Heritage and Sport: An Introduction 9781845417031

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Heritage and Sport

Full details of all our publications can be found on http://www.channelviewpublications.com, or by writing to Channel View Publications, St Nicholas House, 31-34 High Street, Bristol BS1 2AW, UK.

Heritage and Sport An Introduction

Gregory Ramshaw

CHANNEL VIEW PUBLICATIONS Bristol • Blue Ridge Summit

This book is dedicated to Shawna and Sebastian DOI https://doi.org/10.21832/RAMSHA7024

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. Names: Ramshaw, Gregory, author. Title: Heritage and Sport: An Introduction/Gregory Ramshaw. Description: Bristol, UK; Blue Ridge Summit, PA : Channel View Publications, 2020. | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Summary: ‘This book provides a holistic view of the relationship between heritage and sport and an in-depth examination into the different types of sport heritage. It offers both theoretical and applied approaches to the heritage-sport relationship and intersects with many contemporary topics in heritage, sport, tourism, events and marketing’ – Provided by publisher. Identifiers: LCCN 2019029535 (print) | LCCN 2019029536 (ebook) | ISBN 9781845417024 (hardback) | ISBN 9781845417017 (paperback) | ISBN 9781845417031 (pdf) | ISBN 9781845417048 (epub) | ISBN 9781845417055 (kindle edition) Subjects: LCSH: Sports – Social aspects. | Sports in popular culture. | Sports museums. | Sports facilities. | Sports and tourism. Classification: LCC GV706.5 .R365 2020 (print) | LCC GV706.5 (ebook) | DDC 796 – dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019029535 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019029536

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue entry for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN-13: 978-1-84541-702-4 (hbk) ISBN-13: 978-1-84541-701-7 (pbk) Channel View Publications UK: St Nicholas House, 31-34 High Street, Bristol, BS1 2AW, UK. USA: NBN, Blue Ridge Summit, PA, USA. Website: www.channelviewpublications.com Twitter: Channel_View Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/channelviewpublications Blog: www.channelviewpublications.wordpress.com Copyright © 2020 Gregory Ramshaw. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the publisher. The policy of Multilingual Matters/Channel View Publications is to use papers that are natural, renewable and recyclable products, made from wood grown in sustainable forests. In the manufacturing process of our books, and to further support our policy, preference is given to printers that have FSC and PEFC Chain of Custody certification. The FSC and/or PEFC logos will appear on those books where full certification has been granted to the printer concerned. Typeset by Riverside Publishing Solutions LTD. Printed and bound in the UK by Short Run Press Ltd. Printed and bound in the US by NBN.

Contents

Figures

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Acknowledgements

xiii

 1 Introduction: The Relationship Between Heritage and Sport Part 1: Tangible Immovable Sport Heritage

1 11

2 Sports Venues and Sport Heritage

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3 Monuments, Memorials and Sport Heritage

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4 Landscapes and Sport Heritage

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Part 2: Tangible Movable Sport Heritage

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5 Sports Museums, Sports Halls of Fame and Sport Heritage

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6 Events and Sport Heritage

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7 Living Sport Heritage

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Part 3: Intangible Sport Heritage

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8 Intangibility and Sport Heritage

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9 Institutions and Sport Heritage

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10 Existential Sport Heritage

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Part 4: Goods and Services with a Sport Heritage Component

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11 Tourism and Sport Heritage

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12 Marketing and Sport Heritage

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13 Managing Sport Heritage

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14 Conclusion: Future Directions in Sport Heritage

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References

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Index

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Figures

Figure 2.1 Photo of Boston’s Fenway Park, including the ‘Green Monster’ left field wall. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. 15 Figure 2.2 Photo of the red dot marking the former location of centre ice at Maple Leaf Gardens. Photo by Kate Blair, used with permission.17 Figure 2.3 Photo of a basketball mural at the Spectrum Center in Charlotte, North Carolina. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. 18 Figure 2.4 Photo of Fluor Field in Greenville, South Carolina. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw.  20 Figure 2.5 Photo of a souvenir paperweight containing turf from Lord’s cricket ground. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. 21 Figure 2.6 Photo of a tour group at La Bombonara in Buenos Aires, Argentina. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. 22 Figure 2.7 Photo of the letters from the Orange Bowl stadium in Miami, Florida. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. 23 Figure 2.8 Photo of the memorial sign for the 11 people killed at a Who concert in Cincinnati, Ohio at (then) Riverfront Coliseum. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. 25 Figure 2.9 Photo of the Cricketers pub in Richmond-on-Thames in England. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. 27 Figure 3.1 Photo of the statue of Dale Earnhardt at the Daytona International Speedway in Daytona, Florida. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 3.2 Photo of the relocated Wayne Gretzky statue outside of Rogers Place in Edmonton, Canada. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 3.4 Photo of the statue of Michael Jackson at the National Football Museum in Manchester, England. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw.  Figure 3.5 Photo of a war memorial at Lord’s Cricket Ground in London. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw.

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Figure 3.6 Photo of a memorial clock at Old Trafford Stadium in Manchester, England. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 3.7 Photo of the tomb of Barbaro at Churchill Downs in Louisville, Kentucky. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 3.8 Photo of the east gate at Memorial Stadium (also known as ‘Death Valley’) in Clemson, South Carolina. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 3.9 Photo of a blue plaque marking the home of bare-knuckle boxer Tom Cribb, near Leicester Square in London. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 3.10 Photo of a plaque in the lobby of the Moerlein Lager House in Cincinnati, Ohio. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 3.11 Photo of a street art mural outside of the San Lorenzo football complex in Buenos Aires, Argentina. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 3.12 Photo of the statue of long-distance runner Terry Fox in Ottawa, Canada. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 4.1 Photo of the Southbank Skatepark in London. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 4.2 Photo of a sign for the Royal (or real) Tennis Court at Hampton Court Palace. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw.  Figure 4.3 Photo of heritage signage about the Henley Royal Regatta at Henley-on-Thames. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 4.4 Photo of an ice hockey game at Rogers Place in Edmonton, Canada. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 5.1 Photo of the College Football Hall of Fame in Atlanta, Georgia. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 5.2 Photo of a display about boxing in the ‘Played in Liverpool’ exhibition at the Museum of Liverpool. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 5.3 Photo of the Discobolus sculpture at the British Museum in London. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 5.4 Photo of a display at the Louisville Slugger Museum & Factory in Louisville, Kentucky. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 5.5 Photo of a sign outside of the Ty Cobb Museum in Royston, Georgia. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 5.6 Photo of an interpretive exhibit about footballer Tom Finney in Preston, England. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw.

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Figure 5.7 Photo of the mask worn by Montreal Canadiens goaltender Ken Dryden at the Montreal Canadiens Hall of Fame. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 5.8 Photo of an exhibit display about performanceenhancing drugs in baseball at the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum in Cooperstown, New York. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 5.9 Photo of the Carolina Hurricanes ice hockey exhibit at the Marbles Kids Museum in Raleigh, North Carolina. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 5.10 Photo of brochures from the Kentucky Derby Museum in Louisville, Kentucky. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 5.11 Photo of a display about out athletes at the Ali Center in Louisville, Kentucky. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 6.1 Photo of the Duns Hand Ba’ at the Scottish Football Museum at Hampden Park in Glasgow, Scotland. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 6.2 Photo of the Seoul Olympic Museum in Seoul, South Korea. Photo by Jungah Choi, used with permission. Figure 7.1 Photo of the Homestead Grays baseball uniform of Buck Leonard at the North Carolina Sports Hall of Fame in Raleigh, North Carolina. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 7.2 Photo of ‘Funny Cide’ at the Kentucky Horse Park in Lexington, Kentucky. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 7.3 Photo of signage outside of the Shoeless Joe Jackson Museum in Greenville, South Carolina. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 7.4 Photo of the display about tennis player Renee Richards at the Ali Center in Louisville, Kentucky.  Figure 7.5 Photo of souvenirs of ‘Funny Cide’ and ‘Go For Gin’ at the Kentucky Horse Park in Lexington, Kentucky. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 8.1 Photo of the supporters’ section at a Greenville FC football (soccer) match in Greenville, South Carolina. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 8.2 Photo of the ‘Play Like A Champion Today’ sign from Notre Dame University at the College Football Hall of Fame in Atlanta, Georgia. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw.

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Figure 8.3 Photo of the mural of Diego Maradona in a Newell’s Old Boys uniform at the Estadio Marcelo Bielsa in Rosario, Argentina. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 9.1 Photo of museum signage at the Canadian Museum of Immigration in Halifax, Nova Scotia. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 9.2 Photo of museum signage at the Wimbledon Lawn Tennis Museum in London. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 9.3 Photo of a display about Nancy Greene at the Canadian Museum of History in Gatineau, Québec. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 9.4 Photo of a plaque commemorating the creation of the Football Association on Great Queen Street in London. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 9.5 Photo of The Pavilion at Lord’s Cricket Ground in London. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 9.6 Photo of the textile night promotion at the Greenville Drive baseball game in Greenville, South Carolina. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 9.7 Photo of the exhibit display at the Ali Center in Louisville, Kentucky featuring the protest by John Carlos and Tommy Smith at the 1972 Olympics. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 10.1 Photo of a display showing Man O’ War’s significant offspring at the Kentucky Horse Park in Lexington, Kentucky. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 10.2 Photo of Clemson University’s women’s basketball at Littlejohn Coliseum in Clemson, South Carolina. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 10.3 Photo of a ticket stub from an Atlanta Thrashers ice hockey game. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 10.4 Photo of the ‘It’s My Derby’ display at the Kentucky Derby Museum in Louisville, Kentucky. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 10.5 Photo of Jackie Robinson Day at Turner Field in Atlanta, Georgia on April 15, 2015. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 11.1 Photo of a tour group at Paul Brown Stadium in Cincinnati, Ohio. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 11.2 Photo of the Liverpool FC tourist bus in Liverpool, England. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw.

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Figure 11.3 Photo of the statue of Rocky Balboa at the Philadelphia Convention and Visitors Bureau in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 12.1 Photo of a Charlotte Hornets basketball game at the Spectrum Center in Charlotte, North Carolina. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 12.2 Photo of a bobblehead of Cincinnati Reds baseball player Raisel Iglesias. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 12.3 Photo of an in-stadium advertisement for ‘Whalers Night’ at a Carolina Hurricanes ice hockey game at the PNC Arena in Raleigh, North Carolina. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 12.4 Photo of Brooklyn Dodgers heritage wear at a ‘retro’ sports clothing store in Greenville, South Carolina. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 12.5 Photo of an advertisement for the Royal Ascot horse race in London. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 12.6 Photo of The Spectrum Grill in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 12.7 Photo of an advertisement at Heathrow Airport in London. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 12.8 Photo of an advertisement outside of the Great American Ballpark in Cincinnati, Ohio. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 13.1 Photo of interpretive signage about West Ham football club at the Museum of London Docklands in London. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 13.2 Photo of interpretive signage about ‘the Old Firm’ football matches at the Scottish Football Museum at Hampden Park in Glasgow, Scotland. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw. Figure 14.1 Photo of artefacts from professional wrestler Jessie ‘The Body’ Ventura at the Minneapolis-Saint Paul International Airport in Hennepin County, Minnesota. Photo by Gregory Ramshaw.

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Acknowledgements

I was supported and inspired by so many wonderful friends, family, ­colleagues and students during the writing of this book. Sarah Williams (Channel View) provided support and guidance throughout the project, and I truly appreciate her time, trust and patience. Sean Gammon (University of Central Lancashire) is a wonderful friend and colleague, and our discussions – whether over the phone, via email, or at one of the many sport heritage sites we have been privileged to visit together over the years – helped immeasurably in the creation and structure of this book. Tom Hinch (University of Alberta) saw potential in sport heritage research early on, and his support, advice and friendship over the years is truly appreciated. My colleagues in the Department of Parks, Recreation and Tourism Management at Clemson University, in particular Sheila Backman, Ken Backman, Bill Norman, Fran McGuire, Brett Wright, Bob Powell and Wayne Freimund provided significant support and encouragement throughout the writing of this book, in particular in seeing the value of book projects such as this for our department, our university and our profession. Colleagues at other universities, notably Dallen Timothy (Arizona State University) and Audrey Giles (University of Ottawa), also provided valuable support and advice. Support for this book was also assisted through research stipends from the Robert H. Brooks Sports Science Institute, the Department of Parks, Recreation and Tourism Management at Clemson University, a Clemson Support for Early Exploration and Development grant, a European Commission Scholars scholarship for residency at the University of Leuven, and study abroad opportunities through Clemson Athletics and Clemson University’s International Office. This project also began during a sabbatical from Clemson University, and I thank and acknowledge my university colleagues’ support in granting sabbatical leave. Friends and students also helped immeasurably with this book. In particular, I would like to thank Jake Hayes for taking the time both to visit sport sites across London over several different visits as well as providing legal advice on the book contract. Research, photos, topics and suggestions for this book were also provided by Terry O’Riordan, Kate Blair, Felipe Tobar, Jungah Choi and Alana Seaman.

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Finally, I am blessed to have a loving and supportive family. I truly appreciate the support of my parents, Bruce and Mary, my brother, Rob, and my parents-in-law, Jan and Frank. Most importantly, I would like to thank Shawna and Sebastian for their patience, love, understanding and support throughout the writing of this book. Many weekends and family vacations were planned around visiting sport heritage locations (not to mention the many weeks I spent away from home on research trips) and I cannot thank them enough for the faith they have shown in me. Gregory Ramshaw Clemson, South Carolina

1 Introduction: The Relationship Between Heritage and Sport Introduction

Heritage and sport share an important relationship. Sporting events and achievements are markers of collective memories, while sporting traditions are ingrained into the behaviours and activities of spectators and competitors alike. Famous sporting sites, like arenas and stadiums, are conserved as historic places and become magnets for devoted sporting pilgrims, while sports museums and halls of fame are catalysts for both preserving sporting artefacts and as anchors of tourism development. Sporting pasts are frequently commoditised into experiences, souvenirs, and memorabilia of all shapes and sizes, while sporting moments are commemorated, replayed, and nostalgised through various media outlets. Chants and cheers at sporting events regularly reflect heritage values, and can become heritage in and of themselves, while the very act of playing a particular sport can represent a kind-of heritage performance. Sport plays a role in broader national heritage moments and events, frames contemporary debates and discussions, and is used as a tool of both power and resistance. In short, there is little doubt that heritage is integral to sport, and sport is integral to heritage. However, sport has only recently started to receive attention as a distinctive form of heritage. Part of this attention is due to its public popularity and ability to be commodified into a variety of different products and experiences. However, the recognition also has to do with a change in our understanding of heritage, and that recent heritages from popular sources can be important catalysts of identity. As such, a variety of topics in sport heritage have received research attention, including examinations of its role in tourism development (Gammon & Ramshaw, 2013b; Wood, 2005), its creation, construction, and interpretation at sports halls of fame and museums (Danilov, 2005; Moore, 2012; Reilly, 2015), its role in defining and conserving sports stadia and sporting venues (Gaffney, 2008; Gammon, 2011), its relationship to sporting events (Pinson, 2017), its role in dissonant heritage (Schultz, 2013; White, 2013), its function as a constructor of liminal space (Anton et al., 2013), and its use as a form of pilgrimage (Williams, 2012), to name but a few. There have also been edited texts dedicated to sport 1

2  Heritage and Sport

heritage as a whole (Hill et al., 2012; Ramshaw, 2015) and edited texts which explore specific manifestations of sport heritage such as events or museums (Gammon et al., 2013; Phillips, 2013a). Similarly, many sport history and sport management conferences regularly include papers about sport heritage, and there are also professional organisations in Canada, the United States and the United Kingdom dedicated to the issues faced by staff at sport-based museums. However, heritage and sport interact in a variety of ways and contexts, but this has yet to be fully explored. As such, this book provides readers with an introduction to this increasingly vital and important relationship. Heritage, Sport and Sport Heritage

Heritage is a complex, and frequently misunderstood term. Often, heritage is castigated as ‘bad history’ when, as Lowenthal (1998) argues, heritage and history – though related – have very different tasks, audiences, and outcomes. Timothy succinctly argues that heritage is ‘what we inherit from the past and use in present day’ (2011: 3). Similarly, Harrison (2013) emphasises that heritage is a present consideration, noting that heritage is both current circumstances and inherited concerns. Waterton and Watson (2015) further describe heritage as ‘a version of the past received through objects and display, representations and engagements, spectacular locations and events, memories and commemorations, and the preparations of places for cultural purposes and consumption’ (2015: 1). Although this definition reflects the popular understanding of heritage as both tangible (buildings, objects) and intangible (traditions, language), it also reflects heritage as a discursive practice which has led some scholars such as Smith (2006) and Ashworth (2008) to suggest that all heritage is ultimately intangible. However, Harrison’s (2012) exploration of heritage argues that, though heritage remains a discursive practice that is defined through language, it is also rooted in tangible places, objects, and people. Furthermore, as a discursive practice, heritage reflects notions of power which may legitimise and delegitimise various viewpoints and perspectives; what Smith (2006) terms the ‘Authorised Heritage Discourse.’ As such, because heritage is frequently a source of dissonance and disagreement (Graham et al., 2000), the idea of a singular, unified heritage narrative has largely been discredited and, rather, heritage is often understood through a range of competing agendas and narratives. What constitutes ‘sport’ is similarly contentious. Hinch and Higham’s (2011) characteristics of sport, which suggests that sport must include rules, competition, play and physical activity is useful in delineating sport from other types of activities and recreational practices. Richards’ (2006) argument (in reference to rugby union) notes that an activity becomes a sport when it is codified, governed and mobile, suggesting that institutional structures also are important in understanding what constitutes

Introduction: The Relationship Between Heritage and Sport  3

sport and sporting practices. Similarly, contemporary media coverage also may help to define public understandings of sport. If an activity or competition appears on a sport-based television channel, such as ESPN, or appears in the pages of a sport-based magazine or website, such as Sports Illustrated, or is labelled on YouTube as ‘sport,’ or is positioned as sport through gambling companies and bookmakers, a wide range of activities may be popularly understood and considered as sport. Other types of activities, such as art (Cordner, 1988) and dance (Guarino, 2015), have been compared to sport, particularly as sport and many artistic endeavours share similar characteristics including movement, competition, governance and spectacle. As such, delineating sport from a pastime or game or other form of kinaesthetic, competitive, or physical activities is a challenge, and therefore may reflect an evolving discursive process about the meaning of ‘sport’. Examining sport alongside heritage adds an additional dimension, as many heritage locations and commemorations may include activities which are termed ‘sport’ but may not necessarily fit the characteristics of what might now be considered as sport. Much of what is termed as ancient and medieval ‘sport,’ such as archery, most likely would have had an understood – if highly localised – set of rules and certainly would have had a clearly defined winner and loser, while other activities from these eras, such as hunting, may have been termed ‘sport’ but do not necessarily conform to contemporary definitions of sport in terms of, for example, rules or governance. More recently, eSports certainly include competition and institutional governance, although there is debate about the kinaesthetic nature of this activity (Hilvoorde & Pot, 2016). As such, the discursive use and practice of sport heritage – in particular its use by heritage researchers and heritage agencies – requires consideration. For example, Inglis’ (2014) text about sport heritage in London, which was published by English Heritage – a national heritage agency – includes sites related to bear-baiting and cock-fighting as part of the city’s sport heritage. If heritage agencies and heritage researchers define an ancient or medieval practice as ‘sport heritage’, then consideration of that activity as a ‘sport’ should be given, even if it does not necessarily reflect many of the characteristics of contemporary sporting practices. Similarly, electronic gaming is considered an emergent form of cultural heritage (Aydin & Schnabel, 2016; Champion, 2016) and, undoubtedly, eSports will most certainly generate a new type of sport heritage through classic matches, players, and heritage-based merchandise. As such, our understanding of sport and sport heritage may need to be flexible. Both heritage and sport are evolving concepts and, as such, definitions and understandings of sport heritage should reflect this evolution. Certainly, there are many places and practices that are now termed ­‘heritage’ which may not have been considered as such even a decade ago, while one need only look at the listings for any number of sports networks to see that what constitutes ‘sport’ is also undergoing significant

4  Heritage and Sport

changes. A definition for sport heritage must recognise this evolution. As such, for the purposes of this book, sport heritage is defined as the recognition and use of the sporting past as a means of addressing or illuminating a variety of contemporary social, cultural, and economic processes and practices. This definition recognises that there are many bodies of knowledge which inform contemporary constructions of sport heritage, that there are many different forms and types of sport heritage, and that sport heritage is often interpreted in the present differently by different actors to achieve different objectives. It also recognises heritage as a discursive process which may create, enshrine, and legitimise any number of sport-based places and activities under a heritage-banner for a variety of contemporary reasons. The relationship between heritage and sport must also be viewed from two broad perspectives: the heritage of sport and sport as heritage (Ramshaw & Gammon, 2005; 2017). The heritage of sport perspective views the heritage/sport relationship primarily as self-contained within a sport’s specific culture and history. In other words, this view considers the important records, achievements, artefacts, and places of a sport as being important to the athletes, fans and administrators of that sport, but which may not transcend that sport into broader heritage discourses. An example of the heritage of sport might be the championship records of a particular team, or the goal scoring record of a particular athlete, each of which may be vitally important to the supporters of that sport, particularly in terms of understanding the history and heritage of a particular sport or athletes, but which may not necessarily have any broader heritage implications outside of the sport itself. In addition, those who play a sport – whether at the professional, amateur, or recreational level – will also maintain and preserve some of the intangible heritages of the sport, such as the traditions, rituals, and norms within the sport’s culture and practice. The other perspective, sport as heritage, considers sport heritage which transcends sport and becomes part of a broader heritage discourse. For example, some athlete ‘firsts’ – such as the first AfricanAmerican in a sport or the first openly LGBTQ+ athlete in a sport – is certainly important to the heritage of sport, although often these become part of sport as heritage discourses as they become touchstones of larger cultural moments. Similarly, playing particular sports may also reflect broader cultural identities and practices, particularly when connected to national identities and heritages. Of course, sport heritage can be simultaneously the heritage of sport and sport as heritage. Perhaps the most pertinent example is that of Jackie Robinson who, on 15 April 1947, broke baseball’s ‘colour barrier’ and became the first African-American to play Major League Baseball. Robinson’s achievements on the field, including being the first African-American in Major League Baseball as well as his statistics and championships, are certainly part of the heritage of sport. However, his accomplishments both on and off the field are a defining

Introduction: The Relationship Between Heritage and Sport  5

moment of American cultural heritage, thus he becomes an example of sport as heritage. Why Sport Heritage?

