Hōgen Monogatari: Tale Of The Disorder In Hōgen 1885445997, 9781885445995

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HOGEN MONOGATARI

Mögen monogatari TALE OF THE DISORDER

IN HÖGEN TRANSLATED

WITH ANNOTATIONS

AND AN ESSAY BY

WILLIAM R. WILSON

East Asia Program Cornell University Ithaca, New York 14853

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New paperback edition first published by East Asia Program, Cornell University, 2001. Originally published in cloth edition as a Monumenta Nipponica mono­ graph by Sophia University, 1971. Reprinted by permission of Monumenta Nipponica.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS v

PREFACE

MAP—S1REE1-GRID OF ANCIENT CAPITAL SUPERIMPOSED ON MODERN KYOTO

MAP—VICINITY OF ANCIENT CAPITAL

Hôgen Monogatari, Tale of the Disorder in Hôgen VOLUME ONE

The accession to the throne of Go Shirakawa-In

i 2

The Cloistered Emperor’s pilgrimage to Kumano and the oracle there

4

The death of Toba-In The Shin-In contemplates rebellion The government forces send parties in various directions

7

11

Chikaharu and others are captured

13

Prologue

5

Exposure of the rebellion of the Shin-In; his prayers for divine assis­ tance; and the opinion of the Naidaijin Saneyoshi The Shin-In summons Tameyoshi and the matter of Unomaru

14

The journey and arrival at the capital of the Sadaijin Yorinaga

21

18

The mustering of the imperial army 23 The defenses of the gates of the Palace of the Shin-In and the Council of War 24 The Shogun Mound rumbles and a comet appears 28 The Emperor moves to the Sanjo Palace and the disposition of the

imperial army

31

VOLUME TWO

Yoshitomo’s night attack on the Shirakawa Palace

35

The taking by storm of the Shirakawa Palace 39 Escape of the New Cloistered Emperor and the Great Minister of the

Left The Shin-In becomes a monk

46

47

Hôgen monogatari

vi

The burning down of the rebels’ houses 49 The Chancellor returns to original office and the warriors are rewarded 51 The end of the Minister of the Left and the grief of the prime minister Tadazane Shigenari guards the New Cloistered Emperor in compliance with

53

58

Imperial Command

Every rebel is captured The matter of the imperial prince Shigehito

59 60

Tameyoshi’s surrender

60

Tadamasa, Masahiro and others are put to death

64

The last hour of Tameyoshi

65

Yoshitomo’s younger brothers are put to death

70

VOLUME THREE

Yoshitomo does away with all his infant younger brothers

73

Tameyoshi’s wife drowns herself The verification of the corpse of the Minister of the Left

77 80

The New Cloistered Emperor’s removal to Sanuki, and the matter of

Prince Shigehito

Tale of the Lady Buen

82

89

The sons of the Minister of the Left and the rebels all go into distant

exile The Prime Minister’s move to the capital

92 95

The New Cloistered Emperor’s throwing of the sutras into the sea and his death

96

Tametomo’s capture and distant exile

100

Tametomo goes to the Isle of Devils and his end

102

appendix a:

Extracts from Gukanshô

109 131

appendix b:

Extracts from Hörekikanki

145

ESSAY ON THE TALE OF THE DISORDER IN HÖGEN

appendix

c: Extract from Senjüshô

149

appendix d:

Extract from Nakaraibon Hôgen

151

appendix e:

