 穿 chuān, 牀 chuáng, 審 shěn and 禪 shàn are affricates and fricatives; in addition, features of voicing and aspiration can also be paired up. The only modern dialect that can bear the conclusion out seems to be Min. Generally, initials of the 知 zhī group are pronounced [t] and [t‘] (mingled with 端 duān, 透 tòu and 定 dìng), and those of the 照 zhào group are pronounced [tʃ], [tʃ‘] and [ʃ] (mingled with 精 jīng, 清 qīng, etc.):

Fuzhou Xiamen

知 zhī

暢 chàng

傳 chuán

旨 zhǐ

川 chuān

神 shén

[ti] [ti]

[t‘yoŋ] [t‘iaŋ]

[tyoŋ] [tuan]

[tʃi] [tʃi]

[tʃ‘yoŋ] [tʃ‘uan]

[ʃiŋ] [ʃin]

In other dialects, initials 知 zhī and 照 zhào (especially 照三 zhào35) have been practically conflated. How these examples are pronounced in other dialects is illustrated here: Standard Mandarin Guangzhou

[tʂï]

[tʂ‘aŋ]

[tʂ‘uan]

[tʂï]

[tʂ‘uan]

[ʂǝn]

[tʃi]

[tʃ‘œŋ]

[tʃ‘yn]

[tʃi]

[tʃ‘yn]

[ʃin]6

The places of articulation can be determined through exploration of dialects that distinguish between the 精 jīng group and the 知 zhī and 照 zhào groups: (1) The initials of the 知 zhī and 照 zhào groups are normally pronounced [tʂ], [tʂ‘] and [ʂ], and those of the 精 jīng group are pronounced [ts], [ts‘] and [s] (shift into [tɕ], [tɕ‘] and [ɕ] before ‘narrow’ finals is a different issue), e.g. Standard Mandarin. (2) The initials of the 知 zhī and 照三 zhào3 (章 zhāng etc.) groups are normally pronounced [tʂ], [tʂ‘] and [ʂ], and those of the 照二 zhào2 (莊 zhuāng etc.) group are pronounced [ts], [ts‘] and [s], mingled with the 精 jīng group, e.g. Suzhou. (3) The initials of the 知 zhī and 照三 zhào3 groups are normally pronounced [tʂ], [tʂ‘] and [ʂ], and those of the 照二 zhào2 group are also pronounced [tʂ], [tʂ‘] and [ʂ] with second-grade rhymes, but [ts], [ts‘] and [s] with third-grade rhymes, mingled with the 精 jīng group, e.g. Nanjing. (4) The systemic distinctions resemble these three variations, but the pronunciations are [tʃ], [tʃ‘], [ʃ] or [tɕ], [tɕ‘], [ɕ] and [tʂ], [tʂ‘], [ʂ], e.g. Hakka and many other dialects. In some other dialects, e.g. Xi’an, initials of part of the 知 zhī and 照 zhào groups are pronounced as labials. All such syllables have the ‘closed-mouth’ feature, so the pronunciation of their initials is evidently formed under the influence of [u].

136  Middle Chinese Phonology Accordingly, the initials of the 知 zhī and 照 zhào groups will fall within the scope of retroflexes, postalveolars and palatals as far as their Middle Chinese pronunciations are concerned. Among these, retroflexes are the least possible since all the mentioned initials co-occur with third-grade rhymes, which, as will be introduced here, feature a prominent medial [j] and are thus very unnatural to go with a retroflex. The choice between postalveolars and palatals corresponds to the distinction between 照二 zhào2 and 照三 zhào3 groups. It is evident from the modern dialects that the 照二 zhào2 group initials are phonetically closer to the 精 jīng group; therefore, we can assume that the initials represented by 莊 zhuāng, 初 chū, 崇 chóng, 生 shēng and 俟 sì are postalveolar consonants, and 章 zhāng, 昌 chāng, 船 chuán, 書 shū and 禪 shàn are palatals. Initials 知 zhī, 徹 chè and 澄 chéng, although mingled with 章 zhāng, 昌 chāng, etc., can be assumed to be palatal plosives. Thus, we arrive at a sketchy reconstruction of the initials’ phonetic values in Middle Chinese. Their evolution into retroflex and dental sounds in modern dialects arguably results from the following process: 知 zhī group 照三 zhào3 group 照二 zhào2 group

[ȶ, ȶ‘, ȡ‘] →

[tɕ, tɕ‘, ȡʑ‘] [tɕ, tɕ‘, dʑ‘, ɕ, ʑ]

}

[tʃ, tʃ‘, dʒ‘, ʃ, ʒ] [tʃ, tʃ‘, dʒ‘, ʃ, ʒ]

}

[tʂ, tʂ‘, (dʐ‘), ʂ, (ʐ)] [ts-, ts‘-, (dz‘-), s-, z-]

The pronunciation of the 知 zhī group initials as [t] and [t‘] may be derived from prior to Middle Chinese since the 端 duān group and the 知 zhī group were not distinguished before the Qièyùn (see Chapter 11 for details). As exceptional cases, some characters with 知 zhī group initials take in rhyme dictionaries characters with 端 duān group initials as their upper characters, e.g. 罩，都教切 zhào, dū jiào qiè in the 效 xiào rhyme in the qù tone of the Guǎngyùn; some characters with 莊 zhuāng group initials take characters with 精 jīng group initials as their upper characters, e.g. 覱，子鑑切 zhàn, zǐ jiàn qiè in the 鑑 jiàn rhyme of the qù tone. Examples with the reversed patterns can also be found, but they are very scarce and arise from a special historical background, which is not to be addressed here (see Chapter 11 for details). What is to be noted here is that exceptional fǎnqiè patterns like the former example were called ‘class partition’ after the Song Dynasty, those like the latter example are attributed either to ‘class partition’ or to the mutual use of initials of the 精 jīng and 照 zhào groups. They also do not create ‘sound accordance’ in the rhyme charts; consequently, the two principles of ‘class partition’ and 精 jīng – 照 zhào mutual use are also included in rhyme chart studies. §7.5 The velars and glottals of Middle Chinese are as follows (Table 7.6):

Middle Chinese Phonology  137 Table 7.6  Velar and Glottal Initials of Middle Chinese Class

Reconstructed phonetic value

Upper characters used in the Guǎngyùn

Thirty-six Initials

見 jiàn 溪 xī 羣 qún 疑 yí 影 yǐng 曉 xiǎo 匣 xiá 云 yún (爲 wèi, 于 yú, 喻三 yù3) 以 yǐ (喻 yù, 喻四 yù4)

[k] [k‘] [g‘] [ŋ] [ʔ] [x] ([h]) [ɣ] ([ɦ]) [ɣ] ([j])

古 gǔ type, 居 jū type 苦 kǔ type, 去 qù type 渠 qú type 五 wǔ type, 魚 yú type 烏 wū type, 於 yú type 呼 hū type, 許 xǔ type 胡 hú type 于 yú type

[∅]

以 yǐ type

見 jiàn 溪 xī 羣 qún 疑 yí 影 yǐng 曉 xiǎo 匣 xiá 喻 yù (third grade on rhyme tables) 喻 yù (fourth grade on rhyme tables)

Like the four labial initials and the initial 泥 ní, the initials 見 jiàn, 溪 xī, 疑 yí, 影 yǐng and 曉 xiǎo have two types of upper characters each. The 古 gǔ, 苦 kǔ, 五 wǔ, 烏 wū and 呼 hū types co-occur mostly with rhymes of the first, second and fourth grades, whereas the 居 jū, 去 qù, 魚 yú, 於 yú and 許 xǔ types mostly with third-grade rhymes; however, they are not categorically distinguishable. The initial 羣 qún presents itself only in rhymes of the third grade, and the initial 匣 xiá only in rhymes of the first, second and fourth grades; hence, there is only one type of upper characters for them. 喻 yù in the Thirty-six Initials also has two types of upper characters, which, however, represents an entirely different matter. Firstly, the 于 yú type and the 以 yǐ type are sharply distinguished in rhyme charts, showing absolutely no indication of associability; secondly, characters with 以 yǐ type initials actually fall in the third grade, bearing exact resemblance to characters with 于 yú type initials, although they are positioned in rhyme charts in the fourth and third grade, respectively. On this account, our inference can be nothing more than that the two types of upper characters represent two separate initials in Middle Chinese. Modern pronunciations of the initials 見 jiàn, 溪 xī and 羣 qún are represented by the following patterns:

(1) (2) (3) (4) (5)

見 jiàn

溪 xī

羣 qún (píng tone)

羣 qún (zè tones)

[k] [k] [k] [k, [tɕ] [k], [tɕ]

[k‘] [k‘], [h], [f] [k‘], [h], [f] [k‘], [tɕ‘] [k‘], [tɕ‘]

[k] [k‘] [k‘] [k‘], [tɕ‘] [g‘], [dʑ‘]

[k] [k] [k‘] [k], [tɕ‘] [g‘], [dʑ‘]

(Min mostly so pronounced) (Cantonese mostly so pronounced) (Hakka mostly so pronounced) (Mandarin mostly so pronounced) (Wu mostly so pronounced)

138  Middle Chinese Phonology The pronunciation of [h] for the initial 溪 xī in Cantonese and Hakka is restricted to certain ‘open-mouth’ syllables, while [f] is specific to certain ‘closed-mouth’ syllables. Both can be speculated as later changes, with [f] having undergone an intermediate phase of [h], i.e. [k‘(u)] → [h(u)] → [f(u)] (see also the initials 曉 xiǎo and 匣 xiá). Velar consonants in Mandarin and Wu always appear before ‘broad’ rhymes, whereas palatal consonants always before ‘narrow’ rhymes; that being the case, the palatal initials should result from the influence of the [i] and [y] sounds in the rhyme. Therefore, it should be an obvious conclusion that in Middle Chinese, the initial 見 jiàn was pronounced as [k], the initial 溪 xī as [k‘], and the initial 羣 qún as [g]. The initial 疑 yí has the following variations in its modern pronunciation: (1) Always [ŋ], e.g. Fuzhou (2) Always [g] (or [ŋ] as a variation of [g]), e.g. Xiamen (3) [ŋ] for ‘broad’ syllables, [ȵ] for ‘narrow’ syllables, e.g. Suzhou, Mei County Hakka (4) [ŋ] for ‘open-mouth’ syllables; [∅] for ‘closed-mouth’, ‘even-teeth’ and ‘round-mouth’ syllables, e.g. some Xiajiang Mandarin and Southwestern Mandarin dialects (5) Always [∅], e.g. Standard Mandarin In the Thirty-six Initials, the initial 疑 yí is listed together with 見 jiàn, 溪 xī and 羣 qún under the class of ‘back tooth’ velars and is designated as ‘secondary opaque’, so unquestionably it was pronounced [ŋ] in Middle Chinese. The [g] initial in Xiamen has been introduced as being equivalent to [ŋ] in other dialects (see §3.6); the [ȵ] in Suzhou etc. is derived from the impact of [i] and [y] in rhymes; the zero initial in Mandarin before ‘closed-mouth’, ‘even-teeth’ and ‘round-mouth’ rhymes results from the influence of high vowels therein; the initial 疑 yí has altogether disappeared in Standard Mandarin. Various kinds of evidence can bear out the fact that the initial [ŋ] in ‘open-mouth’ syllables was the last to have disappeared, and in some dialects, it has evolved into [n] in ‘open-mouth’ syllables. We shall not address this topic until we discuss the initial 影 yǐng. It is self-evident that the initials 曉 xiǎo and 匣 xiá were fricatives in Middle Chinese, but it is difficult to determine whether they were velar or glottal fricatives. These two initials demonstrate the following variations in modern Chinese dialects:

(1) (2) (3)

曉 xiǎo

匣 xiá

[h] [f] (‘closed-mouth’), [h] (‘open-mouth’) [f] (‘closed-mouth’), [h] (‘open-mouth’)

[∅], [h] [v] (‘closed-mouth’), [h] (‘open-mouth’) [h] (‘open-mouth’ and part of ‘closed-mouth’), [∅] (part of ‘closed-mouth’)

Min Hakka Cantonese

Middle Chinese Phonology  139 曉 xiǎo (4) (5) (6) (7)

匣 xiá

[h] (‘broad’ syllables), [ɦ] [ɕ] (‘narrow’ syllables) [f] (main vowel [u]), [x] (‘open-mouth’ and medial [u]), [ɕ] (‘even-teeth’ and ‘round-mouth’) [f] ([ɸ]) (‘closed-mouth’), [x] (‘open-mouth’), [ɕ] (‘even-teeth’ and ‘round-mouth’) [x] (‘broad’ syllables), [ɕ] (‘narrow’ syllables)

Wu Part of Southwestern Mandarin Part of Southwestern Mandarin Most Mandarin dialects

It is most evidently indicated in Wu that the initial 曉 xiǎo is voiceless and 匣 xiá voiced; the initial 匣 xiá partly disappears from Min and Cantonese, while 曉 xiǎo remains fully intact, which to a certain degree attests to their distinction in terms of voicing. Since all modern labials are derived from ‘closed’ syllables, the [f] or [ɸ] initial unquestionably came into existence at a later stage. In addition, since all palatal consonants co-occur with ‘narrow’ rhymes, it is entirely justifiable to assert that the [ɕ] initial is the result of palatalisation before [i] and [y]. Based on evidence from modern Chinese dialects, it is equally plausible to reconstruct the initials 曉 xiǎo and 匣 xiá as [h] and [ɦ] or as [x] and [ɣ], respectively. Although 曉 xiǎo and 匣 xiá are listed among ‘throat sounds’ in the Thirty-six Initials, we cannot definitively determine their phonetic value as glottals [h] and [ɦ] in Middle Chinese. This is because even the [x] initial in modern Mandarin is identified as a ‘throat sound’ by some scholars. Karlgren maintains that the initials 曉 xiǎo and 匣 xiá of Middle Chinese should be pronounced [x] and [ɣ], respectively; though his conclusion is not grounded on sufficiently sound reasoning, still we follow his reconstructions since they have been widely accepted. Lastly, let us address issues in relation to the initial 影 yǐng and two types of 喻 yù. In Min, Cantonese, Hakka, Wu and many Northern Mandarin dialects, characters with the Middle Chinese initial 影 yǐng basically have no initial in their modern pronunciation; in Xiajiang Mandarin and Southwestern Mandarin, the initial 影 yǐng has merged with the initial 疑 yí and reads [ŋ] in ‘open-mouth’ syllables, while it disappears from ‘closed-mouth’, ‘even-teeth’ and ‘round-mouth’ syllables; in a small number of Northern Mandarin dialects, the initial [ŋ] mentioned earlier, derived from 影 yǐng’s merging with 疑 yí, is replaced with [n]. 以 yǐ (喻四 yù4) is represented by a zero initial in all modern Chinese dialects; 云 yún (喻三 yù3) has mostly merged with 以 yǐ, apart from being pronounced [h] in some characters in Min dialects. Before the Qièyùn, 云 yún was classified as part of the initial 匣 xiá (see Chapter 12 for details); therefore, its pronunciation as [h] in Min is derived from before the Middle Chinese stage, as is the case with the modern pronunciations [t] and [t‘] of initials 知 zhī, 徹 chè and 澄 chéng7 (see §7.4). The rest of the modern pronunciations we can preliminarily assume to have evolved at a later stage. Presumably, characters with these three initials all had no initial consonant. The initial [ŋ] in

140  Middle Chinese Phonology ‘open-mouth’ syllables in Xiajiang Mandarin and Southwestern Mandarin can be interpreted as having emerged later. Vowels in ‘open-mouth’ rhymes are at most mid-high in height; however, closure of speech organs is required typically at the initial position of a syllable. That being the case, it is natural to augment the initial with a [ŋ]. (Pronunciation of vowels mid-high and below features a prominent role of the vocal cords. Velar sounds are produced mostly closely to the throat, and among them, [ŋ] requires less effort than [k] or [g].) The initial [n] in Northern Mandarin dialects is further derived from this [ŋ]. Be that as it may, we can by no means conclude that the phonetic value of these three initials was all [∅] in Middle Chinese. Since the initial 影 yǐng co-occurs with rhymes of all four grades (the upper characters for the third-grade rhymes observably forming a separate type) and the initials 以 yǐ and 云 yún co-occur only with third-grade rhymes, they must represent distinct initials. One important clue that can, as a first step, effectively help us distinguish 影 yǐng from the two types of 喻 yù is the change of tones. Each of the four tones of Middle Chinese has undergone a two-way divergence depending on the voicing of the initial. Let us illustrate this with the píng tone: characters with voiceless initials in Middle Chinese take the yīnpíng tone, and characters with voiced initials take the yángpíng tone in all modern dialects. What about the initial 影 yǐng and the two types of 喻 yù then? The initial 影 yǐng falls into the first category, resembling 幫 bāng, 滂 pāng, 端 duān, 透 tòu, etc.; the two types of 喻 yù fall into the second category, resembling 並 bìng, 明 míng, 定 ding, 泥 ní, etc. On this basis we can infer that characters with the initial 影 yǐng in Middle Chinese had a glottal onset [ʔ]. [ʔ] as a voiceless consonant gave rise to the same tone change in such characters as those with initials 幫 bāng, 滂 pāng, etc. Characters with the two types of 喻 yù had a voiced onset consonant so that their tone change resembles that of characters with initials 並 bìng, 明 míng, etc. The only clue that supports our differentiation between 云 yún and 以 yǐ as separate classes is that 云 yún and 匣 xiá belonged to the same class of initial prior to the Qièyùn, not distinguishable in terms of their fǎnqiè patterns. In Middle Chinese, the initial 匣 xiá co-occurs only with rhymes of the first, second and fourth grades, whereas the initial 云 yún co-exists exclusively with those of the third grade. Since all initials that co-occur with third-grade rhymes are palatalised under the influence of the medial [j], the separation between 云 yún and 匣 xiá is very likely to be caused by the distinction between palatalised [ɣ] and non-palatalised [ɣ], which is more audibly prominent than the distinction between palatalised and non-palatalised varieties of any other consonant. In view of this, we tentatively identify the classes of 云 yún and 以 yǐ as one single initial, the classification resembling the distinction between two types of upper characters for initials such as 幫 bāng, 見 jiàn, etc. To manifest its distinctive feature, we always attach the medial [j] to the initial [ɣ] when we present the phonetic value of the initial 云 yún as an individual class. That being said, the phonetic value of the initial 以 yǐ can be logically reconstructed as [∅].

Middle Chinese Phonology  141 The initial 云 yún lost its palatalised initial [ɣ] and converged with 以 yǐ – arguably, this should have happened at not too late a time in the Middle Chinese era. It is most evidently reflected in the fact that 云 yún and 以 yǐ are conflated as a single initial 喻 yù in the Thirty-six Initials; moreover, this convergence can also be verified by the change of tone. From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese, the shǎng tone of characters with ‘full opaque’ and ‘secondary opaque’ initials has evolved largely along different routes so as to render different tone values, and characters with initials 云 yún and 以 yǐ have both followed the ‘secondary opaque’ evolutionary route in Modern Chinese dialects. §7.6 At this stage only two Middle Chinese initials remain undiscussed (Table 7.7). Table 7.7 Initials 來 lái and 日 rì in Middle Chinese Class

Reconstructed phonetic value

Upper characters used in the Guǎngyùn

Thirty-six Initials

來 lái 日 rì

[l] [ȵ]

廬 lú type, 力 lì type 而 ér type

來 lái 日 rì

The 廬 lú type of upper characters for the initial 來 lái are mostly found in syllables with the first-, second- and fourth-grade rhymes, while the 力 lì type mostly in syllables with the third-grade rhymes – a distinction resembling that of initials 幫 bāng, 見 jiàn, etc. The initial 來 lái is classified as ‘half tongue’ in the Thirtysix Initials. In modern Chinese dialects, it is mostly pronounced [l], or either [n] or [l], which resulted from conflation with the initial 泥 ní. It is only natural for us to reconstruct its phonetic feature in Middle Chinese as a dental lateral [l], which, when nasalised, is prone to merge with [n]. Modern pronunciation of the initial 日 rì has the following variations: (1) [∅] for a number of characters such as 兒 ér, 耳 ěr, 二 èr, voiced fricative [ʐ] or [z] for all the rest, e.g. Standard Mandarin and some Mandarin dialects (2) [∅] for some of the characters, nasal [n] (or lateral [l]) for the rest, as in part of Mandarin and part of Min (3) Mostly palatal nasal [ȵ], as in Hakka and part of Wu (4) [∅] for a small number of characters, mostly [z] or [dz‘] as a result of conflation with initials 從 cóng, 邪 xié, 牀 chuáng, 禪 shàn, etc., as in part of Wu (5) Always [∅], e.g. Guangzhou (6) Almost always [dʑ], as in part of Min Regarding cases other than its disappearance, we can trace the phonetic value of the initial 日 rì in Middle Chinese along two paths of likelihood: one is its being a voiced fricative, the other a nasal. The initial 日 rì is classified as ‘secondary opaque’ in the Thirty-six Initials, and characters with this initial have undergone the same change in tone as those with other ‘secondary opaque’ initials such as

142  Middle Chinese Phonology 明 míng, 泥 ní and 來 lái. As the shǎng tone characters with the initial 日 rì have the same tone as characters with ‘full clear’ and ‘secondary clear’ initials in most modern dialects, the initial 日 rì was definitely not a voiced fricative in Middle Chinese. Voiced fricatives are designated as ‘full opaque’ consonants, and shǎng-tone characters with ‘full opaque’ initials would mostly coalesce into the qù tone. If we assume the initial 日 rì to be originally a nasal and reconstruct it as a palatal nasal considering that it is classified by the Thirty-six Initials as a ‘half tooth’ sound, it would be well within the bounds of possibility in terms of tone change, which conforms to the modern pronunciation of other types of nasal. The evolution from nasal to fricative can be postulated as [ȵ] → [ʑ] → [ʐ] → [z]. It is worth noting, however, that when [ȵ] → [ʑ] happened, the initial 禪 shàn originally pronounced [ʑ]8 had probably assumed another phonetic value. As for its modern pronunciation as an affricate, we should be aware that (1) the [dz‘] sound in some Wu dialects is normally inseparable from [z] therein and (2) the [dʑ] sound in some Min dialects is a variation of [ȵ]. The widely accepted reconstruction by Karlgren of the initial 日 rì as nasal affricate [ȵʑ]9 is awkward and implausible. §7.7 The study of finals in ancient Chinese had better begin with the coda. The most general category of Middle Chinese finals is the ‘rhyme group’. The categorisation of rhyme groups is based on proximity of the main vowel and uniformity of the coda. The coda can be easily traced from modern Chinese dialects. All characters in the seven rhyme groups of 止 zhǐ, 遇 yù, 蟹 xiè, 效 xiào, 果 guǒ, 假 jiǎ and 流 liú have no consonant coda in modern dialects. We can thus presume that they were all open syllables in Middle Chinese, too; otherwise, there would not be such total consistency in evolution. Here is what the other nine rhyme groups look like: Rhymes of the píng, shǎng and qù tones: 通 江 tōng jiāng

宕 dàng

梗 gěng

曾 zēng

臻 zhēn

山 shān

咸 xián

深 shēn

(1) [ŋ]

[ŋ]

[ŋ]

[ŋ]

[ŋ]

[n]

[n]

[n]

[n]

(2) [ŋ]

[ŋ]

[ŋ]

[n]

[n]

[n]

[n]

[n]

[n]

(3) [ŋ] (4) [ŋ]

[ŋ] ([õ]) [ŋ]

[ŋ] ([õ]) [ŋ] [ŋ]

[n] ([ŋ]) [n] ([ŋ]) [ŋ]

[ŋ] ([õ]) [∅]

[ŋ]

[n] ([ŋ]) [n] ([ŋ]) [ŋ]

[ŋ] ([õ]) [∅]

(5) [ŋ]

[n] ([ŋ]) [n] ([ŋ]) [ŋ]

[ŋ]

[ŋ]

[n] (-ŋ) [n] ([ŋ]) [ŋ]

(Northern Mandarin mostly so pronounced) (Southwestern Mandarin mostly so pronounced) (Xiajiang Mandarin) (Wu mostly so pronounced) (Fuzhou)

Middle Chinese Phonology  143 通 江 tōng jiāng (6) [ŋ] (7) [ŋ]

[ŋ] [ŋ]

宕 dàng

梗 gěng

曾 zēng

臻 zhēn

山 shān

咸 xián

深 shēn

[ŋ] [ŋ]

[ŋ] [ŋ]

[n] [ŋ]

[n] [n]

[n] [n]

[m] [m]

[m] [m]

(Hakka) (Cantonese and Southern Min)

Rhymes of the rù tone: (1) [∅] [∅] [∅] [∅] [∅] [∅] [∅] [∅] [∅] (Northern Mandarin except Shanxi area, Southwestern Mandarin, part of Xiajiang Mandarin) (2) [ʔ] [ʔ] [ʔ] [ʔ] [ʔ] [ʔ] [ʔ] [ʔ] [ʔ] (Northern Mandarin in Shanxi area, part of Xiajiang Mandarin, Wu) (3) [k] [k] [k] [k] [k] [k] [k] [k] [k] (e.g. Fuzhou) (4) [k] [k] [k] [k] [t] [t] [t] [p] [p] (e.g. Hakka) (5) [k] [k] [k] [k] [k] [t] [t] [p] [p] (Cantonese and Southern Min)

On this basis we can presume: (1) Rhymes of the píng, shǎng and qù tones in the five rhyme groups of 通 tōng, 江 jiāng, 宕 dàng, 梗 gěng and 曾 zēng had a coda [ŋ] originally; rhymes of the corresponding rù tone had a coda [k] originally. (2) Rhymes of the píng, shǎng and qù tones in the two rhyme groups of 山 shān and 臻 zhēn had a coda [n] originally; rhymes of the corresponding rù tone had a coda [t] originally. (3) Rhymes of the píng, shǎng and qù tones in the two rhyme groups of 咸 xián and 深 shēn had a coda [m] originally; rhymes of the corresponding rù tone had a coda [p] originally. In regard to contemporary dialects, these codas are preserved in Cantonese, whereas other dialects have either merged them in various degrees, or retained certain vestiges (nasalisation of the vowel in shūshēng 舒聲 ‘stretching’ (píng, shǎng and qù tones) rhymes, or conversion of 入聲 rùshēng (rù tone) codas to [ʔ]), or even dropped them altogether. As concerns the nine rhyme groups with consonantal codas, the codas are nasal for rhymes of píng, shǎng and qù tones, and plosive at corresponding places of articulation for rhymes of the rù tone. The other seven rhyme groups have no consonantal codas, thus consisting of rhymes of píng, shǎng and qù tones only and having no rhyme of the rù tone. Based on the presence or absence of consonantal codas and their nature, we can group all rhymes into three general categories: (1) Rhymes with no consonantal codas are called 陰聲 yīnshēng rhymes (2) Rhymes with nasal codas are called 陽聲 yángshēng rhymes (3) Rhymes with plosive codas are called 入聲 rùshēng rhymes

144  Middle Chinese Phonology Both yīnshēng and yánshēng rhymes have three tones, i.e. píng, shǎng and qù tones, whereas the rùshēng rhymes bear exclusively the rù tone. Therefore, the yīnshēng and yángshēng rhymes are also collectively known as ‘stretching’ rhymes. §7.8 Among the sixteen rhyme groups, whenever a rhyme group is displayed in rhyme charts with two separate tables, this separation reflects the distinction between ‘open’ and ‘closed’. As we mentioned before, the ‘open’ and ‘closed’ in rhyme charts are by and large the same concepts as the ‘open-mouth’ and ‘closedmouth’ in the description of early modern and modern pronunciation (§6.6). It can be confirmed simply by illustration from some modern Chinese dialects of characters that share an initial but differ in openness of mouth. Standard Mandarin

Suzhou

Guangzhou

Hakka

Fuzhou

Xiamen

基 jī (止 zhǐ group, open) 歸 guī (止 zhǐ group, closed)

[tɕi]

[tɕi]

[kei]

[ki]

[ki]

[ki]

[kuei]

[kue]

[kuai]

[kui]

[kui]

[kui]

該 kāi (蟹 xiè group, open) 瑰 guī (蟹 xiè group, closed)

[kai]

[ke]

[koi]

[koi]

[kai]

[kai]

[kuei]

[kue]

[kuai]

[kui]

[kuoi]

[kui]

根 gēn (臻 zhēn group, open) 棍 gùn (臻 zhēn group, closed)

[kən]

[kən]

[kɐn]

[ken]

[kouŋ]

[kuən]

[kuən]

[kuɐn]

[kun]

[kouŋ]

[kin] [kun] [kun]

干 gān (山 shān group, open) 官 guān (山 shān group, closed)

[kan]

[kɵ]

[kon]

[kon]

[kaŋ]

[kan]

[kuan]

[kuɵ]

[kun]

[kuon]

[kuaŋ]

[kuan]

哥 gē (果 guǒ group, open) 鍋 guō (果 guǒ group, closed)

[kɤ]

[kəu]

[ko]

[ko]

[kɔ]

[ko]

[kuo]

[kəu]

[uo]

[ko]

[kuo]

[ko]

加 jiā (假 jiǎ group, open) 瓜 guā (假 jiǎ group, closed)

[tɕia]

[ka]

[ka]

[ka]

[ka]

[ka]

[kua]

[ko]

[kua]

[kua]

[kua]

[kue]

剛 gāng (宕 dàng group, open) 光 guāng (宕 dàng group, closed)

[kaŋ]

[kɑŋ]

[koŋ]

[koŋ]

[kouŋ]

[koŋ]

[kuaŋ]

[kuɑŋ]

[kuoŋ]

[kuoŋ]

[kuoŋ]

[koŋ]

行 xíng (梗 gěng group, open) 橫 héng (梗 gěng group, closed)

[ɕiŋ]

[haŋ]

[haŋ]

[hɛiŋ]

[xəŋ]

[ɦuaŋ]

[huaŋ]

[haŋ] [hen] [vaŋ]

[hiəŋ] [haŋ] [huĩ]

[huaŋ]

Middle Chinese Phonology  145 Description of Middle Chinese medials has been following Karlgren’s model, i.e. [u] for the first-grade rhymes, and [w] for second-, third- and fourth-grade rhymes. However, such a representation of sound value is felt to be problematic both theoretically and practically. Instead, we use [u] for all grades so as to be consistent with the representation of modern pronunciation. Note in passing that when a fǎnqiè pattern involves a labial initial – a character with labial initial as lower character of another character or a character with labial initial using another character as lower character – there is often confusion in terms of openness of mouth. For example, characters of the 10 陽 yáng rhyme in the lower píng volume of the Guǎngyùn are divided into the ‘open’ and ‘closed’ categories, but the lower characters in their fǎnqiè patterns are associable. The ‘closed’ character 王 wáng uses as lower character 方 fāng with a labial initial, which in turn uses the ‘open’ character 良 liáng as its lower character. Such phenomena can be regarded as errors in the fǎnqiè patterns because modern dialects would agree with the rhyme charts. In addition, as far as fǎnqiè is concerned, we can rectify these errors according to the ‘same initial, different finals’ principle. Why do fǎnqiè patterns involving labial initials tend to confuse ‘open’ with ‘closed’? Karlgren has an adequately reasonable explanation. He says that labial initials in Middle Chinese probably have a ‘soft’ articulation; that is, the upper and lower lips are released slowly. Thus, the initial tends to be followed by a [w] sound. For this reason, fǎnqiè writers would hesitate in distinguishing between this seemingly ‘closed’ and the genuine ‘closed’ rhyme. Then is the mentioned character 方 fāng of the 陽 yáng rhyme ‘open’ or ‘closed’? It is not easy to determine the ‘openness’ of all such characters. Fortunately, in rhyme dictionaries, no rhyme class has any distinction between ‘open’ and ‘closed’ for characters with labial initials. In rhyme charts, although there is inconsistency in the classification of labial-initial characters as ‘open’ or ‘closed’, such characters are classified either all as ‘open’ or all as ‘closed’ – that is, there is no distinction between ‘open’ and ‘closed’, whatever rhyme group in whatever rhyme chart. So we can come to the conclusion that characters with labial initials in each rhyme have only one category in Middle Chinese, i.e. either ‘open’ or ‘closed’; they are unlike characters with other initials that can have ‘open’ and ‘closed’ varieties within a single rhyme. §7.9 Now we address the issue of grade. Each of the sixteen rhyme groups is divided into four grades, ‘open’ and ‘closed’ syllables alike. In light of this, we know that, apart from the variation in coda and presence or absence of the medial [u], the rhyme charts display four kinds of finals across all rhyme groups in Middle Chinese: the first, second, third and fourth grades. What is the distinction among grades like? There has never been any explanation in rhyme charts (at least the extant ones). Qing Dynasty scholar Jiang Yong states in his Yīnxué Biànwēi that the first grade is broad, the second grade next broad, the third and fourth grades are narrow, and the fourth grade is especially narrow. Then what does ‘broad’ mean? And what is ‘narrow’? To solve these problems we need to start with an examination of modern Chinese dialects again. Neither space nor time permits elaborate discussion; we only provide some of the following illustrative examples.

146  Middle Chinese Phonology (1) ‘Open’ syllables with ‘back tooth’ velar and ‘throat’ glottal initials of the 蟹 xiè group in Mandarin: 1st grade

[ai]

2nd grade

[ai], [ie] (← [iai])

3rd, 4th grade

[i]

該 gāi [kai], 害 hài [xai], 哀 āi [ai] 皆 jiē [tɕie], 楷 kǎi [k‘ai], 鞋 xié [ɕie], 矮 ǎi [ai] 藝 yì [i], 計 jì [tɕi], 縊 yì [i]

(2) ‘Closed’ syllables with ‘back tooth’ velar and ‘throat’ glottal initials of the 山 shān group in Suzhou: 1st grade

[uɵ]

2nd grade

[ue]

3rd, 4th grade

[iɵ]

官 guān [kuɵ], 換 huàn [ɦuɵ], 碗 wǎn [uɵ] 關 guān [kue], 還 huán [ɦue], 彎 wān [ue] 捲 juǎn [tɕiɵ], 玄 xuán [ɦiɵ], 淵 yuān [iɵ]

(3) Syllables of the 效 xiào group in Fuzhou: 1st grade

[ɔ]

2nd grade

[au], [a]

3rd, 4th grade

[ieu]

高 gāo [kɔ], 好 hǎo [hɔ], 刀 dāo [tɔ], 草 cǎo [ts‘ɔ], 保 bǎo [pɔ] 交 jiāo [kau, ka], 孝 xiào [hau, ha], 炒 chǎo [ts‘a], 飽 bǎo [pau, pa] 轎 jiào [kieu], 妖 yāo [ieu], 朝 cháo [tieu], 燒 shāo [sieu], 表 biǎo [pieu], 叫 jiào [kieu], 曉 xiǎo [hieu], 聊 liáo [lieu], 蕭 xiāo [sieu]

(4) ‘Open’ syllables with ‘back tooth’ velar and ‘throat’ glottal initials of the 山 shān group in Hakka: 1st grade

[on]

2nd grade 3rd, 4th grade

[an] [ien]

干 gān [kon], 寒 hán [hon], 安 an [on] 眼 yǎn [ŋan], 限 xiàn [han] 件 jiàn [k‘ien], 延 yán [ien], 肩 jiān [kien], 賢 xián [hien]

Middle Chinese Phonology  147 Thus, we can tentatively infer the following: (1) Rhymes of the first and second grades have no medial [i], and rhymes of the third and fourth grades have the medial [i]. Third-grade syllables with 知 zhī, 莊 zhuāng and 章 zhāng group initials in Mandarin and Wu partially lost this medial under the influence of the ‘hardening’ of initials. (2) First-grade rhymes have back vowels. Second-grade rhymes have front vowels, which can sometimes give rise to a new medial [i], as illustrated by the Mandarin examples. (3) Third- and fourth-grade rhymes have vowels close to high and front positions. As far as the difference between third and fourth grade is concerned, we have not been able to find any evidence from modern dialects but can only speculate from phenomena mentioned earlier. In the beginning sections of this chapter when we discussed initials, we said that the upper characters for the fǎnqiè patterns of characters with initials of the 幫 bāng, 精 jīng, 見 jiàn groups and initials 影 yǐng, 曉 xiǎo, 泥 ní and 來 lái tend to comprise two types – one type co-occurs with the first-, second- and fourth-grade rhymes; the other, with the third-grade rhymes. There, we conjectured that the type with third-grade rhymes bears some phonetic difference from the type with first-, second- and fourth-grade rhymes due to the influence of the finals (§7.2). Then what is so special about third-grade rhymes as to cause a distinctive change to the initials they form syllables with? And what exactly is that distinctive change? Since in Mandarin and Wu the ‘back tooth’ velar and ‘throat’ glottal initials mostly occur in the first- and second-grade rhymes, thus retaining the original [k], [k‘] and [x] sounds, whereas in the third- and fourth-grade rhymes they change to palatal consonants [tɕ], [tɕ‘] and [ɕ], we know that the distinctive change could be palatalisation. Also, since the upper characters in the fǎnqiè involving fourth-grade rhymes are not of the same type as those with thirdgrade rhymes but are of the same type as those with first- and second-grade rhymes, then we know palatalisation of initials in question is restricted only to the third-grade rhymes in Middle Chinese. On that account, we have gotten a clue as to the distinction between third and fourth grade; that is, the former causes palatalisation to the initial whereas the latter does not. Consequently, we can make the tentative assumption that the medial of third-grade rhymes is a consonantal [j], whereas the medial of fourth-grade rhymes is a vowel [i]. The consonantal [j] has a higher tongue position, which caused palatalisation of initials in the Middle Chinese period, while the vowel [i] has a lower tongue position, which caused palatalisation at a later time. Karlgren even holds that the vowel of fourth-grade rhymes is higher than that of third-grade rhymes because the vowel medial [i] might cause the rise. As we see it, since all fourthgrade rhymes are designated independent rhyme classes in rhyme dictionaries, it would be unlikely if their distinction from third-grade rhymes lies solely in the medial (e.g. ear vs. year in English). Although Karlgren’s speculation appears to have no solid evidence, it can be thus supported.

148  Middle Chinese Phonology To summarise, if the main vowel of a given rhyme group is a low vowel, the sound values of the four grades in ‘open’ and ‘closed’ syllables are as follows:

open closed

1st

2nd

3rd

4th

[ɑ] [uɑ]

[a] [ua]

[jæ] [juæ]

[iɛ] [iuɛ]

The reconstruction applies to rhyme groups with all four grades. According to Chapter 6, we know that half of the rhyme groups have no second- or fourth-grade rhymes. Under those circumstances, the distinction can be shown by the absence of the medial [j] in the first grade and the presence of it in the third grade. 1st

2nd

3rd

[u]

4th

[ju]

This reconstruction can be borne out by the fact that some rhyme classes comprise both first and third grades. However, if first grade and third grade are not classified as the same rhyme, it does not mean they necessarily have different main vowels. If main vowels are different, classification as one rhyme is impossible; if main vowels are the same, rhymes can be divided into two classes for other reasons. §7.10 After solving the problem of grade, we raise more issues. Within the same grade, there are different rhymes, e.g. first-grade rhymes 東 dōng and 冬 dōng in the 通 tōng group, second-grade rhymes 皆 jiē, 佳 jiā and 夬 guài in the 蟹 xiè group, and third-grade rhymes 仙 xiān and 元 yuán in the 山 shān group. How shall we account for their differentiation? According to Karlgren, the following ‘repeated rhymes’ in the first and second grades (illustrated by the píng tone) are different in the length of their main vowels. 蟹 xiè group 1st 2nd

泰 tài 佳 jiā, 夬 guài

咍 hāi 皆 jiē

山 shān group

咸 xián group

刪 shān

談 tán 銜 xián

山 shān

覃 tán 咸 xián

東 dōng and 冬 dōng in the 通 tōng group and 庚 gēng and 耕 gēng in the 梗 gěng group are different also in their vowel quality. His notions have been acknowledged all along, but recently we found that the evidence he used was not at all reliable. And we provide the following facts: (1) Suzhou and Guangzhou dialects can largely distinguish between characters of the 咍 hāi rhyme and those of the 泰 tài rhyme. The former rhyme has the

Middle Chinese Phonology  149 vowel [ɑ] in Suzhou and [ai] in Guangzhou; the latter has [e] in Suzhou and [ɔi]10 in Guangzhou. (2) Syllables with ‘tongue head’ and ‘tooth head’ dental initials in rhymes 覃 tán and 談 tán are distinguishable in many Wu dialects, e.g. in Suzhou. The former rhyme has the vowel [ɵ], the latter [e]; in Zhuji, the former has the vowel [ɤ], the latter [æ]. Taking into account the Old Chinese origins of these rhymes (see Chapter 11), we can conclude that the difference between these rhymes lies also in vowel quality. As to how they are different, we will discuss in our account for each rhyme group for convenience’s sake. §7.11 The third-grade rhymes have the most ‘repeated rhymes’ and the most complicated issues. It is fundamentally worthwhile to make an overall analysis of all third-grade rhymes. To begin with, using the rhyme classes in rhyme dictionaries, we can divide third-grade rhymes into two major types based on their nature and arrangement in rhyme charts: (1) Those having only ‘lip’ labial, ‘back tooth’ velar and ‘throat’ glottal initials and occupying only third-grade slots: 微 wēi, 廢 fèi, 欣 xīn, 文 wén, 元 yuán, 嚴 yán and 凡 fán (2) The others If we compare rhymes of the first type and the other third-grade rhymes in the same rhyme group, e.g. 微 wēi vs. 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, 之 zhī; 廢 fèi vs. 祭 jì, there is something noteworthy about their evolution. That is, labial initials cooccurring with rhymes of the first type have all evolved into ‘light lip’ labiodentals, whereas those co-occurring with the other third-grade rhymes stay ‘heavy lip’ labial. Since all third-grade rhymes have the medial [j], there should be no doubt that the first type bears some commonality in vowel quality so as to cause change to the labial initial. Because the 元 yuán rhyme is always positioned together with 痕 hén and 魂 hún and afterwards included in the 山 shān rhyme group, the main vowel of 痕 hén and 魂 hún is [ə], and the 山 shān group has a low vowel (see next section), we can assume that the main vowel of the 元 yuán rhyme is a central vowel [ɐ]. We can further infer that third-grade rhymes of the first type always have a main vowel nearer to central than the other third-grade rhymes. Then, we can categorise the second type into three groups: (1) Appearing in both third- and fourth-grade slots in rhyme charts under ‘lip’ labial, ‘back tooth’ velar and ‘throat’ glottal initials: 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, 真 zhēn, 諄 zhūn, 祭 jì, 仙 xiān and 宵 xiāo. (2) Appearing only in fourth-grade slots in rhyme charts under ‘lip’ labial, ‘back tooth’ velar and ‘throat’ glottal initials: 清 qīng and 幽 yōu (note that 幽 yōu is not a fourth-grade rhyme).

150  Middle Chinese Phonology (3) Appearing only in third-grade slots in rhyme charts under ‘lip’ labial, ‘back tooth’ velar and ‘throat’ glottal initials except for the initial 以 yǐ: 東 dōng, 鍾 zhōng, 之 zhī, 魚 yú, 虞 yú, 麻 má, 陽 yáng, 庚 gēng, 蒸 zhēng, 尤 yóu, 戈 gē, 咍 hāi, 侵 qīn and 鹽 yán (the last two rhymes have fourth-grade characters under the initial 影 yǐng, but we do not put them in group (1). Although in the last group there are characters with ‘front tooth’ dental initials and the initial 喻 yù intruding into second- and fourth-grade slots, they are regular third-grade rhymes because it is a matter of arrangement of rhyme charts rather than of quality of finals. Each rhyme of group (1) with ‘lip’ labial, ‘back tooth’ velar and ‘throat’ glottal initials has an internal distinction, which is not only manifest in rhyme charts, but also in the fǎnqiè patterns, which show some trace of distinction (§5.10). Now the question is what kind of syllables with ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials are similar to syllables with ‘tongue’ and ‘front tooth’ initials in the same rhyme? What kind of syllables with ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials represent an independent type? Based on associations of lower characters in the rhymes 真 zhēn and 宵 xiāo, Korean transliteration of the 冬 dōng rhyme, and the peculiarity of the 清 qīng rhyme, our conclusion is exactly the opposite to what is apparently shown in rhyme charts. That is, fourth-grade syllables under ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials in rhyme charts are of the same type as those under ‘tongue’ and ‘front tooth’ initials in the same rhyme; third-grade syllables under ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials in rhyme charts are of an independent type. Henceforth, we call the former type ‘type 1’ of a certain rhyme and the latter ‘type 2’. We can get some clue of the distinction between them from the《慧琳一切經音 義》Huìlín Yīqiè Jīng Yīnyì ‘Sound and Meaning of all Sutras’, by Huilin of the Tang Dynasty,《古今韻會舉要》Gǔjīn Yùnhuì Jǔyào ‘Essential Collection of Ancient and Modern Rhymes’ of late Song and early Yuan, and transliteration in Korean. Type 1 rhymes mostly merged with fourth-grade rhymes, and type 2 mostly merged with the ‘pure’ third-grade rhymes mentioned earlier; however, this allows us no basis for further speculation. After all, we have no clear clue as to how to distinguish between third- and fourth-grade rhymes. Provisionally, we add a diacritic mark [̆] on top of the vowel of type 2 rhymes to indicate thirdgrade vowel close to the central position. As for group (2), if we look at characters of the 清 qīng rhyme and those of the third-grade 庚 gēng rhyme in the same group together, we find they have a relationship that resembles that between type 1 and type 2 in group (1). The only difference is that the 庚 gēng rhyme also has second-grade slots filled in by characters with initials of the 莊 zhuāng group. If we look at rhymes 幽 yōu and 尤 yóu together, we can arrive at roughly the same relationship; the difference is that rhymes with ‘tongue’ and ‘front tooth’ initials and third-grade rhymes with ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials constitute one type, and fourth-grade rhymes with ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials form an independent type.

Middle Chinese Phonology 151 To sum up, there should be four types of third-grade rhymes: Type A Type B

Pure third grade, labial initials evolving into labiodental Pure third grade, labial initials staying bilabial

Type C

Regular third grade

Type D

In fourth-grade slots in rhyme charts under ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials

微 wēi, 廢 fèi, (欣 xīn,) 文 wén, 元 yuán, (嚴 yán,) 凡 fán

Main vowel close to central

支 zhī, 脂 zhī, 真 zhēn, 諄 zhūn, 祭 jì, 仙 xiān, 宵 xiāo in third-grade slots in rhyme charts under ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials (type 2) 東 dōng, 鍾 zhōng, 之 zhī, 魚 yú, 虞 yú, 麻 má, 陽 yáng, 庚 gēng, 蒸 zhēng, 尤 yóu, 戈 gē, 咍 hāi, 侵 qīn and 鹽 yán 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, 真 zhēn, 諄 zhūn, 祭 jì, 仙 xiān, 宵 xiāo with ‘tongue’, ‘front tooth’ initials and in fourth-grade slots in rhyme charts under ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials (type 1)

Like Type A

Regular third-grade vowel Probably like Type C

Based on this categorisation, the distinction among ‘repeated’ third-grade rhymes in each rhyme group can be straightened out in principle. §7.12 Based on the principles drawn up earlier, we can now reconstruct the phonetic values of the finals of each rhyme group. (1) 通 tōng group 1st

3rd

東 dōng, 董 dǒng, 送 sòng (紅 hóng, 孔 kǒng, 貢 gòng types of lower character)

[uŋ]

冬 dōng, 腫 zhǒng (湩 dòng type of lower character) 東 dōng, 送 sòng (弓 gōng, 仲 zhòng types of lower character)

[uoŋ]

鍾 zhōng, 腫 zhǒng (隴 lǒng type of lower character), 用 yòng

[juoŋ]

[juŋ]

屋 wū (谷 gǔ type of lower character) 沃 wò

[uk]

屋 wū (六 liù type of lower character) 燭 zhú

[juk]

[uok]

[juok]

There are two types of upper characters in rhyme dictionaries for rhymes 東 dōng, 董 dǒng, 送 sòng and 屋 wū, corresponding to the distinction between first and third grade in rhyme charts. Early charts put the two types of 東 dōng in one table and combined 冬 dōng and 鍾 zhōng as another table. The rhymes 東 dōng, 冬 dōng and 鍾 zhōng are generally not distinguishable in modern dialects, either merged as [uŋ]/[iuŋ] (or [yuŋ]) or as [oŋ]/[ioŋ]. Only in Japanese transliteration,

152  Middle Chinese Phonology Korean transliteration, and Fuzhou and Wenzhou dialects can we find different pronunciations of some characters of the third-grade 東 dōng rhyme from those of the 鍾 zhōng rhyme, with 東 dōng featuring a main vowel [u] and 冬 dōng, 鍾 zhōng a main vowel [o]. The evolution of 鍾 zhōng rhyme syllables is in many cases parallel to the 虞 yú rhyme, which features ‘closed’, so we reconstruct 冬 dōng and 鍾 zhōng as ‘closed’ rhymes. (2) 江 jiāng group 2nd

江 jiāng, 講 jiǎng, 絳 jiàng

[ɔŋ]

覺 jué

[ɔk]

It is by far the simplest rhyme group, without distinction between ‘open’ and ‘closed’. There is only one type of lower character in each rhyme, and all rhymes are second-grade in rhyme charts. From many materials other than rhyme dictionaries we know that syllables of the 江 jiāng group have long merged with those of the 宕 dàng group. Since the 宕 dàng group have only first- and third-grade rhymes and the 江 jiāng group only second-grade rhymes, many rhyme charts combine them as one table. No modern dialect can distinguish 江 jiāng from 宕 dàng. Our following discussion will designate a main vowel [ɑ] for the 宕 dàng group; then what about the 江 jiāng group? In rhyme charts, the 江 jiāng rhyme always follows 東 dōng, 冬 dōng and 鍾 zhōng; besides, rhyming characters and characters with shared phonetic components in the pre-Qin era demonstrate that the 江 jiāng rhyme was indeed close to 東 dōng, 冬 dōng and 鍾 zhōng in the Old Chinese period. Therefore, the main vowel of 江 jiāng, 講 jiǎng, 絳 jiàng and 覺 jué in early Middle Chinese should be close to [u] and [o] and tended to be confused with [ɑ] later, hence our reconstruction of it as [ɔ]. In many dialects, especially Mandarin, 江 jiāng rhyme syllables with ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials are always ‘open’ ([aŋ], [iaŋ]), with ‘tongue’ and ‘front tooth’ initials always ‘closed’ ([uaŋ]). This distinction took place at a later stage and has to do with third-grade 宕 dàng group syllables with 莊 zhuāng group initials. This issue is to be addressed in the next section. (3) 止 zhǐ group This group has only third-grade rhymes, comprised of ‘open’ and ‘closed’ types.

3rd

‘Open’

‘Closed’

[je] 支 zhī, 紙 zhǐ, 寘 zhì (type 1) 支 zhī, 紙 zhǐ, 寘 zhì [jĕ] (type 2) (支 zhī, 宜 yí, 氏 shì, 綺 qǐ, 婢 bì, 義 yì, 恚 huì types of lower character above)

支 zhī, 紙 zhǐ, 寘 zhì [jue] (type 1) 支 zhī, 紙 zhǐ, 寘 zhì [juĕ] (type 2) (規 guī, 爲 wéi, 委 wěi, 僞 wěi types of lower character above)

Middle Chinese Phonology  153 脂 zhī, 旨 zhǐ, 至 zhì [jei] (type 1) 脂 zhī, 旨 zhǐ, 至 zhì [jĕi] (type 2) (夷 yí, 几 jǐ, 利 lì types of lower character above) 之 zhī, 止 zhǐ, 志 zhì 微 wēi, 尾 wěi, 未 wèi (希 xī, 豈 qǐ, 既 jì types of lower character)

[i] [jəi]

脂 zhī, 旨 zhǐ, 至 zhì [juei] (type 1) 脂 zhī, 旨 zhǐ, 至 zhì [juĕi] (type 2) (追 zhuī, 軌 guǐ, 癸 guǐ, 類 lèi, 季 jì types of lower character above) 微 wēi, 尾 wěi, 未 wèi (非 fēi, 鬼 guǐ, 貴 guì types of lower character)11

[juəi]

The 支 zhī and 脂 zhī rhymes have two types, each divided into ‘open’ and ‘closed’. The fǎnqiè can only show a vague outline, from which no distinctive boundary can be drawn. Our division here is based on rhyme charts and discussion in §7.8. (a) Characters in fourth-grade slots with ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’, ‘throat’, ‘tongue’ and ‘front tooth’ initials belong to type 1; those in third-grade slots with ‘lip’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘throat’ initials belong to type 2. (b) Characters of rhymes 支 zhī, 脂 zhī and 之 zhī with ‘lip’ labial initials are all designated as ‘open’ according to the Yùnjìng; characters of the 微 wēI rhyme are designated as ‘closed’. All fǎnqiè patterns that do not agree with the reconstruction can be provisionally regarded as exceptions. For all the many finals involved in the 止 zhǐ rhyme group, almost all of them are conflated in Modern Chinese. Overall, all of them point to a main vowel [i]. However, the common [i] of this group can date back only to the time of rhyme charts after the Song Dynasty. Then how shall we distinguish among rhymes 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, 之 zhī and 微 wēi of the Qièyùn’s time? Some characters of the 支 zhī rhyme have the final [ie] in Fuzhou; some have [ia] in Xiamen, distinct from characters of the 脂 zhī, 之 zhī and 微 wēi rhymes that have the final [i]. This provides a hint of the pronunciation of the 支 zhī rhyme; it should also occur to us that the vowel [e] in Middle Chinese [je] must have a very high tongue position, thus getting absorbed by the medial [j] and leaving only a monophthong [i] in most modern dialects. In addition, some ‘open’ syllables of the 微 wēi rhyme with ‘back tooth’ velar and ‘throat’ glottal initials are pronounced as ‘closed’ in Southern Min, e.g. 幾 jǐ [kui], which is presumably derived from a diphthong. Wu transliteration in Japanese sometimes uses the final [e]; plus, the 微 wēi rhyme is a Type A third-grade rhyme. Based on the evidence, we can assume that the 微 wēi rhyme has a final [jəi]. As for 脂 zhī and 之 zhī, there is no clue we can obtain from modern dialects. The final of the 脂 zhī rhyme has the distinction between type 1 and type 2. Type 2 is third-grade rhyme of Type B, which is close to Type A in phonetic value. Then wouldn’t type 2 of the 脂 zhī rhyme have a final [jĕi], and type 1 a final [jei]? Thus, the only rhyme with the monophthong [i] as final is 之 zhī. The

154  Middle Chinese Phonology 支 zhī rhyme comprises two types, too. The final of type 1 can be reconstructed as [je], and that of type 2, [jĕ] (§7.8). Note in passing that in the phonetic representation of finals, when the main vowel is [i], the medial [j] of third-grade rhymes is omitted. Some may ask, can the reconstruction explain the amalgamation of rhymes 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, 之 zhī and 微 wēi as one rhyme group? Our answer is that the establishment of the 止 zhǐ rhyme group was at a very late stage of Middle Chinese, while our reconstruction reflects the pronunciation at the middle period of Middle Chinese. Don’t the Yùnjìng and the Qīyīn Lüè separate these rhymes as different tables? (4) 遇 yù group ‘Open’

‘Closed’

魚 yú, 語 yǔ, 御 yù

模 mú, 姥 mǔ, 暮 mù 虞 yú, 麌 yǔ, 遇 yù

1st 3rd

[jo]

[uo] [juo]

The Yùnjìng places the 魚 yú rhyme in an independent table and designates it as ‘open’; 模 mú and 虞 yú are together in another table designated as ‘open – closed’. The Qīyīn Lüè has the same organisation of tables but designated respectively as ‘light’ and ‘heavy’. So it can be inferred that the ‘open – closed’ in the Yùnjìng should be ‘closed’. Modern pronunciations of finals represented by the 遇 yù rhyme group fall within the range of [u], [o], [y] and their related diphthongs [ou], [œy], etc. Therefore, it is not difficult to conceive that there should have been a round-lip high back vowel in the final (there are Hakka and Wu dialects in which characters with initials of 精 jīng and 莊 zhuāng groups have an ‘open-mouth’ vowel [i] or [ï] – this is naturally a later development due to influence from their initials). However, the main vowel should be [o] rather than [u] since main vowel [u] cannot be further divided into ‘open’ and ‘closed’. Main vowel [o] can either be preceded by a medial [u] or stay alone. (5) 蟹 xiè group ‘Open’ 1st 2nd

咍 hāi, 海 hǎi, 代 dài 泰 tài (蓋 gài type of lower character) 皆 jiē, 駭 hài, 怪 guài (皆 jiē, 駭 hài, 拜 bài types of lower character) 佳 jiā, 蟹 xiè, 卦 guà (佳 jiā, 蟹 xiè, 懈 xiè types of lower character)

‘Closed’ [ai] [ɑi] [ɐi] [æi]

灰 huī, 賄 huì, 隊 duì 泰 tài (外 wài type of lower character) 皆 jiē, 怪 guài (懷 huái, 怪 guài types of lower character) 佳 jiā, 蟹 xiè, 卦 guà (媧 wā, 夥 huǒ, 卦 guà types of lower character)

[uai] [uɑi] [uɐi] [uæi]

Middle Chinese Phonology 155 ‘Open’

3rd

4th

夬 guài (犗 jiè type of lower character) [栘 yí, 茝 chǎi] 祭 jì (type 1) (例 lì type of lower character) 祭 jì (type 2) (例 lì type of lower character) 廢 fèi (肺 fèi [borrowing a ‘closed’ syllable here] type of lower character) 齊 qí, 薺 jì, 霽 jì (奚 xī, 禮 lǐ, 計 jì types of lower character)

‘Closed’ [ai] [jæi] [jæ̆ i] [jɐi] [iɛi]

夬 guài (夬 guài type of lower character) 祭 jì (type 1) (芮 ruì type of lower character)

[uai]

祭 jì (type 2) (芮 ruì type of lower character) 廢 fèi (all types of lower character in this rhyme)

[juæ̆ i]

齊 qí, 霽 jì (攜 xié, 惠 huì types of lower character)

[juæi]

[juɐi] [iuɛi]

There are a few points to make about fǎnqiè: (a) For all rhymes that have both ‘open’ and ‘closed’ types, the fǎnqiè patterns conform to arrangement in rhyme charts, except for characters with labial initials which often cause problems. I designate all first-grade rhymes and third-grade 廢 fèi rhyme with labial initials as ‘closed’ and all the other rhymes with labial initials as ‘open’. All disconformities in fǎnqiè patterns are regarded as exceptions (there is no disconformity in 咍 hāi and 灰 huī rhymes with labial initials apart from characters in the Guǎngyùn that were added later.) (b) The fǎnqiè patterns of the 祭 jì rhyme are confounded between type 1 and type 2, with only some traces of separability in ‘open’ syllables (§5.10). Our designation is based on §7.8. (c) There is only one ‘open’ syllable represented by 刈 yì in the 廢 fèi rhyme, borrowing a ‘closed’ syllable 肺 fèi as its lower character in fǎnqiè. An additional problem is that there are a few characters with initials 昌 chāng and 以 yǐ in the 咍 hāi and 海 hǎi rhymes, and characters with initials 禪 shàn and 日 rì in the 齊 qí rhyme. These are exceptional cases because rhymes of the first and fourth grades normally do not co-occur with these initials. According to rhyme charts and rules, they are píng and shǎng tone characters corresponding to the 祭 jì rhyme, but because of the small number of them, they are deposited into third-grade slots of 齊 qí, 咍 hāi and 海 hǎi rhymes and borrow lower characters from these rhymes. For additional reference, in some versions of the Tángyùn, the character 栘 yí, which is deposited in the 齊 qí rhyme, constitutes an independent rhyme (§5.6), and in the Jíyùn, it is deposited in the 咍 hāi rhyme. Modern dialects show that the 蟹 xiè rhyme group should have a diphthong with a coda [i] and a main vowel near [a]. Drawing on §7.7 and §7.8, it is not difficult for us to reconstruct finals of the first grade as [ɑi] and [uɑi], second grade as [ai] and [uai], third grade Type A (廢 fèi) as [jɐi] and [juɐi], third grade Type B as [jæ̆ i] and [juæ̆ i] (祭 jì type 2), third grade Type D (祭 jì type 1) as [jæi] and [juæi],

156  Middle Chinese Phonology and fourth grade (齊 qí) as [iɛi] and [iuɛi]. In some dialects, e.g. Wu, the first and second grades are monophthongs [e] or [ɑ], which are apparently later changes; in Fuzhou, the third and fourth grades have the final [ie], a result of dissimilation of the coda [i] influenced by the medial [i]. The conflation of third- and fourth-grade rhymes with the 止 zhǐ rhyme group in Mandarin and Wu is caused by the merging of the main vowel into the medial and the coda. As for the distinction between ‘repeated rhymes’ in the first and second grades, we mentioned in §7.8 that Karlgren’s distinction between 咍 hāi / 皆 jiē and 泰 tài / 佳 jiā / 夬 guài based on vowel length is unreliable, and that the distinction should lie in vowel quality based on evidence from modern dialects. Judging by their historical origins, the 咍 hāi, 皆 jiē and 佳 jiā rhymes have a close relationship with vowels like [ə] and [e], the 泰 tài and 夬 guài rhymes have a close relationship with [a] and [ɑ]. So we reconstruct the final of 咍 hāi as [ai], 皆 jiē as [ɐi], 佳 jiā as [æi], 泰 tài as [ɑi] and 夬 guài as [ai]. The distinction between 皆 jiē and 佳 jiā is based on early rhyme charts, which combine 咍 hāi and 皆 jiē as one table and put 佳 jiā in another one. (6) 臻 zhēn group ‘Open’ 1st 痕 hén, 很 hěn, 恨 hèn 2nd 臻 zhēn

‘Closed’ [ən]

[紇 hé]

[(j)en] 櫛 zhì

3rd 真 zhēn, 軫 [jen] zhěn, 震 zhèn (type 1) (鄰 lín, 忍 rěn, 刃 rèn types of lower character) 真 zhēn, [jĕn] 軫 zhěn, 震 zhèn (type 2) (巾 jīn, 忍 rěn, 刃 rèn types of lower character) 欣 xīn, [jən] 隱 yǐn, 焮 xìn

[ət]

魂 hún, 混 hùn, [uən] 沒 mò 慁 hùn

[uət]

[(j)et]

[jet] 質 zhì (type 1) (質 zhì, 乙 yǐ types of lower character)

諄 zhūn, 準 [juet] [juen] 術 shù zhǔn, 稕 zhùn (type 1) (聿 yù (type 1) (倫 lún, 準 zhǔn, type of 閏 rùn types lower character) of lower character)

[jĕt] 質 zhì (type 2) (質 zhì, 乙 yǐ types of lower character)

諄 zhūn, 準 [juĕt] [juĕn] 術 shù zhǔn, 稕 zhùn (type 2) (聿 yù (type 2) (倫 lún, 準 zhǔn, type of 殞 yǔn, 閏 lower character) rùn types of lower character)

迄 qì

[jət]

文 wén, 吻 [juən] 物 wù wěn, 問 wèn

[juət]

Middle Chinese Phonology  157 The following points in relation to classification need to be made: (a) In early rhyme charts, 魂 hún, 欣 xīn and 文 wén represent one system, and 臻 zhēn, 真 zhēn and 諄 zhūn another. Thus, we consider the former group as sharing a main vowel, the latter group as sharing a vowel close to it. (b) In second-grade 臻 zhēn and 櫛 zhì rhymes, there are only characters under the 莊 zhuāng group initials, whereas third-grade 真 zhēn and 質 zhì rhymes in the same table have no character under the 莊 zhuāng group initials. The shǎng and qù tone rhymes 軫 zhěn and 震 zhèn corresponding to 真 zhēn and 質 zhì have characters under the 莊 zhuāng group initials, and 臻 zhēn and 櫛 zhì12 have no corresponding shǎng and qù tone rhymes. In light of this, 臻 zhēn and 櫛 zhì should really be combined into 真 zhēn and 質 zhì; they are independently classified probably because the medial [j] is not prominent enough. (c) The rhymes 真 zhēn, 軫 zhěn, 震 zhèn and質 zhì were not distinguished from 諄 zhūn, 準 zhǔn, 稕 zhùn and 術 shù from Lu Fayan to Wang Renxu. Although distinguished in the Guǎngyùn, they have many mutually used lower characters in fǎnqiè that confuse ‘open’ with ‘closed’. This happens not only for syllables with labial initials but also for those with other initials, except that type 1 and type 2 can be clearly differentiated only in the 真 zhēn rhyme of the píng tone. The distinction between ‘open’ and ‘closed’ is based on rhyme charts, and syllables with ‘lip’ labial initials are designated as ‘open’. Distinction between type 1 and type 2 is based on §7.8. (d) The rù tone of the 痕 hén rhyme has only one syllable represented by 紇 hé. It is deposited in the 沒 mò rhyme, borrowing 沒 mò as lower character. As mentioned earlier, the coda of the 臻 zhēn group should be [n] for ‘stretching’ rhymes and [t] for rùshēng rhymes. The vowels in modern dialects fall within the range of [ə], [e], [ɐ], [i] (‘open’) and [u], [o], [y], [ou] (‘closed’). For ‘open’ rhymes, [ɐ] is only found in Cantonese and [i] only in third-grade syllables; therefore, we designate [ə] and [e] as Middle Chinese pronunciations. For ‘closed’ rhymes, modern pronunciations of [u], [o], [y] and [ou] are developed from the influence of the medial [u] (in Fuzhou, first-grade ‘open’ rhymes also have the vowel [ou], which results from the merger into ‘closed’ rhymes). Third-grade rhymes 欣 xīn and 文 wén belong to Type A, so they take the vowel [ə] along with 魂 hún and 痕 hén. Then naturally, 臻 zhēn, 真 zhēn and 諄 zhūn take the vowel [e]. (7) 山 shān group ‘Open’ 1st 寒 hán, 旱 hàn, 翰 hàn

‘Closed’ [ɑn] 曷 hé

[ɑt]

桓 huán, 緩 huǎn, 換 huàn

[uɑn] 末 mò

[uɑt]

158  Middle Chinese Phonology ‘Open’ 2nd 刪 shān, 潸 shān, 諫 jiàn (姦 jiān, 板 bǎn, 晏 yàn types of lower character) 山 shān, 產 chǎn, 襇 jiǎn (閑 xián, 限 xiàn, 莧 xiàn types of lower character) 3rd 仙 xiān, 獮 xiǎn, 線 xiàn (type 1) (連 lián, 乾 qián, 善 shàn, 戰 zhàn, 箭 jiàn types of lower character) 仙 xiān, 獮 xiǎn, 線 xiàn (type 2) (連 lián, 乾 qián, 善 shàn, 戰 zhàn, 箭 jiàn types of lower character) 元 yuán, 阮 ruǎn, 願 yuàn (言 yán, 偃 yǎn, 建 jiàn types of lower character) 4th 先 xiān, 銑 xiǎn, 霰 xiàn (前 qián, 典 diǎn, 甸 diàn types of lower character)

‘Closed’ [an]

鎋 xiá (鎋 [at] xiá type of lower character)

[æn] 黠 xiá (黠 [æt] xiá type of lower character)

[jæn] 薛 xuē (type [jæt] 1) (列 liè type of lower character)

[jæ̆ n] 薛 xuē (type [jæ̆ t] 2) (竭 jié type of lower character)

[jɐn] 月 yuè (竭 [jɐt] jié type of lower character)

[iɛn] 屑 xiè (結 [iɛt] jié type of lower character)

刪 shān, 潸 [uan] 鎋 xiá (刮 shān, 諫 guā type of lower jiàn (還 character) huán, 綰 wǎn, 患 huàn types of lower character) 山 shān, 產 [uæn] 黠 xiá (滑 huá type chǎn, 襇 of lower jiǎn (鰥 character) guān, 幻 huàn types of lower character) 仙 xiān, 獮 xiǎn, 線 xiàn (type 1) (緣 yuán, 圓 yuán, 戀 liàn, 絹 juān types of lower character) 仙 xiān, 獮 xiǎn, 線 xiàn (type 2) (緣 yuán, 圓 yuán, 戀 liàn, 絹 juān types of lower character) 元 yuán, 阮 ruǎn, 願 yuàn (袁 yuán, 遠 yuǎn, 願 yuàn types of lower character) 先 xiān, 銑 xiǎn, 霰 xiàn (玄 xuán, 泫 xuàn, 縣 xiàn types of lower character)

[uat]

[uæt]

[juæn] 薛 xuē (type [juæt] 1) (悅 yuè, 劣 liè types of lower character)

[juæ̆ n] 薛 xuē (type [juæ̆ t] 2) (悅 yuè, 劣 liè types of lower character)

[juɐn] 月 yuè (月 yuè type of lower character)

[juɐt]

[iuɛn] 屑 xiè (決 jué type of lower character)

[iuɛt]

Middle Chinese Phonology  159 There are many mutual uses of lower characters between ‘open’ and ‘closed’ syllables with ‘lip’ labial initials, including even the separated 寒 hán and 桓 huán rhymes; the lower characters of 山 shān and 刪 shān in the ‘closed’ category are also confused in the Guǎngyùn; the lower characters are also not distinguishable between type 1 and type 2 of the 仙 xiān rhyme. These are all noteworthy problems. For syllables with ‘lip’ labial initials, first- and third-grade 元 yuán rhymes are designated as ‘closed’; the others, as ‘open’. Distinction between type 1 and type 2 is based on §7.8, and irregularities in fǎnqiè are all regarded as exceptions. Most dialects indicate that this rhyme group has a vowel near [a], so it is not hard for us to reconstruct the finals, as shown earlier. There are only a few points to make: (a) The coda is lost in ‘stretching’ rhymes in Wu, which causes a major change to the main vowel. (b) Characters of the first-grade ‘stretching’ rhymes with ‘back tooth’ velar and ‘throat’ glottal initials, e.g. 干 gān, 寒 hán and 安 ān, have the final [on] in Hakka. Characters of the corresponding rùshēng rhyme, e.g. 割 gē and 喝 hē, have [o] or [ɤ] in Mandarin. The vowels result from velarisation under the influence of the initials. (c) In Cantonese, characters of third- and fourth-grade ‘open’ rhymes have the vowel [i]; most ‘closed’ rhymes of all four grades have the vowel [u] or [y] – these result from the dominance of medials over main vowels. (d) In many Mandarin dialects, the main vowel of third- and fourth-grade rhymes is [e]. This stems apparently from the influence of the medial. Moreover, despite the lack of difference between 刪 shān and 山 shān in modern dialects, they are tentatively reconstructed as [a] and [æ] respectively on the ground that 刪 shān is adjacent to 寒 hán and 桓 huán, and 山 shān is next to 先 xiān and 仙 xiān in rhyme dictionaries. Characters of rhymes 刪 shān and 山 shān in Old Chinese can also provide some support for our distinction here, because characters of the 刪 shān rhyme only rhyme with or share phonetic symbols with characters of rhymes 寒 hán, 桓 huán and 元 yuán, whereas characters of the 山 shān rhyme are mostly compatible with characters of rhymes 真 zhēn, 痕 hén, 蒸 zhēng and 登 dēng. (8) 效 xiào group 1st 2nd 3rd

4th

豪 háo, 皓 hào, 號 hào 肴 yáo, 巧 qiǎo, 效 xiào 宵 xiāo, 小 xiǎo, 笑 xiào (type 1) (遙 yáo, 小 xiǎo, 照 zhào types of lower character) 宵 xiāo, 小 xiǎo, 笑 xiào (type 2) (嬌 jiāo, 夭 yāo, 廟 miào types of lower character) 蕭 xiāo, 篠 xiǎo, 嘯 xiào

[ɑu] [au] [jæu] [jæ̆ u] [iɛu]

160  Middle Chinese Phonology Distinction in fǎnqiè patterns between type 1 and type 2 of the 宵 xiāo rhyme corresponds exactly to the rhyme charts. The 小 xiǎo and 笑 xiào rhymes, if analysed according the principle ‘same initial, different finals’, are also in conformity to the rhyme charts. These rhymes demonstrate the clearest division between type 1 and type 2. This rhyme group should feature a main vowel near [a] and a coda [u], based on evidence from the majority of modern dialects. First-grade syllables have the final [ou] in Guangzhou because the main vowel [ɑ] is raised by the coda [u]; the first-grade final is a monophthong [ɔ] in Min, probably due to monophthongisation, or loss of the coda in [ɔu] derived from [ɑu]. The second-grade final is a monophthong [a] in Min, which results from the loss of the coda. (9) 果 guǒ group ‘Open’

‘Closed’

1st

歌 gē, 哿 gě, 箇 gè

[ɑ]

3rd

戈 gē13 (伽 jiā type of lower character)

[jɑ]

戈 gē (禾 hé type of lower character) 戈 gē (鞾 xuē type of lower character)

[uɑ] [juɑ]

Early rhyme dictionaries did not include the 伽 jiā type of characters, and early rhyme charts did not have third-grade ‘open’ syllables in the 果 guǒ rhyme group. Characters like 伽 jiā were invented later as transliteration of terms in Buddhist scriptures. Among the 鞾 xuē type of syllables, only the character 鞾 xuē was relatively commonly used; thus, it borrowed the first-grade 戈 gē as lower character. This is mentioned in the ‘rules of graded rhymes’. Based on evidence from modern dialects, this rhyme group should have a high main vowel. However, in Japanese, Korean and Vietnamese transliteration, this vowel is all near [a]; in transliteration of Buddhism scriptures characters of the 歌 gē and 戈 gē rhymes are always used to represent [ɑ] in Sanskrit. So obviously the finals [o], [ɤ], [ɯ] or [u] in modern dialects have evolve from a back [a]. The final of the third grade cannot be reconstructed as [jæ], not even for the 假 jiǎ group (see the next section). (10)  假 jiǎ group ‘Open’ 2nd

3rd

麻 má, 馬 mǎ, 禡 mà (加 jiā, 下 xià, 駕 jià types of lower character) 麻 má, 馬 mǎ, 禡 mà (遮 zhē, 者 zhě, 夜 yè types of lower character)

‘Closed’ [a]

[ja]

麻 má, 馬 mǎ, 禡 mà (瓜 guā, 瓦 wǎ, 化 huà types of lower character)

[ua]

Middle Chinese Phonology 161 Apart from minor confusion in syllables with labial initials in the qù tone, the three types of upper characters of 麻 má, 馬 mǎ and 禡 mà rhymes have the same distinction as in rhyme charts. All syllables with labial initials are regarded as ‘open’. This rhyme group has ‘open’ rhymes only in the second and third grades, which would complement the 果 guǒ group if the 伽 jiā type were removed from there. For this reason, rhyme charts after the Děngzǐ combine 果 guǒ and 假 jiǎ in one table. From this we can infer that the main vowel of the 假 jiǎ group is [a]. We do not reconstruct the main vowel of this rhyme group as [æ] for the following two reasons: (1) there is never a division of rhymes between second and third grade, so they should have the same main vowel; (2) third-grade characters have the final [ia] in many modern dialects, but it is extremely unnatural for the change [jæ] → [ia] to take place. The second-grade final is pronounced [o] in some Wu dialects in which 戈 gē and 歌 gē rhymes have the final [u], respectively corresponding to Middle Chinese [a] and [ɑ]. (11)  宕 dàng group ‘Open’ [ɑŋ] 鐸 duó [ɑk] 1st 唐 táng, (各 gè 蕩 dàng, type of 宕 dàng lower (郎 láng, character) 朗 lǎng, 浪 làng types of lower character) [jɑŋ] 藥 yào [jɑk] 3rd 陽 yáng, 養 yǎng, (略 lüè 漾 yàng type of lower (良 liáng, character) 兩 liǎng, 亮 liàng types of lower character)

‘Closed’ [uɑŋ] 鐸 duó (郭 [uɑk] 唐 táng, 蕩 dàng, guō type of lower 宕 dàng character) (光 guāng, 晃 huǎng, 曠 kuàng types of lower character) 陽 yáng, [juɑŋ] 藥 yào (縛 [juɑk] 養 yǎng, fù type 漾 yàng of lower character) (方 fāng, 往 wǎng, 放 fàng types of lower character)

There is much confusion in fǎnqiè for syllables with labial initials in each rhyme. Now we designate all first-grade syllables with labial initials in this rhyme group as ‘open’ and third-grade ones as ‘closed’. The main vowel of the 宕 dàng rhyme group is near [a] in most modern dialects, first grade and third grade alike. Only in Guangzhou, Hakka and some Wu dialects, it is [o] (in Guangzhou the third-grade main vowel is [œ] under the influence of the medial [i]); in Fuzhou, the first-grade vowel is [ou] and third-grade [yo]; in some Mandarin dialects, the first-grade vowel is [a] and third-grade [e]. We can thus assume that the Middle Chinese main vowel was [ɑ] for both first and third grades.

