Hierarchy and balance : a study of Wanokaka social organization 0731532066

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GeneraHJb.a.7 System Univer::ty of Wisconsin - Madison 728 State Street Madison, Wl 53706-1494

Uu women of ascending generations of own alliance group

ana moni (brothers’) men of own generation bom in natal alliance group anta, ama-pean^ and boku men of ascending generations of own alliance group

ana wini (‘daughters’) women of the first descending generation of own alliance group

ana moni (‘sons’) men of the first descending generation of own alliance group

ubu (‘grandchild’) women of second and third descending generation of own alliance group

ubu (‘grandchild’) men of second and third descending generation of own alliance group

dama (‘wife-taker’) women of wife-taker groups

hka (‘wife-giver’) men of wife-gjVer groups

inayera (‘wife-giver’s mother’) yera maadni ffemale wife-giver’) widows of wife-givers in any generation

^a-na laa-^ (husband’s wife-taker*) men of the wife-takers of husband's alliance group

Wanokakans normally express their system of marriage rules in the simple formula that women of one’s bora’ hka groups arc to be taken as wives, but the children of one’s own group and the children of one’s bara^ dama group arc forbidden. There arc other supplementary rules as well supporting this simple formula. In order to present die details of the system of marriage rules, I shall consider in turn the rules which govern marriage. For simplicity, I shall express the rules from the man’s point of view, except in Table 5.1, which also includes the prohibitions from a woman’s point of view. In viewing this system as a whole it is important to note that the prohibitions are supported by supernatural sanctions; they are regarded as breaches of die natural order, rather than breaches of man-made rules. They are not only prohibitions on marriage, but also on sexual intercourse. The first rule I shall consider is the rule of patrilineal group exogamy. A man may not marry any woman, 6f any generation, born in his own group. This role is applied most rigidly to the alliance unit, the uma. It is extended to the exogamous clan-units {baba) and in the case of die exogamous clan-sets, to the whole clan-set. Where these last groups are concerned, there is a possibility of splitting the groups and converting a ‘brother’ group into a bride-giver’s. Some of the clan-sets have resisted any splitting and remain exogamous to this day (e.g. Weikawolu and Potihu). This rule is also extended, but less rigidly, to the groups which have a ritual brotherhood relationship with one’s own group.

132 ALLIANCE: RULES AND PRACTICES

The in-marrying women of one’s own group and of one’s own generation are not prohibited by supernatural sanction, though a husband may demand compens­ ation from a *brother’ (attfft wud) who has sexual intercourse with his wife, as men­ tioned in Chapter 3. The in-marrying women of one’s own clan in the ascending and descending generations are prohibited by supernatural sanction, and within one’s own uma this rule is rigidly adhered to. There is an avoidance relationship between a man and his son’s wife and between a woman and her daughter’s husband. If a man wishes to marry a woman in these categories (i.e. the categories ‘mother’, ina^ and ‘daughtcr-in-Iaw’, »^d) but who is not a member of his own uma, the group may decide to permit this by having recourse to a ritual changing of the woman’s genera­ tional category. This ritual is known as habali wuapanuang (lit ‘reversing the rungs of the ladder’). It is not a rare procedure between two people who belong to two dif­ ferent baba or within patrilineal groups of broader compass. Once this ritual has been conducted then marriage is permitted. The second rule is the one prohibiting direct exchange of women between groups. A man may not marry or have sexual intercourse with a woman in any gener­ ation in his wife-taker groups, whether she was born into the group or has ever married into it This rule is applied strictly to the uma and often to larger groups. I have recorded two cases (see next section) where an uma group and a clan-unit were split in order to accommodate the desire of two powerful men to marry women from their bride-taker groups. However, I also observed a number of other cases where the attempt to split an uma in this way was very bitterly resisted in the case of young lovers of no political influence. The third rule is expressed positively: that a man should marry a woman bom in his wife-giver group, an ana loka ‘child of lok^f (the women who marry into die wife-giver group are prohibited). This marriage requires less bride-wealth than one with a woman not from one’s wife-giver group. It would be quite correct to state that a man must marry a woman of his bride-giver group, because as we have seen it is common practice to establish an alliance first in order to make a marriage possible. Once an alliance is established, however, the pattern cannot be reversed: die move­ ment of women and female goods in one direction (from wife-giver to wife-taker) and the movement of male goods in the opposite direction (from wife-taker to wife­ giver) should not be violated. Thus initiating and establishing an alliance is easy, but the consequences are irreversible. Its main effect is to define the wife’s group thence­ forth as a wife-giving group and to prohibit women of the husband’s group to the men of the wife’s group. The breach of any of these rules constitutes incest {pala, cognate of Indonesian salah, wron^. In the parallel form of language used in ritual hala is paired with its synonym dofzu. The word doku is also used in other contexts to mean ‘frilling short, not up to the measure’. These rules may be identified as incest rules, but the offences are understood in terms of group membership, not genealogically. Such offences give rise to supernatural danger: members of the group concerned may fall

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 133

gravely ill, or a buffalo owned by the group of the woman concerned will start walk­ ing in circles and fall dead on the spot, indicating that the tnarapu spirits have choked the animal. Where women become pregnant as a result of such offenses they often confess of their wrong-doings, so as to allow for ‘cooling’ and protective ceremonies to be conducted before they reach childbirth; otherwise they would have difficult childbirths. Safety can be restored following incest by conducting a ceremony known as hdkUy the purpose of which is phrased in the ritual language: heri-ya na liiiku patara heliya na wobilu hapili

sweep off the itchy patara prickle remove the stinging baptH nettle.

Patara and hapiU are two kinds of grasses with tiny hairs that cause an unbearable itch. There is another variety of rule governing marriage and sexual intercourse which do not involve supernatural sanctions but only compensation, kanyala. If a man is caught having sexual intercourse with a married woman who is in a permiss­ ible category but is not his wife, he normally must pay kanyala to the woman’s hus­ band of one male buffalo and one horse for noblemen, although there are variations on this formula. Sometimes a marriage is arranged as an alternative if the woman refuses to give up the sexual liaison. The second husband replaces the bride-wealth the first husband gave to the wife’s father, thenceforth the woman and hef first husband relate to each other as sister and brother {pa-anawinipa-ana monin^u). Smaller compensation is applicable in cases of adultery with ‘brother’s wife’ (balti). The same considerations apply to sexual relations with a woman ftom an unrelated group, whether or not the woman is already married; the difference is simply that her husband receives the kanyala if she is married, while her father receives it if she is unmarried. In either case the woman’s mother’s natal house (the woman’s pinpi loka) should be involved in the setdement, usually providing a pig to be used by the woman’s father for part of the counter-gift to the kanyala, the pin^ loka will receive a horse in exchange. There is a prohibition (which today has lost some of its strength) against women of noble rank marrying men of much lower class than themselves. This is now normally a matter of shame, except that formerly nobles claimed the right of execution in the case of male slaves who had sexual intercourse with noble women. It is also considered shameful for a noble man to have as his first wife a woman who is of a much lower class than himself, such as tou maddn^. The final rule to be mentioned is the prohibition of a woman marrying into any group from which her matrilineal female ancestors had originated^ unless there is a distance of' a certain number of generations between her and the connecting female ancestor. The nearest group from which her female ancestor had originated is of course her mother’s natal group; marriage into her group constitutes (delayed) exchange of women between two groups; this also constitutes incest Howevei; marriage of a woman into a group which is more distandy related in the matrilineal line (such as the groups of MMB or MMMB), although it docs not constitute incest, is strongly prohibited. Some informants state that the distance between the girl and

134 ALLIANCE; RULES AND PRACTICES the connecting female ancestor must be seven generations; others state six. The majority view is that seven generations must lapse, thus completing a cycle consisting of eight alliance groups. Such marriages are rare, but considered good. A woman who marries back into her house of descent is said to ‘watch grandfather’s monu­ ment, guard great-grandmother’s grave’ {tan^a kadu boku, Java rati apw, see also Chapter 4 for the same term used in adoption of a male matrilineal descendant into his house of descent). This marriage is considered ‘good’ because the woman can then ‘eat from her own rice-field, drink from her own spring* (i.e. the food and drink owned by her matrilineal ancestor). An example of such a marriage is given in Figure 5.1. In Kedang, also in south-eastern Indonesia, there is a similar kind of marriage called pau iveig bale (‘to return the blood*) which is also rare but desirable. In pau Jveiq bale a woman marries back into her mother’s mother’s group, thus completing an alliance cycle consisting of three alliance groups (Barnes 1974:248). From the point of view of the man, this rule means that he is not allowed to marry a matrilineal descendant of his ancestral house (a wala urna), unless there is a seven-generation lapse between the girl and the connecting female ancestor who was born in the man’s house. As has been shown in Chapter 4, Wanokakans categorize wala uma as dama (wife-taker), so that this rule may be seen as a variation of the second rule which prohibits marriage with a woman born in a wife-taker group. What is interesting here, however; is that marriage with a female wala uma is also prohibited even though the woman was born in a wife-giver group, an ana loka (unless the prescribed intervening generations have lapsed). An instance of this is the marriage of Pati Wedu of Prai Kihi clan with Pedi Kabela of Potihu clan (see Figure 5.2). Although Potihu has been a long-standing wife-giver of Prai Kihi, this marriage was opposed by elders of both groups on two grounds: i) that she is a wala uma of Prai Kihi and there is not enough generation lapse between her and the connecting ancestor, since it was her mother’s mother’s mother who was born in Prai Kihi; ii) that the girl’s mother’s mother’s brother (and the father of the holder of rights to the Uma Bakul Habei Deta of Prai Kihi) was adopted into Prai Kihi (in the 1930s), so that the present generation elders of Prai Kihi still refer to the girl as ubuna ama (‘father’s grandchild’). My informant, J.P. Poti, one of the elders of Prai Kihi, told me that both these factors make her ‘too close’ a descendant to marry back to her clan of origin. However, the young couple persisted with their intention, and after persuasions foiled to change their mind (they eloped) the boy’s elders came to Potihu to discuss the bride-wealth. Contrary to ordinary practice, Potihu did not demand a certain amount of bride-wealth: they letPrai Kihi decide it themselves. ‘She is your grandchild; it is up to you to decide the bride-wealth for her.’ This put Prai Kihi in a difficult position, because if they argued for a lower bride-wealth as is usually the case, it would mean that they did not value their own grandchild. A question may be asked about why a female.wala uma is not permitted to marry back into her clan of descent before her female ancestors have passed through seven clans. As has been seen in Chapter 4, it is considered desirable for a male wala

GUNAWAN 135

Figure 5.1 A case Qijatva rati apu, tongara kadu boku, ^watching great-grandfather’s grave’. Kara Bodu marries back into the house of her matrilineal ancestor of seven generations ago.

Figure 5.2 The marriage of Pedi Kabela and Pad Wedu was in accord with the status of the Potihu clan as bride-giver to Prai Kihi, but was rejected on the grounds that Pedi was a wala uma of Prai Kihi who had not yet passed through enough generations to be able to ‘return’ to her ‘house of origin’. The marriage was eventually permitted after the young couple had eloped and all attempts to persuade them to give up their relationship had failed. The adoption of Du’u Boru back into his “house of origin” (ga7 ba^ is legitimate. Also the difference in generational status between Pedi and Pad is acceptable. Dotted lines indicate adoptive relationships.

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN

137

uma to be adopted {ga*i bali, ‘pxilled back’) into his house of origin or house of descent (another example is found in the case just cited: Pedi Kabela’s MMB, Duu Boru, was adopted into his mother’s brother’s clan). From the point of view of the adoptive parent, the adoption is desirable because the person who is going to inherit his property is his ‘own flesh and blood’, rather than someone from a brother lineage with whom he is not related. This adoption is desirable from the point of view of the adopted person also, because then he can ‘eat from his own rice-field, drink from his own spring’. It is thus necessary to examine the difference between adoption of wala uma and marriage with a female ivala uma. In Wanokaka, adoption is in many ways similar to marriage, in that there is a negotiation and then an exchange of valuables between the adoptive parents and the original parents.^ Wanokakans say that in this case the adoptive person is ‘obtained by bride-wealth, just like a woman’. As with marriage, the direction of male and female goods follow the pattern already established by the previous relationship between the two parties. If die adopter stands as wife-giver to the original parents, he will come to the parents’ house bringing pigs and cloths to ‘cut off die flow of milk’ (botahu wei huhu}, i.e. cutting off the ties with his clan of birth. The original parents of the boy will respond by coming to die adopter’s house bringing some buffaloes or horses to ‘lay the foundation of the house’ {bahukung iUso that die boy will formally and propedy ‘sit’ in his new ancestral house. If die adopter stands as wife-taker to the boy’s original clan, he will bring horses or buffaloes to the boy’s parents’ village, and the boy’s original parents will bring pigs and clodis to the adopter’s village. Thus in an adoption the position of wife-giver and wife-taker does not undergo any change: it is in feet confirmed by this exchange. In a marriage, how­ ever, die girl’s clan would always stand as the wife-giver. Thus marriage of a female wala uma into her house of descent would reverse the direction of alliance, since a wala uma is categorized as a potential wife-taker {damdj. However this only partially explains the rule prohibiting marriage with a female jvala uma, since it is still not possible even if the gjrl’s clan stands as wife-giver to die house of descent, as die above case indicated. Another interpretation for the prohibition may be advanced using as die point of analysis the structural role of women, specifically of sisters and daughters in the system of alliance in Wanokaka society. Interestingly, there is only one single term for ‘sister’ and ‘daughter’ in the Wanokaka language, ana wini (the possessive form for ‘my sister’ is ana-iuinigu, while the possessive form for ‘my daughter’ is the descriptive anagu mamm^ lit ‘my child who is a female’ or ‘my female child’). In Wanokaka language, the term ana means ‘little’, ‘child’, ‘person’ (cf. Indonesian anak Bali, ‘Balinese’); wini means ‘seed’, ‘seedling’, ‘sprout’. We have seen (Chapter 4) that a woman’s natal clan is referred to by her children by the term pin^ which means ‘tree’, ‘trunk’, ‘origin’ of one’s life. It is as if by giving a sister or a daughter in marriage, this ‘tree’ gives its ‘seed’ from which future generations will sprout and grow (a marriage proposal is also often phrased in terms of ‘requesting rice-seed, requesting maize

138 ALLIANCE: RULES AND PRACTICES seed’).

The botanic idiom is widespread in Austronesian languages, as has been pointed out by Fox (1971,1980:14). In Rod, for example, in a marriage proposal,

the wife-taking group requests ‘seed’ from the wife-giving group. This ‘seed’ is planted and thereafter the too-huk (mother’s brother of origin) as the representative of the wife-giving group calls his sister’s children his ‘plants’ (seUk). The mother’s brother performs a ceremony to open the womb for ‘the eldest sprout and first fruit’ (Fox 1980:117). Thus daughters born in a clan are the clan’s ‘seed’ from which, or through which the clan will obtain new offshoots, new lolu-dama or wife-takers. It is the nature of seeds to sprout away from die parent plant; to sprout within its parent plant (to marry and have children within own house of origin) is contrary to the nature and purpose of the alliance. Thus we may be able to conclude that the structural role of women in the system of alliance in Wanokaka is to be the means whereby her clan, her clan of origin and her clan of descent can expand their affinal relations and obtain potential wife-takers. The effect of the rule prohibiting women to marry back into her clan of descent before seven generations have passed is the creation of expansive alliance des, the prevendon of alliance cycles closing after only a few generations, and specif­ ically promoting long alliance cycles consisting of eight or more alliance units. The other interesting feature about this rule is the specified number of seven and eight, i.e. that a woman may not return to her house of descent unless seven of her matrilineal female ancestors had passed through (or married into) seven clans, with the present woman making the eighth person. This may be because seven gener­ ations (encompassing about 150 years) is considered a long enough time-lapse to reverse the direction of an alliance. Another possible interpretation is that the numbers seven and eight are of particular significance for Wanokakans, and the Sumbanese in general. In Sumbanese myths of origin, there are numerous mentions of numbers seven and eight. For example, the ancestors of the Sumbanese are believed to have descended through seven layers of heaven and eight layers of sky (pitu dani louru, waUt dani awan^^ or that the ancestors of the Sumbanese reached Sumba by boat after travelling through seven seas and eight islands. The first ancestors were believed to be ‘seven brave men and eight respected women’ moni bam, walu maanni ratu}. When Wanokakans plan to meet, for example to pay a debt, to hold a feast, or to discuss bride-wealth, the time specified is invariably seven days hence, so that they will meet on the eighth day.