A dedicated book that provides an overview of the heritage/sport relationship and the sport heritage field is long overdue. Beyond the interdisciplinary research in sport heritage, there is significant use of sport heritage in popular and public arenas. For example, sport heritage is often now used by sports teams, leagues, organisations, and communities looking to recognise or commodify their sporting pasts, or by government organisations and institutions looking to acknowledge and create a sense of identity through sport heritage. Similarly, individuals and groups create and practice sport heritage in a variety of contexts and purposes. As such, sport heritage requires further exploration. Harrison (2012) argues that many different heritages experienced a ‘boom’ in popular interest due in large part to the commoditisation of heritage through the ‘experience economy’ of tourism, retail, and other service industries. As Ashworth (2008) suggests, heritage cannot simply ‘be’ – one of its main characteristics is that it must ‘do’ – and, as such, one does not have to look particularly far to see numerous popular manifestations of sport heritage engaged in a variety of tasks. Many communities have sport museums or preserve important historic sporting venues often in the recognition of their community history, while individuals look to sport to create or maintain personal or collective heritage identities. Sport organisations use their heritage in terms of marketing or creating new types of memorabilia and souvenirs. Destinations use sport heritage places and experiences in place promotion for tourism, while numerous sporting events explicitly recognise – or are entirely based-upon – sport heritage symbols and traditions. Public heritage bodies have also started to recognise sport as an important topic of revealing, interpreting, and preserving the past. International organisations such as the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) recognise sport as an important part of both the tangible and intangible heritage landscape (ICOMOS, 2016a), while national heritage organisations such as Historic England and the National Trust for Historic Preservation in the United States frequently champion sport heritage sites and events. As such, there appears to be a significant – and growing – public and organisational interest in sport heritage. Beyond public interest in sport heritage, there is an increasing interest in popular – and, often, relatively recent – heritage from a number of different research perspectives. Graham et al. (2005) note that most heritage is placed in a dichotomy of high/low culture, with ‘high’ cultural heritage, such as fine art and important national treasures and

6  Heritage and Sport

artefacts, traditionally receiving the most attention in terms of conservation, funding, and display. However, many recent and popular heritages have started to receive increased attention in recent years, not only as these heritages become part of the commodification process through tourism and other commercial services, but because recent heritages also play a significant role in narrative and identity-building, conservation of historic buildings and spaces, and engaging diverse audiences. Heritage associated with music (Cohen et al., 2014; Frost, 2008; Roberts, 2014), television (DeGroot, 2016; Kompare, 2003) film (Higson, 1996; Martin-Jones, 2014), literature (Caton & Santos, 2007; Hebert, 2001), and food and drink (Brulotte & Di Giovine, 2016), have been some of the ways in which traditional heritage practices and recent, popular cultures overlap. In terms of sport, both Moore (2008) and Gammon (2007) argue that sport’s public popularity, along with the fact that much of its important heritage is relatively recent, may have positioned sport heritage as trivial and unworthy of scholarly attention. However, Cronin and Higgins (2011) argue that conserving and experiencing heritage places and activities associated with sport is essential in understanding the fabric of many nations and societies. The fact that sport heritage is now recognised by a variety of disciplines and fields, including history (Hill et al., 2012; Phillips, 2013a; Wilson, 2014), geography (Strohmayer, 2013; Titterington & Done, 2012), archaeology (Moore et al., 2014), management (Stride, Wilson et al., 2013), conservation (Bairner, 2015; Pfleegor et al., 2013), marketing (Kellett, 2015), and tourism (Timothy, 2018), further suggests the need for a dedicated sport heritage text. Furthermore, the texts that are specifically sport heritage-based typically focus on the sport heritage of a particular geographical location, such as London (Inglis, 2014) or Ireland (Cronin & Higgins, 2011), rather than exploring the concept of sport heritage as a whole. Sport, along with other recent popular cultures, also has a unique relationship to heritage. Sport has a strong and enduring relationship with the recent past, as it has generated important moments, helped to create important places and spaces, and has become part of collective memory and moments – many of which reside in living memory and, frequently, have intergenerational connections. However, sport also generates new heritage through sporting events, magnificent performances, remarkable athletes, and defining moments. Critchley notes this Janus-head approach to sport heritage in his examination of football, suggesting that sport has ‘the potential for the creation of new moments, a future heritage’ (2017: 151). Certainly, other forms of heritage, such as ancient or medieval heritage, can be interpreted differently by different contemporary actors, while new and recent finds might change how we view those pasts. However, there is not ‘future’ Roman or Medieval heritage in the same way as there is future sport heritage. As Ramshaw (2014b) notes, sport’s

Introduction: The Relationship Between Heritage and Sport  7

role in generating future heritage is one of the defining characteristics of the heritage/sport relationship. Sport heritage also needs to be understood as a broad topic area with many component parts. Certainly, sport heritage is strongly related to areas such as museums or tourism – though, these topics are not synonyms for sport heritage. Sport heritage also intersects with a variety of topics and concepts and is much more wide-ranging than is currently understood within the literature. As illustrated earlier in this chapter, sport heritage research also requires an interdisciplinary approach, involving fields ranging from management and marketing to anthropology and archaeology. Traditionally, sport heritage has been understood within sport history and, specifically, public sport history, where academic sport history is translated and interpreted for general public and not-specialist audiences. Clearly, sport history plays a vital role in the understanding of sport heritage, not only in terms of providing content and context but also in understanding how sport heritage – particularly in its focus on the present – may mask, obscure, or misrepresent the factual past. However, the creation, construction and interpretation of sport heritage involves numerous academic disciplines beyond sport history, as this text demonstrates and, as such, sport history and sport heritage are not synonymous despite their close relationship. Finally, sport heritage can be a vehicle for both celebration and resistance. Many forms of sport heritage celebrate sport’s remarkable moments, places, and achievements. Indeed, many – if not most – of the examples of sport heritage provided in this book celebrate and commemorate elements of the sporting pasts. That said, in terms of the wide variety of heritages on offer, sport heritage seems the least likely to incorporate dissonant and contested heritage approaches. In addition to celebratory narratives, sport heritage often advocates hero-worship (Snyder, 1991) or dominant political agendas, such as honouring military personnel and veterans (Scherer & Koch, 2010), whereby dissonant social or political considerations are often marginalised or entirely absent (Springwood, 1996). As Graham et al. (2000) argue, heritage can be seen as a duality of economic and cultural capital and, in general, there is often conflict between the cultural and economic outcomes of heritage. As such, if a form of sport heritage is created or conserved for its economic value through tourism and marketing, other approaches which highlight contested and dissonant perspectives – particularly those approaches that challenge or embarrass teams, leagues, owners, sponsors or other groups of supporters – may not always be saleable. However, with greater frequency, instances from the sporting past where sports­persons or sporting events have created or enacted social change have become part of contemporary social, cultural, and political debates (Ramshaw, 2017b). Furthermore, many sport heritage sites must now balance both veneration and commodification of sporting legends with accurate and

8  Heritage and Sport

authentic portrayals of the sporting past. Otherwise, interpretations of sport heritage would lack authenticity and credibility. The Sport Heritage Typology

The structure of the book is based on the sport heritage typology proposed by Ramshaw and Gammon (2005, 2017), which was adapted from Tunbridge and Ashworth’s (1996) five characterisations of heritage and Timothy and Boyd’s (2003) scales of heritage. Specifically, the book is structured in four parts that represent each component of the typology: • • • •

Tangible immovable sport heritage. Tangible movable sport heritage. Intangible sport heritage. Goods and services with a sport heritage component.

The sport heritage typology offers a useful framework for exploring the major facets of sport heritage, as well as the heritage/sport relationship, from sport heritage venues and events to the use of sport heritage in marketing, merchandise, and souvenirs. Furthermore, the typology considers sport heritage in a broad context, reflecting the many ways both sport and heritage are currently understood, as well as discussing some of the major topics and issues across sport heritage and suggesting some future directions for the sport heritage field. Finally, though the typology appears to separate sport heritage into distinctive categories, it is understood and acknowledged that many forms and types of sport heritage could fit in multiple sections of the typology – often simultaneously. As such, the sport heritage typology should not be viewed as four distinct silos of sport heritage, but rather a useful way of organising the many ­different manifestations of sport heritage while also realising that the typology boundaries are permeable. Part 1: Tangible Immovable Sport Heritage

Tangible immovable sport heritage refers to a material form of sport heritage that normally remains in situ. The most noticeable of this form of sport heritage are sports stadia and sporting venues (Chapter 2) which may be ascribed historic, architectural, or community heritage values. Sport heritage monuments and memorials (Chapter 3) such as statues, historic markers, and place names are also considered a form of tangible immovable sport heritage. Although many forms of monuments and memorials are movable, frequently they are associated with immovable places and landscapes and, as such, become immovable themselves lest they lose context and meaning. Finally, the relationship between landscapes and sport heritage (Chapter 4) is considered and although some

Introduction: The Relationship Between Heritage and Sport  9

sport heritage landscapes are simulacra and are replicating ‘authentic’ sporting landscapes for which no original exists, many others are linked to specific places which cannot be moved or relocated. Part 2: Tangible Movable Sport Heritage

Tangible movable sport heritage refers to a material form of sport heritage that need not remain in situ. The most recognisable form of tangible movable sport heritage are sports museums and halls of fame (Chapter 5). Though many sports museums and halls of fame remain in situ and are linked to particular locations or communities, others move for a variety of reasons, not the least of which is better access to visitors, sponsors and tourists. The contents of sports museums, namely the artefacts, are also movable, as many sports museums have created travelling exhibitions. Sporting events (Chapter 6) are another form of tangible movable sport heritage in order to reach new audiences and meet institutional mandates. Like sports museums and halls of fame, some sporting events are inexorably linked to a particular site or destination, such as the Wimbledon tennis tournament or The Masters golf tournament. However, most sporting events are mobile and, increasingly, the heritage of the event itself, the heritage of the sports which are played at the event, and the heritage of the community in which the event is being held, all factor into the overall event creation and experience. Finally, the notion of living sport heritage (Chapter 7), specifically understanding athletes, managers, and other competitors as a type of sport heritage, also represents a kind of tangible movable sport heritage. Interacting with athletes and coaches might be part of a museum visit, while competitors are also enshrined, commodified, remembered, and eulogised as part of sport’s enduring legacy. Part 3: Intangible Sport Heritage

Many forms of sport heritage cannot necessarily be touched or catalogued as a building or artefact might. As such, intangibility (Chapter 8) in sport heritage must also be considered. Normally, this would include chants, cheers, and traditions – though it can also be sensory forms of sport heritage such as smell and taste, as well as links between sport heritage and time or sport heritage and a sense of identity and belonging. Many forms of sport heritage are also tied to particular institutions (Chapter 9). Although at times these institutions might be represented through physical structures (such as the headquarters of a governing body), other times a fundamental part of sport heritage is its links to and through governmental structures, media, and education. Finally, sport heritage may also form part of the existential self (Chapter 10). This includes ‘being’ a part of sport heritage, perhaps through bloodlines, while at others the act of

10  Heritage and Sport

‘doing’ a sporting activity can also be a type of heritage performance, often tied to personal or cultural identities. Part 4: Goods and Services with a Sport Heritage Component

Sport heritage can be a commodity. Most notably, tourism and sport heritage (Chapter 11) are strongly linked, as many tourists and destinations look to sport heritage sites and experiences as a key feature of a vacation. Sport heritage is also used in marketing (Chapter 12), both through the development of specific sport heritage products and experiences and as a form of consumer engagement. Finally, sport heritage has to be managed (Chapter 13) as a resource. This not only includes conserving sport heritage sites and experiences, but also planning and interpreting sport heritage for a wide variety of audiences, and for its use in numerous cultural and economic activities. A Note on ‘An Introduction’ to Sport Heritage

The title of this book very purposely uses the word ‘introduction’. Despite the growing interest in sport heritage by academics and practitioners alike, sport heritage is a relatively new area of scholarly inquiry. Many of the existing research approaches to sport heritage have also focused on particular forms of sport heritage (such as commercial sports museums) and have not necessarily considered the whole of the field. Similarly, much of the research attention in sport heritage has been primarily acquired from elite or professional sports, often in Western European or North American contexts. Heritages of recreational or participation sports, for example, have not necessarily been broadly considered in research, nor has sport heritage outside of the context of major professional sports leagues or events necessarily received significant research attention. This book also reflects my personal understandings and experiences in sport heritage, which have been largely acquired in North America and Europe (particularly in the United Kingdom) often in elite or professional sport settings and through a specific cultural lens. While I have made every attempt to provide a broad approach to sport heritage and make connections between interdisciplinary fields, I am constrained both by my own experiences and the existing approaches to this topic. However, I draw inspiration from Harvey’s (2008) essay about the history of heritage which, through using his experiences in the British heritage field, nevertheless illustrates a larger understanding of heritage which can be applied in different cultural and geographical contexts. Similarly, it is hoped that readers will find this text useful in their own sport heritage explorations, and that it will be of some use and relevance regardless of setting. As such, if this text plays some small role in a larger understanding of sport heritage from many different perspectives, I will consider this project a great success.

2 Sports Venues and Sport Heritage Introduction

Tangible physical structures such as cathedrals, grand monuments, stately homes, ancient monuments, and ornate government buildings are often the most recognisable type of heritage (Ahmad, 2006; Vecco, 2010), and this type of heritage frequently attracts the bulk of attention in conservation legislation (Delefons, 2005), tourism promotion, and visitation (McKercher & Du Cros, 2002). Though tangible heritage structures are often conserved, promoted, and visited for aesthetic and economic reasons, they are also often connected to important and famous events or people and, as such, may be representative of a variety of heritages. Furthermore, many types of tangible, built heritage structures become symbolic of certain places and particular communities, although the degree to which there is consent over the meanings of certain heritage symbols – or if they are representative of only an elite, authorising heritage discourse – remains a significant debate in heritage studies (Hall, 2008; Smith, 2006). Built sporting structures such as sports stadia are some of the most identifiable forms of sport heritage. According to Gaffney (2008), sports stadia are ‘sites of unforgettable human dramas and mundane realities’ (2008: 3). They serve as repositories for individual and collective memories and identities, are sites of important sporting moments and feats, and become monuments of the communities – and nations – in which they reside (Gaffney, 2008). As Gammon (2011) argues, ‘the stadium has grown in importance, from an often aesthetically indifferent utilitarian structure into an iconic symbol of place, team, sport and/or event’ (2011: 116). The venues in which sport has been performed and consumed range from the ancient to the contemporary, with even the most recent of venues acquiring (either through design or discourse) heritage significance. Many sporting venues have, through conservation, memorialisation, and tourist visitation, become important heritage resources in and of themselves, in part because of heritage attributes and values such as age and aesthetics, as well as the importance that sporting venues play in personal and community traditions and heritages. More recently, heritage organisations have started to recognise sporting venues as important heritage places. For example, the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) dedicated 2016 to the ‘heritage of sport’ and, in particular,

13

14  Part 1: Tangible Immovable Sport Heritage

called for the recognition and preservation of sporting venues as an integral part of the international built heritage landscape. At an individual or community level, losing a beloved stadium is often expressed by supporters as akin to a form of bereavement for a loved one (Bale, 2000). As such, sporting venues have increasingly been understood as possessing heritage value. This chapter will therefore explore the many ways in which sporting venues are understood as heritage, including conservation of sporting venues, replication of sporting venues, commodification of sporting venues, abandonment of sporting venues, non-sport heritage associations to sporting venues, heritage and non-elite/recreational sporting venues, and other forms of built sport heritage such as historic homes. Conservation of Sporting Venues

Over the past half century, heritage professionals have embraced broader understandings about heritage conservation, particularly with regards to built heritage. This broader approach included recognising and conserving vernacular heritage such as industrial sites (Xie, 2006), agricultural locations and systems (Koohafkan & Altieri, 2011), and heritages of everyday life (Jones & Mean, 2010). Heritages of sport, leisure, and recreation have also become part of the contemporary conservation movement (Pfleegor et al., 2013). Although sports venues – along with the elite (and, in recent decades, well-compensated) athletes, managers, and owners who perform at these venues – may not necessarily always be considered heritages of the everyday, these ‘new cathedrals,’ as Trumpbour (2006) calls them, are nevertheless important and often popular cultural symbols in many communities and for many groups of people (Dyreson & Trumpbour, 2013). In particular, sporting venues have become much more than utilitarian places or sites for sport consumption (Lee et al., 2012). Notably, when a beloved sporting venue is demolished or when a team elects to move to a different (and often newer) venue, the former venue is often nostalgically eulogised, particularly if the ‘new’ venue fails to impress supporters. West Ham football club’s move from its traditional home at Upton Park to its new home at the former Olympic Stadium, for example, has been broadly controversial among supporters (Steinberg, 2017) and additionally separates the club from its community, its history, and its heritage (Robbins, 2015). As such, sporting venues can become symbols of a glorious past and a repository of memory, and – when abandoned or demolished – memorialised and remembered (Steets & Frank, 2010). According to Ramshaw and Gammon (2017), the designation of sporting venues as heritage sites has, until relatively recently, been quite rare. In part, this could be because of the changing revenue requirements of, in particular, professional sports stadia, where the need to

Sports Venues and Sport Heritage   15

add amenities may render heritage conservation initiatives undesirable (Cronin & Higgins, 2011) as well as a singular use of many sports stadia (Kiuri & Teller, 2012). However, some sporting venues have received heritage designations for both conservation of the physical site itself, as well as recognition for the intangible heritage meanings and values ascribed to the stadium. For example, Boston’s iconic baseball stadium, Fenway Park – home of the Boston Red Sox – was entered into the National Register of Historic Places in the United States in 2012. In the application for Fenway Park to be included on the register, the justification for Fenway Park’s heritage significance included its age (it is one of the oldest operating baseball stadiums in the United States), its link to famous games and players, and its aesthetic and design qualities – not the least of which is its asymmetrical design and its large, atypical left field wall known as the ‘Green Monster’ (Figure 2.1). However, the application also cites the stadium as a place of pilgrimage, even in the off-season and on non-game days, because of its mysterious, symbolic relationship to the people of New England, its role in transmitting intergenerational memories and experiences, and the fact that the stadium has been a muse for numerous creative works (National Register of Historic Places, 2012). In this designation, heritage that is both sport-based (such as sporting records and achievements) and non-sport heritage (such as artistic works) demonstrates a way in which a sports venue can be considered both heritage of sport/sport as heritage (Ramshaw & Gammon, 2005). However, unlike stately homes or old industrial sites which are often converted into other practical uses such as tourist attractions, retail space, and rental properties, an abandoned sporting venue poses unique

Figure 2.1  Boston’s Fenway Park, including the ‘Green Monster’ left field wall. The aesthetics and design of sporting venues help to create their heritage value

16  Part 1: Tangible Immovable Sport Heritage

conservation challenges, in particular whether it makes sense to preserve and conserve a notable or historic sporting venue when it is no longer used for sport. The ongoing debate about the future of the Astrodome in Houston, one-time home of Houston’s baseball and football teams, is one such case. The Astrodome ushered in a new era in both stadium design and spectator comfort that has been emulated throughout the world. It is listed on the National Register of Historic Places for its architectural and cultural significance (National Register for Historic Places, 2014) and it is arguably one of the most important venues in the history of 20th century sport (Trumpbour & Womack, 2016). As such, it is undoubtedly an important heritage site and is worthy of preservation. However, as is the case with many heritage structures, preservation for preservation’s sake, particularly for such a large building that is no longer used for its original intent (both the football and baseball teams have long-since moved to their own individual purpose-built stadiums in the Houston area), is not an option, and other forms of conservation and use had to be considered in order for the venue to avoid demolition. Given that preservation of sporting venues in their original state is often not an option, the process of adaptive reuse, where buildings with ‘cultural and historical significance are being adapted and reused rather than being subjected to demolition’ (Bullen & Love, 2011: 411), is a common practice in built heritage and, in recent years, has been used in the conservation of sporting venues. In many respects, adaptive reuse is the ‘middle way’ between complete demolition and complete preservation whereby many of the features that made the building culturally, historically or architecturally important are kept, but the actual use of the building changes from its original intent. Normally, adaptive reuse is associated with former industrial sites such as the Battersea Power Station in London, in which the industrial structure remains but the site is now developed for housing, commercial services, and retail. Two of the more famous adaptive reuse sports venue projects include the Montreal Forum, long-time home of the Montreal Canadiens hockey club which is now a retail and entertainment complex, and Maple Leaf Gardens, once home of the Toronto Maple Leafs hockey club, which is now a mixed-use development that includes a grocery store and a multisport athletics facility for Ryerson University. Similarly, Highbury Square – an apartment complex in London – is an adaptive reuse apartment development that used many of the features of Highbury Stadium, one-time home of Arsenal Football Club. In many cases, important architectural components, as well as recognition of important spaces (such as the space of the playing surface), are incorporated into the adaptive reuse of sporting venues. The grocery store that now occupies Maple Leaf Gardens, for example, includes numerous references to the former sporting venue, including heritage banners of important events held at the arena, mosaic artwork, and the location of the centre ice faceoff dot (Figure 2.2). Furthermore, the marquee from

Sports Venues and Sport Heritage   17

Figure 2.2  Red dot marking the former location of centre ice at Maple Leaf Gardens, long-time home arena of the Toronto Maple Leafs ice hockey team. The arena houses both a grocery store and university athletics facility. Adaptive reuse of former sporting venues is one method of heritage conservation. Photo by Kate Blair, used with permission

Maple Leaf Gardens remains, as does the name of the building, despite its change in use. Many sporting venues include markers to intangible sport heritages, in particular for famous moments and events that happened at the venue, as well as for the athletes that played there. In-stadium markers describe impressive feats and historic events both as a means of recognition as well as using heritage as a way of instilling a sense of importance in the venue (Figure 2.3). Many sporting venues are named after champion athletes from the past. For example, tennis venues such as the Arthur Ashe Stadium in New York or the Rod Laver Arena in Melbourne are named after former tennis champions. Similarly, in sports such as football and cricket, spectator areas and stands will often be named after past players.