162  Middle Chinese Phonology The vowels [o] and [ou] in Guangzhou, Fuzhou, etc. are later changes. We cannot reconstruct the main vowel as [a] or [æ], as we did for the 假 jiǎ group, because it is abnormal for [jaŋ]14 or [jæŋ] to change into [ioŋ]; however, it is natural for [jɑŋ] to evolve into [ieŋ]. It is hard to explain why ‘open’ syllables of the 陽 yáng rhyme with 莊 zhuāng group initials have evolved into ‘closed’ syllables in many Mandarin dialects. But such a change is very influential: after the 江 jiāng rhyme group merged into the 宕 dàng group and 知 zhī, 莊 zhuāng and 章 zhāng groups of initials conflated, all characters of the 江 jiāng group with initials of 知 zhī and 莊 zhuāng groups have taken up the ‘closed’ feature. (12)  梗 gěng group ‘Open’ 2nd 庚 gēng, [ɐŋ] 梗 gěng, 映 yìng (庚 gēng, 梗 gěng, 更 gèng types of lower character)

3rd

‘Closed’ [ɐk] 陌 mò (格 gé type of lower character)

[æŋ] 麥 mài 耕 gēng, (革 gé 耿 gěng, type of 諍 zhèng lower (耕 gēng, character) 幸 xìng, 迸 bèng types of lower character) 庚 gēng, [jɐŋ] 陌 mò 梗 gěng, (戟 jǐ type 映 yìng of lower (京 jīng, character) 影 yǐng, 敬 jìng types of lower character) [jɛŋ] 昔 xī 清 qīng, (益 yì type 靜 jìng, 勁 jìng of lower (盈 yíng, character) 郢 yǐng, 正 zhèng types of lower character)

[æk]

[jɐk]

[jɛk]

庚 gēng, [uɐŋ] 梗 gěng, 映 yìng (橫 héng, 礦 kuàng, 橫 hèng types of lower character) 耕 gēng [uæŋ] (萌 méng type of lower character)

陌 mò (獲 huò type of lower character)

[uɐk]

麥 mài (獲 huò type of lower character)

[uæk]

庚 gēng, [juɐŋ] 梗 gěng, 映 yìng (榮 róng, 永 yǒng, 命 mìng types of lower character) [juɛŋ] 昔 xī 清 qīng, (役 yì 靜 jìng (營yíng, type of 頃qǐng lower types of character) lower character)

[juɛk]

Middle Chinese Phonology  163 ‘Open’ 4th

青 qīng, 迥 jiǒng, 徑 jìng (經 jīng, 挺 tǐng, 定 dìng types of lower character)

‘Closed’ [ieŋ] 錫 xī (歷 lì type of lower character)

[iek]

[iueŋ] 錫 xī 青 qīng, (闃 qù 迥 jiǒng type of (扃 jiōng, lower 迥 jiǒng character) types of lower character)

[iuek]

There are a small number of cases of confusion in the fǎnqiè patterns of each rhyme between ‘open’ and ‘closed’ besides those involving labial initials. All syllables with labial initials are regarded as ‘open’ according to rhyme charts. The main vowel of the 梗 gěng rhyme group falls within the range of [ə], [e], [i] and [a] in modern dialects. Notably, in Wu, Hakka, Min, Cantonese and some Mandarin dialects, some characters have two pronunciations featuring main vowels [ə] (or [e], [ei], [i]) and [a], respectively. The former pronunciation, conflated with the 曾 zēng group and the 梗 gěng group, is mostly ‘literary reading’; the latter, conflated with the 宕 dàng group or standing as an independent group, is generally ‘colloquial reading’. That being the case, the main vowel of the group should be a vowel near [a], and it is easy for it to turn into [ə], [e] or [i]. So we reconstruct the main vowel of the 庚 gēng rhyme as [ɐ], with second and third grade distinguished by the medial. The 耕 gēng, 清 qīng and 青 qīng rhymes, as distinct rhyme classes, sitting in the second, third and fourth grades, respectively, are designated front vowels [æ], [ɛ] and [e] (they cannot be [a], [æ] and [ɛ] because they take different evolution paths from 山 shān and 蟹 xiè groups). (13)  曾 zēng group ‘Open’ 1st 登 dēng, 等 [əŋ] 德 dé (則 [ək] děng, 嶝 zé type dèng (登 of lower dēng type character) of lower character) 3rd 蒸 zhēng, [jəŋ] 職 zhí [jək] 拯 zhěng, 證 zhèng

‘Closed’ [uək] 登 dēng (肱 [uəŋ] 德 dé (或 gōng type huò type of lower of lower character) character) [juək] 職 zhí (逼 bī borrowed as lower character because ‘closed’ characters are few)

164  Middle Chinese Phonology In Mandarin, syllables of the 曾 zēng group are not distinguishable from those of the 梗 gěng group. There are some traces of distinction in Wu, Cantonese, Hakka and Min – presence or absence of parallel readings [ə]/[e] and [a]. Thus, we reconstruct a main vowel [ə] for this rhyme group (if [e], the third-grade [jeŋ] would be too close to the fourth-grade [ieŋ] of the 梗 gěng group). All syllables involving labial initials in this rhyme group are regarded as ‘open’ per the rhyme charts. (14)  流 liú group 1st 3rd

侯 hóu, 厚 hòu, 候 hòu 尤 yóu, 有 yǒu, 宥 yòu 幽 yōu, 黝 yǒu, 幼 yòu

[u] [ju] [jəu]

Characters of the 幽 yōu rhyme are placed in fourth-grade slots in rhyme charts, but they are actually third-grade ones, for the following reasons: (a) This rhyme has only syllables with ‘lip’ labial, ‘back tooth’ velar and ‘throat’ glottal initials, using upper characters only for third-grade rhymes (居 jū, 方 fāng, etc.) but not using those for first-, second- and fourth-grade rhymes (古 gǔ, 博 bó, etc.). (b) This rhyme has syllables with the initial 羣 qún, which is characteristic of third-grade rhymes. Four-grade rhymes never co-occur with the initial 羣 qún. Therefore, in terms of the arrangement in rhyme charts, characters of this rhyme have the same feature as the 清 qīng rhyme with ‘lip’ labial, ‘back tooth’ velar and ‘throat’ glottal initials. Most modern dialects have a diphthong final with a coda [u] for the 流 liú rhyme group. The main vowel varies among [o], [ə], [e] and [a]. Korean, Japanese and Vietnamese transliteration generally features a monophthong [u]. In translation of Buddhist scriptures, characters of the 流 liú group are employed to transliterate Sanskrit syllables with [u]. Then the vowel of 侯 hóu and 尤 yóu in Middle Chinese can be preliminarily reconstructed as [u]. The changes [u] → [əu] → [eu]/[au] and [u] → [ou] are both possible and attested. Why is the vowel of the 幽 yōu rhyme reconstructed as [əu]? The distinction between 尤 yóu and 幽 yōu is commonly preserved in modern dialects; that is, ‘lip’ labial initials of the former have evolved into ‘light lip’ labiodentals, whereas those of the latter remain ‘heavy lip’ bilabials. The change to labiodentals requires an [u] as main vowel or medial; in the final of the 幽 yōu rhyme, this [u] appears as coda. Also, characters of the 幽 yōu rhyme with labial initials often feature a final [iau]; the [a] therein cannot come from nowhere, so the final must have a main vowel.

Middle Chinese Phonology 165 (15)

咸 xián group ‘Open’

1st

2nd

3rd

4th

覃 tán, 感 gǎn, 勘 kān 談 tán, 敢 gǎn, 闞 kàn 咸 xián, 豏 xiàn, 陷 xiàn 銜 xián, 檻 jiàn, 鑑 jiàn 鹽 yán, 琰 yǎn, 豔 yàn 嚴 yán, 儼 yǎn, 釅 yàn 添 tiān, 忝 tiǎn, 㮇 tiàn

‘Closed’ [am]

合 hé

[ap]

[ɑm]

盍 hé

[ɑp]

[ɐm]

洽 qià

[ɐp]

[am]

狎 xiá

[ap]

[jæm] ([jɐm]) [jɐm]

葉 yè 業 yè

[jæp] ([jɐp]) [jɐp]

[iɛm]

帖 tiè

[iɛp]

凡 fán, 范 fàn, 梵 fàn

[juɐm]

乏 fá

[juɐp]

There are two issues in relation to classification to be made first: (a) The distinction between 釅 yàn and 梵 fàn is not clear in the Guǎngyùn; it has to be clarified by rhyme charts. (b) The overall distinction between 鹽 yán, 琰 yǎn, 豔 yàn and 葉 yè and 嚴 yán, 儼 yǎn, 釅 yàn and 業 yè is not clear enough from Qièyùn to Guǎngyùn. Rhyme charts are in conformity with the Guǎngyùn, so we follow this model for the time being. There are two sets of characters with the 影 yǐng initial in the 鹽 yán group of rhymes, put in third- and fourthgrade slots in rhyme charts, respectively. Those in the third grade are either repeated with or complementary to characters of the 嚴 yán group of rhymes. It is tentatively assumed that these characters should be classified into the 嚴 yán group of rhymes, and it is not necessary to divide the 鹽 yán group of rhymes into two types based on the ‘same initial, different rhymes’ principle. In all modern dialects that feature the change of coda [m] to [n], syllables of the 咸 xián rhyme group are not distinguishable from those of the 山 shān group. In dialects that retain the distinction between the codas, the main vowels of the 咸 xián rhyme group are the same as those of the 山 shān group. So it should be unproblematic to assume that the two rhyme groups have similar main vowels. The rhymes 嚴 yán and 凡 fán are third-grade rhymes of Type A, so the main vowel should be [ɐ]; then 嚴 yán as third-grade rhyme of Type C15 should have the main vowel [æ]. In rhyme charts, the 覃 tán and 咸 xián rhymes are combined as one table and the 談 tán and 銜 xián rhymes as another. In Wu dialects, there are some hints of distinction between 覃 tán and 談 tán, the former comparatively closer to the central position, hence our reconstruction of their phonetic values presented.

166  Middle Chinese Phonology (16) 3rd

深 shēn group 侵 qīn, 寢 qǐn, 沁 qìn

[jem] ([jĕm]?)

緝 jī

[jep] ([jĕp]?)

In modern dialects that conflate codas [m] and [n], syllables of the 深 shēn rhyme group are always not distinguishable from third-grade syllables in the 臻 zhēn group. In dialects that retain the distinction between the codas, the main vowels of the 深 shēn rhyme group are the same as those of the 臻 zhēn group. We reconstructed the main vowel of third-grade 欣 xīn rhyme in the 臻 zhēn group as [ə] and that of the 真 zhēn rhyme as [e]. The 侵 qīn rhyme belongs to Type C of third-grade rhyme, different from 欣 xīn; therefore, we assign the main vowel [e] to it. Note that there are two sets of characters with the 影 yǐng initial in the 侵 qīn and 緝 jī rhymes, and the fǎnqiè patterns for rhymes 寢 qǐn and 沁 qìn are much confused between Wang Renxu and the Guǎngyùn. Therefore, although there is only one rhyme class in this group, the actual finals could be more than one. We have to set this issue aside as we do not have any evidence to help us make further distinction. §7.13 It is already known that Middle Chinese has four tones. It is also noteworthy that the so-called ‘píng, shǎng, qù and rù’ are only names of the tone classes; the pitch feature of each tone is still unknown. Ancient scholars had it that ‘the píng tone is level, neither low nor high; the shǎng tone is high and forceful; the qù tone is low and long; the rù tone is short and checked’ – this is neither clear in meaning nor attested by evidence. Western scholars say that the píng is a level tone, the shǎng is a rising tone, the qù is a falling tone, and the rù is a short tone; these statements are only surmises from taking the names of tones literally.16 The evolution of Middle Chinese tones is summarised in Table 7.8, with illustrations from dialects we have previously discussed. Hakka and Min have the same evolution in tone class as Wu, different only in tone value. In Guangzhou, syllables in the shǎng tone with ‘clear’ voiceless initials take the yīnshǎng tone, those with ‘secondary opaque’ sonorant initials yángshǎng tone. The distinction between yīnrù and zhōngrù is based on vowel quality. Can we reconstruct the pitch values of the four tones píng, shǎng, qù and rù in Middle Chinese based on the pitches in modern dialects? Though theoretically it is possible, there is hardly anything we can do about it since we have not been able to find out rules in relation to tone change. We can infer from the summary that the names of tone classes in modern dialects are based on their origin in and evolution from Middle Chinese. A same tone class can have enormously varied pitch contours among various dialects. Although seemingly the tones are easily confused with one another in value, they share a lot of similarities in class. Therefore, it is more convenient to use the names of tone classes.

Table 7.8  Evolution of Middle Chinese Tones Píng

Qù

Rù

‘Clear’ voiceless initial

‘Opaque’ voiced initial

‘Clear’ voiceless and ‘secondary opaque’ sonorant initial

‘Full opaque’ voiced initial

‘Clear’ voiceless initial

‘Opaque’ voiced initial

‘Clear’ voiceless initial

˥ (yīnpíng) ˨˩ (yīnpíng) ˥ (yīnpíng) ˧ (yīnpíng) ˥ (yīnpíng) ˥˧ (yīnpíng)

˧˥ (yángpíng) ˦˥ (yángpíng) ˨˩ (yángpíng) ˨˧ (yángpíng) ˩˧ (yángpíng) ˨˩ (yángpíng)

˧˩˥ (shǎng) ˨˧ (shǎng) ˧˨ (shǎng) ˥˧ (shǎng) ˦˧ (shǎng) ˧˥ (yīnshǎng); ˨˧ (yángshǎng)

˥˩ (qù) ˦ (qù) ˨˧ (qù) ˩ (yángqù) ˧˧˨ (yángqù) ˨˧ (yángshǎng); ˨ (yángqù)

˥˩ (qù) ˦ (qù) ˧˦ (qù) ˥ (yīnqù) ˥˧˥ (yīnqù) ˧ (yīnqù)

˥˩ (qù) ˧ (qù) ˨˧ (qù) ˩ (yángqù) ˧˧˨ (yángqù) ˨ (yángqù)

˥ ˧˥ ˧˩˥ ˥˩ ˥ (rù) ˧˩ (yángpíng) ˧˥ (rù) ˦˧ (yīnrù) ˥ (yīnrù) ˧ (zhōngrù)

‘Opaque’ voiced initial

˥ (rù) ˧˩ (yángpíng) ˧˥ (rù) ˩˧ (yángrù) ˩ (yángrù)

Middle Chinese Phonology  167

Mandarin Nanjing Chongqing Changsha Suzhou Guangzhou

Shǎng

168  Middle Chinese Phonology The four tones in Middle Chinese tend to have a bipartite distinction in modern dialects in accordance with the voicing pattern of the initial. Some people speculate that each tone class might have two subtypes in Middle Chinese, too, and the level, rising or falling contour remain the same in each class but only the pitch is different between the two subtypes. Such a speculation is not unreasonable, but we do not have any evidence for it yet. As far as the available materials are concerned, we can only say that the píng, shǎng, qù and rù are four tone classes of Middle Chinese. Notes 1 Translator’s note: Up to this point the concept of 仄 zè ‘oblique’ has not been introduced. The four tones are divided into two main groups: the píng tone and the zè tones, which include the shǎng, qù and rù tones. 2 Southwestern Mandarin has [x] or [h] corresponding to the Standard Mandarin [f]. The initial 微 wēi has two forms, i.e. [∅] and [m]; this variation manifests itself in Northern Mandarin, Xiajiang Mandarin and Southwestern Mandarin. 3 The variation of the initial 微 wēi in Wu, Hakka and Fuzhou corresponds to the distinction between pronunciations for reading and for speaking. 4 The variations of the initials 非 fēi, 敷 fū and 奉 fèng in the two Min dialects are also characteristic of the distinction between pronunciations for reading and for speaking. 5 Translator’s note: The subscript indicates the grade, e.g. 照三 zhào3, means the initial 照 zhào used in the third grade. 6 Translator’s note: Sic. However, 神 shén is pronounced [ʃɐn] in Guangzhou Cantonese. 7 Translator’s note: Initials 知 zhī, 徹 chè and 澄 chéng are 端 duān, 透 tòu and 定 dìng in the original text. This must be a typo. 8 Translator’s note: The original text has [ʐ] here. It should be [ʑ] according to §7.4. 9 Translator’s note: Karlgren’s reconstruction of the initial 日 rì is [ȵʑ], not [nʑ], in the original text. 10 Translator’s note: The original text has a mistyped diphthong [oi] here. 11 Translator’s note: The original text has only píng tone types 希 xī and 非 fēi for the 微 wēi rhyme and leaves out 豈 qǐ, 既 jì, 鬼 guǐ and 貴 guì types for 尾 wěi and 未 wèi rhymes on this row. They are supplemented here per convention of other rhymes. 12 Translator’s note: The original text has a mistyped character 質 zhì here. 13 Translator’s note: The original text has a mistyped character 歌 gē here. 14 Translator’s note: Here a typo [iaŋ] is corrected as [jaŋ] since the author uses [j] to represent medial in third-grade finals. 15 Translator’s note: The original text has ‘兩類’ (two types) rather than ‘丙類’ (Type C) here. The typo must have been caused by the typist’s mistaking ‘丙’ for ‘兩’ – the two characters look rather alike. 16 Translator’s note: See endnote 5 in Chapter 2.

8 Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals

§8.1 A question may arise from Chapter 7: why is the phonological system of the Sui and Tang dynasties so complex? For example, as far as initials are concerned, besides palatal plosives, there are palatal affricates, and even postalveolar affricates. In terms of finals, the distinction among 支 zhī, 脂 zhī and 之 zhī is very difficult to account for; on top of this, the rhymes 支 zhī and 脂 zhī need to be further divided into type 1 and type 2. When the entire systems of initials and finals are displayed, no modern Chinese dialect can be found to possess comparable systems; not even any language we have sound knowledge of can be a match. Had we claimed at the beginning of our discussion of Middle Chinese phonology that the Qièyùn represents the phonological system of a certain dialect in the Sui or early Tang, the question would pose a serious challenge. However, Karlgren, who does hold such a view, offers his explanations at the end of his Etudes sur la Phonologie Chinoise: (1) The phonological system of Proto-Indo-European reconstructed by PIE scholars is much more complex; the complexity of our reconstruction of the Middle Chinese system is not as great. (2) Ancient Chinese people learned knowledge of speech sounds from Indians, whose preciseness in speech sound studies was unprecedented in the world. Are these explanations satisfactory? Absolutely not. Firstly, Middle Chinese dates back only to around the seventh century, whereas PIE originated several centuries before the Common Era. Middle Chinese is not ancient enough in comparison with PIE. Secondly, scholars like Lu Fayan could do outstanding analysis of speech sounds, then why were they at a loss what to do with the ‘openness’ and ‘closedness’ of characters with labial initials? More importantly, knowledge of speech sounds should not complicate the phonological system. In brief, regarding the Qièyùn as representation of a single dialect means ignoring its historical background. Judging from its production, the Qièyùn cannot possibly be, and is indeed not, a record of the Chang’an dialect in early seventh century. We quoted Lu Fayan’s preface to the Qièyùn as saying that the Qièyùn was based on previous works (§5.2). Apart from Lu’s own words, we now have more evidence to prove this. Under each rhyme class of the Corrected and Supplemented DOI: 10.4324/9781003411444-8

170  Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals Qièyùn, its compiler Wang Renxu provided notes on the similarities and differences of rhyme classification among prominent scholars during the Six Dynasties. Therefore, there is no doubt that the Qièyùn was not created by Lu Fayan etc. from scratch. In addition, didn’t Sun Mian also mention in his preface to the Tángyùn that Lu ‘inherited the ancient and consulted the present’? Lu Fayan also mentioned ‘similarities and differences in speech between south and north, past and present’; on this basis, we inferred that the classification presented by the Qièyùn was intended to integrate speech varieties past and present (§5.2). Although we cannot provide any solid proof for this, we do have evidence that we cannot afford to overlook. The variations in modern Chinese dialects are almost all reflected in the Qièyùn; assuming they are all derived from a single dialect at the turn of the seventh century would be unreasonable. In other words, we have indirect support to our notion that the Qièyùn is not really a description of one single dialect. Since the Qièyùn ‘inherited the ancient and consulted the present’, its classification of speech sounds must be as delicate as possible. Classes distinguishable in dialect A but not in dialect B must be distinguished in the Qièyùn; likewise, classes distinguishable in dialect B but not in dialect A must also be distinguished in the Qièyùn. Therefore, the phonological system devised by Lu Fayan etc. represented the maximum classifications based on distinction of speech sounds that they knew. What the Qièyùn represents is the ideally standard phonological system in the mind of Lu etc., rather than any genuine system at that time. Since the Qièyùn system was fully comprehensive, it could be appreciated by Chinese scholars and be popular with them. On the other hand, because the system did not reflect the actual speech, it could be difficult to use among the general public. Consequently, proposals were made that some rhyme classes should be merged not long after the Qièyùn was produced. It needs to be pointed out that systematic record of speech sounds based objectively on the phonological system of a certain dialect could not have been possible in China before Western linguistics was imported and started to exert significant influence. From our earliest dictionaries Ěryǎ and Shuōwén to the《佩文韻 府》Pèiwén Yùnfǔ ‘Peiwen Rhyme Depository’,1 compiled in the Qing Dynasty, none of them was produced based on data other than from written works. This is true of both officially compiled volumes and writings of the literati. Only the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, which was dismissed as unpresentable, was based on the popular Northern operas. If we consider a contemporary fact, weren’t the examination and approval of ‘national pronunciation’ some years ago2 targeted at assembling speech sounds all across the country? To think about it from another aspect, if Lu Fayan etc. had really described the phonological system based on one single dialect with highly advanced knowledge of speech sounds, the fǎnqiè patterns they used would not have been so confusing that we cannot get a clear pattern out of them however hard we try with the rules of association. It is precisely because rhyme dictionary compilers from the Six Dynasties to the Tang Dynasty made classification only based on their rearrangement of written literature that the phonological system presented

Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals 171 by those dictionaries is exceedingly complex and the fǎnqiè patterns are inconsistent and befuddling. However, we should also be aware that the scope of ‘ancient and present’ dialects could not have been very broad at Lu Fayan’s time. At any rate, the Qièyùn would not be too far-fetched an account of the reality of Middle Chinese. Otherwise, it could not have achieved its overwhelming dominance for many centuries among Chinese literati. Therefore, the standard variety of the ‘Middle Chinese proper’ should have a much more complicated phonological system than Chinese in early modern times and afterwards. §8.2 Judging from materials after the Guǎngyùn, it is obvious that Middle Chinese phonology has been simplified to a great extent. Phonological literature after the Guǎngyùn can be categorised into three types: first, the three rhyme charts Sìshēng Děngzǐ, Qièyùn Zhǐzhǎng Tú and Qièyùn Zhǐnán; second, rhyme dictionaries specifically compiled for literary rhyming schemes from the Yùnlüè in the Song Dynasty to the《韻府羣玉》Yùnfǔ Qúnyù ‘Jades of the Rhyme Treasury’, by Yin Shifu (陰時夫) in the Yuan Dynasty; third, rhyme dictionaries influenced by the study of ‘graded rhymes’, including the Jíyùn in the Song Dynasty and the Wǔyīn Jíyùn, by Han Daozhao, in the Jin Dynasty. Although all these books inherit previous works and may appear impractical, they conflate rhymes in early rhyme charts and Qièyùn-based rhyme dictionaries. It is evident that speech sounds after the Song Dynasty have had a considerable change. As far as rhyme charts are concerned, the most conservative one among the three is the Qièyùn Zhǐnán that came out the latest. The Děngzǐ only preserves the names of the sixteen rhyme groups but makes no actual distinction between 江 jiāng and 宕 dàng, 果 guǒ and 假 jiǎ, and 曾 zēng and 梗 gěng. The Zhǐzhǎng Tú contains the same rhyme tables as the Děngzǐ, but it makes adjustments to the content and discards the names of the rhyme groups altogether. Only the Zhǐnán makes distinction between 江 jiāng and 宕 dàng and between 曾 zēng and 梗 gěng; 果 guǒ and 假 jiǎ are in the same table but retain a clear boundary. The content in each rhyme group is kept unchanged and the sequence of the sixteen rhyme groups conforms to rhyme dictionaries. The combination of rhyme tables as rhyme groups makes clear two general tendencies of the simplification of finals after Middle Chinese: (1) All finals in the same rhyme group with common features of ‘openness’ and grade are merged; e.g. first-grade characters of the 東 dōng rhyme and characters of the 冬 dōng rhyme are merged in first-grade positions of the 通 tōng group, third-grade characters of the 東 dōng rhyme and characters of the 鍾 zhōng rhyme are merged in third-grade positions of the 通 tōng group, etc. For the merged rhymes, either they are put in adjacent tables, or only one rhyme is displayed in a table, beside which there is a note saying this rhyme is ‘aided’ by another. (2) Third-grade rhymes (to be more specific, Type C and Type D of third-grade rhymes discussed in Chapter 7) are conflated with fourth-grade rhymes. When rhyme tables are combined into groups, all third-grade characters with 精 jīng

172  Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals group initials and Type D of third-grade rhymes with ‘lip’ labial, ‘back tooth’ velar and ‘throat’ glottal initials will necessarily appear in the same positions. In the Děngzǐ, there are names of the third-grade rhymes 宵 xiāo, 小 xiǎo and 笑 xiào in the 效 xiào group; besides them, there is a note indicating that 蕭 xiāo is merged into 宵 xiāo and there are no separate fourth-grade rhyme classes. This makes it evident that not only are third- and fourth-grade characters conflated in rhyme tables, but they are also indistinguishable in reality. From Děngzǐ to Zhǐnán, rù tone characters are appended to yīnshēng rhyme groups but not without inconsistencies. It is unlike the generally regular match of them with yángshēng rhyme groups. From the inconsistencies we can expect to learn something about their actual pronunciation: (1) In the Děngzǐ, the rhymes 沃 wò and 燭 zhú are matched with the 遇 yù group and the rhyme 屋 wū with the 流 liú group so that we know the main vowels of 遇 yù and 流 liú groups were [o] and [u], preserving their Middle Chinese phonetic values. The rù tone characters that are matched with the ‘open’ half of the 止 zhǐ group show a mixture of 質 zhì and 昔 xī rhymes; characters of the 鐸 duó rhyme are put into first-grade positions of the 果 guǒ group, whereas characters of the 鎋 xiá rhyme are put into the 假 jiǎ group. These matches probably indicate that the codas [k] and [t] were mixed in those rhyme classes. (2) In the Zhǐzhǎng Tú, the rù tone characters that are matched with the 流 liú group are from the 德 dé, 櫛 zhì and 質 zhì rhymes, which indicates that the main vowel of the 流 liú group had changed from [u] to [əu] (characters of the 德 dé rhyme are added to those of 櫛 zhì and 質 zhì in the ‘open’ class of both 止 zhǐ group and 臻 zhēn group because 櫛 zhì and 質 zhì rhymes did not have corresponding first-grade characters, not because the codas [k] and [t] were mixed; these aside, the Zhǐzhǎng Tú has clear distinction among Middle Chinese codas [k], [t] and [p]). (3) In the Zhǐnán, characters of the rhymes 質 zhì and 術 shù are put into thirdand fourth-grade slots of the 蟹 xiè group, as they are also matched with the 止 zhǐ group. Syllables of the third and fourth grades in the 蟹 xiè group were probably no longer distinguishable from those of the 止 zhǐ group, like in many modern dialects. When it comes to changes in the finals, the Zhǐzhǎng Tú has some particular features: (1) ‘Closed’ components of the 曾 zēng and 梗 gěng groups are merged as Table 15, in which 庚 gēng and 耕 gēng rhymes are designated as first grade, the 登 dēng rhyme as second grade. This signifies the convergence of main vowels of the two rhyme groups. (2) Characters of the third and fourth grades in the 蟹 xiè group are relocated to the 止 zhǐ group; so are characters of the first-grade rhymes 灰 huī and 泰 tài. This is in consistency with modern dialects.

Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals 173 (3) Characters with 精 jīng group initials in the 止 zhǐ group are relocated to firstgrade positions, which indicates that the apical vowels had already emerged by the end of the Song Dynasty. In terms of initials, all these rhyme charts use the Thirty-six Initials, and the arrangement of these initials is exactly like early rhyme charts (the Zhǐzhǎng Tú has thirty-six rows, but the nature remains the same); it is thus difficult to find differences from Middle Chinese. Nevertheless, careful examination of the arrangement of characters in the Zhǐzhǎng Tú will reveal some traces: (1) Confusion between 知 zhī group initials and 章 zhāng group initials: e.g. 肇 zhào and 篆 zhuàn appear under both initials 澄 chéng and 牀 chuáng; 重 zhòng, 廚 chú and 著 zhù appear under the initial 牀 chuáng. (2) Confusion between 莊 zhuāng group initials and 章 zhāng group initials: e.g. 䂳 cuǒ, 葰 jùn and 磳 zēng are put in third-grade positions; 惴 zhuì and 吹 chuī are put in second-grade positions. (3) Confusion between 牀 chuáng and 禪 shàn: e.g. 船 chuán is under the initial 禪 shàn and 遄 chuán is under the initial 牀 chuáng. As regards the first confusion, we can refer to a statement in Zhang Linzhi’s introduction to the Yùnjìng: Some may wonder: Why are ‘tongue’ and ‘front tooth’ sounds divided into two types when there are only one? The answer is: ‘lip’, ‘front tooth’, ‘throat’, ‘back tooth’ and ‘tongue’ initials are designated as the ‘five sounds’; among them the ‘tongue sounds’ and ‘front tooth sounds’ are mutually used and not distinctively separated. . . . The Yùnjìng makes a distinction between ‘tongue’ and ‘front tooth’ sounds, such as the distinction between 張 zhāng, 倀 chāng and 章 zhāng, 昌 chāng. In light of this, we know that the conflation of 知 zhī and 章 zhāng groups of initials was prevalent in the Song Dynasty. As for the third confusion, even Shouwen’s initials do not show any distinction. §8.3 The clearest evidence for the simplification of Middle Chinese speech sounds in rhyme dictionaries compiled by Song Dynasty scholars is the annotation 同用 tóngyòng ‘used jointly’ under some rhyme classes in the Guǎngyùn. Such annotations demonstrate similar tendencies of phonological simplification with the rhyme charts introduced in the previous section. Compared with rhyme charts, the rhyme dictionaries are more conservative, showing a different system, only in relation to the following rhymes. (1) (2) (3) (4)

東 dōng is not used jointly with 冬 dōng and 鍾 zhōng. 支 zhī, 脂 zhī and 之 zhī are not used jointly with 微 wēi. 魚 yú is not used jointly with 虞 yú and 模 mú. 泰 tài is not used jointly with 隊 duì and 代 dài.

174  Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals (5) (6) (7) (8) (9)

廢 fèi is not used jointly with 祭 jì. 文 wén is not used jointly with 欣 xīn. 元 yuán is used jointly with 魂 hún but not with 先 xiān and 仙 xiān. 清 qīng is used jointly with 庚 gēng and 耕 gēng but not with 青 qīng. 嚴 yán and 凡 fán are not used jointly with 鹽 yán and 添 tiān.

(These píng tone rhymes are used to also include shǎng, qù and rù tone rhymes.) After the Guǎngyùn, Song Dynasty scholars also compiled the Yùnlüè, which does not survive to the present day. It is said that the Yùnlüè is an abridged version of the Guǎngyùn, serving as a rhyme book for poetry writing at that time. The Yùnlüè was later revised by a group of scholars headed by Ding Du (丁度) and was passed down with the title《禮部韻略》Lǐbù Yùnlüè ‘Concise Rhymes of the Ministry of Rites’. It is an officially published rhyme dictionary in the Song Dynasty. The Lǐbù Yùnlüè has thirteen more ‘joint uses’ than the Guǎngyùn: píng tone: 文 wén and 欣 xīn; 鹽 yán, 添 tiān and 嚴 yán; 咸 xián, 銜 xián and 凡 fán. shǎng tone: 吻 wěn and 隱 yǐn; 琰 yǎn, 忝 tiǎn and 儼 yǎn; 豏 xiàn, 檻 jiàn and 范 fàn. qù tone: 問 wèn and 焮 xìn; 豔 yàn, 㮇 tiàn and 釅 yàn; 陷 xiàn, 鑑 jiàn and 梵 fàn; 隊 duì, 代 dài and 廢 fèi. rù tone: 物 wù and 迄 qì; 葉 yè, 帖 tiè and 業 yè; 洽 qià, 狎 xiá and 乏 fá. Among these ‘joint uses’, 文 wén and 欣 xīn (and the corresponding shǎng, qù and rù tone rhymes) show conflation of ‘open’ and ‘closed’ rhymes; 鹽 yán, 添 tiān and 嚴 yán show neutralisation of the third and fourth grades; the 凡 fán rhyme has only characters with labial initials, which evolve into ‘light lip’ labiodentals, so the rhyme merges with second-grade ones, with the final evolving into its modern form; the finals of 隊 duì, 代 dài and 廢 fèi converge to the modern form, too. The Lǐbù Yùnlüè was revised a couple of times in the Song Dynasty. The expanded, annotated version with appendix that we see today was finished by Mao Huang (毛晃) and his son Mao Juzheng (毛居正). All revisions were targeted at facilitating poetry and prose writing, not helpful to our reconstruction of ancient speech sounds. The poetry rhyme classification popular in and after the Yuan and Ming dynasties is called ‘Pingshui Rhymes’ (平水韻), which combines the 206 rhymes of the Guǎngyùn into 106 rhymes. This conflation had long been attributed to Yin Shifu’s Yùnfǔ Qúnyù; however, according to recent studies, it is actually Jin Dynasty’s3 work. Jin’s scholar Liu Yuan (劉淵) from Pingshui in Shanxi Province compiled 《壬子新刊禮部韻 略》Rénzǐ Xīnkān Lǐbù Yùnlüè ‘New Concise Rhymes of the Ministry of Rites in the Year of Renzi’,4 and Wang Wenyu (王文郁), working in Pingshui, compiled《新刊韻 略》Xīnkān Yùnlüè ‘New Concise Rhymes’, hence the name Pingshui Rhymes. Liu Yuan’s rhyme classes were adopted in the《古今韻會舉要》Gǔjīn Yùnhuì Jǔyào ‘Essential Collection of Ancient and Modern Rhymes’, by Huang Gongshao and Xiong Zhong in early Yuan Dynasty. There are altogether 107 rhyme classes, whose correspondences with the 206 rhymes of the Guǎngyùn are listed as follows (Table 8.1):

Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals 175 Table 8.1  Correspondences Between Pingshui Rhymes and Guǎngyùn Rhymes Píng Pingshui

Shǎng Guǎngyùn Pingshui

1 東 dōng 1 東 dōng 2 冬 dōng 2 冬 dōng 3 鍾 zhōng 3 江 jiāng 4 江 jiāng 4 支 zhī 5 支 zhī 6 脂 zhī 7 之 zhī 5 微 wēi 8 微 wēi 6 魚 yú 9 魚 yú 7 虞 yú 10 虞 yú 11 模 mú 8 齊 qí 12 齊 qí

1 董 dǒng 2腫 zhǒng 3 講 jiǎng 4 紙 zhǐ

9 佳 jiā

9 蟹 xiè

13 佳 jiā 14 皆 jiē 10 灰 huī 15 灰 huī 16 咍 hāi 11 真 zhēn

17 真 zhēn 18 諄 zhūn 19 臻 zhēn 12 文 wén 20 文 wén 21 欣 xīn

13 元 yuán

22 元 yuán 23 魂 hún 24 痕 hén 14 寒 hán 25 寒 hán 26 桓 huán 15 刪 27 刪 shān shān 28 山 shān 1 先 xiān 1 先 xiān 2 仙 xiān 2 蕭 xiāo 3 蕭 xiāo 4 宵 xiāo 3 肴 yáo 5 肴 yáo 4 豪 háo 5 歌 gē 6 麻 má

6 豪 háo 7 歌 gē 8 戈 gē 9 麻 má

5 尾 wěi 6 語 yǔ 7 麌 yǔ 8 薺 jì

Qù Guǎngyùn Pingshui 1 董 dǒng 2腫 zhǒng 3 講 jiǎng 4 紙 zhǐ 5 旨 zhǐ 6 止 zhǐ 7 尾 wěi 8 語 yǔ 9 麌 yǔ 10 姥 mǔ 11 薺 jì1

Rù Guǎngyùn Pingshui

Guǎngyùn

1 送 sòng 1 送 sòng 1 屋 wū 2 宋 sòng 2 宋 sòng 2 沃 wò 3 用 yòng 3 絳 jiàng 4 絳 jiàng 3 覺 jué 4 寘 zhì 5 寘 zhì 6 至 zhì 7 志 zhì 5 未 wèi 8 未 wèi 6 御 yù 9 御 yù 7 遇 yù 10 遇 yù 11 暮 mù 8 霽 jì 12 霽 jì 13 祭 jì 9 泰 tài 14 泰 tài

1 屋 wū 2 沃 wò 3 燭 zhú 4 覺 jué

4 質 zhì

5 質 zhì 6 術 shù 7 櫛 zhì 8 物 wù 9 迄 qì

12 蟹 xiè 13 駭 hài 10 賄 huì 14 賄 huì 10 卦 guà 15 卦 guà 15 海 hǎi 16 怪 guài 17 夬 guài 11 軫 16 軫 zhěn 11 隊 duì 18 隊 duì zhěn 17 準 zhǔn 19 代 dài 20 廢 fèi 12 吻 wěn 18 吻 wěn 12 震 21 震 19 隱 yǐn zhèn zhèn 22 稕 zhùn 13 阮 20 阮 ruǎn 13 問 wèn 23 問 wèn ruǎn 21 混 hùn 24 焮 xìn 22 很 hěn 14 旱 hàn 23 旱 hàn 14 願 25 願 yuàn 24 緩 yuàn 26 慁 hùn huǎn 27 恨 hèn 15 潸 25 潸 shān 15 翰 hàn 28 翰 hàn shān 26 產 29 換 chǎn huàn 16 銑 27 銑 xiǎn 16 諫 jiàn 30 諫 jiàn xiǎn 28 獮 xiǎn 31 襇 jiǎn 17 篠 29 篠 xiǎo 17 霰 32 霰 xiàn xiǎo 30 小 xiǎo xiàn 33 線 xiàn 18 巧 31 巧 18 嘯 34 嘯 xiào qiǎo qiǎo xiào 35 笑 xiào 19 皓 hào 32 皓 hào 19 效 xiào 36 效 xiào 20 哿 gě 33 哿 gě 20 號 hào 37 號 hào 34 果 guǒ 21 馬 mǎ 35 馬 mǎ 21 箇 gè 38 箇 gè 39 過 guò

5 物 wù 6 月 yuè

10 月 yuè 11 沒 mò

7 曷 hé

12 曷 hé 13 末 mò

8 黠 xiá

14 黠 xiá 15 鎋 xiá 16 屑 xiè 17 薛 xuē

9 屑 xiè

10 藥 yào 18 藥 yào 19 鐸 duó (Continued)

176  Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals Table 8.1 (Continued) Píng Pingshui

Shǎng Guǎngyùn Pingshui

7 陽 yáng 10 陽 22 養 yáng yǎng 11 唐 táng 8 庚 gēng 12 庚 gēng 23 梗 13 耕 gēng gěng 14 清 qīng 9 青 qīng 15 青 qīng 24 迥 jiǒng 10 蒸 zhēng 11 尤 yóu 12 侵 qīn 13 覃 tán 14 鹽 yán 15 咸 xián

16 蒸 zhēng 17 登 dēng 18 尤 yóu 19 侯 hóu 20 幽 yōu 21 侵 qīn 22 覃 tán 23 談 tán 24 鹽 yán 25 添 tiān 28 嚴 yán 26 咸 xián 27 銜 xián 29 凡 fán2

25 拯 zhěng 26 有 yǒu 27 寢 qǐn 28 感 gǎn 29 琰 yǎn 30 豏 xiàn

Qù Guǎngyùn Pingshui

Rù Guǎngyùn Pingshui

36 養 yǎng 22 禡 mà 40 禡 mà 37 蕩 dàng 38 梗 23 漾 41 漾 gěng yàng yàng 39 耿 gěng 42 宕 40 靜 jìng dàng 41 迥 24 敬 jìng 43 敬 jìng 44 諍 jiǒng zhèng 45 勁 jìng 42 拯 25 徑 jìng 46 徑 jìng zhěng 47 證 43 等 zhèng děng 48 嶝 dèng 44 有 yǒu 26 宥 yòu 49 宥 yòu 45 厚 hòu 50 候 hòu 46 黝 yǒu 51 幼 yòu 47 寢 qǐn 27 沁 qìn 52 沁 qìn 48 感 gǎn 28 勘 kān 53 勘 kān 49 敢 gǎn 54 闞 kàn 50 琰 yǎn 29 豔 yàn 55 豔 yàn 51 忝 tiǎn 56 㮇 tiàn 52 儼 yǎn 57 釅 yàn 53 豏 xiàn 30 陷 58 陷 xiàn 54 檻 jiàn xiàn 59 鑑 jiàn 55 范 fàn 60 梵 fàn

Guǎngyùn

11 陌 mò 20 陌 mò 21 麥 mài 22 昔 xī 12 錫 xī 23 錫 xī

13 職 zhí 24 職 zhí 25 德 dé

14 緝 jī 15 合 hé

26 緝 jī 27 合 hé 28 盍 hé 16 葉 yè 29 葉 yè 30 帖 tiè 31 業 yè 17 洽 qià 32 洽 qià 33 狎 xiá 34 乏 fá

Notes 1 Translator’s note: In the original text, 8 薺 jì and 11 薺 jì are mistyped as 8 齊 qí and 11 齊 qí. 2 Translator’s note: In the original text, 29 凡 fán is mistyped as 28 凡 fán.

Except for the conflation of 證 zhèng and 嶝 dèng into 徑 jìng in the qù tone, this organisation of rhymes corresponds exactly to the ‘joint uses’ in the Lǐbù Yùnlüè. Wang Wenyu has 106 rhymes, which result from the conflation of 拯 zhěng and 等 děng into 迥 jiǒng in the shǎng tone, corresponding to the conflation in the qù tone. §8.4 The《集韻》Jíyùn ‘Assembled Rhymes’ is another widely used rhyme dictionary besides the Lǐbù Yùnlüè. It has a different nature from the Lǐbù Yùnlüè in that it does not abridge the Guǎngyùn but expands it. Since the compilers of the Jíyùn were greatly influenced by the study of graded rhymes, the method they adopted to expand the Guǎngyùn was significantly different from the method with which the Guǎngyùn expanded rhyme dictionaries of the Sui and Tang dynasties. (1) The most obvious difference between the Jíyùn and the Guǎngyùn is that characters are arranged in the Jíyùn basically in accordance with their phonological

Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals 177 features. For example, in the 1 東 dōng rhyme of the ‘upper’ píng tone section, characters of the first grade and those of the third grade are separated; characters sharing initials of the same type in the ‘five sounds’ are put in adjacent positions. These are the first signs of influence of graded rhymes studies on the compilation of rhyme dictionaries. (2) The fǎnqiè patterns used in the Jíyùn have totally distinguished ‘light lip’ labiodentals from ‘heavy lip’ bilabials. We know that the bifurcation of labials into bilabials and labiodentals started in the late Middle Chinese period; the Guǎngyùn was produced only thirty years before the Jíyùn, but it did not revise the classification of Sui and Tang’s rhyme dictionaries and retained only one type of labial initials. The Guǎngyùn only provides notes at the end of each volume showing examples of ‘class partition but accordant in contemporary sound’. It is the Jíyùn that faithfully describes contemporary speech sounds. (3) In the Guǎngyùn, the upper characters in syllables with the initials 船 chuán and 禪 shàn are distinguishable in standard fǎnqiè patterns but mergeable in alternative ones. In the Jíyùn, they are associable, which conforms to materials like Shouwen’s initials. (4) The fǎnqiè patterns in the Guǎngyùn demonstrating ‘class partition’ for syllables with ‘tongue’ and ‘front tooth’ initials are on longer used in the Jíyùn. Old fǎnqiè patterns that used characters with ‘tongue head’ dental initials as upper characters for characters with ‘tongue top’ palatal initials, or those that used characters with ‘tooth head’ dental initials as upper characters for characters with ‘proper tooth’ palatal initials, are all replaced in the Jíyùn with appropriate characters with ‘tongue top’ or ‘proper tooth’ palatal initials. For example, 樁，都江切 zhuāng, dū jiāng qiè in the Guǎngyùn is replaced with 株江切 zhū jiāng qiè in the Jíyùn; the Guǎngyùn’s 則減切 zé jiǎn qiè for the character 斬 zhǎn is replaced with 阻減切 zǔ jiǎn qiè in the Jíyùn. (5) According to Bai Dizhou (白滌洲), the Jíyùn tends to use upper characters that have the same tone, ‘openness’ and ‘broadness’ with the characters represented by fǎnqiè. This marks the beginning of the reform of fǎnqiè prevalent in the Ming and Qing dynasties. The ‘joint uses’ in the Jíyùn are the same as in the Lǐbù Yùnlüè. Apart from this, we do not know what other changes it has made to the initial system of the Guǎngyùn. A further development from the Jíyùn, the《五音集韻》Wǔyīn Jíyùn ‘Assembled Rhymes of Five Sounds’, compiled by Han Daozhao of the Jin Dynasty represents the first rhyme dictionary that has incorporated elements of graded rhymes. The most prominent feature of the Wǔyīn Jíyùn is that characters in each rhyme class are arranged according to the sequence of the Thirty-six Initials, beginning with 見 jiàn and ending with 日 rì, and characters under each initial are subdivided per their grades in rhyme charts and put under the labels ‘1st’, ‘2nd’, ‘3rd’ and ‘4th’. For example, the beginning of the 1 東 dōng rhyme is like this: 公 gōng . . .

弓 gōng . . .

空 kōng . . .

穹 qióng . . .

178  Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals This is really a radical change vis-à-vis the Jíyùn. However, such a format does not go beyond the bounds of rhyme charts, and thus is not the main interest of scholars of historical phonology. Han Daozhao merged the Guǎngyùn’s 206 rhymes into 106. Merger of rhymes based on the ‘joint uses’ in the Guǎngyùn is listed as follows (píng tone rhymes are used to also include shǎng, qù and rù tone rhymes; the 夬 guài rhyme of the qù tone is merged into the 怪 guài rhyme, corresponding qù tone rhyme of the píng tone rhyme 皆 jiē): 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, 之 zhī 皆 jiē, 佳 jiā 真 zhēn, 臻 zhēn 山 shān, 刪 shān 先 xiān, 仙 xiān 蕭 xiāo, 宵 xiāo 庚 gēng, 耕 gēng 尤 yóu, 幽 yōu 覃 tán, 談 tán 鹽 yán, 添 tiān 咸 xián, 銜 xián 嚴 yán, 凡 fán

merged as merged as merged as merged as merged as merged as merged as merged as merged as merged as merged as merged as

脂 zhī 皆 jiē 真 zhēn 山 shān 仙 xiān 宵 xiāo 庚 gēng 尤 yóu 覃 tán 鹽 yán 咸 xián 凡 fán

Some rhymes are ‘jointly used’ in the Guǎngyùn but not merged in the Wǔyīn Jíyùn: 冬 dōng 虞 yú 灰 huī 真 zhēn, 臻 zhēn 痕 hén, 魂 hún and 元 yuán all separated 寒 hán 歌 gē 陽 yáng 庚 gēng, 耕 gēng 蒸 zhēng 尤 yóu, 幽 yōu

separated from separated from separated from separated from

鍾 zhōng 模 mú 咍 hāi 諄 zhūn

separated from separated from separated from separated from separated from separated from

桓 huán 戈 gē 唐 táng 清 qīng 登 dēng5 侯 hóu

We can see that Han’s merged rhymes are only part of ‘jointly used’ rhymes of the Guǎngyùn, restricted to those sharing the same ‘openness’ and grade (臻 zhēn and 真 zhēn can be combined although they are not in the same grade; see Chapter 7). Rhymes that do not have the same ‘openness’ and grade are still separated, even if they are ‘jointly used’ in the Guǎngyùn. These measures are apparently based on his knowledge of speech sounds, and thus, his work is more valuable than the

Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals 179 Pingshui Rhymes, which depend solely on the ‘joint uses’ provided by scholars of the Song Dynasty. We also notice that the ‘joint uses’ and ‘exclusive uses’ in the Wǔyīn Jíyùn are exactly like those of the Guǎngyùn; therefore, the Wǔyīn Jíyùn should be an independently developed reference work aside from the Lǐbù Yùnlüè and the Jíyùn. §8.5 The《古今韻會舉要》Gǔjīn Yùnhuì Jǔyào ‘Essential Collection of Ancient and Modern Rhymes’ (the Yùnhuì) was jointly compiled by Huang Gongshao and Xiong Zhong at the turn of the Song and Yuan dynasties. It is a very important material that has developed beyond rhyme dictionaries and rhyme charts and can thoroughly reflect the phonological system after the Song. In terms of format, it has a classification of 107 rhymes following Liu Yuan’s Rénzǐ Xīnkān Lǐbù Yùnlüè; within each rhyme, characters are arranged according to the sequence of initials per Han Daozhao’s Wǔyīn Jíyùn. In addition to these, the Gǔjīn Yùnhuì Jǔyào has a couple of innovative arrangements, through study of which we can derive the entire system of actual sound classes then. What exactly are the innovative arrangements adopted by Huang and Xiong? The guide notes to the Yùnhuì have the following explanation: When we judge characters in old rhyme dictionaries against the ‘seven sounds’, we find characters of one same rhyme dispersed in several rhyme classes, and characters of different rhymes put together in one rhyme class. Now we examine all rhymes against the ‘seven sounds’, reclassify them and annotate them with ‘characters above belong to . . . category as per the “seven sounds” ’. This addresses the difference between contemporary pronunciation and classification in traditional rhyme dictionaries. Characters within the same traditional rhyme that have split their finals are reclassified and given new category names. Characters in different traditional rhymes that have merged their finals are not classified as representing one rhyme due to the restriction of traditional rhyme classification scheme. Although in different rhymes, the characters share the same new category name, so we can combine them by ourselves. For example, in the 東 dōng rhyme, characters from 公 gōng and 攏 lǒng are classified as one category, and under the character 攏 lǒng there is an annotation ‘characters above belong to the 公 gōng category per the “seven sounds” ’; characters from 弓 gōng to 戎 róng are classified as another category, with an annotation ‘characters above belong to the 弓 gōng category’; the character 雄 xióng stands as an independent category, with an annotation ‘characters above belong to the 雄 xióng category’. Likewise, in the 冬 dōng rhyme, characters from 攻 gōng to 䃧 lóng are classified as one category, and under the character 䃧 lóng, there is also the annotation ‘characters above belong to the 公 gōng category’; characters from 恭 gōng to 茸 róng are classified as another category, also with the annotation ‘characters above belong to the 弓 gōng category’. From these annotations

180  Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals we know that the Yùnhuì ostensibly has 107 rhymes but has actually evolved beyond the confines of them. Also in the guide notes, there is the following statement: The study of speech sounds has long fallen short of proper standard, with many errors unrectified in rhyme dictionaries. This book, based on works of Sima Guang (司馬光) and various other scholars, arrange characters in each rhyme according to the ‘seven sounds’ sequence, namely Jue, Zhi, Gong, Shang, Yu, Half Zhi and Half Shang. The first character of each grade in each rhyme is marked by a double circle. Voicing patterns ‘clear’ and ‘opaque’ are also annotated. For a subsequent character with the same pronunciation but different fǎnqiè pattern, if it appears in the same rhyme, it will be marked by a single circle and provided with a note ‘pronunciation identical to. . .’; if it appears in a different rhyme, a note will be attached to it, reading ‘pronunciation identical to . . . in . . . rhyme’. The first half of this statement makes it clear that characters in each rhyme are sequenced according to the ‘seven sounds’; however, the initials adopted in the Yùnhuì are different from the traditional Thirty-six Initials (see next section for details). The second half accounts for the difference between contemporary initials and Thirty-six Initials. ‘Subsequent characters with the same pronunciation but different fǎnqiè patterns appearing in the same rhyme’ reflect conflation in contemporary pronunciation but distinction in the Thirty-six Initials. For example, the characters 中 zhōng and 终 zhōng used to have initials 知 zhī and 照 zhào, respectively; at the time of the Yùnhuì, they were pronounced the same, so 终 zhōng is put under 中 zhōng in the 東 dōng rhyme. Since 中 zhōng is annotated with initial and voicing, 终 zhōng is only indicated to have ‘pronunciation identical to 中 zhōng’. ‘Characters with the same pronunciation but different fǎnqiè patterns appearing different rhymes’ refer to those with the same contemporary initial and final but classified by traditional rhyme dictionaries into different rhymes. For example, 攻 gōng in the 冬 dōng rhyme is annotated with ‘pronunciation identical to 公 gōng in the 東 dōng rhyme’. 鍾 zhōng is pronounced the same as 中 zhōng and 终 zhōng, but it is in the 冬 dōng rhyme, whereas 中 zhōng and 终 zhōng are in the 東 dōng rhyme. We have explained annotation for 中 zhōng and 终 zhōng; for 鍾 zhōng, a note is provided saying it has a pronunciation identical to 终 zhōng. Thus, although the Yùnhuì still makes use of such concepts as ‘seven sounds’, ‘clear’ and ‘opaque’, it has broken free from the restrictions of the Thirty-six Initials. §8.6 In accordance with the Yùnhuì’s annotations of the ‘seven sounds’ and voicing patterns, and with its introduction to the Thirty-six Initials and ‘seven sounds’ used in the Lǐbù Yùnlüè, we can summarise the classes of initials established by Huang and Xiong (Table 8.2):

Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals 181 Table 8.2  Classes of Initials in the Yùnhuì Jue Zhi Clear

見 jiàn Secondary clear 溪 xī Next secondary clear Opaque 羣 qún Secondary 疑 opaque yí Next secondary 魚 opaque yú

Gong Secondary Shang Secondary Yu Gong Shang

端 duān 透 tòu

幫 bāng 滂 pāng

非 fēi 敷 fū

定 dìng 泥 ní

並 bìng 明 míng

奉 fèng 微 wēi

精 jīng 清 qīng 心 xīn 從 cóng 邪 xié

知 zhī 徹 chè 審 shěn 澄 chéng 娘 niáng 禪 shàn

Half Zhi Half Shang

影 yǐng 曉 xiǎo 幺 yāo 匣 xiá 喻 來 yù lái 合 hé

日 rì

Representation of ‘five sounds’ initials with ‘Jue’, ‘Zhi’, ‘Gong’, ‘Shang’ and ‘Yu’ instead of ‘back tooth’, ‘tongue’, ‘lip’, ‘front tooth’ and ‘throat’ has long been in practice since the Fragmented Volume of Shouwen’s Rhyme Studies. Here ‘secondary gong’ and ‘secondary shang’ are added to stand for ‘light lip’ and ‘proper tooth’, respectively. At the time of the Thirty-six Initials, voicing patterns consisted of four types; in the Yùnhuì ‘next secondary clear’ and ‘next secondary opaque’ are added. The row of ‘next secondary clear’ hosts the newly added initial 幺 yāo, as well as the old ones 心 xīn and 審 shěn for which it had been difficult to arrange a place. The row of ‘next secondary opaque’ is home to new initials 魚 yú and 合 hé as well as the old, problematic ones 邪 xié and 禪 shàn. There are altogether thirty-five initials in Huang and Xiong’s system. Among them, the following correspond to Middle Chinese initials: 見 jiàn, 溪 xī, 羣 qún, 端 duān, 透 tòu, 定 dìng, 幫 bāng, 滂 pāng, 並 bìng, 明 míng, 非 fēi, 敷 fū, 奉 fèng, 微 wēi, 精 jīng, 清 qīng, 從 cóng, 心 xīn, 邪 xié, 禪 shàn, 曉 xiǎo, 來 lái and 日 rì. The other initials enter into the following relationships with Middle Chinese initials: (1) 疑 yí, 魚 yú and 喻 yù correspond to Middle Chinese initials 疑 yí, 云 yún and 以 yǐ, with not exactly the same boundaries and a small number of exceptional cases (probably due to miscopy or misprint). Specific correlations are as follows: (a) The initial 疑 yí covers characters with Middle Chinese initial 疑 yí and first-grade rhymes (e.g. 敖 áo, 吾 wú) and the third-grade ‘open’ rhymes

182  Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals (e.g. 宜 yí, 吟 yín), and characters with Middle Chinese initial 云 yún and ‘open’ rhymes (e.g. 尤 yóu, 炎 yán). (b) The initial 魚 yú covers characters with Middle Chinese initial 疑 yí and second- and third-grade ‘closed’ rhymes (e.g. 頑 wán, 虞 yú), and characters with Middle Chinese initial 云 yún and ‘closed’ rhymes (e.g. 榮 róng, 爲 wéi). (c) The initial 喻 yù covers characters with Middle Chinese initial 疑 yí and second- and fourth-grade ‘open’ rhymes (e.g. 牙 yá, 妍 yán), and all characters with Middle Chinese initial 以 yǐ. If we take Middle Chinese initials as point of departure, we have the following correlations: (a) Characters with the initial 疑 yí and first- and third-grade ‘open’ rhymes are under the Yùnhuì initial 疑 yí; those with second- and third-grade ‘closed’ rhymes are under the Yùnhuì initial 魚 yú; those with second- and fourth-grade ‘open’ rhymes are under the Yùnhuì initial 喻 yù (there is no character with Middle Chinese initial 疑 yí in the fourth grade). (b) Characters with the initial 云 yún and ‘open’ rhymes are under the Yùnhuì initial 疑 yí; those with ‘closed’ rhymes are under the Yùnhuì initial 魚 yú. (c) Characters with the initial以 yǐ are all under the Yùnhuì initial 喻 yù (but not all character under the Yùnhuì initial 喻 yù have Middle Chinese initial 以 yǐ). Apart from some exceptions that can be regarded as errors, the Yùnhuì initials 疑 yí and 魚 yú do not occur before the same final. Therefore, they can be effectively viewed as representing one initial. (2) 泥 ní and 娘 niáng correspond to Middle Chinese initial 泥 ní. The notional separation of 娘 niáng from 泥 ní is apparently inherited from the Thirty-six Initials, but in fact some characters with the Middle Chinese initial 娘 niáng are relocated under the initial 泥 ní, e.g. 紉 rèn in the 真 zhēn rhyme and 拏 ná in the 麻 má rhyme. In addition, all characters under the Yùnhuì initial 娘 niáng are in rhymes without the medial [i], not in rhymes with the medial, e.g. 醲 nóng belongs in the 公 gōng category, not in the 弓 gōng category; 袽 rú in the 孤 gū category, not in the 居 jū category. This indicates that the medial is regarded as a feature attached to the initial, not that 醲 nóng and 農 nóng, or 袽 rú and 奴 nú, have different initials. (3) 知 zhī, 徹 chè, 澄 chéng and 審 shěn are results of combination from Middle Chinese initials 知 zhī, 徹 chè, 澄 chéng, 莊 zhuāng, 初 chū, 崇 chóng, 生 shēng, 俟 sì, 章 zhāng, 昌 chāng, 船 chuán, 書 shū and 禪 shàn. In other words, there is no longer any distinction between the 知 zhī group initials and the 照 zhào group initials. The results are the following: (a) Under the initial 知 zhī, there are characters 珍 zhēn (Middle Chinese initial 知 zhī), 真 zhēn (Middle Chinese initial 章 zhāng), 臻 zhēn (Middle Chinese initial 莊 zhuāng), etc.

Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals 183 (b) Under the initial 徹 chè, there are characters 倀 chāng (Middle Chinese initial 徹 chè), 昌 chāng (Middle Chinese initial 昌 chāng), 創 chuāng (Middle Chinese initial 初 chū), etc. (c) Under the initial 澄 chéng, there are characters 椽 chuán (Middle Chinese initial 澄 chéng), 船 chuán (Middle Chinese initial 船 chuán), 鋤 chú (Middle Chinese initial 崇 chóng), 漦 sī (Middle Chinese initial 俟 sì), etc. (d) Under the initial 審 shěn, there are characters 施 shī (Middle Chinese initial 書 shū), 師 shī (Middle Chinese initial 生 shēng), etc. All these characters have initials classified as ‘secondary Shang’ in the Yùnhuì, next to the 精 jīng group initials. They are not classified as ‘secondary Zhi’ next to the 端 duān group. We know that this classification is caused by the merger of 知 zhī, 徹 chè and 澄 chéng into 照 zhào, 穿 chuān and 牀 chuáng and the conflation of 俟 sì, 崇 chóng and 船 chuán, which had happened in the late Middle Chinese period (§8.2). (4) 影 yǐng and 幺 yāo in conjunction correspond to Middle Chinese initial 影 yǐng. In general, characters with the initial 影 yǐng in first- and third-grade slots of rhyme charts are put under the initial 影 yǐng in the Yùnhuì; those with the initial 影 yǐng in second- and fourth-grade (including fourth-grade characters and some third-grade ones) slots are put under the initial 幺 yāo in the Yùnhuì. The initials 影 yǐng and 幺 yāo are found to co-occur with the same category of rhyme; e.g. both 醫 yī (影 yǐng) and 伊 yī (幺 yāo) belong in the 羈 jī category and both 哀 āi (影 yǐng) and 挨 āi (幺 yāo) belong in the 該 gāi category. The relationship between 影 yǐng and 幺 yāo is probably comparable to that between 泥 ní and 娘 niáng – we are not sure yet. However, we should be aware that the classification has nothing to do with the distinction between 烏 wū type and 於 yú type in Middle Chinese fǎnqiè system. (5) 匣 xiá and 合 hé in conjunction correspond to Middle Chinese initial 匣 xiá. Aside from a small number of exceptional cases (probably due to miscopy or misprint), characters with Middle Chinese initial 匣 xiá and first-grade ‘open’ rhymes are put under the Yùnhuì initial 合 hé; characters with firstgrade ‘closed’ rhymes and second- and fourth-grade rhymes are put under the Yùnhuì initial 匣 xiá. In general, the initials 匣 xiá and 合 hé are not found to co-occur with the same category of rhyme in the Yùnhuì; therefore, they can be regarded as variants of the same initial. Moreover, characters with the initial 曉 xiǎo in the Yùnhuì tend to constitute an independent category; e.g. 麾 huī, 暉 huī, etc. constitute the 麾 huī category and 欣 xīn, etc. constitute the 欣 xīn category. Characters that used to be in the same rhyme class in rhyme dictionaries but are now separated into other categories do not take the initial 曉 xiǎo, e.g. 規 guī / 嬀 guī vs. 麾 huī and 巾 jīn vs. 欣 xīn. Presumably, such an arrangement is parallel to the separation of 匣 xiá into 匣 xiá and 合 hé. Independent categories are also found in characters with initials 影 yǐng, 匣 xiá and 喻 yù.

184  Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals §8.7 The Yùnhuì establishes in the píng tone sixty-seven categories of rhyme, which are discussed here, based on the concept of rhyme group: (1)  公 gōng and 弓 gōng 公 gōng category: (a)  First-grade syllables of 東 dōng rhyme (蓬 péng, 東 dōng, 章 zōng, 公 gōng, 翁 wēng, 籠 lóng). 冬 dōng rhyme (冬 dōng, 宗 zōng, 攻 gōng, 䃔 hóng). Thirdgrade syllables of 東 dōng rhyme; 鍾 zhōng rhyme with 非 fēi, 知 zhī, 照 zhào groups of initials (風 fēng, 中 zhōng, 崇 chóng, 終 zhōng; 封 fēng, 衝 chōng, 鍾 zhōng). (b)  ‘Closed’ syllables of 登 dēng rhyme (朋 péng, 肱 gōng, 弘 hóng). (c) Second-grade syllables of 庚 gēng rhyme; ‘closed’ syllables of 耕 gēng rhyme (盲 máng, 觥 gōng, 橫 héng; 甍 méng, 宏 hóng). 弓 gōng category: (a)  Third-grade syllables of 東 dōng rhyme; 鍾 zhōng rhyme with 見 jiàn, 精 jīng, 影 yǐng groups of initials and initials 來 lái and 日 rì (嵩 sōng, 弓 gōng, 融 róng, 隆 lóng, 戎 róng; 縱 zòng, 恭 gōng, 胸 xiōng), except for 雄 xióng etc. with the initial 云 yún. (b)  Third-grade syllables of 庚 gēng rhyme; ‘closed’ syllables of 清 qīng rhyme with initials 影 yǐng, 云 yún and 以 yǐ (榮 róng, 營 yíng, 縈 yíng). (2)  岡 gāng, 江 jiāng, 光 guāng, 黃 huáng and 莊 zhuāng 岡 gāng category: (a)  ‘Open’ syllables of 唐 táng rhyme (旁 páng, 當 dāng, 倉 cāng, 岡 gāng, 杭 háng, 郎 láng). 陽 yáng rhyme with 知 zhī, 章 zhāng groups of initials (張 zhāng, 常 cháng) and 非 fēi group initials (方 fāng, 亡 wáng). (b)  ‘Lip’ labial syllables of 江 jiāng rhyme (邦 bāng, 尨 máng). 江 jiāng category: (a)  陽 yáng rhyme with 精 jīng, 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials and the initial 來 lái (將 jiāng, 薑 jiāng, 香 xiāng, 良 liáng). (b)  江 jiāng rhyme with見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (江 jiāng, 降 xiáng). 光 guāng category: (a)  ‘Closed’ syllables of 唐 táng rhyme (光 guāng, 汪 wāng). ‘Closed’ syllables of 陽 yáng rhyme with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (匡 kuāng, 王 wáng). (b)  江 jiāng rhyme with 知 zhī, 莊 zhuāng groups of initials and the initial 來 lái (樁 zhuāng, 雙 shuāng, 瀧 lóng). 黃 huáng category: Only ‘closed’ syllables of 唐 táng rhyme with the initial 匣 xiá (黃 huáng etc.). The 光 guāng category has no character under initials 合 hé and 匣 xiá.

Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals 185 莊 zhuāng category: 陽 yáng rhyme with 莊 zhuāng group initials (莊 zhuāng, 霜 shuāng). They should have an independent main vowel since characters in this category are separated from 張 zhāng, 商 shāng, etc. in the 岡 gāng category and 樁 zhuāng, 雙 shuāng, etc. in the 光 guāng category. (3)  貲 zī, 羈 jī, 雞 jī, 嬀 guī, 規 guī, 麾 huī and 惟 wéi 貲 zī category: ‘Open’ syllables of 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, 之 zhī rhymes with 精 jīng, 莊 zhuāng groups of initials (雌 cí, 釃 shī; 咨 zī, 師 shī; 詞 cí, 菑 zī). Characters of 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, 之 zhī rhymes with 精 jīng group initials are put in first-grade slots in the Qièyùn Zhǐzhǎng Tú, which indicates that the front apical vowel [ɿ] emerged in the Song Dynasty; here, characters with 莊 zhuāng group initials are incorporated into the same category, making it evident that the back apical vowel [ʅ] had appeared at this stage. 羈 jī category: (a)  ‘Open’ syllables of 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, 之 zhī rhymes with 幫 bāng, 知 zhī, 章 zhāng groups of initials; characters in third-grade slots of rhyme charts with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials and the initial 來 lái (卑 bēi, 馳 chí, 支 zhī, 羈 jī, 犧 xī, 離 lí; 紕 pī, 墀 chí, 尸 shī, 飢 jī, 棃 lí; 治 zhì, 之 zhī, 其 qí, 飴 yí). ‘Open’ syllables of 微 wēi rhyme and 微 wēi rhyme syllables with 非 fēi group initials (機 jī, 衣 yī, 飛 fēi). (b)  ‘Open’ syllables of 齊 qí rhyme with 幫 bāng, 端 duān, 精 jīng groups of initials (迷 mí, 低 dī, 妻 qī, 黎 lí). 雞 jī category: (a)  Characters of 支 zhī, 脂 zhī rhymes with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials in fourth-grade slots of rhyme charts (祗 zhī, 蓍 shī). (b)  ‘Open’ syllables of 齊 qí rhyme with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (雞 jī, 兮 xī). 嬀 guī category: (a)  ‘Closed’ syllables of 支 zhī, 脂 zhī rhymes, except for characters with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials in fourth-grade slots of rhyme charts (皮 pí, 隨 suí, 垂 chuí, 虧 kuī, 逶 wēi, 悲 bēi, 綏 suí, 追 zhuī, 龜 guī). ‘Closed’ syllable of 微 wēi rhyme with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (歸 guī, 威 wēi). (b)  灰 huī rhyme (杯 bēi, 椎 zhuī, 崔 cuī, 傀 guī, 回 huí). 規 guī category: (a)  ‘Closed’ syllables of 支 zhī, 脂 zhī rhymes with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials in fourth-grade slots of rhyme charts (規 guī, 葵 kuí). (b)  ‘Closed’ syllables of 齊 qí rhyme (圭 guī, 攜 xié).

186  Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals 麾 huī category: Only 麾 huī (支 zhī rhyme), 暉 huī (微 wēi rhyme), etc. with the initial 曉 xiǎo. It can be merged into the 嬀 guī category. 惟 wéi category: Only 惟 wéi etc. with the initial 喻 yù. It can be merged into the 嬀 guī category. (4)  孤 gū and 居 jū 孤 gū category: 模 mú rhyme (蒲 pú, 都 dū, 租 zū, 孤 gū, 烏 wū). 魚 yú rhyme with 莊 zhuāng group initials (初 chū). 虞 yú rhyme with 非 fēi, 莊 zhuāng groups of initials (扶 fú, 雛 chú). 居 jū category: 魚 yú and 虞 yú rhymes, except for syllables with 非 fēi, 莊 zhuāng groups of initials (徐 xú, 豬 zhū, 諸 zhū, 居 jū, 虛 xū; 趨 qū, 株 zhū, 朱 zhū, 拘 jū, 俞 yú). (5)  該 gāi, 佳 jiā and 乖 guāi 該 gāi category: 咍 hāi rhyme (胎 tāi, 哉 zāi, 開 kāi, 孩 hái). ‘Open’ syllables of 皆 jiē, 佳 jiā rhymes with 幫 bāng, 莊 zhuāng groups of initials (埋 mái, 豺 chái; 牌 pái, 柴 chái). 佳 jiā category: ‘Open’ syllables of 皆 jiē, 佳 jiā rhymes with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (皆 jiē, 諧 xié; 佳 jiā, 膎 xié). 乖 guāi category: (a)  ‘Close’ syllables of 皆 jiē, 佳 jiā rhymes (乖 guāi, 懷 huái; 媧 wā, 蛙 wā). (b)  ‘Close’ syllables of 支 zhī, 脂 zhī rhymes with 莊 zhuāng group initials (衰 shuāi). (6)  根 gēn, 巾 jīn, 欣 xīn, 昆 kūn, 鈞 jūn and 筠 yún 根 gēn category: 痕 hén rhyme, except for syllables with the initial 匣 xiá (根 gēn, 恩 ēn). 臻 zhēn rhyme (莘 shēn). 巾 jīn category: 痕 hén rhyme with the initial 匣 xiá (痕 hén). 真 zhēn rhyme (賓 bīn, 津 jīn, 珍 zhēn, 真 zhēn, 巾 jīn, 寅 yín). 欣 xīn rhyme, except for syllables with the initial 曉 xiǎo (斤 jīn, 殷 yīn).

Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals 187 欣 xīn category: Only 欣 xīn etc. in the 欣 xīn rhyme with the initial 曉 xiǎo. There is no character with the initial 曉 xiǎo in the 巾 jīn category. 昆 kūn category: 魂 hún rhyme (奔 bēn, 敦 dūn, 尊 zūn, 坤 kūn, 昏 hūn). 文 wén rhyme with 非 fēi group initials (分 fēn). 鈞 jūn category: 諄 zhūn rhyme, except for syllables with initials 影 yǐng and 云 yún (遵 zūn, 屯 tún, 春 chūn, 鈞 jūn, 勻 yún). 文 wén rhyme, except for syllables with initials 云 yún and 影 yǐng (君 jūn, 熏 xūn). 筠 yún category: 諄 zhūn and 文 wén rhymes with initials 影 yǐng and 云 yún (the Yùnhuì initial 魚 yú) (贇 yun, 筠 yún; 熅 yūn, 雲 yún). There is no character with the initials 影 yǐng and 魚 yú in the 鈞 jūn category. (7)  干 gān, 間 jiān, 鞬 jiān, 堅 jiān, 賢 xián, 官 guān, 關 guān, 涓 juān and 卷 juàn 干 gān category: 寒 hán rhyme (單 dān, 餐 cān, 干 gān, 寒 hán). 刪 shān, 山 shān rhymes with 幫 bāng, 莊 zhuāng groups of initials (班 bān, 刪 shān; 瓣 bàn, 山 shān). 元 yuán rhyme with 非 fēi group initials (翻 fān). 間 jiān category: 刪 shān, 山 shān rhymes with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (姦 jiān, 間 jiān). 鞬 jiān category: ‘Open’ syllables of 元 yuán rhyme (鞬 jiān, 言 yán). ‘Open’ syllables of 仙 xiān rhyme with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials and voiced initials of 幫 bāng, 精 jīng, 知 zhī, 章 zhāng groups (眠 mián,6 錢 qián, 纏 chán, 乾 qián, 延 yán). ‘Open’ syllables of 先 xiān rhyme with 端 duān group initials and voiced initials of 幫 bāng, 精 jīng groups (天 tiān, 眠 mián, 前 qián). 堅 jiān category: ‘Open’ syllables of 仙 xiān rhyme with voiceless initials of 幫 bāng, 精 jīng, 知 zhī, 章 zhāng groups (篇 piān, 遷 qiān, 羶 shān). ‘Open’ syllables of 先 xiān rhyme with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (except the initial 匣 xiá) and voiceless initials of 幫 bāng, 精 jīng groups (邊 biān, 千 qiān, 堅 jiān, 煙 yān). 賢 xián category:

188  Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals Only ‘open’ syllables of 先 xiān rhyme with the initial 匣 xiá (賢 xián). There is no character with the initial 匣 xiá in the 堅 jiān category. 官 guān category: 桓 huán rhyme (潘 pān, 端 duān, 酸 suān, 寬 kuān, 歡 huān). 關 guān category: ‘Closed’ syllables of 刪 shān, 山 shān rhymes (跧 quán, 關 guān, 彎 wān; 鰥 guān, 湲 yuán) 涓 juān category: ‘Closed’ syllables of 元 yuán rhyme with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (元 yuán, 暄 xuān). ‘Closed’ syllables of 仙 xiān rhyme (權 quán, 專 zhuān, 全 quán, 沿 yán). 卷 juàn category: ‘Closed’ syllables of 先 xiān rhyme (玄 xuán). (8)  高 gāo, 交 jiāo, 驕 jiāo and 驍 xiāo 高 gāo category: 豪 háo rhyme (毛 máo, 刀 dāo, 曹 cáo, 高 gāo, 豪 háo). 肴 yáo rhyme with 幫 bāng, 知 zhī, 莊 zhuāng groups of initials (包 bāo, 啁 zhāo, 梢 shāo). 交 jiāo category: 肴 yáo rhyme with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (交 jiāo, 肴 yáo). 驕 jiāo category: 宵 xiāo rhyme, except for syllables with 精 jīng group initials and characters with ‘back tooth’ velar and ‘throat’ glottal initials in fourth-grade slots of rhyme charts (鑣 biāo, 朝 cháo, 燒 shāo, 喬 qiáo, 囂 xiāo, 妖 yāo). 驍 xiāo category: 宵 xiāo rhyme with 精 jīng group initials and characters with ‘back tooth’ velar and ‘throat’ glottal initials in fourth-grade slots of rhyme charts (焦 jiāo, 翹 qiáo, 要 yāo). 蕭 xiāo rhyme (貂 diāo, 蕭 xiāo, 驍 xiāo, 幺 yāo). (9)  歌 gē and 戈 gē 歌 gē category: 歌 gē rhyme (多 duō, 蹉 cuō, 珂 kē, 何 hé) 戈 gē category: First-grade syllables of 戈 gē rhyme (波 bō, 詑 tuó, 蓑 suō, 科 kē, 和 hé)

Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals 189 (10)  牙 yá, 嘉 jiā, 迦 jiā, 嗟 jiē, 瓜 guā and 瘸 qué 牙 yá category: Second-grade ‘open’ syllables of 麻 má rhyme with 幫 bāng, 知 zhī, 莊 zhuāng groups of initials (巴 bā, 奢 shē, 叉 chā) and 牙 yá. 嘉 jiā category: Second-grade ‘open’ syllables of 麻 má rhyme with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials except 牙 yá (嘉 jiā, 遐 xiá). 牙 yá and 嘉 jiā categories do not share any initial. 迦 jiā category: (a)  Third-grade ‘open’ syllables of 戈 gē rhyme (迦 jiā). (b)  Third-grade syllables of 麻 má rhyme with voiced initials (蛇 shé, 邪 xié). 嗟 jiē category: Third-grade syllables of 麻 má rhyme with voiceless initials (些 xiē, 車 chē). 瓜 guā category: Second-grade ‘closed’ syllables of 麻 má rhyme (檛 zhuā, 瓜 guā, 花 huā). 瘸 qué category: Third-grade ‘closed’ syllables of 戈 gē rhyme (鞾 xuē, 瘸 qué). (11)  搄 gèn, 京 jīng, 經 jīng, 行 xíng, 雄 xióng and 兄 xiōng 搄 gèn category: (a)  ‘Open’ syllables of 登 dēng rhyme (朋 péng, 騰 téng, 增 zēng, 搄 gèn, 恆 héng). (b)  Second-grade syllables of 庚 gēng rhyme and ‘open’ syllables of 耕 gēng rhyme with 幫 bāng, 知 zhī, 莊 zhuāng groups of initials (彭 péng, 撐 chēng, 生 shēng; 繃 bēng, 橙 chéng, 爭 zhēng). 京 jīng category: (a)  蒸 zhēng rhyme (氷 bīng, 繒 zēng, 繩 shéng, 競 jìng, 蠅 yíng). (b) Third-grade syllables of 庚 gēng rhyme and ‘open’ syllables of 清 qīng rhyme (平 píng, 京 jīng, 英 yīng; 并 bīng, 征 zhēng, 成 chéng, 師 shī,7 盈 yíng). ‘Open’ syllables of 青 qīng rhyme with 幫 bāng, 端 duān groups of initials and voiceless 精 jīng group initials (缾 píng, 丁 dīng, 青 qīng). 經 jīng category: Second-grade syllables of 庚 gēng rhyme and ‘open’ syllables of 耕 gēng, 青 qīng rhymes with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (except initial 匣 xiá) (庚 gēng, 亨 hēng; 耕 gēng, 嬰 yīng; 輕 qīng, 馨 xīn).

190  Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals 行 xíng category: Syllables of the three rhymes with the initial 匣 xiá (行 xíng; 莖 jīng; 形 xíng). There is no character with the initial 匣 xiá in the 經 jīng category. 雄 xióng category: (a)  ‘Closed’ syllables of 清 qīng, 青 qīng rhymes with 見 jiàn group initials and the initial 匣 xiá (傾 qīng, 瓊 qióng; 扃 jiōng, 熒 yíng). (b)  Third-grade syllables of 東 dōng rhyme with the initial 匣 xiá (雄 xióng). 兄 xiōng category: Only third-grade syllables of 庚 gēng rhyme with the initial 曉 xiǎo (兄 xiōng). There is no character with the initial 曉 xiǎo in the 雄 xióng category. (12)  鉤 gōu, 鳩 jiū, 樛 jiū, 裒 póu and 浮 fú 鉤 gōu category: 侯 hóu rhyme, except for syllables with 幫 bāng group initials (偷 tōu, 諏 zōu, 鉤 gōu, 謳 ōu). 尤 yóu rhyme with 莊 zhuāng group initials (愁 chóu). 鳩 jiū category: 尤 yóu rhyme, except for syllables with 非 fēi, 莊 zhuāng groups of initials (周 zhōu, 收 shōu, 秋 qiū, 丘 qiū, 抽 chōu). 幽 yōu rhyme with ‘lip’ labial initials (彪 biāo). 樛 jiū category: 幽 yōu rhyme, except for syllables with ‘lip’ labial initials (虬 qiú). 裒 póu category: 侯 hóu, 尤 yóu rhymes with ‘lip’ labial initials (褒 bāo, 謀 móu). There is no character with labial initials in the 鉤 gōu category, nor character with 非 fēi group initials in the 鳩 jiū category. 浮 fú category: Only syllables with the initial 奉 fèng (浮 fú). This is no character with the initial 奉 fèng in the 裒 póu category. (13)  簪 zān, 金 jīn and 歆 xīn 簪 zān category: 侵 qīn rhyme with 莊 zhuāng group initials (簪 zān, 森 sēn). 金 jīn category: 侵 qīn rhyme, except for syllables with 莊 zhuāng group initials and the initial 曉 xiǎo (斟 zhēn, 沉 chén, 金 jīn, 音 yīn).

Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals 191 歆 xīn category: Only 侵 qīn rhyme syllables with the initial 曉 xiǎo (歆 xīn). This is no character with the initial曉 xiǎo in the金 jīn category. (14)  甘 gān, 緘 jiān, 箝 qián, 兼 jiān, 嫌 xián and 杴 xiān 甘 gān category: 覃 tán, 談 tán rhymes (耽 dān, 參 cān, 弇 yǎn, 含 hán; 談 tán, 三 sān, 甘 gān, 酣 hān). 咸 xián, 銜 xián rhymes with 莊 zhuāng group initials (讒 chán; 衫 shān). 凡 fán rhyme with ‘lip’ labial initials (凡 fán). 緘 jiān category: 咸 xián, 銜 xián rhymes with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (緘 jiān, 咸 xián; 監 jiān, 銜 xián). 箝 qián category: 嚴 yán rhyme (嚴 yán, 醃 yān). 鹽 yán rhyme, except for characters with the initial 影 yǐng in fourth-grade slots of rhyme charts (砭 biān, 潛 qián, 占 zhān, 箝 qián, 淹 yān). 添 tiān rhyme, except for syllables with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (甜 tián, 鮎 nián). 兼 jiān category: 添 tiān rhyme with 見 jiàn group initials (謙 qiān). Characters of 鹽 yán rhyme with the initial 影 yǐng in fourth-grade slots of rhyme charts (懕 yān). 嫌 xián category: Only syllables of 添 tiān rhyme with the initial 匣 xiá (嫌 xián). There is no character with the initial 匣 xiá in the 兼 jiān category. 杴 xiān category: Only syllables of 添 tiān rhyme with the initial 曉 xiǎo (杴 xiān). There is no character with the initial 曉 xiǎo in the 兼 jiān category. §8.8 The shǎng and qù tone rhymes of the Yùnhuì correspond to the píng tone ones; hence, there is no need to account for them in detail. The rù tone categories in the Yùnhuì as listed as follows: (1)  榖 gǔ, 匊 jū 榖 gǔ category: (a)  First-grade syllables of 屋 wū rhyme (卜 bǔ, 禿 tū, 族 zú, 哭 kū, 屋 wū). Third-grade syllables of 屋 wū rhyme with 非 fēi, 莊 zhuāng groups of initials (福 fú, 縮 suō). 沃 wò rhyme (僕 pú, 篤 dǔ, 酷 kù, 鵠 hú). (b)  沒 mò rhyme (勃 bó, 突 tū, 卒 zú, 骨 gǔ, 忽 hū). 物 wù rhyme with 非 fēi group initials (弗 fú). 術 shù rhyme with 莊 zhuāng group initials (率 shuài).

192  Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals 匊 jū category: (a)  Third-grade syllables of 屋 wū rhyme, except with 非 fēi, 莊 zhuāng groups of initials (肅 sù, 竹 zhú, 菽 shū, 鞠 jū, 畜 xù). 燭 zhú rhyme (足 zú, 躅 zhú, 燭 zhú, 曲 qū, 欲 yù). (b)  術 shù rhyme with 精 jīng, 知 zhī, 章 zhāng groups of initials and the initial 來 lái (恤 xù, 㤕 chù, 術 shù, 律 lǜ). 物 wù rhyme with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (屈 qū, 鬱 yù). (2)  各 gè, 覺 jué, 腳 jiǎo, 爵 jué, 郭 guō, 矍 jué 各 gè category: (a)  覺 jué rhyme with 幫 bāng group initials (剝 bō). (b)  ‘Open’ syllables of 鐸 duó rhyme (博 bó, 託 tuō, 作 zuò, 各 gè, 鶴 hè). 覺 jué category: 覺 jué rhyme with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (榖 gǔ,8 學 xué). 腳 jiǎo category: ‘Open’ syllable of 藥 yào rhyme, except with 精 jīng group initials (略 lüè, 著 zhuó, 杓 sháo, 却 què, 約 yuē). 爵 jué category: ‘Open’ syllable of 藥 yào rhyme with 精 jīng group initials (爵 jué, 削 xuē). There is no character with the initial 精 jīng in the 腳 jiǎo category. 郭 guō category: (a)  覺 jué rhyme with 知 zhī, 莊 zhuāng groups of initials and the initial 來 lái (斲 zhuó, 朔 shuò, 犖 luò). (b)  ‘Closed’ syllables of 鐸 duó rhyme (郭 guō, 霍 huò). ‘Closed’ syllables of 藥 yào rhyme with 非 fēi group initials (𩌏 bó). 矍 jué category: ‘Closed’ syllables of 藥 yào rhyme with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (躩 jué, 籰 yuè). (3)  克 kè, 黑 hēi, 櫛 zhì, 訖 qì, 吉 jí, 國 guó, 洫 xù, 橘 jú, 聿 yù 克 kè category: ‘Open’ syllables of 德 dé rhyme, except with initials 曉 xiǎo and 匣 xiá (德 dé, 則 zé, 克 kè). ‘Open’ syllables of 職 zhí rhyme with 莊 zhuāng group initials (側 cè, 色 sè). 黑 hēi category: Only ‘open’ syllables of 德 dé rhyme with initials 曉 xiǎo and 匣 xiá (黑 hēi, 劾 hé). There is no character with these two initials in the 克 kè category.

Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals 193 櫛 zhì category: (a)  櫛 zhì rhyme (櫛 zhì, 瑟 sè). (b)  緝 jī rhyme (戢 jí, 澀 sè). 訖 qì category: (a)  質 zhì rhyme, except for characters with 幫 bāng group initials in thirdgrade slots of rhyme charts and characters with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials in fourth-grade slots of rhyme charts (必 bì, 七 qī, 窒 zhì, 實 shí, 姞 jí, 乙 yǐ). 迄 qì rhyme (乞 qǐ, 迄 qì). (b)  ‘Open’ syllables of 昔 xī rhyme with 幫 bāng, 精 jīng, 知 zhī, 章 zhāng groups of initials (辟 pì, 擲 zhì, 尺 chǐ, 積 jī). Third-grade ‘open’ syllables of 陌 mò9 rhyme (逆 nì). ‘Open’ syllables of 錫 xī rhyme with 幫 bāng, 端 duān, 精 jīng groups of initials (壁 bì, 的 dì, 績 jì). (c)  Open’ syllables of 職 zhí rhyme except with 莊 zhuāng group initials (即 jí, 直 zhí, 識 shí, 極 jí, 億 yì). (d)  緝 jī rhyme except with 莊 zhuāng group initials (習 xí, 執 zhí, 急 jí, 熠 yì). 吉 jí category: (a)  Characters of 質 zhì rhyme with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials in fourthgrade slots of rhyme charts (吉 jí, 欯 xì). (b)  ‘Open’ syllables of 錫 xī rhyme with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (激 jī, 檄 xí). 國 guó category: (a)  Characters of 質 zhì rhyme with 幫 bāng group initials in third-grade slots of rhyme charts (筆 bǐ, 密 mì). (b)  ‘Closed’ syllables of 昔 xī rhyme with 幫 bāng group initials (碧 bì). (c)  ‘Closed’ syllables of 德 dé rhyme (北 běi, 國 guó, 或 huò). ‘Closed’ syllables of 職 zhí rhyme except with the initial 曉 xiǎo (逼 bī, 域 yù). 洫 xù category: Only ‘closed’ syllables of 職 zhí rhyme with the initial 曉 xiǎo (洫 xù). There is no character with the initial 曉 xiǎo in the 國 guó category. 橘 jú category: (a)  Characters of 櫛 zhì rhyme in fourth-grade slots of rhyme charts with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials except the initial 喻 yù (橘 jú, 獝 xù). (b)  ‘Closed’ syllables of 錫 xī rhyme except with the initial 曉 xiǎo (狊 jú).10 聿 yù category: Only syllables with the initial 喻 yù. There is no character with the initial 喻 yù in the 橘 jú category. (a)  術 shù rhyme with the initial 喻 yù (聿 yù). (b)  昔 xī rhyme with the initial 喻 yù (役 yì).

194  Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals (4)  額 é, 格 gé, 虢 guó 額 é category: Second-grade syllables of 陌 mò and ‘open’ syllables of 麥 mài except with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (白 bái, 宅 zhái; 責 zé, 摘 zhāi). 格 gé category: Second-grade syllables of 陌 mò and ‘open’ syllables of 麥 mài with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (格 gé, 赫 hè; 隔 gé, 覈 hé). This category is complementary to the 額 é category. 虢 guó category: Second-grade syllables of 陌 mò and ‘closed’ syllables of 麥 mài (虢 guó, 劃 huà). (5)  葛 gě, 怛 dá, 戞 jiá, 訐 jié, 結 jié, 括 kuò, 刮 guā, 厥 jué, 玦 jué 葛 gě category: (a)  曷 hé rhyme with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (葛 gě, 曷 hé). (b)  合 hé, 盍 hé rhymes with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (閤 gé, 合 hé; 榼 kē, 盍 hé). 怛 dá category: (a)  曷 hé rhyme with 端 duān, 精 jīng groups of initials (達 dá, 擦 cā). ‘Open’ syllables of 黠 xiá, 鎋 xiá rhymes with 知 zhī, 莊 zhuāng groups of initials (八 bā, 殺 shā; 剎 chà). 月 yuè rhyme with 非 fēi group initials (伐 fá). (b)  合 hé, 盍 hé rhymes with 端 duān, 精 jīng groups of initials (答 dá, 雜 zá; 榻 tà, 臘 là). 洽 qià, 狎 xiá rhymes with 知 zhī, 莊 zhuāng groups of initials (劄 zhá; 翣 shà). 乏 fá rhyme with 非 fēi group initials (法 fǎ). 戞 jiá category: (a)  黠 xiá, 鎋 xiá rhymes with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (戞 jiá, 黠 xiá; 洽 qià, 瞎 xiā). (b)  洽 qià, 狎 xiá rhymes with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (夾 jiá, 洽 qià; 甲 jiǎ, 狎 xiá). 訐 jié category: (a)  ‘Open’ syllables of 月 yuè rhyme (竭 jié, 歇 xiē). ‘Open’ syllables of 薛 xuē rhyme with 見 jiàn group initials and initials 澄chéng, 船 chuán, 禪 shàn (傑 jié, 轍 zhé, 舌 shé). ‘Open’ syllables of 屑 xiè rhyme with the initial 定 dìng (迭 dié). (b)  業 yè rhyme (刦 jié, 業 yè). Characters of 葉 yè rhyme with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials in third-grade slots of rhyme charts and with initials 從 cóng, 邪 xié, 船 chuán, 禪 shàn (曄 yè, 捷 jié, 涉 shè). Characters of 帖 tiè rhyme with the initial 定 dìng (牒 dié).

Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals 195 結 jié category: (a)  ‘Open’ syllables of 薛 xuē rhyme with 幫 bāng, 精 jīng groups of initials and with voiceless and nasal initials of 知 zhī, 章 zhāng groups (別 bié, 薛 xuē, 哲 zhé, 列 liè, 熱 rè). ‘Open’ syllables of 屑 xiè rhyme except with the initial 定 dìng (彆 biè, 鐵 tiě, 湼 niè, 切 qiè, 結 jié; 纈 xiè). (b)  Characters of 葉 yè rhyme with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials in fourthgrade slots of rhyme charts and with 精 jīng, 章 zhāng groups of initials but 從 cóng, 邪 xié, 船 chuán and 禪 shàn (靨 yè, 妾 qiè, 攝 shè, 獵 liè). Characters of 帖 tiè rhyme except with the initial 定 dìng (帖 tiè, 捻 niē, 燮 xiè, 頰 jiá, 協 xié). 括 kuò category: 末 mò rhyme (撥 bō, 奪 duó, 撮 cuō, 闊 kuò, 活 huó). 刮 guā category: ‘Closed’ syllables of 黠 xiá, 鎋 xiá rhymes (八 bā, 茁 zhuó, 刷 shuā, 滑 huá, 刮 guā). 厥 jué category: ‘Closed’ syllables of 月 yuè rhyme with 見 jiàn, 影 yǐng groups of initials (厥 jué, 噦 yuě). 玦 jué category: ‘Closed’ syllables of 薛 xuē, 屑 xiè rhymes (綴 zhuì, 説 shuō, 雪 xuě, 悅 yuè; 玦 jué, 穴 xué). §8.9 From the previous three sections, we know that initials and finals represented by the Yùnhuì are different from those in Middle Chinese in the following aspects:   (1) ‘Lip’ labial initials diverge into ‘heavy lip’ bilabials and ‘light lip’ labiodentals.   (2) As in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn, no distinction exists at all among 知 zhī, 莊 zhuāng and 章 zhāng groups of initials, which represents a further step in evolution from the conflation of 莊 zhuāng and 章 zhāng groups into the 照 zhào group.   (3) The initials 疑 yí and 云 yún are reorganised into the initials 疑 yí and 魚 yú; at the same time, part of the syllables with the initial 疑 yí merge with syllables with the initial 以 yǐ as syllables with the new initial 喻 yù. This merger is only a change documented in the rhyme book, not completely attested by any modern dialect.   (4) Due to influence from finals, ‘throat’ glottal initials either separate into two types, (a) 影 yǐng and 幺 yāo and (b) 匣 xiá and 合 hé, or constitute an independent rhyme category, most prominently the initial 曉 xiǎo. The finals indeed make a significant impact on velar initials.   (5) ‘Open’ syllables of the second grade, with 幫 bāng, 知 zhī, 莊 zhuāng groups of initials, change into first-grade rhymes of their respective rhyme groups;

196  Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals e.g. 班 bān, 綻 zhàn, 刪 shān, etc. of the 刪 shān and 山 shān rhymes belong in the 干 gān category together with characters of the 寒 hán rhyme; 包 bāo, 啁 zhāo, 梢 shāo, etc. of the 肴 yáo rhyme belong in the 高 gāo category together with characters of the 豪 háo rhyme. Only syllables with the 見 jiàn and 影 yǐng groups of initials are relatively independent; e.g. 姦 jiān, 間 jiān, etc. of the 刪 shān and 山 shān rhymes independently constitute the 間 jiān category; 交 jiāo, 肴 yáo, etc. of the 肴 yáo rhyme independently constitute the 交 jiāo category.  (6) Third-grade rhymes with 非 fēi group initials all change into first-grade rhymes of their respective rhyme groups; e.g. 膚 fū, 敷 fū, 扶 fú, 無 wú, etc. of the 虞 yú rhyme belong in the 孤 gū category together with characters of the 模 mú rhyme; 蕃 fán, 翻 fān, 煩 fán, etc. of the 元 yuán rhyme belong in the 干 gān category together with characters of the 寒 hán rhyme. This change does not apply to the 微 wēi rhyme since there is no first-grade rhymes in the 止 zhǐ rhyme group.   (7) Third-grade rhymes with 莊 zhuāng group initials all change into first-grade rhymes of their respective rhyme groups; e.g. 鄒 zōu, 愁 chóu, etc. belong in the 鉤 gōu category together with characters of the 侯 hóu rhyme; 崇 chóng of the third-grade 東 dōng rhyme belongs in the 公 gōng category together with first-grade syllables of the 東 dōng rhyme. If there is no first-grade rhyme available in the same rhyme group, the said rhyme will independently constitute a category; e.g. 簪 zān, 森 sēn, etc. of the 侵 qīn rhyme independently constitute the 簪 zān category. 莊 zhuāng, 霜 shuāng, etc. of the 陽 yáng rhyme constitute an independent category instead of merging with characters of the 唐 táng rhyme, probably because characters of 宕 dàng and 江 jiāng rhyme groups also intrude into this category.   (8) Fourth-grade rhymes are mostly not distinguishable from third-grade ones; only fourth-grade syllables with ‘back tooth’ velar and ‘throat’ glottal initials of several rhyme groups are distinguished from Type A and Type B of thirdgrade syllables. For example, 驍 xiāo of the 蕭 xiāo rhyme and 翹 qiáo etc. of 宵 xiāo rhyme (type 1) both belong in the 驍 xiāo category, whereas 喬 qiáo, 囂 xiāo, etc. of 宵 xiāo rhyme (type 2) belong in the 驕 jiāo category.  (9) 雄 xióng etc. with the initial 匣 xiá of the 通 tōng rhyme group change into ‘open’ syllables of the 曾 zēng and 梗 gěng rhyme groups, while most ‘open’ syllables of the 曾 zēng and 梗 gěng groups merge into the 通 tōng group. (10) The 江 jiāng rhyme group merge into the 宕 dàng group – syllables with 見 jiàn and 影 yǐng groups of initials go into the 陽 yáng rhyme, and others into the 唐 táng rhyme. Syllables with 知 zhī and 莊 zhuāng groups of initials are ‘closed’. (11) ‘Open’ syllables of the 止 zhǐ rhyme group with 精 jīng and 莊 zhuāng groups of initials constitute an independent rhyme category. (12) Third- and fourth-grade ‘open’ syllables and first-, third- and fourth-grade ‘closed’ syllables of the 蟹 xiè rhyme group merge into the 止 zhǐ group. (13) Third-grade syllables of the 果 guǒ rhyme group merge into the 假 jiǎ group. (14) 曾 zēng and 梗 gěng rhyme groups are not distinguished. First-grade ‘open’ syllables of the 梗 gěng rhyme groups with 幫 bāng, 知 zhī and 莊 zhuāng

Simplification of Middle Chinese Initials and Finals 197 groups of initials merge into the first grade of the 曾 zēng group; syllables with 見 jiàn and 影 yǐng groups of initials merge into fourth-grade 青 qīng rhyme in the originally same rhyme group. (15) All rù tone plosive codas tend to mix up. The distinction among the codas is only seen in the following aspects: (a) Syllables of 江 jiāng and 宕 dàng rhyme groups are distinguished from those of 山 shān and 咸 xián groups. (b) Syllables of the 櫛 zhì rhyme (臻 zhēn group) are not mixed with those of the 職 zhí rhyme (曾 zēng group) with 莊 zhuāng group initials. (c) Second-grade syllables of the 梗 gěng rhyme group are independent, not merging into 曾 zēng group or 臻 zhēn group. (16) The indistinguishability among codas gives rise to the following results: (a) Most ‘closed’ syllables of the 臻 zhēn rhyme group merge with the 通 tōng group as 榖 gǔ and 匊 jū categories. (b) ‘Open’ syllables and a small number of ‘closed’ syllables of the 臻 zhēn rhyme group, syllables of the 深 shēn rhyme group, third- and fourthgrade syllables of the 梗 gěng rhyme group, and syllables of the 曾 zēng rhyme group are all indistinguishable. (c) Syllables of the 山 shān and 咸 xián rhyme groups are completely conflated. Notes 1 Translator’s note: ‘Peiwen’ is the name of Emperor Kangxi’s study. 2 Translator’s note: This refers to the meeting in 1913 where members of an officially established committee for the standardisation of pronunciation voted for the ‘national pronunciation’ of each Chinese character. 3 Translator’s note: Two dynasties in Chinese history bear the name ‘Jin’ in pinyin; most instances of ‘Jin’ in this book refer to the Jin (金) Dynasty, which ruled northern China from 1115 to 1234. There is only one mention of the other Jin (晉) (266–420) in §13.2. 4 Translator’s note: The year of Renzi refers to 1252. 5 Translator’s note: In the original text, 登 dēng is mistyped as 澄 chéng. 6 Translator’s note: Sic. However, the character 眠 mián belongs to the 先 xiān rhyme, not 仙 xiān rhyme. 7 Translator’s note: Sic. However, 師 shī belongs to the 貲 zī category (脂 zhī rhyme). 8 Translator’s note: Sic. However, 榖 gǔ is in the first grade of the 屋 wū rhyme and apparently should belong to the 榖 gǔ category. 9 Translator’s note: The original text has 庚 gēng here. It should be the corresponding rù tone rhyme 陌 mò. 10 Translator’s note: The original text has the character 臭 chòu here, which does not take the rù tone and thus not in the 錫 xī rhyme. It must be 狊 jú. The mistyping is obviously caused by the closeness of shape between the two characters.

9

From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese

§9.1 Up to now, we have accounted for four stages of the development of Chinese phonology. Chronologically, they are as follows: (1) Middle Chinese representing speech sounds in the Sui and early Tang dynasties, as described in Qièyùn-based rhyme dictionaries and early rhyme charts (2) Late Middle Chinese representing speech sounds in the Song Dynasty, as described in rhyme dictionaries and rhyme charts after the Song and the rhyme book Gǔjīn Yùnhuì Jǔyào (3) Early Modern Chinese representing speech sounds in the Yuan Dynasty, as described in the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn (4) Modern Chinese, represented by Standard Mandarin and various dialects In our account, we focused on Middle Chinese and modern Standard Mandarin and only discussed Late Middle Chinese as the result of simplification from Middle Chinese. As regards Early Modern Chinese, we described it as the early form of Standard Mandarin. That being the case, issues in relation to the evolution from Middle to Late Middle Chinese and the relationship between Early Modern and Modern Chinese have already been addressed. At this stage, we are going to explore the relationship between Middle Chinese and Modern Chinese. Once this is explained, the evolution from Late Middle Chinese to Early Modern Chinese will also be made reasonably clear. Not only for the sake of effectiveness of explanation, our direct comparison between Middle and Modern Chinese is important to our understanding of the historical change of Chinese phonology also for the following reasons: Firstly, since the Qièyùn system covered both ‘ancient and present, south and north’, modern Chinese speech sounds can almost all be derived from that system. Secondly, although the Yùnhuì and the Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn represented the standard variety of Chinese in their times, the speech sound systems they represented did not give rise to Modern Chinese directly since they only represented one certain dialect. For instance, the final of 端 duān, 官 guān, etc. was [uan] in Middle and Late Middle Chinese (桓 huán rhyme in the Guǎngyùn; 官 guān category in the Yùnhuì), it is [on] in the

DOI: 10.4324/9781003411444-9

From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese 199 Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn (桓歡 huán – huān rhyme, not rhyming with 寒山 hán – shān rhyme), and it is [uan] again in Modern Chinese. Under these circumstances, we cannot claim that the final [uan] till the Song Dynasty changed to [on] in Yuan and changed back to [uan] in modern times. For another example, the Yùnhuì combines syllables with Middle Chinese initial 疑 yí and part of the syllables with the initial 云 yún as under the initial 魚 yú – this is not found in modern Mandarin. So we know that neither Yùnhuì nor Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn is a good reference for us to trace modern Chinese speech sounds from. Thirdly, the differences between Late Middle and Middle Chinese and between Early Modern and Modern Chinese are not very great, so we can dispense with these two phases of change. Lastly, although we have used modern dialects as evidence for our reconstruction of Middle Chinese phonological system in Chapter 7 and addressed the issue of ancient–modern relationships, the explanation was not sufficiently systematic. We still need to explore the overall relationship between modern Standard Mandarin and Middle Chinese. Here are some general points in relation to the evolution of Chinese phonology: (1) The evolution of initials is largely affected by the medial (‘openness’ and grade) and tone. (2) The evolution of finals is largely affected by the place of articulation of initials. (3) The evolution of tones is largely affected by the voicing pattern of initials. §9.2 Table 9.1 presents a comprehensive comparison of initials between Middle Chinese and Standard Mandarin, from which a general observation can be readily made. §9.3 From the table, we can see the development trends of initials from Middle Chinese to modern Standard Mandarin. (1) ‘Full opaque’ voiced initials evolved into voiceless initials. (a) Voiced plosives

→ aspirated voiceless (píng tone) → unaspirated voiceless (zè tones) 陪 péi [b‘uai] → [p‘ei˧˥] : 倍 bèi [°b‘uai] → [pei˥˩] 徒 tú [d‘uo] → [t‘u˧˥] : 度 dù [d‘uo°] → [tu˥˩] 澄 chéng [ȡ‘jəŋ] → [tʂ‘əŋ˧˥] : 直 zhí [ȡ‘jək] → [tʂï˧˥] 羣 qún [g‘juən] → [tɕ‘yn˧˥] : 郡 jùn [g‘juən°] → [tɕyn˥˩]

(b) Voiced affricates

(i) Initial 從 cóng: → aspirated voiceless (píng tone) → unaspirated voiceless (zè tones) 慈 cí [dz‘i] → [ts‘ï˧˥] : 字 zì [dz‘i°] → [tsï˥˩]

Evolution of initials

Voicing and tone ‘Full clear’

‘Secondary clear’

‘Five sounds’ and condition ‘heavy lip’ ‘light lip’ ‘tongue head’ (incl. 娘 niáng, 來 lái)

‘tongue top’ ‘tooth head’

2nd grade of 梗 gěng rhyme group others ‘broad’2

幫 bāng 非 fēi 端 duān

知 zhī 精 jīng

‘narrow’ ‘proper tooth’ and ‘half tooth’

[p] [f] [t]

[ts] [tʂ] [ts]

徹 chè 清 qīng

[tɕ]

深 shēn rhyme group and rù 莊 [ts] tone syllables of 梗 gěng, 曾 zhuāng zēng, 通 tōng rhyme groups others [tʂ] ‘open’ syllables of 止 zhǐ rhyme group others

滂 pāng 敷 fū 透 tòu

章 zhāng

[tʂ]

初 chū

[p‘] [f] [t‘]

‘Full opaque’

‘Secondary opaque’

Píng

Zè

並 bìng 奉 fèng 定 dìng

[p‘] [p]

明 míng

[m]

[f]

微 wēi 泥 ní 娘 niáng 來 lái

[∅]([u])1

[t‘]

[t]

Píng

[l]

心 xīn

[s]

邪 xié

[ɕ] 生 shēng

[ts]

[tʂ‘] [tʂ] [ʂ]3 昌 [tʂ‘] 船 [tʂ‘] [ʂ] 日 rì chāng chuán [ʂ]

Zè

[n]

[ts‘] 澄 [ts] chéng [tʂ‘] [tʂ‘] [tʂ] [ts‘] 從 [ts‘] [ts] cóng [tɕ‘] [tɕ‘] [tɕ] [ts‘] 崇 chóng

‘Full clear’ ‘Full opaque’ (fricative) (fricative)

[tʂ‘]

[∅] [ʐ]

書 shū

[s]

[ts‘] [s] [s] [tɕ‘] [ɕ] [ɕ]

俟 sì

[ʂ]

?4

[s]

[ʂ]

禪 [tʂ‘] [ʂ] shàn [ʂ]

200  From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese

Table 9.1  Comparison of Initials Between Middle Chinese and Standard Mandarin

‘back tooth’ (incl. 曉 xiǎo and 匣 xiá)

‘throat’

‘open’

‘broad’ ‘narrow’ 3rd grade others ‘closed’ ‘broad’ ‘narrow’ ‘open’ ‘broad’ ‘narrow’ ‘closed’ ‘broad’ ‘narrow’

見 jiàn

[k] [tɕ]

[k] [tɕ] 影 yǐng

[∅]([i]) [∅]([u]) [∅]([y])

溪 xī

[k‘] 羣 [tɕ‘] qún

[k‘] [tɕ‘]

疑 [tɕ‘] [tɕ] yí

[k‘] [k] [tɕ‘] [tɕ] 云 yún 以 yǐ

[∅] 曉 [n] [∅] xiǎo ([i]) [∅]([i]) [∅]([u]) [∅]([y])

[x] [ɕ]

[x] [ɕ]

匣 xiá

[x]

[ɕ] [x] [ɕ]

[∅]([i]) [∅]([u]) [∅]([y])

From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese 201

Notes 1 The initial 明 míng in syllables of 東 dōng rhyme (third grade), 屋 wū rhyme (third grade) and 尤 yóu rhyme do not change into initial 微 wēi. 2 The ‘broad’ and ‘narrow’ here refer to the features of modern finals, on which the evolution of initials is dependent. Note that the distinction between modern ‘broad’ and ‘narrow’ is not the same as the distinction between Middle Chinese first and second grades on the one hand and third and fourth grades on the other. First-grade rhymes of Middle Chinese generally evolved into ‘broad’ finals in modern Mandarin; second-, third- and fourth-grade rhymes have both ‘broad’ and ‘narrow’ development, depending on the nature of main vowel. 3 ‘Open’ syllables of the 止 zhǐ rhyme groups have the initial [ʂ]; the rest have [tʂ]. 4 Under the initial 俟 sì there is only one character 漦 sī, whose modern pronunciation is dubious.

202  From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese (ii)  Initial 崇 chóng: → aspirated voiceless (píng tone) → u naspirated voiceless (zè tones, excluding 止 zhǐ rhyme group) → voiceless fricative (止 zhǐ rhyme group, zè tones)  牀 chuáng [dʒ‘jaŋ] → [tʂ‘uaŋ˧˥] : 狀 zhuàng [dʒ‘juaŋ°] → [tʂuaŋ˥˩] : 士 shì [°dʒ‘i] → [ʂï˥˩]

(iii) Initial 船 chuán:



→ aspirated voiceless affricate or fricative (píng tone) → voiceless fricative (zè tones) 唇 chún [dʑ‘juen] → [tʂ‘uən˧˥], 神 shén [dʑ‘jen] → [ʂən˧˥] : 順 shùn [dʑ‘juen°] → [ʂuən˥˩], 實 shí [dʑ‘jet] → [ʂï˧˥] (c) Voiced fricatives



(i) Initials 邪 xié and 禪 shàn: → aspirated voiceless affricates or fricatives (píng tone) → voiceless fricatives (zè tones) 囚 qiú [zju] → [tɕ‘iou˧˥], 徐 xú [zjo] → [ɕy˧˥] : 袖 xiù [zju°] → [ɕiou˥˩], 序 xù [°zjo] → [ɕy˥˩] 匙 chí [ʑje] → [tʂ‘ï˧˥], 時 shí [ʑi] → [ʂï˧˥] : 是 shì [°zje] → [ʂï˥˩], 市 shì [°zi] → [ʂï˥˩]

(ii)  Initial 俟 sì:



Only the character 俟 sì in the zè tone is used in Modern Mandarin with a pronunciation of [sɿ˥˩]; the character 漦 sī in the píng tone has a questionable pronunciation.

(iii) Initial 匣 xiá:

→ voiceless fricatives 痕 hén [ɣən] → [xən˧˥], 杏 xìng [°ɣɐŋ] → [ɕiŋ˥˩]

(2) Voiceless plosives and affricates retain their feature of aspiration. 鞭 biān [pjæn] → [pian˥] : 篇 piān [p‘jæn] → [p‘ian˥] 釣 diào [tiɛu°] → [tiau˥˩] : 跳 tiào [t‘iɛu°] → [t‘iau˥˩] 鎮 zhèn [ȶjen] → [tʂən˥˩] : 趁 chèn [ȶ‘jen] → [tʂ‘ən˥˩] 醉 zuì [tsjuei°] → [tsuei˥˩] : 翠 cuì [ts‘juei°] → [ts‘uei˥˩] 爪 zhǎo [°tʃau] → [tʂau˧˩˥] : 吵 chǎo [°tʃ‘au] → [tʂ‘au˧˩˥] 章 zhāng [tɕjɑŋ] → [tʂaŋ˥] : 昌 chāng [tɕ‘jɑŋ] → [tʂ‘aŋ˥] 交 jiāo [kau] → [tɕiau˥] : 敲 qiāo [k‘au] → [tɕ‘iau˥] (3) Initials 明 míng and 泥 ní retain their nasal feature. Initial 疑 yí was mostly lost; it evolved into [n] in only a small number of third-grade ‘open’ syllables. 茅 máo [mau] → [mau˧˥], 南 nán [nam] → [nan˧˥], 紐 niǔ [°nju] → [niou˧˩˥] 艾 ài [ŋai°] → [ai˥˩], 眼 yǎn [°ŋæn] → [ian˧˩˥], 吟 yín [ŋiem] → [in˧˥] 五 wǔ [°ŋuo] → [u˧˩˥], 元 yuán [ŋjuɐn] → [yan˧˥] : 逆 nì [ŋjɐk] → [ni˥˩]

From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese 203 (4) Voiceless fricatives retain their manner of articulation. 蘇 sū [suo] → [su˥], 師 shī [ʃi] → [ʂï˥], 書 shū [ɕjo] → [ʂu˥], 黑 hēi [xək] → [xei˥] (5) Initial 來 lái retains its lateral feature; initial 日 rì evolved into a voiced fricative and disappeared from ‘open’ syllables of the 止 zhǐ rhyme group. 練 liàn [liɛn] → [lian˥˩] 人 rén [ȵjen] → [ʐən˧˥] : 耳 ěr [°ȵi] → [ï˧˩˥] (6) Labials diverged into bilabials and labiodentals, corresponding systematically to the divergence between ‘heavy lip’ and ‘light lip’ of the Thirty-six Initials. However, the initials 非 fēi, 敷 fū and 奉 fèng all evolved into fricatives, and the initial 微 wēi was lost. 幫 bāng [pɑŋ] → [paŋ˥], 滂 pāng [p‘ɑŋ] → [p‘aŋ˥], 旁 páng [b‘ɑŋ] → [p‘aŋ˧˥], 忙 máng [mɑŋ] → [maŋ˧˥] 方 fāng [pjuɑŋ] → [pfjuaŋ] → [faŋ˥], 芳 fāng [p‘juɑŋ] → [pf‘juaŋ] → [faŋ˥], 房 fáng [b‘juɑŋ] → [bv‘juaŋ] (→ [pf‘juaŋ]) → [faŋ˧˥], 亡 wáng [mjuɑŋ] → [mjuaŋ] (→ [vjuaŋ] → [vaŋ]) → [uaŋ˧˥] (7) Initials of the 端 duān group retain their dental feature. 顛 diān [tiɛn] → [tian˥], 天 tiān [t‘iɛn] → [t‘ian˥], 田 tián [d‘iɛn] → [t‘ian˧˥], 年 nián [niɛn] → [nian˧˥], 紐 niǔ [°nju] → [niou˧˩˥] (8)  Initials 知 zhī, 徹 chè and 澄 chéng evolved mostly into retroflex affricates; in second-grade rù tone syllables of the 梗 gěng rhyme group, they evolved into dental affricates in ‘literary reading’. 肘 zhǒu [°ȶju]1 → [tʂou˧˩˥], 丑 chǒu [°ȶ‘ju] → [tʂ‘ou˧˩˥], 紂 zhòu [°ȡ‘ju] → [tʂou˥˩], 宅 zhái [°ȡ‘ɐk] → [tsɤ˧˥]/[tʂai˧˥], 摘 zhāi [ȶæk] → [tsɤ˧˥]/ [tʂai˥]2 (9) Initials of the 精 jīng group remain dental if the finals evolved into ‘broad’ ones; they are palatalised if the finals evolved into ‘narrow’ ones. 再 zài [tsai°] → [tsai˥˩] : 濟 jì [tsiɛi°] → [tɕi˥˩] 餐 cān [ts‘ɑn] → [ts‘an˥] : 千 qiān [ts‘iɛn] → [tɕ‘ian˥] 曹 cáo [dz‘au] → [ts‘au˧˥] : 樵 qiáo [dz‘jæu] → [tɕ‘iau˧˥] 蘇 sū [suo] → [su˥] : 須 xū [sjuo] → [ɕy˥] 詞 cí [zi] → [ts‘ï˧˥] : 徐 xú [zjo] → [ɕy˧˥] (10) Initials of the 莊 zhuāng group evolved mostly into retroflex initials; they turned dental only in the 深 shēn rhyme group and rù tone syllables of 梗 gěng, 曾 zēng, 通 tōng rhyme groups. 皺 zhòu [tʃiu°] → [tʂou˥˩], 抄 chāo [tʃ‘au] → [tʂ‘au˥], 師 shī [ʃi] → [ʂï˥], 崇 chóng [dʒ‘juŋ] → [tʂ‘uŋ˧˥] 森 sēn [ʃjem] → [sən˥], 澀 sè [ʃjep] → [sɤ˥˩], 測 cè [tʃ‘jək] → [ts‘ɤ], 責 zé [tʃæk] → [tsɤ˧˥], 縮 suō [ʃjuk] → [suo˥]

204  From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese (11) All initials of the 章 zhāng group turned retroflex. 蒸 zhēng [tɕjəŋ] → [tʂəŋ˥], 綽 chuò [tɕ‘jɑk] → [tʂ‘uo˥˩], 述 shù [dʑ‘juet]3 → [ʂu˥˩], 扇 shàn [ɕjæn°] → [ʂan˥˩], 十 shí [ʑjep] → [ʂï˧˥] (12) Velar initials remain velar with ‘broad’ finals and are palatalised with ‘narrow’ finals (the change of initial 疑 yí has been accounted for in (3)). 根 gēn [kən] → [kən˥] : 斤 jīn [kjən] → [tɕin˥] 匡 kuāng [k‘juɑŋ] → [k‘uaŋ˥] : 羌 qiāng [k‘jɑŋ] → [tɕ‘iaŋ˥] 櫃 guì [g‘juei°] → [kuei˥˩] : 忌 jì [g‘i°] → [tɕi˥˩] 好 hǎo [°xɑu] → [xau˧˩˥] : 孝 xiào [xau°] → [ɕiau˥˩] 汗 hàn [ɣɑn°] → [xan˥˩] : 現 xiàn [ɣiɛn°]4 → [ɕian˥˩] (13) Initials 影 yǐng and 喻三 yù3 disappeared; 喻四 yù4 remains a zero initial. 安 ān [ʔɑn] → [an˥], 彎 wān [ʔun] → [uan˥], 淵 yuān [ʔiuɛn] → [yan˥], 焉 yān [ʔjɐn] → [ian˥] 遠 yuǎn [°ɣjuən] → [yan˧˩˥], 矣 yǐ [°ɣji] → [i˧˩˥] 淫 yín [jem] → [in˧˥], 用 yòng [juoŋ°] → [yuŋ˥˩] §9.4 The evolution of finals is presented in Tables 9.2 and 9.3. §9.5 From Tables 9.2 and 9.3, we can see the evolution of finals from Middle Chinese to Modern Standard Mandarin. (1) The consonantal coda of rù tone rhymes disappeared altogether. 合 hé [ɣap] → [xɤ˧˥], 立 lì [ljep] → [li˥˩], 舌 shé [dʑ‘jæt] → [ʂɤ˧˥], 骨 gǔ [kuət] → [ku˧˩˥], 駁 bó [pɔk] → [puo˧˥], 各 gè [kɑk] → [kɤ˥˩], 刻 kè [k‘ək] → [k‘ɤ˥˩], 白 bái [b‘ɐk] → [pai˧˥], 毒 dú [d‘uok] → [tu˧˥] (2) The nasal coda of yángshēng rhymes: 山 shān and 臻 zhēn rhyme groups retain their coda [n]; 曾 zēng, 梗 gěng, 通 tōng, 宕 dàng and 江 jiāng groups retain their coda [ŋ]; the coda [m] of 深 shēn and 咸 xián groups evolved into [n]. 干 gān [kɑn] → [kan˥], 根 gēn [kən] → [kən˥] 登 dēng [təŋ] → [təŋ˥], 庚 gēng [kɐŋ] → [kəŋ˥], 公 gōng [kuŋ] → [kuŋ˥], 江 jiāng [kɔŋ] → [tɕiaŋ˥], 剛 gāng [kɑŋ] → [kaŋ˥] 今 jīn [kjem] → [tɕin˥], 甘 gān [kam] → [kan˥] (3) The distinction between ‘open’ and ‘closed’ is mostly retained. There are only some minor changes: (a) Syllables of the first-grade ‘open’ rhyme (歌 gē) of the 果 guǒ rhyme group with dental initials evolved into ‘closed’ syllables, mingled with the first-grade ‘closed’ rhyme (戈 gē).

多 duō [tɑ] → [tuo˥] (朵 duǒ [°tuɑ] → [tuo˧˩˥])

Table 9.2  Evolution of ‘Open’ Finals ‘Openness’

‘Open’

Grade

1st grade

Initial Rhyme group

幫 bāng

yīn

端 精 見 duān jīng jiàn [uo]

果 guǒ

2nd grade

影 yǐng

幫 bāng

知 zhī

莊 見 zhuāng jiàn

影 yǐng

幫 端 bāng duān

[ia]

[ai]

[ie], [ai], [ia]1

[au]

[iau] [au]2

yáng

咸 xián

[an]

山 shān

[an]

影 yǐng

[an] [an]

[u]

[ie] [y] [i]

[i]

[iau] [iau] [iou]

流 liú

[ɤ]

[i] [i] [ei]

止 zhǐ [au]

章 見 zhāng jiàn

[ï]

[i] [au]

[iau] [iou]

3

[ian]

[ian]

[an]

[ian]

[ian]

[ian]

[an]

[ian] (Continued)

From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese 205

[ai]

知 zhī

[ie] [y]

蟹 xiè

莊 zhuāng

[ia] [ie]

(遇) (yù)

效 xiào

精 jīng

[ɤ] [a]

假 jiǎ

3rd and 4th grades

‘Openness’

‘Open’

Grade

1st grade

Initial Rhyme group 宕 dàng

幫 bāng

2nd grade

端 精 見 duān jīng jiàn

影 yǐng

幫 bāng

知 zhī

3rd and 4th grades

莊 見 zhuāng jiàn

幫 端 bāng duān

[aŋ] [aŋ]

[uaŋ]

[uən]

[ən]

[əŋ] [əŋ]

知 zhī

[uaŋ]

[aŋ]

章 見 zhāng jiàn [iaŋ]

[in]

[ən]

[in]

[in]

[ən]

[in]

[iŋ]

梗 gěng

莊 zhuāng

[iaŋ]

深 shēn 臻 zhēn

精 jīng

[iaŋ]

江 jiāng

曾 zēng

影 yǐng

[əŋ] [iŋ]

?4

[əŋ]

[iŋ]

[əŋ]

[iŋ]

[ɤ]

[ie]

[ie]

[ɤ]

[ie]

[ye] [iau]

[uo] [au]

[ye] [iau]

[iŋ]

(通) (tōng) rù

咸 xián

[a]

[ɤ]

山 shān

[a]

[ɤ]

宕 dàng

‘Openness’

[uo] [au]

‘Open’

[ɤ]

[a] [a]

[ia] [ia]

[ie]

影 yǐng

206  From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese

Table 9.2 (Continued)

Grade

1st grade

Initial Rhyme group 江 jiāng

幫 bāng

端 精 見 duān jīng jiàn

2nd grade

影 yǐng

幫 bāng

知 zhī

[uo] [au]

[uo]

3rd and 4th grades

莊 見 zhuāng jiàn

影 yǐng

幫 端 bāng duān

莊 zhuāng

知 zhī

?5

[ï] [u]6

[ï] [ɤ]

[ï]

[i]

[i]

[ɤ] [ai]

[ï]

[i]

[ï]

[i]

[i] [ɤ]

曾 zēng 梗 gěng

[ei] [uo]

[i]

[ɤ] [ei] [ai] [uo]

[ɤ] [ai]

章 見 zhāng jiàn

影 yǐng

[ye] [iau]

深 shēn 臻 zhēn

精 jīng

[ɤ]

[i]

[i]

Notes 1 The final is [ai] with initials 溪 xī and 影 yǐng and [ie] with others. Some syllables of the 佳 jiā rhyme have the final [ia], mingled with the 假 jiǎ rhyme group. 2 [au] with the initial 影 yǐng; [iau] with other initials. 3 鏐 liú and 蟉 liú have the initial 來 lái. 蟉 liú is added later, and 鏐 liú is also seen in the 尤 yóu rhyme. 稵 jiū has the initial 精 jīng, also seen in the 之 zhī rhyme (zī). 犙 sān has the initial 生 shēng, also seen in the 覃 tán rhyme. These characters are not represented here. 4 There is only one character, 繒 zēng, in this slot, with the fǎnqiè pattern 疾陵切 jí líng qiè in the Guǎngyùn and modern pronunciation [tsəŋ˥]. The initial and tone are irregular, and the final is also problematic. 5 There is only one commonly used character, 澀 sè, now, pronounced [sɤ˥˩]. It is also seen in the 曾 zēng rhyme group. 6 [u] with the initial 日 rì, [ï] with others.

