Heroes and Saracens: A New Look at Chansons de Geste 0852244304, 9780852244302


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Table of contents :
Contents
Acknowledgements
One. Introductory
Part I. The People
Two. Chivalry
Three. Courtly Pastimes
Four. The Family, Women and the Sexes
Five. Violence: Hatred, Suffering and War
Part II. The Gods
Six. Why the Gods? Introductory
Seven. Who are the Gods?
Eight. The Cult of the Gods
Nine. Conversion
Ten. Christianity
Part III
Eleven. Corroboration
Twelve. Conclusions
Notes
Bibliography of Sources Used
Plot Summaries
Index
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HEROES A N D S A R A C E N S

In Memoriam

R uth w ho had so large a part in everything I ever w rote w ith warm interest and cool judgem ent w ho died before this book was finished but w as interested to the last its faults are not hers dying and in pain she said com e and kiss me now and let's be laughing this w as the spirit that the singers created for the paladins o f Charlem agne and the Saracens o f Babylon

M orte est G uibors, ma cortoise m olliers Et mes lignages, dont jou sui moût iriés. O r ai por D ieu tout mon pais laissié. M oniage Guillaum e (2) 2 2 75-7

HEROES AND SARACENS An Interpretation of the Chansons de Geste

NORMAN DANIEL E d in b u rgh U n iv e rsity P ress

© Norman D aniel 1984 Edinburgh U niversity Press 22 G eorge Square, Edinburgh Set in M onotype Barbou, 178 series by Speedspools, Edinburgh and printed in G reat Britain by Redwood Bum Lim ited, Trow bridge British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data D aniel, Norman Heroes and saracens: an interpretation o f the Chansons de geste i. Chansons de geste— H istory and criticism 1. T ide

84I.O3

PQ20I

ISBN O 85224 43O 4

CONTENTS

Acknowledgem ents Chapter O ne. Introductory

vii i

Part O n e . The

People Chapter T w o . Chivalry

23

Chapter Three. Courtly Pastim es

47

Chapter Four. The Fam ily, Women and the Sexes

69

Chapter Five. Violence: Hatred, Suffering and War

94

Part T wo. The

G ods Chapter Six. W fy the Gods ? Introductory

121

Chapter Seven. Who are the Gods ?

133

Chapter Eight. The C ult o f the Gods

15 5

Chapter N ine. Conversion

179

Chapter Ten. Christianity

213

P art T hree Chapter Eleven. Corroboration

241

Chapter T w elve. Conclusions

263

N otes

280

Bibliography o f Sources Used

320

Plot Summaries

328

Index

340

ACKNOW LEDGEMENTS

M y first thanks are to m y w ife, for her criticism , interest and encour­ agem ent, and her exam ple (w hich the dedication m ay help to exp lain ); and also to M adem oiselle M arie-Thérèse d’A lvem y and Sir Richard Southern, for encouraging me to go ahead, and to M r A . R. Turnbull, Secretary to the Press, w ho is a stim ulating as w ell as inventive publisher. Academ ic acknowledgem ents relating to particular issues are made in the course o f the notes. I am most grateful to D r M ichael Rogers, M onsieur and Madame Jean-Yves Tadié, and M r and M rs J .R . Young, all o f whom helped me in a number o f w ays, and in particular to get m aterial at times when it w as inaccessible to me, sometimes at considerable inconvenience to them selves; and to M r Robert Anderson and M r Peter M ackenzie Smith, w ho also helped me m aterially at moments o f need. I am under a great debt to the Abbot and Com m unity o f St Benoit de Port Valais, and to the Sisters o f Ste M arthe, for their hospitality, and in particular to the Prior, Père M ichel de Ribeaupierre, for m aking me com fortable in his ‘scriptorium ', and to the Librarian, Père François H uot, for all the attentions that a librarian can give. I am sim ilarly obliged to the Prior and Com m unity o f the Institut dominicain d’études orientales, Abbasiah, C airo, in whose grounds I live for most o f m y tim e, and in particular to the D irector o f Studies, Père G .G A n a w a ti, for m aking all their facilities alw ays available. I am indebted for the quiet efficiency o f the Students Room at the British Library, for the determination o f the staff o f the Reading Room to overcom e their many difficulties, and for the efficiency and courtesy o f the staff o f Bodley. I am also greatly obliged to Madame J.le M onnier, conservateur en ch ef du service photographique de la bibliothèque nationale in Paris, for m aking photographs o f a manu­ script quickly available in special circum stances, and to the staff o f the bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, w ho make it so easy and pleasant for a stranger to consult their manuscripts. I am most grateful to D r C arole Hillenbrand, whose understanding o f a tangled script made the preparation o f the text possible.