Extract from Kotohirabon Hôgen

153

appendix

F: Extract from Gempet seisuiki appendix g : Collation table

157 161

BIBLIOGRAPHY

163

INDEX

167

Preface

warrior class in Japan established its dominance in society in the Middle Ages, and sustained this status until modern times. The imperial institution and its administrators, the Court Nobility, were left in an inferior position after a sequence of rebellion, rising, war, and rising, occurring respectively i 1156, 1160, 1180-5, and 1221. Each of these was celebrated in a new form of literature, the gunki or ‘military chronicle *, distinctive of the period, and these accounts developed through many variants in the next four hundred years. These are the ‘Early Period’ military chronicles, probably originally written to be read, but in later adaptation for chanting to the accompaniment of a lute differences in the tastes of chanters and audiences had a great deal to do with the development of variant versions. Other military chronicles came later and developed differently, but all were crystallized into form by the end of the sixteenth century. The present work is concerned with the final popular version, the Rufubon, of the military chronicle of the chronologically first of the above-mentioned conflicts, the Hôgen monogatari, taking its name from the Hôgen era (1156-9). A translation will be presented, with notes, accompanied by an essay in which the context and content of this account will be discussed in association with translated extracts of other related works in the appendixes hereto. In addition to this general statement of the scope of the work, this Preface includes remarks on policy in translating official ranks of characters in the tale, the system followed in the compilation, and a brief summary of other material in English related to the military chronicles. As dealt with more fully in the essay following the translation, a number of other groups, or families, of versions of the tale preceded that of the Rufubon. Of all these, the Kotohirabon version has been judged by Japanese scholars as having the greatest literary merit. This judgement, however, seems to reflect a taste for an emotional, rather than the moralistically interpretive, approach to events which is the hallmark of Rufubon. This approach, that of Chinese historiography, is more typical of the Japanese Middle Ages than that of Kotohirabon. Certainly it met the taste of the Japanese for centuries, since it was Rufubon which was not only the first printed, but also the only one reprinted for mass readership until comparatively recent times, as the name implies. Up to this generation, reference to the Hôgen without further qualification meant the Rufubon version. This is the case with G. B. Sansom in his allusion to the Hôgen in A History ofJapan to 1334 (Stanford 1958), pages 362-3. In his discussion of the Heiji monogatari and its companion, the Hôgen, in Translations from Early Japanese Literature (Harvard 1951), Reischauer likewise thus accepts the Rufubon of each of these works, while noting the existence of variants. It is the Rufubon, then, which is that version of the tale in the body of he

T

viii

Hôgen monogatari

heroic literature which has influenced the Japanese for centuries, not one which has come down in hand-written copies. It is the Rufubon, among all the variants, in which Tametomo bulks the largest. It is beyond the scope of this paper to go into his influence on ideas of the Hero developed in later generations, but while Tametomo never was the theme of a noh drama, he was romanticized repeatedly during the Edo period in jôruri, storybooks, and wood-block prints, as well as be­ coming folk-hero in such places as Shimizu. It is Rufubon, moreover, rather than Kotohirabon, which seems likely to preserve within it traces of the Hôgen in its origi­ nal form, now lost. For these reasons, of all the variants, Rufubon seemed the obvious first choice for study. The basic text is that of Yoshimura Shigenori, Hôgen monogatari shinshaku (HMSS). While this is representative of the Rufubon, it is a version edited from a number of texts and not identical with any single one in particular. In cases of divergence in detail between his sources, Yoshimura evidently selected what seemed most likely to be accurate. Why he did not choose to precede his version with the Prologue accepted by other scholars as characteristic of Rufubon is unknown. In any case, I have inserted it from the Supplement to Nagazumi and Shimada’s Hôgen monogatari, Heiji monogatari (NKBT 31), which is the ‘old-movable-type book’ of the Bureau of Documents and Mausolea of the Imperial Household Office. With this exception, the wording of Yoshimura’s version is almost identical with NKBT 31, from which, however, I have supplemented the former when it seemed deficient. Variations in detail, such as differences in date without any evident reason, are not always indicated in the notes, but I have noted them when they seemed significant. This consideration ofthe Rufubon as an essentially homogeneous family of texts seems valid; it is accepted by Japanese scholars. Those concerned with detailed variation within the family may consult the notes to NKBT 31. Mr Donald Keene has noted : Even relatively straightforward passages present the translator of Japanese with exasperating problems. Unlike the translator from European languages he is less disturbed over losing the subtleties of the original than by the fear that the closer he approximates the tone of the original, the more likely he is to make the characters sound like irrational monsters. The characters are not, of course, irrational monsters, but they seem so because our ways of expressing emotions are often so unlike those of the Japanese of two centuries ago.1 There is more to a text than the speeches of characters, and I would extend the sense of Mr Keene’s observation to the entire text of a translation. We are con­ cerned in these translations, moreover, with the Japanese over a range of seven to four centuries ago. Another translator, Ivan Morris, discusses in his World of the Shining Prince the language used in the Tale of Genji. He notes its lack of speci­ ficity, as well as its beauty. Although the translator must suggest this beauty, he 1 D. Keene, ‘Translating from the Japanese’, I Asia Society Letter, in, no. 5, New York, DeNew York Times Book Review, 26 July 1959, and | cember i960.