From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese 207

(通) (tōng)

Table 9.3 Evolution of ‘Closed’ Finals ‘Closed’

Grade

1st grade

Initial 幫 bāng Rhyme group yīn

yáng

果 guǒ 假 jiǎ 遇 yù 蟹 xiè 止 zhǐ (效) (xiào) 流 liú 咸 xián 山 shān 宕 dàng (江) (jiāng) (深) (shēn)

端 duān

[uo]

2nd grade

精 jīng

見 jiàn

影 幫 莊 見 yǐng bāng zhuāng jiàn

3rd and 4th grades

影 非 yǐng fēi1

端 duān2

精 jīng

莊 知 章 見 zhuāng zhī zhāng jiàn

[uo] [ɤ]

[ye] [ua]

[u] [ei]

[u] [uei] [ei]3

[uei] [uei] [uai]4

[uai] [ua]5

[ou][u] [ou] [au]

[an]

[uan]

[uan] [uaŋ]

[y]

[ei]

[u] [uei]

[ei] [uei]

[ei]

[ou] [u] [an]

[iou]

[an] [uan] [aŋ] [uaŋ]

[an] [uan]

[uei]

[y] [uei]

[uai]

[uei]

[ou]

[yan]

[iou]

[uan]

[yan] [uaŋ]

影 yǐng

 

‘Openness’

rù

[ən]

[uən]

[ən] [uən]

[uən]

[yn] [uən]

[uən]

[yn]

[uŋ] [uŋ] [əŋ]

[uŋ]

[əŋ]

[yuŋ] [iŋ] [uŋ] [yuŋ] [yuŋ]

[uŋ]

[a] [uo]

[u] [uo]

[ua]

[ye]

[uo]

[a] [ua] [u]

[u]

[u]

[y]

[uo]

[ye] [ye]

[uai]

[u]

[y]

[uo]

[y] [uo]

[u]

[u]

[u] [y]

[u]

[uo]

[u] [uo]

[y] [i] [y]

Notes 1 ‘Secondary opaque’ sonorant labial (i.e. nasal) of rhymes 尤 yóu, 東三 dōng3 and 屋三 wū3 is 明 míng, not 微 wēi. Syllables with the initial 微 wēi is ‘closed’ but ‘open’ with others. 2 Third-grade rhymes only co-occur with initials 泥 ní and 來 lái. 3 The final is [ei] with initials 泥 ní and 來 lái and [uei] with other initials. 4 Some characters of the 泰 tài rhyme have the final [uai]. 5 Some characters of the 佳 jiā and 夬 guài rhymes have the final [ua].

From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese 209

臻 zhēn 曾 zēng 梗 gěng 通 tōng 咸 xián 山 shān 宕 dàng (江) (jiāng) (深) (shēn) 臻 zhēn 曾 zēng 梗 gěng (通) (tōng)

210  From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese 羅 luó [lɑ] → [luo˧˥] (騾 luó [luɑ] → [luo˧˥]) 左 zuǒ [°tsɑ] → [tsuo˧˩˥] (坐 zuò [°dz‘uɑ] → [tsuo˥˩]) Some ‘closed’ syllables with velar initials changed into ‘open’ syllables. 戈 gē [kuɑ] → [kɤ˥] (鍋 guō [kuɑ] → [kuo˥]) 和 hé [ɣuɑ] → [xɤ˧˥] (禍 huò [°ɣuɑ] → [xuo˥˩]) (b) 陽 yáng rhyme with 莊 zhuāng group initials evolved from ‘open’ to ‘closed’. 莊 zhuāng [tʃjɑŋ] → [tʂuaŋ˥], 瘡 chuāng [tʃ‘jɑŋ] → [tʂ‘uaŋ˥], 牀 chuáng [dʒ‘jɑŋ]5 → [tʂ‘uaŋ˧˥], 霜 shuāng [ʃjɑŋ] → [ʂuaŋ˥] (c) ‘Closed’ syllables of 清 qīng and 青 qīng rhymes mostly evolved into ‘open’ syllables. 頃 qǐng [°k‘juɛŋ] → [tɕ‘iŋ˧˩˥], 營 yíng [juɛŋ] → [iŋ˧˥], 螢 yíng [ɣjueŋ] → [iŋ˧˥], 役 yì [juɛk] → [i˥˩] (d) Syllables of the first-grade ‘stretching’ rhyme (痕 hén) of the 臻 zhēn rhyme group with 端 duān group initials evolved into ‘closed’ syllables. 吞 tūn [t‘ən] → [t‘uən] (e) ‘Closed’ syllables of 蟹 xiè and 止 zhǐ rhyme groups with initials 泥 ní and 來 lái evolved into ‘open’ syllables. 內 nèi [nuai°] → [nei˥˩], 累 lèi [ljue°] → [lei˥˩], 嫩 nèn [nuən°] → [nən˥˩] As regards the change [jo] → [u] of the 魚 yú rhyme, [u][ju] → [ou][iou] of the 侯 hóu and 尤 yóu rhymes, and the change of ‘open’ finals in rù tone syllables of 江 jiāng and 宕 dàng rhyme groups into [uo], they reflect the evolution of main vowels rather than medials, although they do involve a change in the ‘openness’ of the syllables. (4) First-grade syllables all evolved into ‘broad’ syllables. 公 gōng [kuŋ] → [kuŋ˥], 姑 gū [kuo] → [ku˥], 該 gāi [kai] → [kai˥], 根 gēn [kən] → [kən˥], 干 gān [kɑn] → [kan˥], 高 gāo [kɑu] → [kau˥], 歌 gē [kɑ] → [kɤ˥], 剛 gāng [kɑŋ] → [kaŋ˥], 恒 héng [ɣəŋ]6 → [xəŋ˧˥], 鉤 gōu [ku] → [kou˥], 甘 gān [kam] → [kan˥] (5) Second-grade ‘closed’ syllables all evolved into ‘broad’ syllables, too. 快 kuài [k‘uai°] → [k‘uai˥˩], 關 guān [kuan] → [kuan˥], 瓜 guā [kua] → [kua˥], 宏 hóng [ɣuæŋ] → [xuŋ˧˥] A medial [i] emerged in ‘open’ syllables with ‘back tooth’ velar and ‘throat’ glottal initials and palatalised the initials. Other syllables do not have this medial [i]. 介 jiè [kɐi°] (→ [tɕiai]) → [tɕie˥˩], 懈 xiè [°ɣæi] (→ [ɕiai]) → [ɕie˥˩] : 買 mǎi [°mæi] → [mai˧˩˥], 奶 nǎi [°næi] → [nai˧˩˥], 債 zhài [tʃæi°] → [tʂai˥˩], 楷 kǎi [°k‘ɐi] → [k‘ai˧˩˥]

From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese 211 間 jiān [kæn] → [tɕian˥], 限 xiàn [°ɣæn] → [ɕian˥˩], 晏 yàn [ʔan°] → [ian˥˩] : 盼 pàn [p‘an°] → [p‘an˥˩], 刪 shān [ʃan] → [ʂan˥], 綻 zhàn [ȡ‘æn°] → [tʂan˥˩] 交 jiāo [kau] → [tɕiau˥], 孝 xiào [xau°] → [ɕiau˥˩] : 包 bāo [pau] → [pau˥], 巢cháo [dʒ‘au] → [tʂ‘au˧˥], 鬧 nào [nau°] → [nau˥˩], 坳 ào [ʔau°] → [au˥˩] 加 jiā [ka] → [tɕia˥], 霞 xiá [ɣa] → [ɕia˧˥], 鴉 yā [ʔa] → [ia˥] : 巴 bā [pa] → [pa˥], 查 chá [dʒ‘a] → [tʂ‘a˧˥], 拿 ná [na] → [na˧˥] 江 jiāng [kɔŋ] → [tɕiaŋ˥], 巷 xiàng [ɣɔŋ°] → [ɕiaŋ˥˩] : 邦 bāng [pɔŋ] → [paŋ˥], 窗 chuāng [tʃ‘ɔŋ] → [tʂ‘uaŋ˥] 杏 xìng [°ɣɐŋ] → [ɕiŋ˥˩] : 庚 gēng [kɐŋ] → [kəŋ˥], 亨 hēng [xɐŋ] → [xəŋ˥], 厄 è [ʔæk] → [ɤ˥˩], 爭 zhēng [tʃæŋ] → [tʂəŋ˥], 冷 lěng [°lɐŋ] → [ləŋ˧˩˥] 減 jiǎn [°kɐm] → [tɕian˧˩˥], 咸 xián [ɣɐm] → [ɕian˧˥], 鴨 yā [ʔap] → [ia˥] : 衫 shān [ʃam] → [ʂan˥] (6) The general tendencies in the evolution of third-grade rhyme are that the medial [j] was lost in syllables with palatal initials, that the medial [j] was also lost in syllables whose initials changed into ‘light lip’ labiodentals, and that [i] is retained in other syllables or conflated with [u] into [y]. (The rhyme groups 蟹 xiè, 止 zhǐ, 宕 dàng and 通 tōng have some special features, which will be accounted for respectively later.) 夫 fū [pjuo] → [fu˥], 豬 zhū [ȶjo] → [tʂu˥], 初 chū [tʃ‘io] → [tʂ‘u˥], 朱 zhū [tɕjuo] → [tʂu˥], 汝 rǔ [°ȵjo] → [ʐu˧˩˥] : 女 nü [°ȵjo] → [ny˧˩˥], 須 xū [sjuo] → [ɕy˥], 居 jū [kjo] → [tɕy˥], 虛 xū [xjo] → [ɕy˥], 雨 yǔ [°ɣju] → [y˧˩˥] 賓 bīn [pjen] → [pin˥], 鄰 lín [ljen] → [lin˧˥], 津 jīn [tsjen] → [tɕin˥], 緊 jǐn [°kjen] → [tɕin˧˩˥], 欣 xīn [xjen] → [ɕin˥], 因 yīn [ʔjen] → [in˥] : 珍 zhēn [ȶjen] → [tʂən˥], 臻 zhēn [tʃjen] → [tʂən˥], 真 zhēn [tɕjen] → [tʂən˥], 人 rén [ȵjen] → [ʐən˧˥] 分 fēn [p‘juən] → [fən˥], 椿 chūn [ȶ‘juen] → [tʂ‘uən˥],7 春 chūn [tɕ‘juən] → [tʂ‘uən˥] : 俊 jùn [tsjuen°] → [tɕyn˥˩], 均 jūn [kjuen] → [tɕyn˥], 訓 xùn [xjuən°]8 → [ɕyn˥˩], 雲 yún [ɣjuən] → [yn˧˥] 編 biān [pjæn] → [pian˥], 連 lián [ljæn] → [lian˧˥], 煎 jiān [tsjæn] → [tɕian˥], 建 jiàn [kjæn°] → [tɕian˥˩], 獻 xiàn [xjɐn°] → [ɕian˥˩], 演 yǎn [°jæn] → [ian˧˩˥] : 展 zhǎn [°ȶjæn] → [tʂan˧˩˥], 扇 shàn [ɕjæn°] → [ʂan˥˩], 熱 rè [ȵjæt] → [ʐɤ˥˩] 翻 fān [p‘juɐn] → [fan˥], 傳 chuán [ȡ‘juæn] → [tʂ‘uan˧˥], 專 zhuān [tɕjuæn] → [tʂuan˥], 軟 ruǎn [°ȵjuæn]9 → [ʐuan˧˩˥] : 宣 xuān [siuæn] → [ɕyan˥], 圈 quān [k‘juæn] → [tɕ‘yan˥], 暄 xuān [xjuɐn] → [ɕyan˥], 越 yuè [ɣjuɐt] → [ye˥˩] 標 biāo [pjæu] → [piau˥], 燎 liáo [ljæu] → [liau˧˥], 小 xiǎo [°sjæu] → [ɕiau˧˩˥], 驕 jiāo [kjæu] → [tɕiau˥], 囂 xiāo [xjæu] → [ɕiau˥], 妖 yāo [ʔjæu] → [iau˥] : 超 chāo [ȶ‘jæu] → [tʂ‘au˥], 招 zhāo [tɕjæu] → [tʂau˥], 饒 ráo [ȵjæu] → [ʐau˧˥] 姐 jiě [°tsja] → [tɕie˧˩˥], 野 yě [°ja] → [ie˧˩˥] : 車 chē [tɕ‘ja] → [tʂ‘ɤ˥], 惹 rě [°ȵja] → [ʐɤ˧˩˥], 靴 xuē [xjuɑ] → [ɕye˥] 餅 bǐng [°pjɛŋ] → [piŋ˧˩˥], 令 lìng [ljɛŋ°] → [liŋ˥˩], 清 qīng [ts‘jɛŋ] → [tɕ‘iŋ˥], 頸 jǐng [°kjɛŋ] → [tɕiŋ˧˩˥], 英 yīng [ʔjɐŋ] → [iŋ˥] : 鄭 zhèng [ȡ‘jɛŋ°] → [tʂəŋ˥˩], 省 shěng [°ʃjɐŋ] → [ʂəŋ˧˩˥˩], 正 zhèng [tɕjɛŋ°] → [tʂəŋ˥˩]

212  From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese 瓊 qióng [g‘juɛŋ] → [tɕ‘yuŋ˥], 兄 xiōng [xjuɐŋ] → [ɕyuŋ˥], 榮 róng [ɣjuɐŋ] → [ʐuŋ˧˥] (There is no ‘closed’ syllable with labial and palatal initials in the 梗 gěng rhyme group.) 冰 bīng [pjəŋ] → [piŋ˥], 凌 líng [ljəŋ] → [liŋ˧˥], 息 xī [sjək] → [ɕi˥˩],10 兢 jīng [kjəŋ] → [tɕiŋ˥], 興 xīng [xjəŋ]11 → [ɕiŋ˥], 應 yīng [ʔjəŋ] → [iŋ˥] : 徵 zhēng [ȶjəŋ] → [tʂəŋ˥], 側 cè [tʃjək] → [ts‘ɤ˥˩],12 升 shēng [ɕjəŋ] → [ʂəŋ˥], 域 yù [ɣjuək] → [y˥˩] (the only ‘closed’ syllable of the 曾 zēng rhyme group) 謬 miù [mjəu°] → [miou˥˩], 流 liú [lju] → [liou˧˥], 秋 qiū [ts‘ju] → [tɕ‘iou˥˩], 九 jiǔ [kju°] → [tɕiou˧˩˥], 休 xiū [xju] → [ɕiou˥], 由 yóu [ju] → [iou˧˥] : 抽 chōu [ȶ‘ju] → [tʂ‘ou˥], 愁 chóu [dʒ‘ju] → [tʂ‘ou˧˥], 手 shǒu [°ɕju] → [ʂou˧˩˥], 否 fǒu [°pju] → [fou˧˩˥] 貶 biǎn [°pjæm] → [pian˧˩˥], 廉 lián [ljæm] → [jian˧˥], 漸 jiàn [°dz‘jæm] → [tɕian˥˩], 鉗 qián [g‘jæm] → [tɕ‘ian˧˥], 險 xiǎn [°xjæm]13 → [ɕian˧˩˥], 厭 yàn [ɣjæm°]14 → [ian˥˩] : 沾 zhān [ȶjæm] → [tʂan˥], 陝 shǎn [°ɕjæm] → [ʂan˧˩˥], 凡 fán [b‘juɐm]15 → [fan˧˥] 禀 bǐng [pjem] → [pin˧˩˥],16 林 lín [ljem] → [lin˧˥], 侵 qīn [ts‘jem] → [tɕ‘in˥], 今 jīn [kjem] → [tɕin˥], 歆 xīn [xjem]17 → [ɕin˥], 音 yīn [ʔjem] → [in˥] : 砧 zhēn [ȶjem] → [tʂən˥], 甚 shèn [°ʑjem]18 → [ʂən˥˩] (7) ‘Open’ syllables of the 蟹 xiè and 宕 dàng rhyme groups follow the presented patterns of revolution. 蔽 bì [pjæi°] → [pi˥˩], 例 lì [ljæi°] → [li˥˩], 祭 jì [tsjæi°] → [tɕi˥˩], 藝 yì [ŋjæi°] → [i˥˩] : 滯 zhì [ȡ‘jæi°] → [tʂï˥˩], 世 shì [ɕjæi°] → [ʂï˥˩] 良 liáng [ljɑŋ] → [liaŋ˧˥], 將 jiāng [tsjɑŋ] → [tɕiaŋ˥], 姜 jīang [kjɑŋ] → [tɕiaŋ˥], 香 xiāng [xjɑŋ] → [ɕiaŋ˥], 央 yāng [ʔjɑŋ] → [iaŋ˥] : 張 zhāng [ȶjɑŋ] → [tʂaŋ˥], 莊 zhuāng [tʃjɑŋ] → [tʂuaŋ˥], 章 zhāng [tɕjɑŋ] → [tʂaŋ˥] ‘Closed’ syllables have no medial [i] at all. 肺 fèi [p‘juɐi°]19 → [fei˥˩], 歲 suì [sjuæi°] → [suei˥˩], 綴 zhuì [ȶjuæi°] → [tʂuei˥˩], 税 shuì [ɕjuæi°]20 → [ʂuei˥˩], 衛 wèi [ɣjuæi°] → [uei˥˩] 方 fāng [pjuɑŋ] → [faŋ˥], 狂 kuáng [g‘juɑŋ] → [k‘uaŋ˧˥], 謊 huǎng [°xjuɑŋ] → [xuaŋ˧˩˥], 王 wáng [ɣjuɑŋ] → [uaŋ˧˥] The 止 zhǐ rhyme group is different from 蟹 xiè and 宕 dàng in that ‘open’ syllables with 精 jīng group initials also do not have the medial [i]. 比 bǐ [°pjei]21 → [pi˧˩˥], 地 dì [d‘jei°] → [ti˥˩], 離 lí [lje] → [li˧˥], 其 qí [g‘i] → [tɕ‘i˧˥], 希 xī [xjəi] → [ɕi˥], 衣 yī [ʔjəi] → [i˥]: 字 zì [dz‘i°] → [tsï˥˩], 遲 chí [ȡ‘jei]22 → [tʂ‘ï˧˥], 史 shǐ [°ʃi] → [ʂï˧˩˥], 支 zhī [tɕje] → [tʂï˥], 耳 ěr [°ȵi]23 → [ï˧˩˥] 非 fēi [pjuəi] → [fei˥], 累 lèi [ljue°] → [lei˥˩], 醉 zuì [tsjuei°] → [tsuei˥˩], 揣 chuǎi [°tʃ‘jue] → [tʂ‘uai˧˩˥], 追 zhuī [ȶjuei]24 → [tʂuei˥], 歸 guī [kjuəi] → [kuei˥], 毀 huǐ [°xjue] → [xuei˧˩˥], 韋 wéi [ɣjuəi] → [uei˧˥] The rù tone syllables of the 通 tōng rhyme group have the medial [y] only with ‘back tooth’ velar and ‘throat’ glottal initials; there is no regular pattern with the initial 來 lái; there is no medial [y] in other syllables.

From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese 213 菊 jú [kjuk] → [tɕy˧˥], 旭 xù [xjuok] → [ɕy˥˩], 欲 yù [juok] → [y˥˩] : 福 fú [pjuk] → [fu˧˥], 足 zú [tsjuok] → [tsu˧˥], 縮 suō [ʃjuk] → [suo˥], 竹 zhú [ȶjuk] → [tʂu˧˥], 束 shù [ɕjuok] → [ʂu˥˩],25 辱 rǔ [ɕjuok] → [ʐu˧˩˥] : 綠 lǜ [ljuok] → [ly˥˩], 錄 lù [ljuok] → [lu˥˩] ‘Stretching’ syllables with ‘back tooth’ velar initials have the medial [y] only in the first and second grades; there is no medial [y] in other types of syllables. 窮 qióng [g‘juŋ] → [tɕ‘yuŋ˧˥], 顒 yóng [ŋjuoŋ] → [yuŋ˧˥], 弓 gōng [kjuŋ] → [kuŋ˥], 共 gòng [g‘juoŋ°] → [kuŋ˥˩], 恐 kǒng [°k‘juoŋ] → [k‘uŋ˧˩˥] The other syllables changed in the same pattern as did rù tone syllables. 隆 lóng [ljuŋ] → [luŋ˧˥], 風 fēng [pjuŋ] → [fəŋ˥], 從 cóng [dz‘juoŋ] → [ts‘uŋ˧˥], 中 zhōng [ȶjuŋ] → [tʂuŋ˥], 崇 chóng [dʒ‘juŋ] → [tʂ‘uŋ˧˥], 鍾 zhōng [tɕjuoŋ] → [tʂuŋ˥] : 胸 xiōng [xjuoŋ] → [ɕyuŋ˥], 融 róng [juŋ] → [yuŋ˧˥]26 (8) Fourth-grade rhymes generally have the medial [i] (‘open’) or [y] (‘closed’). Only syllables of the 蟹 xiè have some special properties, which will be accounted for later. 眠 mián [miɛn] → [mian˧˥], 天 tiān [t‘iɛn] → [t‘ian˥], 憐 lián [liɛn] → [lian˧˥], 千 qiān [ts‘iɛn] → [tɕ‘ian˥], 肩 jiān [kiɛn] → [tɕian˥], 顯 xiǎn [°xiɛn] → [ɕyan˧˩˥], 烟 yān [ʔiɛn] → [ian˥] 犬 quǎn [°k‘iuɛn] → [tɕ‘yan˧˩˥], 玄 xuán [ɣiuɛn] → [ɕyan˧˥], 淵 yuān [ʔiuɛn] → [yan˥] 弔 diào [tiɛu°] → [tiau˥˩], 料 liào [liɛu°] → [liau˥˩], 蕭 xiāo [siɛu] → [ɕiau˥], 叫 jiào [kiɛu°] → [tɕiau˥˩], 曉 xiǎo [°xiɛu] → [ɕiau˧˩˥], 幺 yāo [ʔiɛu] → [iau˥] 瓶 píng [b‘ieŋ] → [p‘iŋ˧˥], 丁 dīng [tieŋ] → [tiŋ˥], 星 xīng [sieŋ] → [ɕiŋ˥], 經 jīng [kieŋ] → [tɕiŋ˥], 形 xíng [ɣieŋ] → [ɕiŋ˧˥] 扃 jiōng [kiueŋ] → [tɕyuŋ˥]27 點 diǎn [°tiɛm] → [tian˧˩˥], 僭 jiàn [tsiɛm°] → [tɕian˥˩], 兼 jiān [kiɛm] → [tɕian˥], 嫌 xián [ɣiɛm] → [ɕian˧˥] (9) ‘Open’ syllables of the 蟹 xiè rhyme group also all have the medial [i]. 迷 mí [miɛi] → [mi˧˥], 低 dī [tiɛi] → [ti˥], 禮 lǐ [°liɛi] → [li˧˩˥], 妻 qī [ts‘iɛi] → [tɕ‘i˥], 雞 jī [kiɛi] → [tɕi˥], 系 xì [ɣiɛi°] → [ɕi˥˩], 縊 yì [ʔiɛi°] → [i˥˩] 桂 guì [kiuɛi°] → [kuei˥˩], 惠 huì [ɣiuɛi°] → [xuei˥˩] (10) The vowel of the ‘stretching’ syllables of the 通 tōng rhyme group evolved into [ə] with labial initials and [u] with the others, first and third grades alike. 蓬 péng [b‘uŋ] → [p‘əŋ˧˥] : 東 dōng [tuŋ] → [tuŋ˥], 宗 zōng [tsuoŋ] → [tsuŋ˥], 公 gōng [kuŋ] → [kuŋ˥] 封 fēng [pjuoŋ] → [fəŋ˥] : 隆 lóng [ljuŋ] → [luŋ˧˥], 嵩 sōng [sjuŋ] → [suŋ˥], 重 chóng [ȡ‘juoŋ] → [tʂ‘uŋ˧˥], 終 zhōng [tɕjuŋ] → [tʂuŋ˥], 恭 gōng [kjuoŋ] → [kuŋ˥], 兇 xiōng [xjuoŋ] → [ɕyuŋ˥], 融 róng [juŋ] → [yuŋ˧˥] As for the rù tone, the vowel evolved into [y] in third-grade syllables with ‘back tooth’ velar and ‘throat’ glottal initials, [u] with the rest generally.

214  From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese 曲 qǔ [k‘juok] → [tɕ‘y˧˩˥], 畜 xù [xjuok] → [ɕy˥˩], 郁 yù [ʔjuk] → [y˥˩] : 撲 pū [p‘uk] → [p‘u˥], 毒 dú [d‘uok] → [tu˧˥], 哭 kū [k‘uk] → [k‘u˥], 服 fú [b‘juk] → [fu˧˥], 足 zú [tsjuok] → [tsu˧˥], 逐 zhú [ȡ‘juk] → [tʂu˧˥], 蜀 shǔ [ʑjuok] → [ʂu˧˩˥] (11) The final of ‘open’ syllables of the 止 zhǐ rhyme group evolved into [ï] with 精 jīng, 知 zhī, 莊 zhuāng and 章 zhāng groups of initials and [i] with the others. 私 sī [sjei] → [sï˥], 士 shì [°dʒ‘i] → [ʂï˥˩], 知 zhī [ȶje] → [tʂï˥], 支 zhī [tɕje] → [tʂï˥], 二 èr [ȵjei°]28 → [ï˥˩] 比 bǐ [°pjei] → [pi˧˩˥], 離 lí [lje] → [li˧˥], 基 jī [ki] → [tɕi˥], 希 xī [xjəi] → [ɕi˥], 已 yǐ [°ɣji] → [i˧˩˥] Some syllables with labial initials have the vowel [ei]. 卑 bēi [pje] → [pei˥], 美 měi [°mjĕi] → [mei˧˩˥] All ‘closed’ syllables have the vowel [ei], except for [ai] with 莊 zhuāng group initials. 肥 féi [b‘juəi] → [fei˧˥], 累 lèi [ljue°] → [lei˥˩], 雖 suī [sjuei] → [suei˥], 追 zhuī [ȶjuei]29 → [tʂuei˥], 吹 chuī [tɕ‘juei] → [tʂ‘uei˥], 鬼 guǐ [°kjuəi] → [kuei˧˩˥], 麾 huī [xjuĕ] → [xuei˥], 威 wēi [ʔjuə] → [iuei˥]30: 揣 chuǎi [°tʃ‘jue] → [tʂ‘uai˧˩˥], 帥 shuài [ʃjuei°]31 → [ʂ‘uai˥˩] (12) The vowel of all first-grade syllables of the 遇 yù rhyme group is [u]. 普 pǔ [°p‘uo] → [p‘u˧˩˥], 杜 dù [°d‘uo] → [tu˥˩], 素 sù [suo°] → [su˥˩], 五 wǔ [°ŋuo] → [u˧˩˥], 虎 hǔ [°xuo] → [xu˧˩˥], 烏 wū [ʔuo] → [u˥] The vowel of third-grade syllables evolved into [u] with 知 zhī, 莊 zhuāng and 章 zhāng groups of initials and [y] with the others. 無 wú [mjuo] → [u˧˥], 助 zhù [dʒ‘jo°] → [tʂu˥˩], 誅 zhū [ȶjuo] → [tʂu˥], 庶 shù [ɕjo°] → [ʂu˥˩], 如 rú [ȵjo] → [ʐu˧˥] : 呂 lǚ [°ljo] → [ly˧˩˥], 須 xū [sjuo] → [ɕy˥], 句 jù [kjuo°] → [tɕy˥˩], 許 xǔ [°xjo] → [ɕy˧˩˥], 與 yǔ [°jo] → [y˧˩˥] (13) First-grade ‘open’ syllables of the 蟹 xiè rhyme group have the final [ai]. 待 dài [°d‘ai] → [tai˥˩], 賴 lài [lɑi°] → [lai˥˩],32 菜 cài [ts‘ai°] → [ts‘ai˥˩], 丐 gài [kai°] → [kai˥˩], 孩 hái [ɣai] → [xai˧˥], 愛 ài [ʔai°] → [ai˥˩] ‘Closed’ syllables have the final [ei]. 配 pèi [p‘uai°] → [p‘ei˥˩], 兑 duì [d‘uai°] → [tuei˥˩], 內 nèi [nuai°] → [nei˥˩], 最 zuì [tsuai°] → [tsuei˥˩], 桅 wéi [ŋuai] → [uei˧˥], 會 huì [ɣuai°] → [xuei˥˩], 煨 wēi [ʔuai°] → [uei˥] For second-grade rhymes, the final evolved into [ie]33 in ‘open’ syllables with velar initials and [ai] with the others; some syllables have the main vowel [a] as exceptional cases. 牌 pái [b‘æi] → [p‘ai˧˥], 奶 nǎi [°næi] → [nai˧˩˥], 齋 zhāi [tʃæi] → [tʂai˥], 蠆 chài [ȶ‘ai°] → [tʂ‘ai˥˩], 挨 āi [ʔɐi] → [ai˥] 皆 jiē [kɐi] → [tɕie˥], 鞋 xié [ɣæi] → [ɕie˧˥]

From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese 215 快 kuài [k‘uai°] → [k‘uai˥˩], 懷 huái [ɣuɐi] → [xuai˧˥] 掛 guà [kuæi°] → [kua˥˩], 話 huà [ɣuai°] → [xua˥˩], 佳 jiā [kæi] → [tɕia˥] The final of third- and fourth-grade ‘open’ syllables is [ï] with 知 zhī and 章 zhāng groups of initials and [i] with the others; it is [ei] in ‘closed’ syllables. 滯 zhì [ȡ‘jæi°] → [tʂï˥˩], 世 shì [ɕjæi°] → [ʂï˥˩] 敝 bì [b‘jæi°] → [pi˥˩], 例 lì [ljæi°] → [li˥˩], 祭 jì [tsjæi°] → [tɕi˥˩], 刈 yì [ŋjɐi°] → [i˥˩] 迷 mí [miɛi] → [mi˧˥], 帝 dì [tiɛi°] → [ti˥˩], 妻 qī [ts‘iɛi] → [tɕ‘i˥], 啟 qǐ [°k‘iɛi] → [tɕ‘i˧˩˥], 系 xì [ɣiɛi°] → [ɕi˥˩], 縊 yì [ʔiɛi°] → [i˥˩] 肺 fèi [p‘juɐi°] → [fei˥˩], 歲 suì [sjuæi°] → [suei˥˩], 税 shuì [ɕjuæi°]34 → [ʂuei˥˩], 衛 wèi [ɣjuæi°] → [uei˥˩], 桂 guì [kiuɛi°] → [kuei˥˩], 惠 huì [ɣiuɛi°] → [xuei˥˩] (14) The main vowel of ‘stretching’ rhymes of the 臻 zhēn rhyme group is [ə] in first-grade syllables. It is [ə] in third-grade syllables with 非 fēi, 莊 zhuāng, 知 zhī and 章 zhāng groups of initials and [i] (‘open’) and [y] (‘closed’) with other initials. 墾 kěn [°k‘ən] → [k‘ən˧˩˥], 痕 hén [ɣən] → [xən˧˥], 恩 ēn [ʔən] → [ən˥], 吞 tūn [t‘ən] → [t‘uən] 本 běn [°puən] → [pən˧˩˥], 頓 dùn [tuən°] → [tuən˥˩], 寸 cùn [ts‘uən°] → [ts‘uən˥˩], 坤 kūn [k‘uən] → [k‘uən˥], 穩 wěn [°ʔuən] → [uən˧˩˥] 賓 bīn [pjen] → [pin˥], 鄰 lín [ljen] → [lin˧˥], 新 xīn [sjen] → [ɕin˥], 巾 jīn [kjĕn] → [tɕin˥], 欣 xīn [xjen] → [ɕin˥], 殷 yīn [ʔjən] → [in˥] : 珍 zhēn [ȶjen] → [tʂən˥], 襯 chèn [tʃ‘jen°] → [tʂ‘ən˥˩], 身 shēn [ɕjen] → [ʂən˥], 認 rèn [ȵjen°] → [ʐən˥˩] 俊 jùn [tsjuen°] → [tɕyn˥˩], 君 jūn [kjuən] → [tɕyn˥], 勳 xūn [xjuən] → [ɕyn˥], 允 yǔn [°juen] → [yn˧˩˥] : 分 fēn [p‘juən] → [fən˥], 準 zhǔn [tɕjuen] → [tʂuən˧˩˥], 椿 chūn [ȶ‘juen] → [tʂ‘uən˥], 潤 rùn [ȵjuen°] → [ʐuən˥˩] First-grade ‘open’ syllables in the rù tone has the vowel [ɤ], and third-grade syllables evolved in the same manner as the 蟹 xiè rhyme group; ‘closed’ syllables in the rù tone evolved the same way as the 遇 yù rhyme group, except that syllables with 莊 zhuāng group initials have the main vowel [ai]. 紇 hé [ɣət] → [xɤ˥˩]35 筆 bǐ [pjĕt] → [pi˧˩˥], 栗 lì [ljet] → [li˥˩], 七 qī [ts‘jet] → [tɕ‘i˥], 乞 qǐ [k‘jət] → [tɕ‘i˥˩],36 乙 yǐ [ʔjět] → [i˧˩˥]: 櫛 zhì [tʃjet] → [tʂï˧˥],37 姪 zhí [ȡ‘jet] → [tʂï˧˥], 失 shī [ɕjet] → [ʂï˥˩],38 日 rì [ȵjet] → [ʐï˥˩] 沒 mò [muət] → [mu˥˩]39, 突 tū [d‘uət] → [t‘u˥˩],40 卒 zú [tsuət] → [tsu˧˥], 骨 gǔ [kuət] → [ku˧˩˥], 忽 hū [xuət] → [xu˥] 律 lǜ [ljuet] → [ly˥˩], 戌 xū [sjuet] → [ɕy˥˩],41 橘 jú [kjuet] → [tɕy˧˥], 鬱 yù [ʔjuət] → [y˥˩] : 物 wù [mjuət] → [u˥˩], 出 chū [tɕ‘juet] → [tʂ‘u˥] : 蟀 shuài [ʃjuet] → [ʂuai˥˩]

216  From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese (15) The 深 shēn rhyme group evolved in the same manner as third-grade syllables of the 臻 zhēn group. 品 pǐn [° p‘jem] → [p‘in˧˩˥], 林 lín [ljem] → [lin˧˥], 心 xīn [sjem] → [ɕin˥], 金 jīn [kjem] → [tɕin˥], 音 yīn [ʔjem] → [in˥] : 沉 chén [ȡ‘jem] → [tʂ‘ən˧˥], 森 sēn [ʃjem] → [sən˥], 甚 shèn [°ʑjem] → [ʂən˥˩] 立 lì [ljep] → [li˥˩], 習 xí [zjep] → [ɕi˧˥], 及 jí [g‘jəp] → [tɕi˧˥], 吸 xī [xjep]42 → [ɕi˥] : 蟄 zhé [ȡ‘jəp] → [tʂï˧˥],43 十 shí [ʑjep] → [ʂï˧˥] (16) The finals of rhyme groups 山 shān and 咸 xián have merged completely. The main vowel in ‘stretching’ syllables of all four grades is [a], ‘open’ and ‘closed’ syllables alike. 耽 dān [tam] → [tan˥], 三 sān [sam] → [san˥], 感 gǎn [°kam] → [kan˧˩˥], 邯 hán [ɣɑm] → [xan˧˥], 斬 zhǎn [°tʃɐm]44 → [tʂan˧˩˥], 監 jiān [kam] → [tɕian˥], 陷 xiàn [ɣɐm°] → [ɕian˥˩] 貶 biǎn [°pjæm] → [pian˧˩˥], 漸 jiàn [°dz‘jæm] → [tɕian˥˩], 沾 zhān [ȶjæm] → [tʂan˥], 欠 qiàn [k‘jɐm] → [tɕ‘ian˥˩], 凡 fán [b‘juɐm] → [fan˧˥] 甜 tián [d‘iɛm] → [t‘ian˧˥], 嫌 xián [ɣiɛm] → [ɕian˧˥] 丹 dān [tan] → [tan˥], 散 sàn [san°] → [san˥˩], 漢 hàn [xan°] → [xan˥˩], 半 bàn [puan°] → [pan˥˩], 段 duàn [d‘uan°] → [tuan˥˩], 算 suàn [suɑn°] → [suan˥˩], 款 kuǎn [°k‘uɑn] → [k‘uan˧˩˥] 板 bǎn [°puan] → [pan˧˩˥], 棧 zhàn [°dz‘æn] → [tʂan˥˩], 諫 jiàn [kan°] → [tɕian˥˩], 閑 xián [ɣæn] → [ɕian˧˥] 閂 shuān [ʃuan] → [ʂuan˥], 幻 huàn [ɣuæn°] → [xuan˥˩] 免 miǎn [°mjæ̆n] → [mian˧˩˥], 淺 qiǎn [°ts‘jæn] → [tɕ‘ian˧˩˥], 展 zhǎn [°ȶjæn] → [tʂan˧˩˥], 然 rán [ȵjæn] → [ʐan˧˥], 建 jiàn [kjæn°] → [tɕian˥˩] 反 fǎn [°pjuɐn] → [fan˧˩˥], 旋 xuán [zjuæn] → [ɕyan˧˥], 川 chuān [tɕ‘juæn] → [tʂ‘uan˥], 倦 juàn [g‘juæ̆n°]45 → [tɕyan˥˩], 元 yuán [ŋjuɐn] → [yan˧˥] 片 piàn [p‘iɛn°] → [p‘ian˥˩], 電 diàn [d‘iɛn°] → [tian˥˩], 千 qiān [ts‘iɛn] → [tɕ‘ian˥], 見 jiàn [kiɛn°] → [tɕian˥˩] 犬 quǎn [°k‘iuɛn] → [tɕ‘yan˧˩˥], 淵 yuān [ʔiuɛn] → [yan˥] The final of first-grade ‘open’ syllables of the rù tone is [a] with dental initials and [ɤ] with velar and glottal initials; it is [uo] in ‘closed’ syllables. 塔 tǎ [t‘ɑp] → [t‘a˧˩˥], 雜 zá [dz‘ap] → [tsa˧˥]: 鴿 gē [kap] → [kɤ˥], 盍 hé [ɣɑp] → [xɤ˧˥] 達 dá [d‘ɑt] → [ta˧˥], 撒 sā [sɑt] → [sa˥]: 渴 kě [k‘ɑt] → [k‘ɤ˧˩˥], 遏 è [ʔɑt] → [ɤ˥˩] 潑 pō [p‘uɑt] → [p‘uo˥], 奪 duó [d‘uɑt] → [tuo˧˥], 闊 kuò [k‘uɑt] → [k‘uo˥˩], 斡 wò [ʔuɑt] → [uo˥˩] The main vowel of second-grade syllables is all [a], ‘open’ and ‘closed’ alike (same evolution as the 假 jiǎ rhyme group). 劄 zhā [ȶap] → [tʂa˥], 甲 jiǎ [kap] → [tɕia˧˩˥], 狹 xiá [ɣɐp] → [ɕia˧˥],鴨 yā [ʔap] → [ia˥] 殺 shā [ʂæt] → [ʂa˥], 瞎 xiā [xat] → [ɕia˥] 刷 shuā [ʃuat] → [ʂua˥], 刮 guā [kuat] → [kua˥], 滑 huá [ɣuæ̆t] → [xua˧˥]

From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese 217 The final of third- and fourth-grade rhymes with 知 zhī and 章 zhāng groups of initials are [ɤ] and [uo], respectively, for ‘open’ and ‘closed’ syllables. The main vowel is [a] with 非 fēi group initials and [e] with the others (same as the 假 jiǎ rhyme group). 獵 liè [ljæp]46 → [lie˥˩], 妾 qiè [ts‘jæp] → [tɕ‘ie˥˩], 刦 jié [kjɐp] → [tɕie˧˥], 脅 xié [ɣjɐp] → [ɕie˧˥], 葉 yè [jæp] → [ie˥˩] : 法 fǎ [pjuɐp] → [fa˧˩˥] : 輒 zhé [ȶjæp] → [tʂɤ˥˩],47 涉 shè [ʑjæp] → [ʂɤ˥˩] 別 bié [b‘jæ̆p] → [pie˧˥], 列 liè [ljæt] → [lie˥˩], 泄 xiè [sjæt] → [ɕie˥˩], 傑 jié [g‘jæ̆t] → [tɕie˧˥], 歇 xiē [xjɐt] → [ɕie˥]: 哲 zhé [ȶjæt] → [tʂɤ˧˥], 舌 shé [dʑ‘jæt] → [ʂɤ˧˥] 髮 fà [pjuɐt] → [fa˧˩˥]48: 劣 liè [ljuæt] → [lie˥˩], 雪 xuě [sjuæt] → [ɕye˧˩˥], 月 yuè [ŋjuɐt] → [ye˥˩] : 輟 chuò [ȶjuæt] → [tʂuo˥],49 説 shuō [ɕjuæt] → [ʂuo˥] 篾 miè [miɛt] → [mie˥˩], 鐵 tiě [t‘iɛt] → [t‘ie˧˩˥], 切 qiē [ts‘iɛt] → [tɕ‘ie˥], 結 jié [kiɛt] → [tɕie˧˥] 決 jué [kiuɛt] → [tɕye˧˥], 穴 xué [ɣiuɛt] → [ɕye˥˩]50 (17) The main vowel of the 效 xiào rhyme group is all [au], all grades alike. 保 bǎo [°pɑu] → [pau˧˩˥], 刀 dāo [tɑu]51 → [tau˥], 早 zǎo [°tsɑu] → [tsau˧˩˥], 考 kǎo [°k‘ɑu] → [k‘au˧˩˥] 飽 bǎo [°pau] → [pau˧˩˥], 爪 zhǎo [°tʃau] → [tʂau˧˩˥], 交 jiāo [kau] → [tɕiau˥] 票 piào [p‘jæu°] → [p‘iau˥˩], 小 xiǎo [°sjæu] → [ɕiau˧˩˥], 兆 zhào [°ȡ‘jæu] → [tʂau˥˩], 轎 jiào [g‘jæ̆u°] → [tɕiau˥˩] 銚 diào [d‘iɛu°] → [tiau˥˩],52 蕭 xiāo [siɛu] → [ɕiau˥], 堯 yáo [ŋiɛu] → [iau˧˥] (18) The final of first-grade ‘open’ syllables of the 果 guǒ rhyme group is [uo] with dential initials and [ɤ] with velar and glottal initials. It evolved as [uo] in all ‘closed’ syllables. 舵 duò [d‘ɑ°] → [tuo˥˩], 羅 luó [lɑ] → [luo˧˥], 左 zuǒ [°tsɑ] → [tsuo˧˩˥] : 哥 gē [kɑ] → [kɤ˥], 河 hé [ɣɑ] → [xɤ˧˥] 婆 pó [b‘uɑ] → [p‘uo˧˥], 妥 tuǒ [°t‘uɑ] → [t‘uo˧˩˥], 騾 luó [luɑ] → [luo˧˥], 坐 zuò [°dz‘uɑ] → [tsuo˥˩], 禍 huò [°ɣuɑ] → [xuo˥˩], 過 guò [kuɑ°] → [kuo˥˩] In some exceptional cases velar and glottal initials can take the vowel [ɤ]. 科 kē [k‘uɑ]53 → [k‘ɤ˥], 和 hé [ɣuɑ] → [xɤ˧˥] (see (3) in this section) The ‘third-grade’ main vowel is [a] or [e] in ‘open’ syllables and [e] in ‘closed’ syllables. 伽 qié [g‘jɑ] → [tɕ‘ie˧˥], 迦 jiā [kjɑ] → [tɕia˥] 靴 xuē [xjuɑ] → [ɕye˥] (19) The main vowel of second-grade syllables of the 假 jiǎ rhyme group is all [a]. 巴 bā [pa] → [pa˥], 茶 chá [d‘a] → [tʂ‘a˧˥], 牙 yá [ŋa] → [ia˧˥] 抓 zhuā [tʃua] → [tʂua˥], 瓜 guā [kua] → [kua˥], 華 huá [ɣua] → [xua˧˥] The main vowel of third-grade syllables is [ɤ] with 知 zhī and 章 zhāng groups of initials and [e] with the others.

218  From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese 謝 xiè [zja°] → [ɕie˥˩], 野 yě [°ja] → [ie˧˩˥] : 蛇 shé [dʑ‘ja] → [ʂɤ˧˥], 惹 rě [°ȵja] → [ʐɤ˧˩˥] (20) The 宕 dàng and 江 jiāng rhyme groups have completed merged, with a main vowel [a] for all ‘stretching’ syllables. 忙 máng [mɑŋ] → [maŋ˧˥], 當 dāng [tɑŋ] → [taŋ˥], 桑 sāng [sɑŋ] → [saŋ˥], 康 kāng [k‘ɑŋ] → [k‘aŋ˥] 光 guāng [kuɑŋ] → [kuaŋ˥], 汪 wāng [ʔuɑŋ] → [uaŋ˥] 邦 bāng [pɔŋ] → [paŋ˥], 樁 zhuāng [ȶɔŋ] → [tʂuaŋ˥], 雙 shuāng [ʃɔŋ] → [ʂuaŋ˥], 江 jiāng [kɔŋ] → [tɕiaŋ˥] 良 liáng [ljɑŋ] → [liaŋ˧˥], 將 jiāng [tsjɑŋ] → [tɕiaŋ˥], 張 zhāng [ȶjɑŋ] → [tʂaŋ˥], 莊 zhuāng [tʃjɑŋ] → [tʂuaŋ˥], 常 cháng [ʑjɑŋ] → [tʂ‘aŋ˧˥], 強 qiáng [g‘jɑŋ] → [tɕ‘iaŋ˧˥] 方 fāng [pjuɑŋ] → [faŋ˥], 狂 kuáng [g‘juɑŋ] → [k‘uaŋ˧˥], 王 wáng [ɣjuɑŋ] → [uaŋ˧˥] As regards the rù tone, first-grade syllables evolved like the 果 guǒ group. 博 bó [puɑk] → [puo˧˥], 託 tuō [t‘ɑk] → [t‘uo˥], 作 zuò [tsɑk] → [tsuo˧˥]54 : 各 gè [kɑk] → [kɤ˥˩], 鶴 hè [ɣɑk] → [xɤ˥˩] 郭 guō [kuɑk] → [kuo˥], 霍 huò [xuɑk] → [xuo˥]55 The final is [uo] for second- and third-grade syllables with labial initials. With other initials the finals evolved in the same way as third-grade ‘closed’ rù tone syllables of the 山 shān group. 剝 bō [pɔk] → [puo˧˥],56 桌 zhuō [ȶɔk] → [tʂuo˥], 捉 zhuō [tʃɔk] → [tʂuo˥], 覺 jué [kɔk] → [tɕye˧˥], 學 xué [ɣɔk] → [ɕye˧˥] 略 lüè [ljɑk] → [lye˥˩], 爵 jué [tsjɑk] → [tɕye˧˥], 酌 zhuó [tɕjɑk] → [tʂuo˧˥], 若 ruò [ȵjɑk] → [ʐuo˥˩], 却 què [k‘jɑk] → [tɕ‘ye˥˩], 約 yuē [ʔjɑk] → [ye˥˩]57 縛 fù [b‘juak] → [fuo˥˩]58 Some characters are pronounced in colloquial speech with the vowel [au]. 薄 báo [b‘uɑk] → [pau˧˥], 角 jiǎo [kɔk] → [tɕiau˧˩˥], 腳 jiǎo [kjɑk] → [tɕiau˧˩˥] (21) The 曾 zēng and 梗 gěng rhyme groups have completed merged, with a main vowel [ə] in ‘open’ and [u] in ‘closed’ syllables for first-grade ‘stretching’ rhyme (登 dēng). 崩 bēng [pəŋ]59 → [pəŋ˥], 等 děng [°təŋ] → [təŋ˧˩˥], 增 zēng [tsəŋ] → [tsəŋ˥], 恒 héng [ɣəŋ] → [xəŋ˧˥] 弘 hóng [ɣuəŋ] → [xuŋ˧˥] For second-grade rhymes (庚 gēng and 耕 gēng), the main vowel is [i] in some ‘open’ syllables with velar and glottal initials (palatalised) and [e] with the other initials. In ‘closed’ syllables the main vowel is [u]. 孟 mèng [mɐŋ°] → [məŋ˥˩], 冷 lěng [°lɐŋ] → [ləŋ˧˩˥], 爭 zhēng [tʃæŋ] → [tʂəŋ˥], 耕 gēng [kæŋ] → [kəŋ˥], 衡 héng [ɣɐŋ] → [xəŋ˧˥] : 行 xíng [ɣɐŋ] → [ɕiŋ˧˥], 鸚 yīng [ʔæŋ] → [iŋ˥] 轟 hōng [xuæŋ] → [xuŋ˥]

From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese 219 For third- and fourth-grade rhymes (清 qīng, 庚 gēng, 蒸 zhēng and 青 qīng), the main vowel is [ə] with 知 zhī, 莊 zhuāng and 章 zhāng groups of initials and [i] with the others. In ‘closed’ syllables the main vowel is [u]. 名 míng [mjɛŋ] → [miŋ˧˥], 陵 líng [ljəŋ] → [liŋ˧˥], 青 qīng [ts‘ieŋ] → [tɕ‘iŋ˥], 京 jīng [kiɐŋ] → [tɕiŋ˥] : 鄭 zhèng [ȡ‘jɛŋ°] → [tʂəŋ˥˩], 省 shěng [°ʃjɐŋ] → [ʂəŋ˧˩˥˩], 勝 shèng [ɕjəŋ°] → [ʂəŋ˥˩] 瓊 qióng [g‘juɛŋ] → [tɕ‘yuŋ˥], 兄 xiōng [xjuɐŋ] → [ɕyuŋ˥], 扃 jiōng [kiueŋ] → [tɕyuŋ˥] As regards the rù tone, the first-grade rhyme (德 dé) has the final [ɤ] or [ei] in ‘open’ syllables. 得 dé [tək] → [tɤ˧˥], 則 zé [tsək] → [tsɤ˧˥], 克 kè [k‘ək] → [k‘ɤ˥˩] : 北 běi [pək] → [pei˧˩˥], 賊 zéi [dz‘ək] → [tsei˧˥], 黑 hēi [xək] → [xei˥] The final is [uo] in ‘closed’ syllables. 國 guó [kuək] → [kuo˧˥], 或 huò [ɣuək] → [xuo˥˩] The second-grade rhymes (陌 mò and 麥 mài) have the final [ai] in ‘open’ syllables with labial initials and [ɤ] with the others. 白 bái [b‘ɐk] → [pai˧˥] : 摘 zhāi [ȶæk] → [tsɤ˧˥]60, 策 cè [tʃ‘æk] → [ts‘ɤ˥˩], 客 kè [k‘ɐk] → [k‘ɤ˥˩], 核 hé [ɣæk] → [xɤ˧˥] The final is [uo] in ‘closed’ syllables. 虢 guó [kuɐk] → [kuo˧˩˥],61 獲 huò [ɣuæk] → [xuo˥˩] Third- and fourth-grade ‘open’ syllables have the final [ɤ] with 莊 zhuāng group initials, [ï] with 知 zhī and 章 zhāng groups of initials, and [i] with the rest. In ‘closed’ syllables the final is [y]. 色 sè [ʃjək] → [sɤ˥˩] : 擲 zhì [ȡ‘jɛk] → [tʂï˧˥],62 識 shí [ɕjək] → [ʂï˥˩]63 : 碧 bì zhì [pjɛk] → [pi˥˩], 力 lì [ljək] → [li˥˩], 寂 jì [dz‘jek] → [tɕi˧˥],64 戟 jǐ [kjɐk] → [tɕi˥˩]65 域 yù [ɣjuək] → [y˥˩] (22) The main vowel of the 流 liú rhyme group is all [ou]. 某 mǒu [°mu] → [mou˧˩˥], 頭 tóu [d‘u] → [t‘ou˧˥], 奏 zòu [tsu°] → [tsou˥˩], 口 kǒu [°k‘u] → [k‘ou˧˩˥], 歐 ōu [ʔu] → [ou˥] 謀 móu [mju] → [mou˧˥], 流 liú [lju] → [liou˧˥], 袖 xiù [zju°] → [ɕiou˥˩], 抽 chōu [ȶ‘ju] → [tʂ‘ou˥], 瘦 shòu [ʃju°] → [ʂou˥˩], 壽 shòu [ʑju°] → [ʂou˥˩], 九 jiǔ [kju°] → [tɕiou˧˩˥], 又 yòu [ɣju°]66 → [iou˥˩], 謬 miù [mjəu°] → [miou˥˩], 糾 jiū [°kjəu] → [tɕiou˥], 幼 yòu [ʔjəu°]67 → [iou˥˩] However, the vowel of many syllables of 侯 hóu and 尤 yóu rhymes evolved into [u] with labial initials. 浮 fú [b‘ju] → [fu˧˥], 富 fù [p‘ju] → [fu˥˩], 母 mǔ [°mu] → [mu˧˩˥] Some syllables of 侯 hóu and 幽 yōu rhymes take the vowel [au]. 彪 biāo [pjəu] → [piau˥], 貿 mào [mu°] → [mau˥˩]

220  From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese §9.6 The evolution of tones is shown in Table 9.4. Table 9.4  Evolution of Tones Condition

Tone

‘Clear’ (voiceless) ‘Secondary opaque’ (sonorant) ‘Full opaque’ (voiced plosive, affricate, fricative)

Píng

Shǎng

Qù

Rù

˥ ˧˥

˧˩˥

˥˩

˥, ˧˥, ˧˩˥, ˥˩ ˥˩ ˧˥, ˥˩

˥˩

(1) The píng tone in syllables with ‘clear’ voiceless initials evolved into ˥ (yīnpíng). 邦 bāng [pɔŋ] → [paŋ˥], 偷 tōu [t‘u] → [t‘ou˥], 三 sān [sam] → [san˥], 英 yīng [ʔjɐŋ] → [iŋ˥] In syllables with ‘opaque’ voiced initials it evolved into ˧˥ (yángpíng). 旁 páng [b‘ɑŋ] → [p‘aŋ˧˥], 頭 tóu [d‘u] → [t‘ou˧˥], 蠶 cán [dz‘ɑm] → [ts‘an˧˥], 紅 hóng [ɣuŋ] → [xuŋ˧˥], 迷 mí [miɛi] → [mi˧˥], 奴 nú [nuo] → [nu˧˥], 尼 ní [njei] → [ni˧˥], 良 liáng [ljɑŋ] → [liaŋ˧˥], 迎 yíng [ŋjɐŋ] → [iŋ˧˥], 炎 yán [ɣjæm] → [ian˧˥] (2) The shǎng tone in syllables with ‘clear’ voiceless and ‘secondary opaque’ sonorant initials evolved into ˧˩˥ (shǎng). 貶 biǎn [°pjæm] → [pian˧˩˥], 請 qǐng [°ts‘jɛŋ] → [tɕ‘iŋ˧˩˥], 許 xǔ [°xjo] → [ɕy˧˩˥], 隱 yǐn [°ʔjən] → [in˧˩˥], 買 mǎi [°mæi] → [mai˧˩˥], 暖 nuǎn [°nuɑn]68 → [nuan˧˩˥], 眼 yǎn [°ŋæn] → [ian˧˩˥], 冷 lěng [°lɐŋ] → [ləŋ˧˩˥], 友 yǒu [°ɣju] → [iou˧˩˥], 惹 rě [°ȵja] → [ʐɤ˧˩˥] In syllables with ‘full opaque’ voiced plosive, affricate and fricative initials, it evolved into ˥˩ (qù). 倍 bèi [°b‘uai] → [pei˥˩], 柱 zhù [°ȡ‘juo] → [tʂu˥˩], 視 shì [°ʑjei] → [ʂï˥˩], 舅 jiù [°g‘ju]69 → [tɕiou˥˩], 旱 hàn [°ɣɑn]70 → [xan˥˩] (3) The qù tone in all syllables evolved into ˥˩ (qù). 旦 dàn [tɑn°] → [tan˥˩], 但 dàn [d‘ɑn°]71 → [tan˥˩], 慢 màn [man°] → [man˥˩] (4) As regards the rù tone, it evolved into ˥˩ (qù) in syllables with ‘secondary opaque’ sonorant initials. 沒 mò [muət] → [mu˥˩], 納 nà [nap] → [na˥˩], 暱 nì [ȵjet] → [ni˥˩], 若 ruò [ȵjɑk] → [ʐuo˥˩], 逆 nì [ŋjɐk] → [ni˥˩], 欲 yù [juok] → [y˥˩] It evolved into ˧˥ (yángpíng) mostly in syllables with ‘full opaque’ voiced plosive, affricate and fricative initials. 雜 zá [dz‘ap] → [tsa˧˥], 十 shí [ʑjəp] → [ʂï˧˥], 達 dá [d‘ɑt] → [ta˧˥], 掘 jué [g‘juæt] → [tɕye˧˥], 薄 báo [b‘uɑk] → [pau˧˥], 核 hé [ɣæk] → [xɤ˧˥] It evolved into ˥˩ (qù) in a minority of syllables with ‘full opaque’ voiced plosive, affricate and fricative initials.

From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese 221 鶴 hè [ɣɑk] → [xɤ˥˩], 術 shù [dʑ‘juet] → [ʂu˥˩], 涉 shè [ʑjæp] → [ʂɤ˥˩] It could evolve into any of the four modern tones – ˥, ˧˥, ˧˩˥ or ˥˩ – in syllables with ‘clear’ voiceless initials; the rules are unknown. 郭 guō [kuɑk] → [kuo˥], 格 gé [kɐk] → [kɤ˧˥], 谷 gǔ [kuk] → [ku˧˩˥], 棘 jí [kjək] → [tɕi˥˩]72 拍 pāi [p‘ɐk] → [p‘ai˥], 察 chá [tʃ‘æt] → [tʂ‘a˧˥], 尺 chǐ [tɕ‘jɛk] → [tʂ‘ï˧˩˥], 客 kè [k‘ɐk] → [k‘ɤ˥˩] 蓄 xù [xjuk] → [ɕy˥],73 脅 xié [ɣjɐp] → [ɕie˧˥], 血 xuè/xiě [xjuɛt] → [ɕye˧˩˥],74 設 shè [ɕjæt] → [ʂɤ˥˩] Notes 1 Translator’s note: [°ȶju] is mistyped as [°ȶ‘ju] in the original text. 肘 zhǒu has the initial 知 zhī, which is not aspirated. 2 Translator’s note: In current Standard Mandarin, there is no such ‘literary reading’ [tsɤ˧˥] for 宅 zhái and 摘 zhāi, whose only pronunciation is [tʂai˧˥] and [tʂai˥], respectively. 3 Translator’s note: [dʑ‘juet] is mistyped as [dz‘juet] in the original text. 述 shù has the initial 船 chuán, which is reconstructed as [dʑ‘] in Chapter 7. 4 Translator’s note: Marks of tones are missing for a few characters in the original text. Here, they are added to make the sound representation complete, including [kən˥] (根 gēn), [°xɑu] (好 hǎo), [xau°] (孝 xiào) and [ɣiɛn°] (現 xiàn). 5 Translator’s note: [dʒ‘jɑŋ] is mistyped as [dʒjɑŋ] in the original text. 6 Translator’s note: [ɣəŋ] is mistyped as [ɣuəŋ] in the original text. 7 Translator’s note: In the original text, 椿 chūn is mistyped as 樁 zhuāng due to the apparent closeness in character shape. 8 Translator’s note: The tone mark [°] is missing in the original text. 9 Translator’s note: The tone mark [°] is missing in the original text. 10 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 息 xī is pronounced [ɕi˥] (first/level tone). 11 Translator’s note: [xjəŋ] is mistyped as [xjeŋ] in the original text. 12 Translator’s note: [tʃjək] → [ts‘ɤ˥˩] is mistyped as [tʃjək‘] → [tsɤ˥˩] in the original text. 13 Translator’s note: The tone mark [°] is missing in the original text. 14 Translator’s note: The tone mark [°] is missing in the original text. 15 Translator’s note: [b‘juɐm] is mistyped as [p‘juɐm] in the original text. 凡 fán has the initial 並 bìng [b‘]. 16 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 禀 bǐng is pronounced [piŋ˧˩˥]. 17 Translator’s note: [xjem] is mistyped as [xjen] in the original text. 18 Translator’s note: [°ʑjem] is mistyped as [°ʑjəm] in the original text. 19 Translator’s note: [p‘juɐi°] is mistype as [pjuɐi°] in the original text. 20 Translator’s note: [ɕjuæi°] is mistyped as [ɕiuæi°] in the original text. 21 Translator’s note: The tone mark [°] is missing in the original text. This character appears again in (11). 22 Translator’s note: The original text has [ȡ‘jei˧˥] here; the representation of modern tone [˧˥] should be removed. 23 Translator’s note: In the original text, the tone mark [°] is mistyped as the glottal stop sign [ʔ]. 24 Translator’s note: The original text has [tɕjuei] here. It should be [ȶjuei] since 追 zhuī takes the initial 知 zhī [ȶ]. 25 Translator’s note: [ʂu˥˩] is mistyped as [ʂu˥] in the original text. 26 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 融 róng is pronounced [ʐuŋ˧˥] (using the author’s symbolisation). This character appears again in (10). 27 Translator’s note: The original text has [°kiueŋ] → [tɕyuŋ˧˩˥]. However, the character 扃 jiōng takes the píng tone in both Middle and Modern Chinese. This character appears again in (21).

222  From Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese 28 29 30 31 32

Translator’s note: The tone mark [°] is missing in the original text. Translator’s note: [ȶjuei] is mistyped as [ȶjei] in the original text. Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 威 wēi is pronounced [uei˥]. Translator’s note: The tone mark [°] is missing in the original text. Translator’s note: The original text has [lai°] → [lɑi˥˩] here, with the main vowels [ɑ] and [a] transposed. 33 Translator’s note: The original text has [e] here, with the medial [i] missing and not accounted for elsewhere. 34 Translator’s note: [ɕjuæi°] is mistyped as [ɕjuɛi°] in the original text. 35 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 紇 hé is pronounced [xɤ˧˥]. 36 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 乞 qǐ is pronounced [tɕ‘i˧˩˥]. 37 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 櫛 zhì is pronounced [tʂï˥˩]. 38 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 失 shī is pronounced [ʂï˥]. 39 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 沒 mò is pronounced [muo˥˩]. This character appears again in §9.6 (4). 40 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 突 tū is pronounced [t‘u˥]. 41 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 戌 xū is pronounced [ɕy˥]. 42 Translator’s note: [xjep] is mistyped as [xjem] in the original text. 43 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 蟄 zhé is pronounced [tʂɤ˧˥]. 44 Translator’s note: [°tʃɐm] is mistyped as [°tʂɐm] in the original text. 45 Translator’s note: The tone mark [°] is missing in the original text. 46 Translator’s note: The original text has [jæp] here, with the initial [l] missing. 47 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 輒 zhé is pronounced [tʂɤ˧˥]. 48 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 髮 fà is pronounced [fa˥˩]. 49 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 輟 chuò is pronounced [tʂ‘uo˥˩]. 50 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 穴 xué is pronounced [ɕye˧˥]. 51 Translator’s note: The Middle Chinese pronunciation for 保 bǎo and 刀 dāo are represented as [°pau] and [tau], respectively. The vowel should be [ɑu] as reconstructed for first-grade rhymes of the 效 xiào group. 52 Translator’s note: [tiau˥˩] is mistyped as [t‘iau˥˩] in the original text. 53 Translator’s note: [k‘uɑ] is mistyped as [k‘uoɑ] in the original text. 54 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 作 zuò is pronounced [tsuo˥˩]. 55 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 霍 huò is pronounced [xuo˥˩]. 56 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 剝 bō is pronounced [puo˥]. 57 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 約 yuē is pronounced [ye˥]. 58 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 縛 fù is pronounced [fu˥˩]. 59 Translator’s note: [pəŋ] is mistyped as [həŋ] in the original text. 60 Translator’s note: Sic. However, in current Mandarin, 摘 zhāi has only one pronunciation [tʂai˥]. See also translator’s note ii. 61 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 虢 guó is pronounced [kuo˧˥]. 62 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 擲 zhì is pronounced [tʂï˥˩]. 63 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 識 shí is pronounced [ʂï˧˥]. 64 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 寂 jì is pronounced [tɕi˥˩]. 65 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 戟 jǐ is pronounced [tɕi˧˩˥]. 66 Translator’s note: The tone mark [°] is missing in the original text. 67 Translator’s note: The tone mark [°] is missing in the original text. 68 Translator’s note: [°nuɑn] is mistyped as [°nan] in the original text. 69 Translator’s note: [°g‘ju] is mistyped as [°gju] in the original text. 70 Translator’s note: [°ɣɑn] is mistyped as [°ɣan] in the original text. 71 Translator’s note: 旦 dàn and 但 dàn as first-grade syllables should have the main vowel [ɑ]. Their Middle Chinese pronunciation is mistyped respectively as [tan°] and [d‘an°] in the original text. 72 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 棘 jí is pronounced [tɕi˧˥]. 73 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 蓄 xù is pronounced [ɕy˥˩]. 74 Translator’s note: Sic. In current Mandarin, 血 xuè/xiě is pronounced either [ɕye˥˩] or [ɕie˧˩˥].