IN TRO D U CTO R Y

A good deal o f attention has been paid to w hat w e might call the official Christian attitude to Islam in the M iddle A ges; I am m yself one o f those w ho have done so. M uch less has been said about ordinary and unofficial attitudes, and most o f it relates to the origins o f the idols imputed to the Saracens. O fficial attitudes w ere expressed by theologians w hose function w as to speak for the Christian Church o f the W est. Apart from its m aterial privilege, the Church w as privileged to speak for Christian society in a period when all overt opposition w as successfully suppressed. The existence o f official spokesmen and the absence o f open opposition do not, o f course, eliminate unofficial attitudes and ideas, and these are not necessarily part o f a hidden opposition. H ypothetical secret organisations o f opposition need to be fully substantiated to be plausible, and they rarely or never are. I am thinking more o f instances o f divergent thought or sentiment w hich w ere not meant to com pete w ith, let alone harm or destroy, the official view . People m ay accept an established authority quite w illingly, and still live their own lives and think their ow n thoughts. This book is about unofficial attitudes to Islam and the Arabs. Exhaustive or even adequate source m aterial is much harder to com e by than is the case w ith expressions o f theologically acceptable opinion, because unofficial attitudes w ere not encouraged, and received little explicit and formal expression; i f they had done, they w ould no longer have been entirely unofficial. W hat material there is is much harder to interpret, because w e often cannot take it at its face value. It is a question

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o f making the least improbable guess, when refusing to guess at all is to fall back on some uncalculated assumption w ithout conscious reflection. W here conclusive proof is impossible, w e naturally look for the explanation that best fits the known facts and, so far as w e can manage, is least anachronistic. It is probably safe to assume that, in any age, in the M iddle Ages as now , most Europeans have had very litde idea o f Islam and very litde interest in it. W e cannot study here the ideas o f the mass o f the common people, w ho may or may not have heard about Saracens, and m ay or may not have believed w hat they heard. W e shall never know the thoughts o f those people w ho had no technique w ith w hich to express them­ selves, because they could neither w rite nor command an amanuensis, and because they did not have skills o f oral composition and memorial retention. The subject is too flimsy to pursue ; but there w ere people whose ideas bear upon Islam ; w ho composed without needing to w rite ; w ho w ere not spokes­ men for the Church, though they did have to satisfy an audi­ ence; w ho w ere not philosophers, not theologians, not even propagandists - or, if propagandists, not necessarily propa­ gandists for w hat ostensibly they supported. T h ey made propaganda rather for the ch ivaliy that often paid them and that provided their subject matter, than for the endless religious w ar in w hich they set their stories. Indeed, it is already to beg the question to speak o f a religious w ar, before w e have estab­ lished that that is w hat it w as. W e should more safely say, w ar against people o f another religion. I f w e are looking for an unofficial view , it is natural to turn to the poets o f the chansons de geste and o f the later romances that developed out o f them, because these w ere not theologians. T h ey composed for the benefit o f laymen, primarily soldiers, but at all social levels o f society interested to hear about courdy adventures. The chansons de geste, historical fictions m osdy set in the tíme o f Charlem agne or his son Louis, appear several generations earlier than that other courtly literature that is concerned w ith the dalliance o f lovers. Their lovers have little time to dally. The chansons appear in the tw elfth century in manuscript, in