Preface

ix

must recast the original ‘in a style of his own that he considers appropriate to the work in question. In so doing he is bound to obscure the nature and character of the original. But when the main interest of the book is literary, an “accurate” translation will obscure it in a far more damaging way—by making it unreadable’ (p. 283). The language of the military chronicles, however, is not blurred by lack of specificity, although the texture varies with content. Such works in their more popu­ lar forms appealed for reasons other than aesthetic or ‘literary * in its current con­ notation, and their language reflects this bent. Their main interest for us is rather historical and philosophical. They illuminate what a society alien to us in outlook believed to be true. It seems appropriate, therefore, in translating such works, to achieve accuracy rather than contrive a literary effect. Since their content is not literary in the usual sense, not much can be done to recast the style into one with charm for the general reader, and it is best to try to preserve the flavor of the original. I have felt obligated to keep these translations as direct as possible, without, however, going so far as to bracket everything that is not explicit in the original. It is, after all, a matter of opinion as to how much meaning is implicit in a word or group of words. As one exception to this, I have occasionally added a name or date in parentheses where the text uses a simple title or designation. Generally speaking, italicization indicates words in Japanese which are neither proper names nor presumed to be familiar. In the Middle Ages, however, official titles, often fragmentarily, were beginning to be used as parts of names. This usage is sometimes hard to distinguish. I have tried to be consistent, but may have erred occasionally. Earlier texts of the military chronicles were without punctuation or paragraphing. Even later texts tend to be broken down only into whole episodes. Where the action is fast and flowing, sentences are sometimes inordinately, to our taste, long, with clauses tacked together by connectives of continuative, concessive, or definite con­ ditional nature. In some cases this translation preserves this feature, notably where a speech is sometimes set in the sequence of action described by a sentence, but elsewhere I have broken sentences up where they became too lengthy. Similarly, I have used my discretion in introducing additional paragraphing in the Hôgen narrative, although this has been hampered sometimes by the characteristic just mentioned—the tendency of the original to make the action flow with connectives, avoiding full stops. I have not, however, done this in appended extracts, except for setting off quoted passages. The association of official titles with names is mentioned above. The military chronicles, some have said, are a specialized form ofthe rekishi monogatari, or histori­ cal tales or novels, and as such are naturally preoccupied with the official position of characters in their society. Many times a character is alluded to only by title— the Högan (Magistrate or Lieutenant); the Sadaijin (Great Minister of the Left); the Shin-In (New Cloistered Emperor). The Japanese word is always more concise than its translation, and, especially later in the narrative, I have used it when I think the reader has become familiar with it, or when I think the translated form has no significance to the run of thought, but would, on the contrary, blur it. I have trans­ lated enough of these titles to give a general impression, and feel a more lengthy dis­ cussion of them in this account would unnecessarily duplicate sources available

X

Hôgen monogatari

elsewhere in English.21 should, however, note here that sources cited are not always in agreement on an appropriate translation for an office or title, which is likely to be a matter of opinion rising from the translator’s background, experience, or education. Kampaku, for example, I render as Chancellor, in the sense of Bismarck; dajôdaijin as Prime Minister. Where a sequence of three grades of a title, such as Counsellor, are differentiated by prefixed dai (tai), chü, and shô (large, middle, small), I have usually used Great, Middle, and Lesser (or Lower). Officials in the lower echelons of government tended to fall into four grades, of which the first two, kamt and suke, are translatable as ‘chief’ and ‘assistant’, although the writers on the subject have found other more specialized translations, such as ‘director’, depending on the nature of the office. I have tended to avoid such distinctions, feeling that if a reader is curious about them, he can deduce my meaning from the expression I have used, and amend it on the basis of his own evaluation of the sources. Finally, I should remark I have been unable to come to a final decision as to the correct Japa­ nese reading, in all cases, of the compound AA ; E. O. Reischauer renders it Tayu, but R. K. Reischauer makes it Daibu. In other sources it is taifu. All three readings were at various times a general honorific for those holding Fifth Court Rank; there was also a distinction when it was used in connection with different offices, and pos­ sibly, one that arose from period or place. Where the title is used with a name with no other identification one cannot really tell which would be better, taifu or daibu. I have used both. Tayü renders these Chinese characters as a purely honorary title from the Muromachi period on; it should at this time render only a different pair meaning a ‘senior-assistant minister’. Chinese characters are not inserted in translations or text of discussion, except when they are the subject of discussion, to minimize interruption to the flow of thought. Footnotes are used for the basic translation, preface, and essay text, but I have tried to avoid their use for the translation-extracts in the Appendixes. This is, I hope, justified on the ground that this material closely supports the other footnoted material to which it is related, and the use of further footnotes would only dilute its effectiveness in fulfilling this purpose. When a source is died in text or notes, usually only enough information is given to identify it adequately. In this case, complete identification is given in the Bibliography. Maps give the location of most of the prindpal places mentioned in the narrative which are in the vidnity of Kyoto. Many of these, however, no longer survive. Considering the stature and significance of the military chronicles in Japanese literature, there is relatively little about them in English, and much of this is not readily available. A. L. Sadler’s translation of Heike monogatari, the greatest of the chronicles, is contained in Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan (TASJ), 1918 and 1921. Keene’s Anthology ofJapanese Literature (Grove Press 1955) con­ tains some extracts from this. Kenneth Butler has produced an excellent essay on ‘The Textual Evolution of the Heike monogatari', which defines the context of the 2 For official titles see the following: Sansom, ‘Early Japanese Law and Administration’, TASJ, ix, pp. 67-109 and xi, pp. 117-49; Reischauer and Yamagiwa, Translations From Early Japanese

Literature, pp. 391-5; Reischauer, Early Japanese History, pp. 87-105; Coates and Ishizuka, Honen the Buddhist Saint, 1, pp. 126-8.