10 Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes

§10.1 In Chapter 1 we mentioned that rhyming characters and characters with shared phonetic components in ancient classics are our main material to examine ancient speech sounds in the pre-Qin era. In the phonological study of Old Chinese, examination of rhyming characters has a longer history than that of characters sharing phonetic symbols. It took a considerable period of time before scholars could have a correct understanding of ancient speech sounds; moreover, some erroneous conceptions have not been rectified even now. Therefore, in our discussion of Old Chinese phonology, the process of trial and error cannot be neglected. Chinese is written with square-shaped characters. Some rhyming poetry lines in ancient books do not rhyme when read by modern people in their own speech. This naturally leads us to the conclusion that speech sounds vary between past and present. However, people did not think this way when there was no proper view of change with time. For example, the third stanza of ‘Yanyan’ in the chapter ‘Odes of Bei’ (《邶風·燕燕》) in the Shījīng goes like this: 燕燕于飛 yàn yàn yú fēi 下上其音 xià shàng qí yīn1 之子于歸 zhī zǐ yú guī 遠送于南 yuǎn sòng yú nán 瞻望弗及 zhān wàng fú jí 實勞我心 shí láo wǒ xīn In the《經典釋文》Jīngdiǎn Shìwén ‘Text Explanation of Classics’, a note quoted from Shen Zhong’s (沈重)《毛詩音》Máoshī Yīn ‘Sounds in Mao’s Classic of Poetry’ is provided under the character 南 nán, saying that it is an adapted rhyming character whose pronunciation is indicated by 乃林反 nǎi lín fǎn. For another example, the first stanza of ‘Riyue’ (《日月》): 日居月諸 rì jū yuè zhū 照臨下土 zhào lín xià tǔ 乃如之人兮 nǎi rú zhī rén xī 逝不古處 shì bù gǔ chǔ DOI: 10.4324/9781003411444-10

224  Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes 胡能有定 hú néng yǒu dìng 寧不我顧 nìng bù wǒ gù The Shìwén has a note under the character 顧 gù saying that it is another adapted rhyming character that should be pronounced as 古 gǔ. There are many other examples like these recorded in the Shìwén. People read ancient poems with their own speech; wherever any character did not rhyme, they would provisionally designate a pronunciation that they thought fit. This marked the beginning of the once prevailing notion 叶韻 xiéyùn ‘adapted rhyme’. In the Tang and Song dynasties, not only did people change the pronunciation of characters for the purpose of rhyme adaptation, but they even changed characters in ancient books to enable adapted rhymes. According to historical records, Emperor Xuanzong of Tang had this imperial order in the thirteenth year of his Kaiyuan Reign (725): When I do not administer state affairs I read at night. Each time I read the lines 無偏無頗，遵王之義 wú piān wú pō, zūn wáng zhī yì in the chapter ‘Hongfan’ of the Book of Documents (《尚書·洪範》), I have my doubts. Only the character 頗 pō does not fall into the rhyming pattern with its neighbouring lines. . . . It is thus decreed that 頗 pō in 無偏無頗 wú piān wú pō be changed into 陂 bēi. This is the most famous story among many others. As we see it, the so-called rhyme adaptation is such an inelegant solution as to force ancient characters to fit contemporary pronunciation. Take a look at the Shījīng annotated by Zhu Xi (朱熹), and we will find many explanations involving rhyme adaptation. Here is the second stanza of ‘Xinglu’ in the chapter ‘Shaonan’ (《召南·行露》): 誰謂雀無角 shuí wèi què wú jiǎo 何以穿我屋 hé yǐ chuān wǒ wū 誰謂女無家 shuí wèi rǔ wú jiā 何以速我獄 hé yǐ sù wǒ yù 雖速我獄 suī sù wǒ yù 室家不足 shì jiā bù zú Zhu Xi’s annotation claims that 家 jiā is pronounced like 谷 gǔ so that it can rhyme with 角 jiǎo, 屋 wū, 獄 yù and 足 zú. However, in the third stanza of the same poem, 誰謂鼠無牙 shuí wèi shǔ wú yá 何以穿我墉 hé yǐ chuān wǒ yōng 誰謂女無家 shuí wèi rǔ wú jiā 何以速我訟 hé yǐ sù wǒ sòng

Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes  225 雖速我訟 suī sù wǒ sòng 亦不女從 yì bù rǔ cóng The pronunciation of the same character 家 jiā is indicated by 各空反 gè kōng fǎn so that it can rhyme with 墉 yōng, 訟 sòng and 從 cóng. So Jiao Hong (焦竑), a scholar of the Ming Dynasty, commented as follows: In this fashion, 東 dōng ‘east’ can be claimed to sound like 西 xī ‘west’, 南 nán ‘south’ can be claimed to sound like 北 běi ‘north’, 上 shàng ‘up’ can be claimed to sound like 下 xià ‘down’, and 前 qián ‘front’ can be claimed to sound like 後 hòu ‘back’. No character has a proper pronunciation, and no poem is using proper characters. The scholar who could completely disprove rhyme adaptation is Jiao Hong’s contemporary Chen Di (陳第), who awoke to the truth that characters and their sounds might change with time and location. After a thorough comparison between rhyming characters in the Shījīng and those in later poems, he had this finding: 母 mǔ rhymes either with 杞 qǐ and 止 zhǐ, or with 祉 zhǐ and 喜 xǐ; 馬 mǎ rhymes either with 組 zǔ and 黼 fǔ, or with 旅 lǚ and 土 tǔ . . . . Such examples are legion and by no means numerable. The rhyming patterns are as rigid as rhyme dictionaries like the Tángyùn. Why is that? If we examine ancient writings including historical records, poetry, prose, and all other genres of literature, we will find consistent rhyming schemes with the Shījīng. This is compelling evidence of ancient speech sounds. This is excerpted from the preface to his《毛詩古音考》Máoshī Gǔyīn Kǎo ‘Investigations on the Ancient Sounds in Mao’s Classic of Poetry’. The last sentence would convey his idea better if it were changed to ‘this is compelling evidence of differences between ancient and contemporary speech sounds’. Chen’s book demonstrates that ancient rhymes are markedly different from later rhymes by investigating how hundreds of characters like 母 mǔ and 馬 mǎ are used as rhyming characters in the Shījīng and other ancient works. The rhyming patterns differ between past and present because the way characters are pronounced is different. §10.2 As mentioned in the previous section, Lu Deming (陸德明), in his Jīngdiǎn Shìwén, quoted Shen Zhong’s comment on adapted rhyme to account for the fact that 南 nán rhymes with 音 yīn and 心 xīn in the third stanza of ‘Yanyan’. Lu added his own comment afterwards: Now we say ancient people had a broader range of rhyme; there is no need to change the character. This indicates that he did not much agree to the notion of rhyme adaptation. He thought that the reason for the difference in rhyming between past and present was that the

226  Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes ancients used rhyme in a broad manner – 南 nán could get by as a rhyming character with 音 yīn and 心 xīn, although strictly speaking it did not belong in the same rhyme. Probably influenced by Lu Deming’s comment, Wu Yu (吳棫) (courtesy name Cailao 才老) in the Song Dynasty fully supported the idea that the ancients used rhyme in a broad manner, when addressing the issue of early rhymes in his book 《韻補》Yùnbǔ ‘Supplemented Rhymes’. The Yùnbǔ, based on rhyme classification of the Guǎngyùn, provides annotations to the rhyme class in which there are characters rhyming with characters from other classes in ancient works, indicating joint use or merger among rhyme classes. According to his annotations, all píng tone rhymes of the Guǎngyùn can be combined into nine major classes. 1 東 dōng (used jointly with 冬 dōng and 鍾 zhōng; 江 jiāng can merge in) 2 支 zhī (used jointly with 脂 zhī, 之 zhī, 微 wēi, 齊 qí and 灰 huī; it can rhyme with 佳 jiā, 皆 jiē and 咍 hāi) 3 魚 yú (used jointly with 虞 yú and 模 mú) 4 真 zhēn (used jointly with 諄 zhūn, 臻 zhēn, 殷 yīn, 痕 hén, 耕 gēng, 庚 gēng, 清 qīng, 青 qīng, 蒸 zhēng, 登 dēng and 侵 qīn; it can also rhyme with 文 wén, 元 yuán and 魂 hún) 5 先 xiān (used jointly with 仙 xiān, 鹽 yán, 添 tiān, 嚴 yán and 凡 fán; it can also rhyme with 寒 hán, 桓 huán, 刪 shān, 山 shān, 覃 tán, 談 tán, 咸 xián and 銜 xián) 6 蕭 xiāo (used jointly with 宵 xiāo, 肴 yáo and 豪 háo) 7 歌 gē (used jointly with 戈 gē; it can also rhyme with 麻 má) 8 陽 yáng (used jointly with 江 jiāng and 唐 táng; 庚 gēng, 耕 gēng and 清 qīng can merge in) 9 尤 yóu (used jointly with 侯 hóu and 幽 yōu) This represents the ranges of rhymes of the ancients in Wu’s mind. As we see it, the notion that the ancients used rhymes broadly still forces old speech sounds to fit into new patterns, although it is a great progress from rhyme adaptation. There were no rhyme dictionaries in the old times; how could the ideas of ‘jointly using’, ‘rhyming also with’ and ‘merging’ apply to ancient people’s rhyming choices? What is most unsatisfactory about the Yùnbǔ is its multifarious and disorderly contents. The《四庫全書總目提要》Sìkù Quánshū Zǒngmù Tíyào ‘Annotated Catalogue of the Complete Imperial Library’ comments, The fifty cited references range from late works by Ouyang Xiu (歐陽修), Su Shi (蘇軾) and Su Zhe (蘇轍), and Zhang Shangying’s (張商英)2 faked preQin classic, to Taoist scripture and poems. The indiscriminate, miscellaneous sources show a total lack of elegant style. In addition, Wu was not accurate and consistent in his account. For example, although he stated that the 2 冬 dōng, 3 鍾 zhōng and 4 江 jiāng rhymes were jointly

Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes 227 used with or could merge into the 1 東 dōng rhyme, he actually supplemented into the 1東 dōng rhyme such characters as 登 dēng, 唐 táng, 分 fēn, 朋 péng, 務 wù and 尊 zūn, crossing boundaries into other rhyme classes. To correct Wu’s mistakes, Qing Dynasty scholar Gu Yanwu (顧炎武) wrote a big volume《韻補 正》Yùnbǔ Zhèng ‘Corrections to the Yùnbǔ’. However, Wu Yu made his own contributions to the studies of ancient speech sounds. Another Qing Dynasty scholar Qian Daxin (錢大昕) commented in his 《韻補跋》Yùnbǔ Bá ‘Epilogue to the Yùnbǔ’: Cailao made a thorough examination of ancient speech sounds, to offer a supplement to the study of contemporary speech sounds. For all his inadequate understanding of character construction with phonetic symbols, later scholars came to realise that they should refer to pre-Qin works in their study of Old Chinese phonology. In view of this, his contribution is not a minor one. It is also noteworthy that in the Yùnbǔ there are only statements about ‘jointly used’ or ‘rhyming also with’; it never mentions any ‘adapted rhyme’. It has long been held that Zhu Xi’s notion of rhyme adaptation was based on Wu Cailao’s《毛詩補 音》Máoshī Bǔyīn ‘Supplemented Sounds to Mao’s Classic of Poetry’; the Bǔyīn is non-existent now, so it cannot provide proof. Even if it is true, it has nothing to do with the Yùnbǔ. Zheng Xiang (鄭庠), a scholar of the Song Dynasty, compiled the《古音 辨》Gǔyīn Biàn ‘Distinctions in Ancient Speech Sounds’, which is also not surviving now. According to other scholars’ citation, Zheng had the following statements about ancient rhyming patterns (all píng tone rhymes in the following list subsume shǎng, qù and rù; the names of rhyme classes are based on poetry rhymes later than the Guǎngyùn): There was no distinction among 東 dōng, 冬 dōng, 江 jiāng, 陽 yáng, 庚 gēng, 青 qīng and 蒸 zhēng. There was no distinction among 支 zhī, 微 wēi, 齊 qí, 佳 jiā and 灰 huī. There was no distinction among 魚 yú, 虞 yú, 歌 gē and 麻 má. There was no distinction among 真 zhēn, 文 wén, 元 yuán, 寒 hán, 刪 shān and 先 xiān. There was no distinction among 蕭 xiāo, 肴 yáo, 豪 háo and 尤 yóu. There was no distinction among 侵 qīn, 覃 tán, 鹽 yán and 咸 xián. Duan Yucai (段玉裁) commented that Zheng Xiang’s views conformed to rhyming practice during the dynasties of Han and Wei down to Du Fu (杜甫) and Han Yu (韓愈) of the Tang Dynasty, but they did not work for earlier eras of Zhou and Qin. Jiang Yougao (江有誥) suggested that Zheng’s classification of Old Chinese rhymes was not accurate enough because it only combined existing rhyme classes in the Tángyùn but did not separate any rhyme class in it. Thus, we know that Zheng’s work is roughly comparable to Wu’s.

228  Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes §10.3 Systematic study of ancient rhymes was launched by Gu Yanwu at the turn of Ming and Qing dynasties. On the one hand, under the influence of Chen Li and Jiao Hong, he believed that speech sounds were different between present and past since the ancients used rhyming characters differently. On the other hand, he drew lessons from Wu Yu’s failure caused by forcing ancient sounds to fit into rhyme classes in rhyme dictionaries compiled much later. It took Gu three decades to finish compiling his《音學五書》Yínxué Wǔshū ‘Five Books on the Study of Speech Sounds’. Material-wise, he carefully selected ancient literature and worked chiefly with the Shījīng; as regards methodology, he conducted completely objective study, categorising rhyming characters in one class and separating non-rhyming ones into other classes. Consequently, he arrived at the ten major categories of ancient rhymes, which he named ‘ten divisions of ancient rhymes’. The correspondences between Gu’s ten divisions and the Guǎngyùn’s 206 rhymes are as follows (with píng tone rhymes subsuming shǎng and qù, and rù tone rhymes picked out independently) (Table 10.1): Table 10.1 Correspondences Between Gu Yanwu’s 10 Divisions of Old Chinese Rhymes and the Guǎngyùn’s 206 Rhymes Gu’s ten divisions

Guǎngyùn’s 206 rhymes

Division 1: 東 dōng, 冬 dōng, 鍾 zhōng, 江 jiāng Division 2: 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, 之 zhī, 微 wēi, 齊 qí, 佳 jiā, 皆 jiē, 灰 huī, 咍 hāi

東 dōng, 冬 dōng, 鍾 zhōng, 江 jiāng

Division 3: 魚 yú, 虞 yú, 模 mú, 侯 hóu

Division 4: 真 zhēn, 諄 zhūn, 臻 zhēn, 文 wén, 殷 yīn, 元 yuán, 魂 hún, 痕 hén, 寒 hán, 桓 huán, 刪 shān, 山 shān, 先 xiān, 仙 xiān Division 5: 蕭 xiāo, 宵 xiāo, 肴 yáo, 豪 háo, 幽 yōu

Division 6: 歌 gē, 戈 gē, 麻 má Division 7: 陽 yáng, 庚 gēng Division 8: 耕 gēng, 清 qīng, 青 qīng

支 zhī (part 1), 脂 zhī, 之 zhī, 微 wēi, 齊 qí, 佳 jiā, 皆 jiē, 灰 huī, 咍 hāi, 尤 yóu (part 1); qù tone rhymes 祭 jì, 泰 tài, 夬 guài, 廢 fèi; rù tone rhymes 質 zhì, 術 shù, 櫛 zhì, 昔 xī (part 1), 職 zhí, 物 wù, 迄 qì, 屑 xiè, 薛 xuē, 錫 xī (part 1), 月 yuè, 沒 mò, 曷 hé, 末 mò, 黠 xiá, 鎋 xiá, 麥 mài (part 1), 德 dé, 屋 wū (part 1) 魚 yú, 虞 yú, 模 mú, 麻 má (part 1), 侯 hóu; rù tone rhymes 屋 wū (part 2), 燭 zhú, 沃 wò (part 1),1 覺 jué (part 1), 藥 yào (part 1), 鐸 duó (part 1), 陌 mò, 麥 mài (part 2), 昔 xī (part 2) 真 zhēn, 諄 zhūn, 臻 zhēn, 文 wén, 殷 yīn, 元 yuán, 魂 hún, 痕 hén, 寒 hán, 桓 huán, 刪 shān, 山 shān, 先 xiān, 仙 xiān 蕭 xiāo, 宵 xiāo, 肴 yáo, 豪 háo, 幽 yōu,2 尤 yóu (part 2); rù tone rhymes 屋 wū (part 3), 沃 wò (part 2), 覺 jué (part 2), 藥 yào (part 2), 鐸 duó (part 2), 錫 xī (part 2) 歌 gē, 戈 gē, 麻 má (part 2), 支 zhī (part 2) 陽 yáng, 唐 táng, 庚 gēng (part 1) 庚 gēng (part 2), 耕 gēng, 清 qīng, 青 qīng

Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes 229 Gu’s ten divisions

Guǎngyùn’s 206 rhymes

Division 9: 蒸 zhēng, 登 dēng

蒸 zhēng, 登 dēng (also characters 弓 gōng, 雄 xióng, 懵 měng, etc. of the 東 dōng rhyme) 侵 qīn,覃 tán, 談 tán, 鹽 yán, 添 tiān, 咸 xián, 銜 xián, 嚴 yán, 凡 fán (also characters 芃 péng, 風 fēng, 楓 fēng, etc. of the 東 dōng rhyme); rù tone rhymes 緝 jī, 合 hé, 盍 hé, 葉 yè, 帖 tiè, 洽 qià, 狎 xiá, 業 yè, 乏 fá

Division 10: 侵 qīn, 覃 tán, 談 tán, 鹽 yán, 添 tiān, 咸 xián, 銜 xián, 嚴 yán, 凡 fán

Notes 1 Translator’s note: 沃 wò (part 1) is missing in the original text. 2 Translator’s note: 幽 yōu is missing in the original text.

From the correspondences, we know the following: (1) Some characters, although they belong to the same rhyme class in later rhyme dictionaries, are not related in ancient rhymes; thus, they are separated into two or more divisions: In the 支 zhī rhyme, 支 zhī, 巵 zhī, 祗 zhī, 規 guī, 恚 huì, etc. are classified into Division 2, whereas 離 lí, 池 chí, 爲 wéi, 麾 huī, 糜 mí, etc. are classified into Division 6. In the 麻 má rhyme, 麻 má, 嗟 jiē, 加 jiā, 沙 shā, etc. are classified into Division 6, whereas 蟆 má, 車 chē, 奢 shē, 賒 shē, etc. are classified into Division 3. In the 屋 wū rhyme, 福 fú, 伏 fú, 郁 yù, 牧 mù, etc. are classified into Division 2, 屋 wū, 獨 dú, 哭 kū, 木 mù, etc. are classified into Division 3, and 熇 hè, 暴 pù, 六 liù, 肉 ròu, etc. are classified into Division 5. (2) Since rù tone characters usually rhyme with yīnshēng (without nasal/plosive coda) characters, not with yángshēng (with nasal coda) characters, most of them are classified in the same divisions as yīnshēng characters, except that 緝 jī, 合 hé, etc. are classified in the division together with yángshēng rhymes 侵 qīn, 覃 tán, etc. For example, in Division 1 there are only characters of yángshēng rhymes 東 dōng, 冬 dōng, 鍾 zhōng, 江 jiāng, whereas in Division 3, there are characters of both yīnshēng rhymes 魚 yú, 虞 yú, 模 mú, 侯 hóu and 麻 má and rùshēng rhymes 屋 wū, 沃 wò, 燭 zhú, 覺 jué, 藥 yào, 鐸 duó, 陌 mò, 麥 mài and 昔 xī. In this fashion, ancient rhymes were discussed as they were used, beyond the confines of later rhyme dictionaries. This method of analysis laid a solid foundation for subsequent studies of Old Chinese speech sounds. However, Gu Yanwu had a wrong conception in his study of ancient speech sounds; that is, he attributed all disconformities between ancient rhyming schemes and later rhyme dictionaries to mistakes made by later scholars. Therefore, in his Yínxué Wǔshū, he had a section dedicated to corrections to the Tángyùn, which was

230  Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes intended to rectify rhyme dictionaries after the Qièyùn based on the pre-Qin rhyming patterns. Jiang Yong (江永), a scholar relatively junior to Gu, had a pertinent comment in his《古韻標準》Gǔyùn Biāozhǔn ‘Standards of Ancient Rhymes’: Both Gu’s Yínxué Wǔshū and my Gǔyùn Biāozhǔn are books that examine and record ancient speech sounds but do not aim at restoring them. Gu’s corrections to the Tángyùn had rich and detailed references, and we can take them as a good comparison of rhyme classification between the Guǎngyǔn and Old Chinese literature. §10.4 After Gu Yanwu, many more scholars in the Qing Dynasty worked on Old Chinese rhyme classification. Among them Jiang Yong made particularly important contributions. His Gǔyùn Biāozhǔn further expanded Old Chinese rhymes to thirteen divisions. Jiang was a leading expert in the study of ‘graded rhymes’, and his《音 學辨微》Yīnxué Biànwēi ‘Exquisite Distinctions in Speech Sound Studies’ was the best book in his time about ancient speech sounds. However, his classification of Old Chinese rhymes involved some risks, too. That his classification of rhymes 侯 hóu, 尤 yóu and 幽 yōu as one division was not accepted would be a good example. Duan Yucai compiled《六書音韻表》Liùshū Yīnyùn Biǎo ‘Tables of Initials and Rhymes in the Six Categories of Character Construction’, classifying Old Chinese rhymes into seventeen divisions. He distinguished between ‘original’ rhymes and ‘joint’ rhymes with meticulous analysis. Classification of Old Chinese rhymes was basically established at this time. Dai Zhen (戴震) compiled《聲類表》Shēnglèi Biǎo ‘Tables of Sound Classes’, in which he modified Duan’s classification of Old Chinese rhymes. His modification was widely accepted. Kong Guangsen (孔廣森) wrote《詩聲分例》Shīshēng Fēnlì ‘Exemplified Distinction of Poetry Sounds’ and《詩聲類》Shīshēng Lèi ‘Poetry Sound Class’. His original contribution was the division between 東 dōng and 冬 dōng. Wang Niansun (王念孫) wrote《古韻譜》Gǔyùn Pǔ ‘Chart for Ancient Rhymes’, classifying Old Chinese rhymes into twenty-one divisions. His work came out after Duan Yucai’s and presented a more delicate rhyme classification. Jiang Yougao authored《音學十書》Yínxué Shíshū ‘Ten Books on the Study of Speech Sounds’. Junior as Jiang was, he was the highest achiever among these Old Chinese phonologists. His classification of Old Chinese rhymes into twenty-one divisions happened to coincide with Wang Niansun’s scheme in number but varied with Wang’s in specificities. These scholars were able to make more accomplishments than Gu Yanwu for the following reasons: (1) Gu’s study of Old Chinese rhymes was pioneering work, still within the confines of previous studies. He did not even comply strictly with the principles he established in rhyme classification himself. These problems his successors endeavoured to solve step by step, and they made considerable progress:

Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes 231 (a) In terms of separating later rhyme classes according to ancient rhyming, Jiang Yong achieved several breakthroughs shortly after Gu. For example, characters in rhymes between 真 zhēn and 仙 xiān in the Guǎngyùn were combined by Gu Yanwu as Division 4 because some 先 xiān rhyme characters were found to rhyme with characters in rhymes 寒 hán, 桓 huán, 刪 shān, 山 shān and 元 yuán, and other 先 xiān rhyme characters were found to rhyme with characters in rhymes 痕 hén, 魂 hún, 真 zhēn, 臻 zhēn, 文 wén and 欣 xīn. However, Jiang Yong perceived that the two groups of 先 xiān rhyme characters were not used in ancient poems to rhyme with each other. So he separated the 先 xiān rhyme, allocating some characters into the same division with 寒 hán, 桓 huán, etc., and the other characters into the same division with 痕 hén, 魂 hún, etc. Besides, Jiang rearranged characters of the 覃 tán and 咸 xián rhymes, allocating some into the same division with 侵 qīn and the other into the same division with 談 tán and 銜 xián. Using the same method, Jiang Yong and Duan Yucai also rearranged characters in rhymes 蕭 xiāo, 肴 yáo and 豪 háo, allocating some into the same division with 尤 yóu and 幽 yōu and the others into the same division with 宵 xiāo. (b) As regards the rù tone, both Gu Yanwu and Duan Yucai combined the nine rhymes between 緝 jī and 乏 fá with yángshēng rhymes from 侵 qīn to 凡 fán. However, Jiang Yougao held the view that the combination of píng and rù tone rhymes must be based on combined use of píng and rù tone characters in ancient poetry rhyming. Now fifty-seven occasions are found where characters in the nine rhymes 侵 qīn, 覃 tán, etc. are used as rhyming characters in the Shījīng, the Yìjīng, the Zuǒzhuàn and the Chǔcí; twenty-two occasions are found where characters in the nine rhymes 緝 jī, 合 hé, etc. are used as rhyming characters in the Shījīng, the Yìjīng, the Chǔcí and the Dàdài.3 Never are the two groups of characters used jointly in rhyming, not ever once even if we examine all verses from the pre-Qin era to the Western and Eastern Han dynasties. . . . There seems to be a borderline between the two groups; how can they be forced into the same division if they are not used together with each other? From then on, rhymes 侵 qīn, 覃 tán, etc. were separated from 緝 jī, 合 hé, etc. For another instance, Duan Yucai combined characters of rhymes 質 zhì, 術 shù and 屑 xiè with those of rhymes 真 zhēn and 諄 zhūn into one division, still not independent of influences from rhyme dictionaries. However, Wang Niansun rearranged all of them in conformity with ancient verse rhymes. (c) Scholars after Duan Yucai were also aware that rhyming in the Western and Eastern Han dynasties was less rigid than in the pre-Qin era, so they based their studies mainly on the Shījīng. Consequently, Duan separated characters in rhymes 痕 hén, 魂 hún, 文 wén, 欣 xīn, 諄 zhūn and 真 zhēn into two divisions; he took out some characters from 虞 yú to combine with 侯 hóu and conflated the others with 魚 yú and 模 mú.

232  Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes (2) There are no expressly stipulated rules as to how ancient verse should rhyme and whether or not one line rhymes with another. Rhyme patterns are reached all through comparison and experience. Therefore, people are apt to have a better understanding of rhymes than their ancestors. For example, here is the poem ‘Xiangshu’ in the chapter ‘Odes of Yong’ (《鄘風·相鼠》) of the Shījīng: 相鼠有皮 xiàng shǔ yǒu pí 人而無儀 rén ér wú yí 人而無儀 rén ér wú yí 不死何為 bù sǐ hé wéi 相鼠有齒 xiàng shǔ yǒu chǐ 人而無止 rén ér wú zhǐ 人而無止 rén ér wú zhǐ 不死何俟 bù sǐ hé sì 相鼠有體 xiàng shǔ yǒu tǐ 人而無禮 rén ér wú lǐ 人而無禮 rén ér wú lǐ 胡不遄死 hú bù chuán sǐ Both Gu Yanwu and Jiang Yong thought that 皮 pí, 儀 yí, 儀 yí and 為 wéi in the first stanza constituted one rhyme, and 齒 chǐ, 止 zhǐ, 止 zhǐ, 俟 sì in the second stanza and 體 tǐ, 禮 lǐ, 禮 lǐ, 死 sǐ in the third stanza formed another rhyme. However, Duan Yucai, Wang Niansun and Jiang Yougao independently reached the conclusion that the second and third stanzas had their own rhymes each. For another example, here are four lines in the chapter ‘Buju’ (卜居) in the Chǔcí: 寧與騏驥亢軛乎 nìng yǔ qí jì kàng è hū 將隨駑馬之跡乎 jiāng suí nǔ mǎ zhī jì hū 寧與黃鵠比翼乎 nìng yǔ huáng hú bǐ yì hū 將與雞鶩爭食乎 jiāng yǔ jī wù zhēng shí hū It was also Duan, Jiang and Wang who first realised that 軛 è and 跡 jì formed one rhyme, and 翼 yì and 食 shí formed another. There are many more cases like these; not until they had all been solved was the well-known separation of 支 zhī, 脂 zhī, and 之 zhī finalised. In addition, Kong Guangsen reorganised characters of rhymes 東 dōng, 冬 dōng, 鍾 zhōng and 江 jiāng into two divisions, also in compliance with his studies of Old Chinese verse rhymes. (3) Sometimes they could settle problems caused by irregular rhyming characters with their knowledge of phonological systems. For instance, Dai Zhen, Wang Niansun and Jiang Yougao separated from Duan Yucai’s ‘Division 15’ characters in rhymes 祭 jì, 泰 tài, 夬 guài, 廢 fèi, 曷 hé, 末 mò, 黠 xiá, 鎋 xiá, 薛 xuē, 月 yuè and 屑 xiè because they found that those characters had

Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes 233 only qù and rù tones, whereas in Duan’s ‘Division 16’ there were characters in all four tones. (4) Sometimes they could solve problems caused by irregular rhyming characters with inter-division relationships. For example, Duan separated 真 zhēn and 文 wén into two divisions; likewise, Kong separated 東 dōng from 冬 dōng. These separations had been under dispute until Jiang Yougao made the following comment: At first, I was not convinced by Duan’s separation of 真 zhēn from 文 wén and Kong’s separation of 東 dōng from 冬 dōng. Through careful examination, I came to realise that many 東 dōng rhyme characters rhymed with those of 耕 gēng, and many 文 wén rhyme characters rhymed with those of 元 yuán – this marks the boundary between 真 zhēn and 文 wén. 東 dōng rhyme characters tend to rhyme with those of 陽 yáng, and 冬 dōng rhyme characters tend to rhyme with those of 蒸 zhēng and 侵 qīn – this marks the boundary between 東 dōng and 冬 dōng. Thus, these separations were accepted as final conclusion. (5) Duan Yucai had another achievement in the study of Old Chinese rhymes. Through working on his《說文解字注》Shuōwén Jiězì Zhù ‘Annotated Shuōwén Jiězì’, Duan discovered that classification of characters according to their phonetic components would lead to similar results to rhyme-based classification. This discovery, apart from adding to the reliability of Old Chinese rhyme classification, could extend the study of Old Chinese rhymes to characters that had not been used as rhyming characters in ancient poetry, by observing phonetic components of those characters. As a result, usable materials increased in large amounts, and rhyme classification was modified accordingly. Jiang Yougao’s modification to Duan’s arrangement of rù tone rhymes was mostly based on his study of phonetic components of characters. Another breakthrough in Old Chinese rhyme studies initiated by Duan Yucai was that the sequence of arranging rhyme divisions completely broke away from the Qièyùn tradition beginning with 東 dōng and ending with 乏 fá. Instead, Old Chinese rhyme divisions were sequenced according to the relationships among them. Duan stated in the preface to his《古十七部合用類分表》Gǔ Shíqī Bù Héyòng Lèifēn Biǎo ‘Tables for Joint Uses and Distinctions in the Seventeen Divisions of Ancient Rhymes’: Modern rhymes have 206 classes, beginning with 東 dōng and ending with 乏 fá. They are rearranged into seventeen divisions in accordance with ancient use in rhyming. As for their sequence, 之 zhī, 咍 hāi, 職 zhí and 德 dé constitute the first division; 蕭 xiāo, 宵 xiāo, 肴 yáo and 豪 háo constitute the second, as they sound close to 之 zhī; 幽 yōu, 尤 yóu, 屋 wū, 沃 wò, 燭 zhú

234  Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes and 覺 jué constitute the third, as they sound close to 蕭 xiāo; 侯 hóu is the fourth, as it sounds close to 尤 yóu; 魚 yú, 虞 yú, 模 mú, 藥 yào and 鐸 duó constitute the fifth, as they sound close to 侯 hóu. . . The ‘sound close’ here alluded to the fact that there were occasionally irregular rhyming patterns or character constructions involving characters from neighbouring divisions, similar to Jiang Yougao’s quoted comment about rhyming across rhyme classes. Duan referred to it as ‘combined ancient rhymes’. Later, Wang Niansun and Jiang Yougao had more delicate divisions of Old Chinese rhymes, also with slight adjustments to the sequence, which have been proved well-founded by studies of modern scholars. §10.5 Classification of Old Chinese rhymes into major divisions had been basically completed at the time of Wang Niansun and Jiang Yougao. Jiang’s friend Xia Xin (夏炘) compiled《古韻表集説》Gǔyùn Biǎo Jíshuō ‘Assembled Explanations of Tables for Ancient Rhymes’, a synopsis of achievements by scholars in the Qing Dynasty. Through subsequent modifications and supplements by Zhang Binglin (章炳麟),4 Wang Li (王力) and me, the final results of Old Chinese rhyme classification are presented as follows: The 之 zhī division – all characters having the following phonetic components belong to this division: 絲 sī, 來 lái, 思 sī, 箕 jī, 其 qí, 𦣝 yí,龜 guī, 𠩺 xī, 疑 yí, 丌 qí, 而 ér, 㞢 zhī, 才 cái, 醫 yī, 臺 tái, 牛 niú, 茲 zī, 𡿧 zāi, 辤 cí, 辭 cí, 司 sī, 丘 qiū, 裘 qiú, 灰 huī, 甾 zāi, 郵 yóu, 里 lǐ, 某 mǒu, 母 mǔ, 久 jiǔ, 㠯 yǐ, 己 jǐ, 止 zhǐ, 亥 hài, 不 bù, 采 cǎi, 宰 zǎi, 啚 bǐ, 已 yǐ, 耳 ěr, 士 shì, 史 shǐ, 負 fù, 婦 fù, 臼 jiù, 子 zǐ, 乃 nǎi, 喜 xǐ 意 yì, 又 yòu, 佩 pèi, 戒 jiè, 異 yì, 再 zài, 𤰈 bèi, 毐 ǎi, 囿 yòu 息 xī, 弋 yì, 畐 fú, 北 běi, 𠓛 jí, 戠 zhí, 直 zhí, 㥁 dé, 圣 kū, 則 zé, 麥 mài, 革 gé, 或 huò, 亟 jí, 力 lì, 𠓛 fú, 棘 jí, 黑 hēi, 匿 nì, 畟 jì, 色 sè, 𡨄 xià, 仄 zè, 夨 cè, 敕 chì, 伏 fú,克 kè, 𤘴 mù, 嗇 sè, 皕 bì, 笱 gǒu, 啻 chì This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn (example characters in parentheses): 咍 hāi, 海 hǎi, 代 dài (待 dài, 哉 zāi, 該 gāi) 皆 jiē, 駭 hài, 怪 guài (戒 jiè, 挨 āi, 𢞎 bèi, 怪 guài) 之 zhī, 止 zhǐ, 志 zhì (理 lǐ, 慈 cí, 緇 zī, 治 zhì, 耳 ěr, 姬 jī) 灰 huī, 賄 huì, 隊 duì (梅 méi, 賄 huì) 侯 hóu, 厚 hòu, 候 hòu (某 mǒu, 母 mǔ) 脂 zhī, 旨 zhǐ, 至 zhì (否 fǒu, 龜 guī) 尤 yóu, 有 yǒu, 宥 yòu (婦 fù, 丘 qiū, 郵 yóu) 德 dé (特 tè, 則 zé, 克 kè, 墨 mò, 國 guó) 麥 mài (革 gé, 核 hé, 麥 mài, 聝 guó) 職 zhí (直 zhí, 穡 sè, 識 shí, 棘 jí, 堛bì, 閾 yù) 屋 wū (福 fú, 郁 yù)

Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes  235 Almost all characters in the 之 zhī rhyme of the Guǎngyùn are derived from this division, hence its name 之 zhī. The 幽 yōu division – all characters having the following phonetic components belong to this division: 州 zhōu, 求 qiú, 流 liú, 休 xiū, 舟 zhōu, 㥑 yōu, 汓 qiú, 曹 cáo, 攸 yōu, 夲 tāo, 髟 biāo, 周 zhōu, 矛 máo, 勹 bāo, 𢏚 chóu, 酋 qiú, 孚 fú, 𤓽 fú, 𢆶 yōu, 牢 láo, 劉 liú, 丩 jiū, 囚 qiú, 雔 chóu, 由 yóu, 𪚰 jiāo, 彪 biāo, 𠧪 tiáo, 麀 yōu, 牟 móu, 蒐 sōu, 𡕿 kuí, 𢌳 kuí 九 jiǔ, 舀 yǎo, 卯 mǎo, 酉 yǒu, 丣 yǒu, 缶 fǒu, 叟 sǒu, 爪 zhǎo, 㕚 zhǎo, 好 hǎo, 手 shǒu, 老 lǎo, 牡 mǔ, 帚 zhǒu, 首 shǒu, 𦣻 shǒu, 守 shǒu, 𠤏 bǎo, 阜 fù, 丑 chǒu, 丂 kǎo, 𣎼 bǎo, 簋 guǐ, 肘 zhǒu, 受 shòu, 棗 zǎo, 韭 jiǔ, 咎 jiù, 艸 cǎo, 夰 gǎo, 鳥 niǎo, 牖 yǒu, 早 zǎo, 𠔼 mǎo, 討 tǎo 翏 liù, 臭 chòu, 戊 wù, 孝 xiào, 奧 ào, 𥝩 suì, 幼 yòu, 𣪕 guǐ, 就 jiù, 秀 xiù, 冃 mào, 報 bào, 嘼 shòu, 告 gào 六 liù, 孰 shú, 肅 sù, 尗 shú, 畜 chù, 祝 zhù, 匊 jū, 复 fù, 肉 ròu, 毒 dú, 夙 sù, 𠈇 sù, 目 mù, 竹 zhú, 逐 zhú, 㣎 mù, 鬻 yù, 𦥑 jú, 昱 yù This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn: 豪 háo, 皓 hào, 號 hào (寶 bǎo, 滔 tāo, 曹 cáo, 告 gào) 肴 yáo, 巧 qiǎo, 效 xiào (包 bāo, 鵃 zhōu, 膠 jiāo) 尤 yóu, 有 yǒu, 宥 yòu (矛 máo, 抽 chōu, 愁 chóu, 修 xiū, 周 zhōu, 救 jiù) 幽 yōu, 黝 yǒu, 幼 yòu (謬 miù, 虯 qiú, 幼 yòu) 蕭 xiāo, 篠 xiǎo, 嘯 xiào (雕 diāo, 嘯 xiào, 叫 jiào) 沃 wò (𣔺 mào, 督 dū, 鵠 hú) 覺 jué (雹 báo, 學 xué) 屋 wū (腹 fù, 竹 zhú, 肅 sù, 縮 suō, 淑 shū, 菊 jú) 錫 xī (滌 dí, 戚 qī) Almost all characters in the 幽 yōu rhyme of the Guǎngyùn are derived from this division, hence its name 幽 yōu. The 宵 xiāo division – all characters having the following phonetic components belong to this division: 毛 máo, 票 piāo, 𥄉 jiāo, 敖 áo, 勞 láo, 交 jiāo, 高 gāo, 刀 dāo, 苗 miáo, 爻 yáo, 巢 cháo, 垚 yáo, 嚻 xiāo, 梟 xiāo, 猋 biāo, 䚻 yáo, 幺 yāo, 焦 jiāo, 鼂 cháo, 朝 zhāo, 料 liào, 㞵 tāo 小 xiǎo, 夭 yāo, 兆 zhào, 表 biǎo, 了 liǎo, 𠬪 biào, 㫐 yǎo, 肁 zhào, 糾 jiū, 淼 miǎo, 杳 yǎo, 窅 yǎo, 皛 xiǎo, 匘 nǎo, 少 shǎo 喿 zào, 皃 mào, 䫉 mào, 暴 bào, 鬧 nào, 尞 liào, 弔 diào, 盜 dào, 號 hào 樂 lè, 卓 zhuó, 龠 yuè, 翟 zhái, 爵 jué, 丵 zhuó, 勺 sháo, 寉 hè, 弱 ruò, 敫 jiǎo, 雥 zá, 虐 nüè, 雀 què

236  Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn:

豪 háo, 皓 hào, 號 hào (毛 máo, 桃 táo, 操 cāo, 高 gāo) 肴 yáo, 巧 qiǎo, 效 xiào (貌 mào, 罩 zhào, 巢 cháo, 教 jiāo) 宵 xiāo, 小 xiǎo, 笑 xiào (熛 biāo, 朝 zhāo, 焦 jiāo, 招 zhāo, 喬 qiáo) 蕭 xiāo, 篠 xiǎo, 嘯 xiào (貂 diāo, 堯 yáo, 幺 yāo) 沃 wò (瀑 pù, 沃 wò) 鐸 duó (曝 pù, 樂 lè, 鶴 hè) 屋 wū (嚛 hù) 覺 jué (駁 bó, 卓 zhuó, 榷 què) 藥 yào (爵 jué, 綽 chuò, 藥 yào) 錫 xī (翟 zhái, 激 jī)

This division is so named because characters in the 宵 xiāo rhyme of the Guǎngyùn are derived from this division only. The 侯 hóu division – all characters having the following phonetic components belong to this division: 朱 zhū, 區 qū, 𠘧 shū, 需 xū, 俞 yú, 芻 chú, 毋 wú, 婁 lóu, 句 gōu, 侯 hóu, 兜 dōu, 𣪊 què, 須 xū 取 qǔ, 丶 zhǔ, 乳 rǔ, 㼌 yǔ, 后 hòu, 後 hòu, 口 kǒu, 𣆉 hòu, 走 zǒu, 斗 dǒu 𠁁 dòu, 禺 yú, 壴 zhù, 付 fù, 具 jù, 戍 shù, 馵 zhù, 奏 zòu, 冓 gòu, 豆 dòu, 屚 lòu, 敄 wù, 寇 kòu, 晝 zhòu, 鬥 dòu, 㔷 lòu 谷 gǔ, 角 jiǎo, 族 zú, 屋 wū, 獄 yù, 足 zú, 束 shù, 𧶠 yù,辱 rǔ, 曲 qǔ, 玉 yù, 蜀 shǔ, 木 mù, 彔 lù, 粟 sù, 菐 pú, 豖 chù, 卜 bǔ, 局 jú, 鹿 lù, 禿 tū This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn: 侯 hóu, 厚 hòu, 候 hòu (懋 mào, 斗 dǒu, 奏 zòu, 鉤 gōu) 虞 yú, 麌 yǔ, 遇 yù (附 fù, 柱 zhù, 須 xū, 芻 chú, 珠 zhū, 俱 jù) 尤 yóu, 有 yǒu, 宥 yòu (驟 zhòu, 騶 zōu) 屋 wū (樸 pǔ, 讀 dú, 族 zú, 轂 gǔ) 覺 jué (剝 bō, 濁 zhuó, 捉 zhuō, 角 jiǎo) 燭 zhú (綠 lǜ, 俗 sú,辱 rǔ, 曲 qǔ) Most of the characters in the 侯 hóu rhyme of the Guǎngyùn are derived from this division. The 魚 yú division – all characters having the following phonetic components belong to this division: 且 jū, 于 yú, 夫 fū, 牙 yá, 巴 bā, 吴 wú, 虍 hū, 麤 cū, 壺 hú, 舁 yú, 車 jū, 烏 wū, 於 yú, 魚 yú, 夃 gū, 圖 tú, 乎 hū, 巫 wū, 疋 shū, 殳 shū, 𠙴 qū,5 居 jū, 初 chū 父 fù, 叚 jiǎ, 古 gǔ, 與 yǔ, 巨 jù, 土 tǔ, 舞 wǔ, 馬 mǎ, 呂 lǚ, 鹵 lǔ, 下 xià, 女 nǚ, 処 chǔ, 羽 yǔ, 𠑹 gǔ, 鼓 gǔ, 股 gǔ, 雨 yǔ, 五 wǔ, 予 yǔ, 午 wǔ, 戶 hù, 武

Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes 237 wǔ, 鼠 shǔ, 禹 yǔ, 夏 xià, 宁 zhù, 旅 lǚ, 寡 guǎ, 圉 yǔ, 蠱 gǔ, 斝 jiǎ, 普 pǔ, 茻 yǒu 卸 xiè, 射 shè, 亞 yà, 舍 shè, 素 sù, 䀠 jù, 襾 yà, 莫 mò, 庶 shù, 乍 zhà, 步 bù, 互 hù 各 gè, 亦 yì, 夕 xī, 石 shí, 舄 xì, 隻 zhī, 若 ruò, 屰 nì, 睪 yì, 谷 gǔ, 郭 guō, 戟 jǐ, 乇 zhé, 昔 xī, 霍 huò, 炙 zhì, 白 bái, 尺 chǐ, 赤 chì, 赫 hè, 壑 hè, 𡭴 xì, 䨣 pò, 辵 chuò, 㲋 chuò, 蒦 huò, 矍 jué, 索 suǒ, 𠃨 jǐ, 虢 guó This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn: 模 mú, 姥 mǔ, 暮 mù (補 bǔ, 都 dū, 組 zǔ, 固 gù, 狐 hú) 魚 yú, 語 yǔ, 御 yù (貯 zhù, 疽 jū, 疏 shū, 諸 zhū, 許 xǔ) 虞 yú, 麌 yǔ, 遇 yù (撫 fǔ, 宇 yǔ) 麻 má, 馬 mǎ, 禡 mà (馬 mǎ, 拏 ná, 詐 zhà, 假 jiǎ, 瓜 guā, 華 huá, 借 jiè, 者 zhě, 牙 yá) 鐸 duó (託 tuō, 作 zuò, 閣 gé, 薄 bó, 郭 guō) 藥 yào (斮 zhuó, 箸 zhù, 若 ruò, 卻 què, 矍 jué) 陌 mò (宅 zhái, 客 kè, 柏 bǎi, 虢 guó, 戟 jǐ, 逆 nì) 昔 xī (繹 yì, 惜 xī, 赤 chì) All characters in the 模 mú and 魚 yú rhymes of the Guǎngyùn are derived from this division. This division is named 魚 yú because most of the divisions are named after third-grade rhymes. The 佳 jiā division – all characters having the following phonetic components belong to this division: 兮 xī, 支 zhī, 知 zhī, 卑 bēi, 斯 sī, 乁 yí,6 圭 guī, 巵 zhī, 兒 ní, 規 guī, 夊 suī, 醯 xī, 巂 xī 是 shì, 𧰲 chǐ, 匸 xì, 只 zhǐ, 廌 zhì, 解 jiě, 此 cǐ, 羋 mǐ, 㸚 lǐ, 厃 wěi, 启 qǐ, 買 mǎi, 𦫳 guǎi 𠂆 yì,7 易 yì, 朿 cì, 畫 huà, 𠂢 pài, 𣏕 shì, 瑞 ruì, 囟 xìn, 系 xì 益 yì, 析 xī, 辟 pì, 鬲 lì, 脊 jǐ, 狊 jú, 戹 è, 狄 dí, 秝 lì, 彳 chì, 冊 cè, 毄 jī, 糸 mì This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn: 佳 jiā, 蟹 xiè, 卦 guà (粺 bài, 街 jiē, 隘 ài, 卦 guà) 支 zhī, 紙 zhǐ, 寘 zhì (避 bì, 知 zhī, 賜 cì, 是 shì, 歧 qí, 視 shì) 齊 qí, 薺 jì, 霽 jì (閨 guī) 麥 mài (脈 mài, 摘 zhāi, 策 cè, 隔 gé, 劃 huà) 昔 xī (壁 bì, 析 xī, 擊 jī, 鶪 jú) Some scholars name this division 支 zhī; however, characters in the 支 zhī rhyme of the Guǎngyùn are not only derived from this division. Therefore, 佳 jiā is a better name representing this rhyme division.

238  Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes The 歌 gē division – all characters having the following phonetic components belong to this division: 虧 kuī, 它 tā, 爲 wéi, 离 lí, 加 jiā, 多 duō, 麻 má, 𠂹 chuí, 吹 chuī, 叉 chā, 沙 shā, 禾 hé, 禾 hē, 那 nuó, 𦌱 jī, 戈 gē 冎 guǎ, 𢑓 xiá, 我 wǒ, 罷 bà, 𠂇 zuǒ, 瓦 wǎ, 果 guǒ, 朵 duǒ, 𧴪 suǒ, 惢 suǒ, 徙 xǐ, 𦝠 luó, 㐄 kuà, 叵 pǒ, 也 yě 𦋜 luó, 𠤎 huà, 坐 zuò, 臥 wò, 麗 lì, 些 suò, 戲 xì This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn: 歌 gē, 哿 gě, 箇 gè (多 duō, 娑 suō, 何 hé) 麻 má, 馬 mǎ, 禡 mà (差 chā, 加 jiā, 蛇 shé, 蝸 wō) 支 zhī, 紙 zhǐ, 寘 zhì (離 lí, 施 shī, 奇 qí, 糜 mí, 隋 suí, 吹 chuī) 戈 gē, 果 guǒ, 過 guò (波 bō, 墮 duò, 坐 zuò, 過 guò) All characters in the 歌 gē and 戈 gē rhymes of the Guǎngyùn are derived from this division. The two rhymes are not distinguished in the Qièyùn, so this division uses 歌 gē as a portmanteau name. The 脂 zhī division – this division has the following phonetic components: 妻 qī, 皆 jiē, 厶 sī, 𥝌 jī, 夷 yí, 齊 qí, 眉 méi, 尸 shī, 夔 kuí, 卟 jī, 伊 yī, 屖 xī 几 jǐ, 豸 zhì, 犀 xī, 氐 dǐ, 黹 zhǐ, 比 bǐ, 米 mǐ, 尒 ěr, 豊 lǐ, 死 sǐ, 𠂔 zǐ, 美 měi, 水 shuǐ, 矢 shǐ, 兕 sì, 履 lǚ, 癸 guǐ, 夂 zhǐ, 豕 shǐ, 匕 bǐ 示 shì, 閉 bì, 二 èr, 戾 lì, 利 lì, 㣇 yì, 棄 qì, 四 sì, 惠 huì, 計 jì, 医 yī, 繼 jì, 自 zì, 𦣹 zì, 疐 zhì, 至 zhì, 𡚤 bì, 季 jì 悉 xī, 八 bā, 必 bì, 實 shí, 吉 jí, 𢧄 dié, 質 zhì, 七 qī, 卪 jié, 日 rì, 栗 lì, 桼 qī, 冖 mì, 臸 zhī, 畢 bì, 一 yī, 血 xuè, 逸 yì, 抑 yì, 丿 piě, 失 shī, 頁 xié, 魝 jì This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn: 皆 jiē, 駭 hài, 怪 guài (齋 zhāi, 喈 jiē) 脂 zhī, 旨 zhǐ, 至 zhì (比 bǐ, 遲 chí, 咨 zī, 柹 shì, 至 zhì, 脂 zhī, 肌 jī, 水 shuǐ, 葵 kuí) 齊 qí, 薺 jì, 霽 jì (迷 mí, 體 tǐ, 棲 qī, 稽 jī, 惠 huì) 支 zhī, 紙 zhǐ (爾 ěr) 黠 xiá (八 bā, 黠 xiá) 櫛 zhì (櫛 zhì) 質 zhì (蜜 mì, 姪 zhí, 疾 ji, 質 zhì, 吉 jí) 屑 xiè (㮰 pí, 鐵 tiě, 屑 xiè, 結 jié, 穴 xué) 術 shù (恤 xù)

Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes 239 Most characters in the 脂 zhī rhyme of the Guǎngyùn are derived from this division. The 微 wēi division – this division has the following phonetic components: 飛 fēi, 𠂤 duī, 衣 yī, 褱 huái, 綏 suí, 非 fēi, 枚 méi, 𢼸 wēi, 囗 wéi, 幾 jī, 隹 zhuī, 累 léi, 希 xī, 威 wēi, 囘 huí, 衰 shuāi, 肥 féi, 乖 guāi, 危 wēi, 開 kāi 鬼 guǐ, 畾 léi, 尾 wěi, 虫 huī, 罪 zuì, 委 wěi, 毇 huǐ, 火 huǒ, 卉 huì 臾 yú, 貴 guì, 氣 qì, 乞 qǐ, 旡 jì, 胃 wèi, 未 wèi, 位 wèi, 退 tuì, 隶 lì, 祟 suì, 凷 kuài, 尉 wèi, 對 duì, 頪 lèi, 內 nèi, 孛 bèi, 器 qì, 配 pèi, 冀 jì, 耒 lěi, 㕟 kuì, 𢑛 mèi, 畏 wèi 卒 zú, 率 shuài, 朮 zhú, 出 chū, 兀 wù, 弗 fú, 𠬸 mò, 㕯 nè, 勿 wù, 甶 fú, 𠫓 tū, 乙 yǐ, 乀 fú, 骨 gǔ, 帥 shuài, 鬱 yù This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn: 咍 hāi, 海 hǎi, 代 dài (闓 kǎi, 哀 āi) 皆 jiē, 駭 hài, 怪 guài (顡 wài, 徘 pái, 懷 huái) 脂 zhī, 旨 zhǐ, 至 zhì (絺 chī, 肆 sì, 器 qì, 鼻 bí, 追 zhuī, 翠 cuì, 誰 shuí, 匱 kuì) 微 wēi, 尾 wěi, 未 wèi (幾 jī, 衣 yī, 非 fēi, 鬼 guǐ, 葦 wěi) 灰 huī, 賄 huì, 隊 duì (配 pèi, 隤 tuí, 罪 zuì, 回 huí) 戈 gē, 果 guǒ (火 huǒ) 支 zhī, 紙 zhǐ, 寘 zhì (縋 zhuì, 毀 huǐ) 沒 mò (齕 hé, 浡 bó, 突 tū, 骨 gǔ, 卒 zú) 黠 xiá (軋 yà, 朏 kū, 滑 huá) 質 zhì (肸 xī, 乙 yǐ) 迄 qì (訖 qì) 術 shù (筆 bǐ, 術 shù) 物 wù (屈 qū) All characters in the 微 wēi rhyme of the Guǎngyùn are derived from this division.8 The 祭 jì division – this division has the following phonetic components: 祭 jì, 衛 wèi, 贅 zhuì, 毳 cuì, 㡀 bì, 制 zhì, 裔 yì, 埶 yì, 世 shì, 彑 jì, 㓹 ruì, 彗 huì, 𨊥 huì, 拜 bài, 介 jiè, 大 dà, 太 tài, 匃 gài, 帶 dài, 貝 bèi, 會 huì, 兑 duì, 巜 kuài, 最 zuì, 外 wài, 蠆 chài, 吠 fèi, 乂 yì, 丯 jiè, 砅 lì, 筮 shì, 竄 cuàn, 夬 guài, 㕢 gài, 摯 zhì, 泰 tài 戌 xū, 𥄕 mò, 月 mò, 伐 fá, 欮 jué, 𠄌 jué, 𥄎 xuè, 𡳾 jué, 剌 là, 𢧵 jié, 歺 è, 末 mò, 寽 lüè, 犮 bá, 𡿪 liè, 桀 jié, 折 shé, 舌 shé, 絕 jué, 叕 zhuó, 龰 zhǐ, 屮 chè, 聅

240

Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes

chè, 亅 jué, 𠃉 yà, 𣥠 tī, 臬 niè, 氒 jué, 𥩮 è, 禼 xiè, 烕 miè, 𢇍 jué, 𥜿 fèi, 䀑 wò, 杀 shā, 盇 hé, 奪 duó, 徹 chè, 設 shè, 𣎵 pō, 劣 liè, 別 bié, 㕞 shuā, 孑 jié, 巿 fú This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn, all of which are qù tone and rù tone rhymes: 泰 tài (帶 dài, 蔡 cài, 蓋 gài, 沛 pèi, 兑 duì, 最 zuì, 檜 huì) 夬 guài (蠆 chài, 犗 jiè, 敗 bài, 快 kuài) 怪 guài (介 jiè, 拜 bài, 躗 wèi) 祭 jì (蓺 yì, 厲 lì, 制 zhì, 蔽 bì, 綴 zhuì, 芮 ruì, 厥 jué) 廢 fèi (刈 yì, 肺 fèi, 喙 huì) 霽 jì (螮 dì, 慧 huì) 曷 hé (達 dá, 割 gē, 遏 è) 鎋 xiá (轄 xiá, 䵵 chuā, 刮 guā) 黠 xiá (殺 shā, 㓞 qià, 窡 zhuó, 刷 shuā) 薛 xuē (哲 zhé, 泄 xiè, 設 shè, 朅 qiè, 別 bié, 捋 luō, 絕 jué, 説 shuō) 月 yuè (歇 xiē, 伐 fá, 厥 jué) 屑 xiè (截 jié, 潔 jié, 蔑 miè, 決 jué) 末 mò (撥 bō, 脱 tuō, 撮 cuō, 濶 kuò) All characters in the qù tone rhymes 祭 jì, 泰 tài, 夬 guài and 廢 fèi, the rù tone rhymes 曷 hé, 末 mò, 鎋 xiá, 薛 xuē and 月 yuè of the Guǎngyùn are derived from this division. The 元 yuán division – this division has the following phonetic components: 鮮 xiān, 叀 zhuān, 䇂 qiān, 泉 quán, 難 nán, 原 yuán, 䜌 luán, 官 guān, 爰 yuán, 閒 xián, 亘 huán, 連 lián, 西 xī, 遷 qiān, 干 gān, 安 ān, 𣦼 cán, 吅 xuān, 肩 jiān, 毌 wān, 閑 xián, 廛 chán, 丹 dān, 焉 yān, 元 yuán, 肙 yuān, 山 shān, 戔 jiān, 棥 fán, 㢟 chān, 㳄 xián, 緐 fán, 耑 duān, 丸 wán, 虔 qián, 羴 shān, 攀 pān, 寒 hán, 姦 jiān, 般 bān, 刪 shān, 便 pián, 寃 yuān, 緜 mián, 宀 mián, 前 qián, 䏈 lián, 𦤝 mián, 煩 fán, 穿 chuān, 全 quán, 萑 huán, 虤 yán, 莧 xiàn, 𤤻 bān, 單 dān 厂 yǎn, 㠭 zhǎn, 卵 luǎn, 𣊡 xiǎn, 反 fǎn, 夗 wǎn, 𡿨 quǎn, 㫃 yǎn, 柬 jiǎn, 繭 jiǎn, 耎 ruǎn, 衍 yǎn, 㕣 yǎn, 犬 quǎn, 雋 juàn, 㚘 bàn, 舛 chuǎn, 侃 kǎn, 免 miǎn, 辡 biàn, 孨 zhuǎn, 件 jiàn, 㞋 niǎn, 𠳋 qiǎn, 善 shàn, 典 diǎn 釆 biàn, 𠔉 juàn, 𢎟 dàn, 旦 dàn, 半 bàn, 彖 tuàn, 扇 shàn, 見 jiàn, 丱 guàn, 妟 yàn, 曼 màn, 奐 huàn, 弁 biàn, 𤔔 luàn, 縣 xiàn, 憲 xiàn, 宦 huàn, 燕 yàn, 爨 cuàn, 睿 ruì, 祘 suàn, 面 miàn, 贊 zàn, 算 suàn, 建 jiàn, 萬 wàn, 片 piàn, 斷 suàn, yàn, 㵄 hàn This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn: 寒 hán, 旱 hàn, 翰 hàn (簞 dān, 餐 cān, 竿 gān, 安 ān) 桓 huán, 緩 huǎn, 換 huàn (槃 pán, 端 duān, 算 suàn, 觀 guān)

Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes 241 刪 shān, 潸 shān, 諫 jiàn (潸 shān, 諫 jiàn, 雁 yàn, 板 bǎn, 饌 zhuàn, 關 guān, 患 huàn) 山 shān, 產 chǎn, 襇 jiǎn (訕 shàn, 簡 jiǎn, 莧 xiàn, 辦 bàn, 幻 huàn) 仙 xiān, 獮 xiǎn, 線 xiàn (衍 yǎn, 連 lián, 翦 jiǎn, 旃 zhān, 遣 qiǎn, 免 miǎn, 卷 juàn, 翩 piān, 篆 zhuàn, 詮 quán, 專 zhuān, 捐 juān) 元 yuán, 阮 ruǎn, 願 yuàn (建 jiàn, 偃 yǎn, 藩 fán, 勸 quàn, 垣 yuán, 怨 yuàn) 先 xiān, 銑 xiǎn, 霰 xiàn (練 liàn, 肩 jiān, 燕 yàn, 邊 biān, 獧 juàn) All characters in the 寒 hán, 桓 huán, 刪 shān, 元 yuán and 先 xiān rhymes of the Guǎngyùn are derived from this division. The 文 wén division – this division has the following phonetic components: 塵 chén, 𡱂 tún, 昏 hūn, 𡕽 hūn, 豚 tún, 辰 chén, 先 xiān, 囷 qūn, 春 chūn, 屯 tún, 門 mén, 分 fēn, 孫 sūn, 賁 bēn, 君 jūn, 員 yún, 𥊽 kūn, 昆 kūn, 𦎫 chún, 㒼 mán, 川 chuān, 雲 yún, 存 cún, 巾 jīn, 侖 lún, 堇 jǐn, 㚃 yūn, 文 wén, 豩 bīn, 軍 jūn, 斤 jīn, 昷 wēn, 熏 xūn, 筋 jīn, 飧 sūn, 䖵 kūn, 尊 zūn, 㐆 yǐn 盾 dùn, 㐱 zhěn, 𤔌 yǐn, 𠃑 yǐn, 壼 kǔn, 丨 gǔn, 本 běn, 允 yǔn 艮 gèn, 刃 rèn, 寸 cùn, 圂 hùn, 奮 fèn, 胤 yìn, 糞 fèn, 薦 jiàn, 䜭 jùn, 困 kùn, 卂 xùn This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn: 痕 hén, 很 hěn, 恨 hèn (吞 tūn, 根 gēn) 魂 hún, 混 hùn, 慁 hùn (盆 pén, 遁 dùn, 遜 xùn, 昆 kūn, 溫 wēn) 山 shān, 產 chǎn, 襇 jiǎn (艱 jiān, 盼 pàn, 鰥 guān) 臻 zhēn, 真 zhēn, 軫 zhěn, 震 zhèn (吝 lìn, 振 zhèn, 勤 qín, 詵 shēn) 諄 zhūn, 準 zhǔn, 稕 zhùn (邠 bīn, 倫 lún, 俊 jùn, 春 chūn, 窘 jiǒng) 欣 xīn, 隱 yǐn, 焮 xìn (芹 qín) 文 wén, 吻 wěn, 問 wèn (忿 fèn, 運 yùn, 羣 qún) 先 xiān, 銑 xiǎn, 霰 xiàn (殄 tiǎn, 銑 xiǎn, 殿 diàn) All characters in the 痕 hén, 魂 hún, 欣 xīn and 文 wén rhymes of the Guǎngyùn are derived from this division. The 真 zhēn division – this division has the following phonetic components: 秦 qín, 人 rén, 頻 pín, 寅 yín, 𣶒 yuān, 身 shēn, 旬 xún, 辛 xīn, 天 tiān, 田 tián, 千 qiān, 令 líng, 因 yīn, 真 zhēn, 勻 yún, 臣 chén, 民 mín, 𦘔 jīn, 申 shēn 丏 miǎn, 扁 biǎn, 引 yǐn, 廴 yǐn, 尹 yǐn 粦 lín, 信 xìn, 命 mìng, 𨳌 zhèn, 𣎳 pìn, 印 yìn, 疢 chèn, 佞 nìng, 晉 jìn, 奠 diàn, 閵 lìn

242  Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn: 山 shān, 產 chǎn, 襇 jiǎn (㹂 qiǎn) 臻 zhēn, 真 zhēn, 軫 zhěn, 震 zhèn (賓 bīn, 陳 chén, 進 jìn, 神 shén, 緊 jǐn, 臻 zhēn) 諄 zhūn, 準 zhǔn, 稕 zhùn (旬 xún, 均 jūn) 先 xiān, 銑 xiǎn, 霰 xiàn (顛 diān, 千 qiān, 堅 jiān, 咽 yān, 絢 xuàn, 淵 yuān) Most characters in the 真 zhēn rhyme of the Guǎngyùn are derived from this division. The 耕 gēng division – this division has the following phonetic components: 熒 yíng, 丁 dīng, 生 shéng, 盈 yíng, 鳴 míng, 名 míng, 平 píng, 寍 níng, 賏 yīng, 甹 pīng, 冂 jiōng, 爭 zhēng, 幵 jiān, 霝 líng, 嬴 yíng, 晶 jīng, 觪 xīng 𡔛 tǐng, 鼎 dǐng, 頃 qǐng, 井 jǐng, 耿 gěng, 幸 xìng, 省 shěng, 𪓑 měng 正 zhèng, 殸 qìng, 敬 jìng, 令 lìng, 夐 xiòng, 命 mìng This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn: 耕 gēng, 耿 gěng, 諍 zhèng (抨 pēng, 琤 chēng, 莖 jīng, 鸚 yīng, 轟 hōng) 庚 gēng, 梗 gěng, 映 yìng (笙 shēng, 驚 jīng, 榮 róng) 清 qīng, 靜 jìng, 勁 jìng (形 xīng, 貞 zhēn, 靜 jìng, 征 zhēng, 勁 jìng, 傾 qīng) 青 qīng, 迥 jiǒng, 徑 jìng (冥 míng, 頂 dǐng, 星 xīng, 刑 xíng, 坰 jiōng) All characters in the 清 qīng and 青 qīng rhymes of the Guǎngyùn are derived from this division. The division is named after 耕 gēng rather than 清 qīng because it is related to the 佳 jiā division (see next section). The 佳 jiā division is not named after 支 zhī. The 陽 yáng division – this division has the following phonetic components: 王 wáng, 㞷 huáng, 匚 fāng, 行 háng, 昜 yáng, 爿 chuáng, 方 fāng, 亢 kàng, 兵 bīng, 光 guāng, 京 jīng, 羊 yáng, 庚 gēng, 𤕦 níng, 畕 jiāng, 強 qiáng, 兄 xiōng, 桑 sāng, 刅 chuāng, 彭 péng, 央 yāng, 昌 chāng, 倉 cāng, 相 xiāng, 亨 hēng, 卬 áng, 慶 qìng, 亡 wáng, 量 liáng, 羹 gēng, 香 xiāng, 尪 wāng, 炗 guāng, 𣌣 liáng,9 明 míng 网 wǎng, 永 yǒng, 爽 shuǎng, 囧 jiǒng, 㒳 liǎng, 象 xiàng, 皿 mǐn, 竝 bìng, 丙 bǐng, 弜 jiàng, 秉 bǐng, 丈 zhàng, 杏 xìng, 上 shàng 向 xiàng, 誩 jìng, 臦 guāng, 鬯 chàng, 竟 jìng, 朢 wàng This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn: 唐 táng, 蕩 dàng, 宕 dàng (當 dāng, 藏 cáng, 康 kāng, 旁 páng, 曠 kuàng, 皇 huáng)

Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes 243 庚 gēng, 梗 gěng, 映 yìng (樘 táng, 鐺 chēng, 羹 gēng, 黥 qíng, 猛 měng, 觥 gōng, 丙 bǐng, 永 yǒng) 陽 yáng, 養 yǎng, 漾 yàng (張 zhāng, 將 jiāng, 場 chǎng, 壃 jiāng, 魴 fáng, 匡 kuāng) All characters in the 唐 táng and 陽 yáng rhymes of the Guǎngyùn are derived from this division. The 東 dōng division – this division has the following phonetic components: 東 dōng, 公 gōng, 丰 fēng, 同 tóng, 邕 yōng, 豐 fēng, 冡 měng, 从 cóng, 封 fēng, 容 róng, 凶 xiōng, 充 chōng, 茸 róng, 舂 chōng, 囱 cōng, 雙 shuāng, 嵩 sōng, 尨 máng 孔 kǒng, 冢 zhǒng, 竦 sǒng, 宂 rǒng, 𠬞 gǒng 送 sòng, 共 gòng, 弄 nòng This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn: 東 dōng, 董 dǒng, 送 sòng (蓬 péng, 通 tōng, 總 zǒng, 功 gōng, 洪 hóng) 江 jiāng, 講 jiǎng, 絳 jiàng (蚌 bàng, 撞 zhuàng, 雙 shuāng, 講 jiǎng) 鍾 zhōng, 腫 zhǒng, 用 yòng (封 fēng, 寵 chǒng, 從 cóng, 腫 zhǒng, 容 róng) All characters in the 東 dōng (first grade) and 鍾 zhōng rhymes of the Guǎngyùn are derived from this division. It is not named after 鍾 zhōng because people tend to associate 鍾 zhōng with 冬 dōng under the influence of the Qièyùn. In Old Chinese, they were not associated. The 中 zhōng division – this division has the following phonetic components: 中 zhōng, 躳 gōng, 蟲 chóng, 戎 róng, 冬 dōng, 宗 zōng, 彤 tóng, 農 nóng, 夅 xiáng, 夂 zhōng 眾 zhòng, 賵 fèng, 宋 sòng This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn: 冬 dōng, 腫 zhǒng, 宋 sòng (宗 zōng) 江 jiāng, 講 jiǎng, 絳 jiàng (降 jiàng) 東 dōng, 董 dǒng, 送 sòng (忠 zhōng, 終 zhōng, 宮 gōng) All characters in the 冬 dōng rhyme of the Guǎngyùn are derived from this division. The name of the division 中 zhōng represents the third grade. Some scholars name this division 冬 dōng.