SURVEY OF MARRIAGE PRACTICES

In order to examine the various modes in which alliances are formed and maintained, I conducted a cross-sectional study of three administrative villages {desd) and a case study of an ancestral house group {umd}, the Uma Bakul Mamodu Weileru. The households for the three-ala uma

Total IL OUjtyi marriages 1. MZD-MZS 2. close okjegi 3. distant okjaji

. Number (n= 114)

%

Number (n=53)

%

Number (n = 167)

%

6 24 9

5.3 21.0 7.9

3 14 8

l.Q 32.6 18.6

9 38 17

3.1 24.2 10.6

39

34.12

25

58.2

64

40.8

4.4 7.9 5.3

3 2

7.0 4.7

5 12 8

3.2 1.6 5.1

20

17.5

5

11.6

25

15.9

59 6

Total

Total

U. Bakul Weileru

III. Variations of okjaji marriages 1. WF is H’s okjaji 2. HF is W’s okjaji 3. HF is WF’s okja/i 4. Others Total

2 3 4. 3

1.8 2.6 3.5 2.6

1 2 -

2.3 4.7

2 4 6 3

1.3 -2.5 3.8 1.9

12

2.6

3

7.0

15

9.6

IV. Prior relationship not known

-

-

4

9.3

4

2.3

-

-

2

4.7

2

1.3

37.3

14

32.6

31

36.3

V. Wrong* marriages

VI. No prior relationship

43

of households in the 1971 Census. The interviews were conducted in the respond­ ents’ homes according to a structured schedule, but in an informal manner by myself and one or two key assistants. In this survey I obtained useful data only about (he marriages of those still living, i.e. the marriages entered into over a span of approx­ imately two generations. In some cases, where the respondents had a keen interest in the marriages of their forebears, I also obtained data about marriages which span three or four generations. Because the households are spread out in different ancestral villages and hamlets, there was not much opportunity for cross-checking the data. In the case study of Uma Balnil Weileru I was able to record data on all the marriages contracted by members of this alliance group over a period of four gener­ ations, and since I was living in constant contact with this group.I was able to cross check this information. The result of the three-ei)^ MBS WB {ana loka ^yerd)^ and so on. These distinctions, however, conceal a clear link in the minds of Wanokakans between these pairs of categories. That is to say: two categories, A and B, are related

174 MODES OF ADDRESS Table 6.6

Comparison of Wanokafca relationship terms collected by Onvlcc and by myself (the differences arc underlined)

Reciprocals

Onviee

I ! ! ! !

flTTia / anakawini ama ! ana kawini ina ! ana kawini ina ! anakawini angu wua ! angu wua ana moni ! ana wini angu ma^awa ! angumaaawa laa oliuma / angu wua ama ! ana angu wua angu wua ama ! ana angu wua ana win! ama ! ana ana moni (dawa) ana wini ama ! ana ana moni (dawa) loka ! ana kawini loka ! anakabin£ angu mawine / ana angu iria mawine angu mawine I ana angu ina mawine ama pengu ubu ! ama pengu ubu ! ina weda ubu ! ina weda ubu ! ama pengu ubu! ama pengu ubu / ina weda ubu ! ina weda ubu / angu wua ! angu wua ana wini ! ana moni angu mgsawa ! :angumajawa angu la*a / angu la’a f angu la*a angu la*a ! angu la’a angu la*a ! angu la*a ole bei ole bei I anaw^ ! ana moni era laiya / ina era laiya ! yaanu wiya ! yaanu wiya ! era laiya !

F F M M B B Z H FB FB FZ

! ! ! ! !

S D D D D Z Z w BS BD BS

FZ

!

BD

MB MB MZ

I I

ZS ZD ZS

MZ

f

ZD

/

/

FF ! SS FF ! SD FM I SS FM / SD MF ! DS MF ! DD MM f DS MM DD FBS ! FBS FBD / FBS FBD ! FBD FZS ! MBS FZD ! MBS FZS ! MBD FZD MBD MZS f MZS MZL) / MZS WF ! DH WM ! DH HF ! SW HM ! SW WB ! ZH

Gunawan ama ama ina ina angu wua ana moni angu mahawa la angu wua ama angu wua ama ana wini ama

/ / / / / / / / / / /

ana wini ama

/ ana ana-moni

loka / loka angu mahaxpa ina /

ana moni ana wini ana moni ana wini angu wua ana wini angu mahawa arawei ana angu wua ana angu wua ana ana-moni

ana kahini ana kabini ana angu mahawa angu mahawa ina / ana angu mahawa ama pengu ubu ! ama pengu ubu / ina we’da / ubu ina we’da ubu ! ama pengu ubu ! ama pengu ubu I ina we’da ! ubu ina we’da ubu / angu wua / angu wua ana wini ! ana moni angu mahawa ! angu mahawa ^aJkabini ama ! ana loka ana kabini ama ! ana loka ana kabini ama ! analoka ana kabini ama / ana loka angu le’a ! angu le’a angu le’a ! angu le’a ama yera liya ! iAayera liya ! yanu wiya ! yanu wiya ! li^ yera /

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 175

wz t

ZH

Gunawan

Onvlee

Reciprocals hadou balu magawa

! ! I

FBW / FBS

anguwiaina

!

hadou balu araweiana moni ana balu

HBD

angu wiaina

!

ana balu

FZH / WBS FZH ! WBD MBW HZS

lia lia loka mawine

f ! I

ana era ana era angu riinfl

MBW

!

HZD

loka mawine

!

angu tiina

MZH MZH WBW HBW

! f ! !

WZS WZD WZH HBW

ama ama hadou angu wase

!

hadou hadou hadou angu wase

HB HZ

FBW

/ BW

!

t

BW

/

! I

hadou balu mahawa

anguwiyaina or ina angu wiya ina or: ina liya liya ina loka (lokamawin^ (aiawei loka) ina loka (loka mawin^ (arawei loka) atno ama hadou angu wiya

! ! I

hadou balu mahawa

/ ana balu or: ana ! ana balu or: ana ! ana yera ! ana yera ! floa kahini

I

anakabini

/ ana hadou ! ana hadou hadou angu wiya

(A —> B) in such a way that members of category A are potentially members of category B, and members of category B were previously members of category A. These relationships are shown in Table 6.7. Is the Wanokaka relationship terminology a prescriptive ferminnlngy^ Needham has defined a prescriptive terminology as one that is ‘constituted by the regularity of a constant relationship that articulates lines and categories*, and in a three-line prescriptive terminology ‘the masculine statuses in adjacent lines are linked at each genealogical level by a constantly repeated asymmetric affinal connection’ (Needham 1973:174). In practice Needham has used as criteria the equations and differences in terms as given above, and the fit of the terminology in the characteristic classificatory matrix (Needham 1960:106, 1962:76, 1970:252). This matrix as used also by Leach (1961b:41) and Barnes (1974:271-272) classifies the relationship terms by sex, genera­ tion and descent line, and is presented in the following tables. Table 6.8 shows the terms of reference used by a male speaker and Table 6.9 shows the terms of reference used by a female speaker. An extra line is required to display the terms used by a female speaker, because she has a set of distinctive terms for the line of her marriage as well as the line of her birth. It appears then that die Wanokaka terminology does conform to Needham’s concept of a three-line asymmetric prescriptive terminology. '

176 MODES OF ADDRESS Table 6.7 Related categories Members of the first specified category are potentially members of the second For male Ego: Specifications: female ana hka (e.g. MBD) male ana ioka (e.g. MBS) male ana kabini ama (e.g. FZS) female (^X^D) loka moni MB) Zyifc? maa/ini (e.g. MBW)

Potentially: aroivei _y^a

(Wh) inayera (WM)

For female Ego: Specifications: ^a FZH) aaa^mni ama FZ) male ana kabini ama ana ana-moai (e.g. BD)

Potentially: j/sw;/ moni (HF) maa/ini (HM) ^(H) ^W)

FZS)

Table 6.8 Wanokaka categories of descent and alliance: terms of reference, male Ego

f

m

1. Sitting Priest (HP) in front of spirit house with mat for the sacred plates in front of him

Mother House Priest (PR)7t

Figure 9.10 Positions of the priests when making offerings to the ancestors at bijalun^ Mamodu. The numbers refer to the order in which ±e ritual roles ate mentioned in the text.

the tombstone facing the uma harakka. He calls down the ancestral spirits to attend and accept the offerings of betel and rice. 3. Second Chanting Priest, IWr Manyautung ai. the Priestly House of Wei Leru, alternates in the chanting in a dialogue with the Prai Rua Chanting Priest, asking if he is ready to begin, and often adopting a challenging style. 4. Two Priests of the Mother House of Hori Paduku stand beside the Wei Leru Chanting Priest, quietly observing the proceedings (Hori Paduku say ‘supervising’). Possibly the Chanting Priest of Wei Leru is to be interpreted as their mouthpiece.

272 the FORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE ANCESTRAL VTTrAgp.

5. Meat-Hook Priest, Ratu Kaify,, of the Meat-Hook House of Prai Rua, cooks the offering of chicken meat in a sacred earthenware pot. 6. Sbughtering Priest, Kxto Don,, from the Great House of Ana Mawini, first prepares the betel offerings, then slaughters the chicken offering by sHtthig its throat. 7. Messenger Priest. Rati, of the Pole-Carrier House of Hori Paduku, cuts fresh coconut fronds which are hung up. Prior to the ceremonies he goes around the village notifying all the other priests that it is the month of the bijalung. 8. Coconut-Splitter Priest. Rati, Reara, Qf the house of that name in Ana Mawini. splits a young coconut for the Messenger Priest, who drinks the water and eats the flesh as ‘provisions’ for his Hong journey’ around the village 9. Yelling Priest, Rati, Kaa^okang, of the Cool Water House of Wei Leru, punctuates the chanting of the two Chanting Priests, by a loud cry of ‘Wo!’ to mark the divisions between the chanted passages. 10. -12. The Priests of the remaining three houses also attend, but no specific role was recalled for them. These activities culminate in the setting down of the twelve ceramic plates on a mat in the middle of the sacred courtyard, in front of the Sitting Priest Each plate is piled high with rice, and a small piece of chicken meat is placed on top of the rice. The significant roles in this ceremony have thus been distributed around the four clans, but further consideration must be given to the Sitting Priest of Prai Rua, who is said to be the most sacred {hibd^ priest of aU. He alone is dressed in a sacred cloth which is kept in the attic during the year, while the other priests wear clothing which is not subject to this restriction. The cloth is draped over the Sitting Priest so that only his head is visible, and it is prescribed that his eyes should be downcast, so that he does not meet the gaze of other people. He is prescribed sUence whfie the priests of the eastern and the western half of Mamodu are engaged in their chaUenging k(^alla and chanted margMtung dialogue. He is prescribed total inactivity as he sits with the most sacred niar^^u objects, while the other priests are actively carrying out their ntual duties. This characteristic figure is found in the rituals of many Wanokaka clan-sets, and he is always identified by his possession of the title ‘Mother Unmoving, Father Unstirring’ flna dagedu,Ama da mukdj. In the Pahaingu House of Winamarika and the Priesdy House of Potihu, this passive figure occurs and in each case the role is played by the priests of the major priestly house of the dan-set, and is part of the rituals of the founding ancestors of the set. Indeed it seems as if the Sitting Priest, as he has the offerings placed before him, is a symboUc embodiment of the founding ancestor. ®

Although the Priestly Houses of Prai Rua and Wei Leru can be seen in many ways to be balanced one against the other, it appears that in this bijalung the Priestly House of Prai Rua has a unique role and Wei Leru is just one of many ofSciating priests. The Priesdy House of Prai Rua is also subject to two rules which further suggests that it has a place outside the elaborate balancing of the eastern half

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 273

against the western half of Mamodu. Firstly, it is forbidden to enter into affinal relationships with any other house within the whole set, thus excluding it from the hierarchical affinal relationships that other houses are involved in. Secondly, it is forbidden to attach itself permanently to the work group of any of the four clans; it must rotate around its members, working one year with Prai Rua, the next with Hoti Padtiku, the next with Wei Leru, the next with Ana Mawini. As one Mamodu informant put it ‘it is as if it were a 'fifth dan, standing apart from the others, as a middle-man (Indonesian orang tengaBf. If the Sitting Priest is thus viewed as a separate entity, not attached perma­ nently either to the eastern or the western half of the set, then several interesting avenues of interpretation are opened up. Possibly the significance of this middle­ man position is that it allows the Sitting Priest to act as a symbolic representation of the unity of the whole set, since he is not committed to cither of its two halves or its four clans. The passivity of this figure is consistent with a symbolic role in contrast to the active functions performed by the other priests. In relation to the two halves of Mamodu, the Sitting Priest as a ‘middle-man’ is the third element, mediating between die two halves. Or, if Mamodu is viewed as a set of four clans, then the Sitting Priest constitutes a fifth mediating entity. These considerations might be of little consequence in many cultures, but to the Wanokakans a third or a fifth element in a set is considered to have particular significance. As was noted in Chapter 2 in connection with the architecture of the house, sets of two, four or eight elements are considered to possess a quality of complete­ ness or wholeness, and. if an odd element is present in association with an evennumbered set, then it is not included in that set, but given a special status of its own. I will give several further examples of this treatment of the odd element. A simple example is found in the manner of recording the amount of rice harvested from a field- The winnowed rice is poured into woven sacks of a standard siae, and the sacks are arranged in pairs, so that a harvest of 14 sacks is reported as ‘seven pairs* (tiffdi pitd), a harvest of 16 sacks as ‘eight pairs’ {n^di walu}. A harvest of 15 sacks is ‘seven pairs plus one’ pitu hupu). There is also a gambling game called jagung (an Indonesian term meaning ‘maize*) which is said to have led to many young men in Wanokaka losing the wealth inherited from their fathers. Although it is a modern game, it illustrates the traditional idea of odd and even numbers. In each round, the player takes a handful of grains of maize from a large basket, and places the handful in a bowl. After die money has been laid out on the mat, the grains of maize are counted out by placing them in pairs on the mat. If, eventually, only a single grain remains without a pair, then the count cannot be concluded. The count remains ‘alive* because the last grain is still waiting for its pair. The player therefore wins the money on the niat, and takes another handful of maize. If there is an even number of grains, then the counting comes to a stop, and the count is said to be ‘dead*. The opponent then takes the money and