Preface

xi

early chronicles. E. O. Reischauer has translated about one third of the Heiß monogatari and summarized the remainder, with an introductory essay, in Translations From Early Japanese Literature. William H. McCullough has translated Shôkyüki in Monumenta Nipponica for 1964. E. R. Kellogg has translated Hôgen monogatari in TASJ, xlv (1917), Part 1, pages 25-117. This summarizes the coverage of the early chronicles mentioned in the first paragraph. Helen Craig McCullough has translated two of the later chronicles, Taiheiki and Gikeiki (Columbia and Stanford University Presses, respectively). The Kellogg translation is incomplete, omitting five chapters and many other passages, but not always indicating the omissions. There are, moreover, many questionable points in what remains. The translator says he was concerned, in making his abridgement, with excising material which interrupted the thread of the narrative. In making his selections, he has not always been consistent, leaving in much which is not pertinent to the tale as a pure story, and leaving out much which gives the whole thing point. The translation in this account is intended to remedy these deficiencies. I am grateful to Dr R. N. McKinnon for his guidance in my work at the University of Washington ; to Dr L. N. Hurvitz for his helpful advice in translation ; and to Mr Noboru Hiraga for being an enthusiastic and learned teacher in much of the background work essential to a study like this. I am also indebted to Rev. Edmund R. Skrzypczak, S. J., Editor of Monumenta Nipponica, and to his staff, whose conscientiousness and industry have added to the quality of the original material.

LEGEND TO MAP: VICINITY OF KYOTO Principal places mentioned (see heavy black numbers): i. Daigo (village)

11. Naoka

2. HannyaMoor

12. Ninnaji—Omuro

3. Hieizan

13. Nyoi Mountain

4. Hie (Hiyoshi) Shrine

14. Ooeyama Barner

5. Iwashimizu Hachimangü (Otokoyama)

15. Oohara (village)

6. Komponchüdö

16. Saga (village)

7. Kita Shirakawa (village)

17. Sakamoto

8. Kurama (mountain area)

18. Shôgunzuka (mound)

9. Kusatsu (village)

10. Miidera

19. Toba (now Kami-Toba)

20. Umezu (village)

LEGEND TO MAP: STREET-GRID OF ANCIENT CAPITAL SUPERIMPOSED ON MODERN KYOTO Principal streets mentioned (see letters and numbers at edge of grid) : h. Ane-ga-köji

9. Gojö 12. Hachijö v. Hachijö Bömon 23. (Higashi) Horikawa (N-S)

c. Kadenoköji d. Kasuga (now Marutamachi) q. Karasumaru (N-S)

3. Konoe 26. Kyogoku (N-S)

21. Mibu (N-S)

4. Naka no Mikado 6. Nijö 17. Nishi Horikawa (N-S)

5. Ooi no Mikado (now Takeyamachi) 22. Oomiya (N-S)

10. Rokujö

7. Sanjö g. Sanjö Bömon

ii.

Shichijö

20. Suzaku-ôji (N-S)

w. Ume-ga-köji

Principal places mentioned (see heavy black numbers): i. Awadaguchi (beginning of road)

12.

Kebiishi-chö (headquarters)

2. Bifukumon-In Gosho

13.

Kokusö-In (Palace Grain Storehouses)

3. Chisoku-In

14.

Nishi Hachijô-dono

4. Engakuji

15.

North (Kita) Shirakawa Palace

5. Funaoka (hill)

16.

Shimo Kamo Shrine

6. Higashi Sanjô-In (Palace)

17.

Shinsen’en

7. Higashi and Nishi Sanjö Dairi

15.

Shirakawa Kitadono (Note 2)

8. Höjüji

18.

Takamatsu Palace

9. Höshögon-In (Note 1)

19.

Temmangû

10. Höshöji (one of 6 Shö temples)

20.

Tököji

11. Hosshöji (SE comer of city)

21.

West Jail (nishi no hitoya)

Legend Notes: i. Yoshida locates Höshögon-In as given on this map in his Dainihon chimei jisho, I, p. 53. In his Historical Maps ofJapan, however, he places it next to the North Shirakawa Palace. 2. North Shirakawa Palace (Shirakawa Kitadono). Yoshida verifies its location as given here, noting it was also called Sajikidono translatable as Hall of Balconies. See Gukanshö extract in Appendix A, sudden move of the ex-emperor to this place on the ninth of the seventh month. Yoshida, Dainihon chimei jisho, I, pp. 52-3. 3. The road to Nara (Yamato Road) crossed the Uji River at Uji, since the area west of there was largely pond and marsh below the river. It then swung southwest and around between the moun­ tains and Kizu River. Crossing at Kizu, it cut through the hills to Nara.'