244  Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes The 蒸 zhēng division – this division has the following phonetic components: 瞢 méng, 蠅 yíng, 朋 péng, 弓 gōng, 曾 zéng, 升 shéng, 鷹 yīng, 興 xīng, 恒 héng, 徵 zhēng, 兢 jīng, 厷 gōng, 冰 bīng, 登 dēng, 乘 chéng, 爯 chēng, 熊 xióng, 丞 chéng, 承 chéng, 凭 píng, 陾 réng, 豋 dēng, 仍 réng 井 jǐng, 肯 kěn This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn: 登 dēng, 等 děng, 嶝 dèng (滕 téng, 增 zēng, 恒 héng, 朋 péng, 弘 hóng) 耕 gēng, 耿 gěng, 諍 zhèng (橙 chéng, 甍 méng, 宏 hóng) 蒸 zhēng, 拯 zhěng, 證 zhèng (陵 líng, 乘 chéng, 興 xīng, 冰 bīng) 東 dōng, 董 dǒng, 送 sòng (夢 mèng, 弓 gōng, 雄 xióng) All characters in the 登 dēng and 蒸 zhēng rhymes of the Guǎngyùn are derived from this division. The 侵 qīn division – this division has the following phonetic components: 冘 yín, 咸 xián, 林 lín, 心 xīn, 今 jīn, 凡 fán, 男 nán, 琴 qīn, 彡 shān, 音 yīn, 兂 zān, 㑴 qīn, 𥥍 shēn, 壬 rén, 陰 yīn, 三 sān, 㐺 yín 𢆉 rěn, 甚 shèn, 品 pǐn, 㐭 lǐn, 審 shěn 闖 chèn This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn: 覃 tán, 感 gǎn, 勘 kān (耽 dān, 簪 zān, 堪 kān, 暗 àn) 咸 xián, 豏 xiàn, 陷 xiàn (湛 zhàn, 緘 jiān) 侵 qīn, 寢 qǐn, 沁 qìn (品 pǐn, 侵 qīn, 岑 cén, 審 shěn, 禁 jìn, 音 yīn) 鹽 yán, 琰 yǎn, 豔 yàn (僭 jiàn) 東 dōng, 董 dǒng, 送 sòng (芃 péng, 風 fēng) 添 tiān, 忝 tiǎn, 㮇 tiàn (簟 diàn, 酓 yǎn)10 All characters in the 侵 qīn rhyme of the Guǎngyùn are derived from this division. The 談 tán division – this division has the following phonetic components: 占 zhān, 㦰 jiān, 兼 jiān, 僉 qiān, 甘 gān, 𤡜 yān, 炎 yán, 詹 zhān, 毚 chán, 甜 tián, 芟 shān 𢎘 hàn, 閃 shǎn, 冉 rǎn, 臽 xiàn, 敢 gǎn, 广 yǎn, 斬 zhǎn, 奄 yǎn, 弇 yǎn, 染 rǎn, 㚒 shǎn, 焱 yàn, 𡕢 miǎn, 凵 kǎn 㐁 tiàn, 欠 qiàn

Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes  245 This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn: 談 tán, 敢 gǎn, 闞 kàn (藍 lán, 慙 cán, 敢 gǎn) 覃 tán, 感 gǎn, 勘 kān (柟 nán, 贛 gàn, 函 hán) 銜 xián, 檻 jiàn, 鑑 jiàn (讒 chán) 咸 xián, 豏 xiàn, 陷 xiàn (斬 zhǎn, 陷 xiàn) 鹽 yán, 琰 yǎn, 豔 yàn (檐 yán, 塹 qiàn, 黚 qián, 沾 zhān, 懺 chàn, 險 xiǎn) 嚴 yán, 儼 yǎn, 釅 yàn (劍 jiàn, 俺 ǎn) 添 tiān, 忝 tiǎn, 㮇 tiàn (點 diǎn, 謙 qiān) 凡 fán, 范 fàn, 梵 fàn (犯 fàn) Almost all characters in the 談 tán, 銜 xián, 鹽 yán, 嚴 yán and 凡 fán rhymes of the Guǎngyùn are derived from this division. The 葉 yè division – this division has the following phonetic components: 妾 qiè, 枼 yè, 涉 shè, 業 yè, 疌 jié, 曄 yè, 巤 liè, 耴 yì, 燮 xiè, 聶 niè, 甲 jiǎ, 法 fǎ, 夾 jiá, 𦐇 tà, 臿 chā, 帀 zā, 譶 tà, 乏 fá, 𠦃 sà, 籋 niè, 𦘒 niè, 劫 jié, 劦 xié, 盍 hé This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn: 盍 hé (蹋 tà, 闔 hé) 合 hé (鞥 ēng) 狎 xiá (霎 shà, 狎 xiá, 壓 yā) 葉 yè (獵 liè, 妾 qiè, 聶 niè, 捷 jié, 慴 shè, 曄 yè) 業 yè (劫 jié, 脅 xié) 帖 tiè (諜 dié, 燮 xiè, 㥦 qiè) 乏 fá (法 fǎ) In addition, some characters evolved into the qù tone rhymes in the Guǎngyùn, e.g. 蓋 gài in the 泰 tài rhyme and 珕 lì and 荔 lì in the 霽 jì rhyme. See the next chapter for details. The 緝 jī division – this division has the following phonetic components: 咠 qì, 及 jí, 立 lì, 邑 yì, 集 jí, 入 rù, 十 shí, 習 xí, 廿 niàn, 㚔 niè, 歰 sè, 皀 jí, 㬎 è, 合 hé, 龖 dá, 眔 dà, 沓 tà, 軜 nà This division evolved into the following rhymes in the Guǎngyùn: 合 hé (答 dá, 雜 zá, 郃 hé) 洽 qià (袷 qiā) 緝 jī (立 lì, 集 jí, 執 zhí, 給 gěi, 吸 xī, 邑 yì) 帖 tiè (疊 dié)

246  Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes All characters in the 緝 jī rhyme of the Guǎngyùn are derived from this division. Some characters evolved into the qù tone rhymes in the Guǎngyùn, e.g. 內 nèi in the 隊 duì rhyme and 褱 huái in the 怪 guài rhyme. See the next chapter for details. §10.6 Ancient people did not have rhyme dictionaries; they used rhymes totally based on how characters were pronounced. Rhyming characters in the pre-Qin era varied to a considerable extent with time and location. Naturally, classification of Old Chinese rhymes cannot have clear-cut distinctions between divisions. Therefore, Qing Dynasty scholars since Duan Yucai endeavoured to divide ancient rhymes in accordance with ancient people’s rhyming patterns on the one hand, and they also acknowledged existence of ‘joint rhymes’ or ‘shared rhymes’, which accounted for the use of rhyming characters from different divisions. Here are some examples: 疚 jiù of the 之 zhī division rhymes with 造 zào, 考 kǎo and 孝 xiào of the 幽 yōu division in ‘Min Yu Xiaozi’ of ‘Sacrificial Odes of Zhou’ (《周頌·閔予小 子》);11 來 lái of the 之 zhī division rhymes with 贈 zèng of the 蒸 zhēng division in the third stanza of ‘Nü Yue Ji Ming’ of ‘Odes of Zheng’ (《鄭風·女曰雞鳴》); 謀 móu of the 之 zhī division rhymes with 者 zhě and 虎 hǔ of the 魚 yú division in the sixth stanza of ‘Xiangbo’ of ‘Minor Odes of the Kingdom’ (《小雅·巷伯》); 俅 qiú of the 幽 yōu division rhymes with 紑 fóu, 基 jī, 牛 niú and 鼒 zī of the 之 zhī division in ‘Siyi’ of ‘Sacrificial Odes of Zhou’ (《周頌·絲衣》); 糾 jiū of the 幽 yōu division rhymes with 皎 jiǎo, 僚 liáo and 悄 qiāo of the 宵 xiāo division in the first stanza of ‘Yue Chu’ of ‘Odes of Chen’ (《陳風·月出》); and 後 hòu of the 侯 hóu division rhymes with 鞏 gǒng of the 東 dōng division in the seventh stanza of ‘Zhanyang’ of ‘Great Odes of the Kingdom’ (《大雅· 瞻卬》)。 Construction of characters with phonetic components also demonstrates crossdivision use of elements: 裘 qiú is in the 之 zhī division, whereas its phonetic component 求 qiú is in the 幽 yōu division; 講 jiǎng is in the 東 dōng division, whereas its phonetic component 冓 gòu is in the 侯 hóu division; 侮 wǔ is in the 侯 hóu division, whereas its phonetic component 每 měi is in the 之 zhī division; and 仍 réng is in the 蒸 zhēng division, whereas its phonetic component 乃 nǎi is in the 之 zhī division. Taking all the mentioned exceptions into account, we can arrive at the following conclusions:

Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes 247 (1) In our arrangement of the sequence of divisions presented, the cross-division use of characters happens in neighbouring divisions. It is only natural since the Qing Dynasty scholars established the convention of sequencing divisions based on exceptional rhyming characters, as is mentioned. (2) It is noteworthy that cross-division use of characters happened relatively more frequently between 之 zhī and 蒸 zhēng; 葉 yè and 談 tán; 幽 yōu and 中 zhōng; 祭 jì; 歌 gē and 元 yuán; 緝 jī and 侵 qīn; 侯 hóu and 東 dōng; 微 wēi and 文 wén; 魚 yú and 陽 yáng; 脂 zhī and 真 zhēn; and 佳 jiā and 耕 gēng – obviously between yīnshēng (without consonantal coda) or rùshēng (with plosive coda) divisions and yángshēng (with nasal coda) divisions. It is by no means a coincidence; we can grasp the essentials of such a correlation by looking at the evolution of rù tone syllables. For example, characters of the 職 zhí and 德 dé rhymes belong to Old Chinese 之 zhī division, whereas they are matched with 蒸 zhēng and 登 dēng rhymes in the Qièyùn; characters of the 曷 hé, 末 mò, 鎋 xiá, etc. belong to Old Chinese 祭 jì division, whereas they are matched with rhymes 寒 hán, 桓 huán, 刪 shān, 元 yuán, etc. in the Qièyùn. Correlations in other pairs can be examined likewise. To refer to these joint uses of rhymes, people nowadays like to use Dai Zhen and Kong Guangsen’s term 對轉 duìzhuǎn ‘reversed conversion’ between yīnshēng and yángshēng rhymes. In addition, joint uses within either yīnshēng or yángshēng rhyme are referred to as 旁轉 pángzhuǎn ‘sideways conversion’ by Zhang Taiyan (章太炎). As regards the two terms, their use should be restricted to reference to exceptional rhyming characters or phonetic components of characters in Old Chinese; their use otherwise is basically groundless. With regard to Old Chinese rhyme classification, recently there was Huang Kan’s (黃侃)’s model of twenty-eight divisions, which was not at all novel. He had more divisions than others because he separated rùshēng syllables from yīnshēng divisions to form new, independent divisions. This separation does not hold true for Old Chinese rhymes because yīnshēng characters and rùshēng ones are in many cases jointly used in rhyming or as phonetic components in constructing characters. If they were separable, scholars of the Qing Dynasty would have separated them long before. (Qing scholar Zhu Junsheng (朱駿聲), in his book《說文通訓定聲》Shuōwén Tōngxùn Dìngshēng ‘Determination of Sounds for Characters with Common Meanings in the Shuōwén’, established within yīnshēng divisions ‘subdivisions’ for rùshēng characters. He had long had Huang’s intention of separating rùshēng characters out, but only cautiously put them in ‘subdivisions’.) A summary of Old Chinese rhyme divisions proposed in this book in comparison with Duan Yucai’s, Wang Niansun’s and Jiang Yougao’s models is presented in Table 10.2.

248  Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes Table 10.2  Old Chinese Rhyme Divisions This book

Jiang

Wang

Duan

之 zhī 蒸 zhēng 幽 yōu

之 zhī 蒸 zhēng 幽 yōu

之 zhī 蒸 zhēng 幽 yōu

中 zhōng 宵 xiāo 侯 hóu

中 zhōng 宵 xiāo 侯 hóu

東 dōng (part 1) 宵 xiāo 侯 hóu

東 dōng 魚 yú 陽 yáng 佳 jiā 耕 gēng 歌 gē 脂 zhī

東 dōng 魚 yú 陽 yáng 支 zhī 耕 gēng 歌 gē 脂 zhī (part 1)

東 dōng (part 2) 魚 yú 陽 yáng 支 zhī 耕 gēng 歌 gē 至 zhì, 脂 zhī (part 1)

真 zhēn

真 zhēn

真 zhēn

微 wēi 文 wén 祭 jì 元 yuán 葉 yè 談 tán

脂 zhī (part 2) 文 wén 祭 jì 元 yuán 葉 yè 談 tán

脂 zhī (part 2) 諄 zhūn 祭 jì 元 yuán 盍 hé 談 tán

緝 jī 侵 qīn

緝 jī 侵 qīn

緝 jī 侵 qīn

Division 1 Division 6 Division 3 (except for part of qù and rù tone characters) Division 9 (part 1) Division 2 Division 4 (plus part of qù and rù tone characters in Division 3) Division 9 (part 2) Division 5 Division 10 Division 16 Division 11 Division 17 Division 12 (rùshēng), Division 15 (part 1) Division 12 (except for rùshēng) Division 15 (part 2) Division 13 Division 15 (part 3) Division 14 Division 8 (rùshēng) Division 8 (yángshēng) Division 7 (rùshēng) Division 7 (yángshēng)

Note that the terms yángshēng and rùshēng in the summary, as well as yīnshēng, unless otherwise indicated, bear the following meaning: yángshēng: syllables with nasal coda rùshēng: syllables with plosive coda [p], [t] or [k] yīnshēng: syllables other than yángshēng and rùshēng Also note that our distinction between yīnshēng and rùshēng is different from that proposed by some experts in Old Chinese phonology. Notes 1 Translator’s note: The original text has 上下其音 shàng xià qí yīn, with下 xià and 上 shàng transposed. 2 Translator’s note: Ouyang Xiu, Su Shi, Su Zhe and Zhang Shangying were all people of the Song Dynasty, whose works are thus referred to as ‘late’ in comparison with ancient classics.

Classification of Old Chinese Rhymes 249 3 Translator’s note: These titles are all ancient Chinese classics. Besides the《詩經》 Shījīng ‘Classic of Poetry’, the《易經》Yìjīng is also known as the I Ching, Book of Changes or Classic of Changes; for the《左傳》Zuǒzhuàn, see note 2 in Chapter 1; the《楚辭》Chǔcí, also known as Verses of Chu or Songs of Chu, is an anthology of poetry of the Warring States period (475–221 BC). The《大戴》Dàdài here refers to the《大戴禮記》Dàdài Lǐjì ‘Book of Rites by Dai the Elder’, one of the important versions of the Lǐjì compiled by Dai De (戴德) of the Western Han Dynasty. 4 Translator’s note: Zhang Binglin (章炳麟) and Zhang Taiyan (章太炎) in note 8 and §10.6 refer to the same person. 5 Translator’s note: The original text has 凵 kǎn here, but it apparently does not fall into this rhyme division. It should be 𠙴 qū, which is hardly distinguishable in manuscript from the misplaced character. 凵 kǎn appears in the 談 tán division. 6 Translator’s note: The original text has 乀 fú here, which takes the rù tone and does not fit in with the rhyme in question. It should be the similar-looking character 乁 yí. 乀 fú appears in the 微 wēi division. 7 Translator’s note: The original text has the character 厂 here, pronounced ān, hǎn or yǎn, none of which fit in with the rhyme in question. It should be 𠂆 yì, which can be easily confused with the wrong character. 厂 yǎn appears in the 元 yuán division. 8 Jiang Yougao had only the 脂 zhī division, not distinguishing 微 wēi from it. Wang Niansun had 脂 zhī and 至 zhì divisions, following the distinction made by Duan Yucai. Zhang Taiyan (章太炎) separated 脂 zhī into 至 zhì and 隊 duì divisions, which Wang Li (王力) recently adjusted into 脂 zhī and 微 wēi divisions. This book adopts Wang Li’s model. 9 Translator’s note: The original text has 皀 jí here, which apparently does not fit in with the rhyme. It should be 𣌣 liáng. The two characters are easily confused in manuscript. 皀 jí appears in the 緝 jī division. 10 This division also has the character 三 sān, which the Guǎngyùn includes in the 談 tán rhyme. 11 Translator’s note: All six examples about rhyming characters are taken from the Shījīng. The poem ‘Min Yu Xiaozi’《閔予小子》is from the book ‘Sacrificial Odes of Zhou’《周頌》of the Shījīng; the original text mistakenly attributes it to the book ‘Great Odes of the Kingdom’ (《大雅》).

11 Reconstruction of Old Chinese Finals

§11.1 How did scholars in the Qing Dynasty explain the incompatibility between pre-Qin rhyming characters and later ones based on their division of Old Chinese rhymes? Ever since Gu Yanwu, Qing Dynasty scholars had been using this method: they regarded characters in a division that evolved into the same rhyme class or a related rhyme class (in the same rhyme group) in the Guǎngyùn as representing ‘authentic sounds’, and characters that evolved into other rhyme classes as representing ‘changed sounds’ or ‘sound conversion’. Duan Yucai had the following statements to account for the ‘authentic rhymes’ in the seventeen divisions of Old Chinese: The rhyming schemes in the Three Hundred Poems1 were not interpretable to people after the Tang Dynasty; they were looked on as ‘adapted rhymes’, ‘joint rhymes’ or results of ancient people’s broad range of rhyme use. Ming Dynasty’s Chen Di, with his profound insight, came to the correct conclusion that ancient speech sounds were different from contemporary ones. Then, Gu Yanwu wrote the 《詩本音》Shī Běnyīn ‘Original Pronunciation of Shījīng’, Jiang Yong compiled the《古韻標準》Gǔyùn Biāozhǔn ‘Standards of Ancient Rhymes’, and I myself classified Old Chinese rhymes into seventeen divisions in a conservative manner. When a character has different pronunciations between past and present, I  take the ancient pronunciation as authentic, the current pronunciation as converted. For example, 尤 yóu was pronounced as 怡 yí, 牛 niú as 疑 yí, and 丘 qiū as 欺 qī; they must be in Division 1, not Division 3, because the ancient pronunciations were authentic. Now they are in rhyme class 18 尤 yóu due to sound conversion. The same principle applies to other characters. Also, he made these statements to account for the ‘changed rhymes’ in the seventeen divisions of Old Chinese: There are seventeen divisions of Old Chinese rhymes. At present, however, we have 57 píng tone rhymes, 55 shǎng tone rhymes, 60 qù tone rhymes and 34 rù tone rhymes – how complicated the classification is! Current rhymes are either authentic or changed, . . . 之 zhī is authentic, 咍 hāi changed; 蕭 xiāo and 宵 xiāo are authentic, 豪 háo and 肴 yáo changed. . . . Pronunciation cannot stay unchanged, and the change inevitably leads to further division. If we understand that ancient pronunciation was all authentic without any DOI: 10.4324/9781003411444-11

Reconstruction of Old Chinese Finals 251 change, we shall know that ancient rhymes worked with good coherence and harmony. In Duan’s understanding, syllables in Old Chinese 之 zhī division that evolved into rhymes 之 zhī, 止 zhǐ and 志 zhì in the Guǎngyùn were ‘authentic’, while those that evolved into rhymes 咍 hāi, 海 hǎi, 代 dài, 德 dé, 灰 huī, 賄 huì, 隊 duì, 皆 jiē, 駭 hài, 怪 guài and 麥 mài in the Guǎngyùn were ‘changed’, and those that have evolved into rhymes 尤 yóu, 有 yǒu, 宥 yòu, 屋 wū, 侯 hóu, 厚 hòu and 候 hòu were ‘converted’. Other Qing Dynasty scholars more or less shared Duan’s view. Therefore, according to Jiang Yougao’s《詩經韻讀》Shījīng Yùndú ‘Reading of Rhymes in Shījīng’, in the second stanza of ‘Guanju’ (《關雎》), 求之不得 qiú zhī bù dé (得，丁力反 dé, dīng lì fǎn) 寤寐思服 wù mèi sī fú (服，扶逼反 fú, fú bī fǎn) 悠哉悠哉 yōu zāi yōu zāi 輾轉反側 zhǎn zhuǎn fǎn cè, the character 得 dé was in the 德 dé rhyme in the Guǎngyùn, with a fǎnqiè pattern 多則切 duō zé qiè; now the lower character was changed to 力 lì of the 職 zhí rhyme. The character 服 fú was in the 屋 wū rhyme in the Guǎngyùn, with a fǎnqiè pattern 房六切 fáng liù qiè; now the lower character was changed to 逼 bī of the 職 zhí rhyme. In the third stanza of the same poem, 參差荇菜 cēn cī xìng cài 左右采之 zuǒ yòu cǎi zhī (采，此止反 cǎi, cǐ zhǐ fǎn) 窈窕淑女 yǎo tiǎo shū nǚ 琴瑟友之 qín sè yǒu zhī (友 yǒu reads as 以 yǐ), the character 采 cǎi was in the海 hǎi rhyme in the Guǎngyùn, with a fǎnqiè pattern 倉宰切 cāng zǎi qiè; now the lower character was changed to 止 zhǐ of the 止 zhǐ rhyme. The character 友 yǒu was in the有 yǒu rhyme in the Guǎngyùn, with a fǎnqiè pattern 云久切 yún jiǔ qiè; now it was annotated as having the same pronunciation as 以 yǐ. In all, Qing Dynasty scholars believed that all characters in Old Chinese 之 zhī division should be pronounced like those in Middle Chinese rhymes 之 zhī, 止 zhǐ, 志 zhì and 職 zhí. Characters that did not evolve into these Middle Chinese rhymes, e.g. 得 dé, 服 fú, 采 cǎi and 友 yǒu, were thought to take ‘changed pronunciation’ in ancient time. In other divisions, it was suggested that there were also such ‘authentic sounds’, ‘changed sounds’ or ‘sound conversion’ as in the 之 zhī division. Doubtless, Qing Dynasty scholars could only achieve this much at their time. However, their findings were seriously problematic when we look into them today. (1) The ‘authentic’ and ‘changed’ (or ‘converted’) sounds were stipulated without sound reasoning. Even if all characters in Middle Chinese rhymes 之 zhī, 止

252  Reconstruction of Old Chinese Finals zhǐ, 志 zhì and 職 zhí evolved from Old Chinese 之 zhī division, would it be adequate evidence that these Middle Chinese rhyme classes can represent the pre-Qin pronunciation of all characters in the 之 zhī division? Even if only some of the characters in Middle Chinese rhymes 咍 hāi, 德 dé, 尤 yóu and 屋 wū evolved from Old Chinese 之 zhī division, could it count as evidence that characters 采 cǎi, 友 yǒu, 服 fú, etc. do not represent ‘authentic’ sounds of Old Chinese? This problem was caused by Qing Dynasty scholars’ confusion between sound class and sound value. Middle Chinese rhymes 祭 jì, 泰 tài, 夬 guài and 廢 fèi all derived from Old Chinese 祭 jì division; how shall we decide which one represents the ‘authentic’ sound of that division? (2) Does their division of Old Chinese rhymes mean that they only recognised around twenty finals (only ten for Gu Yanwu, thirteen for Jiang Yong and seventeen for Duan Yucai) in Old Chinese? The evolution of speech sounds from past to present always demonstrates change from complex to simple; can we imagine that speech sounds changed from pre-Qin simplicity to Sui-Tang complexity? (3) If 服 fú is given a fǎnqiè pattern 扶逼反 fú bī fǎn, it is to admit that it had the same pronunciation with 愎 bì of Middle Chinese 職 zhí rhyme (with initial 並 bing) in ancient times. Then why did 愎 bì evolve into the 職 zhí rhyme but 服 fú into the 屋 wū rhyme later? With these questions raised, we have to strike out on a new path in our investigation of Old Chinese rhyming patterns. §11.2 On the basis of Qing Dynasty scholars’ division of Old Chinese rhymes, the following scholars have conducted systematic studies of Old Chinese finals drawing on modern linguistic theories and have made significant contributions: Bernhard Karlgren: The Reconstruction of Ancient Chinese, Analytic Dictionary of Chinese and Sino-Japanese, Problems in Archaic Chinese, Tibetan and Chinese, Shih King2 Researches, Word Families in Chinese. Walter Simon: Zur Rekonstruktion Der Altchinesischen Endkonsonanten. Li Fang-kuei: 《切韻â的來源》Qièyùn â de Láiyuán ‘The Origin of â in the Qièyùn’, Ancient Chinese -ung -uk -uong -uok etc in Archaic Chinese, Archaic Chinese *-jwəng *-jwək and *-jwəg. The author of this book has also《上古音韻表稿》Shànggǔ Yīnyùn Biǎogǎo ‘A Draft of Tables for Old Chinese Phonology’. The main viewpoints of these scholars are as follows: (1) Old Chinese rhyme divisions are the results of sorting out ancient rhyming characters, so they represent a number of general groups containing characters that could be used in rhyming. One division does not comprise only one final; instead, it should comprise more finals than does any rhyme class of the Qièyùn. Roughly speaking, Old Chinese rhyme divisions are comparable to the rhyme

Reconstruction of Old Chinese Finals 253 groups later. Poetry rhyming does not require precise resemblance of finals in rhyming syllables; therefore, we can conclude that one division involves more than one final. It is also important to note that characters in each division evolved into syllables featuring multiple finals in Middle Chinese. If we assume that they had only one final in Old Chinese, the subsequent distinctions would be entirely groundless. (2) As to exactly how many finals there are in each division, we can infer from the results of their evolution in the Qièyùn. If there is proof that some Middle Chinese finals were derived from one Old Chinese final in different conditions, we can conclude that they evolved out of one source. If there is no such proof, we can only assume that they had different finals in Old Chinese, too, because normally sound change does not vary randomly under the same circumstances. (3) There is no available material that provides direct evidence to suggest the sound value of Old Chinese; at present we can only make reasonable reconstruction based on the results of the evolution, i.e. the phonological system as shown in the Qièyùn. The reconstructed pronunciation should be able to account for the ancient rhyming patterns and character construction with phonetic components on the one hand and also explain how a certain sound evolved into its later form on the other. The following is an account of the system of Old Chinese finals in terms of coda, medial and main vowel. Then a reconstruction of the sound value of each final in each rhyme division is proposed. §11.3 Judging from Old Chinese rhyming characters and characters with phonetic components, we find what attracts our attention most is that Middle Chinese rùshēng syllables with the coda [t] or [k] are often correlated to yīnshēng syllables in Old Chinese. The correlation is systematic in a number of ways: (1)  Middle Chinese rùshēng syllables with the coda [k] rhyme or share phonetic components with yīnshēng characters in Old Chinese rhyme divisions 之 zhī, 幽 yōu, 宵 xiāo, 侯 hóu, 魚 yú and 佳 jiā. The following examples of rhyming are from the Shījīng: The first stanza of ‘Chu Che’ in ‘Minor Odes of the Kingdom’ (《小雅·出 車》): 牧 mù [mjuk] : 來 lái [lai] : 載 zài [tsai] : 棘 jí [kjək] The second stanza of ‘Zhengmin’ in ‘Greater Odes of the Kingdom’ (《大雅·烝 民》): 若 ruò [ȵjɑk] : 賦 fù [b‘juo] The sixth stanza of ‘Chuci’ in ‘Minor Odes of the Kingdom’ (《小雅·楚茨》): 奏 zòu [tsu] : 祿 lù [ljuok] The second stanza of ‘Zhonggu You Tui’ in ‘Odes of Wang’ (《王風·中古有 蓷》): 脩 xiū [sju] : 歗 xiào [siɛu] : 淑 shū [ʑjuk] The eleventh stanza of ‘Zhengyue’ in ‘Minor Odes of the Kingdom’ (《小雅·正 月》): 沼 zhǎo [tɕjæu] : 樂 lè [lɑk] : 炤 zhào [tɕiæu] : 懆 sāo [sɑu] : 虐 nüè [ŋjɑk] The third stanza of ‘Yinwu’ in ‘Sacrificial Odes of Shang’ (《商頌·殷武》): 辟 pì [p‘iek] : 績 jì [tsjɛk] : 辟 pì [p‘iek] : 適 shì [ɕjɛk] : 解 jiě [kæi]

254  Reconstruction of Old Chinese Finals Here are examples of shared phonetic components: 之 zhī [tɕi] : 寺 sì [zi] : 特 tè [d‘ɔk] 由 yóu [ju] : 迪 dí [d‘iek] 爻 yáo [ɣau] : 駁 bó [pɔk] 竇 dòu [d‘u] : 讀 dú [d‘uok] 古 gǔ [kuo] : 固 gǔ [kuo] : 涸 hé [ɣɑk] 帝 dì [tiɛi] : 啻 chì [ɕje] : 敵 dí [d‘iek] (2)  Middle Chinese rùshēng syllables with the coda [t] rhyme or share phonetic components with yīnshēng characters in Old Chinese rhyme divisions 祭 jì, 微 wēi and 脂 zhī. The following examples of rhyming are from the Shījīng: The fifth stanza of ‘Jie Nanshan’ in ‘Minor Odes of the Kingdom’ (《小雅· 節南山》): 惠 huì [ɣiuɛi] : 戾 lì [liɛi] : 届 jiè [kɐi] : 闋 què [k‘iuɛt] : 夷 yí [jei] : 違 wěi [ɣjuəi] The eighth stanza of ‘Huang Yi’ in ‘Greater Odes of the Kingdom’ (《大雅·皇 矣》): 茀 fú [p‘juət] : 仡 yì [ŋjət] : 肆 sì [sjei] : 忽 hū [xuət] : 拂 fú [p‘juət] The first stanza of ‘Pao You Kuye’ in ‘Odes of Bei’ (《邶風·匏有苦葉》): 厲 lì [ljæi] : 揭 jiē [kjɐt] Here are examples of shared phonetic components: 必 bì [pjet] : 秘 mì [pjei] 弗 fú [pjuət] : 費 fèi [pjuəi] 至 zhì [tɕjei] : 垤 dié [d‘iɛt] 害 hài [ɣɑi] : 轄 xiá [ɣat] Facing these correlations, we cannot say that Middle Chinese rùshēng syllables did not have plosive codas in ancient times, so they could rhyme or share phonetic components with yīnshēng characters in Old Chinese. If so, there would not be such systematic correlations between rùshēng and yīnshēng syllables. On the contrary, therefore, we should assume that not only did rùshēng syllables have plosive codas, but the yīnshēng syllables also had them in Old Chinese. Those yīnshēng syllables correlating to the rùshēng syllables that had the coda [t] later had one type of coda, and those correlating to the rùshēng syllables that had the coda [k] later had another type. Now we have reached a general agreement to presume that the rùshēng syllables ending with [t] in the Qièyùn had the coda *[t] already in the preQin era, and the yīnshēng characters that rhyme or share phonetic components with them in 祭 jì, 微 wēi and 脂 zhī divisions generally ended with *[d]; the rùshēng syllables ending with [k] in the Qièyùn had the coda *[k] already in the pre-Qin era, and the yīnshēng characters that rhyme or share phonetic components with them in 之 zhī, 幽 yōu, 宵 xiāo, 侯 hóu, 魚 yú and 佳 jiā divisions ended with *[g]. Subsequently, the codas *[d] and *[g] disappeared or changed into codas [i] and [u] in diphthongs under the influence of the preceding main vowel. The codas *[t] and *[k] were preserved. The reason for this presumption

Reconstruction of Old Chinese Finals 255 is that, from the general pattern of sound evolution, voiced plosive codas tend to disappear or change into vowels, whereas voiceless plosive codas tend to remain unaltered. §11.4 Middle Chinese rùshēng syllables with the coda [p] constitute independent rhyme divisions in Old Chinese; specifically, characters in rhyme classes 緝 jī through 乏 fá in the Guǎngyùn appear in two independent divisions in Old Chinese, i.e. 緝 jī and 葉 yè. Naturally, we can assume that they had the same coda *[p] in Old Chinese. In characters with shared phonetic symbols, however, we find some correlations between characters of the 緝 jī and 葉 yè divisions and Middle Chinese yīnshēng characters.

世 shì [ɕiæi] : 葉 yè [jæp] 㾜 qiè [k‘iɛp] : 瘱 yì [ʔiɛi], 瘞 yì [ʔjæi] 劦 xié [ɣiɛp] : 荔 lì [liɛi] 盍 hé [ɣɑp] : 蓋 gài [kɑi] 內 nèi [nuai] : 納 nà [nap] 習 xí [zjep] : 彗 huì [zjuæi] (彗 huì was written as 𥱵 huì in ancient Chinese.)

Moreover, in ancient Chinese texts 內 nèi is often used to mean 納 nà, and 蓋 gài is used in place of 盍 hé, so we know that the yīnshēng syllables that correlate to rùshēng syllables with the coda [p] had originally a bilabial coda, which can be reconstructed as **[b]. It is noteworthy that the yīnshēng characters appear in Old Chinese 祭 jì, 微 wēi and 脂 zhī divisions, which should have featured the coda *[d]. It is a common consensus that constructions of characters with shared phonetic symbols dated earlier than the use of rhyming characters in ancient poems. Thus, we can conclude that the coda **[b] existed in the era of character construction with shared phonetic components, and it evolved into the coda *[d] at the time of the Shījīng. Another factor for our reconstructing the evolution of pronunciation of 內 nèi as **[nuəb] → *[nuəd] is the dissimilation of **[b] by the medial vowel [u]. For another example, the pronunciation of characters 凡 fán, 乏 fá, etc. evolved from [b‘juam] and [b‘juap] in Middle Chinese to [fan] and [fat] in modern Guangzhou Cantonese. The change of pronunciation of 蓋 gài from **[kɑb] to *[kɑd] was caused by analogy; it followed the changing pattern of 內 nèi as syllables with the coda **[b] became fewer. Apart from **[b], *[d] and *[g], there is also trace of existence of a dental coda in ancient rhymes. We know that the yīnshēng syllables in Old Chinese rhyme divisions 脂 zhī and 微 wēi mostly evolved into Guǎngyùn rhymes 咍 hāi, 灰 huī, 皆 jiē, 脂 zhī, 微 wēi and 齊 qí, but a few evolved into Guǎngyùn rhymes 戈 gē and 支 zhī (e.g. 火 huǒ, 爾 ěr). Characters like 火 huǒ and 爾 ěr often rhyme with characters of rhymes 咍 hāi, 灰 huī, etc., there should be no doubt that they shared the same type of vowel in Old Chinese. However, considering the fact that

256  Reconstruction of Old Chinese Finals 火 huǒ evolved into the 戈 gē rhyme rather than 灰 huī rhyme and 爾 ěr evolved into the 支 zhī rhyme rather than 脂 zhī rhyme, they should bear some dissimilarity from characters of rhymes 灰 huī, 脂 zhī, etc. despite the similarity in main vowel. Syllables of the 灰 huī rhyme in Middle Chinese had the final [-uai], and those of the 脂 zhī rhyme had [-ei], both featuring a coda [i], which was the remnant of Old Chinese coda *[d]. In contrast, 火 huǒ had the final [uɑ] and 爾 ěr had [ie] in Middle Chinese, both without the coda [i], which demonstrates that their original coda was different from *[d] and later disappeared. We now reconstruct that coda as *[r]. In the phonological history of languages, the complete loss of the coda [r] is not uncommon. In the Qièyùn, syllables in Old Chinese rhyme divisions 蒸 zhēng, 中 zhōng, 東 dōng, 陽 yáng and 耕 gēng all feature the coda [ŋ], syllables in divisions 文 wén, 元 yuán and 真 zhēn all end with the coda [n], and syllables in divisions 侵 qīn and 談 tán all have the coda [m]. We can assume that these syllables preserved their respective codas from Old Chinese, so characters within a division could rhyme with each other or share phonetic components because they had the same type of main vowel and identical coda, and characters from neighbouring divisions could rhyme with each other or share phonetic components (‘sideways conversion’) because they had similar main vowels and the same coda or because they had the same main vowel despite difference in coda. Rhyming or using phonetic components with characters crossing boundaries between yángshēng and yīnshēng/rùshēng (‘reversed conversion’) was possible because the vowels were of the same type and the codas had the same place of articulation. 之 zhī, 幽 yōu, 宵 xiāo, 侯 hóu, 魚 yú, 佳 jiā

*[-g], *[-k]

:

祭 jì, 脂 zhī, 微 wēi

*[-d], *[-r], *[-t]

:

緝 jī, 葉 yè

(**[-b],) *[-p]

:

蒸 zhēng, 中 zhōng, 東 dōng, 陽 yáng, 耕 gēng 元 yuán, 文 wén, 真 zhēn 侵 qīn, 談 tán

*[-ŋ] *[-n] *[-m]

Among all Old Chinese rhyme divisions, only the 歌 gē division has no coda. The general principles in the reconstruction of main vowels and medials of Old Chinese finals are as follows: (1) Syllables in one division have the same coda (or only differ in voicing) and the same type of main vowel. They evolved into syllables with different main vowels under the influence of initials, medials or codas. (2) Syllables from two divisions with the possibility of ‘reversed conversion’ have the same type of main vowel since there is a distinction in coda between nasal and plosive. (3) Syllables with codas different in place of articulation but possible in rhyme adaptation or sharing phonetic components in characters (e.g. 真 zhēn and 耕 gēng, 侵 qīn and 蒸 zhēng) can be assumed to have the same main vowel.

Reconstruction of Old Chinese Finals 257 (4) With reference to Middle Chinese finals, we know that evolution of yángshēng and rùshēng syllables is relatively straightforward; therefore, we can start with yángshēng and rùshēng syllables in our reconstruction of Old Chinese finals before tackling their correlated yīnshēng syllables. It is natural for the vowels in yīnshēng syllables to have complicated changes due to the loss of coda. (5) Syllables of all rhyme classes in Middle Chinese have distinctions in terms of ‘openness’ and grade. Since we treat rhyme divisions as rhyme groups of Old Chinese, we can assume that the distinctions in ‘openness’ and grade also existed in Old Chinese. Moreover, unless characters behave otherwise in rhyming patterns of the Shījīng and character construction using phonetic components, we can tentatively assume the following: (a) ‘Open’ syllables in Middle Chinese were also ‘open’ in Old Chinese; ‘closed’ syllables in Middle Chinese were also ‘closed’ in Old Chinese. (b) Syllables that evolved into first- and second-grade rhymes in Middle Chinese did not have the medial [i] in Old Chinese. (c) Syllables that evolved into third-grade rhymes in Middle Chinese had the consonantal medial [j] in Old Chinese. (d) Syllables that evolved into fourth-grade rhymes in Middle Chinese had the vowel medial [i] in Old Chinese. (6) Note that third- and fourth-grade vowels in Old Chinese would not be as different from first- and second-grade vowels as their counterparts were in Middle Chinese; otherwise, there would not have been frequent cross-grade uses of rhyming or sharing phonetic symbols in characters. Therefore, the four grades of Old Chinese division with the main vowel [a] are reconstructed as follows: 1st

2nd

3rd

4th

[ɑ]

[a]

[ja, jæ]

[iæ]

The distinction between third-grade medial [j] and fourth-grade medial [i] can be dismissed as insignificant since third-grade and fourth-grade main vowels are also markedly different, but it is important in Old Chinese. (7) In Middle Chinese, only rhyme groups 蟹 xiè, 山 shān, 效 xiào and 咸 xián featuring [a] type of vowel have first-grade and second-grade rhymes simultaneously, so it is not difficult to distinguish between [ɑ] and [a]. In Old Chinese, however, distinction needs to be made between first and second grades for syllables involving not only [a] but also [ə, ɔ, o, u] types of vowel. It is not as easy. In view of their evolution, these vowels turned into [ə, o, u, ɑ, a] in Middle Chinese first-grade syllables and into [æ, ɔ, a, ɐ] in Middle Chinese second-grade syllables. From an overall comparison, we can clearly see that the vowels of the former group are more closed, whereas those of the latter group are more open. Since this distinction should be reflected in Old Chinese,

258  Reconstruction of Old Chinese Finals we add on top of first-grade main vowels the symbol [̂] to indicate closedness and give no diacritic symbol to second-grade vowels. For example, we reconstruct the four grades of finals involving the vowel [ə] as follows: 1st

2nd

3rd

4th

[ə̂]

[ə]

[jə]

[iə]

(8) Old Chinese finals also feature the distinction of tenseness in vowels. The reasoning for our reconstruction will be provided in the next section. Tense vowels are unmarked; lax vowels are marked with the symbol [̌] or [̣]. §11.5 According to our most up-to-date studies, Old Chinese finals are reconstructed as follows: (1) 之 zhī and 蒸 zhēng divisions: the main vowel is of the [ə] type; yīnshēng syllables have the coda [g]; rùshēng syllables have the coda [k]; yángshēng syllables have the coda [ŋ]. *[ə̂g] *[uə̂g] *[uə̂ ̣g] *[əg] *[uəg]

待 dài, 哉 zāi, 該 gāi 梅 méi, 賄 huì 母 mǔ 戒 jiè, 械 xiè (with *[k]-group initial) 𢟡 bèi, 怪 guài 緇 zī (with *[ts]-group initial) 理 lǐ, 慈 cí, 治 zhì, 耳 ěr, 基 jī 否 fǒu, 龜 guī, 洧 wěi 謀 móu, 丘 qiū, 郵 yóu

→ → → → → → → → →

[ai] [uai] [u] [ɐi] [uɐi]3 [i] [i] [juĕi] [ju]

咍 hāi 灰 huī 侯 hóu 皆 jiē 皆 jiē 之 zhī 之 zhī 脂 zhī (‘closed’) 尤 yóu

*[jək] *[juək] *[juə̌k]

特 tè, 則 zé, 克 kè 默 mò, 國 guó, 或 huò 革 gé, 核 hé 麥 mài, 聝 guó 色 sè 直 zhí, 息 xī, 食 shí, 棘 jí 堛 bì, 閾 yù 福 fú, 郁 yù

→ → → → → → → →

[ək] [uək] [æk] [uæk] [jək] [jək] [juək] [juk]

*[ə̂ŋ] *[uə̂ŋ] *[uə̂ ̣ŋ] *[əŋ] *[uəŋ] *[jəŋ] *[juəŋ] *[juə̌ŋ]

德 dé 德 dé 麥 mài 麥 mài 職 zhí 職 zhí 職 zhí 屋三 wū3

滕 téng, 曾 zēng, 恒 héng 崩 bēng, 弘 hóng 𦿏 méng 橙 chéng 甍 méng, 宏hóng 陵 líng, 繒 zēng, 乘 chéng, 蒸 zhēng, 競 jìng 冰 bīng 夢 mèng, 弓 gōng, 雄xióng

→ → → → → → → →

[əŋ] [uəŋ] [uŋ] [æŋ] [uæŋ] [jəŋ] [juəŋ] [juŋ]

登 dēng 登 dēng 東一 dōng1 耕 gēng 耕 gēng 蒸 zhēng 蒸 zhēng 東三 dōng3

*[jəg] *[juəg] *[juə̌g] *[ə̂k] *[uə̂k] *[ək] *[uək]

Reconstruction of Old Chinese Finals 259 We reconstruct the two divisions as having a main vowel of the [ə] type apparently based on the Middle Chinese pronunciation of most rùshēng and yángshēng syllables. Only syllables in the 麥 mài and 耕 gēng rhymes and some syllables in 屋 wū and 東 dōng rhymes do not feature an [ə] type vowel in Middle Chinese. 革 gé, 宏 hóng, etc. represent second-grade syllables, so their vowel [æ] should reflect evolution specific to the second grade. The 屋 wū and 東 dōng rhymes feature the main vowel [u] in Middle Chinese; however, characters like 福 fú and 弓 gōng cannot have the main vowel [u] since they belong in 之 zhī and 蒸 zhēng divisions. We can assume that they had a lax [ə], which disappeared under the dominating influence of the medial [u], a change that is only too natural. The yīnshēng syllables of the 之 zhī division went along different paths into Middle Chinese. However, since evolution patterns of rùshēng and yángshēng syllables in the same division have been clarified, the original sound values of yīnshēng finals can be determined. The evolution of each final can also be made explicit. (a) The tense [ə] would cause the coda *[g] to change into [i]; it would change into [a] in first-grade syllables and into [æ] in second-grade syllables, disappear in third-grade ‘open’ syllables, and change into [ĕ] in third-grade ‘closed’ syllables. (b) The lax [ə] would all disappear. The medial [u] would acquire the status of main vowel. The coda *[g] would change into [u] before ultimately merging into the main vowel. (2) 幽 yōu and 中 zhōng divisions: the main vowel is of the [o] type; yīnshēng syllables have the coda [g]; rùshēng syllables have the coda [k]; yángshēng syllables have the coda [ŋ]. *[ôg] *[og] *[jǒg] *[jog] *[iog] *[ôk] *[ok] *[jok] *[iok] *[ôŋ]4 *[oŋ] *[joŋ]

保 bǎo, 滔 tāo, 草 cǎo, 吿 gào, 好 hǎo 包 bāo, 鵃 zhōu, 膠 jiāo (with *[p, t, k]-group initial) 愁 chóu (with *[ts]-group initial) 蜉 fú, 抽 chōu, 修 xiū, 周 zhōu, 鳩 jiū 繆 miù, 虯 qiú, 幼 yòu 條 tiáo, 蕭 xiāo, 叫 jiào

→ → → → → →

[ɑu] [au] [ju] [ju] [jəu] [ieu]

豪 háo 肴 yáo 尤 yóu 尤 yóu 幽 yōu 蕭 xiāo

勖 xù, 毒 dú, 酷 kù 雹 báo, 學 xué (with *[p, k]-group initial) 縮 suō (with *[ts]-group initial) 腹 fù, 竹 zhú, 蹴 cù, 淑 shū, 育 yù 迪 dí, 寂 jì → ([iœk])

→ → → → →

[uok] [ɔk] [juk] [juk] [iek]

沃 wò 覺 jué 屋三 wū3 屋三 wū3 錫 xī

冬 dōng, 宗 zōng, 䇨 gòng 降 jiàng (with *[k]-group initial) 崇 chóng (with *[ts]-group initial) 豐 fēng, 中 zhōng, 終 zhōng, 宮 gōng

→ → → →

[uok] [ɔk] [juk] [juk]

冬 dōng 江 jiāng 東三 dōng3 東三 dōng3

Again, it is easy to reconstruct a main vowel of [u] or [o] type for this division, starting with rùshēng and yángshēng finals.

260  Reconstruction of Old Chinese Finals We choose [o] because it fits in with the evolution of yīnshēng finals. As regards rùshēng and yángshēng syllables, the main vowel [o] evolved into [uo] in firstgrade syllables, a commonplace change in phonological history. It evolved into [ɔ] in second-grade syllables since second-grade vowels are supposed to be more open than first-grade ones. It evolved into [u] in third-grade syllables since the medial [j] has a high tongue position. It evolved into [œ] and then [e] in fourth-grade syllables under the influence of the vowel medial [i]. The yīnshēng finals have more consistent main vowels in Middle Chinese than those of the 之 zhī division. With reference to the evolution of [o] in rùshēng and yángshēng finals, the change of [o] in yīnshēng finals can also be made clear. (a) The coda *[g] would change into [u] because [o] is a back vowel. (b) The vowel [o] itself would change into [ɑ] in first-grade syllables and into [a] in second-grade ones; it would change into [ə] in tense third-grade syllables and disappear in lax tense third-grade syllables; it would change into [e] in fourth-grade syllables. (3) 宵 xiāo division: the main vowel is [ɔ]; the codas are [g] and [k]. *[ɔ̂g] *[ɔg] *[jɔg] *[jɔ̂g] *[iɔg]

毛 máo, 刀 dāo, 操 cāo, 高 gāo 豹 bào, 罩 zhào, 巢 cháo, 交 jiāo 標 biāo, 趙 zhào, 霄 xiāo, 昭 zhāo, 搖 yáo 表 biǎo, 喬 qiáo, 妖 yāo 跳 tiào, 驍 xiāo

→ → → → →

[ɑu] [au] [jæu] [jæ̆u] [iɛu]

豪 háo 肴 yáo 宵 xiāo (type 1) 宵 xiāo (type 2) 蕭 xiāo

*[ɔ̂k] *[ɔk] *[jɔk] *[iɔk]

襮 bó, 樂 lè, 鶴 hè, 沃 wò 駁 bó, 濯 zhuó, 塙 què 爵 jué, 弱 ruò, 虐 nüè 礫 lì, 激 jī

→ → → →

[uk, uok, ɑk] [ɔk] [jɑk] [iek]

屋 wū, 沃 wò, 鐸 duó 覺 jué 藥 yào 錫 xī

Comparing the results of evolution in Middle Chinese of syllables in the 宵 xiāo division with those in the 幽 yōu division, we find that the only difference is in third-grade rhymes. Third-grade syllables in the 宵 xiāo division evolved into Middle Chinese 宵 xiāo and 藥 yào rhymes, whereas those of the 幽 yōu division evolved into Middle Chinese 尤 yóu, 幽 yōu and 屋 wū rhymes. Based on the difference in main vowels between Middle Chinese 宵 xiāo and 藥 yào rhymes ([æ], [ɑ]) and 尤 yóu, 幽 yōu and 屋 wū rhymes ([u], [ə]), we now reconstruct the main vowel of Old Chinese 宵 xiāo division as the open vowel [ɔ]. Two more points need to be clarified as regards reconstruction of sound values of this division: (a) Syllables ending in *[ɔ̂k] are often used together with those of the 屋一 wū1, 沃 wò and 鐸 duó rhymes in the Guǎngyùn; this is viewed as irregular. (b) The distinction between *[jɔg] and *[jɔ̂g] is reconstructed based on that between [jæu] and [jæ̆u] in Middle Chinese. The two types of characters of the 宵 xiāo rhyme do not usually share phonetic components in character construction.

Reconstruction of Old Chinese Finals 261 (4) 侯 hóu and 東 dōng divisions: the main vowel is [u]; the codas are [g], [k] and [ŋ]. *[ûg]

→ [u]

侯 hóu

→ [juo] → [ju]

虞 yú 尤 yóu

*[jug] 符 fú, 誅 zhū, 需 xū, 主 zhǔ, 愚 yú

→ [juo]

虞 yú

*[ûk]

→ [uk]

屋一 wū1

→ [ɔk]

覺 jué

*[ug]

頭 tóu, 走 zǒu, 鉤 gōu, 甌 ōu 芻 chú, 數 shù 騶 zōu, 驟 zhòu

濮 pú, 讀 dú, 族 zú, 谷 gǔ *[uk] 剝 bō, 濁 zhuó, 捉 zhuō, 角 jiǎo *[juk] 綠 lǜ, 足 zú, 辱 rǔ, 玉 yù

all with *[ts]-group initials; [ju] for syllables in the qù tone with the initial *[ts] or *[dz‘], [juo] for the other syllables

→ [juok] 燭 zhú

*[ûŋ]

蓬 péng, 東 dōng, → [uŋ] 東一 dōng1 蔥 cōng, 工 gōng *[uŋ] 邦 bāng, 撞 zhuàng, → [ɔŋ] 江 jiāng 雙 shuāng, 扛 káng *[juŋ] 封 fēng, 重 zhòng, 從 → [juoŋ] 鍾 zhōng cóng, 鐘 zhōng, 鞏 gǒng

The rùshēng syllables in these two divisions, like those in 幽 yōu and 中 zhōng divisions, all evolved into Middle Chinese 東 dōng, 冬 dōng, 鍾 zhōng and 江 jiāng rhyme classes. Note that Middle Chinese 東一 dōng1 and 東三 dōng3 rhymes had the same vowel, and 冬 dōng and 鍾 zhōng rhymes had the same vowel; in Old Chinese, however, 東一 dōng1 and 鍾 zhōng rhymes shared a main vowel, in contrast to the vowel shared by 冬 dōng and 東三 dōng3. Since the main vowel of 幽 yōu and 中 zhōng divisions is reconstructed as [o], it would be natural for 侯 hóu and 東 dōng divisions to have the main vowel [u]. The vowel [u] is retained in first-grade finals; in third-grade finals, it developed into [uo]. In second-grade finals, it evolved into [ɔ] in yángshēng and rùshēng syllables, and a new medial [j] emerged in yīnshēng syllables, which caused the final to evolve with the third-grade pattern. We should also note the following: (a) The final *[ug] only co-occurred with *[ts]-group initials, evolving into complementary syllables in the 虞 yú and 尤 yóu rhymes of the Guǎngyùn. So we assume the Middle Chinese finals were derived from a common source. (b) The coda *[g] in yīnshēng syllables did not disappear altogether. It evolved into [u] and subsequently merged with the main vowel. (5) 魚 yú and 陽 yáng divisions: the main vowel is of the [a] type; the codas are [g], [k] and [ŋ].

262  Reconstruction of Old Chinese Finals *[ɑg] *[uɑg] *[ag] *[jag] *[juag] *[ǎg] *[uǎg] *[jǎg]

都 dū, 組 zǔ, 故 gù → [o] 圃 pǔ, 孤 gū 助 zhù 貯 zhù, 絮 xù, 庶shù, 許 xǔ 父 fù, 宇 yǔ 茶 chá, 乍 zhà, 葭 jiā 馬 mǎ, 華 huá 斜 xié, 射 shè

→ → → → → → → →

[uo] [uo] [jo] [jo] [juo] [a] [ua] [ja]

模 mú 模 mú 魚 yú 魚 yú 虞 yú 麻二 má2 麻二 má2 麻三 má3

*[ɑk] *[uɑk] *[ak] *[jak] *[juak] *[ɑ̌k] *[uɑ̌k] *[jɑ̌k]

託 tuō, 昨 zuó, 各 gè 博 bó, 郭 guō 斮 zhuó (with *[ts]-group initials) 箸 zhù, 舄 què, 斫 zhuó, 卻 què 縛 fù, 矍 jué 澤 zé, 客 kè 白 bái, 穫 huò 席 xí, 赤 chì (with *[ts, ȶ]-group initials) 隙 xì, 逆 nì (with *[k]-group initials)

→ → → → → → → → →

[ɑk] [uɑk] [jɑk] [jɑk] [juɑk] [ɐk] [uɐk] [jɛk] [jɐk]

鐸 duó 鐸 duó 藥 yào 藥 yào 藥 yào 陌二 mò2 陌二 mò2 昔 xī 陌三 mò3

*[ɑŋ] *[uɑŋ] *[aŋ] *[jaŋ] *[juaŋ] *[ǎŋ] *[uǎŋ] *[jǎŋ] *[juǎŋ]

當 dāng, 倉 cāng, 康 kāng 旁 páng, 黃 huáng 莊 zhuāng (with *[ts]-group initials) 場 chǎng, 將 jiāng, 章 zhāng, 疆 jiāng 旁páng,5 匡 kuāng 樘 chēng, 更 gēng 彭 péng, 橫 héng 京 jīng, 英 yīng 兵 bīng, 永 yǒng

→ → → → → → → → →

[ɑŋ] [uɑŋ] [jɑŋ] [jɑŋ] [juɑŋ] [ɐŋ] [uɐŋ] [jɐŋ] [juɐŋ]

唐 táng 唐 táng 陽 yáng 陽 yáng 陽 yáng 庚二 gēng2 庚二 gēng2 庚三 gēng3 庚三 gēng3

The main vowel of these two divisions is of the [a] type, which is most consistently reflected in Middle Chinese rùshēng and yángshēng finals. Some Middle Chinese yīnshēng finals had the main vowel [o], which apparently resulted from the influence of the coda *[g]. The coda *[g] disappeared before low vowels but left a trace by changing [a] into [o]. Similarly, the Middle Chinese final [ɑk] has mostly evolved into [o] or [ɤ] in modern Mandarin, e.g. 託 tuō (Middle Chinese [t‘ɑk];6 Standard Mandarin [t‘uo]), 各 gè (Middle Chinese [kɑk]; Standard Mandarin [kɤ]). Syllables reconstructed with the main vowel [ǎ] are distinguished from those with [a] in characters using phonetic components in Old Chinese. Syllables of the 庚 gēng and 陌 mò rhymes in Middle Chinese had the main vowel [ɐ], indicating a lax vowel in Old Chinese. Syllables of the 麻 má rhyme in Middle Chinese had the main vowel [a] rather than [ɐ], presumably because of influence from the coda *[g]. The disappearance of *[g] caused the change from [ǎ] to [a], which demonstrates the general phonological principle of compensational lengthening. Three more points shall be made in relation to the finals of these divisions: (a) The change from *[a] to [ɑ] in third-grade syllables should be attributed to the preservation of codas [k] and [ŋ]. (b) Middle Chinese 模 mú rhyme comprises ‘closed’ syllables only; however, judging from the phonetic components in character construction in Old Chinese, some characters of the 模 mú rhyme only correlate to ‘open’

Reconstruction of Old Chinese Finals 263 syllables of 魚 yú, 麻 má and 鐸 duó rhymes and the others only correlate to ‘closed’ syllables of 虞 yú, 麻 má and 鐸 duó rhymes. Therefore, there should be a distinction in ‘openness’ in Old Chinese; the ‘open’ final changed into [o] before merging subsequently with the ‘closed’ final [uo]. (c) Syllables that evolved into the 昔 xī rhyme in Middle Chinese all had dental or palatal initials, whereas those that evolved into the 陌三 mò3 rhyme all had velar initials. We can assume that they originated from the same final and diverged because of the difference in initials. (6) 佳 jiā and 耕 gēng divisions: the main vowel is [e]; the codas are [g], [k] and [ŋ]. *[eg] *[ueg] *[jeg] *[jueg] *[ieg] *[iueg]

買 mǎi, 柴 chái, 解 jiě 卦 guà 卑 bēi, 知 zhī, 此 cǐ, 是 shì, 歧 qí 規 guī 裨 bì, 帝 dì, 雞 jī 圭 guī, 攜 xié

→ → → → → →

[æi] [uæi] [je] [jue] [iɛi] [iuɛi]

佳 jiā 佳 jiā 支 zhī 支 zhī 齊 qí 齊 qí

*[ek] *[uek] *[jek] *[juek] *[iek] *[iuek]

脈 mài, 謫 zhé, 責 zé, 隔 gé 劃 huà 闢 pì, 積 jī, 適 shì, 益 yì 役 yì 璧 bì, 惕 tì, 皙 xī, 擊 jī 鶪 jú

→ → → → → →

[æk] [uæk] [jɛk] [juɛk] [iek] [iuek]

麥 mài 麥 mài 昔 xī 昔 xī 錫 xī 錫 xī

抨 pēng, 朾 chéng, 爭 zhēng, 耕 gēng (initial not *[s]) 生 shēng (initial *[s]) 轟 hōng 屏 píng, 貞 zhēn, 精 jīng, 成 chéng, 輕 qīng 傾 qīng 平 píng, 驚 jīng 榮 róng 萍 píng, 亭 tíng, 星 xīng, 刑 xíng 坰 jiōng

→

[æŋ]

耕 gēng

→ → → → → → → →

[jæŋ] [uæŋ] [jɛŋ] [juɛŋ] [jɐŋ] [juɐŋ] [ieŋ] [iueŋ]

庚三 gēng3 耕 gēng 清 qīng 清 qīng 庚三 gēng3 庚三 gēng3 青 qīng 青 qīng

*[eŋ] *[ueŋ] *[jeŋ] *[jueŋ] *[jěŋ] *[juěŋ] *[ieŋ] *[iueŋ]

In Middle Chinese, the main vowels of syllables of these two divisions were all front vowels between mid-low and mid-high, and we assume that they evolved from [e] in Old Chinese. In rùshēng and yángshēng finals, this [e] remained unchanged following the medial [i], changed into [ɛ] or [ɐ] after the medial [j] (see the following table), and changed into [æ] when there was no medial [i] or [j]. Since [e] is a front vowel, it caused the yīnshēng coda *[g] to become [i] in second- and fourth-grade syllables, and itself turned into [æ] in second-grade syllables and [ɛ] in fourth-grade syllables. In third-grade syllables, the coda *[g] should have at first changed into [i], which was dropped due to dissimilation from the medial [j], and thus, the main vowel remained unchanged. The distinction between [e] and [ě] in third-grade yángshēng finals is reconstructed in accordance with the Middle Chinese pronunciation of relevant syllables. (7) 歌 gē division: the main vowel is of the [a] type; the final is without coda.

264  Reconstruction of Old Chinese Finals *[ɑ] *[uɑ] *[a] *[ua] *[ja] *[jǎ] *[juǎ]

多 duō, 嵯 cuó, 河 hé 波 bō, 朵 duǒ, 坐 zuò, 過 guò 沙 shā, 加 jiā 麻 má, 瓦 wǎ 嗟 jiē 離 lí, 施 shī, 奇 qí 皮 pí, 隨 suí, 垂 chuí, 危 wēi

→ → → → → → →

[ɑ] [uɑ] [a] [ua] [ja] [jĕ] [juĕ]

歌 gē 戈 gē 麻二 má2 麻二 má2 麻三 má3 支 zhī 支 zhī

Among Middle Chinese syllables derived from of the 歌 gē division, only those of the 支 zhī rhyme had the main vowel [ĕ] instead of [a]. It can be assumed that this vowel took the shape of [ǎ] in Old Chinese and it changed into [ĕ] under the influence of the medial [j]. (8) 脂 zhī and 真 zhēn divisions: the main vowel is [e]; the codas are [d], [r], [t] and [n]. *[ed] *[jed] *[jued] *[ied] *[iued]7 *[jer] *[et] *[uet] *[jet] *[juet] *[iet] *[iuet] *[en] *[jen] *[juen] *[ien] *[iuen]

齋 zhāi, 皆 jiē 第 dì (zè tone with *[ts]-group initial) 比 bǐ, 遲 chí, 資 zī, 祗 zhī, 肌 jī 穗 suì, 水 shuǐ, 葵 kuí 米 mǐ, 涕 tì, 齊 qí, 稽 jī 惠 huì 敉 mǐ, 爾 ěr

→ → → → → → →

[ɐi] [jei] [jei] [juei] [iɛi] [iuɛi] [je]

皆 jiē 脂 zhī 脂 zhī 脂 zhī 齊 qí 齊 qí 支 zhī

八 bā, 黠 xiá 瑟 sè (with *[ts]-group initial) 劀 guā 畢 bì, 姪 zhí, 七 qī, 實 shí, 吉 jí 恤 xù, 橘 jú 㮰 pí, 迭 dié, 節 jié, 結 jié 闋 què, 穴 xué

→ → → → → → →

[ɐt] [jet] [uɐt] [jet] [juet] [iɛt] [iuɛt]

黠 xiá 櫛 zhì 黠 xiá 質 zhì 術 shù 屑 xiè 屑 xiè

㹂 qiǎn 榛 zhēn (with *[ts]-group initial)8 賓 bīn, 鄰 lín, 新 xīn, 真 zhēn, 緊 jǐn 旬 xún, 均 jūn 天 tiān, 千 qiān, 堅 jiān 玄 xuán, 淵 yuān

→ → → → → →

[ɐn] [jen] [jen] [juen] [iɛn] [iuɛn]

山 shān 臻 zhēn 真 zhēn 諄 zhūn 先 xiān 先 xiān

The evolution paths of these two divisions are most similar to those of the 佳 jiā and 耕 gēng divisions, and there are few irregular uses of rhyming or phonetic components in character construction. Therefore, the main vowel is reconstructed as [e]. (9) 微 wēi and 文 wén divisions: the main vowel is [ə]; the codas are [d], [r], [t] and [n].