274 THE FORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE ANCESTRAL VTT kAgp.

has the next turn at taking a handful of maiae. Odd numbers are always viewed as incomplete, but the number three is more than incomplete; it is considered indecent and is therefore to be avoided. The number three, tilu, should never be spoken, normally, so that a group of three items will be referred to as ‘two plus one more’. The homonym Ulu meaning ‘egg* is inoffensive as long as it is used with a qualifying adjective, e.g. Hlu manu, hen’s egg. The offensiveness is attached to the number signified, not to the sound of the word, and even when speaking the Indonesian language it is avoided. Sumbanese school­ children can often be heard counting in Indonesian 'satu, dua, permisi tiga, empat, lima ...’ (one, two, excuse me three, four, five ...). The number three is particularly associated with the concept of hiha^ which means forbidden*, ‘sacred’, or ‘possessing dangerous supernatural power’. Thus the marapit objects, the ritual sites, and even the poetic language used in ritual, are all said to be biha, but prohibited acts such as incest are also said to be biba, as are the sexual organs, at least in sexually mature people, when they must be kept hidden from view: The biha quality of the male genitalia was explained to me in terms of its three components: a pair of testicles and a single penis, but I did not hear the female genitalia analysed in the same way. The three hearth-stones of the house are employed in one particular ritual act which brings together many of these diverse aspects of the concept of biha. As mentioned in Chapter 2, the right-hand stone is fixed in place in contrast to the two moveable stones on the left, and contrasted with them as tuktru biha fsacred hearth­ stone’) and tularu kaba or Ittlaru ka'a fsafe hearth-stones’). This layout is related to the plan of the house, but one informant used the imagery of a man lying on his back with his two knees in the air representing the moveable stones, and his erect penis representing the third, sacred and fixed stone. In rime of war, when ail the ablebodied men go off to face the enemy, it is said to be the duty of one priest to stay behind in the ancestral house, and, dressed in full priestly regalia, he stands with his foot planted firmly on the sacred hearth-stone, so as to hold it steady, and ensure that it remains unmoving during the time of danger. The characteristics of the Mother Unmoving, Father Unstirring may thus be summarized as foUows: unmornng^ while the talking and acting is performed by others, centrality of location (at the navel of the village), sacredness, and being an odd, or unpidred element in a set, as the third clement opposed to another pair, or the fifth clement opposed to a set of four. I have documented only two examples of this combination of four characteristics in Wanokaka ritual life. The second case, that of the Pahaingu House of Winamarika, will be described further in the following chapter. One fiirther possible case is a priestly house of the Watupakadu clan in the Upper Wanokaka Valley, but I have insufficient data to be certain of this. In the case of the sacred hearth-stone these same characteristics are attributed to an inanimate object the stone too is unmoving, sacred, central and odd. The significance of this odd, unpaired element lies in its being an exception to

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 275

the principle of duality (that each set is internally structured by a series of’divisions into two parts), and it does not seem to be merely one of the many variations in the formal structure of villages that I have noted earlier. I have therefore regarded it as one of the key principles of order in the formal structure of villages, alongside the principles of duality, complementarity, hierarchy and balance already described. In part this odd, unpaired element becomes important in a study of Wanokaka social organization because of the background of comparative information. A similar unpaired element, in a setting of dual organization, has been described as a general feature of social organization in eastern Indonesia by van Wouden in his classic study (1968:165). This element is also unmoving, central and sacred in van Wouden’s scheme, and he also gives it several other attributes which are not found in Wanokaka. He writes of a set of three, four or five foremost officials in the traditional societies of eastern Indonesia: The most important figure amongst these functionaries is the principal rulei; the sacrificer. He occupies a central position in the triad, from which the opposed powers of the two other dignitaries are derived. He is the representative of the unity of the tribe. In the four-group system he belongs simultaneously to the sky half of the cosmic dualism and the feminine half of the social dualism. This explains his function as sacrificer, as well as his involvement in the cultivation of rice. He is the human counterpart of the supreme being His most important characteristic is his inactivity (1968:165).

In Wanokaka the sacrificer function is allotted to one of the active priests, and I have not uncovered any evidence of an association with the sky or with the ‘feminine half of the social dualism’. Alongside van Wouden’s synthetic cross-cultural study, Schulte Nordholt’s ethnography of the Atoni of Timor should be considered. He too finds that the symbolism of numbers is of great importance to the Atoni. Schulte Nordholt concludes: the essential point in question is always that there is a third in the middle, which is equivalent to a fifth in the centre. This is the centre, whose place is in the navel of the realm ... The ruler, in this system of classification, is classified as central, passive and feminine (1971:444-446).

Again, there are differences between Atoni and Wanokaka society. In particular the sacred central figure in Wanokaka is specifically distanced from secular power, and in no way could be described as a ruler, but the Atoni title aina-ama, applied to this figure, is one remarkable parallel to the i»a-ama tide applied in Wanokaka. Although this comparative data lends support to the interpretation of the unpaired Mother Unmoving, Father Unstirring as a representation of an important principle of order in Wanokaka social organization, I have also found severd cases where a sacred, unmoving figure with this tide occurs as part of a dyad. In Karoku and Potihu the Priesdy House possesses this tide, and the same figure appears at the annual bijalung ceremonies, but in both of these villages it appears to be part of a dualistic opposition to the noble Great House, and there is no evidence of a triadic formation in which the Mother Unmoving, Father Unstirring occupies a central

276 THE FORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE ANCESTRzYL VTT j AGE

mediating place. In these villages, as in Wanokaka in general, the title ina-ama is applied to both the noble and priestly leaders of the village, since each is allotted superior status according to the context, secular or sacred. Thus it appears that triadic structures are not an essential feature of the formal structure of ancestral villages in Wanokaka, but an elaboration of a basically dualistic mode of organization. Never­ theless, even a non-essential elaboration may help us to reach a greater understanding of the basic pattern, as I hope to show in Chapter 10. NOTES Kapita suggests that all priests are passive, having the title na manda miki, na manda nggaduku fone who does not move, who does not stir’). In Wanokaka only certain specified priests have that title and are passive, while others have active roles. The sword used to strike the first blow is that of the Slaughter House of the Lower Unit According to a noble of the Great House of the Upper Unit, the sword of the Slaughter House is older, so that it is used to strike the first blow. The sword of the Great House of the Upper Unit was brought by the ancestor Hohu Loka Wall from Halura on his second voyage; thus it is younger and is used to strike the second blow. However, out of deference to the superordinate Great House, the priest of the Slaughter House only makes a ceremonial blow, leaving the real job to be done by the sword of the Upper Unit’s Great House. The buffalo is killed by cutting its jugular vein with a long knife (kahudi bag^, swung Horn an angle upwards while the animal is held still by two lengths of rope tied to its horns; the ropes are held by two groups of strong young men. The pig is kiUed by stabbing its right chest wi± a kahudi ba^. If the ge'a koku is not adept at killing the buffalo or the pig, it is enough if he makes a movement simulating the slaughtering and leaves the teal act to someone from the host’s uma. 4 The last two functions are performed by women of the^r ’a koku’s uma. The woman who performs the ritual act of measuring the rice has to do it in complete silence, surrounded by other women. If she is distracted from this job, the rice would 'run awa/ and there would not be enough rice to feed the guests. 5 There are other villages which closely follow the pattern described for Mamodu, e.g. Tou Popu and Prai Ruatu in Upper Wanokaka and Weikawolu in Lower Wanokaka. W'ab dangu are the leaves of a plant believed to have cooling properties. This should not, of course, be understood as meaning that women of the first houses should allaaity into the second, but rather, that as far as there are marriages between these houses, the marriage direction should follow this traditional pattern. A breach of this rule happened in the 1930s when Hawu Panna, an occupant of the Gate House of Prai Rua, which is the traditional wife-giver of Uma Bakul WeUeru, took a woman from the latter house (sec Chapter 5). ® This still applies to the marriage relations between the noble houses; there has recently been a marriage where the Coconut Splitter House of Ana Mawini is the wife-giver of the Cool Water House of Weileru. However, this docs not violate the marriage rules, since the uma and not die kabibu is the alliance group. It can be added that up to the present time no mtermarriage occurs within either the eastern or the western half. In day-to-day conversation people do not refer to the houses by the formal names used above, but by the personal names of the present occupants of the house (c,g. umana Hcavu Pofina, Hawu Pannas house). Then again, some houses have more than one name as a result of the roles the houses play in different ceremonies (e.g Uma Ratu Prai Rua is also known as Uma Jumma). These facts contribute to obscure die pattern.

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 277

10 Every named house has a role (even if it is merely to be present) in rituals concerning its part of Ae village or the whole of the village, and sometimes in rituals concerning a wider area as well. The persons officiating in these rituals — the most outstanding feature of which is the use of an esoteric language — are the ratu or priests (always males), who learn their skill by accompanying and listening to the older priests when the latter are performing their duties. 1^ This behaviour is prescribed for some priests of founding houses and founding kabihu. For example, the priest of the founding ^bihu Watupakadu in the village of Weigalli has among others the title Ina dagedu, ama da muki (‘Mother who does not move, father who does not stir^. In the rituals these priests wrap themselves in their cloths and sit motionless.

10 THE FORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE DOMAIN

INTRODUCTION The object of this chapter is to consider the nature of the relationships between the clan-sets and the manner in which they are associated with one another in blocs to form the domain of Wanokaka. This integration of the clan-sets into the domain is achieved by their participation in a cycle of ceremonies. Each of these ceremonies marks one of the principal events in the agricultural year, and thus occurs regularly in the same month each year. Several months in die Wanokakan calendar are, in fact, named after the major ceremony that occurs during the month, so that the sense of the passing of time in Wanokaka is linked to the ceremonial cycle. Each individual ceremony brings together certain groupings of clan-sets into ritual interaction, and this ritual interaction can be interpreted as a symbolic statement about the relation­ ship of those clan-sets to one another. But other ceremonies in the cycle bring the clan-sets together in different groupings and in a different mode of ritual interaction. It is only when all die ceremonies are considered together that all of the symbolic statements can be assembled to provide a coherent total picture of the formal structure of the Wanokaka domain. In the absence of any institutions of chieftainship or state organization at the domain level, this cycle of ceremonies can be seen as a set of integrative rituals that hold the society together, but since this may appear to be a very tenuous basis for the unity of the domain, I shall first of all review the other factors which contribute to the unity of Wanokaka and affect the people’s perception of themselves as Wanokakans. I will then discuss the likely processes of the formation of the Wanokakan domain before proceeding to describe the ceremonial cycle and the formal structure of opposed blocs which the ceremonial cycle expresses. Of course the formal relationships between clan-sets are not the only forms of social relationships between the component elements of Wanokaka society. Individuals are related to other individuals throughout the domain by tics of matri­ lineal kinship, and uma are related to other uma by the ties of affinal alliance. Yet ties of this kind, though forming a relatively dense network of relationships within the domain, also extend across the domain boundaries by virtue of the less common, but more spectacular and prestigious marriages with distant groups. Even the clan-sets often have links of brotherhood with clan-sets in neighbouring domains which share allegiance to the same apical ancestor spirits. A sense of shared culture, in particular a shared set of jural rules and 278

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 279

standards of behaviour, is one significant component of the solidarity of Wanokaka society, yet even this is compromised. In some fields, such as marriage rules, there is an essendal xiniformity throughout die domain, but as Chapter 9 has documented, there is no uniformity in many areas of social organization. It is commonplace that two neighbouring villages will regard themselves as having originated in two distant parts of Sumba, and each may preserve a distinctive mode of burial of the dead, some structural detail in house-building, or some dietary prohibition, as a mark of its unique history. Shared language is another important component in the unity of the domain, and in the main each domain does have its own distinctive dialect, but language and domain boundaries do not coincide precisely. Thus there are slight dialect differences between the upper half of the Wanokaka Valley and die lower half, though with no loss of intelligibility, and the language of the neighbouring domain of Rua is no more divergent from the dialect of the Lower Wanokaka Valley, than the latter diverges from the dialect of the upper valley. Within the domain of Loli to the north, there exists an enclave of several thousand people who speak a language which is very close to Wanokakan and is intelligible to speakers of the predominant language of Loli. Onvlee''distinguished this dialect as Loli magarra in his linguistic studies, but current usage in Loli is to label this dialect simply as panewe Wanokaka, Wanokaka language. Between Wanokaka and Anakalang, although the languages are quite distinct, it is easy for a speaker of one to acquire a good passive understanding of the other, and many Wanokakans are quite fluent in the Anakalang dialect It seems that it has always been commonplace for the clan leaders in any West Sumba domain to cultivate relationships across the domain boundaries and learn to speak the language of neighbouring domains, just as today they learn to speak the Indonesian language as a means of communication with government officials and with Sumbanese from the more distant domains. There had been continuous warfare between the domains up until the Dutch imposed peace from 1908 (and there have been sporadic outbreaks of inter-domain warfare since then, most recently in 1968 and 1974). In contrast to the formal set­ piece battles (patau) that provided a quick settlement to violent feuding within a domain, inter-domain warfare took the form of prolonged guerilla raiding, with burning of villages and the taking of heads, both of which were intolerable within a domain. Nevertheless, relations between the domains were not totally hostile and connectiofis with affinal allies and matrilineal kin in other domains were valued, parti­ cularly because they provided safe havens within a generally hostile environment. These links across the domain boundaries were particularly useful in recovering stolen buffaloes and horses, and for trade. The ability to trade with distant contacts is of great economic importance. If the vagaries of weather result in a poor harvest in Wanokaka, then contacts in Lamboya may have plenty to spare. If a bumper crop is brought in in Wanokaka, then it may be most profitably traded to visitors from

280 THE FORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE DOMAIN

Anakatog or the drier areas of Umbu Ratu Nggai to the north-east There is good reason to believe (see below) that the boundaries of the tta'di Bond dom^ns m West Sumba were continually shiftingup until the beginning of this century, and that the Wanokakan domain may have represented somX^Lser to to eTE “ ™ " well-integrated and stable so^ In order Sdii c T ™ ‘segmentary and unstable otgadaation of mdi^nous Sumbanese soaet/ (Needham 1980:22) I have assemblS^ome data beatmg on the history of the formation of the Wanokaka domain. THE FORMATION OF TANA WANOKAKA I^oirr^f *e W

« derived from the clan myths which PeedominandTthose in

t informants from Tatona. Baliloku. Wdgalli and ^ond creation of the worldby the ^ndensanon of cloud into land and water; they continue with the creation of life eard,^ ““stors first descended from heaven to’ e^*, discover^ the m^n elements of Sumbanese culture and travelled about seeking a suitable place of abode. The final sequences of the myth take on a quasi^«nncal form and explain how the present-day relationships between the clans came

The quasi-historical sequences are of some interest in a smdy of Wanokakan soad organization but their interpretation is difficult. Such myths ate open to interpretanon in severe ways. Considered coUectively they can be tt^ted as T charter for e present-day relationships between the clans. Considered clan by clan they can be treated as the partisan and distorted views of the past, whereby each clan seeks to

history. the documents of Wanokakan’s own view of their coUective past. Finally by oa7 f evidence, they may fLm part of an objective assessment of the history of Wanokaka.

dpiiv k ™ “d P°rihu in full as ehvered by the pncsts of those clans in the poetic ritual language form. These two myths were subsequently translated into Indonesian by my^stanq IP Poti To supplement these documents I coUected condensed versLs of the cl^ myXrfrom

mforn^ta m Weigalli. Weiwuang, Tarona. Winatuna. Winamarika. Weinaduai^ Prai Goli and Weiwuli. A condensed version of the myth of origin M^odu had been written down some years previously by M. Weroe.7Bible te^er of hi ■ ?^1 k“ proportion of the total body of clan myths in Wanokaka, but it was sufficient to indicate areas

demote Tt di^“'riance. The foUowing account is based on those elements that were agreed upon by a number of dans. According to the myths of origin of Wanokaka dans, there have been three

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 281

main routes of immigration into the Wanokaka Valley; overland through Anakalang, overland thtougH Lamboya, and coastal travel along the south coast from the east. One group of clans are known collectively as ‘those who travelled together* or more literally tou pa-oli people who are friends tou pa-ksha people who collected together