VOLUME ONE PROLOGUE1

T is said in the Yi-Ching, ‘Observing the Heavenly patterns, one divines the changes due to time; observing Human patterns, one regulates all under * Heaven. For this reason, when the administration of government conforms to Universal Law, the winds and rain will conform to the season, and the realm will be prosperous. When the sovereign and subjects are in harmony, all is tranquil within the Four Seas, and evildoers do not arise. When the sovereign, in his high place, deviates from correct government, the country is disordered and the people suffer. When the subjects, in their place beneath, go counter to propriety, they lose their houses and destroy themselves. Some, because they wilfully seek to seize high position, disorder all under Heaven, and the common people by this are dismayed. Others, by indecently disputing for government office, wreck the country, and the subjects at large are by this distressed. Though in the end such people may raise their flags on the battlefield, they will not have the forgiveness of Divine Providence. Though they may scheme to use force to attain their ends, they will not escape blame from the King’s Law. For these reasons, their corpses will be exposed in the trash outside the doors, and they will all leave their names the mockery of later genera­ tions. From ancient times to the present, has there been a single person for whom this was not so?

I

1 This Prologue or Introduction, jobun is characteristic of the Rufubon (popular editions) of the Hägen of the early seventeenth century, which are the most recent versions. It is not found in the earlier versions dating back to the thirteenth century. From the prologue, one is led into the text by koko ni 2 at the beginning of the first chapter, which I have translated as ‘now *. Note 2 below will briefly discuss the words used to begin earlier texts which have no prologue. It has been speculated that the use of a moralistic prologue with koko ni as transitional words copies the popular text of the Taiheiki which evolved to its final form during the Muromachi period. Nagazumi, Hägen, abbreviated as NKBT 31, PP- 35,295The Yi-Ching (or I-Ching) is, in Japanese, Ekikyö the Book of Changes or Book of Divination by the Changes, one of the ‘Five Classics' of Confucius. The basic book dealing with the meanings of the hexagrams which comprise the system predates Confucius, but although the Great Appendix which follows it is attributed to him, it is probably by later scholars. This is a discussion of the significance of the system, and

its association with the rationale of the universe. Chapter 4 of it begins somewhat as follows : I (the Changes) accords with Heaven and Earth, and therefore universally encompasses the way (the course) of Heaven and Earth. In accordance with this, (the Sage) looks up contemplating the Heavenly patterns; looks down perceiving the natural order (reason) of Earth; therefore he knows the causes of what is hidden and what is visible. He traces begin­ nings and follows to ends; therefore he knows the explanation of life and death. Essence and spirit form things; wandering away of the soul makes change in these; therefore he knows the condition of demons and gods (spirits). He resembles Heaven and Earth, therefore he is not at odds with them.... While this book is one of the Classics, it is not, like them, concerned with ethics or political prob­ lems, but with metaphysical and cosmological concepts. Watson, Early Chinese Literature, pp. 151-3. Kobayashi, Ekikyö keijiden, pp. 3326.

Högen monogatari

2

THE ACCESSION TO THE THRONE OF GO SHIRAKAWA-IN

No w2 he who was called The Cloistered Zenjö Emperor Toba3 was the emperor in the seventy-fourth succession from Jimmu Tennô, who was the forty-sixth genera­ tion4 from Tenshö Daijin (Amaterasu-ö-mikami). He was the first son of Horikawa Tennô, and his mother was the late revered Dowager Empress Jishi of the Fujiwara, who was daughter to the Lord Sanesue, the Kan’in Dainagon.5 He was bom on the sixteenth of the first month of Köwa 5 (1103), and was made crown prince on the seventeenth day of the eighth month of the same year. Since Horikawa-In died on the nineteenth of the seventh month of Kashö 2 (1107), the prince became emperor at five years of age. During his reign of sixteen years the country was quiet, and it was tranquil everywhere. The weather conformed to the seasons, and the people were prosperous in their dwellings. On the twenty-eighth of the first month of Höan 4 (1124), at the age of twenty-one, he retired from the Throne and yielded it to his first son, Sutoku-In.6 After the Cloistered Emperor Shirakawa-In died on the seventh of the seventh month of Daiji 4 (1129), Toba-In ruled the realm and carried on the government. In rewarding those faithful to their duty, he did not deviate from 2 As noted above, koko ni is transitional from the Prologue. The earliest texts begin with such words as saitsukoro (sakigoro) àfttt, which may be rendered ‘recently *, ‘lately *, or ‘sometime ago *. This is considered appropriate for the fairly recent past, less than half a century before. The Kotohirabon text, however, begins with nakagoro 4* It» indicating a point in time midway between mukashi a] of the clouds; crossing the Plain of Musashi, he lamented the leaf-guardian god of the oak trees [kashiwagi no hamori no kamt]. At the grave of Sanekata Chüjö, he sorrowed at the clumped pampas grass; reaching the barrier of Shirakawa, he left his brush mark on the pillar of the barrier-house. When he was minded to make a pilgrimage in Shikoku, since in borrowing a lodging [yado wo kari] in Eguchi no Tae, he made poetry of a ‘temporary lodging’ [kari noyado], he borrowed a night’s lodging, balan­ cing ‘spirit’ and ‘empty’ against this phrase. Entering Sanuki Province, he went to a place called the Strand of Matsuyama. Recalling that this was the very place the Shin-In was exiled, he inquired about him in loving memory of the past, but since there was nothing left of him there, because, from the old times when he served in the Imperial Presence to now when he placed dependence on the presence of Buddha, he remembered the Ex-Emperor in sadness, though with all humility:

Washed by the waves Of Matsuyama The boat which came, In the end Came in vain.

[Exiled to the waves Of Matsuyama The boat which came, In the end Came to naught].

Lamenting him thus in poem, feeling that, ‘Since it is long years, though the Ex­ Emperor passed on in the mountain temple called Shido, it is reasonable his re­ mains are not here,’ when he asked where indeed was the imperial grave, he heard it was at a mountain temple called Shiramine. On searching it out, the grasses were dense, even more than on a mean and humble grave—what sort of karma from a former existence brought him to this?—it was very saddening. Though long ago on the Jewelled Dais in the Seiryô and Shishin Halls he was waited upon as the master of the Four Seas, now to be buried in eightfold goose-grass in a far land of rustic villages and rush huts was a piteous thing, but it is the way of the world that even men who are looked up to by three thousand princesses within the emerald curtains in the red chambers—who are revered by the twenty-eight ministers in the Dragon Tower and the Phoenix Palace—whose eloquence is famed, who exercise their power in the Court—even such men leave only their names; even the Kan’yô Palace rose in puffs of smoke to no purpose, even the Pavilion of Koso is drowned in heavy dews, uselessly. The Palace and the straw hut—neither are without end—one way or another, this world is only a gossamer temporary lodging place, a place one does not live in endlessly. Thinking these things, Saigyô recalled an old Chinese poem: The pine tree is for a thousand years In the end this too decays The Rose of Sharon for one day Blooms of itself. Reciting this, he attended here for a while, but there was neither a resident monk to officiate with Hokke sammai rites, nor visiting pilgrims to reverently burn incense or scatter flowers. Since it was desolately lonely:

i6o

Hôgen monogatari Enough, my lord! Though long ago You sat upon the Jewel Seat After it has come to this What can be done? •

Composing this, and thinking of it together with the poem of that sage of the Engi era [the Emperor Daigo]: It is said When one has entered The bottom of Hell Warrior-princes [Kshatriya] and menials [sudra] Are the same,

he was moved in his heart. Thus he remained for seven days, and offering flowers, burning incense, reciting the sutras, calling on the Buddha, he conducted memorial services for the repose of the departed soul and its rebirth in Paradise. Shaving the base of a pine tree beside the imperial grave, as a remembrance for the time when he should be gone, he wrote on it two poems: When time has long passed Ask of the world after me; It is my fate There shall be none who can remember The relics of my waiting [the remains of the pine]. Here I also Am sad in living, And if I am sad, As for the pine [In waiting] I wonder—am I alone? He wrote these down and left. Perhaps with these even the angry ghost was com­ forted—it is uncertain. [Note: the bracketed words in poems are alternate readings.]

Appendix G COLLATION TABLE: ITEMS EXISTENT IN ONE, BUT NOT IN ANOTHER VERSION Naka- Koto— Sugi- jRufurai- hira- harabon bon bon bon Volume I Prologue (Jo) Yorinaga’s letter (exposure of rebellion) Unomaru (sword given to Tameyoshi) Letter exchange between Tanaka Palace and Imperial Palace 5 Imperial Decree for Tametomo’s arrest (in Kyushu)

i 2 3 4

Volume II 6 Tameyoshi’s recommendations

No No No

No No No

Yes Yes No

Yes Yes Yes

No

No

Yes

Yes

No

No

No

Yes

Yes

Yes

No

(Vol. I)