18  Part 1: Tangible Immovable Sport Heritage

Figure 2.3  Basketball mural at the Spectrum Center in Charlotte, North Carolina. Heritage artwork and markers at sporting venues link the venue with important moments, athletes, and teams, and help to give the venue a sense of history and importance, particularly for new venues

The Warner Stand at Lord’s Cricket Ground, for example, is named after former England cricket captain Pelham Warner, while the Sir Alex Ferguson Stand at Old Trafford in Manchester is named after the former manager of Manchester United. The names of the venues themselves will also have other heritage associations, including that they are named after nearby heritage locations (e.g. St. James Park in Newcastle) or that the name of the venue has been around long enough to have a heritage value (e.g. Madison Square Garden) and which is constant regardless of how many physical changes the venue undertakes. Even the playing surface itself – such as the ‘frozen tundra of Lambeau Field’ in Green Bay, Wisconsin where the Green Bay Packers NFL team plays – is inscribed with heritage meanings, particularly related to the local environment (Crepeau, 1997). As such, the conservation of heritage at sporting venues includes many forms of recognition.

Replica Sporting Venues

Over the past quarter century, many contemporary sporting venues have started including heritage as part of their design, either by explicitly drawing inspiration from venues of the past or, in many cases, creating replicas of existing sports facilities (Seifried & Myer, 2010). This trend is particularly apparent in the United States where ‘retro’ ballpark design became a central part of baseball stadium design through the 1990s and 2000s (Rosenweig, 2005). This design trend, in particular, favoured

Sports Venues and Sport Heritage   19

features such as natural grass, asymmetrical fields of play, brick exteriors, and manual scoreboards, all of which provide the new venue the look and feel of a traditional ballpark (Stillman, 2001; Trumpbour, 2007) such as Boston’s Fenway Park, Chicago’s Wrigley Field, or Detroit’s Tiger Stadium. Judd (1999) argues that post-industrial cities looked to retro ballparks as anchors of urban regeneration, particularly in developing a tourism economy, where heritage becomes a key part of broader leisure consumption. Ramshaw (2005) adds that retro venues offered consumers a seemingly uncomplicated and serene heritage landscape that was juxtaposed with a complex and complicated present, while also offering a tangible, built heritage connection with civic history and identity. Hahl (2016) further suggests that preference for retro stadiums and the use of ‘authenticity’ in the design is a reaction towards broader perceptions by consumers of inauthenticity in the sport. However, many of these urban ­redevelopment initiatives followed similar templates, from stadium aesthetics to types of businesses in the surrounding neighbourhood, leading to an increasingly homogenised and placeless feel for many of these stadium districts (Mason, Ramshaw et al., 2005). As such, in recent years there has been a shift away from the retro trend (Byrnes, 2012). New ballparks such as Marlins Park in Miami employ much more contemporary and place-specific design (Wiedeman, 2012) rather than the nostalgic, but increasingly placeless, retro designs. This is not to suggest that heritage features are not still a part of new ballpark features, but rather the kinds of heritage used have changed. In the case of Marlins Park, retro ballpark features such as red brick facades – which were indicative of traditional ballpark designs – were abandoned while uses of local arts and culture, particularly related to the city’s connections to Caribbean heritage, were used instead. Similar to the retro park design trend, many communities are simply replicating specific sports venues rather than creating a new design. The idea of ‘borrowing’ heritage is common at many sporting venues, where teams and organisations borrow or use more durable and recognisable heritage in order to provide a sense of importance and authenticity until a durable local heritage becomes recognisable (Ramshaw, Gammon et al., 2013). In the case of replica sports venues, often both the look and experience of a well-known sporting venue is reproduced. For example, there are two minor league baseball replicas of Boston’s Fenway Park – one in Greenville, South Carolina (Figure 2.4) and the other in Fort Meyers, Florida. In the case of Fluor Field in Greenville, not only are the dimensions and many of the features of Fenway Park replicated, but many of the Fenway Park rituals – such as the singing of the Neil Diamond song ‘Sweet Caroline’ between innings – are also reproduced. In many respects, going to a game in Greenville is meant to be ‘like’ going to Fenway, along with all the traditions, rituals, and heritage markers – all of which are likely recognisable to local fans.

20  Part 1: Tangible Immovable Sport Heritage

Figure 2.4  Fluor Field in Greenville, South Carolina is one of several baseball ­stadiums in the United States that incorporate parts of Boston’s Fenway Park in their design, aesthetic, and spectator experience

Commodification of Sporting Venues

Many sporting venues have been heavily commodified, due in large part to being viewed and positioned as heritage sites. Souvenirs from heritage sporting venues, tours of heritage stadia, and historic stadia being used for events are just a few of the ways in which sporting venues are commodified for the contemporary heritage industry. The demolition of a sporting venue provides an opportunity to ‘own a piece of history’ and, as such, many teams and organisations have been able to commodify pieces of their former stadium or arena for sale to fans and collectors. Perhaps the most famous of these memorabilia sales was for Yankee Stadium, where seats, signs, and even sections of the dirt from the infield were sold as collectables (Crudele, 2013). However, parts of even less famous venues have become part of the sports memorabilia market. Bottles of melted ice

Sports Venues and Sport Heritage   21

Figure 2.5  A souvenir paperweight containing turf from Lord’s cricket ground in London. Items from historic or heritage venues, including the playing surface itself, are part of the souvenir market

from the Nassau Coliseum, long-time home of the New York Islanders hockey club, were sold for $20 each (Northrup, 2015). In many respects, these kinds of sales are a type of planned heritage looting, whereby there is an expectation that fans and supporters will want to own a piece of a former venue and the team or organisation is simply meeting the demand, particularly if the previous venue is slated for demolition or will be significantly altered as part of an adaptive reuse project. Similarly, even historic sporting venues that are still in use form part of the memorabilia market. One can purchase part of the turf from Lord’s Cricket Ground at the venue’s shop (Figure 2.5), for example, while miniature replicas of historic stadia like Wrigley Field are part of the sports memorabilia and souvenir market. Tours of sporting venues (discussed at length in Chapter 11) are also ways in which historic sporting venues are commodified (Figure 2.6). The opportunity to get a more intimate look at a famous sporting venue (for a fee) generates off-season and non-game day revenue, demonstrates a utility for the facility beyond its use on match days, and exposes consumers to a variety of products, from souvenirs and match tickets to catering and rental options (Lee et al., 2015; Ramshaw, Gammon et al., 2013). Events at historic sporting venues are another mode of commodifying heritage and nostalgia for a past sporting venue. Teams such as the National Basketball Association’s (NBA) Milwaukee Bucks played a game at a former arena as a way of both honouring their 50th anniversary as a franchise as well as offering a heritage/nostalgia experience for a regular game (Velazquez, 2017). Teams also commodify their final seasons at venues through souvenir sales, such as final season t-shirts, as

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Figure 2.6  Tour of La Bombonara, home of Boca Juniors football club in Buenos Aires, Argentina. Behind-the-scenes tours of historic or famous sporting venues ­generate revenue for clubs and sport organisations on non-game days in the offseason

well as guest appearances and events with former star players. Stadiums can also be used for non-sporting events, specifically for private hire for special events such as for weddings, corporate meetings, graduation ceremonies and birthday parties (Lee, Kim et al., 2012; Parrish & Kim, 2014). Although non-sport events held at sporting venues may not necessarily be heritage-related, hosting an event at a venue which has a notable history and heritage would undoubtedly enhance the event’s meaning and uniqueness. Abandoned and Vanished Sporting Venues

Many sporting venues, either through neglect or purposeful/­inadvertent destruction, no longer exist as they once did. In some cases, remaining parts of the venue are conserved and included in the design of new buildings or, in the case of venues which have entirely vanished, memorials or historic plaques are erected to commemorate where the venue once stood. As Felder et al. (2015) note, at times the material destruction of a venue actually helps it acquire heritage value. A sporting venue may only take on recognition and importance as heritage after it no longer exists in material form, a reflection of Thompson’s (1979) ‘rubbish theory’ whereby an object becomes valuable or meaningful when it is threatened with destruction or is actually destroyed. However, not all demolished or destroyed sporting venues acquire heritage value or recognition. Cronin and Higgins (2011), for example, describe that many demolished racecourses in Ireland are not recognised and, in many cases, forgotten. Arnot (2018), in his exploration of forgotten football grounds in Britain, suggests that many

Sports Venues and Sport Heritage   23

beloved sporting venues that were demolished will, over time, fade from public memory. Some developments, however, make-reference to a location’s connection to a sporting venue, even if the venue no longer exists. An apartment complex in Brooklyn, for example, is called ‘Ebbets Field’ as it resides on the spot where the baseball stadium of the same name stood until 1960. As such, there are different ways in which vanished sporting venues are remembered and recognised beyond formal heritage designations. Ruins of venues, such as castles and cathedrals, have long been a romantic part of the heritage aesthetic (Brett, 1996) though, more recently, the remains of more contemporary venues have come to represent both memorialisation and caution. Many sporting venues will include sections or parts of the venues they replaced. Outside of Marlins Park in Miami, for example, there are public art displays which use the letters from the Orange Bowl, the football stadium that used to reside on the same spot (Figure 2.7), as a way of connecting the old with the new. Similarly, parts of demolished venues are sometimes incorporated into the new venue. At State Farm Arena (formerly Philips Arena) in Atlanta, for example, the scoreboard from the Omni Arena – once home to the city’s NBA and NHL franchises – is displayed in the concourse of the new arena (Byrnes, 2015). Although artefacts from former venues can be used

Figure 2.7  Letters from the Orange Bowl, the football stadium that once resided in the same location, form a public art display outside Marlins Park in Miami, Florida. Artistic works are one way to remember demolished sporting venues

24  Part 1: Tangible Immovable Sport Heritage

as a type of homage, at other times, the ruins of a venue become a kind of a cautionary tale. Many sporting venues used for mega events such as the World Cup or the Olympics are the subject of photojournalism pieces, where their derelict state reminds readers – and, possibly, governments and public agencies as well – that promises of sustainable legacies from sporting events often do not materialise (Purcell, 2017; Schimmel et al., 2017). Similarly, the discourse of derelict sporting venues is compared to a form of death by neglect (Jacoby, 2010), though the final implosion and demolition of derelict sporting venues are sometimes positioned as a type-of artistic farewell (Schimmel et al., 2017). The archaeology of sporting venues is an additional way to learn about and commemorate vanished sporting venues (Wood, 2016). Schofield (2012) notes that most sport-based archaeology examines the sporting practices of the ancient world while also examining pastimes and leisure activities which – at times – are linked to sport. However, some archaeological attention has been paid to more recent sporting grounds. Pidd (2017b) explores the archaeological excavation of the Bradford Park Avenue football ground, which was abandoned in 1974. Archaeologists found not only parts of the ground such as stands, but also items related to both players and spectators. These forms of conservation not only tell us much about the venues themselves, but also how they were used, understood, and regarded by both athletes and the surrounding community. Non-Sport Connections to Sporting Venues

Many sporting venues, though perhaps primarily known for sport heritage, will also often be ascribed other heritage meanings, particularly through non-sport moments and events. Famous concerts, such as the Beatles 1965 Shea Stadium concert in New York, are often part of the larger heritage narrative of venues (Duffett, 2015). Sporting venues may also be ascribed heritage status based on architectural features or their interaction with other heritage structures. For example, the Oval cricket ground in London is, in part, known for the gasholder – which is a listed industrial heritage structure – residing immediately outside of the ground. In this, the venue – which has its own sport-specific heritage – becomes intertwined with broader heritages of the surrounding landscape. Finally, some sporting venues have heritages of conflict or tragedy (Figure 2.8). Cronin and Higgins (2011) note that Croke Park in Dublin ‘in addition to all the sport that has been witnessed there, was the location of the 1920 Bloody Sunday killings’ (2011: 87). Similarly, sporting venues like the Superdome in New Orleans, which became the focal point of the Hurricane Katrina disaster in 2005 (Grano & Zagacki, 2011), and Hillsborough Stadium in Sheffield, where 96 Liverpool fans died in 1989 (Hughson & Spaaij, 2011), are primarily known for these events and, as

Sports Venues and Sport Heritage   25

Figure 2.8  Memorial for the 11 people killed at a Who concert in Cincinnati at (then) Riverfront Coliseum. Heritages of tragedy are often remembered and ­memorialised at sporting venues

such, the heritage narratives about these venues are largely viewed through the lens of tragedy rather than triumph. Non-elite Sporting Venues

Although much of the focus in the conservation and preservation of sporting venues focuses on the grand and famous, many sporting venues have much more local and regional meanings and, often, are associated more with community leisure and recreation than professional and elite sport. In 2002, English Heritage commissioned a report titled A Sporting Chance which looked at the recognition and conservation of a variety of sporting venues, from famous football grounds through to community pools and leisure facilities, to factories which made sporting equipment (English Heritage, 2002). In 2017, Historic England (the successor to English Heritage) provided an updated prospectus on the preservation of sport heritage venues, arguing that: Sport and recreation play a major role in modern life. Historic buildings in these categories can therefore elicit strong emotional and sentimental responses. At best, buildings for sport and recreation can be structures of architectural elegance, imbued with considerable social history interest. More commonly they are merely functional in appearance. Yet many of

26  Part 1: Tangible Immovable Sport Heritage

those that survive – and the losses have been considerable – transcend mere utility and have a character all of their own. (Historic England, 2017: 3)

The report notes that historic sporting venues have come under threat from commercial and real estate development, changing health and safety initiatives, and the need and desire for sporting clubs and sport organisations to maximise revenues (which may threaten the historic integrity – or ­continued use – of a historic venue). Furthermore, the report provides numerous other forms of sport venue preservation, including locations associated with ancient and medieval sports like cockfighting and bear-baiting and real tennis, as well as more community-based sporting facilities such as billiard halls, cricket clubs, velodromes, gymnasia and drill halls, and race tracks (horse, greyhound and auto), among many others. As Timothy (2011) notes, public interest in everyday heritage is increasing. As such, it would seem that there may be greater interest in the conservation of the ‘everyday heritage’ of community sports and recreation facilities. Not all sporting venues have been ascribed heritage meanings, however. As Ramshaw and Gammon (2017) explain, some sporting venues are ‘commonplace, unremarkable, or may not be linked to broader social memory or, in some cases, not particularly beloved’ (2017: 120). This is particularly the case with non-elite sporting venues which, unlike professional or elite sporting venues, may not necessarily be ascribed heritage meanings beyond, perhaps, individual sentiment. At other times, as Inglis (2014) notes, some sports fall out of favour or fashion and become forgotten sports and, as such, the locations where these forgotten sports were played similarly become forgotten sport heritage venues. As such, many non-elite community venues may be significantly altered, replaced, or all-together abandoned over time, particularly as community needs, tastes, demographics, and finances dictate. However, heritage tastes are not fixed, and many non-elite sport heritage venues have been preserved and, in some cases, remain open for public use. Pidd (2017a) describes resurgence of interest in historic swimming pools in the UK, for example, where public demand to swim at these heritage venues far outstrips the supply of facilities. It seems possible then that there is a broad, and perhaps underserved, interest in the heritage of recreation and leisure facilities. Other Types of Built Sport Heritage

Although stadia are often the most recognisable form of sport heritage venues, there are other types of built heritage which must be included as tangible (and often, immovable) representations of sport heritage. Historic homes, particularly those associated with notable sportspersons, are often recognised and protected as heritage sites. The childhood homes of baseball stars such as Babe Ruth and Shoeless Joe Jackson are recognised heritage sites which, in both cases, are also museums dedicated to

Sports Venues and Sport Heritage   27

Figure 2.9  The Cricketers pub in Richmond-on-Thames in England. Historic pubs and restaurants, historic homes of athletes, and built locations associated with the beginnings of particular sports and leagues are all examples of tangible immovable sport heritage

those athletes. Some buildings are also recognised as heritage because of their association with important sporting moments. The Paceo YMCA in Kansas City, for example, has heritage recognition in part because it was the location where the Negro National League, the first organised black baseball league, was created in 1920 (Kansas City YMCA, 2018). Pubs, bars, and restaurants which are associated with sport may also be recognised as heritage. The Cricketers (Figure 2.9), a pub in Richmond-onThames which has been in business since 1770, is an example of this form of heritage, where its location (across from the community’s village green where cricket is played) as well as its name, décor (all associated with the cricket), and age all make it a form of tangible immovable sport heritage. Conclusion

The recognition of sporting venues as part of the heritage landscape reflects the importance that many communities, spectators, athletes, and organisations place on these venues. Far from merely being the buildings in which sport is played, heritage designations of sport venues – be they formal designations or community sentiment – reflect Tuan’s (1990) idea of topophilia, in that heritage helps to both create a sense of place at sports

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venues as well as helping to define what makes the venue special. The use and recognition of heritage may also help in the long-term sustainability of venues, as the commodification of sporting venues through souvenirs, tours, and events are enhanced by heritage recognition. Historic sporting venues are no longer viewed as old or outmoded, but distinctive, special, and potentially lucrative. Similarly, using overt heritage markers, perhaps in venue design, may help the venue to feel ‘timeless.’ That said, one of the ongoing issues with the heritagisation of sporting venues is that heritage design can get repetitive, as has been seen in the retro baseball stadium designs in the United States, which can create potential conservation challenges for communities with existing, but abandoned, sporting venues. The recognition of sporting venues as heritage ought to also borrow from other heritage topics where the focus has shifted from the heritages of the elite to the heritages of the everyday (Timothy, 2011). Community heritage venues, such as local grounds, pavilions, spectator stands and leisure facilities ought to receive more consideration in terms of recognition, protection, and interpretation than perhaps they do now. Although community sports venues are not as famous or commodifiable as professional sports venues, they are nevertheless important components of the heritage spectrum particularly for local communities.