Their ancestors are said to have landed on Sumba at Cape Sasar on the north coast of the island and travelled by boat in a clockwise direction from one harbour to the next until they eventually found a suitable place to land in Wanokaka. The toupa-oli, toupa-luha are the politically dominant group in Wanokaka today and there is con­ siderable interlocking of their rituals and mythology. Of the clans discussed in this study, Winatuna, Winamarika, Prai Goli, Weinadangu, Weigalli and Ubu Bewe are all members of this group. A second group can be conveniently referred to as the Yawila group. They share the common myth that their ancestors first descended ftom heaven to earth at Mount Yawila, the highest point in West Sumba, in what is now the Waijewa district. After travelling south-east to Mount Bodosula and thence to Sodana, the ‘mother­ village’ of die present-day Lamboya, they independently moved further eastwards until they arrived in the Wanokaka Valley. Of the clans mentioned in Chapter 9, Podhu, Mamodu and Kabba belong to this group. A third group of clans travelled overland through Anakalang, though these clans came separately and do not preserve ritual ties with one another. Tarona, Weiwuang, Weikawolu and Karoku are representatives of this group. Certain other clans have yet different accounts of their arrival in Wanokaka. Prai Kihi’s myth traces the clan’s origin to Tarimbang and Salura Island, and tells how certain carpentry tools were given to them by a Savunese bride-giver. Weinaduang’s myth tells of prolonged residence in Tidahu before travelling along the coast to Wanokaka. Prai Goli’s ancestors are said to have initially been part of the tou pa-oli^ tou pa-keba group, but they did not at first stop at Wanokaka, but continued to sail westward to Gaura and Kodi before returning again to Wanokaka. It would be a complex interpretative task to assess precisely what historical events are represented in these myths of origin, but my main concern is simply to establish that there has been considerable cross-country movement of dans; that there have been major chaises in the boundaries and internal configurations of Wanokaka and its neighbours, and that there is some external evidence bearing on both of these' points. For instance, each of die three Yawila clans does have a brodier dan still residing in Sodana, and the poetic passages of ritual language chanted by the Sodana and Wanokaka clans originating from Yawila do bear some resemblance to one another, and thus provide evidence of a common origin. On three hill-top sites, Mamodu Hill, Labere and Lapale, all in the borderland between the present-day domains of Lamboya and Wanokaka, there arc rows of massive tombstones testify­ ing to the previous existence of large and powerful villages on these sites, in accord-

282 THE FORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE DOMAIN

■ ance with the descriptions in the clan myths. Although there has been no attempt to re-occupy these abandoned villages *e clans wh,±. according to their myths, abandoned them for safer sites in the Wanokaka VaUey snll lay claim to the land around the old sites and since the end of mter-domam warfare they have established secondary villages gallu) which to control and exploit the land. The detaUs of the clan mythology\elate

clan ancestors and form the basis or the clan s claim to the land. In foe case of Mamodu Hill, foe southernmost of foe three abandoned villyes, a formal claim to certain rights in foe contested Lamboya-Wanokaka border­ lids was ma^ before foe colonial administration. The resulting documentadon of foe case has been published by Appel and is quoted by Adams (1969-39-41) This ^Ovides an interesting example of foe terms in which such a dispute is conducted i reference to iitual offerings to spirits of foe land, and foe naming of landscaoe featmes m the dan myths. One curious aspect is foe daim of foe Mamodu dan to L foe foremostdan in Wanokaka’ which has in this way gained foe respectability of pubheanon. This claim is quite typical of the grand phrasing which dan spokesmen use to desenbe their position in sodety, but it is a long way ftom the objective facts or Mamodu s position. The myth of foe abandonment of foe old viUage on Mamodu Hill has it that a raiding party from foe Lamboya village of Moto Dawn first sent one of their number dressed up in a wooden mask to appear at foe spring bdow foe village to dance about pretending to be foe spirit of foe spring. When everyone feom I^^du had rushed down to foe spring to see foe spectade, foe main Moto Dawu partv mtered the village from foe opposite direction and burned it to the ground The M^odu villagers sought temporary refiige with their affines in foe Wanokaka Valiev ^d subsequently were given a new village site in foe vaUey by their bride-givet, Wemaduang At the present time, members of foe Mamodu dans continue to Reserve affinal links with many Lamboya dans, but avoid any sodal contact with

The Mamodu dans in Wanokaka today view foe movement of their ancestors ftom Sodana to Mamodu HiU as foe main body of foe clan, leaving behind only a small contmgent to guard foe ancestral houses in Sodana, whilst foe present-day hfemodu clan in Lamboya view foemsdves as foe main body of foe dan, and those who moved out to M^odu Hill as a minor branch of foe clan, although in absolute numbers foe W^okaka branch is larger. The whole historical process seems readily interpreted as foe segmentation of foe original Sodana-based clan, and foe absorpnon. by m^s of st^dily increasing affinal links into foe community based in foe Wanokaka VaUey, with the burning of foe Mamodu HiU viUage simply marking one cfiQcfll point in dus gi^dusl process. In the case of Lapale, the northernmost of the three abandoned hill-top villages, an even larger poUtical unit moved from this old site to occupy a row of hiUs

GUNAWAN 283

284 the FORMAL STRUCTURE QI? THE DOMAIN

along the edge of the rice-plain of the upper Loli Valiev The T i the origin of their ancestors from MounfYawila al^x^h the^^^

i

cy did not pass through

Sodana on their route to Laoale.

spirit-house which stands on the ouX The interest of Ae I n 7^^ "1“^^ ambiguous relationship to the test of the LoJi domain.

l™. .. u„», M (U1 D.«)

“

1.,

"S£“£SS-=i-:S5 of southwestern Sum”Xe

aZT;

On the northeast boundary of Wanoltalta lies the valley of *e Labariti River Overlooking this river is another abandoned hill-top viUage^ite,

Of the dans that occupy the Wanokaka VaUey at present, there is ven :=L-x» ~

i

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 285

original land-owners are Tarona and Weiwuang, and their occupancy is said to date back to the time when the floor of the Wanokaka Valley was still uncleared swamp and forest Certainly the sites of these villages are such that they control large areas of dry land, but they do not have good access to the rice paddies of the valley floor. A myth recounts that their relations were initially amicable and the land was undivided. However, at one point the two of them were out hunting when a fight broke out between the dogs of Weiwuang’s ancestor, Ubu Haga Rodi, and Tarona’s ancestor, Ubu Kora. To prevent this happening again, Ubu Kora planted the staff he was carrying firmly in the ground to mark a boundary between the land that would henceforth be his, and the land that would henceforth belong to Ubu Haga Rodi. The staff, which happened to be cut from an ai kaka tree, took root and grew, and to this day wherever an ai kaka tree grows is the land of Ubu Kora, whereas the land of, Ubu Haga Rodi is marked by the presence of another tree, the koi manu. This kind of tale, which reduces the conflict between the two rival groups to a trivial incident of conflict between animals or children, is typical of’Sumbanese mythology (see also

Adams 1969:12). At some later date, the tou pa-aliy tou pa-keha clans arrived in Wanokaka from the east. Their clan myths do not refer to the relationships that they established with Tarona and Weiwuang, but instead tell how their ancestors set about felling the forest of the valley floor and defeating the powerful spirits of the swamp in a contest of supernatural powers, until in due course they had created the rice paddies that are so important in the present-day economy of Wanokaka. When in turn the Yawila dans arrived in Wanokaka from the west and obtained land from the earlier arrivals, the myths tell that they brought with them a further technological advance: the damming of the river during the period of dimin­ ishing rains late in the wet season, so that water could be diverted from the main­ stream into side channels and keep the crops irrigated for long enough to ensure a better yield. The myths of origin of the diverse dans of Wanokaka thus do fit in with one another to present a coherent overall picture of the formation of Tana Wanokaka. This shared Wanokakan view of the past emphasizes the relationships between the present dans -and ignores what must have been major events — the fall of Lapale, Weilawa and Prai Lutang. It is impossible to know what real events are represented by such symbolic tales as the drawing of the boundary between the lands of Tarona and Weiwuang. Nevertheless the Wanokakan’s own view of clans frequently shifting from one site to another, though expressed in the idealized form of the ancestors wandering in search of a suitable home, does accord with the evidence of many ■ abandoned village sites and the evidence that the same dan ancestors are acknow­ ledged by the clans of distant domains. Though details of the actual events of the past still elude us, Needham’s reference to a/segmentary and unstable’ society seems to be well justified.

286 the FORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE DOMAIN

INTEGRATTVE RTTUALS AND OPPOSED BLOCS

e . The ceremonies to be discussed in dtis chapter are distinguished bvTlct tTat

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ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 287

Figure 10.1 Hierarchical structure of Wanokaka. (Note that no founding house is

are similarly divided into two opposed blocs in rituals which do not involve Weihura. Thus there are four small blocs, and two larger inclusive blocs. These are related in a status hierarchy similar to that encountered in the internal organization of the clan-sets, and the same terms, ina-ama and hubu-ana ate used to designate the superotdinate and subordinate blocs respectively. The status hierarchy is illustrated in Figure 10.1. Between the smaller blocs, Habalibalingis superordinate to Weinadangu, and Weigalli is superordinate to Ubu Bewe, while between the larger blocs Prai Bakul is superotdinate to Weihura. There is one important difference between this status hierarchy of blocs within the domain and the status hierarchy of uma and clan-units within the clan-set as discussed in Chapter 9. Each clan set acknowledges one house as founder of the set; but no such founder house is acknowledged for the whole of the Wanokaka domain, or even for the blocs.^ It is useful to begin a more detailed discussion with a consideration of the way in which clans immigrating into Wanokaka from neighbouring areas have found a place for themselves in Wanokaka society. According to the clan myths discussed in the previous section, there has been a continuing movement of new clans into Wano­ kaka over a long period of time, and these clans have preserved their own identities and traditions in spite of their integration into the evolving domain of Wanokaka. In some cases a new group coming to Wanokaka from another domain is represented only by a single descent-based local group (/zwa) and is incorporated as a small sub­ ordinate unitjivithin a.large clan-seL In these cases the immigrant group has little impact on the overall organization of the set More interesting are the immigrating clans like Karoku, Prai Kihi, Potihu and Mamodu which have established relation­ ships with the previous land-owning Wanokaka clans, while at the same time preserv­ ing their own ritual life as independent dan-sets. Both Karoku and Prai Kihi have established themselves in Wanokaka by means of a relationship with the older land-owning dan Weinadangu. As previously

288 THE FORMAL STRUCTURE OF TH^ DOMAIN

mentioned, Karoku and Prai Kihi have become wife-takets to Weinadangu, and have been land and roles in the rituals of the Weinadangu set. In Chapter 9 I have dcscnbed Karoku and Prai Kihi as clan-sets in their own right. However, they have also become incorporated to some extent within the Weinadangu set, as will be seen below. In considering the Weinadangu set, we can thus distinguish between the nuclear set of clans that originaUy settled the village site and the enlarged Weinadangu set, including the late-comer clans. The latter occupy sites surrounding the nuclear set; so the layout of the village reflects the history of the formation of the enlamed set. At the central location is the founding house, known as the Green Jar House (Uma Gori Moru). This house is Ina-Ama of the whole Weinadangu set and it is named after a ve.ry large ceramic jar of Chinese origin which was held as an heirloom until It was destroyed by the fire of 1948. This house is a noble house, and although It w^ too proud to have acquired the tarawihi carved attic structure which distingmshes,the founding houses of many other clans, the Green Jar House was tradition­ ally bi^t with four central pillars which were taUer and of greater diameter than any other house in the lower vaUey. This was possible, since the Green Jar House had the n^t to call on the labour of all of its numerous huhu-ana clans whenever it was rebudt. The name Weinadangu means ‘many descendants’ and the clan has a reputa­ tion for the large number of its huhu-ana. The Green Jar House is founder of a local group (a»4r) (Uma Gori Moru) a c an-unit (Habei Uma Gori Moru), a nuclear clan-set (Wfeinadangu). and an enlam^ dan-set (the wider Weinadangu set). The founding house itself is surrounded by the houses of Its own unit and the houses of three dosely assodated ‘brother’ units, occupying four paraUd terraces cut out of the hiUside, at a site that is convenient to a large and reUable spring. One of the four clan-units (Bani Ledu) on this central site has the ritual role of deaning out the spring, indicating its dose relationship to tiie spirit of the spring On adjacent terraces, both above and below the central terraces occupied by &e four Weinadangu clans, are the houses of a second set of four dan-units, die Dalora set. The founder house of this Dalora set is the Priestly House (Uma Ratu Dalora) which is the site of the major rituals of the Weinadangu set. The Uma Ratu was onginaUy built, it is said, on one of the terraces above the Green Jar House, but it has subscquendy been moved higher up the hiU to the sacred area known as pinuna. peak, where it faces the priestiy Pdiaingu House, which is Ina-Ama of the Wii^ti^-Winamarika set (This set wiU be described later.) It appears that in its earli^ form the Weinadangu set was organized around the opposed pair, Weinadangu and Ddora, with their complementary priestly and noble roles (there were four dans on each side). Dalora has its own noble houses, who act as temporal protectors of the passnre Pnestiy House, but the Dalora nobles have long ago vacated the ancestral viU^e site: for many generations they have lived in a subsidiary viUage (parmnffsaUu^ at Pull, overlooking the lagoon and the sea.