7 Discussion of learning, including methods of divination (in chapter on Yorinaga’s death) 8 Discussion of loyalty versus filial piety (chûkôron) (in chapter on Tameyoshi’s death) Volume III 9 lesada comes to capital; his admonition to Kiyomori io Critical discussion of causes of Högen rising ii Tale of Buen Kun 12 Official letters of Great Council of State disposing of rebels 13 Episode of monk Rennyo (attempt to visit exiled Retired Emperor) 14 Posthumous enshrinement of Shin-In and promotion of Yorinaga (to placate spirits) 15 Dream episode 16 Tametomo’s crossing to Isle of Devils and his death

No

No

Yes

Yes

No

No

No

Yes

No No No

Yes No No

Yes Yes

No Yes Yes

No

No

No

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

No

No Yes

No No

No No

Yes Yes

Yes

No

Yes

Yes

Note : Both order of items and allocation to volumes may vary in different versions. Data on Sugiharabon is from Takahashi, Heike monogatari shohon no kenkyü.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Books and Articles in English and French

Aston, W. G. (tr.). Nihongi, Chronicles ofJapan. 2 vols. Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner and Com­ pany, London, 1924; republished, George Allen and Unwin, Ltd, 1956. Butler, Kenneth Dean. ‘The Textual Evolution of the Heike Monogatari * , Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, xxvi, 1966, pp. 5-51. Chamberlain, Basil Hall. Translation of^Ko-Ji-Ki" or “Records of Ancient Matters . ** J. L. Thompson and Company, Ltd, Kobe, 1932. Coates, Rev. H. H. and Ryugaku Ishizuka (trans, and commentary). Honen The Buddhist Saint, His Life and Teaching. 5 vols. Society for the Publication of Sacred Books of the World, Chion-In, Kyoto, 1925,1949. De Bary, Wm Theodore, Wing Tsit Chan and Burton Watson (compilers). Sources of Chinese Tradition. Columbia University Press, New York, i960. De Visser, Marinus Willem. Ancient Buddhism in Japan. 2 vols. E. J. Brill, Leiden, 1935. Joûon des Longrais, Frédéric. Âge de Kamakura; Sources (1150-1333) ; Archives, Chartes

Japonaises (Monjo). Maison Franco-Japonaise, Tokyo, 1950. --------- , Tashi, Le Roman de Celle qui épousa deux Empereurs (Nidai No Kisaki) (1140-1202). Maison Franco-Japonaise, Tokyo, 1965. Keene, Donald. ‘Translating from the Japanese *, Asia Society Letter, in, No. 5, December i960 and New York Times Book Review, 26 July 1959. Kem, H. (trans.). The Saddharma-Pundarika or the Lotus of the True Law. Sacred Books of the East, x. Charles Scribner’s Sons, New York, 1901. Legge, James. The Chinese Classics. 5 vols. The Works ofMencius, n ; The Shoo King, or The Book of Historical Documents, in ; The She King, or The Book of Poetry, iv; The Ch * un Ts'ew, with the Tso Chuen, v. Hong Kong University Press, Hong Kong, i960. McCullough, William H. ‘Shökyüki: An Account of the Shôkyü War of 1221’, Monumenta Nipponica, xix, 1964, Nos. 1-2, pp. 163-215; Nos. 3-4, pp. 186-221. Murdoch, James. A History of Japan. 3 vols. Asiatic Society of Japan, Kelly and Walsh, Ltd, Yokohama, 1910. Ponsonby-Fane, R. A. B. Kyoto, The Old Capital ofJapan (794-1869). Ponsonby Memorial Society, Kyoto, 1956. --------- . Visiting Famous Shrines in Japan. Ponsonby Memorial Society, Kyoto, 1964. Reischauer, Edwin O. and Joseph K. Yamagiwa. Translations From Early Japanese Literature. Harvard-Yenching Institute, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1951. Reischauer, R. K. Early Japanese History. Princeton University Press, 1937. Sadler, A. L. (tr.). Heike monogatari. Transactions of the Asiatic Society ofJapan, xlvi, Part 2 (1918) and XLix, Part 1 (1921). Sansom, G. B. ‘Early Japanese Law and Administration’, Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, Second Series, ix (December 1932), pp. 67-109; xi (December 1934), pp. 117-49. Shinoda, Minoru. The Founding of the Kamakura Shogunate 1180-1185. Columbia University Press, New York, i960. Totman, Conrad. ‘Political Succession in the Tokugawa Bakufu: Abe Masahiro’s Rise to Power, 1843-1845’, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, xxvi, 1966, pp. 102-24. Tsunoda, Ryusaku, Wm T. de Bary and Donald Keene (compilers). Sources ofJapanese Tradition. Columbia University Press, New York, 1958. Watson, Burton. Early Chinese Literature. Columbia University Press, New York, 1962.