3 Monuments, Memorials and Sport Heritage Introduction

Public forms of commemoration – including statues, memorials, monuments, plaques and markers and place names – are important elements in heritage representation. They reflect and embed collective memory on locations and landscapes (Otterstrom & Davis, 2016) and can create, re-enforce, promote, and validate particular heritage constructions (Fuchs, 2015). According to Harrison (2012), these forms of heritage representation reflect a physical and material act of remembrance and, though statues, memorials and historic plaques and markers are mobile and malleable, more often they are static and bound to particular spaces. Meanings ascribed to markers and memorials may also change over time. Often, as in the public memorialisation of Confederate leaders in the southern United States, public heritage markers are sites of contestation and dissonance. In other cases, markers and memorials are largely ignored except at particular times of year (such as remembrance ceremonies at war memorials and cenotaphs) or unless they are sought-out by interested parties such as historians or tourists. Sporting monuments and memorials are, according to Osmond and Parker (2013), increasingly commonplace. They exist in many different forms, and often intersect with larger non-sport heritages – most notably war memorials. Following Huggins’ (2012) assertion that sporting memorials are part of a wider form of visual and material culture, recognition of the sporting past is becoming a greater part of public heritage commemoration. According to Cronin and Higgins (2011): the acts of constructing and dedicating … civic markers of the sporting past are important in that they celebrate the centrality of sporting legends and events to the locality where they are placed. They acknowledge the importance of sport within the community, and mark those spaces and people that were significant. (2011: 236)

As such, most sport heritage markers recognise important sporting people, such as players, coaches and administrators – and, according to Stride, Thomas and Ramshaw (2015), sometimes even supporters and fans – as well as famous sporting places, feats and accomplishments and events. Beyond celebrating and recognising the sporting past, sport heritage markers and memorials also reflect the notion of heritage being the 29

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present use of the past in that these markers can be vehicles for a variety of contemporary needs, from demonstrating the authenticity and legitimacy of a particular space or venue, to a sense of social cohesion and shared identities for supporters, to connecting a suitable (and marketable) past to a sport organisation. Although sport statues and memorials can be portable, they are often spatially and contextually bound – normally at sporting venues – and, as such, are best understood as a tangible immovable form of sport heritage. This chapter therefore examines several different forms and types of sport heritage monuments and memorials, including sports statues, sporting memorials, sporting venues as memorials, sport heritage markers, and sport heritage place names. Statues

Statues are one of the most common and public ways in which sport heritage is marked and memorialised. According to Hewitt and Lloyd (2013) in their examination of sporting statues in Britain, sports statues encompass many different forms of meanings and representations, including: … figures whose achievements have brought pride and passion to a particular community or club; heroes who have so graced the national stage that statues honour them at the centres of their sport; sportsmen whose early deaths shocked or brought a premature end to a flowering sports career, stadium or team disasters that have left an indelible memory of tragedy; and a rich collection of four-footed heroes who have captured the public’s love and affection. (2013: 6)

As Stride, Wilson et al. (2013) argue, sports statues normally include a number of factors that go into their development and design, ranging from branding to nostalgia, though the purpose may also depend on whether it is the club, supporters, or another organisation that is funding the statue. That said many sports statues are, in Stride, Wilson et al.’s (2013) view, ‘hollow icons’ in that their meanings are flexible and can take on or be inscribed with different purposes by both fans and organisations, including continuity and connection with an important past to attracting and retaining supporters (Figure 3.1). Furthermore, according to Stride, Thomas and Smith (2014), the creation of sports statues often tells more about those who erected the statues and their motivations, including being connected to suitable pasts, than about the sportspeople the statues seek to immortalise. Where the statue is situated is also important. Many exist outside of stadia, while others are in prominent places in a community, such as in a city centre. The moving of sport statues also happens on occasion, often for a variety of social and economic reasons. For example, a statue of

Monuments, Memorials and Sport Heritage  31

Figure 3.1  Statue of Dale Earnhardt at the Daytona International Speedway in Daytona, Florida. Earnhardt’s statue at this site has multiple meanings, including celebration, memorialisation, and nostalgia, as he was both a past winner of the Daytona 500 race and also lost his life in a crash at the Speedway in 2001

ice hockey player Wayne Gretzky was erected outside of the Northlands Coliseum in 1988 following his trade from the Edmonton Oilers to the Los Angeles Kings. Although the statue was meant to honour Gretzky’s tenure with the Edmonton Oilers hockey club, which included numerous individual records and team championships, the location – outside of the venue where his sporting accomplishments took place – was meant to link the athlete with a particular location. His statue was later moved outside of Rogers Place in 2016, the club’s new venue where Gretzky never played, in order to create a sense of authenticity and legacy for the new arena, as well as to demonstrate a continuity in the club’s heritage and history (Figure 3.2) as it transitioned from an old stadium to a new stadium. Despite the fact that Gretzky never played at Rogers Place, the statue was moved largely without controversy, which suggests the flexibility of some sport heritages with regards to spatial and geographical authenticity. It also further demonstrates the idea of borrowed heritage, argued by Ramshaw, Gammon et al. (2013), where a sports organisation or sports venue may borrow more established heritage markers in order to establish its legitimacy and connection with broader, more durable, heritage narratives.

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Figure 3.2  The relocated Wayne Gretzky statue outside of Rogers Place in ­Edmonton, Canada. Statues can create a sense of authenticity and legitimacy for sports venues and can be one of the ways in which new stadia borrow and acquire heritage

Many sporting venues also feature non-sport statues, including political or military leaders, while others have started to include statues of generic (rather than specific) fans (Stride, Thomas & Ramshaw, 2015) as well as team owners and managers. In some cases, non-sport-based statues are associated with sport, often through ritual and tradition. For example, rubbing the left toe of the statue of Timothy Eaton, founder of the now-defunct Eaton’s retail stores, at the MTS Arena in Winnipeg, Canada is meant to give the local ice hockey team good luck (MacGregor, 2006). At other times, owners have controversially placed non-sport statues at venues and grounds, often to the protest of supporters. Most famous for this was the statue of late pop star Michael Jackson placed outside of Craven Cottage, home of Fulham football club in London, at the behest of then owner Mohamed Al-Fayed. Many supporters disliked the statue (Ronay, 2011), and it is now on display at the National Football Museum in Manchester (Figure 3.4). Memorials

Memorials are also a common way in which sport heritage is recognised and remembered. Often, sporting memorials are erected to recognise and remember sporting figures who lost their lives, particularly if their lives were lost unexpectedly, tragically and/or at an early age. These types of memorials take on many different forms, from plaques and statues to more symbolic and artistic styles of representation. Stride, Thomas and Chamorro (2017) in their exploration of statues of football

Monuments, Memorials and Sport Heritage  33

Figure 3.4  The controversial Craven Cottage statue of Michael Jackson, now on display at the National Football Museum in Manchester. While most sporting statues celebrate or memorialise past players and achievements, other statues – such as this one – have been incorporated into the sport heritage canon both for their ­associations with sporting venues, clubs and traditions and their uniqueness and peculiarity

players who died mid-career note that these kinds of memorials have ­parallels to other types of sport statues, though are separated by their quasi-religious use as shrines, as well as focus points for mourning and reflection. More common are memorials erected to sportspersons who lost their lives in war. Frequently, these kinds of memorials are erected at stadia and sporting venues, particularly if those venues pre-date the First and Second World Wars. Lord’s Cricket Ground, for example, has a memorial in their museum dedicated to ‘the memory of cricketers of all lands’ who lost their lives in World Wars I and II (Figure 3.5). Occasionally, the heritage narratives about venue-based war memorials will focus on the particularly famous or noteworthy. Ramshaw and Gammon (2010), for example, note that tours of Twickenham Stadium

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Figure 3.5  Memorial at Lord’s Cricket Ground in London honouring the lives of cricketers lost in World Wars I and II. Many sporting venues, particularly those which pre-date the World Wars, have similar memorials

in London focus part of the narrative on ‘Prince’ Alexander Obolensky, a legendary England rugby player who lost his life in World War II. Perhaps most rare are memorials to sportspersons who collectively lost their lives due to misfortune or accident. Among the most famous of these incidents is the 1958 Munich air disaster, which claimed the lives of eight Manchester United players and dramatically shaped the mythology surrounding the club for decades afterwards (Mellor, 2004). This tragedy is memorialised in various spots at the club’s stadium, Old Trafford, including on a clock outside of the ground (Figure 3.6). Similarly, there are memorials dedicated to the loss of life of fans and supporters, particularly if the lives were lost in a sporting context. Most notable of these is the memorial at Anfield (home stadium of Liverpool) to the Liverpool Football Club fans who lost their lives at the Hillsborough Stadium disaster in 1989. As such, many sport memorials become shrines and visitors may leave ‘offerings’ such as mementos and tokens, essentially the secular-sporting equivalent of a votive candle. However, as Moore et al. (2014) argue, some sporting events and sport organisations do not want memorials, either permanent or temporary, as markers of death may detract from broader destination image goals. For example, memorials to motorcycle drivers who died taking part in the Isle of Mann Tourist Trophy (TT) race conflict with the promoted

Monuments, Memorials and Sport Heritage  35

Figure 3.6  A clock at Old Trafford Stadium recognising and memorialising the 1958 Munich Air Disaster which took the lives of 23 people, including eight Manchester United players and three Manchester United staff

image of the Isle of Mann as a quiet, picturesque tourism destination (Moore et al., 2014). As such, while some sporting memorials will be welcomed, others may be actively discouraged. Gravesites are another form of sporting memorials. While some sportspersons are buried without reference to their sporting identities, many more – either in text, tombstone design, or geographical placement – make explicit references and connections to the person’s sporting life. In Huggins’ (2012) terms, the gravesites become ‘active texts, heavily laden with cultural value, providing yet another social construction of a star’s sporting “identity”’ (2012: 482). Furthermore, the text and design of gravestones are culturally-laden and reflect the values and identities both of the sportspersons themselves (including the cultural values associated with the sports they played), while constructions of gender and class remain in how and where the sportsperson was depicted and buried. According to Huggins (2012), the gravesites of female athletes are still largely adorned with reference to domestic (rather than sporting) identities, while sportspersons associated with working class sports in Britain may be buried more frequently in public, rather than private, cemeteries. While many gravesites of sportspersons are in churchyards and cemeteries, others are buried at or near a venue which reflects their sport identity and heritage. For example, Man O’ War, widely-considered the greatest

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racehorse in American history, is buried at the Kentucky Horse Park in Lexington, with a proud-and-prominent tombstone and memorial garden surrounding the tomb at which Park visitors may sit, reflect, nostalgise, and pay respect and homage to the late champion. Similarly, the tomb of Barbaro, a racehorse who won the 2006 Kentucky Derby but who was severely injured two weeks later and eventually euthanised, is buried at the entrance of Churchill Downs, the home of the Kentucky Derby. Here, again, visitors are provided space to reflect and remember the athlete, not as a feeble figure, but as perpetually young and strong (Figure 3.7). Temporary and spontaneous sport memorials, particularly those that appear after the unexpected death of an athlete, are another form of remembering and commemorating a sportsperson. As Doss (2008) argues, temporary memorials are a form of public affect – in essence, a public display and archive of emotion – caused by sudden grief. They exist outside of official commemorations though, over time, are increasingly documented and collected once the initial public mourning has passed (Margry & Sánchez-Carretero, 2011). Furthermore, they are also spatially different than other official forms of remembrance. As Doss notes, ‘instead of the family visiting the grave, the “grave” comes to the family’ (2008: 28). As such, in a sporting context, temporary memorials are frequently situated at locations that are symbolically associated with the dead sportsperson’s athletic life and identity. For example, when star baseball

Figure 3.7  The tomb of Barbaro, 2006 Kentucky Derby Winner who tragically passed away just nine months later, at Churchill Downs in Louisville, Kentucky

Monuments, Memorials and Sport Heritage  37

pitcher Jose Fernandez was killed in a boating accident in September 2016, his home baseball stadium, Marlins Park in Miami, became the site where fans erected makeshift memorials (Frisario, 2016). In the digital and social media age, temporary memorials and public grief have also taken on a new dimension. When Australian cricketer Phil Hughes died after being struck on the neck with a ball during a match, the social media hashtag #PutOutYourBats – with photos of solitary cricket bats at cricket grounds around the world ‘put out’ in honour of Hughes – became another form of sporting memorial (English, 2017; Wright, 2014). Furthermore, when Hughes was declared ‘63 not out forever’ by Cricket Australia (Hughes was on a score of 63 runs when he was struck by the ball), the phrase became another means of digitally mourning and memorialising a sporting hero (‘Phillip Hughes not out,’ 2014). A similar form of digital tribute took place in Canada and the United States in 2018 for the Humboldt Broncos, a Canadian junior ice hockey team who lost 16 players, coaches, trainers and managers in a bus accident (Westhaver, 2018). In these cases, the tributes remain part of the public memory of these athletes and are retrievable digitally through websites and social media and, as such, represent a new form of sport heritage that moves from physical to digital space. Furthermore, many of the memorials, as well as the public reaction to these tragedies, reflect broader constructions of sporting culture and heritage (Cowdell, 2015), particularly when connected to larger notions of national cultures and identities (Kaida & Kitchen, 2018). Sport Venues and Memorials

Sport venues, such as fields and stadia, also intersect with our understanding of sport heritage and recognition/memorialisation, as many sporting venues not only house memorials but the venues themselves – or parts of venues – are also memorials. Most common are stadia or parts of stadia – such as a stand – that are named after a sportsperson. For example, Lambeau Field, home of the National Football League’s Green Bay Packers, is named after former head coach Curly Lambeau, while the tennis centre at Flushing Meadows, New York where the US Open is held is named after former tennis great Billie Jean King (Sandomir, 2006). In the United States, the names of many sporting venues intersect with non-sport heritage, such as military heritage. For example, no fewer than 15 college football stadiums are called ‘Memorial Stadium’ and act as living monuments to military personnel who lost their lives in combat (Maisel, 2009). Given the ubiquitous use of ‘memorial’ for naming stadia, many sporting venues have taken on other, unofficial nicknames, such as ‘Death Valley’ for Clemson University’s Memorial Stadium (Figure 3.8). In some cases, however, the idea of sporting venues as memorials has changed, with many memorial stadia – as well as the names linked to military heritage – being replaced by new stadia with different, and often

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Figure 3.8  East gate at Memorial Stadium (also known as ‘Death Valley’) in ­Clemson, South Carolina. Many sports stadia were built as ‘living memorials’ ­often to honour military veterans and personnel

corporate, names. Cities such as Philadelphia, for example, replaced the venues named in honour of military heritage (Veterans Stadium) to new venues and new corporate names (Lincoln Financial Field). Boyd (2000) argues that the corporatisation of stadium names changes the relationship between the team, the venue, and the supporters, making it more difficult for venues to be connected to the collective identity and heritage of a community. Although it is conceivable that a corporate name of a sporting venue will become part of its heritage, as it did with Wrigley Field in Chicago (named after Wrigley chewing gum), the idea of a new elite sporting venue built as a heritage monument and memorial appears to be unlikely. In addition to sporting venues being living monuments or named after important sport or non-sport figures, the remnants of former venues have acquired monument status in and of themselves. It is unsurprising, therefore, that the locations, architectural features, and history of former venues are also memorialised. There are numerous examples of heritage plaques being erected at the sites of former sporting venues, such as at the location of the Polo Grounds baseball stadium in New York, once home to the now-relocated New York Giants (Post, 2013). Other projects have created

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or maintained public recreation facilities at the same location. The locations of the former Yankee Stadium in New York and Tiger Stadium in Detroit are now public baseball parks used primarily by youth teams (Caple, 2012). In each of these cases, there is a recognition of the important heritage of these sporting spaces (the former Yankee Stadium park is called ‘Heritage Field’) and that, even if the stadium no longer exists, the site on where it once stood remains a powerful and important place and should be memorialised, recognised, and preserved in some capacity. Furthermore, in the case of the former sites of Yankee Stadium and Tiger Stadium, the fact that sporting activities continue to take place in these heritage spaces further points to sport heritage being, in part, an active and embodied process (Derom & Ramshaw, 2016). Another way in which former sporting venues are recognised and memorialised is through public art, normally where the former venue was once located. This process not only memorialises and recognises the space where the venue once was, but also attaches additional place meanings to the space. Wood and Gabie’s (2011) public art project, ‘The Trophy Room’, commemorates Ayresome Park, former home of Middlesbrough Football Club which was demolished to make way for a housing project in 1996. This project included the use of sculpture to mark prominent places at the former ground (such as at one of the penalty kick spots or at the centre spot) and was not, as Wood and Gabie describe, to simply mark the history of the venue, but rather to ‘recapture place, memory and meaning, to create new interest in history and heritage, and to generate new tourist markets and destinations’ (2011: 1199–1200). Finally, elements of former stadiums are often recycled as a kind-of memorial at or near new venues. This is done, in part, to create a sense of continuity between the former and new venues (Gammon & Fear, 2005) and a sense of place at the new venue, particularly if the former stadium was especially beloved by supporters. For example, elements of the former Fulton County Stadium baseball diamond in Atlanta have been preserved, including the location of home plate, the pitcher’s mound, each of the bases and, most importantly, the section of wall where Hank Aaron hit his (then) record-breaking 715th home run, eclipsing Babe Ruth’s career mark. Similarly, Eggener (2012) describes the afterlife of sections of Baltimore’s Memorial Stadium, including the transplant of Memorial Stadium’s turf to the Baltimore Ravens (National Football League) stadium when it opened in 1998, as well as the re-dedication of a large military memorial at Oriole Park at Camden Yards (home of Major League Baseball’s Baltimore Orioles) that once made up the front façade of Memorial Stadium. Heritage Markers

Sport heritage-themed heritage markers, such as heritage plaques and historic markers, denote in sport heritage where sportspersons were born,

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lived, played, or died, and also mark where important sporting venues and events took place. Heritage markers come in many different forms, and are erected for numerous reasons and by various groups. Roberts and Cohen (2014) in their exploration of popular music heritage plaques noted three forms of heritage discourse associated with heritage markers: authorised plaques (erected by a national heritage board, for example), self-authorised plaques (which may be erected by private organisations, often to promote organisational aims and values), and unauthorised heritage markers (what Roberts & Cohen call anti-heritage, in that it often doesn’t take on official forms of commemoration such as a plaque and may include other forms of ‘marking’ the site, such as through graffiti). Most common in sport heritage are authorised forms of sport markers, such as those erected by official heritage agencies (Figure 3.9). These typically denote a location or building associated with a sportsperson, and typically take on the form of a traditional heritage marker or plaque. Self-authorised plaques are common in sport as well. Frequently, these markers are erected by sports organisations to reflect their own heritage or to recognise a particularly important sportsperson or achievement. Perhaps most common are retirement banners in a team’s home arena, where a sportsperson’s number is ‘retired’, never to be worn by another player in that organisation. Commercial businesses may also erect sportbased markers, often to provide their business with a unique association to a popular sportsperson or sporting event. For example, a restaurant in Cincinnati, Ohio has a marker in their foyer noting the spot where first base of the now-demolished Riverfront Stadium once stood and, in particular, notes the space’s relationship to one of baseball’s most important

Figure 3.9  English Heritage Blue Plaque marking the home of bare-knuckle boxer Tom Cribb, near Leicester Square in London

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Figure 3.10  Self-authorised sport heritage plaque in the lobby of the Moerlein Lager House in Cincinnati, Ohio. Some historic markers are created and erected by private companies in order to create an association with a notable form of sport heritage. In this case, the space marks the former location of first base at Riverfront Stadium and, in particular, the location where baseball player Pete Rose stood after breaking the sport’s all-time hits record

records (Figure 3.10). Self-authorised forms of heritage commemoration also highlight forms of heritage dissonance, particularly noting inequities in heritage recognition. In sport heritage, the Women’s Sport Trust in the United Kingdom uses dissonant forms of heritage recognition – in p ­articular, erecting heritage plaques recognising women’s sporting achievements – in order to highlight both their organisation’s aims in the promotion of women’s sport as well as explicitly demonstrating the barriers women face in sport (Women’s Sport Trust, 2017). Unofficial heritages, such as through marking a location with graffiti or some other form of visual demarcation, is part of heritage commemoration in general and sport heritage specifically. Merrill’s (2015) exploration of street art and graffiti as heritage challenges many of the underlying values and practices of heritage recognition and preservation, including the idea of framing street art and graffiti as heritage, preserving it as one would other forms of heritage, and understanding street art and graffiti as a form of dissonance – even when it is ideologically and physically damaging to official heritage places and spaces. As such, Merrill suggests the

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Figure 3.11  Street art mural outside of the San Lorenzo football complex in Buenos Aires. Some forms of street art and graffiti incorporate sport heritage themes

idea of ‘alternative heritage’ which both falls outside of regulated forms of heritage and, in some cases, may actually impact the built historic environment. Indeed, unofficial heritage is sometimes incorporated into broader heritage spaces and narratives in sport, and is resisted when it undermines official heritages or organisational agendas. For example, street art murals and graffiti that depict scenes of both football and social history surround the San Lorenzo stadium complex in Buenos Aires (Figure 3.11), and appear to be tolerated – and perhaps encouraged – by the club. On the other hand, when supporters of Newcastle United spray painted ‘St James’ Park’ on stadium signs when the ground was renamed ‘Sports Direct Arena’, there was both physical damage to the site itself as well as contestation to the corporate naming of a heritage space (Walker, 2012). Place Names

Place naming can be one of the more powerful forms of heritage designation. As Alderman (2016) suggests, place names not only aid in the navigation of locations (differentiating one location from another), they also create a sense of place, serve as a form of commemoration, and can be a source of power and heritage dissonance. For example, debates over the naming of particular buildings and streets re-enforce particular notions of national or civic identity, while also ignoring or subordinating other concurrent understandings of heritage (such as indigenous heritages) (Alderman, 2016). Although there are numerous ways in which places and spaces are marked by sport heritage names, in particular sporting arenas, stadia, and grounds named after sporting

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heroes from the past, less obvious are the naming of streets and locations after particular sports and sporting activities. Inglis (2014) provides several examples of this practice in London where there are numerous locations that no longer resemble their one-time sporting use, but where the place names mark their former sporting significance (including street names related to bear-baiting and cockfighting). Although it is a matter of historical debate as to whether the activities which once took place at such locations were, in fact, ‘sport’ or another form of historic leisure or recreational activity, the fact that quasi-sporting competitions took place at these sites, and that these activities continue to be recognised through place names at the locations, suggests the importance of sport and sport heritage in communities. Although most place names that use sport heritage are not controversial and, by and large, recognise a type of consensus between sport organisations, supporters, and community members in terms of a shared, celebratory heritage, many sport-based place names have come under scrutiny. Understanding that heritage is a dynamic rather than a static process, how a historical sporting figure is viewed today and whether his or her stances now align with contemporary beliefs has caused some sport organisations to re-evaluate the place names with which they are associated. Most notably, Yawkey Way – a street outside of Boston’s Fenway Park named after former Boston Red Sox owner Tom Yawkey – is being considered for renaming at the request of the current Red Sox ownership and management group, due to Yawkey’s historical resistance towards racial integration of baseball (Silverman, 2017). Contemporary political controversies can also cause communities to reconsider place names associated with sport figures. Sidney Crosby of the Pittsburgh Penguins ice hockey club was to have a street dedicated in his honour in his hometown of Cole Harbour, Nova Scotia, but the community considered rescinding the offer after Crosby agreed to attend a White House reception hosted by President Donald Trump after Trump had denigrated protests by NFL players (MacDonald, 2017). As such, though sport heritage-based names are typically viewed in a positive light, there are debates emerging in this field that reflect issues of representation and contestation. Conclusion

Remembering and memorialising the sporting past, either through something physical and tangible such as a statue or intangible as through the naming of a particular space, is an emerging part of the sport heritage landscape. Fleming (2018), for example, notes that universities in the United States are erecting statues on campus to players and coaches with relatively nominal achievements. Further, many of these physical ­memorials have become sources of dissonance, similar to those statues which valorise

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figures who espoused racist views. The statue of Joe Paterno, long-time coach of Penn State football in Pennsylvania, was removed after it was discovered that his football programme housed, and perhaps even shielded, a paedophile on the team’s coaching staff. The removal of Paterno’s statue was a source of great debate, as some wished to keep the statue based on his sporting success while others supported the removal based on his indifference to child abuse (Smith, 2016). The Paterno case suggests that sporting memorials are never benign, and many of the debates that surround other forms of heritage memorialisation are also part of sport heritage too. Similarly, there are ongoing challenges to the current representation of sporting memorials, including the memorialisation and valorisation of sportswomen, LGBTQ+ athletes, disability sport, and athletes with disabilities (Figure 3.12). The Blue Plaque Rebellion in the United Kingdom, for example, argues that very few of the sport-based ‘blue plaques’ which recognise the heritage of sportspersons and sporting achievement include the achievements of sportswomen. As such, they aimed to erect unauthorised blue plaques across the country which honoured sportswomen and their achievements.