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 289

There is no slaughtering partnership between Weinadangu and Dalora; instead, the Green Jar House of Weinadangu has taken the Great House of Prai Kihi (Habei Deta) as its slaughtering partner, and the Great House of the Dalora nobles has taken the Great House of Karoku as its sbu^tering partner. In this way ±e slaughtering partnership no longer symbolizes die balance between the two parts of the ori^al Weinadangu set, but has now become a symbol of the integration of the new and wider set. I shall not describe the distribution of ritual roles and sacred heirlooms amongst the eleven dan-units of the wider Weinadangu set (consisting of four Weinadangu’clan-units, four of Dalora, two of Prai Kihi and one of Karoku), since die principles of distribution appear to be similar to those already discussed for Mamodu, Prai Kihi and Karoku. As for as I have been able to discover, however, there is no evidence of a third element in the Weinadangu set. There is only a single Cool Water House providing its ritual ‘cooling* services to the whole Weinadangu set, induding the new-comers, Karoku and Prai Kihi. In Chapter 91 have already referred to the fact that Winatuna-Winamarika was the original land-owner that granted land to the clans of the Potihu dan-set. The Mamodu dan-set (which is related as ‘brodier’ to Potihu) is a bride-taker of Winamarika, hence Mamodu and Potihu are related to Winamarika as its hubu-ana, together with the Weiwuang clan-set Thus Winatuna-Winamarika, Potihu, Mamodu and Weiwuang together form an enlarged set with Winamarika’s Pahaingu House as Ina-Ama of the whole. However, this set is much more loosdy held together than the enlarged Weinadangu set, since slaughtering partnerships exist only between the core (Winatuna and Winamarika) of the four component dan sets, in the manner previously dis­ cussed in Chapter 9. The involvement of Mamodu, Potihu and Weiwuang in Wina­ marika rituals is largdy confined to passive attendance. There are also a number of anomalies within this grouping, since Weiwuang is an older settler in the Wanokaka area than is Winamarika itsdf, and Mamodu, as mentioned earlier, acquired its land from the dan Weinaduang, not from Winamarika. Because of the looseness and ambiguity of the rdations within this grouping of clans, this grouping is better thought of as a bloc than as an enlarged set, that is, the grouping is defined more by its opposition to other blocs, than by its internal cohesion. The third bloc in the Lower Wanokaka Valley is known as HabaEbaling This bloc contains the dan-sets of Prai Goli, Weinaduang, Weiwuli and Weikawolu, together with the smaller clans Kabba and Marapahi. As in the previous case they are only loosdy reTated to one another, though all acknowledge the superiority of the Great House of Prai Goli as founder and Ina-Ama of their bloc. I will give no further details of the internal structure of the Habalibaling bloc, but turn instead to discuss the relationship between die three blocs (see Map 7). All three blocs partidpate in a joint ritual which is hdd once each year in the dry season, after the annual rice harvest has been completed and the supply of rice for the year ahead has been stored away. The ritual is known as Bijalung ta

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290 THE FORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE DOMAIN

•Qyi^Bakul

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ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 291

Watudoungu, and it is held at an open courtyard {^lora Watudoungu) on the peak ipinund) di the hill where the two great priestly houses, Winamarika’s Uma Pahaingu and Weinadangu’s Uma Ratu, face one another across the open space. The term bijalung means ‘to put away in storage’ and the object of the ritual is described, in the phrases of the ritual language, as: kana madungu na ukuru ta ka’a, kana madungu na takaru ta Uma, da rdhi ukuru, kada lauha ta lara kihungu, da reihi takaru, kada lauha ta lara dagangu (let there be full measure (of rice) in the bowl, let there be full measure (of rice) in the cupped hands, let the excess be sufficient for trading, let the excess be enough for exchange) In the opening chant the ancestral spirits of all the attending clans are called upon to attend. In the course of the ceremony the spirits are offered betel and areca, then rice served on special sacred plates; finally a buffalo is slaughtered for them. Three legs of the buffalo are distributed whole, in the raw state, one to each of the three blocs, while the rest of the meat is cut into small pieces, cooked and eaten by

all those who attend. The division into three blocs is thus symbolized in the division of the raw meat, and the members of the blocs may describe their solidarity by reference to their sharing in the same piece of meat hapangu anhi rou, one leg of meat han^ bola ubu, a single basket of rice. It is also said that if a maraba wishes to mobilize the whole of the Lower Wanokaka Valley in war, he must call the clans together and distribute the meat of a slaughtered buffalo to the three blocs in the same fashion. This procedure, however, has in fact

never occurred within living memory. In this bijalungu ceremony the slaughtering and preparation of the buffalo, the distribution of betel, areca and food, and a number of other ritual tasks are earned out by the various members of the Weinadangu bloc. These ritual roles are said to have been delegated to Weinadangu by the Great House of Prai GoU of the Habalibaling bloc The sacred ceramic plates and jars which are used are also said to have been distributed to all the participating clans by the Prai Goli Great House also, so it can be seen that in this ceremony Prai Goli is Ina-Ama and Weinadangu is Huhu-Ana. This is made explicit in the phrase applied to Prai Goli: Ina na ma-ivuatu pegang Mother who has presented the plates Ama na fna-bailanggori Father who has given the jars This does not mean, of course, that Prai Goli did in fact distribute aR these extremely valuable items; the plates are celadon pieces from 25 to 35 cm in diameter, and have been in Wanokaka since at least 1850, possibly much longer. I have no informanori on-how these plates reached Wanokaka, but it seems unlikely that Prai GoU would

292 THE FORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE DOMAIN

have had a monopoly on their distribution. Affinal relations between the Great House of Prai Goli and the Green Jar House of Weinadangu are congruent with these Ina-Ama/Huhu-Ana statuses since Prai Goli gives wives to the Green Jar House. The Pahaingu House itself is not involved in marriages with the nobles of Prai GoU and Weinadangu, since its own occupants are always people of low social rank, but the noble protectors of Pahaingu, residing in the Winamarika Great House, take wives from Prai Goli and give wives to Weinadangu. While the priests of Weinadangu are occupied with conducting the rituals, the priest who is the occupant of the Pahaingu House has a distinctive role. He sits absolutely silent and unmoving, wrapped in a cloth that conceals his arms and trunk, with his eyes downcast, in the prescribed manner of the immobile priest Like his counterpart in Mamodu he is referred to in ritual language as Ina dagedu Ama da muki

Mother unmoving Father unstirring

The priests of Weinadangu do not have the role of calling the Prai Goli priests to attend the ceremony, as was the case in Mamodu, but in the course of the Watudoungu ceremony, an interesting interchange occurs. The priests of Prai Goli, speak­ ing in poetic language form, formally address the priests of Weinadangu and ask them if they have performed their task correctly. Prai Goli criticizes any faults it has observed, and demands that the ceremony be cpnducted in full without the omissions of details. Weinadangu replies, assuring Prai Goli that they have performed correctly, and listing many of the specific ritual acts that they are performing. But this exchange of poetic challenge and response {ktyall^ does not occur directly. Inter­ mediaries must be used. The priest of Pahaingu may not speak, and cannot therefore act in this capacity, but a pair of priests from Lahi Majerung, a subordinate house within the Winamarika clan, takes this role. One of the pair of priests listen to the sutements of Prai Goli, the other then relays them on to Weinadangu, then relays Weinadangu’s reply back to Prai Goli. Clearly, this is another example of the opposed pair of rival noble clans, one superordinate to the other, with a third group playing a mediating role and symbolizing the unity of the whole assembly of clans. When in due course the celadon plates of rice have been offered to the attending spirits by placing them out on mats in the middle of the courtyard, a Dalora priest offers them to the spirits with appropriate poetic phrases. Then, instead of being reclaimed by their owners, each plate is taken by a specific partner house from another bloc. These ate the ge^a-p^ang, plate partners, who will eat the food from the plate and dien keep the plate for the following twelve months, until in the Watu-doungu ceremony the following year it eventually returns to its owner. In this way, the Great House of Prai Kihi (Habei Deta) exchanges plates with the Great House of Winatuna Deta, the Priestly House of Dalora exchanges plates with the Meat-Hook House of Winatuna Wawa, the Kalegu Uwi House of Winatuna Deta exchanges plates with the TaU House of Weinaduang, and so fortk The key houses

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 293

of Pahaingu and Lahi Majerung have two plates each, and they exchange one plate with a partner in the Prai Goli bloc, and the other with a house in the Weinadangu bloc Just as the slaughtering partnerships link the clan units so as to express the unity of the clan sets, so these plate partnerships link the blocs so as to express the unity of the lower valley society as a whole. Houses which are plate-partners are usually involved in a parallel exchange of services at funerals. In these ‘funeral partnerships’, g6 ‘a iuku watu, each party is allotted a key role in carrying out the funeral rituals of its partner; escorting the spirits of the dead out of the village and leading them off in the direction of the village of the dead {paraingu mamati}. In the morning prior to the Bijalung ta Watudoungu ceremony, the priests of Weinadangu have travelled on an expedition to visit certain sacred sites outside the village. On their return, the priests engage in challenging speeches {kigalld^ along the lines described above, with Lahi Majerung again mediating between Prai Goli and Weinadangu. After this exchange is concluded, the occasion is celebrated by highspirited young men on horseback staging a mock battle (pahola hawut). Each side throws spears at the other line of horsemen, and amidst much excitement; victory goes to the individual who manages to strike an opposing horseman with his spear. The spears are made of wood, freshly cut for the occasion, and though metal points are forbidden, the spears can cause significant injury. A significant feature of the pahola battle is that, although there may be many individual victories of one horseman over another, there is no winning side, the successes of one side tending to balance the successes of the other. In diis competition there is no umpire; there is also no middleman role for the Winatuna-Winamarika bloc, so the young men of these clans simply join in with Weinadangu, merging diemselves with the subordinate side. Thus it appears that the formal structure of the lower valley blocs can be expressed in alternate forms: sometimes the whole community is divided into two parts, opposed to one another in this annually repeated battle which neither side can ever win, at other-times the third element detaches itself from the ranks of the subordinate bloc, and takes up the role of intermediary, or acts as a sacred symbol of the unity of the community. The name Habalibaling is a reduplicated form of haU^ which means ‘on the other side’ as in such expressions as ha-bali loku^ ‘on the other side of the river’; thus the name itself expresses the oppositional character of the group rather than its solidarity. In the layout of the village too, die complex of hills on which the ancestral villages arc situated reflects The division into blocs. Almost all the ancestral villages of the lower valley are clustered in one complex of hills (Mamodu and Weiwuang are die exceptions, being situated some distance away), but this complex of hills is split down the middle by a deep ravine which is subject to flooding during the rainy season. Prai Goli and most of the other Habalibaling clans ar^ situated to the south of this natural division in the landscape, while Weinadangu and the WinatunaWinamarika clans arc situated to the north of it. The Winatuna-Winamarika clans are located mosdy along the northern edge of die ravine, so that geographically they lie

294 THE FORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE DOMAIN

in between the Habalibaling and Weinadangu blocs. The opposition between the two major blocs is fiirther expressed in a pair of ceremonies held in November and May. The November ceremony is held by Prai Goli. From die rising of the moon in that month Prai GoU forbids aU fishing in the Wanokaka River; it demands the payment of a fine from anyone who ignores this prohibition. The major annual ‘feeding’ of the ancestor spirits of Prai Goli is held seven or eight days after the full moon, and on die morning of that day the Prai Goli priests lead a ritual fishing {taim^jarin^ expedition down the river, which is then at Its dry season lowest level A sacred net is the first to be thrown into the river, at a point below the village. Then the fishing proceeds systematicaUy downstream to the nver mouth, and anyone who owns a net may participate. Because of the three-week prohibition on fishing, the catch is usuaUy excellent On the day prior to the ceremony, Prai Goli conducts an expedition collecting offerings of chickens, and sometimes pigs, to be sacrificed to the ancestor spirits. This expedition takes the form of a bold and noisy raid on the villages of the subordinate half of Weihura, including Winatuna-Winamarika as well as Weinadangu, and any domestic animals that are found wandering loose may be captured and carried off by the Prai Goli raiders. Of course the raid is expected, and the Weinadangu clans have prepared for It by tying up their best chickens inside their houses, and confining their pigs to pens leaving only one or two suitable chickens for the Prai Goli men to pursue. In May, it is Weinadangu’s turn. During that month Weinadangu forbids the holding of feasts and the beating of gongs in aU the viUages of Weihura, so diere will be no festivities to rival the Weinadangu rituals held towards the end of the month. The rituals take the form of collecting leaves from all pacts of the rice paddies and requesting from the ancestor spirits their protection of the growing crops from diseases and pests. The name of the ceremony, oU roupari, means literally ‘collecting rice leaves’. On the day prior to the ceremony, the Prai Goli priests lead a raid in the ViUages of HabaUbaUng. capturing any unconfined chickens and piglets that they can, in the same manner described for the Prai GoU raid in November. WinatunaWinamarika do not participate in this ritual raiding (termed mang^an^^ but neither ate they subjected to it Whenever I discussed these raids with Weihura informants, I was always told of the occasion in 1952 when a large tusked pig had evaded Weinadangu efforts to pen It under the house, and the Prai GoU raiding party had raised the stakes by cap­ turing this valuable animal during their raid. Needless to say, Weinadangu retaUated the foUowing May by seixing a Prai GoU tusker, which had been kept tied by one leg by Its owner and conveniently released just as the Weinadangu party approached. The Winatuna-Winamarika bloc is not involved in this raid and counter-raid interaction, but this bloc does possess a unique ritual which is held in August the month prior to the bijaiung at Watudoungu. In May, at the same time as the oU roupari of Weinadangu, Pahaingu also conducts a ritual offering of food to the splat of the land {moritand^ which controls the lower half of the Wanokaka rice

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 295

paddies. In recognition of this ritual service, each farmer makes a gift of rice to pahaingu when the crop is eventually harvested in August. The representatives of Winamarika, notably the last Raja, Lawu Mawu, like to compare this gift of rice with the head tax levied by the modern government, and quote it in justification of the appointment of a Winamarika noble to the position of Raja. My own interpretation of the gift of rice is that as a payment for a ritual service, the giving of the gift is primarily a symbolic act. In the context of this ritual, the Pahaingu House once again has the status of ina-ama and the clans from all three blocs which make the gift of rice do so as buhu-ana of the Pahaingu House. Also in the harvest season of July and August, yet another ritual of opposition occurs. On moonlit nights the young men of Habalibaling and Weinadangu gather at a traditional site to engage in a contest calledpakjgil. This is a team boxing contest in which a row of young men from Habalibaling confront a row of an equal number of young men from Weinadangu. Each contestant has his chest bare and his right fist wrapped in many layers of cloth, often with hard objects concealed inside the cloth. When all arc ready the contestants take up their positions in two rows, facing one another about two metres apart Each contestant is opposite one particular opponent, and the object of the contest is to strike a single powerful punch to the chest of that opponent, and scramble back behind his own line without receiving a punishing blow from the other side. The two rows of young men confront one another, jumping up and down on the spot with their wrapped fists held threaten­ ingly aloft and making grunting sounds and hoots. This rhythmic jumping may continue for some minutes before the first challenger suddenly makes his leap across die open space. Other contestants take advantage of the distraction to launch their own attempts to deliver a telling blow,-and then the two rows reform again in defensive formation. Anyone who is winded or has taken too much punishment, may retire from the line, and is replaced by another contestant. Thus, as in the pahola, although there are many petty triumphs and defeats for the individuals involved, nei±er side can emerge as a decisive winner. There are no priests involved in the pakt^k but usually a group of respected men, who are too old to enter the pakujil themselves, act as moderators and prevent the contest from developing into a disorderly melee. The moderators come from both sides, and are not from the Winatuna-Winamarika bloc. The young men of Winatuna-Winamarika participate in the pakujil, as they do in the pahola, as members of the Weinadangu side.-In the bright moonlight under the open skies of a season harvest pakujil watched by an audience from the whole of Weihura, and the occasion is renowned as an opportunity for flirting and clandestine meetings, but there is no bloc structure involved in these courting activities. There is one final ritual which involves the three blocs. This is the re-building of the three founder houses of the blocs; the Green Jar House, the Pahaingu House and the Great House of Prai Goli. Re-building occurs, at quite irregular intervals, since each house can be expected to last 20 to 30 years, and each house is tackled

296 THE FORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE DOMAIN

separately. AU three of these founder houses have the right to call upon the whole of Weihura to help in the task, contributing both materials and labour. In each case, one side of the house is specified as the responsibility of one of the blocs, with the people of the uma group having responsibility for only the one remaining side. I have not had the opportunity of observing how it is carried out in practice, since no rebuilding of any of these houses took place when I was in Wanokaka. There are thus seven ritual encounters which together present a complex picture of the relationship between the blocs: the bijalung at Watudoungu in October, Weinadangu’s oU roupari in May, Uma Pahaingu’s rice collection in August, Prai Goli’s taun^jaring in November, the horse-back battle, the boxing, and the re-building of the three founder houses. There are of course many other rituals conducted in Weihura in the course of a year, but these seven ritual encounters are the only occasions on which the blocs are involved as such. They thus constitute a complete set of rituals and can be analysed together. The pattern of interaction between the blocs can be summarized as follows: 1. The three blocs relate as equal partners in the Weihura community in interactions where (a) each bloc receives one leg of meat, and all participants share in the communal meal at Watudoungu, (b) food is exchanged between plate-partners and services are provided reciprocally between funeral-partners, in each case across the bloc boundaries, (c) the founder house of each bloc is rebuilt by the whole Weihura community. 2. The Winatuna-Winamarika bloc merges with Weinadangu so as to form a single bloc confronting Habalibaling in ritual conflict, in which neither party is able to achieve permanent superiority in (a) the horse-back battle, pahola hawul^ (b) the team-boxing contest, (c) the ritual raid and counter-raid to collect offerings for the spirits {mange^an^. 3. Habalibaling plays a ritually superordinate role to Weinadangu, with WinatunaWinamarika acting as intermediary between them in the ritual dialogue between the priests at Watudoungu and at the pahola hawul. 4. The Pahaingu House is represented as the sacred centre of the Weihura community in (a) being situated at the sacred site of the Watudoungu ceremonies, (b) playing the symbolic role of ‘Mother Unmoving, Father Unstirring’, (c) making offerings to the spirit of the rice paddies of the lower valley, and receiving payment of rice for this service from all the farmers in this area, (d) being the sole priestly house amongst the three founding houses of the blocs, and thus different in status to the noble houses of Prai Goli (the Great House of Prai Goli) and Weinadangu (the Green Jar House). In relation to the rest of Wanokaka society, Weihura is regarded as a single bloc opposed to die Prai Bakul Bloc This division is conceived as an opposition of

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 297

Map 8

Prai Bakul and Weihura (scale and details as in Map 4).