Reconstruction of Old Chinese Finals 265 *[ə̂d] *[uə̂d] *[əd] *[uəd] *[jəd] *[juəd] *[jə̌d] *[juə̌d] *[uə̂r] *[juər] *[ə̂t] *[uə̂t] *[ət] *[uət] *[jət] *[juət] *[jə̌t] *[juə̌t] *[ə̂n] *[uə̂n] *[ən] *[uən] *[jən] *[juən] *[jə̌n] *[juə̌n] *[iən] *[iuən]

逮 dài, 闓 kǎi, 哀 āi 枚 méi, 對 duì, 罪 zuì, 回 huí 顡 wài 徘 pái, 懷 huái (with *[p, k]-group initials) 帥 shuài (with *[ts]-group initials) 絺 chī, 器 qì 悲 bēi, 追 zhuī, 翠 cuì, 隹 zhuī, 餽 kuì 幾 jǐ, 衣 yī 飛 fēi, 韋 wéi 火 huǒ 毀 huǐ

→ → → → → → → → → → →

[ai] [uai] [ɐi] [uɐi] [juei] [jei] [juei] [jəi] [juəi] [uɑ] [jue]

咍 hāi 灰 huī 皆 jiē 皆 jiē 脂 zhī 脂 zhī 脂 zhī 微 wēi 微 wēi 戈 gē 支 zhī

齕 hé 勃 bó, 突 tū, 卒 zú, 骨 gǔ 軋 yà 聉 wà, 滑 huá (with *[k]-group initials) 率 shuài (with *[ts]-group initials) 乙 yǐ 筆 bǐ, 戌 xū, 術 shù, 汨 mì 訖 qì 拂 fú, 屈 qū

→ → → → → → → → →

[ət] [uət] [ɐt] [uɐt] [juət] [jet]9 [juet] [jət] [juət]

沒 mò 沒 mò 黠 xiá 黠 xiá 術 shù 質 zhì 術 shù 迄 qì 物 wù

吞 tūn, 根 gēn 本 běn, 敦 dūn, 尊 zūn, 渾 hún 艱 jiān (with *[k]-group initials) 詵 shēn (with *[ts]-group initials) 盼 pàn, 鰥 guān 吝 lìn, 辰 chén, 巾 jīn 彬 bīn,10 倫 lún, 俊 jùn, 春 chūn, 窘 jiǒng 斤 jīn, 隱 yǐn 分 fēn, 軍 jūn, 云 yún 典 diǎn, 先 xiān 殿 diàn, 荐 jiàn

→ → → → → → → → → → →

[ən] [uən] [ɐn] [jen] [uɐn] [jen] [juen] [jən]11 [juən] [iɛn] [iɛn]

痕 hén 魂 hún 山 shān 臻 zhēn 山 shān 真 zhēn 諄 zhūn 欣 xīn 文 wén 先 xiān 先 xiān

The main vowels of these two divisions are reconstructed based on their Middle Chinese values. The distinction in third-grade main vowel between [ə] and [ə̌] is designated to indicate the distinction between rhymes 脂 zhī, 質 zhì, 真 zhēn and 諄 zhūn and rhymes 微 wēi, 迄 qì, 物 wù, 欣 xīn and 文 wén in Middle Chinese. The characters 荐 jiàn and 殿 diàn had ‘open’ finals in Middle Chinese; from characters having them as phonetic components, however, we know that they were ‘closed’ syllables in Old Chinese (殿 diàn [tiɛn]: 臀 tún [d‘uən]; 存 cún [dz‘uən]: 荐 jiàn [tsiɛn]). (10) 祭 jì and 元 yuán divisions: the main vowel is of the [a] type; the codas are [d], [t] and [n]. *[ɑd] *[uɑd] *[ad] *[uad] *[jad]

太 tài, 蔡 cài, 艾ài 沛 pèi, 兑 duì, 最 zuì, 會 huì 蠆 chài, 犗 jiè 敗 bài, 快 kuài 蓺 yì

→ → → → →

[ɑi] [uɑi] [ai] [uai] [jæ̆i]

泰 tài 泰 tài 夬 guài 夬 guài 祭 jì (type 2)

266  Reconstruction of Old Chinese Finals *[juad]12 *[jǎd] *[juǎd] *[æd] *[uæd] *[jæd] *[juæd] *[iæd] *[iuæd]

劌 guì 刈 yì 廢 fèi, 喙 huì 瘵 zhài, 介 jiè 拜 bài, 毳 cuì, 躗 wèi 厲 lì, 祭 jì, 世 shì, 㓷 yì 蔽 bì, 綴 zhuì, 歲 suì, 衛 wèi 螮 dì, 契 qì 慧 huì

→ → → → → → → → →

[juæ̆i] [jɐi] [juɐi] [ɐi] [uɐi] [jæi] [juæi] [iɛi] [iuɛi]

祭 jì (type 2) 廢 fèi 廢 fèi 皆 jiē 皆 jiē 祭 jì (type 1) 祭 jì (type 1) 齊 qí 齊 qí

*[ɑt] *[uɑt] *[at] *[uat] *[jat] *[juat] *[jǎt] *[juǎt] *[æt] *[uæt] *[jæt] *[juæt] *[iæt] *[iuæt]

怛 dá, 割 gē, 遏 è 撥 bō, 脱 tuō, 活 huó 轄 xiá 拔 bá, 刮 guā 桀 jié 別 bié, 噦 yuě 歇 xiē 髮 fà, 厥 jué, 越 yuè 察 chá, 扴 jiá 刷 shuā 哲 zhé, 設 shè, 孽 niè 滅 miè, 劣 liè, 絕 jué, 説 shuō 截 jié, 絜 xié 蔑 miè, 䆢 jué

→ → → → → → → → → → → → → →

[ɑt] [uɑt] [at] [uat] [jæ̆t] [juæ̆t] [jɐt] [juɐt] [æt] [uæt] [jæt] [juæt] [iɛt] [iuɛt]

曷 hé 末 mò 鎋 xiá 鎋 xiá 薛 xuē (type 2) 薛 xuē (type 2) 月 yuè 月 yuè 黠 xiá 黠 xiá 薛 xuē (type 1) 薛 xuē (type 1) 屑 xiè 屑 xiè

*[ɑn] *[uɑn] *[an] *[uan] *[jan] *[juan] *[jǎn] *[juǎn] *[æn]

單 dān, 殘 cán, 漢 hàn 槃 pán, 端 duān, 纂 zuǎn, 官 guān 刪 shān, 顏 yán 板 bǎn, 譔 zhuàn, 關 guān 愆 qiān 免 miǎn, 卷 juǎn 建 jiàn 反 fǎn, 勸 quàn 山 shān, 間 jiān, 柬 jiǎn 訕 shàn, 諫 jiàn 瓣 bàn, 幻 huàn 展 zhǎn, 剪 jiǎn, 旃 zhān, 遣 qiǎn 篇 piān, 傳 chuán, 選 xuǎn, 船 chuán, 絹 juān 蓮 lián, 見 jiàn 邊 biān, 縣 xiàn

→ → → → → → → → → → → → → → →

[ɑn] [uɑn] [an] [uan] [jæ̆n] [juæ̆n] [jɐn] [juɐn] [æn] [an] [uæn] [jæn] [juæn] [iɛn] [iuɛn]

寒 hán 桓 huán 刪 shān 刪 shān 仙 xiān (type 2) 仙 xiān (type 2) 元 yuán 元 yuán 山 shān 刪 shān 山 shān 仙 xiān (type 1) 仙 xiān (type 1) 先 xiān 先 xiān

*[uæn] *[jæn] *[juæn] *[iæn] *[iuæn]

Finals of these two divisions, when they evolved into Middle Chinese, were within the scope of 蟹 xiè and 山 shān rhyme groups, featuring an [a] type of vowel. Accordingly, we can reconstruct their sound values guided by the principles stated previously. Main vowels *[a] and *[æ] are clearly distinguished in character construction with phonetic symbols; the two types of 仙 xiān, 薛 xuē and 祭 jì rhymes in the Qièyùn correspond precisely to this distinction. (11) 葉 yè and 談 tán divisions: the main vowel is [a]; the codas are [p] and [m]. We do not discuss the coda *[b] here since we do not have sufficient material.

Reconstruction of Old Chinese Finals 267 *[ɑp] *[ap] *[jap] *[jǎp]13 *[juǎp] *[ap] *[ɐp] *[jɐp] *[iɐp]

蹋 tà, 盍 hé 霎 shà, 甲 jiǎ, 壓 yā 獵 liè, 接 jiē, 饁 yè 劫 jié, 脅 xié 法 fǎ 帀 zā, 鞥 ēng 插 chā, 夾 jiá 輒 zhé, 捷 jié, 攝 shè, 曄 yè 帖 tiè, 爕 xiè, 協 xié

→ → → → → → → → →

[ɑp] [ap] [jæp] [jɐp] [juɐp] [ap] [ɐp] [jæp] [iɛp]

盍 hé 狎 xiá 葉 yè 業 yè 乏 fá 合 hé 洽 qià 葉 yè 帖 tiè

*[ɑm] *[am] *[jam] *[jǎm] *[juǎm] *[am] *[ɐm] *[jɐm] *[iɐm]

儋 dān, 慚 cán, 甘 gān 讒 chán, 監 jiān 炎 yán, 漸 jiàn, 黚 qián 劒 jiàn 犯 fàn 柟 nán, 函 hán 斬 zhǎn, 陷 xiàn 占 zhān, 僉 qiān, 冉 rǎn, 弇 yǎn 點 diǎn, 謙 qiān

→ → → → → → → → →

[ɑm] [am] [jæm] [jɐm] [juɐm] [am] [ɐm] [jæm] [iɛm]

談 tán 銜 xián 鹽 yán 嚴 yán 凡 fán 覃 tán 咸 xián 鹽 yán 添 tiān

Finals of these two divisions, when they evolved into Middle Chinese, were within the scope of the 咸 xián rhyme group, featuring an [a] type of vowel. Accordingly, we can reconstruct their sound values, as shown. Main vowels *[a] and *[ɐ] are clearly distinguished in character construction with phonetic symbols. In other words, characters of 談 tán, 銜 xián 嚴 yán rhymes and some characters of the 鹽 yán rhyme co-occur in phonetic components of characters, whereas characters of 覃 tán, 咸 xián and 添 tiān rhymes and the other characters of the 鹽 yán rhyme co-occur; the two groups are seldom used jointly (the same holds true for rùshēng rhymes). In his later years, Huang Kan proposed ‘differentiation among 談 tán, 添 tiān, 盍 hé and 帖 tiè in Old Chinese’, which roughly reflected the distinction. (12)  緝 jī and 侵 qīn divisions: the main vowel is [ə]; the codas are [p] and [m]. We do not discuss the coda *[b] here since we do not have sufficient material. *[ə̂p]14 *[əp] *[jəp] *[iəp] *[ə̂m] *[uə̂m] *[əm] *[jəm] *[juəm] *[iəm]

答 dá, 雜 zá, 合 hé 洽 qià (with *[k]-group initials) 戢 jí (with *[ts]-group initials) 立 lì, 集 jí, 執 zhí, 及 jí, 揖 yī 疊 dié

→ → → → →

[ap] [ɐp] [jep] [jep] [ɛp]

合 hé 洽 qià 緝 jī 緝 jī 帖 tiè

耽 dān, 參 cān, 含 hán 芃 péng 咸 xián, 黯 àn (with *[k]-group initials) 岑 cén, 滲 shèn (with *[ts]-group initials) 林 lín, 心 xīn, 任 rèn, 今 jīn 風 fēng 念 niàn, 酓 yǎn

→ → → → → → →

[am] [uŋ] [ɐm] [jem] [jem] [juŋ] [iɛm]

覃 tán 東一 dōng115 咸 xián 侵 qīn 侵 qīn 東三 dōng3 添 tiān

268  Reconstruction of Old Chinese Finals In terms of main vowels, finals of the 緝 jī and 侵 qīn divisions have similar patterns of evolution as those of the 微 wēi and 文 wén divisions. Moreover, characters of these two divisions are used to rhyme or share phonetic components with characters of the 之 zhī and 蒸 zhēng divisions. Therefore, the main vowel of the 緝 jī and 侵 qīn divisions should be [ə]. The character 風 fēng has a phonetic component 凡 fán, and all six occurrences of 風 fēng in the Shījīng rhyme with characters of the 侵 qīn division, which gives us enough reason to reconstruct its final in Old Chinese pronunciation as *[juəm]. The later change of *[m] into [ŋ] is an effect of dissimilation imposed by [u]; with this change the main vowel is also dropped. The character 芃 péng also has the phonetic component 凡 fán and evolved into the 東一 dōng1 rhyme in the Guǎngyùn; its evolution resembles that of 風 fēng. Notes 1 Translator’s note: This refers to the《詩經》Shījīng ‘Classic of Poetry’, which comprises 305 poems. 2 Translator’s note: Shih King is the old Romanisation of《詩經》Shījīng. 3 Translator’s note: The original text has [wɐi] here. It is changed to [uɐi] based on the author’s reconstruction of Middle Chinese finals in Chapter 7. 4 Translator’s note: The original text has [oŋ] here. The main vowel should be [ô] parallel to the other first-grade vowels in this division. 5 Translator’s note: Sic. However, the character 旁páng here is suspected to be redundant due to mistyping or miscopying, as it evolved into a first-grade syllable of the 唐 táng rhyme in Middle Chinese. This slot can potentially be filled in by characters like 房 fáng, which evolved into a third-grade syllable of the 陽 yáng rhyme in Middle Chinese, with the same initial (並 bìng). 6 Translator’s note: The original text has [tɑ̂k] here. In printing, the aspiration symbol [‘] could have been mistaken as a diacritic [̂] above [ɑ]. There is no use of diacritic in the author’s reconstruction of Middle Chinese final in the 鐸 duó rhyme (see Chapter 7), and the character 託 tuō takes the initial 透 tòu ([t‘]). 7 Translator’s note: The original text has *[iwed] here and *[iwen] below; however, nowhere else is [w] used to represent the Old Chinese medial. The forms *[iwed] and *[iwen] are rectified as *[iued] and *[iuen] in conformity with *[jued], *[iuet], etc. 8 Translator’s note: The condition ‘with *[ts]-group initial’ is missing from the original text. It is added in accordance with evolution patterns of the yīnshēng and rùshēng finals. 9 Translator’s note: The original text has [jət] here. It should be [jet] per reconstruction of the sound value for 質 zhì rhyme in Middle Chinese in Chapter 7. 10 Translator’s note: Sic. However, 彬 bīn has an ‘open’ final and is in the 真 zhēn rhyme in Middle Chinese. 11 Translator’s note: The original text has [iən] here. It should be [jən] per reconstruction of the sound value for the third-grade 欣 xīn rhyme in Middle Chinese in Chapter 7. 12 Translator’s note: The original text has *[juat] here. It should be *[juad] with the coda [d]. 13 Translator’s note: The original text has *[jap] here, with the diacritic [̌] missing. It is added in accordance with the corresponding pattern of the yángshēng final *[jǎm] → [jɐm]. 14 Translator’s note: The original text has *[əp] here. It should be *[ə̂p] since it evolved into the first-grade rhyme 合 hé in Middle Chinese. 15 Translator’s note: The original text has only 東 dōng here. It is specified as 東一 dōng1 to contrast with 東三 dōng3. This contrast is also shown in the reconstruction of finals for 蒸 zhēng and 東 dōng divisions.

12 Old Chinese Initials

§12.1 Studies of Old Chinese phonology by Qing Dynasty scholars focused on preQin rhyming patterns. Materials such as characters with phonetic components and phonetic loan characters were only used as supporting evidence for ancient rhyming patterns. Therefore, the achievements of Qing Dynasty scholars were much confined to division of Old Chinese rhymes. In the so-called heyday of Old Chinese phonological study, Qian Daxin (錢大昕) seemed to be the only scholar who addressed the issue of Old Chinese initials. Among all his accomplishments in Old Chinese phonology, the most celebrated were several findings about Old Chinese initials published in his《潛研堂文集》Qiányán Táng Wénjí ‘Collected Works of the Qianyan Hall’1 and《十駕齋養新錄》Shíjià Zhāi Yǎngxīn Lù ‘Yangxin Records of the Shijia Room’.2 (1) He proved that Old Chinese did not distinguish ‘light lip’ labiodentals from ‘heavy lip’ bilabials, based on evidence that 伏羲 Fúxī and 庖羲 Páoxī were the same name, 扶服 fúfú and 匍匐 púfú were the same word, 紛 fēn was read as 豳 bīn, 繁 fán was read as 婆 pó, etc. (see §12.3). (2) He discovered that there were no ‘tongue top’ palatal plosives in Old Chinese since 趙 zhào was read as 㨄 tiǎo, 直 zhí as 特 tè, 竹 zhú as 篤 dǔ, etc. (3) He proposed that Old Chinese had more ‘tongue’ initials, many of which evolved into ‘front tooth’ initials later, besides initials 知 zhī, 徹 chè and 澄 chéng, since 舟 zhōu was read as 雕 diāo, 至 zhì as 疐 dì, and 專 zhuān as 耑 duān. More recent scholars influenced by Qian who made outstanding achievements in the study of Old Chinese initials themselves were Zhang Binglin (章炳麟) and Zeng Yunqian (曾運亁). Zhang had an article in his book《國故論衡》Guógù Lùnhéng ‘Balanced Discussions on National Cultural Heritage’ proposing the evolution of initials 娘 niáng and 日 rì from 泥 ní in Old Chinese. Zeng argued in his article ‘Investigations of Ancient Pronunciation of the Initial 喻 Yù’ that the initial 喻四 yù4 originated from Old Chinese initial 定 dìng; he also reasoned in his article ‘Investigations of the “Five Sounds” and Their Fifty-one Types in the Qièyùn’ that the initial 喻三 yù3 originated from Old Chinese initial 匣 xiá. DOI: 10.4324/9781003411444-12

270  Old Chinese Initials As we see it, their reasoning was by no means flawless. However, the Old Chinese evidence they provided was both indubitable and inspiring. Apart from item-by-item discussion of Old Chinese initials, Zhang Binglin drew up a table of initials; his student Huang Kan (黃侃) also made a proposal of the ‘original ancient initials’. These represented their reconstruction of the overall system of Old Chinese initials. Here, we do not refer more to their work because they did not provide any reasoning for a large part of their reconstruction, or even though they gave reasoning, they did it entirely arbitrarily. §12.2 Qing Dynasty scholars did not make as important achievements in Old Chinese initials as they did in Old Chinse finals, mainly because they were not aware of good materials. The ancient rhyming patterns that they were most familiar with obviously could not contribute to the study of initials. As for phonetic loan characters, variant characters and homophones, on the one hand, they caught the scholars’ attention relatively late, and on the other hand, they had not been comprehensively collected and sorted out; therefore, their true value was unknown to Qing Dynasty scholars. It was the Westerner Bernhard Karlgren who first discovered that characters with shared phonetic components were good materials for the systematic study of Old Chinese initials as well as complementing rhyming characters in the study of Old Chinese finals. With methodology informed by modern linguistics, Karlgren was able to arrive at a general outline of Old Chinese initials. Unfortunately, he based his studies and conclusions anachronistically on some 12,000 characters he had selected from the《康熙字 典》Kāngxī Zìdiǎn ‘Kangxi Dictionary’; moreover, he was less prudent in his study of Old Chinese initials than in Old Chinese finals. As a result, there were many weaknesses in his work. Not until the author of this book reorganised and re-examined the pre-Qin materials was a comparatively reliable system of Old Chinese initials reconstructed. Characters sharing phonetic components can serve as the main material for the study of Old Chinese initials for the following reasons: (1) There is a large quantity of such characters, which account for eighty or ninety percent of all ancient Chinese characters, sufficient for a comprehensive study. In comparison, phonetic loan characters, variant characters and homophones can only be used as supplementary materials. (2) They are easy to collect and scarcely problematic. Phonetic loan characters, by contrast, are not always reliable; homophones are sometimes designated at different and unknown times. (3) Sorting out characters with phonetic components in terms of initials can also help us discover a few general tendencies as to which phonetic components are often used in character construction, which phonetic components are seldom used, which components are never used in creating other characters, etc. The principles are the same as working with characters with phonetic components in the study of Old Chinese finals.

Old Chinese Initials  271 In light of this, we can apply the methods of reconstructing Old Chinese finals to our reconstruction of Old Chinese initials. (1) Characters with shared phonetic components must have had the same type of initial; those without shared phonetic components, or characters that share phonetic components only occasionally, did not have the same type of initial. (2) Like the types of finals, most types of initials would not consist of one initial only. Initials within each type must have been similar in a certain degree so as to make it possible for characters to share phonetic components. For example, 悔 huǐ and 晦 huì derived their pronunciation from 每 měi; their initials must have been alike in Old Chinese, unlike in Middle Chinese where 悔 huǐ and 晦 huì had the initials [x] while 每 měi had the initial [m]. (3) The question as to exactly how many initials are involved in each type needs to be pursued from the result of evolution in Middle Chinese. If there is any clue sufficient to prove that a number of Middle Chinese initials were results of divergence influenced by finals or tones, we can assume that they came down from one source form in Old Chinese; otherwise, we would assume that the differences in Middle Chinese initials were inherited from Old Chinese. (4) Reconstruction of the sound value of each initial should conform to what is manifested in character construction with shared phonetic components, phonetic loan characters and homophones on the one hand, and should be able to account reasonably for how it evolved into its Middle Chinese descendant on the other. §12.3 Most characters with the initials [p], [p‘] and [b‘] in Middle Chinese share phonetic components:

方 fāng [p-] : 旁 páng [b‘-] : 滂 pāng [p‘-] 分 fēn [p-] : 貧 pín [b‘-] : 盼 pàn [p‘-] 非 fēi [p-] : 菲 fēi [p‘-] : 排 pái [b‘-] 皮 pí [b‘-] : 詖 bì [p-] : 披 pī [p‘-]

Now we assume that they had the initials *[p], *[p‘] and *[b‘] already in Old Chinese. We know that there was no distinction between ‘light lip’ labiodentals and ‘heavy lip’ bilabials in Early Middle Chinese, nor in Old Chinese judging from characters with shared phonetic components and phonetic loan characters. Qian Daxin’s famous argument that there were no ‘light lip’ initials in Old Chinese was based on the Thirty-six Initials since, in his time, work on association in fǎnqiè patterns had not begun. In addition, a small of number of characters with the initials [p], [p‘] and [b‘] share phonetic components with characters with the initial [m] or other initials: 白 bái [b‘-] : 百 bǎi [p-] : 陌 mò [m-] 亳 bó [b‘-] : 乇 zhé [t-]

272  Old Chinese Initials They can be regarded as exceptions unless otherwise accounted for (see §12.12). Some characters with the initial [m] in Middle Chinese form a closed range of characters sharing phonetic components in Old Chinese:

面 miàn [m-] : 緬 miǎn [m-] 免 miǎn [m-] : 晚 wǎn [m-] 米 mǐ [m-] : 糜 mí [m-] 麻 má [m-] : 靡 mǐ [m-] 皿 mǐn [m-] : 孟 mèng [m-] 莫 mò [m-] : 謨 mó [m-]

We now assume that they had the initial *[m] in Old Chinese, too. Some other characters with the initial [m] in Middle Chinese often share phonetic components with characters with the initial [x]:

每 měi [m-] : 悔 huǐ, 晦 huì, 誨 huì [x-] 黑 hēi [x-] : 墨 mò, 默 mò, 𡣫 mò, 纆 mò [m-] 無 wú [m-] : 𣊲 hū, 憮 wǔ [x-]3 烕 xuè [x-] : 滅 miè [m-] 亡 wáng [m-] : 巟 huāng [x-] 巟 huāng [x-] : 𥿼 máng [m-] 民 mín [m-] : 昬 hūn [x-] 昬 hūn [x-] : 緡 mín, 睯 hūn,4 鍲 mín . . . [m-]

We cannot treat these cases as exceptional for the following reasons: (1) There are many such cases. (2) It cannot be mere coincidence for one character, 每 měi, with the initial [m] to serve as phonetic component in three characters 悔 huǐ, 晦 huì and 誨 huì with the initial [x], and for one character, 黑 hēi, with the initial [x] to serve as phonetic component in four characters 墨 mò, 默 mò, 𡣫 mò and 纆 mò with the initial [m]. What is more, 民 mín with the initial [m] is the phonetic component in 昬 hūn with the initial [x], which, in turn, is the phonetic component in 緡 mín etc. with the initial [m]. It demonstrates an even closer relationship between the two initials. (3) Such sharing of phonetic components does not extend to any other character with a different initial. For these reasons, we have to assume that there was not as strong a distinction between the initials of 每 měi and 悔 huǐ in Old Chinese as there was between [m] and [x] in Middle Chinese. Now we reconstruct the initial of 悔 huǐ, 昬 hūn, etc. as *[m̥ ], and the initial of 每 měi, 民 mín, etc. as *[m]; the common feature of bilabial nasal makes it possible for them to share phonetic components. The characters 悔 huǐ, 昬 hūn, etc. are mostly ‘closed’ syllables, in which it is natural for the initial *[m̥ ] to evolve into a fricative with the same place of articulation and then into [x]

Old Chinese Initials  273 under the influence of the medial [u] (just like the evolution of initials 非 fēi, 敷 fū and 奉 fèng into [x] or [h] in some modern dialects). We cannot say that the original initial of 悔 huǐ, 昬 hūn, etc. was [ɸ] or [f] because there is rarely any correlation between fricative and nasal in character construction with shared phonetic components. Nor can we assume that 每 měi, 民 mín, etc. originally had a velar nasal initial; because correlation between velar nasal and velar fricative is also rare, the evolution path of the velar nasal cannot be clarified based on existing examples, and there are other characters that more appropriately occupy the position of velar nasal initial (see §12.8). A small number of characters with the initial [m] in Middle Chinese share phonetic components with characters with other initials. For details, see §12.12. §12.4 Now we shall discuss a major type of initial involved in character construction with shared phonetic symbols. It involves characters that had initials [t], [t‘], [d‘], [ȶ], [ȶ‘] and [ȡ‘], and most characters with initials [tɕ], [tɕ‘], [dʑ‘], [ɕ] and [ʑ] in Middle Chinese. Here are some examples: 屯 tún/zhūn [d‘/ȶ-]: 春 chūn [tɕ‘-], 肫 zhūn [tɕ‘], 𥫱 dùn [d‘-], 杶 chūn [t‘-], 窀 zhūn [d‘/ȶ-], 頓 dùn [t-], 庉 dùn [d‘-], 黗 tún [t‘-], 𡗥 chún [ʑ-], 純 chún [ʑ-], 鈍 dùn [d‘-], 軘 tún [d‘-] 帝 dì [t-]: 啻 chì [ɕ-], 𧝐 tì [t‘-], 摘 zhāi [ȶ-], 謫 zhé [d‘-], 適 shì [ȶ/ɕ-], 敵 dí [d‘-] Apart from characters with shared phonetic symbols, these common uses of phonetic symbols also appear in large quantities in phonetic loan characters and variant characters, which Qian Daxin was the first one to point out (see §12.1). The initials [t], [t‘] and [d‘] only co-occurred with first- and fourth-grade rhymes (the only exception being 地 dì with the initial [d‘] in the 脂 zhī rhyme), whereas the initials [ȶ], [ȶ‘] and [ȡ‘] only co-occurred with second- and third-grade rhymes; thus, it is reasonable to assume that they were of the same type in Old Chinese and went along different evolution paths under the influence of different finals. The ‘class partition’ in fànqiè in rhyme dictionaries can be traced back to Old Chinese, where there were not yet ‘tongue top’ palatal plosives. *[t], *[t‘], *[d‘]

1st and 4th grades 2nd and 3rd grades



→ →

[t], [t‘], [d‘] [ȶ], [ȶ‘], [ȡ‘]

As regards characters with the [tɕ]-group initials, we side with Qian Daxin’s opinion that many dental initials were originally palatals and assume that they evolved from *[ȶ], *[ȶ‘], *[ȡ‘], *[ɕ] and *[ʑ]. The initials *[ȶ], *[ȶ‘], *[ȡ‘] . . . have a place of articulation close to that of *[t], *[t‘] and *[d‘], hence the common use of characters involving these initials as phonetic components and phonetic loans. Karlgren claimed that the initial [ʑ] often correlated with [t], [t‘], [d‘], [ȶ], [ȶ‘], [ȡ‘], [tɕ], [tɕ‘] and [dʑ‘] in characters with shared phonetic components, whereas [ɕ] did not. Therefore, he argued that [ʑ] was originally a plosive [ȡ], and [ɕ] a fricative as it was. As far as Old Chinese materials are concerned, however, the use of characters with shared phonetic components involving [ɕ] and [ʑ] is not much

274  Old Chinese Initials different. The two presented examples have made it clear enough. Karlgren had that speculation because he was imprudent in the use of materials. The conception of [ȡ] does not hold water. There is another type of initial in character construction with shared phonetic components, involving initials that later evolved into [n] (泥 ní and 娘 niáng in the Thirty-six Initials) and [ȵ] (日 rì) in Middle Chinese. 然 rán [ȵ]: 嘫 rán [n], 橪 rán [ȵ], 撚 niǎn [n] 乃 nǎi [n]: 仍 réng [ȵ] 弱 ruò [ȵ]: 溺 nì [n], 嫋 niǎo [n] Examples of their occurrences in phonetic loan characters and variant characters can be found in Zhang Binglin’s proposal that initials 娘 niáng and 日 rì evolved from 泥 ní in Old Chinese. Note in passing that Zhang made his proposal based on the Thirty-six Initials, without being aware of the fact that there was no such distinction as between 泥 ní and 娘 niáng at the time of the Qièyùn. We now reconstruct the phonetic values of the two initials in Old Chinese still as *[n] and *[ȵ]; their relationship is the same as that between *[t] group and *[ȶ] group. §12.5 Other characters that had the initials [tɕ], [tɕ‘], [dʑ‘], [ȵ], [ɕ] and [ʑ] in Middle Chinese were derived from another source; in Old Chinese, they correlated not with characters with initials of the [t] and [ȶ] (← *[t]) groups, but with characters with velar initials.

赤 chì [tɕ‘-], 赦 shè [ɕ-] : 郝 hǎo [x-] 區 qū [k‘-] : 樞 shū [tɕ‘-] 支 zhī [tɕ-], 枝 zhī [tɕ‘-] : 𩵾 [k-], 岐 qí [g‘-] 耆 qí [g‘-] : 嗜 shì [ʑ-] 臣 chén [ʑ-] : 臤 qiān [k-] 臤 qiān [k-] : 腎 shèn [ʑ-] 示 shì [ʑ-] : 祁 qí [g‘-] 敫 jiǎo [k-] : 𦅾 zhuó [tɕ-] 旨 zhǐ [tɕ-] : 稽 jī [k-], 耆 qí [g‘-] 咸 xián [ɣ-], 感 gǎn [k-] : 鍼 zhēn, 箴 zhēn [tɕ-]

These examples demonstrate that 赤 chì, 支 zhī, etc. should have had velar initials with a place of articulation further front than the initials of 郝 hǎo, 岐 qí, etc., or they could have had palatal initials with a place of articulation further back, represented as *[c], *[c‘], *[ɟ‘], *[ɲ], *[ç] and *[j]. Although we do not have too many examples involving correlations like these, we cannot treat as sporadic or accidental such shared use of phonetic components as systematically shown in 臣 chén [ʑ-] : 臤 qiān [k-] : 腎 shèn [ʑ-] and 旨 zhǐ [tɕ-] : 耆 qí [g‘-] : 嗜 shì [ʑ-].

Old Chinese Initials  275 §12.6 Characters with initials [ts], [ts‘], [dz‘], [s] and [z] and [tʃ], [tʃ‘], [dʒ‘], [ʃ] and [ʒ] are inseparable in shared use of phonetic components. 參 sān/cān/shēn/cēn [s, ts‘, ʃ, tʃ’-] – 慘 cǎn [ts‘-], 謲 càn [ts‘-], 蔘 shēn [ts-] : 滲 shèn [ʃ-], 縿 shān [ʃ-], 摻 chān [ʃ-] 祭 jì/zhài [ts, tʃ’-] – 蔡 cài [ts‘-], 祭 jì [ts-], 㡜 xuě [s-] : 察 chá [tʃ’-], 瘵 zhài [tʃ-] 且 jū/qiě [ts, ts‘-] – 祖 zǔ [ts-], 殂 cú [dz‘-], 疽 jū [ts‘-] : 助 zhù [dʒ‘], 俎 zǔ [dʒ‘], 阻 zǔ [tʃ] Also, there are many examples in phonetic loan characters. 數 shù [ʃ-] : 速 sù [s-] 則莫能以速中 zé mò néng yǐ sù zhòng from the chapter ‘Kao Gong Ji’ in the Rites of Zhou (《周禮·考工記》) has an annotation suggesting that the character 數 shù might have been written as 速 sù. 壯 zhuàng [tʃ-] : 將 jiāng [ts-] 幼壯孝弟 yòu zhuàng xiào tì5 from the chapter ‘She Yi’ in the Book of Rites (《禮 記·射義》)6 has an annotation that 壯 zhuàng could be 將 jiāng. 稷 jì [ts-] : 側 cè, 昃 zè [tʃ-] 至於日稷 zhì yú rì jì from the《尚書中候》Shàngshū Zhònghòu ‘Accurate Omens in the Book of Documents’ has an annotation by Zheng Xuan (鄭玄)7 that 稷 jì should be pronounced as 側 cè. 戊午日下昃 wù wǔ rì xià zè from the《春秋》Chūnqiū ‘Spring and Autumn Annals’ was written as 戊午日下稷 wù wǔ rì xià jì in the《穀梁》Gǔliáng.8 If, based on such evidence, we assume that syllables with [ts]-group and [tʃ]group initials derived from a single source, then the shared use of upper characters with initials of 精 jīng and 照 zhào groups in Middle Chinese fǎnqiè patterns can be explained as traces from Old Chinese, just as the shared use of upper characters with initials of [t] and [ȶ] groups in Middle Chinese fǎnqiè were traces from Old Chinese without ‘tongue top’ palatal plosive initials. However, the issue here is not as simple as with the initials of [t] and [ȶ] groups, which did not co-occur with the same final except for only one character. By way of contrast, [ts]-group initials co-occurred with first-, third- and fourth-grade rhymes, and [tʃ]-group initials co-occurred with second- and third-grade rhymes – both could take third-grade rhymes. That being the case, if we claim that [ts]-group and [tʃ]-group initials evolved from one single group, we would be faced with a perplexing problem: how did the initials with thirdgrade rhymes diverge into [ts] group and [tʃ] group? We certainly cannot say that the Old Chinese [ts] evolved into [ts] and [tʃ] simultaneously under the same condition. In fact, we have known from adequate evidence that third-grade rhymes with [tʃ]-group initials in Middle Chinese were not in the third grade in Old Chinese but were second-grade rhymes in the same division. They evolved into third-grade

276  Old Chinese Initials rhymes at a much later stage (for details, see the reconstruction of rhyme divisions in Chapter 11). (1) The distribution of syllables with [tʃ]-group initials in Middle Chinese rhyme groups shows these tendencies: in rhyme groups with second-grade rhymes (‘outer turns’), those syllables are positioned in second-grade slots, with none appearing in third-grade positions; only in rhyme groups without second-grade rhymes (‘inner turns’) do they appear in third-grade slots. So we see that this is a conditional distribution, and syllables with [tʃ]-group initials must have originated in only one grade. (2) The 臻 zhēn and 櫛 zhì rhymes in Middle Chinese are second-grade rhymes and take only [tʃ]-group initials. Their corresponding third-grade rhymes 真 zhēn and 質 zhì take all other initials than the [tʃ] group. If conflated, they would make ordinary third-grade rhymes. Does it mean that all third-grade syllables with [tʃ]-group initials were originally second-grade ones, and the independence of 臻 zhēn and 櫛 zhì rhymes marks a trace from Old Chinese? (3) In second-grade syllables of the Guǎngyùn, characters with [tʃ]-group initials can always be used as lower characters for characters with all other initials. For example, in 咸，胡讒切 xián, hú chán qiè, 咸 xián has the initial [ɣ], while 讒 chán has the initial [dʒ‘]; in 江，古雙切 jiāng, gǔ shuāng qiè, 江 jiāng has the initial [k], while 雙 shuāng has the initial [ʃ]. There are many other examples like these. In third-grade syllables, however, characters with [tʃ]-group initials are not used in the same fashion. Among all lower characters for third-grade syllables, only ten have [tʃ]-group initials: 甾 zī, 史 shǐ, 助 zhù, 芻 chú, 莊 zhuāng, 簪 zān, 譖 zèn, 㾕 shěn, 戢 jí, and 士 shì. Among them, 史 shǐ, 莊 zhuāng and 戢 jí are used twice and the others only once. More importantly, apart from 士 shì [dʒ‘-], which is once used as the lower character for 里 lǐ [l-], all the other characters are used only for characters also with [tʃ]-group initials. This provides a very important clue. The only explanation is that third-grade syllables with [tʃ]-group initials derived from an independent source. Their evolution into the third grade must have happened after widespread use of the fǎnqiè patterns. When they became third-grade syllables, only they needed new lower characters in the same rhyme but with different initials; syllables with other initials would not need them as lower characters since they had already fixed fǎnqiè patterns. On the other hand, second-grade syllables with [tʃ]-group initials must have been in the second grade all along since they are freely used as lower characters for characters with all initials. (4) Examining Old Chinese rhyme divisions, we can find that whenever Middle Chinese third-grade rhymes co-occur with [tʃ]-group initials, generally there are no second-grade rhymes with [tʃ]-group initials in the same division. In some cases, there are no second-grade rhymes with [tʃ]-group initials at all, and thus, third-grade rhymes with [tʃ]-group initials and second-grade rhymes without these initials, when conflated, make up complete rhymes with all initials. In other cases where second-grade rhymes do take [tʃ]-group initials, syllables thus formed are in complementary distribution with third-grade

Old Chinese Initials  277 syllables with [tʃ]-group initials. In light of all these, we can be reassured that the distribution of syllables with [ts]-group and [tʃ]-group initials were not in conflict before the Qièyùn – [ts]-group initials co-occurred only with first-, third- and fourth-grade rhymes, whereas [tʃ]-group initials co-occurred only with second-grade rhymes. Such being the case, it would be tenable to argue that [ts]-group and [tʃ]-group initials were derived from the same origin. Their evolution is comparable to that of [t]-group and [ȶ]-group initials. *[ts], *[ts‘], *[dz‘], *[s], *[z]

1st, 3rd and 4th grades 2nd grade

→ →

[ts], [ts‘], [dz‘], [s], [z] [tʃ], [tʃ‘], [dʒ‘], [ʃ], [ʒ]

Nevertheless, second-grade syllables with *[ts]-group initials in Old Chinese, when the initials changed into the [tʃ] etc., had a change in the finals as well. Due to the difference in main vowel and coda, some syllables remained in the second grade, while others evolved into the third grade. The conditions for changes are as follows: (1) Syllables originally in Old Chinese divisions 之 zhī, 蒸 zhēng, 幽 yōu, 中 zhōng, 侯 hóu (yīnshēng), 魚 yú (魚 yú and 藥 yào rhymes), 陽 yáng (陽 yáng rhyme), 微 wēi, 文 wén, 緝 jī and 侵 qīn evolved into third-grade rhymes (之 zhī, 職 zhí, 尤 yóu, 屋 wū, 藥 yào, 脂 zhī, 櫛 zhì, 臻 zhēn, 緝 jī and 侵 qīn). Their main vowels and codas are reconstructed as *[ə], *[o], *[u] (*[-g]); *[a] (*[-g], *[-k], *[-ŋ]). (2) Syllables originally in Old Chinese divisions 宵 xiāo, 侯 hóu (rùshēng), 東 dōng, 魚 yú (麻 má and 陌 mò rhymes), 陽 yáng (唐 táng rhyme), 夬 guài, 歌 gē, 祭 jì, 元 yuán, 葉 yè and 談 tán remained in second-grade rhymes (肴 yáo, 覺 jué, 江 jiāng, 麻 má, 陌 mò, 庚 gēng, 怪 guài, 鎋 xiá, 黠 xiá, 山 shān, 刪 shān, 洽 qià, 狎 xiá, 咸 xián and 銜 xián). Their main vowels and codas are reconstructed as *[ɔ], *[u] (*[-k], *[-ŋ]); *[ɑ̌], *[a] (*[-∅], *[-d], *[-t], *[-n], *[-p], *[-m]). (3) Syllables originally in Old Chinese divisions 脂 zhī, 真 zhēn, 佳 jiā and 耕 gēng remained in second-grade rhymes (皆 jiē, 櫛 zhì, 山 shān, 佳 jiā, 耕 gēng) with píng and rù tones, and evolved into third-grade rhymes (旨 zhǐ, 至 zhì, 軫 zhěn, 震 zhèn, 紙 zhǐ, 寘 zhì, 庚 gēng) with shǎng and qù tones. Their main vowel is reconstructed as *[e]. Because of these changes, Middle Chinese third-grade rhymes co-occurred with both [ts]-group and [tʃ]-group initials. In general, characters with [ts]-group and [tʃ]-group (← *[ts]) initials do not share phonetic components with characters with [t]-group, [ȶ]-group (← *[t]) and [tɕ]-group (← *[ȶ]) initials, the only occasional exceptions being third-grade characters with [ts]-group initials. Our explanation for this is that *[t] and *[ts]

278  Old Chinese Initials normally have different places of articulation; however, *[ts] in third-grade syllables, probably because of palatalisation, has a place of articulation closer to *[t]. Karlgren claimed that Middle Chinese initial [z] evolved from Old Chinese [dz]. It is the same mistake as in his claim that [ʑ] developed from [ȡ]. §12.7 Another major type of initial involved in phonetic components in character construction includes those evolving into [k], [k‘], [g‘], [ŋ], [x], [ɣ] and [ɣ(j)] in Middle Chinese.

句 jù [k-] : 拘 jū [k-], 竘 qǔ [k‘-], 劬 qú [g‘-], 朐 qú [x-] 堯 yáo [ŋ-] : 趬 qiāo [k‘-], 翹 qiào [g‘-], 曉 xiǎo [x-], 驍 xiāo [k-] 交 jiāo [k-] : 效 xiào [ɣ-], 齩 yǎo [ŋ-], 骹 qiāo [k‘-] 有 yǒu [ɣ(j)-] : 賄 huì [x-] 厷 gōng [k-] : 宏 hóng [ɣ-], 雄 xióng [ɣ(j)-] 㞷 huáng [g‘-] : 往 wǎng [ɣ(j)-],9 匡 kuāng [k‘-]

It is not difficult for us to assume that Middle Chinese initials [k], [k‘], [g‘], [ŋ], [x] and [ɣ] evolved from Old Chinese *[k], *[k‘], *[g‘], *[ŋ], *[x] and *[ɣ]. As regards [ɣ(j)], it has the following features: (1) Middle Chinese initial [ɣ] co-occurred only with first-, second- and fourthgrade rhymes, whereas [ɣ(j)] co-occurred only with third-grade rhymes. (2) From the fǎnqiè patterns in the《經典釋文》Jīngdiǎn Shìwén ‘Text Explanation of Classics’ and the original version of the《玉篇》Yùpiān ‘Jade Chapters’, both of which dated earlier than the Qièyùn, we know that there was no distinction between initials 匣 xiá and 喻 yù in third-grade rhymes prior to the Qièyùn; therefore, we can reasonably assume that [ɣ(j)] evolved from [ɣ] in Old Chinese. Before the Qièyùn, the initial [ɣ] could take rhymes with all four grades; afterwards, it was only preserved in first-, second- and fourth-grade rhymes and palatalised into [ɣ(j)] in third-grade rhymes. Karlgren held that both [ɣ] and [g‘] evolved from Old Chinese initial [g‘], for the following reasons: (1) [ɣ] often correlates with [k] and [k‘] in characters with shared phonetic components, while [x] does not; therefore, [ɣ] should be a plosive originally. (2) [ɣ] co-occurred only with first-, second- and fourth-grade rhymes in Middle Chinese, while [g‘] co-occurred only with third-grade rhymes; thus, their divergence should be caused by difference in the finals. His opinion was widely acknowledged a few years ago. Now that we know the materials he used were not representative of Old Chinese, and both [x] and [ɣ] correlate with [k] and [k‘] in characters with shared phonetic components, we can conclude that [ɣ] did not necessarily evolve from a plosive in the beginning. We also know that [ɣ] and [ɣ(j)] were not distinguished before the Qièyùn, it would be even less reasonable for us to fit [g‘] into the third-grade position with the initial [ɣ].

Old Chinese Initials  279 Karlgren also made a big mistake in arguing that the initial [ɣ(j)] derived from [g] in Old Chinese. Since the initial [∅(j)] in some syllables is regarded by scholars (including Karlgren himself) as having evolved from [g] (§12.10), it is unlikely for [∅(j)] and [ɣ(j)], both taking third-grade rhymes, to evolve from the same initial. Evidence from characters with shared phonetic components shows that characters with the initial that evolved into [ʔ] in Middle Chinese form an independent group. 央 yāng [ʔ-] : 英 yīng [ʔ-], 鞅 yāng [ʔ-], 殃 yāng [ʔ-], 盎 àng [ʔ-] 昷 wēn [ʔ-] : 温 wēn [ʔ-], 煴 yūn [ʔ-], 醖 yùn [ʔ-] It has always been presumed that these characters had the initial *[ʔ] in Old Chinese, although there is sharing of phonetic components with characters that had the [k]-group initials in Middle Chinese: 蒦 huò [ʔ-], 蠖 huò [ʔ-] : 護 hù [ɣ-], 㬦 yuè [x-] 肙 yuān [ʔ-], 蜎 yuān [ʔ-] : 絹 juān [k-], 鋗 xuān [x-], 鞙 xuān [ɣ-] Considering the small number of such characters and the proximity between glottal and velar initials, they can be regarded as exceptions. §12.8 In previous sections, we have set aside characters whose initials later evolved into [∅]. Characters with zero initial in Middle Chinese can be divided into three types in forming characters with shared phonetic components: (1) Correlating only with characters with dental or palatal initials: 飴 yí [∅-], 怡 yí [∅-] : 胎 tāi [t‘-], 殆 dài [d‘-], 眙 chì [ȶ‘-]10 (← *[t‘-]), 治 zhì [ȡ‘-]11 (← *[d‘-]) 由 yóu [∅-], 油 yóu [∅-] : 迪 dí [d‘-], 抽 chōu [ȶ‘-] (← *[t‘-]), 宙 zhòu [ȡ‘-] (← *[d‘-]), 袖 xiù [z-] 軼 yì [∅-], 佚 yì [∅-] : 失 shī [ɕ-], 秩 zhì [ȡ‘-] (← *[d‘-]) These characters can be assumed to have in Old Chinese the initial *[d], which was dropped before the medial [j]. (2) Correlating only with characters with velar initials: 衍 yǎn [∅-] : 愆 qiān [k‘-] 匀 yún [∅-] : 均 jūn [k-] 矞 yù [∅-], 鷸 yù [∅-] : 橘 jú [k-], 䆷 xuè [x-] Such characters are few and can be assumed to have in Old Chinese the initial *[g], which was also dropped before the medial [j]. (3) Correlating with characters with both dental and velar initials: 𦣞 yí [∅-] : 洍 sì [z-] : 姬 jī [k-] (姬 jī has an alternative initial [∅] in the Guǎngyùn; 洍 sì is also written as 汜 sì,12 which has the phonetic component 巳 sì [z-]).

280  Old Chinese Initials 容 róng, 欲 yù [∅-] : 俗 sú [z-] : 谷 gǔ [k-] (谷 gǔ has an alternative initial [∅] in the Guǎngyùn; 容 róng is often used in ancient books to represent 頌 sòng [z-], and it is also written as 㝐 róng, with the phonetic component 公 gōng [k-]). 羊 yáng [∅-] : 祥 xiáng [z-] : 姜 jiāng [k-] 遺 yí [∅-] : 隤 tuí [t‘-] : 貴 guì [k-] 閻 yán [∅-] : 臽 xiàn [ɣ-] : 𧂄 dàn [d‘-] Alternative pronunciations and uses as phonetic loan characters are provided to demonstrate that these characters with the initial [∅] in Middle Chinese are doubly related to dental and velar initials in Old Chinese. The initials of related characters in Old Chinese can be reconstructed as follows: 𦣞 yí *[gd-] : 洍 sì *[gz-] : 姬 jī *[kz-] 遺 yí *[gd-] : 貴 guì *[kd-] : 隤 tuí *[t‘-] Or they can be reconstructed as follows: 𦣞 yí *[gd-] : 姬 jī *[k-] : 洍 sì *[gz-] 遺 yí *[gd-] : 貴 guì *[k-] : 隤 tuí *[gt‘-] All voiced plosives in Old Chinese initials disappeared in Middle Chinese; in initials composed of a fricative and a plosive, the plosive was dropped and the fricative was retained. Karlgren suggested that some characters with the initial [∅] in Middle Chinese had the initial *[z] in Old Chinese because those characters share phonetic components only with characters with the 精 jīng group initials. Again, he was misled by the materials he used. In fact, in character construction with shared phonetic components as recorded in the Shuōwén, there are only three shared uses of phonetic components between characters with the initial [∅] and with 精 jīng group initials: 㳄 xián [z-] : 羨 xiàn [∅-] 叡 ruì [∅-] : 璿 xuán [z-] 汓 qiú [z-] : 游 yóu [∅-] In general, when the initial [∅] correlates with [ts]-group initials in characters with shared phonetic components, if [∅] does not correlate further with [k]-group initials (see previous examples), it must correlate with initials of [t] or [ȶ] (← *[t]) groups: 攸 yōu [∅-] : 修 xiū [s-] : 條 tiáo [d‘-] 余 yú [∅-] : 徐 xú [z-] : 途 tú [d‘-]

Old Chinese Initials  281 Further correlation with [k]-group initials has been accounted for. As regards further correlation with [t]-group initials, related characters with [ts]-group initials are all in the third grade, and it has been mentioned that third-grade characters with [ts]-group initials often share phonetic components with characters with [t]-group initials; therefore, we have good reason to assume that 余 yú, 攸 yōu, etc. had the initial *[d] in Old Chinese. Their correlation with characters with [ts]-group initials in sharing phonetic components resembles that between characters with [t]-group and [ts]-group initials. If we accepted Karlgren’s view as correct, that is, 余 yú, 攸 yōu, etc. correlated with characters with both [t]-group and [ts]-group initials, it would be impossible to determine whether they had the initial [d] or [z] in Old Chinese. §12.9 When we discussed the original pronunciation of the initial 喻四 yù4, we recognised the existence of consonant cluster initials. Consonant clusters as Old Chinese initials are more prominent in characters that evolved in Middle Chinese with the initial 來 lái. In characters with shared phonetic components, characters with the initial 來 lái in Middle Chinese comprise two types: (1) Sharing phonetic components with other characters with the initial 來 lái in Middle Chinese: 夌 líng: 凌 líng, 稜 léng, 綾 líng, 陵 líng 利 lì: 梨 lí, 犂 lí, 䬆 lì It is easy to determine that characters of this type had the initial *[l] in Old Chinese. (2) Sharing phonetic components with characters that take many other initials in Middle Chinese: 彔 lù, 錄 lù, 綠 lǜ [l-] : 剝 bō [p-] 卯 mǎo [m-], 奅 pào [p‘-] : 柳 liǔ, 聊 liáo [l-] 尞 liáo, 瞭 liáo [l-] : 獠 liáo [ȶ-] (← *[t-]) 隶 lì [∅-] (← *[d-]) : 隸 lì [l-] 吏 lì [l-] : 使 shǐ [ʃ-] (← *[s]) 婁 lóu [l-] : 數 shù [ʃ-] (← *[s]) 各 gè, 格 gé [k-] : 路 lù, 賂 lù [l-] 景 jǐng, 京 jīng [k-] : 掠 lüè, 涼 liáng [l-] Even sharing phonetic components with characters that take more than one other type of initial: 䜌 luán [l-] : 變 biàn [p-], 蠻 mán [m-] : 㝈 luán [ʃ-] (← *[s]) : 彎 wān [ʔ-] 翏 liù [l-] : 謬 miù [m-] : 瘳 chōu [ȶ‘] (← *[ȶ‘]) : 膠 jiāo [k-] 龍 lóng [l-] : 龐 páng [b‘-] : 寵 chǒng [ȶ‘] (← *[ȶ‘]) : 龏 gōng [k-]

282  Old Chinese Initials All of these cannot be treated as exceptions. Apart from the fact that there is a large number of such characters, the following points are also worth mentioning: (1) It cannot be merely coincidental for 各 gè [k-] to serve as phonetic component for many characters with the initial [l] in Middle Chinese, e.g. 路 lù, 賂 lù, 輅 lù, 烙 lào, 略 lüè. (2) There is an ancient saying ‘不律 bù lǜ makes 筆 bǐ; 不來 bù lái makes 霾 mái’; in ancient writing 麥 mài was not distinguished from 來 lái, and 命 mìng was not distinguished from 令 lìng. These provide extra evidence in addition to characters with shared phonetic components. (3) Tai languages, which are genetically closest to Chinese, still have initials [pl] and [kl]; if we are audacious enough, we can find some revealing examples: 藍 lán [l-] has the phonetic component 監 jiān [k-]; in Siamese13 it is [k‘ram]. 烙 lào [l-] has the phonetic component 各 gè [k-]; in Siamese it is [klak]. (4) Karlgren once cited the archaeologist Marc Aurel Stein’s statement that the ancient Central Asian city called 樓蘭 lóulán in the Han Dynasty is represented as kroraimna in a Central Asian language. 樓 lóu has the phonetic component 婁 lóu, which also serves as phonetic component for 寠 jù [g‘-]. From this, we have reason to believe that initials [pl], [tl] and [kl] existed in preQin (and even Han) Chinese. To pursue this issue further, we tend to think that consonant cluster initials with [l] in Old Chinese could have fallen into three patterns. They are illustrated with 各 gè and 路 lù: A. 各 gè [kl-] : 路 lù [l-] B. 各 gè [k-] : 路 lù [kl-] C. 各 gè [kl-] : 路 lù [gl-] Exactly which one was the genuine pattern, or whether the three patterns co-existed, in Old Chinese is unknown, based on available materials at present. §12.10 In our discussion of single-consonant initials, we kept saying that characters with a certain type of initial only share phonetic components with characters with the same type of initial or correlate with each other in terms of variant characters and phonetic loan characters. This holds true as a general tendency; however, cross-type correlations are not uncommon in Old Chinese: (1) Phonetic components are shared between characters with [k]-group initials and [t]-group initials: 希 xī, 稀 xī, 晞 xī [x-] : 欷 xī, 脪 xìn, 絺 chī [ȶ‘-] (← *[t‘-]) 䓛 gǔ [k-], 屈 qū [k‘-] : 咄 duō [t-], 茁 zhuó [ȶ-] (← *[t-])14 今 jīn [k-], 黔 qián [g‘-] : 貪 tān [t‘-] 庚 gēng [k-] : 唐 táng [d‘-]

Old Chinese Initials  283 (2) Between [k]-group initials and [ts]-group initials: 自 zì [dz‘-] : 洎 jì [g‘-], 郋 xí [ɣ-] 歲 suì [s-] : 劌 guì [k-], 𧬨 huì [x-] 戶 hù [ɣ-] : 所 suǒ [ʃ-] (← *[s-]) 契 qì [k‘-] : 楔 xiē [s-] (3) Between [k]-group initials and [p]-group initials: 棘 jí [k-] : 𤏡 bó [p-, b‘-] 爻 yáo [ɣ-] : 駁 bó [p-] 岡 gāng [k-] : 網 wǎng [m-]15 更 gèng [k-] : 丙 bǐng [p-] (4) Between [t]-group initials and [p]-group initials: 勹 bāo [p-] : 匋 táo [t‘-] 釣 diào [t-] : 豹 bào [p-] 䍇 tà [d‘-] : 乏 fá [b‘-] 騁 chěng [ȶ‘-] (← *[t‘-]) : 聘 pìn [p‘-] (5) Between [t]-group initials and [ts]-group initials (examples have been provided earlier). (6) Between [ts]-group initials and [p]-group initials: 尾 wěi [m-] : 犀 xī [s-] 亡 wáng [m-] : 喪 sàng [s-] In addition, in syllables with [p]- and [t]-group initials, correlation may occur between characters with nasal and plosive initials: 百 bǎi [p-] : 陌 mò [m-] 丑 chǒu [ȶ‘-] (← *[t‘-]) : 紐 niǔ [n-] There is not a large quantity of such correlations, and the relationship between characters is not as close as that between characters with initials [m] and [x], [tɕ] and [k], etc. So they have always been regarded as ‘irregularities’. However, the examples of 羊 yáng, 欲 yù, etc. suggest the possibility of consonant cluster initials [kt], [ks], [kp], [mp], [nt], etc. Certain characters have variant pronunciations:

畜 chù/xù [ȶ‘-] (← *[t‘-]), [x-] 𣪯 tóng [k-], [d‘-] 睘 qióng [g‘-], [z-] 纗 zuī [ɣ-], [ʃ-]

Some characters have variant forms: 陌 mò [m-]: it can take 百 bǎi (with initial [p]) as its phonetic component; it can also take 貉 hé or 各 gè (with initial [k]) as phonetic component.

284  Old Chinese Initials 冰 bīng [p-]: a variant form is 凝 níng, whose phonetic component is 疑 yí (with initial [ŋ]). These are all further evidence for the existence of consonant cluster initials presented. Moreover, when the character 午 wǔ, used as one of the twelve terms of Earthly Branches, was borrowed into several Tai languages, the initial was represented as [s] in some languages and [ŋ] in others. It is even read as [saŋa] in one Tai language. It makes a fairly appealing question to explore if we also take into consideration the suggestion in the Shuōwén that the character 卸 xiè [s-] derives its pronunciation from the phonetic component 午 wǔ [ŋ-]. If Old Chinese really had those complex initials, it is difficult for us to determine what they were composed of and in what syllables they were used. As regards complex initials involving [l], we are confident in suggesting the following two points: (1) [l] should be the second component of a complex initial, not the first one; (2) since one component of the cluster is [l], the other can only be selected from a limited range of consonants, e.g. [p], [t] and [k]. In complex initials made up of consonants [p], [t], [k], etc., the sequence of components is impossible to define, and the possibilities of combinations are many. Therefore, more work needs to be done to solve this mystery, compared with our study of consonant cluster initials involving [l]. §12.11 If we set aside the unsolved problems about complex initials, we can provide an outline of Old Chinese simple initials as shown in the following, based on the materials presently available for our reconstruction. labial dental pre-dental palatal post-palatal velar glottal

[p] [t] [ts] [ȶ] [c] [k] [ʔ]

[p‘] [t‘] [ts‘] [ȶ‘] [c‘] [k‘]

[d]

[g]

[b‘] [d‘] [dz‘] [ȡ‘] [ɟ‘] [g‘]

[m] [n] [ȵ] [ɲ] [ŋ]

[m̥ ] [s] [ɕ] [ç] [x]

[l] [z] [ʑ] [j] [ɣ]

Their relationships with Middle Chinese initials are represented as follows: *[p], *[p‘], *[b‘], *[m] → *[m̥ ] → *[t], *[t‘], *[d‘] → → *[d] → *[n] → *[l] → *[ts], *[ts‘], *[dz‘], → *[s], *[z] → *[ȶ], *[ȶ‘], *[ȡ‘], *[ȵ], → *[ɕ], *[ʑ] *[c], *[c‘], *[ɟ‘], *[ɲ], → *[ç], *[j]

[p], [p‘], [b‘], [m] [x] [t], [t‘], [d‘] [ȶ], [ȶ‘], [ȡ‘] [∅] [n] [l] [ts], [ts‘], [dz‘], [s], [z] [tʃ], [tʃ‘], [dʒ‘], [ʃ], [ʒ] [tɕ], [tɕ‘], [dʑ‘], [ȵ], [ɕ], [ʑ]

(1st and 4th grades) (2nd and 3rd grades)

(1st, 3rd and 4th grades) (2nd grade)

Old Chinese Initials  285 *[k], *[k‘], *[g‘],16 *[ŋ], *[x] *[g] *[ɣ] *[ʔ]

→

[k], [k‘], [g‘], [ŋ], [x]

→ → → →

[∅] [ɣ] [ɣ(j)] [ʔ]

(1st, 3rd and 4th grades) (2nd grade)

Notes 1 Translator’s note: The Qianyan Hall was Qian Daxin’s residence in Jiading District, Shanghai. 2 Translator’s note: ‘Shijia’ is the name of Qian Daxin’s study, and ‘Yangxin’ is the name of his grandfather’s study. 3 Translator’s note: The character 憮 wǔ had the initial 微 wēi [m] in Middle Chinese. The Jíyùn records an alternative pronunciation as 呼 hū with the initial [x]. 4 Translator’s note: Sic. However, the character 睯 hūn has the initial [x]. A more accurate example would be 暋 mǐn. 5 Translator’s note: The original text has 幼壯考弟 yòu zhuàng kǎo tì here. The third character should be 孝 xiào, not 考 kǎo. 6 Translator’s note: The original text has the chapter title《射儀》. In the Boot of Rites it is written as《射義》. 7 Translator’s note: Zheng Xuan (AD 127–200) was a famous commentator on Confucian classics in the Eastern Han Dynasty. 8 Translator’s note: The full title of this book is《春秋穀梁傳》Chūnqiū Gǔliáng Zhuàn ‘Guliang Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals’. 9 Translator’s note: The original text has [(ɣ)j-] here. It should be [ɣ(j)-] as 往 wǎng had the same initial (云 yún) as 有 yǒu and 雄 xióng in Middle Chinese. 10 Translator’s note: The original text has [ȶ-] here. It should be [ȶ‘-] as 眙 chì had the initial 徹 chè in Middle Chinese. 11 Translator’s note: The original text has [ȡ-] here. It should be [ȡ‘-] since the phonetic value of the initial 澄 chéng is thus reconstructed in this book. 12 Translator’s note: The original text has 氾 fàn here, which must be a mistyped character resulting from the closeness in shape with 汜 sì. Also, the phonetic component 巳 sì is mistyped as 已 yǐ. 13 Translator’s note: Siamese is a dated term for Thai. 14 Translator’s note: The original text has [ȶ‘-] (← *[t‘-]) here. However, 茁 zhuó had the initial 知 zhī ([ȶ-]) (or 莊 zhuāng [tʃ-]) in Middle Chinese. It is revised accordingly as [ȶ-] (← *[t-]). 15 Translator’s note: In the original text this character is written in its variant form 网 wǎng, which does not contain a phonetic component. It is replaced with 網 wǎng which is correlated both phonetically and graphically with 岡 gāng. 16 Translator’s note: In the original text *[g‘] is mistyped as *[g], with the aspiration symbol [‘] missing.