Figure 3.12  Statue of long-distance runner Terry Fox in Ottawa, Canada. Disability sport and elite-level athletes with disabilities are typically underrepresented in sport statues and memorials

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Contestation over the meanings of memorials are also common. Osmond et al.’s (2006) exploration of the surfer/swimmer Duke Paoa Kahanamoku statue in Hawaii as a ‘hollow icon’ – which, in the case of memorials, suggests that the meanings of these objects are not static and can be infused with different and differing meanings by different groups at different times – are an act of both remembering particular pasts while marginalising, and even forgetting, other legacies and heritages. In fact, as Stride, Thomas and Smith (2014) suggest, who erected the memorial and why may be as important as what the memorial is or how it is interpreted. In some cases, such as with ‘memorial’ stadia, the site’s association with sport heritage may overshadow, obscure, and even erase the original intent of the recognition. As such, the memorialisation of sport heritage remains complicated.

4 Landscapes and Sport Heritage Introduction

Heritage landscapes are complex. Landscapes normally comprise both natural and cultural components – or, as Claval (2016) notes, a benign harmony between natural and human features and activities. That said, the meanings of landscapes are rarely spontaneous but are culturally produced and reproduced (particularly through art and other cultural forms) and, often, reflect a struggle over their meanings, uses and interpretations (O’Keeffe, 2016). Similarly, the recognition, management, and promotion of heritage landscapes espouse numerous types of values and debates which are seen in other forms of heritage including in the creation and preservation of memory as well as which heritage narratives are valued and which are ignored. In sport, there are many different types of landscapes or, as Bale (2003) calls them, sportscapes. In Bale’s (2003) terms, sportscapes are landscapes created primarily – if not exclusively – for sport. Stadia and sporting venues (Chapter 2) are the most recognisable and notable form of sportscape, although there are many others in which natural and cultural features are formed, created, or replicated for use in sport competitions. In these creations, sport heritage frequently plays a role, often in terms of design but also in terms of what sport is played, how it is played, and by whom it is played. On the other hand, there are many landscapes – such as parks – where sport is one of many activities which create and ascribe meanings to particular spaces (Inglis, 2014). However, sport landscapes are rarely static, and the heritage meanings ascribed to landscapes where sport is played often change and can be a source of dissonance. Furthermore, sport landscapes are frequently also part of urban heritage spaces and may only tangentially incorporate natural features. This chapter therefore explores different types of sport landscapes and their relationship to heritage, including organic sport landscapes, replica sport landscapes, temporary sport landscapes, invisible sport landscapes and contested sport landscapes.

Organic Sport Landscapes

Many sport landscapes are planned specifically to be used for particular sports (such as a golf course), although some sport landscapes appear organic or spontaneous in nature, where the initial use or meaning 46

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of the landscape was not sport at all but something else entirely. As such, finding and using a natural or built space for sporting purposes is often unplanned and borne out of necessity, availability and access. Often, natural features will determine the types of sports that occur, which also helps to connect particular sporting practices – and their heritage – to broader notions of culture and identity. For example, as Claval (2016) notes, contending with the Alps was essential to understanding the Swiss character and national identity. Although the Alps have numerous cultural associations, their historical relationship to skiing is one way in which that landscape is conceptualised, utilised and understood. In other cases, an organic or spontaneous sporting landscape is a specific geographical space which was not designed for sport but became a culturally important reference point for a particular sporting practice. An example of this is the Southbank Skatepark in London (Figure 4.1), a location that was an unused concrete undercroft that became one of the most iconic locations for skateboarding in the world. When it was under threat of demolition, the heritage value of it to the global skateboarding community was cited as a reason for its preservation and continued use. Detractors of its preservation failed to recognise that it had any heritage value and, instead, argued for a new skatepark to be built nearby (Ramshaw, 2017b). In the case of this sporting landscape, the original location and structure was an integral part of its meaning and use, and its value – it was argued – was in its organic creation. In other words, it was not just the practice of the sport in general, it was the practice of sport in that specific location which gave the space cultural value and meaning.

Figure 4.1  The Southbank Skatepark in London. This space was not planned for skateboarding but has since become an iconic location for skateboarders and skateboarding culture in the United Kingdom

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Many organic sport landscapes, however, are not a specific place but rather a mythological idea; a perpetually-replicated simulacrum to which no prototype or original exists. Many mythological sport spaces intertwine with more generic locations which are not necessarily sport-related (for example, a village green or a frozen pond), though the representations of these spaces can become broadly associated with particular sports and sporting practices. Bale (2003) refers to this idea as ‘imaginative sports geographies’ where the mythological sport landscape becomes both familiar yet fictitious. Locations such as the ‘typical’ village green in England for cricket or ‘typical’ frozen pond in Canada for ice hockey have no original location, but particular elements must exist in the landscape for it to seem both familiar and authentic. Macdonnell’s (1935) description of the prototypical village green, for example, speaks of red-roofed cottages, church spires, the sound of bees lazily drifting, the green being full of daisies and buttercups with the shimmering wicket in the centre. Similarly, Beardsley’s (2003) description of the frozen pond is a place for childhood play and fantasy, where youngsters could pretend to be their hockey heroes despite the bitingly cold weather. Though both are familiar, particularly in their countries of origin, there is no original from which to draw. Although these examples of sporting landscapes may have been organic in their creation and use, they remain cultural products and – like all landscapes – create and maintain ideas and ideologies about their meaning and use (Mitchell, 2002). The fact that many of these kinds of landscapes, and the sporting practices which take place within them, are considered heritage is also part of their power. In terms of both the cricket and ice hockey landscapes, both sports are highly professionalised and codified and, as such, these landscapes may help to nostalgise seemingly less complicated eras of the sports (Ramshaw, 2005). Similarly, while there is no such thing as a ‘typical’ village green or frozen pond, the heritage values that are ascribed to these landscapes – such as timelessness and a sense of play – are in large part a reaction to an unsatisfactory present and uncertain future (Moore, 2002). There are also explicit ties to certain notions of national identity. For example, Basques use the sport of Jai Alai as one of the central cultural and historical markers of identity and as part of the cultural difference with France and Spain (Prabucki, 2017). Who is (and is not) included in the heritage imagery also determines who may (and may not) play particular sports in particular landscapes. Cricket has long been understood as exclusionary, particularly in terms of race and class (Lemon, 2018; James, 1963), while depictions of the frozen pond typically excludes girls and women from its heritage (Ramshaw, 2010a). As such, sporting landscapes are rarely benign and are often used to legitimise contemporary practices under the guise of tradition or heritage. Finally, each of these mythical sporting landscapes are tied to particular seasons and, specifically, how those seasons help construct notions of cultural identity. A frozen pond requires particular environmental conditions

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and, in part, reflects nostalgic understandings of the recreation of northern people (Falla, 2001), while the village green is associated with the romantic impressions of rural England in the summertime (Greenfield & Osborne, 1996). Replica Sporting Landscapes

Creating and commodifying sport heritage happens not only with souvenirs and replica retro jerseys, but with landscapes as well. Many sporting landscapes recreate and replicate elements of natural and cultural heritage in their design, both as a cultural reference to the sporting past as well as to create a distinctive and unique sports spectating experience. Sports such as ‘real’ or ‘royal’ tennis, for example, replicate and incorporate parts of the built cultural heritage landscape – such as a church cloister or awning of a shop – into the playing surface (Inglis, 2014) (Figure 4.2). Natural heritage, such as the sandy dunes of the Scottish coast, are replicated at every golf course in the world (Shackelford, 2003). More recent sports such as

Figure 4.2  Sign for the Royal (or real) Tennis Court at Hampton Court Palace. Some sports attempt to replicate natural or built features in specifically-designed artificial environments. In many cases, these designs are linked to heritage landscapes

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beach volleyball, where natural elements of coastal regions – along with its bodily cultures (Booth, 2012) – are recreated and replicated at tournaments around the world demonstrate how sporting landscapes are produced and packaged for global participation and spectatorship. Even highly codified and controlled sporting landscapes, such as baseball stadia, would attempt to include heritage-based ‘quirks’ on the playing surface, in large part as reference to older, less uniform playing surfaces where natural features – such as hills – were often in the field of play. One such example, Tal’s Hill at Minute Maid Park in Houston, was a hill in centre field that attempted to mimic baseball surfaces from the past and to address the perceived uniformity of contemporary playing surfaces. There was little purpose to Tal’s Hill, other than to create an unusual, heritage-based playing surface and an immediate place marker for television audiences, and it was removed in 2017 to add additional seats (Atkins, 2016). Similarly, many sports leagues, federations, and organisations consciously use sport heritage landscapes as centrepieces of particular events, including replicas of mythological or imagined sporting spaces. Since 2003, dozens of outdoor ice hockey events have been marketed and promoted based on the heritage, traditions, and nostalgia associated with the ‘typical’ outdoor ice hockey pond or rink (Ramshaw, 2014c), a ‘facet of northern recreational heritage’ (Falla, 2001: 54) particularly in Canada and parts of the United States. However, so recognisable are the heritage tropes of such landscapes that they are easily translatable to other c­ ultures and situations. The 2003 Heritage Classic – an outdoor ice hockey game in Edmonton, Canada that explicitly used heritage imagery – was covered by media from around the world, including publications in the southern United States, where it was positioned as a form of Norman R ­ ockwell-esque Canadiana (Ramshaw & Hinch, 2006). Similarly, a number of d ­ ifferent organisations, including sport, governmental and military organisations, staged events in 2014 related to the anniversary of the ‘football truce’ – the infamous ceasefire along the Western Front in 1914 (Harvey, 2017). These events not only attempted to replicate, both in style and spirit, the 1914 truce, but the landscape in which these events were staged were also meant to represent ‘no man’s land’ between the trenches. Temporary Sporting Landscapes

Many sport heritage landscapes are multifunctional in that they include meanings, functions, and heritages that are both sport and nonsport related. Marathon routes, for example, normally use city streets which – for most of the year – are not used for sport. However, the marathon routes themselves may have distinct histories, heritages and traditions, such as how the runners dress. Similarly, many marathon routes also go through or by heritage landmarks as part of their route, including famous buildings and roads. The end of the London Marathon, for

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example, is always at The Mall near Buckingham Palace (Polly, 2009). Every marathon also references a form of intangible heritage. The distance for all marathon routes – 26.2 miles – references the fable of Pheidippides run between Marathon and Athens to announce victory at the Battle of Marathon (Holoka, 1997). Cycling routes, particularly for those associated with famous races such has the Tour de France and Tour of Flanders, are also instilled with heritage meanings. The route of the Tour de France, for example, has come to express something of French culture, traditions and heritage (Dauncey & Hare, 2003) and has also been commodified as a heritage-based tourist attraction (Fairley & Gammon, 2005). Similarly, the route of the Tour of Flanders has become a catalyst for rural tourism development in the region, as well as the site of numerous heritage-based public cycling races (Derom & Ramshaw, 2016; Ramshaw & Bottleberghe, 2014). Rivers and waterways are also temporary sport landscapes with heritage associations (Inglis, 2014). Annual events such as the Oxford versus Cambridge boat race in London and the Henley Royal Regatta in Henley-on-Thames have associations both with heritage-based institutions such as universities, as well as with royalty and nobility (Figure 4.3) (Wigglesworth, 2013). Similarly, these events also include traditions, such as dress, decorations, food and drink that have heritage connotations. Rowers, for example, have traditionally worn blazers before and after competitions, something that continues in contemporary races. Furthermore, the locations of these races are often associated with sport, despite the fact that the actual events only last for, at most, a few days each year, while the waterways in which

Figure 4.3  Heritage marker about the Henley Royal Regatta at Henley-on-Thames. Temporary sporting landscapes, and the sporting events and activities that occur there, often have heritage meanings

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they take place are predominantly used for non-sport purposes such as transportation. While marathons, cycling, and rowing incorporate heritage association into their elite competitions, many of which include heritage associations and activities related to the landscapes in which the competition takes place, other sporting activities – such as Dragon Boat Racing – reveal a more explicit hybrid of competition and culture within temporary sport landscapes, although there is often a tension between the race’s role as an authentic cultural expression and that of a form of sport competition (McCartney & Osti, 2007). Similar heritage tensions exist in sports including surfing, where contemporary sporting codification and commodification have both adopted and altered heritage meanings of the sport and the landscapes in which the sport is played and performed, particularly as they relate to Hawaiian cultural heritage (Nendel, 2009). Invisible Sporting Landscapes

Many sporting landscapes have disappeared or never existed in the first place. Often, sporting landscapes that have disappeared are remembered through a heritage plaque or marker or a street or place name. According to Cronin and Higgins, ‘part of sport’s heritage, which takes on no real physical form and yet is hugely important to our shared sense of the past’ (2011: 251) is the use of sporting names for a variety of different locations and places. Similarly, some sport landscapes that have disappeared may be known by other landscape features, such as nearby roads. Other sporting landscapes have no such heritage marker or designation and are only remembered or recalled years later through books and newspaper articles. Arnot’s (2011, 2014) explorations of lost cricket grounds and locations of past cricket festivals are examples of where a former sporting landscape is only remembered and recalled years after its disappearance through ­academic or popular research. Many sporting landscapes never actually physically existed, or were never actually used for sporting purposes, though they have generated a type of sport heritage. Sporting sites and landscapes that were never realised still, according to Cronin and Higgins (2011), nevertheless reveal the role and cultural importance sport played at different points in a community’s past. Similarly, particular sporting landscapes and sites that were never created often become templates for future sporting developments. For example, in the 1960s and 70s the city of Edmonton, Canada created plans for a downtown sporting complex which, though never built, became one of the templates for a sport-based transformation of the urban core in the 2010s (Cobb, 2015) (Figure 4.4). Equally, Strohmayer (2013) argues that various Olympic bids by Paris not only represent a sport heritage in and of themselves but also represent a kind of future heritage where mega sporting events such as Olympic Games

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Figure 4.4  Rogers Place in Edmonton, Canada. Despite the venue being completed in 2016, plans for a transformative sporting facility have been in the works since the 1960s

both potentially create their own heritage landscapes, and impact ­existing, non-sport heritage landscapes. Contested Sporting Landscapes

Graham et al. (2000) remind us that the one element that is inherent in all heritage is dissonance, which is to say that heritage places and practices – including the places and practices associated with sporting landscapes – are often interpreted in very different ways by different groups. Contested heritage, particularly with regards to sporting and landscape, may include which sports can be played and by whom, or whether the landscape may even be used for particular sporting practices. Egan (2014), for example, describes how notions of heritage are contested in reference to fox hunting in England, particularly in that heritage, tradition and national identity are mobilised to justify a particular sporting use of the rural landscape in opposition to calls for a ban of the sport. Similarly, Cohen (2014) describes how heritage is used to defend the practice and places associated with bullfighting in Spain, in particular that it is linked to tourists wishing to view a form of authentic Spanish sporting culture, over protests to ban the sport due to animal cruelty. In these examples, the contestation is not merely over the sporting activity itself, but how heritage can be used to justify – or condemn – the continuation of certain sporting practices. Inglis (2014) also notes that many park areas in London are also contested spaces, as there is sometimes conflict over sport and non-sport uses of park space.

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Heritage is also often employed as a justification as to who may – and may not – use particular sporting landscapes. Sports and sporting landscapes in tennis, golf, cricket, and rugby, to name but a few, routinely used heritage and tradition as a means to include and exclude particular participants. This practice was particularly prevalent in public recreational spaces in parts of the United States, where racial segregation created separate and unequal sporting landscapes (Schultz, 2013). Cricket, similarly, routinely included and excluded participants based on race and class (James, 1963; Williams, 2012). Though many sporting landscapes have become more inclusive in recent years, some sporting landscapes are still segregated, particularly along racial or gender lines (Garland & Chakraborti, 2006). Ramshaw (2010a) provides the example of outdoor ice rinks in Canada, which have traditionally been separated along gender lines where hockey rinks were for boys and skating rinks were for girls. The fact that many sporting landscapes are being recreated and re-enacted through forms of reactionary nostalgia (most notably through outdoor ice hockey events described earlier in the chapter) suggests sport heritage landscapes risk reinforcing and reproducing forms of regressive heritage. This is particularly important when sport heritage landscapes create and reproduce a particular sense of place, such as a ‘typical’ outdoor ice hockey rink or ‘typical’ village cricket green. Often, these forms of reproduction further marginalise contested approaches to these spaces, particularly when re-enforced through marketing, tourism promotion, and other forms of media discourse. As such, the use of particular heritage landscapes for sport results in them becoming somewhat inflexible to adaptation and change. Sporting events also contribute to discourses around contested historical landscapes. O’Bonsawin (2010), for example, describes the contestation over the use of indigenous lands for the 2010 Winter Olympics in Vancouver, where contemporary sporting practices assert both ownership and meaning over disputed spaces. Conclusion

Landscapes are important to understanding heritage and culture. They are also integral to an understanding of sport heritage specifically. Although sporting landscapes appear to be benign, the heritages they celebrate and re-enforce can be important in creating an understanding and appreciation of the sporting past. Heritage can also obscure conflicts over identity, use, and commodification of these landscapes. The fact that many sport landscapes are associated with national heritages suggests that they can be sites of dissonance over heritage identities and practices. Heritage interpretations of sporting landscapes also may re-enforce cultures of exclusion and marginalisation while also dissuading sport organisations from adaptation and modernisation. Undoubtedly, sport heritage provides landscapes with important and durable meanings. In terms of

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the examples used in this chapter, a frozen pond is provided a robust cultural meaning through its association with ice hockey heritage, a circle of grass in a rural English village becomes an important heritage through its association with cricket, and a road is transformed as a historic marathon or cycling route through its association with sport. After all, if communities did not care about sporting landscapes after they have disappeared, they would not have erected heritage markers and plaques to remember them by. However, communities must guard against heritage being used to ossify particular sports, sporting practices and participants under the guise of ‘tradition.’ Similarly, communities must evaluate whether particular sports and sporting practices are still desired in particular landscapes, particularly if they no longer reflect contemporary values.

5 Sports Museums, Sports Halls of Fame and Sport Heritage Introduction

Museums, the ‘institutions where collections of artefacts are housed and protected for their historical, artistic or scientific significance’ (Timothy, 2011: 319), are some of the most recognisable types of heritage. They exist in various scales, from the globally recognised and significant which house world-famous collections and attract hundreds of thousands of visitors, to small, community-based facilities which collect and display artefacts of local history. Museum themes can be equally diverse and may be as broad ranging as natural and historical collections of entire regions to small, esoteric collections about particular topics. In recent years, however, there have been significant changes in the form and practice of museums. The turn towards the ‘new museology’ has positioned the museum differently, recognising museums as symbols of power, persuasion, and change, as well as understanding that visitors are also important in the meaning-making process (McCall & Grey, 2014). Similarly, even the spatial components of museums are undergoing transformation. Many ‘museums’ no longer have a museum building or physical artefacts, with some now existing entirely as online digital collections. In part, these changes came about as a way of creating ‘relevance’ as well as realising the role (and often, cost) of museums as part of the broader cultural and leisure economy (Hein, 2014). The fact that museums must ‘do’ more than ever before – including playing their part as anchors for tourism development, in leisure and entertainment, as repositories for important artefacts, and as sites for debate and discussion – creates a potent space for sport in the museum world. Sport is not only a popular topic that appeals to a broad range of visitors, but sport and sport-based collections are increasingly recognised as important in telling local, national and international stories. This chapter therefore explores the ways in which institutions, organisations, and communities use sports museums and sports collections, as well as describing some of the emerging trends and topics in sports museums in the 21st century, including online and digital museums, travelling sports museum exhibits, ownership and access issues in sports museums, intersection of sports collections with other forms of galleries and museums, the sustainability of sports museums, sports museums 59

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and mediation, experiential exhibits and sports museums, sports museum networks, audience development at sports museums, and dissonant and contested narratives at sports museums. Sports Museums, Halls of Fame and Sport in Museums

The scope of sports museums and sport in museums is vast. There are seemingly hundreds of museums around the world dedicated to a particular sport, league, team, event, coach, stadium, or player – with many more private collections in addition to these, as well as more generalist museums that include sport as part of their collections or interpretive mandate. Danilov (2005) found over 500 sport-specific museums in 46 countries although, as Moore (2012) correctly points out, this is an ever-evolving number – which has likely substantially increased since the early part of the millennium – in part because of a loose definition of what, precisely, constitutes a ‘museum’ (such as, for example, accreditation and recognition by a museums agency which may, in fact, ultimately omit some sport collections). Many communities have developed, or are developing, sports museums that are central to both creating and reinforcing particular identities as well as enhancing their visitation and tourism development initiatives (Figure 5.1). Taken as a whole, sports museums have become an important part of the museums landscape.