298 THE FORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE DOMAIN

the lower valley (Weihura) to the upper valley (Prai Bakul) although in feet Weihura is restricted to the lower west bank 6f the river arid the dans of the Prai Bakul bloc hold all the land on the eastern side of the river, right down to die sea. By the criterion of land area Weihura holds only about one-quarter of Wanokaka, and by the criterion of population it amounts to only one-diird. Nevertheless in the formal ritual order of the Wanokaka domain it is regarded as one-half of the \diole, and is regarded as subordinate to Prai Bakul because the ancestral villages of Weihura arc situated downstream from the ancestral villages of Prai Bakul. Elsewhere in Sumba, the domains of Loli and Tidahu are also divided in accordance with the location of the ancestral villages in the upper and lower stretches of a river. In both these cases, as in Wanokaka, the group occupying the upper valley is accorded ina-ama status and the lower valley has huhu-ana status. The formal relationship between Prai Bakul and Weihura is expressed in several ritual contexts, occurring during the months of March and May. Weigalli is the ina-ama of Prai Bakul and it is the right of Weigalli to be the first clan to begin to work the paddy fields on the central rice plain {maredapari). This right is often stated as a prohibition on other clans to begin working first, but in practice anyone who wishes to begin preparing the soil of his own fields before Weigalli has begun, simply drives his herd of buffalo to the Weigalli ancestral rice paddies {palaka oni) and after driving the buffalo around in these paddies once or twice, goes on to his own fields to start the day’s worL In May, however, when the rice crop is coming into flower and the protective oU roupari ceremonies are being conducted, offerings are made to two separate spirits of the land. The offerings to the spirit {taun^ moritand) controlling the lower half of the rice-plain are conducted by Pahaingu, while the offerings controlling the upper half of the rice-plain are conducted by Tarona. The basis for these ritual services is territorial; that is, it depends on where the rice paddies are, not on clan membership of the owner. Thus, when at harvest time Pahaingu and Tarona collect their levy of rice in payment for their ritual services, members of Weigalli must give rice to Pahaingu or Tarona along with everyone else, depending upon where their rice paddies are situated. The month of March usually corresponds to the nmla r^ak^ ‘month of the nyald in the Wanokaka lunar calendar. The arrival of the lyak marine worms, which has already been referred to briefly in Chapter 3, occurs in the third quarter of the moon. The start of working the rice fields usually occurs in the weeks before die ryale ceremony, but this is not fixed since working die rice fields depends on the pattern of rainfall, not the phase of the moon. The arrival of the lyak is predicted in advance by consultation between the priests of Ubu Bewe and Weiwuang The village of Weiwuang overlooks the coast; thus its priests are best able to observe the tides while Ubu Bewe in the upper valley is a village on the peak of a very tall hill which thus provides the Ubu Bewe priests a vantage point for observation of the moon. On die appointed day every clan in Wanokaka is represented at the beach to greet the ryak^ and after a short interchange {kegalld) between the priests of Prai Bakul and Weihura,

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 299

a horseback contest begins. This is the pabola nyaky and the two sides in the contest are Prai Bakul and Weihura. The/ix6o4j continues for about an hour on a sandy arena just above the beach, and then the contestants and crowd hurry inland to resume again on a larger and firmer arena near Lahi Hagalang The contest continues for a further four or five hours with a great deal of excitement. Although there are many minor victories for individuals of either side, there is no victory at the end of the contest for either Prai Bakul or Weihura. There is no ceremony of offerings to the ancestral spirits at the end of the pahola, and the sequence is different from ^epahoia hawul in several other ways. There is a body of myth and ritual interaction of the priests of several clans, but I have not yet collected sufficient data to arrive at a final analysis of the rituals. The interaction between the priests takes the form of a challenging confrontation between the priests of Weiwuang and Ubu Bewe, with priests of Prai Goll, Winamarika (Lahi Majerung) and WeigaUi playing various mediating roles. In comparison with the sequence of events at the bijalun^ at Watudoungu and pahola hajvul, there is more emphasis in the t^ak sequence on confronta­ tion and less on integration, and the role of the third element seems to be played by several dans alternately. The open arena of the pabola is the focus of attention rather than the courtyard, talora, where the offerings to the spirits are laid out, but while the young men of the two blocs are opposing one another vigorously, the women of Prai Bakul and Weihura are busy socializing with one another in the watching crowd. Every household has prepared special food for the occasion, glutinous rice cooked in woven packets {katupal} so that it may be carried about To each affinal-linked household, a set of four or eight katupat\3 presented by the women, and a set of the

affine’s katupat are accepted in return. Within the Prai Bakul bloc, there is a division into two component blocs which is similar to the division of Weihura, though there are many differences also. The WeigaUi bloc is ina-ama in relation to the Ubu Bewe bloc as huhu-ana. The two component blocs of Prai Bakul engage in a horseback battle in September (pahola hanmt). In this case, however, the battle takes place only every fourth year, in contrast to. the regular annual occurrence of a pahola hawul in Weihura. Just as Weihura acknowledges the status of the Prai GoU Great House as ina-ama of the entire Weihura bloc, so Prai Bakul acknowledges the Great-House of Watupakadu in WeigaUi as ina-ama of the entire Prai Bakul bloc, and this status is explained as being due to the distribution of ritual roles in the major bijalung ceremonies by Watupakadu. With each ritual role aUotted, Watupakadu also gave a rice paddy, so as to provide each of its huhu-ana with the means'to' fulfil its ritual obligations (in Weihura it was celadon plates and jars that were given, but no rice-paddies). Watupakadu itself is a small and relatively impoverished clan, but its principal wife-taker, WeigaUi, is large and wealthy, and both the viUage in which Watupakadu is situated and the bloc to which Watupakadu belongs are known by the name of WeigaUi rather than the name of the founding-clan. Another difference between Weihura and Prai Bakul is that instead of the single unifying ceremony at Watudoungu for Weihura, Prai Bakul has

300 the FORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE DOMAIN

major ceremonies. The subordinate bloc in Prai Baku], Ubu Bewc, conducts its ijalung cztzraQTiy in September, distributing buffalo meat to Weigalli clans as well as Its own member clans. In January WeigaUi conducts its ceremonies and distri­ butes bu£&lo meat Co Ubu Bewe as weU as to its own member dans ^e Vildes on the east bank of the Wanokaka River, Tarona, Baliloku and Weipaila are old and independent land-owning clans in their own tight. They daim an occupancy of land in Wanokaka going back to before the arrival of the toupa-iU ttmpa-kiha dans Weigaffi and Ubu Bewe and they are not allotted ritual roles ta the iydung ceremonies of Wdgalli and Ubu Bewe. Neverthdess, they are induded in the

oc structure with Baliloku and Wdpaila bdonging to the WdgaUi bloc, and Tarona belonging to the Ubu Bewe bloc These mtegrauve rituals of Hgher order thus represent a set of relationships which are dualisuc, complementary, hierarchical and balanced. Although these higher order relanonships are similar to the relationships between the clans within a set, a number of differences arc also apparent One area of difference is in the explanation given for the relationship. Within the set a gift of land, or the gift of women, or the right of succession of the dder son, were the ideological basis for the hierarchical organization of the set, but in the r anonship between blocs these reasons ate no longer applied. The gift of a role in rimal has become the typical explanation, thou^ this is sometimes supported by the rdated ^t of object to be used in ritual, or a gift of a rice fidd to support the ritual acuvity. The supenot status of the Prai Bakul bloc over the Weihuta bloc does symbolic significance of its upstream location. Affinal links cross the bloc boundaries in both directions, so that no bloc stands as Wire-taker or wife-giver to anodiet A second area of difference is that the subtle and restrained forms of competition between the two halves of a set are replaced by bold arid openly aggressive interacnons between the opposed blocs. Bloc interactions take various forms; raided counter-raid to coUect offerings for sacrifice, prohibition and countra-prohibiaon to enhance hijalung rituals by a prior period of inactivity, and the ho«eback battle of pahcla, but all of these forms are markedly more aggressive in

oT ri “d ^e^ces has patnaUy been replaced by a redptocity of attacks and injuries, although aU of it, at least in the present time, is done in a spirit of festivities. There is also a great deal of ritual activity in Wanokaka which does not fit into the structure of bloc opposed to bloc Many clans offer their ritual services to any other clan in Wanokaka that wishes to accept them, regardless of set and bloc membership. Examples already mentioned include Prai Kihi’s offering of sup^natural protecaon from epidemic diseases and the provision of sandalwood and drums Ponhu and Mamodu too, make their claim to prestige in the vaUey as dam i^ers, independently of set and bloc structure SimUarly, the many clans that have a ligjitning spint attempt to intimidate their neighbours, and even more distant clans

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 301

with the threat that anyone who offends them may be struck by lightning, and this threat applies across the boundaries of set and bloc. There thus emerges an altern­ ative picture of Wanokaka society, not as an orderly balanced hierarchy of opposed blocs, but rather as a field of 20 to 30 independent and idiosyncratic clan-sets, all competing with one another, seeking prestige by a great variety of^means. A similar picture emerges from a mote comprehensive consideration of bijalung ceremonies. The most common form of bijalung involves only the members of one clan-set, so that the ceremony expressed the unity and common purposes of the set. Other bijalung, those of Watudoungu, of Weigalli and of Ubu Bewe, are attended by representatives from many clans, so that they can be construed as the common ceremony of a whole bloc (though in fact none of these three hijalung are attended by all the clans of their respective blocs). There are also a number of other bijalung, such as the ceremonies of Tarona, Baliloku, Weiwuang, Weinaduang, Winatuna and Weimoru, which are intermediate in scope. These ceremonies are attended by a wider circle than the host clan-set, but not as wide a circle as the three hijalung of Watudoungu, Weigalli and Ubu Bewe. It must also be stressed that the balanced hierarchy of blocs is not a structure concerned with political power. Those clans which are accorded ina-ama status in the bloc hierarchy exert their authority over their hubu-ana only in the context of specified ritual acts, and only at the specified time of year. No general authority or power over the huhu-ana is implied. The nobles of Weigalli were offered the position of r 3 4

1,676 1,091 1304 1,042 1,521 1,023

5,760

1,461

1

16

7.557

Popu­ lation

M

Weihura Baliloku Hupumada Katikuloku Prai Bakul Mamodu

1,651 1,070 1,118 1,021 1369 1,009

Total for Wanokaka

7338

(desa)

Religion P

C

I

1,402 854 954 763 1,139 470

274 237 250 272 254 537

7 61 9

67 7

5,582

1,824

77

74

M

Figures kindly provided by Kantor Sensus dan Statistik Kabupaten. Sumba Barat (Office of Census and Statistics, Regency of West Sumba) from the unpublished twice-yearly ‘State of the Population’ Surveys conducted for administrative purposes by the village and district officials.

M = Marapu (Sumbanese traditional religious belief) P = Protestant (Gereja Kristen Sumba) C = Catholic I = Islam Significant features in summary: Percentage of non-Marapu in 1968: Percentage of non-Marapu in 1978:

20.2% 24.2%

Village with the smallest proportion of non-Marapu (1978): Weihura (16%) Village with the largest proportion of non-Marapu (1978): Mamodu (54%)

321

Appendix C • Numbers and Distribution of Livestock and Holdings of Arable Land in Wanokaka The district administration conducts an occasional census of livestock numbers in each administrative village. The following table was kindly provided by die Census Officer of the Walakaka District, Y.P. Potty, giving .the figures compiled for June 1978. Desa Number of Buffaloes (administrative households village) m f Weihura Baliloku Hupumada Katikuloku PraiBakul Mamodu Total for Wanokaka

352 215 200 205 289 117

1378

Horses

Ongole cattle

m

f

m

f

Goats m

f

Pigs m

f

185 300 40 120 190 75

300 589 93 286 140 86

400 330 50 50 50 47

150 100 13 26 19 6

3 30 2 3 4 •

13 100 5 23 6

60 10 30 50 60 40

190 20 40 30 70 60

700 300 300 475 600 700 1,000 800 1,100 2,000 600 1,000

910

1,494

927

314

42

147

250

410

4300 5375

2,404

1341

189

660

9,575

Inspection of this table reveals many rounded figures, suggesting that these entries are only rough estimates of the number of animals. It is likely that the figures provided for die larger animals are more accurate than the figures for the goats and pigs. One important feature apparent in this table is the relatively uneven distribution of buffaloes, horses and Ongole catde, with large holdings in some villages, and small holdings in others. In contrast pigs and goats are more evenly distributed. From this table the average holding of livestock per household may be calculated as follows: buffaloes 1.70 head horses 0.90 head Ongole cattle 0.14 head goats 0.50 head pigs 7.10 head

There are considerable difficulties in the way of obtaining a reliable picture of die size of land-holdings in Wanokaka. There has been no accurate agrarian survey, so although each holding of paddy fields has official size in hectare attributed to it, these figures are estimates made by government officials without measurement, and in my experience these estimates vary quite erratically. There is no traditional measure of area. Instead, the size of each paddy field was denoted by its typical yield in a good year. The yield was measured by the number of standard sized woven baskets (lepii) filled with threshed grain at harvest time. In the case of dry land, all able-bodied adult 322

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 323

males are considered for taxation purposes to be working one hectare of dry land. Most men would in fact be working a significantly smaller area, but no serious

attempt is made to assess the area of these plots. One government estimate^ of the average land worked by each household in Wanokaka is:

rice paddy dry land groves of trees

0.70 ha 0.72 ha 0.36 ha

In the absence of accurate measurement, I have adopted these figures as the best estimate available. These figures reveal little about the distribution of land and livestock. In order to obtain some concrete data on distribution, I collected information by systematic interviews concerning the entire population of a single clan, Karoku, in the adminis­ trative village of Weihura. This information is summarized in Appendix Table 1. Tn the table the area of paddy fields and dry land holdings are in the rounded figures provided by informants. Pawning of productive trees and paddy fields is common, and in this table land and trees currently being worked are recorded, while land and trees which a household owns but has pawned are excluded. Similarly there are a number of cases where the right to control a plot of land is held by one house­ hold, but right of use has been delegated to a dependant household. In these cases the plot has been recorded under the dependant household working the land. Average holdings per household can be calculated from the table as follows: buffaloes horses pigs paddy fields dry land

0.72 head perhousehold 0.40 head perhousehold 3.40 head perhousehold 0.41 ha 0.43 ha

Inspection of this table reveals a marked unevenness of distribution of livestock and land. The households may be considered in three groups: 1: Five households with resources more than sufficient for subsistence. The ' ■ household of Laiya Wolu from Aa Galu stands out as wealthier than the rest, but the households of Lodu Japi (Ana Uma), Kaledi Muda (Uma Hara), and the two brothers Laiya Wolu and Muana Nanga in Uma Katobu all have mote than subsistence level resources with at least 0.75 ha of paddy field. Their holdings also are broadly based, not confined to a single form of capital. 2. Fourteen households with resources sufficient for subsistence. Most of the households in this group have small holdings of paddy and dry land, and breed pigs, but holdings-of horses, buffaloes or productive trees are unusual. ’ Made by R. Angka Soeryatno, Head of the Agricultural Service (Dittos Pertatiiari Ra^a^, Regency of West Sumba, in a working paper for a seminar on Unit Daetah Kerja

Pembangunan, 1975.