13 Issues of Old Chinese Tones

§13.1 When it comes to Old Chinese tones, we need to address a fundamental issue first: was there a distinction in tones in Old Chinese, as in Middle Chinese (東 dōng [tuŋ], 董 dǒng [°tuŋ], 凍 dòng [tuŋ°], 篤 dǔ [tuk]) and Modern Chinese (通 tōng [t‘uŋ˥], 同 tóng [t‘uŋ˧˥], 桶 tǒng [t‘uŋ˧˩˥], 痛 tòng [t‘uŋ˥˩])? At the initial stage of Old Chinese phonological study, scholars generally believed that there were no tones in pre-Qin Chinese, with either of the following arguments: (1) Since tones originated in the south of the lower reaches of the Yangtze River, the distinction in tones could not have been present in ancient times. (2) Spoken language varies with time and space; we cannot conclude that Old Chinese had tones simply because tones were distinguished after the Six Dynasties period. Thus, Chen Di asserted emphatically in his《毛詩古音考》Máoshī Gǔyīn Kǎo ‘Investigations on the Ancient Sounds in Mao’s Classic of Poetry’: There was no distinction of four tones in ancient times. . . . Earlier scholars believed that, in ancient poetry, píng tone syllables could only rhyme with píng tone syllables, zè tone syllables only with zè tone syllables. Weren’t they obstinately applying contemporary rules to ancient practice? The notion of four tones emerged much later. Ancient people composed poems with easily chantable syllables and rhythms; how could they fuss about trivialities like scholars looking into ancient classics? From our perspective, he views are not correct. For one thing, we know that the four tones were discovered by scholars of the Six Dynasties, not created by them; therefore, the tones did not originate in the south of the lower reaches of the Yangtze River but existed as a linguistic phenomenon during the Six Dynasties. Moreover, any linguistic phenomenon cannot appear overnight; we can even safely conclude that distinction in tones should have existed before the Six Dynasties. For another, when studies of ancient rhyming reached an advanced stage at the time of Duan, Wang and Jiang, it was found that Old Chinese had four tones, although they were different DOI: 10.4324/9781003411444-13

Issues of Old Chinese Tones  287 from those in the later age (see the next section for details). Thus, we know that the distinction among tones has existed since ancient times, and tones have evolved with time. We should not hold the view that Old Chinese did not have any distinction in tones simply because speech sounds are different between past and present. At present, we can be firmly convinced that Old Chinese had tones that evolved into Middle Chinese tones by an important fact. In Chapter 1, we mentioned that Chinese and genetically related languages such as Siamese and Tibetan form the SinoTibetan language family. All Sino-Tibetan languages have tones,1 and Tai languages closely related to Chinese (including Siamese) show remarkable resemblance with Middle Chinese in the tone system. Since Chinese, Siamese, Tibetan, etc. are related in a language family, the essential shared feature – having tones – must have been inherited from the proto-language. Or to put it more prudently, the proto-language must have had certain features such that they might give rise to differentiation in tones. At a later stage, in the proto-language of the Sino-Tai group, there should have been a tone system comparable to that of Middle Chinese. Therefore, tones have existed since the beginning of Chinese; what is more, the tone system then would not have been too different from the four-tone system of Middle Chinese. §13.2 At the early stage of studies of ancient rhymes, scholars like Gu Yanwu put forward the notion that the ancient four tones were consistent. Later scholars often misunderstood this as a claim that there was no distinction in tones in pre-Qin Chinese. Gu made the following statements in his《音論》Yīnlùn ‘On Speech Sounds’: Although discussion of the four tones originated in the south of the lower reaches of the Yangtze River, ancient poems already had the distinction between slow and fast syllables and between light and heavy syllables. Consequently, píng tone syllables tended to rhyme with píng tone syllables, and zè tone syllables tended to rhyme with zè tone syllables. There were exceptions – shǎng tone syllables were converted to píng tone; qù tone syllables were converted to píng or shǎng; rù tone syllables were converted to píng, shǎng or qù. Such conversions were produced on the chanters’ part by their variation of force or pitch in uttering the sounds. On this account, the four tones were interchangeable. In addition, Jiang Yong made this comment in the introductory remarks of his 《古韻標準》Gǔyùn Biāozhǔn ‘Standards of Ancient Rhymes’: Normally, píng tone syllables rhymed with píng tone syllables, and shǎng, qù and rù tone syllables rhymed with shǎng, qù and rù tone syllables respectively. Occasionally, within one stanza there were two, three or four tones in the rhyming syllables, which could also constitute a harmonious whole with proper adjustment in chanting. The rhyming syllables did not necessarily take one and the same tone. Hence, the correct understanding of the notion about consistency of the four tones should be that Old Chinese, like its descendant, had the distinction among four

288  Issues of Old Chinese Tones tones, and rhyming was regularly formed within the same tone; however, sometimes there were rhyming patterns with mixed tones. With the progress in Old Chinese rhyme study, Duan Yucai, Wang Niansun, Jiang Yougao, etc. were not satisfied with the notion of consistency of the four tones. The new idea that could represent their progress was that if there was variation of tones in ancient rhymes, it was mostly because some rhyming characters developed different tones later. In the section ‘Explanation of the Ancient Four Tones’ of his book《六書音韻表》2 Liùshū Yīnyùn Biǎo ‘Tables of Initials and Rhymes in the Six Categories of Character Construction’, Duan Yucai stated, The ancient four tones were different from the contemporary ones, as were the ancient rhymes from contemporary ones. Examination of texts from the Zhou, Qin to early Han dynasties shows that there were píng, shǎng and rù tones, but no qù tone. In the Wei and Jin dynasties, many of the shǎng and rù tone syllables began to take the qù tone instead, and the píng tone were converted to zè tones, so that the four tones were fully complete, though different from the ancient classes. . . . Ancient píng could change into zè; ancient shǎng and rù could change into qù. Many such changes can be found through careful examination. When they read ancient texts like the Shījīng, later scholars tried to fit ancient rhymes into contemporary patterns: Lu Deming and Wu Yu pointed out many ‘adapted rhymes’, and Gu Yanwu claimed in his book that píng and zè tone syllables could rhyme with each other, and so could qù and rù tone syllables. They did not realise that the ancient four tones were different from contemporary ones, just as the ancient rhymes were different from contemporary ones. . . . For example, 戒 jiè was pronounced as 亟 jí, 慶 qìng as 羌 qiāng, 亨 xiǎng3 and 饗 xiǎng as 香 xiāng, 至 zhì as 質 zhì.4 Other ancient pronunciations can be worked out in a similar fashion. In a letter to Wang Shiqu (王石臞),5 Jiang Yougao wrote, The four tones existed in ancient times, only that they were different in value from later ones. Lu’s rhyme book contained wrong designation of tones based on by pronunciation of his time: some ancient píng tone characters were mistakenly put under the shǎng tone, e.g. 亨 xiǎng, 饗 xiǎng, 頸 jǐng, 顙 sǎng; some ancient píng tone characters were mistakenly put under the qù tone, e.g. 訟 sòng, 化 huà, 震 zhèn, 患 huàn. . . . Occasionally there were poems with rhyming characters from across the four tones, e.g. 皓 hào (shǎng/qù), 鵠 hú (rù), 憂 yōu (píng) from the poem ‘Yang Zhi Shui’6 in the Shījīng. . .. This represents the sporadic crossclass uses of tones in rhyming among the mostly regular uses within a class, like joint use of rhymes across some in the twenty-one divisions. Wang replied with this comment: I always disagree to Gu’s notion of consistency of the four tones. Therefore, in my edited rhyme book, I listed 顙 sǎng, 饗 xiǎng, 化 huà, 信 xìn, etc., characters you mentioned in your letter, under the píng tone, 偕 xié, 茂 mào,

Issues of Old Chinese Tones  289 etc. under the shǎng tone, 館 guǎn also under the qù tone. There are numerous other examples like these, largely confirming your well-informed views. Apart from Duan, Jiang and Wang, Xia Xie (夏燮) offered the most insightful argument on the ancient four tones in his work《述韻》Shùyùn ‘On Rhymes’: If there had been no distinction in tones in ancient times, how could the píng tone have been used on rhyming syllables eleven times consecutively in the second stanza of ‘Chuci’ in ‘Minor Odes of the Kingdom’ (《小雅·楚 茨》), twelve times consecutively in the third stanza of ‘Bigong’ in ‘PraiseOdes of Lu’ (《魯頌·閟宮》)? How could the shǎng tone have been used on rhyming syllables seven times consecutively in the sixth stanza of ‘Liuyue’ (《小雅·六月》), nine times consecutively in the third stanza of ‘Futian’ in ‘Minor Odes of the Kingdom’ (《小雅·甫田》), ten times in total in the fifth stanza of ‘Zhengmin’ in ‘Great Odes of the Kingdom’ (《大雅·烝民》), eleven times in total in the second stanza of ‘Bigong’ in ‘Praise-Odes of Lu’ (《魯頌·閟宮》)? How could the qù tone have been use on rhyming syllables four times consecutively in the second stanza of ‘Baizhou’ in ‘Odes of Bei’ (《邶風·柏舟》), five times consecutively in the first stanza of ‘Fen Juru’ in ‘Odes of Wei’ (《魏風·汾沮洳》), seven times consecutively in the sixth stanza of ‘Mang’ in ‘Odes of Wei’ (《衛風·氓》), and ten consecutive times in ‘Xi Wangri’ of the Chǔcí (《楚辭·惜往日》)? How could the rù tone have been used on rhyming syllables six times consecutively in the second stanza of ‘Fatan’ in ‘Odes of Wei’ (《魏風·伐檀》), eight times consecutively in ‘Nuo’ of ‘Sacrificial Odes of Shang’ (《商頌·那》), nine times consecutively in the eighth stanza of ‘Bigong’ in ‘Praise-Odes of Lu’ (《魯頌·閟 宮》), and fifteen times consecutively in the sixth section on ‘three virtues’ in the chapter ‘Hongfan’ of the Shàngshū (《尚書·洪範》), seventeen times consecutively beginning with 穰穰福 rángráng fú in the chapter ‘Shixun’ of the Ěryǎ (《爾雅·釋訓》)? These can falsify the claim that there was no distinction in tones in ancient times. . . . The three stanzas of ‘Jiongzhuo’ in ‘Great Odes of the Kingdom’ (《大雅·泂酌》), the three stanzas of ‘Biao Youmei’ in ‘Shaonan’ (《召南·摽有梅》), and the three stanzas of ‘Qiang You Ci’ in ‘Odes of Yong’ (《鄘風·牆有茨》) all have rhyming syllables in the píng, shǎng and qù tones respectively. . . . How could the distinction among the tones have been so clearly manifested across the stanzas, without any mixed use, if there had not been such a distinction in ancient times? These can also falsify the claim that there was no distinction in tones in ancient times. 亨/饗 xiǎng took the píng tone in ancient times; they occurred ten times as rhyming characters in the Shījīng, not ever rhyming with shǎng tone characters. 慶 qìng took the píng tone in ancient times; it occurred ten times in the Shījīng and twelves times in the Yìjīng as a rhyming character, not ever rhyming with qù tone characters. 予 yú took the shǎng tone in ancient times; it occurred ten times as a rhyming character in the Shījīng, not ever rhyming with píng tone characters. 戒 jiè took the rù tone in ancient times; it occurred three times in the Shījīng and once in the Yìjīng as a rhyming character, not

290  Issues of Old Chinese Tones ever rhyming with qù tone characters. If there had been no distinction in tones in ancient times, how could these characters have been used so many times as rhyming characters in verse, without even once rhyming with characters with a different tone? These can again falsify the claim that there was no distinction in tones in ancient times. Later scholars attempted to force ancient use of characters into the four-tone pattern of the Tángyùn; inevitably there would have been inconsistencies. Because of the inconsistencies, the scholars doubted the existence of tones in ancient times – a doubt far from reasonable. Toned characters might be used exclusively to rhyme with characters with the same tone, or used jointly to rhyme with characters with other tones. The joint uses were like those across the boundaries among the seventeen ancient rhyme divisions, also as indicated in the Guǎngyùn by the inclusion of a character in two or three rhymes. . . . Knowing why they are divided and why they are conflated will dispel any doubt about the existence of four tones in ancient times. From these citations, we know that Old Chinese phonologists tended to think that there were four tones in pre-Qin Chinese, but the tone values changed later. Only Duan Yucai held that there were only three tones in the pre-Qin era, and the qù tone was derived from shǎng and rù later. He had this view probably because some rhyme divisions could be analysed as containing three subdivisions, each of which is mostly made up of characters that later assumed the píng, shǎng and rù tones, respectively. However, syllables taking the so-called rù tone also feature plosive codas. If the rù tone is set aside, only the 之 zhī, 魚 yú, 脂 zhī and 微 wēi divisions have a clear distinction between píng and shǎng tones. Most other divisions, especially all the yángshēng ones, do not have such a distinction. Duan treated all characters in these divisions as taking the píng tone. Therefore, the argument that Old Chinese had three tones is not well grounded. Apart from Duan, Kong Guangsen also suggested that there were three tones in Old Chinese, but they were píng, shǎng and qù, without the rù tone. His opinion was probably based on his study of ‘reversed conversion’ and his pursuit of correspondence between yīnshēng and yángshēng syllables. More recently, Huang Kan claimed that in ancient times, there were only píng and rù tones, without shǎng and qù. It seemed that he attempted to avoid Duan’s failure to distinguish píng from shǎng in most rhyme divisions. Then how could he explain the fact that in some divisions píng and shǎng are sharply distinguishable? How could he account for the rhyming patterns in ancient verse involving four different tones? And how did the ‘two tones’ in the pre-Qin era evolve into the four tones after the Six Dynasties? §13.3 Jiang Yougao’s《廣韻四聲正》Guǎngyùn Sìshēng Zhèng ‘Investigations on the Four Tones in the Guǎngyùn’ is the most comprehensive book dealing with the differences in tones between ancient rhyming patterns and later rhyme dictionaries, predicated on the principle that píng tone characters rhymed with each other, and characters of the shǎng, qù and rù tones each rhymed with characters

Issues of Old Chinese Tones  291 within their respective tone class. Consolidating the many facts recorded in the book, we can see the relationships between Old Chinese tones and the píng, shǎng, qù and rù tones in Middle Chinese. (1) Píng tone characters in rhyme dictionaries that did not rhyme with píng tone characters in Old Chinese, but (a) rhymed with shǎng tone characters only: 予 yú (meaning ‘I’), 偕 xié (b) rhymed with qù tone characters only: (none) (c) rhymed with rù tone characters only: (none) (2) Píng tone characters in rhyme dictionaries that did not only rhyme with píng tone characters in Old Chinese, but also (a) rhymed with shǎng tone characters: 夷 yí, 嘻 xī, 緇 zī, 威 wēi, 愆 qiān, 俱 jù, 該 gāi, 㛈 kǎo, 僚 liáo, 休 xiū, 讎 chóu (b) rhymed with qù tone characters: 規 guī, 資 zī, 辭 cí, 歸 guī, 居 jū, 車 chē, 袪 qū, 躇 chú, 虞 yú, 誅 zhū, 孚 fú, 謨 mó, 柴 chái, 勳 xūn, 飃 piāo, 昭 zhāo, 朝 cháo, 苞 bāo, 高 gāo, 憂 yōu, 謀 móu, 留 liú, 餱 hóu (c) rhymed with rù tone characters: (none) (d) rhymed with shǎng and qù tone characters: 時 shí, 期 qī, 塗 tú, 圖 tú, 家 jiā (e) rhymed with qù and rù tone characters: 疑 yí, 司 sī, 來 lái (3) Character that is under both píng and shǎng tones in rhyme dictionaries but rhymed only with píng tone characters in Old Chinese: 泯 mǐn (4) Character that is under both píng and qù tones in rhyme dictionaries, but (a) rhymed only with píng tone characters in Old Chinese: 行 xíng (b) rhymed also with shǎng tone characters in Old Chinese: 能 néng (5) Shǎng tone character(s) in rhyme dictionaries that did not rhyme with shǎng tone characters in Old Chinese, but (a) rhymed with píng tone characters only: 爽 shuǎng, 饗 xiǎng, 顙 sǎng, 逞 chěng (b) rhymed with qù tone characters only: (none) (c) rhymed with rù tone characters only: (none) (d) rhymed with píng and qù tone characters only: 靜 jìng (6) Shǎng tone characters in rhyme dictionaries that not only rhymed with shǎng tone characters in Old Chinese, but also (a) rhymed with píng tone characters: 動 dòng, 靡 mǐ, 矣 yǐ, 斐 fěi, 阻 zǔ, 怠 dài, 引 yǐn, 閔 mǐn, 隕 yǔn, 憤 fèn, 損 sǔn, 淺 qiǎn, 善 shàn, 繚 liáo, 道 dào, 象 xiàng, 罔 wǎng, 往wǎng, 仰 yǎng, 朗 lǎng, 慷 kāng, 廣 guǎng, 酒 jiǔ, 否 fǒu, 糾 jiū, 飲 yǐn (b) rhymed with qù tone characters: 死 sǐ, 美 měi, 祀 sì, 喜 xǐ, 里 lǐ, 圉 yǔ, 序 xù, 鼠 shǔ, 所 suǒ, 舉 jǔ, 海 hǎi, 古 gǔ, 倍 bèi, 婉 wǎn, 孌 luǎn, 治 zhì, 寫 xiě, 賞 shǎng, 咎 jiù

292  Issues of Old Chinese Tones (c) rhymed with rù tone characters: 解 jiě, 垢 gòu (d) rhymed with píng and qù tone characters: 指 zhǐ, 待 dài (7) Characters that are under both shǎng and qù tones in rhyme dictionaries but rhymed also with píng tone characters in Old Chinese: 遠 yuǎn, 轉 zhuǎn/zhuàn, 衍 yǎn, 好 hǎo/hào, 左 zuǒ, 灑 sǎ, 養 yǎng, 蕩 dàng, 守 shǒu (8) Character that is under both píng and shǎng tones in rhyme dictionaries, but (a) rhymed also with qù tone characters: 反 fǎn (b) rhymed only with píng tone characters: 頸 jǐng (9) Qù tone characters in rhyme dictionaries that did not rhyme with qù tone characters in Old Chinese, but (a) rhymed with píng tone characters only: 鳳 fèng, 訟 sòng, 憲 xiàn, 戲 xì, 震 zhèn, 信 xìn, 鎮 zhèn, 患 huàn, 甸 diàn, 化 huà, 慶 qìng, 證 zhèng, 僭 jiàn (b) rhymed with shǎng tone characters only: 狩 shòu, 獸 shòu (c) rhymed with rù tone characters only: (none) (10) Qù tone characters in rhyme dictionaries that not only rhymed with qù tone characters in Old Chinese, but also (a) rhymed with píng tone characters: 用 yòng, 頌 sòng, 誦 sòng, 議 yì, 義 yì, 地 dì, 志 zhì, 畏 wèi, 著 zhù, 倨 jù, 壤 rǎng,7 佩 pèi, 刃 rèn, 慎 shèn, 進 jìn, 候 hòu, 臭 chòu, 救 jiù, 佞 nìng, 定 dìng, 姝 shū,8 性 xìng, 聖 shèng, 政 zhèng, 病 bìng, 命 mìng, 抗 kàng, 壯 zhuàng, 貺 kuàng, 悵 chàng, 障 zhàng, 愴 chuàng, 讓 ràng, 貨 huò, 挫 cuò, 笑 xiào, 眩 xuàn, 慢 màn, 漫 màn, 遯 dùn, 悶 mèn, 獻 xiàn, 運 yùn, 訓 xùn, 汶 wèn, 順 shùn (b) rhymed with shǎng tone characters: 試 shì, 餌 ěr, 記 jì, 御 yù, 慮 lǜ, 豫 yù, 助 zhù, 賦 fù, 路 lù, 顧 gù, 固 gù, 悟 wù, 步 bù, 晦 huì, 閡 hé, 諫 jiàn, 稼 jià, 舊 jiù, 茂 mào, 戊 wù (c) rhymed with rù tone characters: 悴 cuì, 備 bèi, 肆 sì, 意 yì, 氣 qì, 歲 suì, 制 zhì, 斃 bì, 世 shì, 厲 lì, 害 hài, 隘 ài, 戒 jiè, 背 bèi, 代 dài, 肺 fèi, 富 fù (d) rhymed with shǎng and rù tone characters: 至 zhì, 事 shì (e) rhymed with píng and shǎng tone characters: 佑 yòu, 祐 yòu (11) Characters that are under both píng and qù tones in rhyme dictionaries but rhymed only with píng tone characters in Old Chinese: 凍 dòng, 衆 zhòng, 盛 shèng (12) Character(s) under both shǎng and qù tones in rhyme dictionaries, but (a) rhymed also with píng tone characters: 被 bèi, 濟 jǐ/jì, 上 shǎng/shàng (b) rhymed also with píng tone characters without rhyming with shǎng tone characters: 去 qù (c) rhymed also with rù tone characters: 載 zǎi/zài (13) Rù tone characters in rhyme dictionaries that did not rhyme with rù tone characters in Old Chinese: (none)

Issues of Old Chinese Tones  293 (14) Rù tone character(s) in rhyme dictionaries that not only rhymed with rù tone characters in Old Chinese, but also (a) rhymed with píng tone characters: 軸 zhóu (b) rhymed with shǎng tone characters: 若 ruò (c) rhymed with qù tone characters: 福 fú, 祿 lù, 玉 yù, 欲 yù, 慾 yù, 學 xué, 斲 zhuó, 實 shí, 疾 jí, 失 shī, 室 shì, 日 rì, 紱 fú, 物 wù, 發 fā, 越 yuè, 謁 yè, 突 tū, 達 dá, 脱 tuō, 拔 bá, 察 chá, 切 qiè, 臬 niè, 穴 xué, 決 jué, 列 liè, 折 zhé, 舌 shé, 滅 miè, 碣 jié, 竭 jié, 絕 jué, 落 luò, 鑿 záo, 薄 bó, 索 suǒ, 穫 huò, 宅 zhái, 澤 zé, 逆 nì, 隙 xì, 獲 huò, 脈 mài, 螫 shì, 敵 dí, 適 shì, 式 shì, 匿 nì, 德 dé, 得 dé, 克 kè From this list, we know that characters that have evolved into a completely different tone are few and far between. Any modern dialect would have far more characters that take ‘irregular’ tones than the ones listed (not including regular developments such as division of the píng tone into yīnpíng and yángpíng, change of the shǎng tone in syllables with ‘full opaque’ initials into qù, etc.). Jiang Yougao listed 240 or 250 characters that rhymed across tone classes. It is noteworthy that, among them, seventy characters were used in cross-class rhyming only in materials after the Han Dynasty, so they should be removed from Jiang’s list; for example, 規 guī was used in the《校獵賦》Jiàoliè Fù ‘Essay on Railing and Hunting’, by Yang Xiong (揚雄),9 and ‘Eulogy to Emperor Wen of Wei’ in the Records of the Three Kingdoms (《三國志·魏文帝 誄》), 嘻 xī was used in the《易林》Yìlín ‘Forest of Changes’,10 and 該 gāi was used in the essay《七發》Qīfā ‘Seven Stimuli’, by Mei Sheng (枚乘),11 and ‘Treatise on Rhythm and Calendar’ in the Book of Han (《漢書·律曆志》). Another two dozen characters are problematic, too, as whether they were used in pre-Qin rhyming cannot be determined; for example, 能 néng was used in the《吳子》Wúzǐ ‘Master Wu’,12 守 shǒu was used in the《文子》Wénzǐ ‘Master Wen’.13 From the around 150 characters that were definitely from pre-Qin materials, we can find out the following facts: (1) There was much cross-class rhyming among píng, shǎng and qù tones. (2) There was much cross-class rhyming between qù and rù tones. (3) There was scarcely any cross-class rhyming between píng/shǎng and rù tones. These three facts can lead us to three reasonable presumptions: (1) Syllables in píng, shǎng and qù tones cross-rhymed with one another because they were all yīnshēng syllables (with codas *[d] or *[g]). (2) Syllables in qù and rù tones rhymed with each other because they had close tone values, in spite of different codas (*[d]: *[t] or *[g]: *[k]). (3) Syllables in píng or shǎng tone seldom rhymed with those in the rù tone because they had neither same codas nor similar tone values.

294  Issues of Old Chinese Tones Therefore, it is not necessary for Jiang to treat these characters as having two tones (píng and shǎng, shǎng and qù, etc.) or three tones (e.g. píng, shǎng and qù). They are more like ‘joint rhymes’. Normally, verse rhyming does not have as strict a requirement of tones as of finals. Notes 1 Translator’s note: This statement is not correct since some Sino-Tibetan languages do not have tones, e.g. Dolakhā Newār, Garo. (Thurgood, G. & LaPolla, R. J. (eds.), The Sino-Tibetan Languages (London: Routledge, 2003) 2 Translator’s note: The original text has《六書音均表》here. The formal title of this book in Chinese should be《六書音韻表》, as was mentioned in Chapter 10. 3 Translator’s note: The character 亨 has the pronunciation hēng in modern Standard Mandarin. In ancient texts, however, it often serves as a variant character of 享 xiǎng. 4 Translator’s note: The examples represent conversion of ancient rù to later qù (亟 jí → 戒 jiè), ancient píng to later qù (羌 qiāng → 慶 qìng), ancient píng to later shǎng (香 xiāng → 亨/饗 xiǎng), and ancient rù to later qù (質 zhì → 至 zhì), respectively. 5 Translator’s note: This is Wang Niansun. Shiqu is his literary name. 6 Translator’s note: In the Shījīng, there are three poems with the title ‘Yang Zhi Shui’. This one is from the chapter Odes of Tang (《唐風·揚之水》). 7 Translator’s note: Sic. However, 壤 rǎng is suspected to be a mistyped character; it takes the shǎng tone in rhyme dictionaries. The correct character is likely to be 壞 huài, which bears some resemblance in shape to 壤 rǎng – firstly, 壞 huài takes the qù tone in rhyme dictionaries; secondly, it rhymes with píng tone characters in the seventh stanza of ‘Ban’ in ‘Greater Odes of the Kingdom’ of the Shījīng (《詩經·大雅·板》); thirdly, it is positioned in the character list adjacent to 佩 pèi (both are from the 蟹 xiè rhyme group) and after 著 zhù and 倨 jù of the 遇 yù group. 8 Translator’s note: Sic. However, 姝 shū is suspected to be a mistyped character; it takes the píng tone in rhyme dictionaries. The correct character is likely to be 姓 xìng, which bears some resemblance in shape to 姝 shū – firstly, 姓 xìng takes the qù tone in rhyme dictionaries; secondly, it rhymes with píng tone characters in the second stanza of ‘Didu’ in ‘Odes of Tang’ of the Shījīng (《詩經·唐風·杕杜》); thirdly, its neighbouring characters in the list, from 佞 nìng to 命 mìng are all from the 梗 gěng rhyme group, in which 姓 xìng also belongs. 9 Translator’s note: Yang Xiong (53 BC–AD 18) was an essayist and philosopher of the Western Han Dynasty. 10 Translator’s note: The full title is《焦氏易林》Jiāoshi Yìlín ‘Jiao’s Forest of Changes’. It is a book of divination composed during the Western Han Dynasty attributed to Jiao Gan (焦贛), aka Jiao Yanshou (焦延壽). 11 Translator’s note: Mei Sheng was a famous essayist of the Western Han Dynasty. 12 Translator’s note: The full title is《吳子兵法》Wúzǐ Bīngfǎ ‘Master Wu’s Art of War’ or《吳起兵法》Wúqǐ Bīngfǎ ‘Wu Qi’s Art of War’, attributed to Wu Qi, military leader and politician of the Warring States period. The core part was probably created during the Warring States period, but the entire text was believed to be edited and amended by later generations of strategists in early Han Dynasty. 13 Translator’s note: The Wenzi is a Taoist classic allegedly written by a disciple of Laozi. The book was canonised in the Tang Dynasty as《通玄真經》Tōngxuán Zhēnjīng ‘Authentic Scripture of Understanding the Mysteries’.

Appendix: A A Brief Introduction to Speech Sounds

§1 Roughly speaking, speech sounds are formed by various adjustments of the airstream when it passes through the throat and oral cavity after being produced by the lungs. The airstream can be adjusted in the oral cavity in the following manners: (1) Complete closure is formed at a certain place in the oral cavity (the airstream is also blocked en route to the nasal cavity); only when the closure is opened up can the airstream be released. Speech sounds thus produced are called plosives, such as the initial sounds of Standard Mandarin 八 bā, 打 dǎ and 鍋 guō and b, d and g in English bad and dog. (2) The airstream is closed off at a certain place in the oral cavity but released in the nasal cavity. Speech sounds thus produced are called nasals, such as the initials sounds of Standard Mandarin 媽 mā and 拿 ná and the ending sounds of 安 ān and 昂 áng. (3) The airstream causes a flexible part in the oral cavity to vibrate so that the airstream passes through the oral cavity with the rapid to-and-fro movement of the articulator. Speech sounds thus produced are called trills, such as r in German. (4) Closure is formed only in the middle or on one side of the oral cavity so that the airstream can escape on both sides or the unblocked side. Speech sounds thus produced are called laterals, such as the initial sound of Standard Mandarin 拉 lā and the ending sound of English girl. (5) Only a narrow passage is formed in the oral cavity by close approximation of articulators, and the airstream is forced out through this narrow passage. Speech sounds thus produced are called fricatives, such as the initial sounds of Standard Mandarin 發 fā, 薩 sà, 沙 shā, 蝦 xiā and 哈 hā and v, th, z and sh in English give, then, zero and fish. (6) The oral cavity is open wide (but still different shapes can be formed by movement of articulators); the airstream is not much obstructed when it passes through the oral cavity. Speech sounds thus produced are called vowels; for example, Standard Mandarin 衣 yī, 啊 ā, 哀 āi and 歐 ōu all contain a vowel only.

296  Appendix: A Brief Introduction to Speech Sounds Plosives, nasals, trills, laterals and fricatives are collectively known as consonants. Consonants differ from vowels in that they are produced with the airstream more obstructed in the oral cavity. However, it should be noted that the difference between consonants and vowels is not an absolute one; when necessary, intermediate speech sounds can be identified as semi-vowels. (It also makes good sense to call them ‘semi-consonants’, only that this term is not commonly used.) §2 The airstream, after being produced by the lungs, passes through the larynx before it reaches the oral cavity. In the larynx the airstream is modified by the vocal cords in two important ways: (1) When the vocal cords are apart, the airstream can pass without constriction. The sounds thus produced are voiceless. (2) When the vocal cords are close together and vibrating, the airstream is obstructed intermittently before it reaches the oral cavity. The sounds thus produced are voiced. In light of this, the various types of consonants introduced in the previous section are all either voiceless or voiced. As a matter of fact, however, voiceless nasals and voiceless laterals are rare, and voiceless trills and voiceless vowels appear to be only theoretical. Distinction between voiceless and voiced is only common with plosives and fricatives, e.g. p and b in pig and big and s and z in sink and zinc. Normally, vowels and semi-vowels are all voiced. §3 We mentioned that the initial sounds of Standard Mandarin 八 bā and 打 dǎ are plosives; however, airstream is obstructed at different places in the oral cavity when the two consonants are pronounced. Standard Mandarin 衣 yī and 烏 wū are both vowels; however, different articulators are involved in producing them. Thus, we know that speech sounds can also be distinguished according to the place of articulation, i.e. the place where airstream is modified. (1) Consonants whose production involves the lip are known collectively as labials. (a) Consonants produced with the upper and lower lips are called bilabials, such as the initial sounds of Standard Mandarin 八 bā and 媽 mā and that of English bee. (b) Consonants produced with the lower lip and the upper front teeth are called labiodentals, such as the initial sounds of Standard Mandarin 發 fā and that of English vine. The movement of lips will have an effect on the shape of vowels. For convenience’s sake, this will be discussed in §5. (2) Speech sounds formed with the tip of the tongue are known collectively as apical sounds. Among them, apical vowels comprise two subtypes: (a) Front apical vowel: produced with the tip of the tongue at the front teeth or the alveolar, such as the final of Standard Mandarin 思 sī.

Appendix: A Brief Introduction to Speech Sounds  297 (b) Back apical vowel: produced with the tip of the tongue at the palate, such as the final of Standard Mandarin 詩 shī. Apical consonants comprise three subtypes: (a) Dental: produced with the tip of the tongue at the upper front teeth, such as th in English thing. (b) Alveolar: produced with the tip of the tongue at the alveolar ridge, such as s in English sing. (c) Retroflex: produced with the tip of the tongue curled back to the palate, such as the initial sound of Standard Mandarin 詩 shī. When strict distinction is not required, dentals and alveolars can also be referred to collectively as apical consonants. (3) The part of the tongue directly below the palate is called tongue front. Vowels produced with tongue front are front vowels, such as the finals of Standard Mandarin 雞 jī, 皆 jiē and 虛 xū. Consonants produced with tongue front are called palatals, such as the initials of the three characters. Palatals can be divided into front palatals and central palatals where necessary. (4) Sometimes the tongue front and the tongue tip can be raised simultaneously toward the part between the palate and the alveolar ridge, and consonants produced this way are called postalveolar1 consonants, such as ch, j and sh in English church, judge, she and fish. (5) The part of the tongue directly below the velum is called tongue back, whose movement is not separable from that of the tongue root due to the physical connection between them. Vowels produced with the tongue back are called back vowels, and consonants produced with it are called tongue-back consonants. There are two subtypes of tongue-back consonants: (a) Velar (or simply ‘tongue-back consonant’): produced with the back of the tongue at the velum, such as the initials of Standard Mandarin 哥 gē and 喝 hē. (b) Uvular: produced with the back of the tongue at the uvula, such as the initial sound of Arabic Koran.2 (6) Some vowels are produced at the central part of the tongue (back part of the tongue front and front part of the tongue back); they are called central vowels, such as Standard Mandarin 啊 ā and the initial sound of English early. (7) Sounds produced at the larynx are called glottal sounds, such as the h in English have. The endings of 得 dé, 失 shī, etc. in Chinese Wu dialects are glottal stops. §4 We have introduced the manners and places of modification to the airstream when speech sounds are produced. Taking both factors into account and examining actual pronunciations in languages, we can now provide a preliminary classification of speech sounds.

298  Appendix: A Brief Introduction to Speech Sounds Just as calculation requires the use of numbers, description of speech sounds requires the use of phonetic symbols. We should note that phonetic symbols are not actual writing systems of language. Any written language cannot serve as phonetic symbols. Chinese characters originated from symbolisation of shapes and meanings and so cannot be used as phonetic symbols – this is widely known. Even the alphabet commonly used in West Europe cannot serve readily as phonetic symbols; for example, the same spelling ch is pronounced differently in English, French and German. In English, the letter a represents five different pronunciations in the five words cat, came, calm, call and sofa. On the other hand, the spellings e, ee, ea, ei, ie, ey, ay and i take eight different forms but represent the same pronunciation in English words Peter, feet, meat, seize, niece, key, quay and police. The main principle of using phonetic symbols is that there should be a separate symbol for each distinctive sound and the symbols should not be understood as the written form of any language. The most prevalent phonetic symbols are the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA). The IPA symbols, although largely based on Roman letters, have their phonetic value each. The phonetic values of the letter a in cat, came, calm, call and sofa can be represented as [ɛ], [ei], [ɑ], [ɔ] and [ə], respectively, and the phonetic value of the spellings e, ee, etc. in Peter, feet, etc. can be represented as [i]. In the next section, we provide a description of various types of speech sounds from the perspective of how they are produced and also introduce the IPA symbols that represent those sounds. §5 The production of a vowel involves three factors: Which part of the tongue is moved? To what height is it moved? What shape do the lips take? When the tongue is kept at a normal height like when it is at rest, if it is moved a little forward so as to make the tongue front in the highest position of the tongue, the vowel in Standard Mandarin 安 ān can be produced; it is called a low front vowel and symbolised as [a]. If the tongue front is raised further above but does not cause friction, the vowel in Standard Mandarin 衣 yī or ea in English eat can be produced; it is called a high front vowel and symbolised as [i]. When the tongue front is raised above at one-third of the distance between [a] and [i], a mid-low front vowel is produced, such as a in English at3 and the ai in air; it is symbolised as [ɛ]. When the tongue front is raised above at two-thirds of the distance between [a] and [i], a mid-high front vowel is produced, such as the final sound of Sichuan Mandarin 勒 lè and 格 gé; it is symbolised as [e]. The tongue front can be at any point from low to high. The four positions above are only reference points for our description of vowels. There can be further intermediate positions. We can designate more or fewer vowel types in accordance with the phonological reality of the language under description. If the tongue is moved backward, the back of the tongue will take the highest position. The height levels of the tongue back are comparable to those of the tongue front. At the low position, a low back vowel is produced, symbolised as [ɑ], e.g. are in English.4 At the mid-low position a mid-low back vowel is produced, symbolised as [ɔ], e.g. or in English. At the mid-high position, a mid-high

Appendix: A Brief Introduction to Speech Sounds  299 back vowel is produced, symbolised as [o], e.g. eau in French. At the high position, a high back vowel is produced, symbolised as [u], e.g. 烏 wū in Standard Mandarin. When we pronounce the front vowels, from [a] to [i], the lips are gradually stretched from the normal open position toward both sides; when we pronounce the back vowels, from [ɑ] to [u], the lips are gradually rounded. However, not all front vowels are pronounced with the lips stretched, and not all back vowels are pronounced with the lips rounded. In fact, front vowels with the lips significantly stretched have corresponding vowels with the same tongue position but rounded lips; likewise, back vowels with the lips significantly rounded have corresponding vowels with the same tongue position but unrounded lips.

The rounded high front vowel is [y], e.g. 魚 yú in Standard Mandarin. The rounded mid-high front vowel is [ø], e.g. eu in French peu. The rounded mid-low front vowel is [œ], e.g. eu in French peuple. The unrounded high back vowel is [ɯ], e.g. the vowel of 去 qù as pronounced by Manchus in Beijing. The unrounded mid-high back vowel is [ɤ], e.g. 俄 é in Standard Mandarin. The unrounded mid-low back vowel is [a],5 e.g. u in English up. The most commonly used central vowel is [ə], which is pronounced with the tongue between mid-low and mid-high and the lips neither rounded nor stretched, such as the ir in English bird6 and er in letter. Standard Mandarin 啊 ā should be a low central vowel, but usually it is symbolised as [a]; only when strictly represented is the symbol [a] used. The y in Russian byl is an unrounded high central vowel, represented as [ɨ]. It has a corresponding rounded vowel [ʉ], which is used in some Chinese dialects. Apical vowels are only commonly used in Sino-Tibetan languages. Since the tip of the tongue is close enough to the upper front teeth or the alveolar ridge, apical vowels are not further divided according to their height. Unrounded front apical vowel is represented as [ɿ], and rounded front apical vowel as [ʮ]; unrounded back apical vowel is represented as [ʅ], and rounded back apical vowel as [ʯ]. All of them have a high tongue position. The apical vowel with the tongue at a lower position and the lips neither rounded nor unrounded is represented as [ɚ]. The vowels [ɿ], [ʅ] and [ɚ] are used in Standard Mandarin, and [ʮ] and [ʯ] are used in some dialects. §6 The vowels introduced thus far are pronounced with the tongue and the lips at fixed positions during a certain period of time. Vowels thus produced are known as monophthongs. Some other vowels are produced with the tongue and the lips moving from the position of one monophthong to the position of another. For example, 愛 ài in Standard Mandarin involves a movement from [a] to [i], and 歐 ōu involves a movement from [o] to [u]. They are called diphthongs. The vowel of 愛 ài is symbolised as [ai], and the vowel of 歐 ōu as [ou]. Other diphthongs are likewise symbolised.

300  Appendix: A Brief Introduction to Speech Sounds The tongue and the lips can move from the position of any monophthong to the position of any other; hence, there are numerous possibilities of diphthongs. Here are the commonest ones: [ai], e.g. 愛 ài in Standard Mandarin, i in English bite [ei], e.g. the final of Standard Mandarin 碑 bēi, 雷 léi, a in English name [oi], e.g. 哀 āi in Guangzhou Cantonese, oy in English boy [au], e.g. 奥 ào in Standard Mandarin [ou], e.g. 歐 ōu in Standard Mandarin, o in English go [ie], e.g. 夜 yè in Standard Mandarin [ye], e.g. 月 yuè in Standard Mandarin [io], e.g. 約 yuē in some Southwestern Mandarin dialects [uo], e.g. 卧 wò in Standard Mandarin [ia], e.g. 牙 yá in Standard Mandarin [ua], e.g. 蛙 wā in Standard Mandarin These diphthongs comprise two distinct patterns: some of them feature a movement of the tongue from a low to a high position, e.g. [ai] and [ou]; the others feature a movement of the tongue from a high to a low position, e.g. [ye], [io] and [ua]. Normally, a vowel with a lower tongue position has a higher prominence, and one with a higher tongue position has a lower prominence. Therefore, diphthongs like [ai] and [ou] have a descending prominence and are thus called descending (or falling) diphthongs; diphthongs like [ye], [io] and [ua] have an ascending prominence and are thus called ascending (or rising) diphthongs. Since ascending diphthongs have a higher prominence at the end, [ia] and [ua] can rhyme with the monophthong [a] in verse or song. For this reason, some people do not treat ascending diphthongs as independent phonemes but see [ia] as having a medial [i] and [ua] as having a medial [u] before the main vowel [a]. To them, all other ascending diphthongs are likewise composed of a medial and a main vowel. However, not all diphthongs produced with the tongue moving from a high to a low position are ascending diphthongs – not when greater strength is used in producing the vowel with a high tongue position. For example, although English ear [iə] ends with [ə], which has a lower tongue position than [i], it is a descending diphthong because [ə] is extra weak. Thus, it is better represented as [iə̌], with the diacritic [ ̌ ] showing the extra weakness of [ə]. There may be an ascending [ai] in modern Chinese dialects or ancient Chinese; that is, the [a] is extra weak or the [i] is extra strong – it can be represented as [ǎi]. Standard Mandarin 妖 yāo [iau], 歪 wāi [uai], etc. can be regarded as triphthongs, which involve a further movement of the tongue and the lips than diphthongs. Nevertheless, [iau] can also be analysed as comprising a medial [i] and a diphthong [au] and [uai] as comprising a medial [u] and a diphthong [ai]. §7 On most occasions, when vowels are produced, the airstream is released through the oral cavity. Sometimes, however, the airstream is released through both the oral cavity and the nasal cavity. Vowels thus produced are called nasalised vowels. For example, 安 ān and 昂 áng in Nanjing dialect are a nasalised [a], symbolised as [ã], with the diacritic [ ̃] representing nasalisation. Diphthongs can be

Appendix: A Brief Introduction to Speech Sounds  301 nasalised, too; the diacritic for nasalisation is added to the second vowel symbol. For example, 邊 biān in Nanjing dialect is represented as [peĩ] (the dot of [i] is removed when the diacritic is added). §8 When the tongue is moved further up from the position of a high vowel, the production of sound will involve audible friction. Such sounds, as indicated in §2, are called semi-vowels. The semi-vowel corresponding to [i] is [j], e.g. y in English year; the semi-vowel corresponding to [y] is [ɥ],7 e.g. u in French huit; the semivowel corresponding to [u] is [w], e.g. w in English west or u in quick. Only high vowels have corresponding semi-vowels. §9 Consonants comprise the following types: (1)  Plosives made with the two lips are bilabial plosives. The voiceless bilabial plosive is symbolised as [p]; for example, Standard Mandarin 閉 bì is represented as [pi]. The voiced bilabial plosive is symbolised as [b]; for example, bee in English is represented as [bi]. Plosives made with the tip of the tongue and the upper front teeth or upper alveolar ridge are classified as dental plosives. The voiceless dental plosive is symbolised as [t] and the voiced one as [d], as in都 tū [tu] in Standard Mandarin and doux [du] in French. Retroflex plosives are used in Sanskrit; the voiceless is symbolised as [ʈ], the voiced as [ɖ]. Plosives produced with the upper part of the tongue and the palate, if in the front position, are symbolised as [ȶ] and [ȡ], respectively, for voiceless and voiced; if in the back position, such plosives are symbolised as [c] and [ɟ]. These palatal plosives are rare in familiar languages. Plosives produced with the root of the tongue and the velum are called velar plosives. The voiceless is symbolised as [k], as in 哥 gē [kɤ] in Standard Mandarin; the voiced is symbolised as [g], as in go [gou] in English. Plosives produced with the root of the tongue and the uvula are called uvular plosives. The voiceless and voiced uvular plosives are symbolised as [q] and [ɢ], respectively. It is not easy to distinguish them from [k] and [g]; however, in some languages (e.g. Arabic, Turkic languages) there is a phonemic contrast between velar and uvular plosives. The plosive produced at the vocal cords is the glottal stop, symbolised as [ʔ]. It is a voiceless sound; a voiced counterpart is not possible. The pronunciation of Standard Mandarin 安 ān, 餓 è, etc. often begins with [ʔ], which is usually unnoticed. The glottal stop is important in some languages; for example, in some Yunnan dialects, [u] means ‘room’ whereas [ʔu] means ‘bone’. (2)  Each type of plosive has their corresponding nasal with the same place of articulation. Corresponding to [p] and [b] is the bilabial nasal [m], as in Standard Mandarin 馬 mǎ [ma] and English came [keim]. Corresponding to [t] and [d] is the dental nasal [n], as in Standard Mandarin 南 nán [nan].

302  Appendix: A Brief Introduction to Speech Sounds Corresponding to [ʈ] and [ɖ] is the retroflex nasal [ɳ], which is used in Sanskrit. The palatal nasal is symbolised as [ȵ] or [ɲ]; for example, 泥 ní in Suzhou dialect is represented as [ȵi], and montagne in French is represented as [mɔ̃taɲ]. Judging from the shape of the symbols, [ȵ] corresponds to [ȶ] and [ȡ], and [ɳ] corresponds to [c] and [ɟ]. The velar nasal is symbolised as [ŋ], as in Standard Mandarin 東 dōng [tuŋ] and Sichuan Mandarin 愛 ài [ŋai]. Correspondisng to [q] and [ɢ] is the uvular nasal [ɴ]. In addition, the labiodental nasal in ancient Chinese is symbolised as [ɱ], which does not have corresponding plosives. Normally all nasals are voiced. A diacritic [̥] can be added at the bottom of a nasal to indicate voicelessness. (3)  Trills can be produced with the lips (labial), the tip of the tongue (dental) or the root of the tongue (uvular).8 The labial trill is very rarely used. The dental trill is symbolised as [r], e.g. r in Southern German; the uvular trill is symbolised as [ʀ], e.g. r in Northern German. All trills are voiced. (4)  Laterals are most commonly produced with the tip of the tongue and the upper front teeth or the alveolar ridge. This dental or alveolar lateral is symbolised as [l], as in Standard Mandarin 拉 lā [la] and English ill [il]. The retroflex lateral, symbolised as [ɭ], is used in some languages. The palatal lateral, symbolised as [ʎ], is commonly used in Romance languages, such as gl in Italian egli. The English l at the end of a syllable is produced with the root of the tongue. There is no separate symbol for it.9 All these laterals are voiced. Voiceless laterals, although rare, do exist. The voiceless dental lateral is symbolised as [ɬ] or [l̥ ], as in the pronunciation of Lhasa [ɬasa] in Tibetan. (5) Of necessity, fricatives are classified into more subtypes, which are listed here with the sequence of name, IPA symbol (voiceless before voiced) and examples. Bilabial fricatives: [ɸ] [β], as in 房 fáng [ɸaŋ] in Changsha dialect and saber [saβer] in Spanish. Labiodental fricatives: [f] [v], as in 法 fǎ [fa] in Standard Mandarin and five [faiv] in English. Dental fricatives: [θ] [ð], as in thin [θin] and then [ðen] in English. Alveolar fricatives: [s] [z], as in sin [sin] and zeal [zil] in English. Retroflex fricatives: [ʂ] [ʐ], as in 神 shén [ʂən] and 人 rén [ʐən] in Standard Mandarin. Postalveolar fricatives: [ʃ] [ʒ], as in sharp [ʃap] and measure [meʒjuə]10 in English. Palatal fricatives: [ɕ] [ʑ] (corresponding to [ȶ]), [ç] [j] (corresponding to [ɕ]), as in 希 xī [ɕi] in Standard Mandarin, 奚 xī [ʑi] in some Wu dialects, ich [iç] in

Appendix: A Brief Introduction to Speech Sounds  303 German. The voiced palatal fricative corresponding to the voiceless [ç] is the semi-vowel [j].11 Velar fricatives: [x] [ɣ], as in 好 hǎo [xau] in Standard Mandarin, ach [ax] in German and wagen [vaɣən] in Southern German. Uvular fricatives: [χ] [ʁ],12 as in 好 hǎo [χau] in some Chinese dialects and r in Parisian French. Glottal fricatives: [h] [ɦ], as in have [hɛv]13 in English and 胡 hú [ɦu] in Suzhou dialect. (6) The English r (except at the end of a syllable) is commonly regarded as a voiced fricative made with the tip of the tongue and the alveolar ridge. However, it differs clearly from [z] in that it is produced at a position further back and, more importantly, it is produced with a very low degree of friction. In fact, it can be classified as a semi-vowel. It is symbolised as [ɹ] or shares the symbol [r] with the dental trill. §10 The consonants described thus far are produced individually; those involving more than one single consonant, produced in immediate succession, are called consonant clusters. The most important consonant clusters are as follows: (1) The release of obstruction in plosives is produced with fast movement of the articulator. When the movement is slowed down, there will be an audible friction between the formation and release of obstruction. The consonant thus produced is composed of a plosive and a fricative in succession, called affricate. Common affricates are: Labiodental affricates: [pf] [bv], as in German pferd [pferd]. Dental affricates: [tθ] [dð], as in English width [widð].14 Alveolar affricates: [ts] [dz], as in English its [its] hands [hændz]. Retroflex affricates: [tʂ] [dʐ], as in Standard Mandarin 朱 zhū [tʂu]. Postalveolar affricates: [tʃ] [dʒ], as in English church [tʃətʃ],15 judge [dʒʌdʒ]. Palatal affricates: [tɕ] [dʑ], as in 家 jiā [tɕia] in Standard Mandarin, 騎 qí [dʑi] in Suzhou dialect. (The tongue front covers a relatively wide range and is relatively inflexible; therefore, palatal plosives and affricates produced with the tongue front are difficult to distinguish. 家 jiā in Standard Mandarin may as well be represented as [ȶia].) (2) When plosives or affricates are produced, the airstream can escape with a force either strong or weak. If aspiration is weak, the plosive or affricate connects immediately with the following sound; plosives or affricates thus produced as called unaspirated plosives or affricates. If aspiration is strong, a sound resembling the glottal fricative will occur between the plosive or affricate and the following sound; plosives or affricates thus produced are called aspirated plosives or affricates. Aspiration is represented by attaching a symbol [‘]16 after the symbol for plosive or affricate. The following examples are from Standard Mandarin.

304  Appendix: A Brief Introduction to Speech Sounds Unaspirated

Aspirated



怕 pà [p‘a] 兔 tù [t‘u] 寬 kuān [k‘uan] 草 cǎo [ts‘au] 臭 chòu [tʂ‘ou] 輕 qīng [tɕ‘iŋ]

霸 bà [pa] 度 dù [tu] 官 guān [kuan] 早 zǎo [tsau] 宙 zhòu [tʂou] 經 jīng [tɕiŋ]

§11 All the sounds described are distinguished from one another by their quality. Besides quality, speech sounds can also be distinguished according to their length, intensity and pitch. (1)  The length of a sound refers to the duration of time that the sound takes up. It does not need to be measured to the accuracy of milliseconds but is classified into relatively long and short when needed. Long sounds are represented by adding [ː] after the symbol for that sound, while short sounds are not marked, e.g. maitre [mɛːtr] and mettre [mɛtr] in French. The distinction between long and short is more commonly seen in vowels. In some languages, consonants are also divided into long and short. For example, in Italian, the t in fato is short, whereas the tt in fatto is long. Long consonants are usually represented by reduplicating the consonant symbol rather than by using [ː]. (2)  The intensity of a sound is determined by the strength used in producing the sound. It does not need to be measured to a precise value either but is classified into several degrees of relative intensity when needed. For example, in English, there are usually four degrees of intensity. The unstressed is not marked, the relatively unstressed is marked by [ˌ], the relatively stressed by [ˈ], and the most stressed by [ˈˈ].17 These symbols are always put before a syllable, the unit to which stress is applicable. In it isn’t my fault, the distribution of relative stress can be represented as [it ˈiznt ˈˈmai ˈfɔːlt]; in I’m going out, it can be represented as [aim ˌgouiŋ ˈaut]. Standard Mandarin also has the distinction between stressed and unstressed syllables. For example, 子 zǐ in 蓮子 liánzǐ is different from 子 zǐ in 簾子 liánzi in intensity (the latter is less stressed). When we give an order or emphasis, we tend to pronounce some syllables with extra strength. Thus, there are at least three degrees of intensity in Standard Mandarin. (3)  Pitch refers to the degree of highness of a sound determined by the frequency of vibrations of the vocal cords when the sound is produced. The higher the frequency is, the higher the pitch will be, as in the musical scale. In speech sounds, only voiced sounds have different values in pitch. Pitch is usually identified in syllables where vowels and a small number of nasals, trills, laterals and voiced fricatives are salient; therefore, the unit of pitch is also the syllable. In Sino-Tibetan languages, pitch is as prominent a feature as quality for a syllable, and it is referred to with the term ‘tone’.

Appendix: A Brief Introduction to Speech Sounds  305 The frequency of vibrations of the vocal cords ranges from below one hundred per second at the lowest to around one thousand per second at the highest. It may even vary continually within a single syllable. Thus, the absolute highness of a sound may vary a great deal. However, we do not need to calculate accurate values of pitch, as it is not absolute pitch but relative pitch difference that distinguishes meaning in language. For example, 媽 mā, 麻 má, 馬 mǎ and 罵 mà have different pitches; however, in our speech, what matters is not the frequency of vibrations of our vocal cords when we produce each syllable, but the difference in the pitch contour among these syllables. Roughly speaking, the pitch contour of 媽 mā is flat, that of 麻 má rises from low to high, that of 馬 mǎ falls from high to low and then rises back to high, and that of 罵 mà falls from high to low. §12 The prevailing model for distinguishing Chinese tones is the five-point model devised by Yuen Ren Chao. Between the lowest and the highest points, three intermediate points are distributed evenly. The five points – low, mid-low, mid, mid-high and high – are designated as reference points for measuring pitch contours. The pitch contours can be level, rising, falling, falling-rising, or risingfalling. The pitch contours are symbolised by attaching a straight or broken line that represent pitch from the left to a vertical line on the right. Thus, a simple classification and symbolisation of tones can be represented as follows: high level tone mid-high level tone mid level tone mid-low level tone low level tone

˥ ˦ ˧ ˨ ˩

high rising tone mid-high rising tone low rising tone full rising tone

high falling-rising tone mid falling-rising tone low falling-rising tone

˥˧˥ ˧˨˧ ˧˩˧

˧˥ ˨˧ ˩˧ ˩˥

high falling tone mid-high falling tone low falling tone full falling tone

high rising-falling tone mid rising-falling tone low rising-falling tone

˥˧ ˧˨ ˧˩ ˥˩

˧˥˧ ˨˧˨ ˩˧˩

For convenience’s sake, the low, mid-low, mid, mid-high and high points can be represented as 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5. Hence, the high level tone can be represented as 55, low falling tone 31, high falling-rising tone 535, etc. Almost all languages have so-called intonation, which refers to pitch change across the range of a sentence. Intonation is not discussed in this book. §13 Cross-language examination of speech sounds leads to the following important points: (1) The inventory of speech sounds is language-specific. For example, Standard Mandarin has aspirated and unaspirated voiceless plosives but no voiced plosives, whereas French has unaspirated voiceless and unaspirated voiced plosives but no aspirated plosives. Standard Mandarin has the fricatives [f], [s], [ʂ], [ɕ] and [x], whereas English has the fricatives [f], [θ], [s], [ʃ] and [h].

306  Appendix: A Brief Introduction to Speech Sounds French has rounded front vowels [y], [ø] and [œ], Standard Mandarin has only [y], while English has none. (2) The position that each speech sound is allowed to take in a syllable is also language-specific. For example, [p], [t], [k] and [m] can only take the initial position of a syllable in Standard Mandarin, whereas they can take either initial or final position of a syllable in Min and Cantonese; [ts] can only take the initial position of a syllable in Standard Mandarin, whereas it can only take the final position of a syllable in English. (3) Combination of speech sounds follows different rules in different languages. For example, [i] can be preceded by [p], [t], [tɕ], etc. but not by [ts], [tʂ], etc. in Standard Mandarin; [s] can precede [p], [t] and [k] but not [b], [d] and [g] in English. As far as a certain language is concerned, its phonological system can be derived by listing all specificities and rules in the respects presented. These specificities and rules are particularly useful when the phonological systems of two or more languages are compared. Table A.1  Selected IPA Symbols   place

lips

tongue tip

tongue tongue tongue back larynx blade front and root

bila­ labio- dental alveo­ palatal postalbial dental lar veolar

manner

voice­ [p] less voiced [b] nasal [m]

[t]

plosive

trill voice­ lateral less voiced voice­ [ɸ] frica­tive less voiced [β] semi-vowel high

[ɱ]

[ʈ]

[ȶ] [c]

[k]

[d]

[ɖ]

[ȡ] [ɟ]

[g]

[ɢ]

[n]

[ɳ]

[ȵ] [ɲ]

[ŋ]

[ɴ]

[r]

[q]

[ɬ] [l]

[ɭ]

[f]

[θ]

[s]

[ʂ]

[ʃ]

[ɕ] [ç]

[v]

[ð]

[z]

[ʐ]

[ʒ]

[ʑ] [ʝ]18 [ɣ] [ʁ] [j, ɥ] [w] [i, y] [ɨ, ʉ] [ɯ, u] [ɪ] [ʊ]

[ɿ, ʮ]

[ʎ]

[ɹ] [ʅ, ʯ]

[x]

[e, ø]

[χ]

[ɤ, o] [ə]

midlow low

[ʔ]

[ʀ]

midhigh vowel

palatal velar uvular glottal

[ɚ]

[ɛ, œ] [æ] [a]

[ʌ, ɔ] [ɐ] [a]

[ɑ]

[h] [ɦ]

Appendix: A Brief Introduction to Speech Sounds  307 Notes to the table: 1 Where two symbols separated by [,] occupy a single slot, the sounds they represent have the same place of articulation. The symbol on the left represents an unrounded sound, and the symbol on the right represents a rounded sound. 2 Commonly used affricates are symbolised as follows: Labiodental affricates: [pf] [bv] Dental affricates: [tθ] [dð] Alveolar affricates: [ts] [dz] Retroflex affricates: [tʂ] [dʐ] Postalveolar affricates: [tʃ] [dʒ] Palatal affricates: [tɕ] [dʑ] 3 Diacritics: [‘] : aspirated [ ̃] : nasalised [ː] : long [ ̌ ] : short

Notes 1 Translator’s note: The original text has ‘mixture of tongue tip and front’ literally. The part of the tongue between tip and front is known as ‘tongue blade’ if we follow the usual practice of dividing the tongue into five parts in description of speech sounds, i.e. tip, blade, front, back and root. 2 Translator’s note: Alternative Romanisations are Quran or Qur’an. 3 Translator’s note: The a in English at is usually represented as [æ]. 4 Translator’s note: The ‘English’ in the Appendix should be based on Received Pronunciation. Some English dialects, e.g. Southwestern England dialects, Scottish and Irish varieties, and American English, have a trilled, tapped or retroflex [r] after the vowel. 5 Translator’s note: Sic. However, in IPA this sound is represented as [ʌ]. 6 Translator’s note: The central vowel [ə], also known as schwa, is neither long nor stressed. However, the ir in the English word bird is both long and stressed. It should be represented in IPA as [ɜː]. 7 Translator’s note: The original text has [ʮ] here, the same symbol for rounded front apical vowel introduced in §5. The semi-vowel should be represented as [ɥ]. 8 Translator’s note: Actually, it is not the root of the tongue that is vibrating but the uvula. 9 Translator’s note: In narrow transcription the symbol [ɫ] is used for this so-called ‘dark l’. 10 Translator’s note: Sic. However, measure is pronounced [meʒə] in contemporary English. 11 Translator’s note: The corresponding voiced palatal fricative is actually [ʝ]. 12 Translator’s note: In the original text both symbols are mistaken. 13 Translator’s note: Sic. However, the pronunciation of have is commonly represented as [hæv]. 14 Translator’s note: In the original text, the vowel of width is represented as [ai], which is not how the word is pronounced in English. 15 Translator’s note: Sic. However, the English word church should be represented in IPA as [tʃɜːtʃ]. 16 Translator’s note: As commented in Chapter 2, the symbol for aspiration in IPA is [h]. 17 Translator’s note: In IPA, [ˈ] is the symbol of ‘primary stress’, [ˌ] ‘secondary stress’. 18 Translator’s note: The original text has ([j]) here. It is changed into [ʝ] according to the IPA chart.

Index

Note: Page numbers in bold indicate a table. adapted rhyme 223–7, 250, 256, 288 association in fǎnqiè patterns 87–90, 92, 102, 130, 134, 137, 145, 150, 170, 177, 243, 271

172, 197, 204, 229, 247–8, 253–68, 277, 290, 293 colloquial pronunciation 40, 51–2, 54–5, 163, 218

‘back tooth’ initial 105, 107–9, 107, 115–16, 121–4, 138, 146–7, 149–53, 159, 164, 172–3, 181, 188, 196, 201, 210, 212–13 ‘broad’ final 20, 30, 33, 36, 40, 62, 64, 67–8, 70–1, 132, 138–9, 145, 177, 200–1, 203–4, 210

Dai Zhen (戴震) 230, 232, 247 Děngzǐ see Sìshēng Děngzǐ derivative cognate 3 Ding Du (丁度) 81, 174 Duan Yucai (段玉裁) 3, 13n8, 227, 230–4, 246–52, 286, 288–90

Cantonese 11, 39–40, 43–4, 46–7, 50, 54, 55n2, 55n3, 59, 128, 130, 133, 137–9, 143, 157, 159, 163–4, 168n6, 255, 300, 306 chain use 87 characters with shared phonetic components see phonetic component Chen Di (陳第) 225, 250, 286 Chen Li (陳澧) 86–90, 92, 102, 134, 228 Chǔcí (楚辭) 231–2, 249n3, 289 class partition 130, 136, 177, 273 ‘clear’ initial 75n13, 78, 108, 166–7, 180, 220–1; see also ‘full clear’ initial; ‘secondary clear’ initial ‘closed-mouth’ final 20–1, 23–4, 29–31, 40, 44, 48, 59, 67, 70, 83, 117, 135, 138–9; see also ‘closed’ rhyme ‘closed’ rhyme 113–14, 117, 119–20, 129, 139, 144–5, 148, 152–63, 165, 172, 174, 182–5, 188–90, 192–7, 201, 204, 208–9, 210, 212–19, 257–9, 262–3, 265, 272 coda 17, 19, 26–7, 43, 50, 54, 68–70, 74, 142–3, 145, 155–7, 159–60, 164–6,

‘even-teeth’ final 20, 22–3, 29–31, 61, 74, 138–9 exclusive use 83, 179, 290 exegesis 3, 5, 9 five sounds 200, 269 ‘front tooth’ initial 105, 107–8, 107, 115–16, 121, 124, 134, 150–3, 173, 177, 181, 269; see also ‘proper tooth’ initial; ‘tooth head’ initial ‘full clear’ initial 107–8, 107, 129, 142, 200 ‘full opaque’ initial 107–8, 107, 129, 141–2, 167, 199, 200, 220, 293 Gan dialects 11, 55 grade 103, 110–16, 121–4, 126, 128, 130–7, 140–1, 145–57, 159–61, 163–6, 171–4, 177–8, 180–5, 188–97, 199, 202–6, 206, 208, 210–11, 213–19, 237, 243, 257–63, 265, 273, 275–9, 281, 284–5 graded rhyme chart see rhyme chart Guǎngyùn (廣韻) 79–90, 102, 104, 109, 126–7, 130–4, 136–7, 141, 145, 155, 157, 159, 165–6, 171, 173–9, 198,

Index  309 226–9, 231, 234–46, 250–1, 255, 260–1, 268, 276, 279–80, 290 Gǔjīn Yùnhuì Jǔyào (古今韻會舉要) 10, 150, 174, 179, 198 Gu Yanwu (顧炎武) 227–32, 250, 252, 287–8 Hakka 11, 44, 46–7, 54–5, 55n6, 128–32, 135, 137–9, 141, 143–4, 146, 154, 159, 161, 163–4, 166, 168n3 ‘half tongue’ initial 107–8, 107, 124, 141 ‘half tooth’ initial 107–8, 107, 124, 142, 200 Han Daozhao (韓道昭) 105, 171, 177–9 ‘heavy lip’ initial 107–8, 107, 128–30, 149, 164, 177, 195, 200, 203, 269, 271 homophone 5–6, 59, 62, 64, 86–7, 270–1 Hóngwǔ Zhèngyùn (洪武正韻) 70–3 Huang Gongshao (黃公紹) and Xiong Zhong (熊忠) 10, 174, 179–80 ideograph 4 inner turn 121, 276 Jade Key 105, 122, 130 Jiang Yong (江永) 108, 145, 230, 250, 252, 287 Jiang Yougao (江有誥) 227, 230–4, 247, 248, 249n8, 251, 286, 288–90, 293–4 Jīngdiǎn Shìwén (經典釋文) 223, 225, 278 Jíyùn (集韻) 81, 155, 171, 176–9, 285n3 joint rhyme 246, 250, 294 joint use 83, 173–4, 176–9, 226–7, 230–1, 247, 267, 288, 290 Kangxi Dictionary 81, 270 Karlgren, Bernhard 127, 139, 142, 145, 147–8, 156, 169, 252, 270, 273–4, 278–82 Kong Guangsen (孔廣森) 230, 232–3, 247, 290 Lǐbù Yùnlüè (禮部韻略) 174, 176–7, 179–80 ‘light lip’ initial 107–8, 107, 128–30, 149, 164, 174, 177, 181, 195, 200, 203, 211, 269, 271 ‘lip’ initial 105, 107–8, 107, 115–16, 121– 4, 124, 128, 130, 149–53, 157, 159, 164, 172–3, 181, 184, 190–1, 195; see also ‘heavy lip’ initial; ‘light lip’ initial literary pronunciation 37, 39–40, 51–2, 54–5, 163, 203, 221n2

lower character 86–90, 92–8, 102, 105, 122–4, 145, 150–63, 251, 276 Lu Fayan (陸法言) 6, 77–81, 83, 87, 89, 102, 105, 126, 157, 169–71 medial 17, 19–20, 28–9, 43, 58, 61, 63, 65–7, 102, 111, 132, 136, 139–40, 145, 147–9, 153–4, 156–7, 159, 161, 163–4, 182, 199, 210–13, 253, 255–7, 259–61, 263–4, 273, 279, 300 Min dialects 59, 129–30, 133, 135, 137–9, 141–2, 160, 163–4, 166, 168n2, 306; see also Northern Min; Southern Min mutual use 87–9, 136, 159 ‘narrow’ final 20, 30, 33, 36, 40, 60, 62, 64, 67–71, 132–3, 135, 138–9, 145, 200–1, 203–4 neutral tone 16, 26–7, 29, 31 Northern Mandarin 10–11, 32n1, 33, 39, 57, 139–40, 142–3, 168n2 Northern Min 11, 47 ‘opaque’ initial 75n13, 78, 108, 167, 180, 220; see also ‘full opaque’ initial; ‘secondary opaque’ initial ‘open-mouth’ final 20–2, 40, 61, 70, 83, 117, 138–40, 144, 154; see also ‘open’ rhyme ‘open’ rhyme 113–14, 117, 119–20, 144–6, 148, 152–65, 172, 174, 181–9, 192–7, 200–6, 210, 212–19, 257, 259, 262–3, 265 outer turn 121, 276 phonetic component 3–4, 233–47, 253–7, 260, 262, 264–5, 267–75, 277–84 phonetic loan character 3, 5, 9, 269–71, 273–5, 280, 282 phono-semantic compound character 3–5 Pingshui Rhymes 174–6, 176, 179 ‘proper tooth’ initial 105, 107–9, 107, 114–15, 134, 177, 181, 200 Qian Daxin (錢大昕) 227, 269, 271, 273, 285n1 Qièyùn Zhǐnán (切韻指南) 105, 121–2, 171–2 Qièyùn Zhǐzhǎng Tú (切韻指掌圖) 104–5, 115–16, 171–3, 185 Qièyùn (切韻) 6, 9, 12, 78–83, 86–9, 92, 102–5, 110, 115, 126, 130, 134, 136, 139–40, 153, 165, 169–71, 198, 230,

310  Index 233, 238, 243, 247, 252–4, 256, 266, 274, 277–8 Qīyīn Lüè (七音略) 103–4, 113–14, 117, 122, 154 reversed conversion 247, 256, 290; see also sideways conversion rhyme adaptation see adapted rhyme rhyme chart 7, 9, 12, 102–5, 107–8, 110–11, 113–17, 121–4, 126–7, 130, 133–4, 136–7, 144–5, 149–53, 155–7, 160–1, 163–5, 171, 173, 177–9, 183, 185, 188, 191, 193–5, 198 rhyme dictionary 6–7, 9–10, 12, 56–7, 70–2, 74, 76–9, 81–3, 86, 89–90, 102–5, 111, 114, 122, 126–7, 136, 145, 147, 149, 151–2, 159–60, 170–1, 173–4, 176–7, 179–80, 183, 198, 225–6, 228–31, 246, 273, 290–3 rhyme group 104, 117, 121–2, 142–5, 148–9, 151–66, 171–2, 184, 195–7, 200, 202–4, 205–8, 210–19, 250, 257, 266–7, 276 ‘round-mouth’ final 20, 24, 29–31, 54, 138–9 rùshēng rhyme 143–4, 157, 159, 229, 247–8, 253–63, 267, 277 ‘secondary clear’ initial 107–8, 107, 129, 142, 181, 200 ‘secondary opaque’ initial 107–8, 107, 131, 138, 141, 166–7, 181, 200, 220 seven sounds 108, 179–80 Shàngshū (尚書) 5, 289 Shījīng (詩經) 2, 4, 5, 9, 223–5, 228, 231–2, 249n11, 250–1, 253–5, 257, 268, 288–9, 294n6 Shouwen (守溫) 105, 107–10, 128, 131, 134, 173, 177 Shuōwén Jiězì Zhù (說文解字注) 13n8, 233 Shuōwén see Shuōwén Jiězì Shuōwén Jiězì (說文解字) 3, 5–6, 81, 134, 170, 280, 284 shūshēng rhyme 143 sideways conversion 247, 256; see also reversed conversion Sìshēng Děngzǐ (四聲等子) 104–5, 113, 115, 117, 121–2, 161, 171–2 sound gloss 5–6, 9 Southern Min 11, 51, 129, 143, 153

Southwestern Mandarin 11, 33–4, 37–8, 52, 55, 131, 138–40, 142–3, 168n2, 300 Standard Mandarin 11, 14–16, 18, 20–9, 31–6, 59–60, 62–9, 131–2, 135, 138, 141, 144, 168n2, 198–200, 200, 204, 262, 295–306 Sun Mian (孫愐) 79–83, 170 Tángyùn (唐韻) 80–2, 85, 155, 170, 225, 227, 229–30, 290 Thirty-six Initials 105, 107–8, 110, 114, 122, 127–34, 127, 137–9, 141–2, 173, 177, 180–2, 203, 271, 274 ‘throat’ initial 105, 107–9, 107, 115–16, 121–4, 124, 139, 146–7, 149–53, 159, 164, 172–3, 181, 188, 195–6, 201, 210, 212–13 ‘tongue head’ initial 105, 107–8, 107, 115, 134–5, 149, 177, 200 ‘tongue’ initial 105, 107–8, 107, 115–16, 124, 131, 134, 150–3, 173, 177, 181, 269; see also ‘tongue head’ initial; ‘tongue top’ initial ‘tongue top’ initial 105, 107–8, 107, 115, 131, 134, 177, 200, 269, 273, 275 ‘tooth head’ initial 105, 107–8, 107, 113, 115–16, 134–5, 149, 177, 200 Trigault, Nicolas 7, 75 upper character 86–90, 102, 105, 109–10, 114–15, 122–3, 127–8, 127, 130–4, 136–7, 140–1, 147, 151, 161, 164, 177, 275 variant character 5, 9, 13n4, 270, 273–4, 280, 294n3 Wang Li (王力) 234, 249n8 Wang Niansun (王念孫) 230–2, 234, 247, 248, 249n8, 286, 288–9, 294n5 Wang Renxu (王仁煦) 79–83, 134, 157, 166, 170 Wu dialects 11, 35–9, 43–4, 47, 50, 55, 70–1, 128–30, 133, 137–9, 141–3, 147, 149, 153–4, 156, 159, 161, 163–6, 168n3, 297, 302 Wǔyīn Jíyùn (五音集韻) 105, 171, 177–9 Xiajiang Mandarin 11, 13n11, 33–4, 37–8, 40, 138–40, 142–3, 168n2 Xiang dialects 11, 55

Index  311 yángshēng rhyme 19–20, 39, 43, 50, 70, 73–4, 86, 143, 172, 204, 229, 231, 247–8, 256–63, 290 Yìjīng (易經) 231, 249n3, 289 yīnshēng rhyme 19–20, 39, 50, 74, 86, 143–4, 172, 229, 247–8, 253–63, 277, 290, 293 Yùnbǔ (韻補) 85n16, 226–7 Yùnjìng (韻鏡) 103–4, 111–14, 116–20, 122, 153–4, 173 Yùpiān (玉篇) 107, 278 Yù Yàoshi (玉鑰匙) see Jade Key

Zeng Yunqian (曾運亁) 90, 269 Zhang Binglin (章炳麟) 234, 247, 249n4, 249n8, 269–70, 274 Zhang Taiyan (章太炎) see Zhang Binglin (章炳麟) Zhǐnán see Qièyùn Zhǐnán Zhǐzhǎng Tú see Qièyùn Zhǐzhǎng Tú Zhōngyuán Yīnyùn (中原音韻) 7, 10, 56–67, 69–75, 82–3, 86, 170, 195, 198–9 Zhōngzhōu Yīnyùn (中州音韻) 69, 72 Zhou Deqing (周德清) 7, 10, 56–7, 62, 69–70, 72, 82