Figure 5.1  The College Football Hall of Fame helps to reinforce Atlanta, Georgia as the ‘home’ of college football as well as being an eye-catching attraction in the city’s tourist district

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There is some debate about the differences between sports museums and sports halls of fame. Snyder argues that ‘sports halls of fame and museums are secular temples dedicated to the sport muses – gods and goddesses and spiritual world of sport. They are also archives of sport material culture from an earlier time’ (1991: 237), reflecting that both sports halls of fame and sports museums are sites of veneration as well as locations that house, display, and interpret sporting artefacts. Moore (2012) outlines the argument from Danilov (2005) separating sports museums (traditional historically-oriented collections of sporting artefacts) from sports halls of fame (plaques, descriptions, and enshrinement of honoured members), though does note that many sporting collections are labelled both ‘hall of fame and museum’ (such as the Reds Hall of Fame and Museum in Cincinnati, Ohio which includes both historical exhibits about the Cincinnati Reds baseball club as well as a hall of fame for honoured players, managers, executives, and broadcasters) (Ramshaw & Gammon, 2019) even further conflating the definition. Delineating ‘sports museum’ from ‘sports hall of fame’ becomes even more complex when considering that many contemporary sporting collections do not label themselves as either a ‘museum’ or ‘hall of fame,’ such as in the case of the Ali Center in Louisville, Kentucky (a site dedicated to Mohammad Ali) or the Olympic Experience at the Richmond Oval (a site dedicated to the history and legacy of the 2010 Vancouver Winter Olympics). Further adding to the confusion is that sites that label themselves as strictly a hall of fame (such as the NASCAR Hall of Fame in Charlotte, North Carolina) also feature extensive historical collections and material culture beyond those associated with honoured members, while other sites such as the Shoeless Joe Jackson Museum in Greenville, South Carolina (Jackson is one of baseball’s greatest players and folk heroes, though was banned from the game for taking money from gamblers to throw the 1919 World Series) treats its subject through a hagiographical lens and is more of a hall of fame shrine than a historical collection. As such, Ramshaw (2010b) suggests that, in practice, there is now little differentiation between sports museums and sports halls of fame in terms of both purpose and application. Sporting collections and exhibitions also often reside in private collections or are part of broader civic, regional, or national museums. As Reilly (2015) notes, many generalist museums were slow to recognise and display sport heritage, in part because sporting collections were viewed more as celebrations of the past than critical pieces in understanding and contending with complex, and often not complementary, heritages. Similarly, Gammon (2013), Moore (2008) and Ramshaw and Gammon (2015) note that the dichotomy between high and low culture in heritage (Graham et al., 2005) often positioned sport heritage, particularly in museums, as uncritical, unimportant, and not worthy of display or interpretation. However, it appears that sport is becoming more of a mainstay of generalist museums. The Museum of Liverpool, for example, has an extensive

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Figure 5.2  A display about boxing in the ‘Played in Liverpool’ exhibition at the Museum of Liverpool. Many generalist museums with broad mandates include sport as part of the heritage and history of regions and communities

gallery called ‘Played in Liverpool’ which reveals the multitude of ways in which sport has been a part of Liverpool life for generations (Figure 5.2), while the National Museum of African American History and Culture in Washington, D.C. includes sport as part of its permanent collection, noting that ‘because sports were among the first, and most high profile spaces to accept African Americans on relative terms of equality, sport has a unique role within American culture’ (National Museum of African American History and Culture, 2018: n.p.). Sports Museum Typology

Phillips (2013b) proposed a sports museum typology that encapsulates most sports museums or sport in museums, beyond those that are strictly digital or online collections. The first form of the typology are academic museums, which are normally large, state-funded museums that either are entirely based on sport or include sport as part of their broader collection. Philips argues that both the funding and the purpose of these museums provide greater opportunities to mediate different, and often dissonant, viewpoints about sport heritage as they are often not broadly reliant on public admissions to sustain them, and that their purpose is often more about collecting and interpreting artefacts of cultural, educative,

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and scientific value for the public. The British Museum in London, for example, is free to enter, has a vast collection spanning both millennia and global cultures and includes material which interprets the sporting history and sporting artefacts on display throughout the museum (British Museum, 2017) (Figure 5.3). The second form of sports museum in Phillips’ (2013b) sport museum typology is corporate sports museums. Many of these museums have some similar elements to academic museums, such as education programmes, but are often funded differently than academic museums as they are typically for-profit entities. More to the point, these kinds of sports museums are often involved in broader forms of revenue generation through corporate branding, public relations, links to other sporting experiences (such as event tickets), merchandise opportunities (such as large gift shops), and promoting

Figure 5.3  The Discobolus sculpture at the British Museum in London. Even large, globally-famous national museums will often include artefacts related to sport heritage

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the museum and collections as a venue for private parties. As such, many corporate sports museums will rely significantly more on nostalgic veneration rather than critical narratives (Kidd, 1996; Kohe, 2010; Vamplew, 1998, 2004), in large part because most are operated as crowd-pleasing businesses rather than as sites for educational understanding and enlightenment. The corporate sports museum is also the most common form of sports museum and often is created by, or supports the missions of, teams, leagues, equipment manufacturers (Figure 5.4), and athletes. The third form of sports museum in Phillips’ (2013b) typology is community sports museums. These museums typically have small collections, few paid staff members (or are operated entirely by volunteers), limited funding, and normally operate out of small buildings or museum spaces. Unlike corporate sports museums, community sports museums are not run by broader entities as public relations or revenue operations, but rather are grassroots museums that are created by communities, and

Figure 5.4  A display at the Louisville Slugger Museum & Factory in Louisville, ­Kentucky. The museum is dedicated to the ‘Louisville Slugger’ baseball bat and its role in baseball history, while the factory tour shows how the bats are made. The site has a large merchandise space, a batting cage where visitors can try out bats, as well as a location where visitors can have their own, personalised Louisville Slugger made at the factory

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normally recognise a local sports history or sporting figure(s). Typically, they also have significantly smaller numbers of visitors to their museums than corporate or national museums, have a smaller retail space or fewer number of retail items for sale, and have limited – if any – opportunities for venue rentals. Community sports museums do share similarities with corporate sports museums in that they normally take more h ­ agiographical approaches to their subject. The Ty Cobb Museum in Royston, Georgia, for example, which is situated in a medical facility named after Cobb, is run by local staff and volunteers and is dedicated to exploring the life and legacy of baseball player Ty Cobb, who was born in the community (Figure 5.5). Cobb, who is arguably one of baseball’s greatest players, is also popularly known as a virulent racist – a point with which the curatorial narrative at the Cobb museum takes issue. As such, the community sports museum can not only be a mode of celebrating a local legend, but recasting and resuscitating legacies as well. The final type of sports museum in Phillips’ (2013b) typology is the vernacular sports museum. These museums are typically not in traditional museum settings, though can include memorabilia, artefacts and interpretive panelling (Figure 5.6). Often, vernacular sports museums are in private settings, such as bars and restaurants, and can be used as an element of marketing the business. At other times, they simply reflect the sporting interests of the owner, and are – in essence – conversation pieces. Vernacular sports museums also sometimes provide cultural and historical context for the name of a particular building or structure. The Sir Tom Finney Sports Centre in Preston, England, for example, is named

Figure 5.5  A sign outside of the Ty Cobb Museum in Royston, Georgia. ­Community museums often celebrate local athletes or teams and are typically run by local ­community organisations and volunteers

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Figure 5.6  Photo of an interpretive exhibit about footballer Tom Finney in Preston, England. Vernacular sport heritage, particularly outside of formal ­heritage settings such as museums, helps to promote businesses and provide ­communities a sense of place and connections to the sporting past

after local football legend Tom Finney, and while the building is largely dedicated to sport, fitness, and leisure activities, a small museum display about Finney is in the Centre’s main foyer. Of course, not all sports museums fit precisely into Phillips’ (2013b) typology. Many sports museums will have elements of both academic and corporate museums, such as the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum in Cooperstown, New York and the Hockey Hall of Fame in Toronto, Canada, which are often simultaneously crowd-pleasers which incorporate elements of academic rigor, including clearly-defined collections, policies, and resources for academic scholarship including public archives. Similarly, reflecting Graham et al.’s (2000) assertion that heritage sites often reflect tensions between their cultural and economic outputs, many sports museums have to balance both accuracy, authenticity, and credibility with marketing, branding, and the commodification of nostalgia. Even national academic museums like the National Sports Museum in Melbourne, Australia have to balance representing the multifaceted aspects of the sporting past with being a site of leisure and entertainment for locals and visitors alike (National Sports Museum, 2019). Additionally, many museums – including those in sport – are undergoing tremendous

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changes in terms of form and focus, as well as questions about representation, dissonance, and sustainability. Current Directions in Sports Museums and Sports Halls of Fame

Given the breadth of sports museums, particularly their form, type, focus and funding, coupled with the dynamism of the museum and heritage sector as a whole, sports museums are undergoing significant changes and confronting numerous issues in the 21st century. This section outlines some of the current trends and issues in sports museums and halls of fame. In particular, this section examines new forms of sports museums including online, digital, and travelling sports museums, the intersection of the sports museum with other types of museums and heritage venues, ownership and access issues at sports museums, the sustainability and relevancy of sports museums, the interpretive directions of sports museums, including the balance between pleasing hardcore supporters and attracting casual or non-fans to sports museums, the experiential aspects of sports museums, broader forms of representation in sports museums, and the role of dissonance and contested heritage at sports museums. Online and digital sports museums

Technology has become integral to contemporary heritage experiences. Most heritage sites now employ technology for a variety of purposes, from online marketing initiatives, to documenting conservation projects, to the delivery and evaluation of cutting-edge interpretive programmes. Many heritage organisations, however, tend to employ technology as an enhancement for an existing physical heritage space, such as an historic property or museum. A relatively new practice is the existence of entirely digital heritage projects, where the primary experience is virtual rather than physical. Broadly part of the ‘digital humanities’ turn, these virtual heritage spaces address both the theoretical challenges of heritage production in terms of authorising voices (Smith, 2006) and physical heritage accumulation (Harrison, 2012), as well as the economic realities of heritage for which communities often must face the costs of perpetual care (Throsby, 1997). In order to deal with the trends and changes museums are facing, many are increasingly adopting multiple digital platforms. Some traditional museums have made their digitised collection available and use social media accounts for quick marketing as an extension of their current practices. However, other communities have elected to entirely omit a physical museum space, opting instead for a digital museum portal alone. The advantages for communities moving to exclusively digital spaces are numerous: a relatively inexpensive repository for heritage narratives and digital collections (such as documents and photographs); reduced costs for staffing, maintenance, collections acquisition, conservation, and

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marketing; ability to be ‘nimble’ to changing discursive and topical trends in heritage; ability for co-creation of heritage narratives with community members; and ‘pilot testing’ which heritages would appeal to the public in terms of events and, potentially, a physical museum space. However, the lack of a tangible museum building also may make the virtual museum a less appealing form of heritage, although Sylaiou et al. (2010) found that virtual museums could be enjoyable if the users experienced a high level of perceived presence to objects. Many sports museums exist purely in virtual and digital forms. The National Gay & Lesbian Sports Hall of Fame, the International Women’s Sports Hall of Fame, the Paralympic Hall of Fame and the Black College Football Hall of Fame all exist in purely online or digital formats, and include information about inducted members, mission of the hall of fame/ museum, induction criteria, links to supporting organisations, and donation portals. Many online sports museums have an annual event when they induct new members to their hall of fame, while other online sports museums include additional online content such as videos, photos and archival documents. While some online sports museums look to exist purely in digital or online formats, others see the online format as a bridge to creating a physical museum space. The Women’s Sports Museum currently exists as an online portal but is clear that its main mission is not simply to recognise contributors to women’s sports but to create a physical Women’s Sports Museum in Sarasota, Florida (Women’s Sports Museum, 2019). As such, the digital presence in this case is viewed as means of generating support for a tangible sports museum. Virtual museum experiences, such as viewing a sport through virtual reality software and equipment are also part of many contemporary sports museums. The Wimbledon Lawn Tennis Museum, for example, includes an exhibit were visitors can virtually experience the Wimbledon final matches from courtside through virtual reality goggles. Travelling sports museums and exhibits

Many museums have broad public mandates to reach new audiences, particularly those who do not geographically reside near the physical institution. Similarly, museums may develop – and also host – exhibits from other museums based on a particular topic with certain types of artefacts and public programmes that help interpret that topic. Many sports museums develop travelling museum programmes, while other museums – often national museums – develop sport-based exhibits for other museums to house and host for a temporary period of time. Two examples of this practice come from ice hockey exhibitions. The Hockey Hall of Fame in Toronto, Ontario has a mobile outreach programme which includes a variety of artefacts, exhibits, and interactive displays based on different themes and topics including Aboriginal Hockey, Military Hockey, and numerous exhibits related to specific teams, players, eras of

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hockey and leagues (Hockey Hall of Fame, 2019). The Canadian Museum of History in Ottawa, as another example, developed a travelling exhibit called Hockey: More Than Just a Game (Canadian Museum of History, 2018). The exhibition not only covers the history of hockey in Canada, it also touches on the sport’s cultural importance to the country, as well as addressing some of the sport’s more contentious issues including racism and sexism. As such, these types of mobile museums not only help sports museums reach broader audiences and demonstrate the importance and relevance of a particular sport’s heritage, they also provide a potential revenue stream for the museum, as different museum institutions and community groups may rent the mobile exhibit for a period of time. Intersection of sports with other forms of heritage

Moore (2012) notes that, while there are many different forms and types of museums of sport, sport is also part of many different types of museums. Furthermore, many other types of heritage venues – such as art galleries and archives – have become part of the sports museum landscape, while many sports museums are also attached – physically and promotionally – to sports stadia and famous sporting venues. Art galleries, for example, may host sport-based exhibitions that have the ability to both celebrate and challenge existing sport heritage themes. Cronin, for example, in his forward to the Arena: The Art of Hockey exhibition at the Art Gallery of Nova Scotia poses the question, Why art and hockey? That is the first question this project sparks, and it usually comes with equal parts disdain and general interest. For those who like (or love) hockey, the question is usually tinged with doubt that two activities so seemingly disparate can mesh. For those for whom hockey is just a tedious time-waster … what can these two activities possibly have in common? Art is serious, and after all, hockey is just a game. (2008: 9)

Cronin goes on to argue that both activities are often linked to experiences from childhood, that there are ways in which art and sport might join ‘loners’ from the art world to ‘joiners’ from sport, that sport – and, in particular, ice hockey in Canada – could attract a new audience that may never otherwise venture into an art gallery, and that art and ice hockey can be used sentimentally, subversively and stylistically. Museums that have the task to be more critical, or may view topics like sport differently than a traditional sports museum might, may use sport to highlight broader topical issues, and use sporting aesthetics as part of a broader mandate of social and cultural commentary. Conventional heritage research sites such as archives are also now broadly connected with sports museums. Sports archives specifically, as well as sport in general archival collections, are important in developing

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the research that underpins many sport heritage projects (Kohe, 2018). The International Council of Archives, for example, notes that sport archives can help to illuminate many issues in sport, including economic issues, philosophical issues, and issues of health in sport, while also raising awareness about the need and importance to preserve and make accessible sporting materials (International Council of Archives, 2019). Archives at sports museums and sports halls of fame help to preserve and house artefacts that are not currently on display (Hood, 2006), as well as to reveal to the visiting public the research and preservation mandates of sports museums and sports halls of fame. The National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum in Cooperstown, for example, has a large public archive which houses numerous baseball artefacts and documents, and which is accessible to both academics and members of the general public. These types of archives can also help to diversify the visiting public by helping to attract researchers, while also extending the stay of visitors looking to conduct research. The intersection of sport with other forms of heritage also raises issues around collections management, particularly as sport heritage intersects with broader forms of heritage. Reflecting on Ramshaw and Gammon’s (2005, 2017) idea of heritage of sport, where the heritage is largely self-contained within the sport’s own history and mythology, and sport as heritage, where a form of heritage transcends sport and enters a larger heritage canon, then museums are faced with decisions about what types of items, artefacts and stories are important in telling the story of the sport, as well as those which connect the sport to broader cultural topics. Add to this Smith’s (2006) idea of the ‘Authorized Heritage Discourse’, in which particular authorising agents determine which heritage is deemed ‘worthy’ for collection, conservation and display, and which may be marginalised or ignored as unimportant, curators at sports museums face a daunting task of determining both the contents of collection, and whether they are the sole determinants in declaring cultural value. These decisions – of what to collect, who makes the determinations about what to collect, and how the artefact is interpreted – becomes increasingly important for museums of all stripes, particularly as multivocality continues to be an important topic in museology (Scott, 2012). At the same time, all museums – including sports museums – must balance accurately reflecting various heritages and being inclusive in the collecting and interpreting of artefacts while also appealing to broad sections of visitors. For example, Ressler and Ran-Ressler (2016) suggest, in their exploration of the ‘Chasing Dreams’ exhibition at the National Museum of American Jewish History in Philadelphia, that the exhibition (which was broadly about Jews and baseball) needed to balance being both unique (as to reflect the Jewish experience in baseball) and universal (so as to appeal to a wide variety of visitors), and that the items used in the exhibition had to speak to both a narrow and broad audience at the same time. The fact that many sports museums must collect both for their sport and for

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how their sports are increasingly becoming part of the wider heritage discourse therefore presents an interesting problem. Ownership and access

At the heart of sports museums and halls of fame are the artefacts associated with famous sporting moments, teams, or individual players. Although many collections of sporting artefacts are held in trust by public museums or are on public display through private or for-profit museums, many important sporting artefacts or historically important collections are held in private ownership. Although some collectors will publicly display their collections via some version of Phillip’s (2012) vernacular sports museums, many are held out of public view and primarily exist to augment the hobbies and interests of private individuals or are kept as commodities to sell at a later date (often, again, to a private collector) at a profit. Many sports museums lack the funds to purchase particularly rare or historically significant sporting artefacts, so many have incomplete collections. However, in some instances, private collectors and sports museums may have to reach a borrowing agreement whereby significant sporting artefacts or collections may be temporarily on display to the public. These kinds of symbiotic agreements can benefit both sports museums and collectors, as museums will be able to display important sporting artefacts that they otherwise would not be able to afford while collectors may add to the value of their collections if they are ‘legitimised’ as both authentic and of historic or cultural value through their display at a sports museum. Sustainability and relevancy

The sustainability and continued relevancy of sports museums is also an ongoing issue. Issues such as museum location and exhibition content are important for sports museums in order to attract visitation and support (Kellett & Hede, 2008). Some sports museums, unfortunately, suffer from falling attendance, limited revenue generation, and changing interests from visitors. As a result, some sports museums have had to close entirely or, in a bid for sustainability, move to a location that may attract more visitors and other forms of revenue. Frost (2005) for example tracks the demise of the Australian Football League Hall of Fame to a combination of concept, location, and price: that visitors didn’t fully embrace the theme of the museum; that the museum was located in a place that had little relevance to the sport; and that admission was far too steep. However, even when there is a recognised heritage connection between the museum and its location, box office success does not always follow. The relocation of the National Football Museum in England from Preston, a city with a deep historical and heritage connection to the sport (Moore, 2008), to Manchester, a city too with a deep football heritage – but, with the

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Figure 5.7  Mask worn by Montreal Canadiens goaltender Ken Dryden on display at the Montreal Canadiens Hall of Fame. Despite the club’s rich history and heritage, the team decided to close the Hall of Fame in 2015 in order to use the space for concessions and additional fan services

ability to attract significantly more tourism than Preston – demonstrates that even when a sports museum is placed in an historically-­justifiable location, it does not always mean that adequate visitation will follow. At other times, museum spaces within sporting venues have been replaced with more revenue-friendly amenities. The Montreal Canadiens, one of the most storied ice hockey teams of all time, closed their team museum and hall of fame in 2015 after five years of operation in order to use the space for concessions and other fan services (Montreal Canadiens, 2015) (Figure 5.7). Similarly, sports museums must continue to be relevant, particularly if their themes are from a more remote or unremembered past. Ramshaw (2010b), for example, notes that managers at the Canadian Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum in Calgary often avoided narratives related to the 1988 Winter Olympics, focusing instead on contemporary Olympians, in large part because they feared the museum would become a relic rather than a vibrant, contemporary museum. Mediation

Sport production and consumption is increasingly global (Williams, 2007) and, as such, many sports museums must cater to a geographically

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diverse audience. Mediating between, in Giulianotti’s (2002) terms, ‘supporters, followers, fans, and flaneurs’ in terms of museum content and interpretation is a task for sports museums going forward. Balancing the needs of hard-core and knowledgeable supporters and casual or nonfans can be a challenge, particularly in terms of each visitors’ ability to ‘decode’ the importance of a noteworthy sporting artefact. Furthermore, sports museums must balance both the veneration and celebration of particular sporting moments and achievements with broader representations of challenging heritages from those same sporting pasts. Building off of Wann’s (1995) fan motivation scale, having a noteworthy heritage could also be a route to creating or re-enforcing fandom, and sports museums can play a role in retaining and attracting consumption. Some museums purposely address their more dissonant heritage, while at the same time creating spaces and opportunities for visitors to uncritically venerate, celebrate, and consume the sporting past. The National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum in Cooperstown, New York, for example, provides touch screens for visitors to weigh-in on the sport’s more contentious issues, such as labour disputes, the use of performance-enhancing drugs, and gambling controversies (Figure 5.8). However, spatially, these issues