324 APPENDICES

Appendix Table 1 Distribution of livestock and land

I^caldescentgroup

Coconut Areca

Betel

Buffalo Horse

Pig

UMA AA GALU

Household Head Laiya Wolu KoikiNgagu TowaPala Japi Langa Mada Lowu TowaD^a Kalebu Dodu

11 2 2 5

2,5 .25 .5

2 1

.25

.13

1.0 .5 .25 .5 1.0 .5 .5

5

-

UMA BUA Boba Wulj

5

.25

.5

UMA UMA Lodu Japi

6

.75

.5

UMAJAGA Ledu-Bani

5

-

UMA HARA Kaledi Muda Weingu Bora

3 2

-

-

9 4

1.0 .25

1.0

UMA KABU NGABANG Wini Buu Marabba Hawu Muana Manga Mada Lowu Kadangi Towa Datu Dakawawak Pubu Keiku

2 2 6 2

UMA KATOBU Muana Manga Lelu Peda Laiya Wolu Koiki Ngagu Kalebu Dodu Lawu Bila

5 3 8 3 5 2

UMA KAITU Lahi Pakeiku Wei Powa 1 Wei Powa 2

-

.75

100

11

"

»

»

20

.5

-

.5

75

2

3

3

-

20

3

.5

115

4 5 5 3 5 6

.13

l.O

.30

X9

6

.13

1.0 .5 • .5 -

40

1

6 2 6

-

•

30

40

50

Data not available —These households are excluded from calculation.

Total - 25 households

6

11

>

>

4

1

1.0 .5

6 2 4 3 3 2 3

15

9

UMA RATU Jowa Paia

5

10.25

15.75

290

40

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 325

3. Six households have insufficient productive resources to support themselves (Weingu Bora, Mada Lowu, Pubu Keiku and Muana Nanga in Uma Kabu Ngabang, and Lawu Bila and Lcilu Peda in Uma Katobu). AH these households survive because they are in a dependant relationship with the houses- of the first category. In economic terms they could be considered to be part of the wealthy households, but in each case the persons concerned live in a separate house, and keep their own property separate from that of the wealthier households. It is to be noted that there is quite a wide discrepancy between the average holdings per household for the whole of Wanokaka, and the average holdings in Karoku. In the case of buffaloes and horses the discrepancy is due to the existence of a small number of wealthy men with holdings of 50-200 head of buffaloes and horses. Most Wanokakan clans are close to the Karoku figure of 0.72 buffalo per household, and 0.4 horses. In the case of land-holdings, the discrepancy is more difficult to understand since by reputation Karoku is a relatively prosperous group. Part of the explanation seems to be that Karoku has a relatively high proportion of dependant households with no land of their own, compared to other groups. Probably more important is the fact that for many years before his death the leading noble of’ Karoku, Datu Ridi, was head in the administrative village of Weihura and in a position to ensure that the official estimates for the size of Karoku land-holdings were kept low, so that taxation would be minimized.

Appendix D Comparison of Traditional and Modern Territorial Divisions

The traditional domains of Rua and Wanokaka and the two major blocs of Wanokaka. Rice paddies and rivers shown as in Map 2.

The modern administrative structure of the Wanokaka subdistrict and the seven administrative villages. Rice paddies and rivers shown as in Map 3. 326

Bibliography Adams, MJ. 1969 System and meaning in East Sumba textile design: a study in traditional Indonesian art. New Haven, CT: Yale University S.E. Asia Studies. 1980 Structural aspects of East Sumbanese art. In J.J. Fox (ed.) Theflow of life: essiys on Eastern Indonesia, pp.208-220. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Appel, Adspirant-Controleur, West Sumba 1941 Rapport inzake Mamodoe en het bosch Marapoe Anakalang, Ministene voor Zaken Overzee. The Hague. Mimeograph.

Author Unknown 1972 Malam Nyale. In Mifalah Tempo (the weekly

April 22, Jakarta.

Barnes, R.H. 1974 Kedang: a stuify of the (oOeOive thought of an Eastern Indonesian people. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Barth, F. 1959

Batiest,J.A. 1823

Bieger, P. 1890

j r n i. Segmentary opposition and the theory of games: a study of Pathan organisation. Journal of the Ta>yal.Antbropoloffcal Institute 89:5-21.

Zandelhout-eiland alias Tana TJoemba Nota van det gezagvoerder Batiest, van het srhip Tjimanoek aldaar gesttand in’t jaar 1823. ’s-Gravenhage: Algemeen Rijksarchief. Ecn doodenfeest te Rcnde, op Soemba. Mededeehngpn van a>^ bet Nedetdandseb

Zendeling-Genootschtp34:\5\~\(i(). Buehler, LR. and HA. Selby 1968 Kinship and social organis^ation: an introduction to theory and method. New York: Macmillan. Coult, A.D. and E.A. Hammel 1963 A corrected model for patrilateral cross-cousin marriage. Southwestern Journal 574 Endemic gonorrhoea in Wanokaka, Sumbi (Typescript, unpublished.)

Mitchell, LG. How to bury your brother gift exchange in Wanokaka, Sumba Pacer presented to *e 48th ANZ^ Congress, Melbourne' (avaUable fem Umversity of New South Wales Library, Sydney).

Needham, R. 1957 &cularing coM,*ium in Eastern Suniba: a. literary analysis. Bifdrage^ d, l^den Volkenkundevanl^ederlandsch-lndie 113:168-178. 1958 60:75-101. I960 ce and classification among the Lamet 10(2);97-119 1961 asymmetric aUiance. bijdragen tot de Taak Landen Volkinkunde tvn Nederlandscb-lndie 117-93-117 1962 1963

“ntk^cfh

wt.

PP-™-

1970 1971a

1971b

1973 1975 1980

ASA “m °"' u okang^ to exclaim ‘Wo!’ loudly, a stylized form of participation in rituals and other public events kajyud the first cutting of a baby’s hair, on the third day after the birth, at which time the baby is given its name kecamatan district (Ind.), administrative unit comprising several dtsa^ roughly corresponds in size to a tana, the traditional polity keiku tail (of an animal); end (of a village, of a field) kaku watu end of a tombstone keluarga ‘relative’, ‘£20111/ (Ind.) but used, idiosyncradcally in Wanokaka .to refer only to matrilineal relationships keri bottom; buttocks; lower end of a person or object; to follow keripani end of the formal meeting room in a.Wanokaka traditional house keripanuang 'ianx. of the ladderi, the room to the left of the hearth where food is prepared ktn wead ‘to follow the. footsteps’ used as a metaphor for a woman marrying into

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 337 the same clan as an ancestress had done in a previous generation kolak plate used for presentations of small objects (of betel, fnamuli, etc.) koru^ korung room, wall koTVU night owl husband la'atu biha special prestation of cooked rice which legitimizes a marriage, given by the gill’s family to the boy’s family (sec

iMxan bihd] laba double-sided drum lakeda mabawi ‘female children’ lara path; way {lara leihu iara dagang,.ih.z way of trade) lakba children of women who have married out of a clan Zf’4, le’anffi ‘to cast away from*oneself’, or ‘to give away’ leli wide timber discs around pillars to prevent vermin climbing to the attic; other types of disc; bracelets' Itttang biha sacred verandah' (of. a house) knangka’a ordinary verandah lettffhu coconut oil, used in ritual cleaning of sacred objects kpitu large woven basket to store threshed rice, contains approx. 200 kg libunga area under the hpuse where horses, pigs, and sometimes goats are kept at night l^a a man’s wife’s brother, his wife’s brother’s clan (seejwa) loka mother’s brother (as reciprocal of ana kabini)^ a protective, figure of the parent’s generation; wife-giver (as reciprocal of damti), member of group which has traditionally provided wives to one’s own clan, hence a potential exchange source of pigs and cloths, a ■ broad cross-generational category of kin * loka biha ‘sacred lok^, the clan of birth of the mother of a person who holds supernatural powers over, that person, normally protective powers, but dangerous if offended loka ntaanni ‘female lokd^ a woman of a bride-givet clan watu mata , the actual biological brother of a person’s mother,

usually this person acts as the loka biha ma’u ‘soft’ or ‘supple with use’ mabokul lit. .‘great one’, uSed when referring to a middle-aged or old man madara to go visiting (a neighbouring domain) to request food in times of hunger

madidi to sit; to occupy a house ntadidi ta »avi ‘to sit in one’s own tracks’, to occupy a house one’s matrilineal ancestor has occupied before madidi id ‘to sit in one’s own excrement’, to occupy a house one’s matrilineal ancestor has occupied before madidijera ‘to sit in the bride-giver’s household’, brid^ service; temporary uxotilocal residence

mama ‘mother’, modern form of address for married women (from Dutch ‘mama} mamarung sorcerers, people practising black magic (sec tou mamarun^ mamud a gold earring pendant which is an important component of a bride-price or other prestations man^ang ritual raiding; raid and counter­ raid to collect offerings man^ma to be married (of women only); form of address for a middle-aged or old woman marrfoutung to address the spirits of the ancestors; to pray maptdam ‘joiners’, people from other clan­ units who join a work-group*for one season only or for a longer period mt^anejvi the speaker in negotiations maraba person of noble descent maraba bakul ‘great noble’ person of the highest social rank; a person of high noble rank. marabajaiva foreign noble maraba maadni ‘noble lad/, a polite form of reference mand>a moni ‘noble man’, a polite form of reference maraba rant kadenga ‘red-backed nobles’ suggesting that the backs.of these nobles are red from too much working in the sun, just like the backs of lower rank people maraba tana mema a noble who is native

338 GLOSSARY

to the land 0.e. Wanokaka) maraga a pectoral (ornament worn on the chest) of gold or silver which is a special component of the standard bride-price

marapu honoured spirits, ancestor spirits, ‘gods’

mare^u kaballa. lightning spirit marapu- loka ancestral spirits of the clan of the mother of the household head marapu uma the spirit of the founder of

the house

*

mareda plain, flat stretch of land mareda karabau buffalo plain’ where buffaloes arc grazed on grass maredapari rice plain, where rice is grown in flooded paddy fields maringu .cool in temperature; safe, not subject to supernatural danger mari dead, death mawini female maadni balu widowed woman mojvuparain^ lit ‘shade of the village’ but better translated as ‘protector of the village’ moni male mori own&f, lord; God (for Christian Wanokakans) mori tana iown&t of the land’, earth spirit mori uma pin^ptpurung owners or inheritors of the house from which a person is matrilineally-descended moru green; medicine, usually made from green plants

moru kabal immunity medicine murik ‘life’, ‘alive’ mwona^ rou mwona ^tjthriria subumbrans (Ind. dedeipalgu urine, but also used as a metaphor for semen iveri warning sign, usually takes the form of a strip of young coconut leaves tied horizontally on a vertical pole jveri kawedu ‘warning sign on fringe of the thatch roof’, refers to the first phase of marriage arrangements wilt^ah sub-district (Ind.), an administrative unit consisting of a number of villages. Two or three wikrpA combine to form a district or kecamatan. Wanokaka and Rua together form a adkrfob will bride-price, paid by husband’s family to wife’s family (Ind. bilid) wilingu tana ‘to pay bride-price for the intestines’ (the intestines are here a metaphor for the womb), a form of delayed bride-price payment when the buffaloes paid for a woman’s daughters are passed on as the mother’s bride­ price

w^a son’s wife (seejawjs) walu darn awang ‘seven layers of ocean, eight layers of sky*, Ae spheres traversed by Ae ancestors before Aey arrived on earA pitu moni bani, wain mawini ratu ‘seven brave men, eight respected women’, a group of un­ named ancestors of Ae Sumbanese in Ae very distant past polapingf dan^u, mata tt>eipatvadgu ‘Ae trunk from which I grew, Ac well from which I sprang*, Ae house and clan in which one’s moAer was born takkujan^Jara wiiu ‘(temporary) walking stick ofjang wood, (toy) horse of grass’, a token in Ae form of a horse, given to mark a promise, representing Ae teal prestations which will follow

tana pariptakUy loku wa kalala ‘land of sticky rice, river of red rice-porridge’, poetic title of Ae domain of Tana Wannkaka tangara kadu boku,ja}i/a rati ^u ‘to watA great-grandfaAer’s tombstone, to guard greatgrandmoAer’s grave’, form of adoption m whiA a person is adopted into Ac house of one of his matrilineal antededents tilu bei, tibi ana ‘3 cows, 3 calves’, refers to Ae 3 sets of 10 head of caAe and horses given in Ae standard bride-wealA tilu bua, tilu ban^ ‘three round pieces, Aree long pieces’, refers to Ae Aree gold items and Arce iron items which are part of Ae standard bride-wealA toni binna, pakupidu ‘shut Ae door, bolt it tight*, a refusal of a woman’s family to consider a marriage proposal pa-oli^ tou pa-keba ‘people who are friends, people collected togeAer’ a group of individually un-named ancestors who travelled togeAer along Ae coast of Sumba until Aey reaAed Wanokaka

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 345

ittrra tana, bola bodu ‘open up new ground, dig through the boundary hedge’, first marriage contracted between two groups, requires much more effort and expense than a marriage which follows an established pattern tanapapabakul, lelipapabelar ‘to the house great, to make the pillar discs wide’, wife-giver construed as bestowing blessings on a wife-taker wawi tilu n^enff, kaba tilu bela '3 pigs, 3 cloths’, the counter-gift of 3 sets of pigs and cloths given from the bride’s clan to the husband’s clan karitt^, ivaia dangu ‘cool watei^ cool mint leaves’, a ‘cooling* ceremony for abolishing die supernatural danger created by incest n>m padtung ‘putting up a sign on the thatch-fringe of the house, undertaking a promise’, making a commitment to proceed with marriage negotiations