164

Hôgen monogatari

Whitridge, Arnold and John Wendell Dodds (ed.). An Oxford Anthology of English Prose, Oxford University Piçss, New York, 1935. Books and Articles in Japanese

Araki Yoshio Chûsei bungaku jiten Shunjûsha Tokyo, 1961. Fujioka Sakutarô Kamakura Muromachi jidai bungakushi Iwanami Shoten ÄÄf Æ, 1935,1949. Fujimura Tsukuru Nihon bungaku daijiten 0 AS4Ä. (rev. and enlarged; 7 vols, plus Supplement). Shinchôsha 1950. Fujiwara Teika (Sadaie) Meigetsuki Bflfl tE. (3 vols.) Kokusho Kankôkai BftMfr#, Tokyo, 1911,1912. Goto Tanji and Kamata Kisaburô =. W (eds.). Taiheiki (40 vols.) Parts i,2,and3areVolumes34,35 and 36 of Nihon kotenbungaku taikei (NKBT) (66 vols, in First Series), Iwanami Shoten, i960. Hanawa Hokiichi tL— (comp.). Gunsho ruijû (19 vols.). Keizai Zasshisha ISM# fêü, 1893-4. Hisamatsu Sen’ichi . Nihon bungakushi, chûsei 0^X ££., * 4,-&. Shibundô 5.X£, Tokyo, 1955,1957. Igarashi Tsutomu JL+Ä#. Gunkimonogatari kenkyü Iwanami kôza—Nihon bungaku • B (10th issue). Iwanami Shoten, 1932. --------- . Gunkimonogatari kenkyü. Waseda Daigaku Shuppambu Aft 1931. Ikebe Yoshikata (ed.). Gempei seisuiki (48 vols.) 2 parts are vols. 7 and 8 of Kôchû kokubun sôsho ttlÈBXO. Hakubunkan ftlfcfê, Tokyo, 1929. Imaizumi Sadasuke (comp.) and Kawadachi Sanehide (ed.). Kojitsu sôsho (39 vols.). Meiji Tosho Shuppan Kabushild Kaisha Bfl Jè@1 ft da Tokyo, 1951-7. Ishida Yoshisada Heike monogatari fl2-^^^. (2 vols.) Gendaigoyaku Nihon koten bungaku zenshü Kawade Shobô 5-Iîfaftft, Tokyo, 1954. Kaneko Motoomi and Emi Kiyokaze Wakan rôeishû shinshaku ifoSIBÄ Meiji Shoin Bflfëftfë, Tokyo, 1942. Kanno Michiaki Koji seigo daijiten OOAO. Meiji Shoin, Tokyo, 1907. Kawade Shobô Hiftft. Nihon rekishi daijiten B^MÀO. (20 vols.). Kawade Shobô, Tokyo, 1956. Kobayashi Ichiro W. Rongo && (Analects). Vols. 1 and 2 of Keisho taikô fëftAft. (25 vols.). Shokyô ft B (Shu ching, The Book of Documents). Vols. 4 and 5 of Keisho taiko. Kôkyô ft ( Classic of Filial Piety). Vol 5 of Keisho taiko. Shikyô tW (Shih ching, The Book ofOdes). Vols. 6 to 8 of Keisho taikô. Ekikyô Keijiden ft (I ching, Hsi tz u * chuan, Book of Changes, Great Appendix). Vol. 8 of Keisho taikô. Sôshi 415- (Chuang tzu). Part 1 (Resshi Lieh tzu, Part 2 also). Vol. 10 of Keisho taikô. Môshi (Mencius). (Part 2). Vol. 18 of Keisho taikô. Heibonsha fl2-Tokyo, 1939. Kokumin Bunko Kankôkai BAXftM4rft. (compiler and publisher), (abbreviated KBK). Shiki (Shih Chi of Ssu Ma Ch‘ien é] &B). (vols. 13-16 of Series). Kokuyaku kambun taisei, keishishibu HWftXXÄ, (20 vols.). Tokyo, 1922. Monzen (Wen Hsüan). (vols. 22-24 of Series). Kokuyaku kambun taisei, bungakubu B W'MX AÄ, Xft«P. (20 vols.). Tokyo, 1922. Shunjü Sashiden Aft (Ch * un Ch'iu Tso Shih chuan, usually referred to as Tso Chuan). (vols. 5 and 6 of Series). Kokuyaku kambun taisei, keishishibu. Komatsu Shigeto ‘Minamoto Tametomo * Kokubungaku BAft, 1x114 (November 1964), pp. 89-93.

Bibliography

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Kuroita Katsumi (ed.). Hyakurenshö ’Sit# (with Pt. 2, Nihon kiryaku volume 11 of Shintei zôho kokushi taikei (60 vols, plus supplements). Yoshikawa Kôbunkan W PI & Xft, Tokyo, 1965. Maruoka Katsura Kokin yokyoku kaidai Kanzeryü Kaiteibon Kankôkai R-Ö-ätÄtT^Mif