Figure 5.8  Exhibit display about performance-enhancing drugs in baseball and a touch-screen display asking for visitor input into the issue, at the ­National ­Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum in Cooperstown, New York. Sports ­museums and sport halls of fame may use debate and dialogue to interpret more ­contentious sporting issues

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are explicitly absent in the hall of fame portion of the museum, as well as in the museum’s large retail space. Experiential exhibits

Sport is an active endeavour and, as such, many sports museums employ interactive exhibits as part of their gallery displays (Ramshaw, 2011b). These interactive elements provide visitors the opportunity to not only learn about a sport, but to try particular sporting activities as well. Museums such as the Hockey Hall of Fame in Toronto, Ontario, the World Rugby Museum in London, England, and the Kentucky Derby Museum in Louisville, Kentucky, all employ interactive exhibits in their galleries, whether it be shooting an ice hockey puck at a virtual goaltender, feeling the weight and pressure of a rugby scrum or simulating the thrill of winning a championship horse race. Interactive sports exhibits can, at the very least, provide a fun, unique and memorable museum experience for visitors of all ages (Figure 5.9), particularly as sports museums face competition from other leisure options. However, beyond the fun and games, interactive sports exhibits can also be vital in helping sports museums meet both their educational and corporate mandates. Ramshaw (2010b), for example, argues that interactive displays at the Canadian

Figure 5.9  Carolina Hurricanes ice hockey exhibit at the Marbles Kids Museum in Raleigh, North Carolina. Interactive sport-based exhibits at museums help visitors try particular sports and can be an enjoyable family activity, while also addressing museum and organisational mandates

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Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum actually serve additional purposes beyond visitor enjoyment, including introducing visitors to somewhat obscure Olympic sports and athletes, providing opportunities for children to try unfamiliar sports and potentially enrol in those sports, and demonstrating that the museum is a contemporary athlete training centre and not simply a relic from a past Olympic games. While interactive sports exhibits can have their drawbacks (particularly in deflecting attention from ­traditional ­history-based exhibits) and can be difficult and potentially costly to replace, they can be important for sports museums in ­developing new audiences and reinforcing content. Sports museum networks

Many sports museums share common challenges, whether they be in collections management, marketing, retail services, governance or administration. As such, organisations exist to help sports museums – many of which are small or medium sized institutions with limited staffing capabilities – with their operations and future development. Most notable is the International Sports Heritage Association (ISHA). Formed in 1971, ISHA is an organisation of over 130 sports museums from around the world that provides networking opportunities and advice for sports museum managers (ISHA, 2018) as well as holding an annual conference for members. At the national level, both the Canadian Association for Sport Heritage (CASH) in Canada (CASH, 2018) and Sporting Heritage CIC in the United Kingdom (Sporting Heritage CIC, 2018) primarily promote and advocate for the sports museum sector in their home countries. Opportunities for networking, sharing knowledge, resources and training, securing multi-­ institutional grants, and providing a united voice in public policy decisions will continue to be important for the ongoing sustainability of many sports museums. Audience development and sports museum patronage

Despite the fact that museums represent one of the largest segments of sport heritage, there is still relatively little known about why people choose to visit sports museums. Although undoubtedly many visitors to sports museums may have similar motivations to other museum visitors, including interest in the topic, nostalgia, and looking for an interesting and entertaining day out, the fact that many sports museums cover topics that are recent, popular and often directly link to a visitor’s sense of identity (perhaps as a fan of a team, sport or athlete), can mean there may be some distinct motivations for visitors to sports museums. Furthermore, how sports museums position their collections and interpretation with the goals of patrons and sponsors is also worth investigating. This is particularly the case if a sports museum wishes to wade into broader social topics and

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issues beyond veneration and celebration of particular athletes and teams. While Phillips’ (2013b) sports museum typology discussed earlier in the chapter appears to position different types of sports museums as distinctive and unrelated to one another in terms of both scale and purpose, undoubtedly many corporate sports museums may, for example, wish to address more serious topics, while academic museums may wish to employ a more sentimental or uncritical lens to some sport-themed exhibitions. The needs and desires of visitors, as well as how a museum is supported, certainly plays a role in what is presented at sports museums. Dissonant and contested narratives

The sporting past is complex. Although sports museums have gone to considerable lengths in celebrating and venerating the heroes and heroic moments of sport, more challenging and dissonant narratives which reveal marginalised and subaltern sporting pasts have often been ignored (Ramshaw, 2017b). For example, Forsyth and Giles (2013) note that the names and accomplishments of many Aboriginal athletes in Canada have long been disregarded within the public discourse, while Phillips et al. (2014) contend that the sporting heritage of Australia’s indigenous population is a mixture of both accomplishment and subjugation, neither of which are broadly represented in the country’s museums. Similarly, topics of race, class, and gender are significant parts of sport heritage. Sports museums risk losing both claims to authenticity as well as, potentially, public support and sponsorship if they fail to embrace a more holistic heritage narrative. Some museums have included dedicated exhibit space for topics of gender and race, such as at the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum, while other sports museums, such as the Kentucky Derby Museum, provide visitors opportunities to explore pasts that have traditionally been marginalised and ignored (Figure 5.10) However, sports museums are facing new representational issues. Topics such as athlete health, sexuality and sport, athletes’ use of performance supplements, and compensation for athletes are not only part of the sporting past, but also topics and issues in contemporary sport. Occasionally, sports museums will address issues of athlete health (Spencer, 1996), although with the ‘legacies’ of issues such as concussions in sports like American football and ice hockey, sports museums may have to confront the fact that many forms of sport heritage are complex, challenging, and potentially divisive. Similarly, though some sports museums address athletes’ sexuality (Figure 5.11), by and large it is a topic that most sports museums omit or ignore. Finally, many sports have legacies of physical and sexual abuse (Brackenridge, 1997; Hartill, 2009), and museums could play a role in both acknowledging painful pasts as well as providing a voice for victims and a space for healing. How sports museums address

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Figure 5.10  Brochures from the Kentucky Derby Museum that help to tell sport ­heritage that is often overlooked and ignored. Many sports museums and sports halls of fame are looking to reveal some of their hidden sport heritage

Figure 5.11  Interpretive display about out athletes at the Ali Center in Louisville, Kentucky. Representational issues, particularly about inclusion and social justice, as well as discussions about challenging issues in sport, such as concussions and other athlete health issues, do not often feature in sports museum and sports halls of fame

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contentious or negative aspects of sport heritage is an important issue facing contemporary sports museums. Conclusion

Sports museums in the 21st century have a very delicate balancing act. On the one hand, they are crowd-pleasers, celebrating the achievements of players, coaches and teams. They are also cogs in broader forms of development, including tourism development, corporate and community relations and merchandising. On the other hand, they are repositories and interpreters of sport history, much of which can be complex and challenging. Their purpose and audiences might also change, so sports museums will have to find new and unique ways of generating revenue. Finding ways of presenting new and different heritage perspectives, as well as adding to an already existing – and often beloved – canon, undoubtedly presents some significant challenges to sports museum managers and curators. Furthermore, making the sports museum relevant and interesting enough for the public to visit, while also providing opportunities for learning, nostalgia and commerce, is a demanding task. However, despite the shifting forces in sports museums – and the fact that some communities have had difficulty in sustaining them – they remain beloved institutions and powerful sites of pilgrimage for many sport aficionados. Furthermore, they are some of the most engaging forms of public sport history available to a wide variety of audiences. Seemingly, there is still a significant role for the sports museum: many teams and organisations have opened or continue to operate sports museums, and communities continue to support them. Furthermore, the broader use of sport heritage in non-sport museums demonstrates the power sport has in telling engaging and meaningful stories. Although there are certainly challenges for sports museums going forward, they remain an essential part of the sport heritage landscape.

6 Events and Sport Heritage Introduction

Both heritage and sport have long been associated with festivals and events. Festivals and events are an important part of heritage (Chhabra, Sills et al., 2002) and can exist in many forms, from food and wine heritage events (Hall & Sharples, 2008) to literary heritage festivals (Ommundsen, 2009). Events are also a significant part of the sporting landscape, whether they are annual regional sporting events (Daniels & Norman, 2003), mega-events such as the Olympics or World Cup (Preuss, 2007), or regular professional sporting events (Hansen & Gauthier, 1989). Although there are many heritage events which include sport and sporting events and, conversely, many sporting events which employ heritage, Pinson (2017) argues that there is relatively little recognition and understanding of the field of heritage sporting events, though recent research has considered the unique characteristics and relationship between sport, heritage and events. For example, Chappelet (2015) views the heritage of a sporting event to be primarily related to the recurrence of the event, the longevity of the event, the specific location of the event, and the fact that the event is organised locally and not by an international organisation and, as such, remains a sustainable resource. Pinson (2016) adds that aspects of perceived authenticity, such as symbols about the event, narratives (mythological and otherwise) linking the event to the destination, and the accumulated local knowledge and history in hosting the event, create the totality of the heritage sporting event. By this reasoning, sport heritage events become an immovable form of sport heritage insofar as they must be linked to a specific location in order to maintain their heritage value. Certainly, many types of sport heritage events are inexorably linked to specific locations. The Wimbledon tennis tournament is not ‘Wimbledon’ if held anywhere but at the All England Club. Similarly, the Masters Golf Tournament is always held at Augusta National Golf Course and, by moving to a different location it would certainly cease to be ‘The Masters’. Heritage sporting events which must include natural phenomena (such as mountains, bodies of water, or snow) would also be relatively geographically inflexible, at least insofar as the natural phenomena could not be artificially re-created. However, many different types of sporting events incorporate heritage, either as a primary or secondary aspect of the event. While an

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event such as the Olympics is perhaps not a heritage sport event per se in terms of Pinson’s (2016) conceptualisation, much of this event’s importance and prestige comes from its heritage. According to Gammon et al.’s (2013) discussion about the relationship between heritage and the Olympic Games: The Games pay homage to many beginnings, whether the ancient Games of Greece or the philosophies and ideals laid down by the father of the modern Olympics, Pierre de Coubertin … the fact that the modern Olympics are, in a sense, a type of reclaimed and resurrected heritage, the event itself overtly employs heritage symbols, traditions and rituals (particularly those of the host country). (2013: 2)

Many events that are movable (or one-off events) nevertheless display elements of heritage, from honouring and celebrating culture and history to creating new forms of heritage consumption that can be repackaged and repurposed for different audiences. As such, the relationship between events, sport, and heritage must consider events which are in situ and movable. Similarly, this relationship must be examined to the use of heritage as part of sporting events, as well as the use of sport in heritage events. This chapter will therefore consider a broad understanding of the heritage sporting event, including how sport heritage intersects with events, festivals, and other types of public venues and gatherings, including traditional sports and sporting events, regular sporting events with heritage components, civic sport heritage events, sport event museums, sport memorabilia events and artistic sporting events. Traditional Sports and Sporting Events

Many forms of sport heritage events are re-productions or re-­ creations of sport-based activities that are linked to particular cultural traditions, histories and folklore (Renson, 1991), though these events often have broader purposes linked to expressions of identity (Bergin, 2002), conservation of intangible heritage, and economic outputs such as fundraising and tourism (Hinch & de la Barre, 2005; Hinch & Ramshaw, 2014; Story, 2012). At other times, the creation of events around sport heritage helps to maintain, promote, and even resurrect particular cultural practices, while also being sporting spectacles and competitions in and of themselves. For example, Fallon’s (2016) exploration of Dragon Boat racing events notes that they are simultaneously an expression of intangible Chinese heritage, a codified competitive sport, and a marketable heritage tourism spectacle. Similarly, resurrected folk-games in places like Orkney and Florence (football), Pamplona (Running of the Bulls), and Cooper’s Hill (Cheese-rolling) not only provide local people with a means of expressing and maintaining particular heritage traditions, they

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Figure 6.1  The Duns Hand Ba’ at the Scottish Football Museum at Hampden Park in Glasgow, Scotland. Folk games, such as street football, are often resurrected by communities as both an expression of cultural identity and as a tourism event

also provide unique place identity spectacles as well as events that tourists can view and, often, participate in themselves (Figure 6.1). Some forms of traditional sport events are not necessarily for tourism, but rather a way of fundraising and generating interest in related sport heritage sites. For example, games of baseball using 19th century rules and costumes are often played between rival baseball museums both to attract attention to their sites as well as generate donations from attendees. Although many folk-games are geographically-rooted, others are more mobile. For example, Chhabra, Healy et al.’s (2003) exploration of the Highland Games competitions in North Carolina note that it was still considered an authentic expression of Scottish culture, despite the fact that the event was held in the United States. Although most forms of antiquated sporting events are broad forms of cultural expression, some do not conform with contemporary values. For example, the role of bullfighting events in Spain are under debate given current attitudes about animal cruelty as well as Spain’s evolving contemporary national identity (Brandes, 2009). Traditional sports have also come into focus in recent years as a cultural practice that requires recognition and protection, particularly through UNESCO’s intangible cultural heritage convention. Notably,

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UNESCO has a working group which looks at safeguarding and promoting traditional sports and games. The purpose of this working group is to use traditional sports as a means of promoting peace, as well as offering a community-building alternative to heavily commodified global sporting practices (UNESCO, 2018a). Beyond the promotion and protection of traditional sport, UNESCO also called for expressions of interest for hosts of a Worldwide Traditional Games event, a regular sport-based event which highlights traditional sports and games, with the first games held in Kazakhstan in 2021. This regular event would be a key element of a larger platform for the recognition and protection of traditional sport, including the creation of an online encyclopaedia of traditional sport, inclusion and recognition of traditional sport and sporting practices, and using traditional sport to enhance other initiatives including cultural sustainability and community health (UNESCO, 2017). Similar to larger debates about the geographical inflexibility of heritage sporting events outlined by Pinson (2016), the UNESCO working group also reflects the tension between certain traditional sports being spatially-rooted (as well as potentially-threatened by making these sporting practices globally mobile) while simultaneously promoting mobile events as a means of conserving and showcasing these sports. However, as Koch (2015) highlights, traditional sports and sporting events can also re-enforce dominant cultural and political discourses, particularly around gender and ethnicity. As such, traditional sports and sporting events should not necessarily be treated as banal or apolitical. Regular Sporting Events with Heritage Elements

Many regular or annual sporting events, though often not specifically created and maintained for heritage purposes, nevertheless generate, ritualise and perpetuate particular forms of heritage. This is particularly the case with Hallmark sporting events, many of which are steeped in notable and infamous rituals, traditions, and history (Hall, 1989; Ritchie, 1984). The Olympics, for example, routinely create new heritages while often augmenting existing heritage places and values (Boukas et al., 2013), although at times existing heritage spaces can be influenced or significantly altered because of a community hosting an Olympiad (Anton et al., 2013; Strohmayer, 2013; Yardley, 2006). Mega-events also frequently tout legacy heritages, whether they be in areas such as coaching and sport participation (Day et al., 2013; Leopkey & Parent, 2012) in post-games infrastructure including venues (Cashman, 1998), or in awareness and inclusion (Misener et al., 2013), although there is debate as to whether many post-event heritages are beneficial or have broad-ranging positive impacts (Chappelet, 2008; Weed et al., 2015). Regular (e.g. every four years) or annual staging of particular events also adds to their heritage. Events such as the Wimbledon tennis tournament or the Masters golf tournament

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regularly tout their relationship to particular rituals and traditions, as well as to their settings. In many ways, these events become reflective of an institutional seasonality (Butler, 1994), whereby attending is done as much by ritual and fashion as for environmental reasons. Similarly, particular aspects of event attendance – such as having strawberries and cream at Wimbledon or a mint julep at the Kentucky Derby – ritualise particular heritage traditions. Attending regular sporting events also often includes heritage elements, whether they be the traditional chants and cheers of rivalry games (Foer, 2004) or the more interpersonal heritages of attending matches with friends and family (Mason, Duquette et al., 2005). Other sporting events, such as the World Masters Games and Gay Games, are not explicitly heritage-based, though may employ elements of non-sport heritage as part of their festivities (such as cultural and arts festivals), while Olympic Games host communities normally include an arts and cultural festival (normally termed the ‘Cultural Olympiad’) in concert with the hosting of the Games (Garcia, 2008). Although many regular sporting events may market or perpetuate particular heritage elements as part of their enduring appeal, heritage is often a secondary consideration to the sport competition. Other regular events, however, have placed heritage as a central part of the event, often overshadowing the sport competition itself. Such forms of events reveal the potency and appeal of sport heritage, particularly in creating awareness of particular sports as well as in the creation of new types of sporting events and products. For example, since 2003 the National Hockey League (NHL) has regularly staged outdoor hockey games in football and baseball stadiums across North America. These events explicitly refer to the heritage traditions, rituals, and landscapes of the sport while, at the same time, creating ‘new’ heritage products and spectacles which organisations can market as a different (and often premium) product (Ramshaw & Hinch, 2006). Although these outdoor hockey games have become ubiquitous and may have lost some of their media appeal (Ramshaw, 2014c), they nevertheless remain popular events at the local level and have the potential to be replicated and emulated by other sports (Ramshaw, 2005). Similarly, sporting events that bring back sports stars of yesteryear, such as the PGA Champions Tour or the Tennis Champions Series, though ostensibly about competition, are also primarily heritage and nostalgia-based (Gammon, 2014). As Gammon (1998) contends, ‘the players may be a little heavier and they don’t score as well as they used to, but they remain important living reminders of a golden age we didn’t know we missed’ (1998: 65). Finally, traditional forms of sporting events, such as summer cricket festivals, have been maintained or resurrected by sport organisations in part as a novel form of sport nostalgia (Arnot, 2014). Although somewhat of an antiquated form of sport event, they nevertheless have contemporary players, though in settings reminiscent of yesteryear. As such, the appeal of nostalgia – as well as a ‘retro’ feel to an event – can be both a selling

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feature for a sport event as well as setting the event as a counterpoint to contemporary events. Civic Events

Some types of sport heritage events are not competition-based and often take place in city centres rather than at sporting venues. Most notable are statue unveilings, where a statue of a local sporting hero is unveiled by community leaders and dignitaries. These events often include the sportsperson themselves in attendance, along with family members, teammates and coaches (or only the family members, teammates and coaches if the sportsperson has passed-away) (Stride, Wilson et al., 2013). The idea of virtual sport spectatorship has also become part of sport consumption, and though many forms of sport spectatorship takes place in bars and pubs (Weed, 2008), others occur in large, often heritage-based, civic spaces such as town squares. As Kuikkaniemi et al. (2011) observe, ‘during the 2010 World Cup finals in Netherlands and Spain, massive crowds gathered to participate in an event that took place on the other side of the world. They could have watched the same stream in their homes, but chose instead to join the crowd experience’ (2011: 45). In these forms of virtual sport spectatorship event, the heritage is not only the civic space but the shared heritage of, in this example, national identity. Commemorative events which use sport are another type of civic event. Wilson (2014), for example, discusses the use of football events – in particular, contemporary re-enactments of the 1914 Christmas Truce football matches – as one of the ways First World War centenary were remembered. In these cases, sport heritage offers not only a vehicle for remembering and commemorating particular non-sport historical moments, but also a means whereby the public might participate beyond simply spectating and watching. Civic events can also be used to remember and celebrate particular sporting icons. For example, São Paulo hosted a large, civic event celebrating the life of race car driver Ayrton Senna on the 25th anniversary of his tragic death in 2019. The event included concerts, a 5km road race, art and memorabilia associated with Senna, and a go kart race. In this, the event not only marked a sombre anniversary, it did so in a way which celebrated Senna’s joy for life and his role as a national icon. Event Museums

Some sport events also generate more permanent forms of heritage, in particular event museums and heritage markers. Many famous annual sporting events have their own museums, such as a museum at the Indianapolis Motor Speedway, site of the Indianapolis 500 motorrace (Williams, 2012), the Wimbledon Lawn Tennis Museum, site of the Wimbledon tennis tournament (Godfrey, 2012), and the Centrum Ronde

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Van Vlaanderen, museum of the Tour of Flanders cycling race (Ramshaw & Bottelberghe, 2014). Given that many sporting events have lengthy histories, generate and collect artefacts related to their past, and are yearround attractions beyond the staging of the event itself, it stands to reason that many sporting events would have their own museum. Some destinations that held famous sporting events, such as the Olympics (Figure 6.2) and World Cup, also created post-event museums (Cashman, 1998) to house both artefacts related to the hosted-event and, often, narratives related to post-event legacies (Ramshaw, 2010b). Related are museums that are about particular sporting events but are not actually located in event cities. For example, Adair (2004) describes the Olympic Museum in Lausanne, Switzerland as about the history of the Olympic movement as well as a repository for artefacts, an exhibition space and a tourist attraction. Though not related to a specific Olympics, the museum nevertheless represents the heritage of many different Olympic Games. Furthermore, some museums are in proximity to famous event locations though, in and of themselves, are not event museums per se. Vamplew’s (2012) analysis of the British Golf Museum notes its proximity to the Royal & Ancient (R&A) Golf Club in St. Andrews, which as the ‘home of golf’ frequently stages The Open golf tournament, as well as the fact that the museum

Figure 6.2  Seoul Olympic Museum, a post-event museum celebrating the 1988 ­Summer Olympic Games. One of the many heritage legacies of mega sporting events such the Olympics is a post-event museum. Photo courtesy of Jungah Choi