Introductory

3

the three forms o f O ld French, Francien, Picard and AngloNorman and they had a European influence throughout the M iddle Ages, especially on Italian, but also on English and German literatures, as w ell as in Spain, and, o f course, on Provençal. T h ey certainly had eleventh century forebears, probably, as w e shall shortly see, in oral form . W e do not know how far they go back. T h ey preserve a mem ory o f a distant past, alw ays incorrect, yet uncannily preserving authentic recollections, not only o f events, but often o f a forgotten atmo­ sphere o f defeat by alien armies. T h ey w ere once supposed to derive from cantiiènes contem porary w ith the events they describe, but this is just a hypothesis, and Joseph Bédier inferred w ritten sources in monastic records instead; there is no agree­ ment about their pre-history. T h ey survived for several centuries, com promising w ith modish themes o f love-m aking and surrendering assonance to the new taste for rhym e, but alw ays preserving certain conventions that mark them out from all other m edieval literature; these concern their treat­ ment o f the Saracens, and o f religious themes connected w ith them. From the ‘Benedictine centuries*, through the G regorian Reform , to the rise o f papal temporal pow er and o f canon law , and in the Conciliar age, there is still no important change in their peculiar vie w o f the Saracens. M any people, if asked w hat they think o f as the m edieval idea o f Islam, w ill think first o f the idolatry imputed to the Saracens by these songs o f action. It is useful to remember that this absurdity becam e notorious in the last century, when these poems w ere rediscovered and many o f them published; since then, our m odem awareness that this is so gross an error makes us give an anachronistic emphasis to the im portance w e suppose the m edieval poets must also have seen in it. Even so, the facts remain that these poems are concerned w ith the Saracen religion, and that they do commit this absurdity. W hat they say about the Saracens and their gods is the obvious place to look for an unofficial, unchurchmanlike, m edieval view o f Islam - if only w e can interpret it correcdy. I am therefore going to concentrate on these songs or poems, concerned w ith

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a w ar between Christians and Saracens, but composed by poets w ith ideas o f their ow n, not so much original individual ideas, as ideas taking the form o f a clear but com plex convention within w hich the poets chose to w ork. It is this conventional fram ework w hich sets the literature apart. W hile I hope to offer some check on m y conclusions, by comparison w ith other sources w holly or largely outside the convention, I w ill concentrate on the seventy and more w orks within it. 1 want at the same time to compare these songs o f action w ith the official polem ic, and w ith the legendary and libellous origins from w hich it developed. Finally, 1 w ant to com pare w hat the poets say w ith w hatever w e can suggest may have been a possible source in Islam itself; it is prim afa cie im probable, yet conceiv­ able, that Saracen religion in the songs relates to actual facts about Islam in the same w ay as a distorting mirror twists a real object into an unrecognisable travesty. The origins o f the poets' pantheon and o f their concept o f a Saracen have, o f course, been studied before, but mainly from the point o f view o f literary criticism .1 1 do not propose to attempt literary criticism or literary history for w hich I am not qualified by training or experience. It w ill no doubt be impos­ sible to w rite a w hole book about a series o f literary texts w ithout expressing or im plying some literary opinion, but such opinions are personal, and I hope not to obtrude them. I have no special experience in literature as an artefact, rather than as an historical source. N either would I attempt to judge the history o f texts or o f manuscripts, their inter-relations and mutual influences. Although I trust to make full use o f the w ork o f editors, o f critics and o f commentators on the texts, I confine m yself to the history o f ideas. I want to discuss the ideas in the minds o f the poets, without reference at all to the literary skill w ith w hich they speak. Because I am not concerned w ith the history o f written texts, but w ith the content o f a convention used and modified only slighdy over a long period, I am able to use material from different dates throughout the period, often to illustrate the durability o f the tradition. W e are using texts that have reached us in a final form determined in many cases

Introductory

5

only when they w ere committed to w riting; they are the fossils o f a lengthy evolution w hich is largely homogeneous. T exts that are an exception to the rule only show some variation o f ideas within a convention that remains unchanged in all its essentials. M odem literary studies, and historical literary studies such as com prise the area o f sociocritique, are exploring some lines o f enquiry w hich, though they first appeared in the last century, and lay dormant for a time, are now approached w ith highly sophisticated techniques, and relate the content and form o f a w ork to major social change, rather than just to the superficial details o f social background in an author or an audience.2 I f w e are to w ork on the convention as a w hole, on the other hand, w e must expect to single out those elements that do not change, even when they are understood in a new w ay. It is a fact that very different audiences m ay enjoy the same convention, though it m ay be for new reasons or w ith a different kind o f appreciation. For the prelim inary control o f the material over the w hole field it should be useful to eliminate the unchanging convention from new forms and purposes. 1 do not attempt more than that, and I do not attempt either to w rite the history o f the convention, w hich would be too much for one book, and perhaps for one author. M y ow n interest is a special one, not a general one. I am concerned only to find out more about how the chansons represent Islam -an d the A ra b s-to their public. T o exam ine, not only w hat they did, but w hat they thought they w ere doing, I am qualified by long experience o f the problems o f European and Christian apprehension o f Arabs and Muslims in the M iddle Ages, and also other periods, including our ow n. M y experience is professional as w ell as lengthy. It is in this field that I believe I m ay usefully supplement, certainly not com pete w ith, the literary specialists and the social historians.I I shall usually say ‘poets’ for the creators o f the chansons, including those that created only a passage here and there, or just modified verse they had inherited from other singers,