Index abduction 197 abortion 34 Adams, M.J. 4,18, 48,104, 205, 214, 282, 285, 304, 310.311 administration, government 31 administrative village 31,32,34,63, 79, 87, 125, 38 adoption 11-13, 54-55, 59,61, 66, 81,93, 96,118,134,137, 147,152,161,167, 185,250 absence of 70 practices 11 adultery 74, 78, 133,157 affines, affinal relationships 56, 74, 78, 91, 95,115-116, 121,126-127,130,146, 157, 164,167,173, 179,183,187-188, 192,208, 282,310, 316 unilateral 6 agriculture, subsistence 1,18 ahubapalu 112, 114,193, 218, 223-224

aian^alang Y1 alliance (/« also exchange, marriage) 11 asymmetric 7, 9,151-152,164 asymmetrical prescriptive 2,152,315 closed cycle of 6 cycles 9,138,316 systems of prescriptive 160 ama 102 ana kabini 92,114,127, 314-315 Ana Mawini 257-258, 260-261, 264-266, 268,272-273,276 ana uma 56, 86 ana nnni 176 Anakalang 2, 4, 23, 56, 61, 93-94. 121-122, 154,171,177-178, 200,222,279-281, 284 language of 2 ancestors founding 51, 255 marapu kaballa 81, 267 marapu loka 108 mare^uuma 42, 108 spirits of the {marapti) 42, 249 ancestral relics {tagu 81 ancestral spirits (pnarapti} 56, 88, 233 anger 108-109,154,230 346

an^ U’a 92,184 animals, domestic 64, 294 antecedents 284 genealogical 55 matrilineal 93, 100, 314 Appel, Adspirant-Controleur, West Sumba 4, 282 areca palm 22 attic (uma dalulS) 40, 42, 2U2 attic structure, carved (taraivibi) 48,244, 261, 288 augury 42, 267 authority 30, 237, 301 political 301, 303 ritual 302 avoidance, relationship of 132,182 Baju Padedang, Raja of Wanokaka 31, 250 balance 228, 248, 254-255, 265,274,289, 293, 302-303, 306,310 principle of 304,309 Baliloku 219,236,280,300-302 Barnes, R.H. 6,10,134,160,175, 179 Barth, R 305,306 Batiest,J.A. 4 battle (pahol^ (set also contests) 267, 293 battle, mock horse-back (pabola . hasuul) 293,296, 300,306 betel chew (betel and areca) (tuon^ hepa) 14, 88 betel nut 190 Bieger, P. 4 Big Men 63,79, 88,94-95,102,128 birth, related by (pa-o&jt^n^ 51 black magic 103,122, 238 blessing (kanpurru) 108,188,198-199 blood, links of shared (nw) 51 Bodosula 248 boxing (pakujil) 306,308 bride service 59, 68 bride-givers loka 54,96,105,108-109,115,125, 151, 187,314,317 bride-takers ana kabini 96,105,112,114-115 l^a 121,315 bride-wealth 59,100,102-104,126,133,

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 347 138,147,149,181,191,194-195,199206,208-213,216-219,222-224, 226228 exchange 180 return of 148 brothers (anfft wud) 75, 310 Buehler, LR. 150 buffalo horns 40 display of 40 buffaloes as bride-wealth 59,180,199, 227 sacrifice of in rituals 35 burial (funerals) 36, 55,109,149, 233, 279 calendar 267, 269,278,284 Cape Sasar 281 category, prescribed 74,140,150, 315 cats 40 cattle-rustling 29, 30 ceremonies annual calendrical 40 at times of plague 242 bijalung 78, 267, 272, 275/291, 294, 296,299-302,307-308 building a traditional house 79 Christian wedding 224 hair-cutting 63,106 heiku 133 kawttti 61, 63 manyautung 272 marking the boundary 236 oli roupari 269, 294, 296, 298 purification (heiku) 108, 262 /au pegang 268

tau tabak taungu aditng Idl, 268 taungujaring 294, 296 taungu marapu taunQi moritana 298 tombstones 79 chickens in rituals 268, 204 sacrifice of, in rituals 35 children 6 female 93 male 58 of unmarried women 59 Chinese ceramic plates 27 • Christianity 4, 261 adoption of ‘5 associated with education 34 * conversion to 268,270

Christian(s) 34, 36, 50, 206, 222, 226 nobles (maraba) 2Q2 priests (njZw) 156 wedding 224 Church 3, 80,190,199,202,206,224 Dutch Reformed 4 Calvinist 31 circumcision 4, 190 clan set Dalora 288 Mamodu 289 Weinadangu 288, 289 Weiwuang 289 Winatuna-Winamarika 288 clans 6, 80, 273,281-282,287, 289, 291292,295, 298-301, 313 bride-taker 234 founding * 234 immigrating into Wanokaka 231 immigrating 287' lands, acquisition of 55 matriline^ 6 migration of 287, 303 movement of 281 mythology 282 myths 54,248,250,261,264,280,282, 285-287,317 origin of 281 patrilineal 6 wife-giver 234 wife-taker 234 class system 231 classification systems dualistic social and symbolic 9 dualistic symbolic 5 climate 16,17 cloths female 54,227 male 203,227 coconut oil {knffbti) 270 coconuts 22,32 colonial administration, Dutch 4, 56, 79, 282 commoners 202,218,237 genealogies of 94 compensation 54, "95,101,108-109,132, 149,205 • karyala 74,133,195 non-paymeht of 78

IIOj

poffttgft taupu'^ 95

348 INDEX

complementarity 254, 274, 302-303, 307, 311 principle of 304,309 completeness 273 connubium asymmetric 5 circulating (asymmetrical alliance) 6 contests (see also battle) team-boxing (pak^jit) 54, 285, 295-296 horse-back (/« also battle) 54,296, 299 cooking pots, earthenware 32 corral, buffalo (^allu karabau) 80, 248, 254 cotton 23 Coult, A.D. 150 courtyard'(A:Z7ra) 36 forbidden or sacred (talora biha) 270 opposite side of 249 other side of 239,255,264 sacred , 270,272 spirits’ (talora marapu) 270 Creator God 89 cross-cousins matrilateral 8 patrilateral 8 curse 156 cycle of alliance, length of 8 Dales, R.P. 50 Dalora 85,289,292 dama, damang 112,179 Dapawole, L.D. 88 Das.T.C. 6,8 Dasang 27 Data Koda 180 DatuRidi 84-87,89,119,155,226-228 dead, village of the (parain^ mamati) 293 deer 268 wild 26 defence, solidarity of clan members in 56 dependants 102 descent bilineal 7 double 6-8 double-unilateral 6 double-unilineal 6 matrilineal 2, 6,7, 51,91,93,103,115, 119,140,167,313,315-316 natal 314 patrilineal 2, 5, 90, 93,116,125,130, 171 discrete systems, succession of 2 diseases, epidemic 242, 267,3(X), 302

divination 108 division of a society into four parts 6 divorce 59, 96,106,148-149,152,177 dogs 40 hunting 26,27,40,81,285 domain (taaa) 278-280,284, 286-287, 298, 302-304,307,313 double-unilateral system 6 drums, double-ended 242 dualism 309-311 diametric 308 social 275 dualistic symbolic classification 7 duality 254,302-303 principle of 274,304 Dximont, L. 9,125,126 Durkheim, E. 312 Dutch 279,301 colonial government 101 East Indies 16 ethnologists 316 impact on Wanokaka 31 intrusion 303 pacification of, in Wanokaka 81-82 pacification 101 party, first 29 structuralists 7, 8 dyadic-triadic principle 275, 304', 307, 310 earring (mamuli) 197, 202 earth spirit (pnori toad) 35, 233,244, 247 elopement 191,196 enclosure, spirit’s (^sUu fftarapu) 254 Endenese 1 exchange 95,107,111-112,114,116,133, 137,150,152,180,182, 192,203,205206,208,211,269,293, 31-7 asymmetrical 315 balanced 317 direct 125,132 generalized (asymmetrical alliance) 8 marriage 311 reciprocal between alliance groups 8 restricted (symmetrical alliance) 8 rights, primary 314 trade 190 fault (hold) 19 feasts 112,114,249.267,301 feuding 29, 30,279 fines, responsibility for 102 Rscher, H.Th. 4,92, 126,167,171,176, 178,184,185

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 349

fishing, ritual (^eatn^jarin^ 284, 294 flesh, links of shared (Zfe) 51 flowers 128 foetus 97 forbidden 46, 274 affines, affinal relationships 273 marriage rules 130,260 foreign, foreigners 27, 96 contact with 29 forest 17,26 founder house 234-235,242,253-254,286, 288,295-296 Fox, 1. 5 Fox, J.J. 5,29, 50, 88.122,123,138,312 freemen'(A)« kabibu) 51,55,58,68,84-85, 102-103,155, 200 fruit (»ua) 115 fruit groves {kaHani) 22 Gaura 31, 55,281

genealogical level 175 genealogies matriltned 94 patrilineal 94 Goling Manyo’a, Raja of Wanokaka 218 gongs 197-198,294,301 gonorrhoea, endemic 34 goods female 5 male 5 grandchildren 107,157-158,160 grandparents bokti) 158 groups, exogamous unilineal 6 Habali Baling 54,287,289,291,293-296 Habba Mananga 29-30, 96 Haloru (see a/so Salura, Salura Island) 238 Hama, Ds K. 4,191,193,200 Hammel, E.A. 150 head-hunting 29 hearth-stone(s) (tulanf) 46 sacred (tularu bih^ 214 sacred or forbidden (tularu biha46 heaven 280,281 seven layers of 138 Heingu Kaka Kajeli 30 Heingu Kaka 30 heirlooms 56 sacred 55-58, 81, 88, 244,249,289, 313 Held, GJ. 9 hereditary social ranks 5

hierarchy 254,274,287, 301, 303,307,310 balanced 301 model of village 88 principle of 304 Hocart, A.M. 9 Hoekstra,?. 17,50 Hori Paduku 249,255,257-258,260-261, 263-265,267,269-270,272-273,307 horses, traditipnal supplier of 16 house (sujid) 5 founder 56,72 founding 257-258 of one’s birth (utaapinff pey^ 105 sites (Zff 147 traditional 37 uma bakul 88 umakabaUa 81 uma kahi '48 uma ta kahibu 35, 48 umataraadbi 48 House, Great 56, 72, 80. 82-84. 86,198, 200,233-239,241,249-250,255,261, 264, 268,272,275-276,289,291-292, 295, 299 House, Pahaingu' 250, 253, 272, 274, 288, 292,295-296 House, Priestly 56, 81-83, 85,236-239, 244,249,253,255; 258, 261,263-264, 267,270-272, 288,292 households 102 compound 47 huhu-ana 2>6-Zl, 156-157, 231, 23^235, 242,288-289,295,298-299,301,308 hunting-dog, naming of 268 illness 103,267 immunity medicine (moru kabat) 30 Imperata ^hndrica; see also aiang^lang 17 ina-ama 86-88,156-157, 234, 242, 249, 276, 295, 298-299,301,308 incest (bald) 108,132-133,261-262,274 purification after 267 inequality, principle of 309 inheritance 58,73, 86, 226 widow 74 intercourse prohibitions on sexual 131 rule governing sexual 133 sexual 90,132-133 intermediaries (wunan^ 109,158,192-193, 197,209,211-218,221,223-224,226227,230-231,308,317

350 INDEX complex chain of {wunan^ 316 specialist {^nan^ 315 irrigation 267,311 ivory 202 Japanese occupation 31 jar, ceramic 288 joking relationship, with balu 78, 133, 182 Josselin de Jong, J.P.B. de 7, 9, 305, 309 Kabba 94,105, 248, 260, 281, 284, 289 Kabba Lokutana 180,281 Kachin 160,179,183,189 kabibuy gardens 23 Kana, N.L. 9 Kapita, Oe.H. 4,5, 9,14,27,29, 50, 88, 104,178, 205,237, 276,302, 311 Karo Batak 123 Karoku 77, 80-83, 85-86,105,119,147, 226-228, 235-239, 242,249,253-254, 275,281,287, 289, 308 Kedang 134,160,179 Keers, W:G. 5 Keesing, R.M. 150,188 Kihi 31 killing of priests mta) 233 knives pfcstations) 195, 313 Kodi 6, 34, 50, 93,122-123,140, ^4,281 Koentjaraxiingrat 1 Kruyt, Alb.C 4,5,151 Labere 31,281,284 LahiHagalang 31,222-224,299 Lahi Huruk 11,30-32 Lambooy, RJ. 4 Lamboya 2-4,26-2?, 31,34, 50, 56, 93, 146,198, 220-222,248,255,265,279, 281-282,284 land 248,300 spirits bf the 294 language Anakalang 1, 2 Atoni 310 Kodi 2 Lamboya 2 Loli 169 Mamboru 1 poetic form, characteri2ed by semantic parallelism 14 Sumba (Humba) 1 Waijewa (Weyewa) 2 Wanokaka 1,11,14 Lapale 281-282,284-285 Laura 2.34,123,238

Leach, E.K 6,9,108,151-152,160,175, 179,181 leadership {maTvuparcdngu} 31,87-88 qualities of 301 Leti archipelago 6 Levi-Strauss, C. 8, 9,10, 304, 305, 308, 309 lightning (marepti) 260-261, 267 lineage 56, 73, 83,137 livestock 229, 230 Loli Valley 284 Loli 2,4, 23,29,34,56, 88,93,105,127, 152,154,167,169,211,234,260,279; 284,298 Lounsbury, EG. 9,150,183,186, 188 Loura 237 Lower Loli 284 luck 202 Luju Maraba Dangu 30 M^u 31 mai2e 18 Malisu 27 MamoduHiU 281,282 Mamodu Weileru 138,144 Mamodu>-4,68,12y 19,126,129,144-146, 152, 235,248-250,25,255,257-258, 261,264-270,272-273,276,280-282, 287,289, 292-293,300,307-308 Mangili 5 Marapahi 289

marapu spirit 133 whirlwind 268 mareda karabau (buffalo plains) 22 marine worms 26, 50, 298 markets (pare^^ 32 marriage asymmetric 2 cycles 316 matrilateral 171 negotiations 105,109; 112,152,155, 158,160,180-181, T98,202-204, 206-209,211,213-214,217,228230,308, 315-317 prescribed prescription) 8,9,49,115, 125,150-151,164 systems, non-prescriptive or preferenti^ 9 systems, prescriptive 9 with the modiePs brother’s daughter 7 matriclans 164

ISTUTIAH GUNAWAN 351

matiilineages 6,51,90-91,93-96,99,104, 115,118-119,123,128-129,133-134, 138,140,142,154,164,171,179-180, 184-185,188,200,209,211,220, 230231,278-279, 313-314,316 exogamous 6 matrilineal relatives 10 Mauss, M. 308,309,312 Mawu Madoli 30 Maybury-Lewis, D. 9,151,152,164 meals, commuid 60, 86,192,236,294 mediation, of third demerit 302-303, 309 megalithic monuments 5 Memboro (Mamboru) 2,29,171,177-178, mirror-image principle 310,311 Mitchell, D.P. 34 mock fights (pahola) 54 Modu Dili 31 moieties 6 moiety system 7 Moslems 34 mother’s group, role of 5 Moto Dawu 282 mould (palala) 31 Mount Bodosula 281 Mount Wanggameti 17 Mount Yawila 281,284 mourning 106 murder 31 name formal {ngara bali) 154,155 ordinary (ngara haa>atu/^ 154 polite kallun^ 154j 155 vulgar 155 name-giving ceremony

iakedd} (ib namesakes (Axw«) 62 Needham, R. 1,2,4,8,9,104,140,151, 152,160,175,179, 280,285,307,^310, 312 negotiations (panewe dengan^ 209,’211-214, 216-217,219-221, 223-224,226, 229231,310-311 Ngailu Dappa 12 NgeduTiba 12 Nieuwenkamp, W.O.J. 5 nobles {marabd) 13, 22, 29j 51,'68, 82^ 88, 95,154-155,199,201,217,219,237238,248,250,288-289, 291-292,301 marabajawa (foreign noble, •

fordgners) 13 Nooteboom, C 1, 5, 6,1, 3,104,122,151 numbers dght 138 even {see also dght, four, two, even/ odd opposition) 273 odd {see also seven, even/odd opposition) 273,274 seven 138 ‘ » -J special connotations (twcr, four and-’ eight) 48 symbolism of 215 objects'-sacred 56, " offering, betd nut 42 oHjtyi 3\-33, 95-96,-99; 161,164 Onvlee^ L. 1,'4. 5,’50‘, 88^ 92,105; 151, 169,171, Ml,’M3,184, 205, 211, 279, 280 ’ origin 50,137,187, 238, 280, 302' common 281,284 myths of {kanugd) 138, 264, 280-281, 285 places of 10 Ormeling, HJ. 17 Oxford English Dictionafy 305 paddy fidds 249, 298 ownership of 18 PadediWcn 31 Pahaingu 250, 291, 293-294, 296,