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perhaps varying a laisse w ith a different assonance, blending or interpolating passages that others had composed. I say ‘poets’, rather than ‘singers' or jongleurs. 'Jongleur' has no adequate English equivalent, and may anyw ay mean just buffoon or trickster. 1 am using 'poet' to designate the jongleur as author or adapter, and 'singer' when I refer to him as executant, w ith­ out meaning to draw a line between these in practice, or only a notional line. I rarely need to speak o f the singer rather than o f the person whose ideas 1 am talking about. Rychner stresses the w ide range o f jongleur professionalism, from singer to manipulator o f perform ing fleas, and Faral speaks o f tw o kinds o f jongleurs, the respectable, needed to compose the lives o f saints, and the rest, those approved by the Church and those disapproved; perhaps one man might at different times be either.3 Rychner shows how the text is fluid, an oral trans­ mission w hich the singer may m odify as he goes along, and w hich at some stage, determined by chance, m ay be committed to w riting. There is no correct text, no ‘expression singulière et originale. In his support he cites Milman Parry's w ork on Homer, and his exam ples o f songs o f action in H erzogovina.4 The results o f Muhsin M ahdi’s revolutionary w ork on the 'Arabian N ights' ( a lf lay la wa la yla ) are similar, except that in this case a conglom eration o f w orks in prose w as committed over five centuries to a progressively more classical written form. It remains true that, in this case also, the text w as con­ stantly adapted or manipulated by the perform er, that there cannot be said to be any one original form , and that the author­ ship is both communal and gradual.3 *M ais tous les bons chan­ teurs sont encore des improvisateurs', says Rychner, 'ils créent euxmêmes leurs chants, et, quand ils ne créentpas à proprementparler, ils savent combiner les chants entre eux, condenserplusieurs poèmes en un, m odifier, compléter, am plifier,'6 W e cannot tell how many lost poems there are, or how much each surviving author ow es to phrases and notions in general circulation. W hen 1 say 'the poet says', 1 mean the author or authors o f the line or the lines or the passage I am quoting, no m ore; 1 im ply nothing about his literary quality; and 1 say 'poet' even if the passage in

Introductory

7

question is like a patch o f garden, w orked over by many gardeners, one or tw o o f whom may - or m ay not - have imposed a pattern individually conceived. This literature is best conceived, not as a library o f editions, but as a conglom eration o f discrepant manuscripts behind w hich, and beyond our reach, loom the oral forms o f w hat was once a living tradition, only partly caught and crystallised when they w ere w ritten dow n. 'L a chanson de geste t í est pas dans le manuscrit que nous ouvrons, nous rien tenons là quun reflet; elle était ailleurs, dans le cercle au centre duquel chantait le jongleur,*7 The case for a kind o f communal authorship does not depend on Rychner’s pow erful arguments; he attributes Roland to a single author, and some poems w ere certainly the w ork o f individuals, a J ean Bodel or a Jean R enan, for instance. But these too made use o f communal forms and w orked within the set tradition o f a convention. As a garden m ay be m ore-orless landscaped or designed, or just planted haphazard, so a poem m ay be built up from traditional fragments more or less neady fitted together. A ny text, how ever fragm entary, and w hatever its literary quality, is good evidence for ideas. This vast literature, w ith its marked peculiarities, persisted for centuries; but, although the same form ulae, ideals, words, phrases, must have acquired new meanings or shades o f mean­ ing as society developed, the convention as a w hole remained the same. 1 am studying it as an episode - a long episode - in the history o f ideas, as a vehicle for thought and feeling, stated and im plied; often a bald statement implies much, sometimes the context alone does so. W e recognise disjointed pieces, a mother’s lament for her son, the dying w arrior’s farew ell to his horse, a stereotype sometimes spatchcocked in a little care­ lessly ; but there is an inference to be drawn just from w here the poet has chosen to insert it. There are cycles o f poems, and sometimes the same charac­ ters appear in different w orks, w ith repetitions and inconsist­ encies in one story, or from one to another. From one song to the next, from one passage in it to another, there are marked differences o f mood. In L e Charroi de Nîm es and L a P rise

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Heroes and Saracens