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houses artefacts related to the R&A, but is somewhat still separated and apart from the course itself. Finally, many community history museums will include sections in their collections related to famous sporting events, such as when a city hosted a mega-event such as the World Cup or the Commonwealth Games. As such, sporting events also generate heritage in the form of artefacts, memorabilia, and documentation. Memorabilia Shows

Events based on the display and sale of sporting artefacts, such as game used equipment (Andon, 2013) and sports memorabilia and collectables, such as sports card shows and player autographs (Bloom, 1997), are also part of the sport heritage event landscape. Although much of the sports memorabilia and collectables landscape exists online or in permanent retail stores, events and conventions also bring together dealers and collectors in one place, often over a week or weekend. Beyond the opportunity to buy or sell sports memorabilia, these events also provide opportunities to meet past athletes, see displays from related industries (such as manufacturers of memorabilia display cases), and attend seminars about authentication, care, and licensing. The National Sports Collectors Convention (NSCC) in the United States, for example, refers to itself as a ‘mega-event’ that brings together sports collectors, memorabilia dealers, and related industries annually in one location (NSCC, 2019). However, smaller shows are held virtually every weekend, particularly in the United States (Sports Collectors Digest, 2019). Artistic Sport Heritage Events

Sport heritage also intersects with artistic events such as gallery exhibitions and the performing arts including plays, opera and dance. While most sport heritage events are largely celebratory and commemorative, artistic sport heritage events frequently challenge dominant sporting discourses and frequently provide dissonant views of the sporting past. Chapter 4 discussed art gallery exhibitions intersecting with sport heritage, with these exhibitions often being temporary and frequently including events such as openings and discussions with curators and artists. Plays and operas also often use particular moments, people, and events from the sporting past as key elements of the dramatic narrative. The Pittsburgh Opera, for example, staged The Summer King in 2017, an opera about the life of Josh Gibson. Gibson was arguably the best baseball player of all time but was barred from playing in the Major Leagues because of the colour of his skin (Ribowsky, 2004). He largely toiled in the Negro Leagues before passing away at the early age of 35, and the opera recounts his story through the narrative of racism in America (Pittsburgh Opera, 2018). Similarly, When The Eye Has Gone, a 2016 play about the life of

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Colin Milburn – an English cricketer who lost his eye in an accident and later fell into a deep depression at his inability to play cricket any longer – also mined elements of the sporting past in order to tell a larger story about identity and mental illness (Chevallier, 2017). Conclusion

The relationship between sport, heritage and events is evolving. Many heritage events include sporting components, perhaps both as a way to appeal to more people as well as acknowledging the role sport plays in reflecting the legacies and traditions of communities. Similarly, sporting events use heritage not only as a way to market events but also to demonstrate that a particular sport, event, or organisation has a notable past. However, the use of sport and heritage can also be seen in other areas. Civic events, arts and cultural events and memorabilia shows also form part of the sport event landscape. Furthermore, events generate their own heritage moments and artefacts and, as such, the role of museums – and, often, event-specific museums – are part of the sport/heritage/event landscape, although many recent host cities of Olympic Games, for example, have elected not to build a post-Games museum (Choi & Ramshaw, 2018). Given the increased interest in the sport/heritage/event relationship, as epitomised by its continued relationship to megaevents such as the Olympics, as well as the direction towards using events to promote and preserve traditional sports, it is likely that this relationship will continue to strengthen and evolve.

7 Living Sport Heritage Introduction

All heritage is living, to a degree. Smith (2006) and Waterton and Watson (2015) remind us that heritage is not a static form but an embodied process that is performed, shared and practiced. The living cultures, traditions, and rituals that could broadly be categorised as intangible sport heritage are important aspects to understanding the breadth of sport heritage representations. Heritages of individual people are also a significant part of the heritage landscape. Locations, events and buildings associated with persons from the past – be they leaders, pioneers, famous artists and the like – are ubiquitous, and frequently become part of the larger heritage tourism economy. In the United States, for example, there is a tradition that past Presidents will have a library named in their honour with a focus on the study of their presidency, while locations such as Key West, Florida include locations and events associated with Ernest Hemingway as part of their destination’s heritage tourism attractions (McIver, 2002). At other times, there are broader cultural and political considerations in the recognition process – such as in the public memorialisation of Civil War leaders in the United States – which frequently become contested as to their continued heritage recognition and cultural meanings (Mayo, 1988). Although heritage recognition of individuals often occurs posthumously, living individuals are also viewed through a heritage lens and may be referred to as ‘national treasures.’ The idea of a ‘living human treasure,’ for example, is included in UNESCO’s intangible cultural heritage convention and, in countries such as Japan and South Korea, these ‘living treasures’ are understood to be masters of a particular skill or craft who pass that knowledge on to the next generation (Aikawa-Faure, 2014; Hafstein, 2009). Some forms of heritage recognition may even include animals. The Greyfriars Bobby memorial in Edinburgh, which depicts a Skye Terrier named Bobby who watched over his master’s grave for many years, is one such example of a non-human heritage marker (Kean, 2003). Sport frequently includes forms of living heritage. Famous athletes, in particular, are not only witnesses to the sporting past but also participants in famous sporting moments. In many respects, the idea of heritage being represented in a living being is one of the defining elements of sport heritage, particularly in that so many athletes, coaches and administrators who achieved greatness are still living and, in various forms, public figures. However, the relationship between the achievement of the athlete and the athlete themselves demonstrates a paradox in sport heritage. We cannot preserve the athlete or sporting figure in the same way that we might 88

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another heritage object, and the sportsperson is not, unlike most heritage objects, aided by the patina of age. Athletes become slower, more prone to injury, retire, perhaps fall out of shape and, in some instances, have challenging post-career lives as they adjust to life outside of the limelight. Similarly, the achievements of managers and coaches may be eclipsed, or their tactics may have fallen out of favour. However, in other ways, the achievements of these athletes may gain heritage value. Their records may not be replicated or their style of play may not have been so unique as to become its own legacy. Similarly, fans and supporters age as well and, through the lens of nostalgia, a preference for the players of old may replace an engagement with the current generation of sports stars. Fans may replay sporting feats and memorable performances via re-broadcasts or online media such as YouTube, memorialise and even commodify athletics achievement in souvenir form and, as such, retired sports stars may become more glorious – or heroic – as time goes on. Similarly, if athletes are to be thought of as a ‘living heritage’ (Ramshaw, 2010b), then they are a dynamic heritage where past successes are also coloured by future behaviour. Maintaining a saleable legacy is crucial for many athletes’ post-athletics careers, and not just for the vast sports memorabilia market but also for the heritage sport tourism market through fantasy camps and celebrity cruises (Gammon, 2014). However, the heritage of sportspersons involves more than athletes and their achievements. There are also the owners, managers, broadcasters, pioneers and, in some cases, fans. Similarly, there are athletes and athletic achievements which have been marginalised, forgotten, or excluded based on a variety of factors, from ignorance to sexism and racism. As such, the heritage of sportspersons can be multifaceted, and this chapter explores the many ways that people are positioned as sport heritage, from embodying a particular ethic or style of play and representing a specific generation or set of values, to being a commodity to sell to fans and sponsors, becoming a symbol for a variety of cultural and political purposes. As such, this chapter examines the notion of athletes in particular as a kind of sport heritage artefact, exploring how athletes are recognised, enshrined, commodified and, upon death, remembered. Athletes as Artefacts

Ramshaw (2010b) and Gammon (2014) suggest that athletes can be a type of sport heritage artefact, albeit with caveats. As Gammon (2014) explains, ‘intuitively, it would seem logical to consider living sporting heroes as a prime example of tangible movable objects, yet the term “objects” implies an inanimateness that is at odds with the very living human qualities of the players and athletes in question’ (2014: 250). Similarly, Ramshaw (2010b) employs the metaphor of a kind-of ‘athlete zoo’ where ­visitors can, at some sport heritage attractions, watch contemporary

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athletes train, although – unlike animals at the zoo – athletes have some agency over when and whom gazes on their workouts and training. Yet, the idea that athletes are a kind of living, breathing artefact that generates new heritage markers, moments, and commodities as he or she plays and performs must be considered. As Gammon (2014) explains, the athlete artefact straddles the line between tangible and intangible sport heritage. The intangible heritage of sport legacies might be records, important goals or achievements, championships and the like, while the intangible sport as heritage moments might be tied to broader, societal heritages of nationalism, sexuality, class, and race. For example, White’s (2013) exploration of Cathy Freeman’s performance at the Olympic Games in Sydney was not only tied to the heritage of sport (winning an Olympic race) but also tied to broader heritage considerations of racial reconciliation in Australia. In terms of tangible sport heritage, many important sport heritage moments and achievements are remembered and conserved through the collection, preservation, and display of artefacts. In terms of a tangible form of the heritage of sport, an important record in, for example, ice hockey might require the Hockey Hall of Fame or a club museum to keep, preserve, and display the puck, hockey stick, and net of a famous goal, or items associated with a notable player from baseball’s past may be displayed at a regional sports hall of fame or museum (Figure 7.1).

Figure 7.1  Homestead Grays baseball uniform of Buck Leonard, one of the greatest players in Negro leagues baseball, on display at the North Carolina Sports Hall of Fame in Raleigh, North Carolina. Part of recognising athletes as artefacts includes collecting and displaying items related to the athlete

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Similarly, tangible artefacts might be kept and preserved that represent the moments and achievements that transcend the sport. For example, the Jesse Owens Museum and Memorial Park in Danville, Alabama is a tangible heritage attraction that remembers and recognises an athlete and athletic achievement that transcended sport, in particular his victories at the 1936 Olympics at Berlin which, as an African American, challenged Hilter’s myth of Aryan supremacy (Schaap, 2015). Not all athlete artefacts are necessarily human. Much of the sporting past involves the use of animals, particularly horses. Locations such as the Kentucky Horse Park in Lexington feature retired champion horses as part of their exhibits. As such, visitors can not only learn about the heritage of horses in Kentucky, they can also meet – and even touch – famous living horses, including past Kentucky Derby Winners (Figure 7.2). Horses are also sometimes kept in museum displays and exhibits. O’Neill and Osmond (2013) describe the various museum exhibits over the years featuring the remains of Phar Lap, a champion Australian racehorse. In particular, they note that the horse’s remains have been interpreted quite differently in different eras, from strictly a unique biological specimen to, more recently, becoming a symbol of Australian nationalism.

Figure 7.2  Funny Cide, a thoroughbred racehorse and winner of the 2003 ­Kentucky Derby and Preakness Stakes and who now lives at the Kentucky Horse Park in ­Lexington and is on public display, is an example of a living sport exhibit

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Enshrinement

Athletes are integral to the collection of many forms of sport heritage, most notably sports halls of fame and sports museums. Each year, these sites or entities (as many sports halls of fame and sports museums are virtual rather than physical structures) enshrine athletes, coaches and trainers, managers, members of the media, and builders/contributors to an individual team, league or sport. For many of the larger and more famous halls of fame, such as the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum in Cooperstown, New York, welcoming new inductees is a major event, with thousands of fans – as well as past inductees – descending on the town to celebrate the inductees’ enshrinement and career achievements. However, at locations such as the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum, many players have been explicitly or implicitly overlooked for enshrinement, most recently for issues such as gambling, steroids, or a broad interpretation of immoral behaviour (Chafets, 2009), although exclusion based on gender, race, sexuality, class and political and social viewpoints remains apparent in many sports halls of fame. As Johnson et al. (2016) argue, selection committees for sports museums and sports halls of fame require broader and more inclusive representation in large part to provide a more wide-ranging and accurate historical picture of inductees. However, as Phillips (2013b) notes in his sport museum typology (and discussed at length in Chapter 5), different sporting museums have very different purposes and outputs, with most sports halls of fame being more apt to celebrate and commodify the achievements of star athletes rather than historically contextualise their accomplishments. Many athletes, however, have accomplishments that transcend hall of fame enshrinement and, as such, have their own museums. Normally, in cases such as the Ty Cobb Museum in Royston, Georgia, or the ‘Shoeless’ Joe Jackson Museum in Greenville, South Carolina (both top baseball players from the early 20th century), an individual athlete’s museum is primarily about their sporting accomplishments and, often, is situated in the town in which they were born or grew up. (Figure 7.3). Both Cobb and Jackson also carry significant levels of infamy (Cobb is widely remembered as a virulent racist, while Jackson was banned from baseball for allegedly being part of a group of players from the Chicago Black Sox who purposely lost the 1919 World Series), and their museums exist in large part to rescue and resuscitate their legacies as well as celebrate their on-field accomplishments. There are examples, however, of athlete’s museums whose legacies are both sporting and social. The Ali Center in Louisville, Kentucky is one such example. Ali was one of the most famous athletes in the history of sport for a variety of reasons. His athletic achievements as a boxer were remarkable, but he was also a largerthan-life personality who stood up against racism and advocated for social justice. As such, the Center also explores the whole of Ali, including his

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Figure 7.3  Signage outside of the Shoeless Joe Jackson Museum in Greenville, South Carolina. The museum is the actual Greenville home where Jackson lived and died

Islamic faith, and approaches him as a prominent historical figure rather than only a boxing champion. In this case, Ali’s social and historical legacy is perhaps as famous and important – if not more so – than his athletic legacy. The location of the museum in Louisville, the city where Ali was born, also demonstrates an ownership claim. Unlike the Cobb and Jackson museums, which in part exist as forms of character rehabilitation, Ali’s legacy is now unquestioned (unlike, during his lifetime, when he was frequently derided by much of the public) and the museum perhaps positions Louisville as, essentially, the pilgrimage centre for Ali fans, scholars and admirers. Recognition

Beyond enshrinement in halls of fame, many athletes receive public recognition in other ways. Often, this will include ‘retiring’ a player’s number on a particular team, meaning that no other player can ever wear that number. Some sports have even retired numbers league or sportwide. Wayne Gretzky’s number 99 is retired throughout the National Hockey League in recognition of his immense influence and impact

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within the sport and league. Jackie Robinson’s number, 42, is retired throughout professional baseball, including in the minor leagues, in recognition largely for breaking the ‘colour barrier’ in 1947 and becoming the first African-American player in Major League Baseball. In fact, the idea of broader heritage recognition for individual athletes comes frequently when their achievements take on a broader social purpose – when ‘sport is heritage’ as discussed in the introductory chapter – and moves beyond their sporting accomplishments. These ‘pioneers’ often challenge the norms of particular sports, particularly in challenging barriers with regards to race, class, gender and sexuality (Figure 7.4). Some sport heritage museums and halls of fame, be they physical or virtual, also honour athletes, coaches and builders for their contributions both on and off the field. Sites such as the American Indian Athletic Hall of Fame in Lawrence, Kansas (Oxendine, 1988) and the National Gay & Lesbian Sports Hall of Fame (2019) recognise both the athletic accomplishments of their inductees as well as their contributions to broader forms of sporting inclusion. However, this does not necessarily mean there is broadbased heritage recognition for many sporting pioneers. The Blue Plaque Rebellion in the United Kingdom, organised and supported in part by the Women’s Sport Trust, argue that women’s sporting pioneers are virtually

Figure 7.4  Museum display at the Ali Center in Louisville, Kentucky about tennis player Renee Richards, the first professional athlete to identify as transgender

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absent from public heritage recognition, with few sporting monuments and ‘blue plaque’ heritage markers being dedicated to women’s sport. As such, they organised events and put forward proposals to sporting and heritage agencies to get officially designated heritage markers recognising the pioneers and important events of women’s sport in Britain (Women’s Sport Trust, 2017). Leagues and sport organisations also more broadly celebrate their heritage connections to minority groups. The National Football League and National Basketball Association both have annual Hispanic Heritage Months, recognising their players, coaches and managers with Hispanic roots. Similarly, every April 15, Major League Baseball celebrates Jackie Robinson Day, with every player wearing Robinson’s number 42 in his honour. On one level, these celebrations are meant to recognise the diversity of leagues and teams. They are also meant to attract and retain fans from diverse communities, as well as offering unique forms of souvenirs and collectables (Ramshaw, 2016). Commodification

Athletes are commodified as heritage in many ways, from heritage-based souvenirs and events, to charging to meet (and even play with or against) former star players, to having their images and playing styles replicated and marketed in video games. Souvenirs with the names, numbers, photographs, and statistics or accomplishments of past athletes are commonplace (Figure 7.5), particularly at heritage sites such as museums, halls of fame, and stadia that celebrate these figures. At times, these souvenirs might be coupled with a one-off event celebrating a particular athlete, such as at a jersey retirement ceremony or a hall of fame induction. Some athletes, such as the late race car driver Ayrton Senna, are commodified in various ways following their death. In Senna’s case, his name is linked with a variety of products ranging from football jerseys to high-end sportscars. Other producers may also use the notoriety and accomplishments of past athletes to sell or enhance their products. Sports video games have long used nostalgia for former teams and earlier versions of the video game as one of the selling points of the product, including adding defunct teams or retro logos as part of the gameplay experience (Norman, 2013). In many cases, contemporary games will use past athletes in order to market games, and gamers can play as past players as part of the gameplay experience. For example, in games such as Grand Slam Tennis, gamers can compete as any number of retired star players, including John McEnroe, Pete Sampras and Martina Navratilova, and could even compete with these players against current stars such as Roger Federer and Serena Williams, creating both a confluence of past and present eras as well as a kind-of digital counterfactual history.

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Figure 7.5  Souvenirs of former Kentucky Derby Champions ‘Funny Cide’ and ‘Go For Gin’ at the Kentucky Horse Park in Lexington. Athletes and their past athletic achievements are frequently commodified as a heritage souvenir or product

As discussed at length in Chapter 6, former athletes may also profit from their past athletic success, as well as their heritage value, through many different avenues, including events. ‘Champions’ tours in golf and tennis allow former players an opportunity to compete and gain an ongoing income, often in front of adoring – and sympathetic – spectators (Gammon 2014). Autograph sessions and events are often commodified, with the status of the athlete as well as the item to be signed determining the price. Most famously, former baseball player Pete Rose, known both as baseball’s ‘hit king’ for the most career hits as well as for being banned from the sport (and its Hall of Fame in Cooperstown) for betting on baseball when he was manager of the Cincinnati Reds, has regular autograph signings in Las Vegas with the price of his signature varying depending on the item being signed (e.g. ball, bat, jersey) and what he writes on the ball in addition to his signature (including references to both his hit record and his gambling infamy) (Kennedy, 2014). Fantasy camps, where customers pay thousands of dollars to spend several days playing with or against their sporting heroes, is another way in which former athletes may capitalise on their sporting success (Gammon, 2002). Camps hosted by sporting superstars such as Wayne Gretzky (ice hockey), Michael Jordan (basketball), and Cal Ripken Jr. (baseball), normally include on-field (ice) time, professionally videotaped

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games, photo and autograph opportunities, receptions and dinners, and are frequently set in warm-weather, tourism destinations such as Las Vegas. More recently, other top sporting figures – such as coaches – began to host fantasy camps. US college basketball coaches such as Duke University’s Mike Krzyzewski, who are often more famous than the players they coach, also host fantasy camps where campers experience what it is like to be a college basketball player under the tutelage of a coaching great. For athletes who are not notable enough to host an individual camp, opportunities exist for former athletes to be part of team camps – such as for the Chicago Cubs – where playing with and against several former players of a team is the attraction. Finally, sport heritage athletes may also commodify the narratives of their past accomplishments through becoming a master of ceremonies, a so-called ‘after dinner speaker’, as well as through conducting special stadium tours at the venues where they played. Former athletes such as Chris Evert (tennis), Hope Solo (soccer), and Jackie Joyner-Kersee (athletics), can be booked to present at a conference, reception, or engagement for fees ranging from $20,000 USD to over $50,000 USD (All American Speakers, 2017). Many teams also offer stadium tours with past players, often with higher fees than regular public tours but which provide personal insights and anecdotes about certain games and sections of the stadium. Liverpool Football Club, for example, offers a variety of tours with past players – called ‘Legends Tours’ – for approximately £40, which is double the regular tour rate of £20 (Liverpool FC, 2019). In many ways, the past accomplishments and stories of athletes, as well the reputations that they established during their playing careers, can be commodified in many different ways and through many different outlets.

Remembrance

Athletes also take on heritage meanings and prominence in death. Many of these forms of remembrance are discussed at length in Chapter 3, and include memorials, gravesites, plaques and markers, stands and stadia. However, other forms of remembrance, such as funerals and public memorials, also position athletes as heritage icons. The death of Brazilian Formula One driver Ayrton Senna at the San Marino Grand Prix in 1994 produced a national outpouring of emotion, particularly at the public procession of his coffin through the streets of São Paulo (Williams, 2014). Similarly, the death of Montreal Canadiens star Maurice Richard in 2000, who was revered in Québec both as a player and a symbol of Québécois nationalism, was given a state funeral in Montreal – normally an honour only given to political figures – as well as a public viewing at the Montreal Canadiens home arena (Associated Press, 2000). Both Senna’s procession and Richard’s funeral are described as bringing cities and countries to ‘a standstill’ suggesting that the

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athlete in death can sometimes take on broader ‘sport as heritage’ cultural status beyond their role as sportspersons. Legacy

The idea of an amateur participant having an empathetic connection with a superstar athlete is another way of understanding athletes as repositories of heritage. Indeed, the fact that sport heritage requires people to play and watch sport in order to both contextualise and compare past and present is, perhaps, one of the defining features of sport heritage. Many have played sport themselves, and perhaps even pretended to be their favourite athlete or modelled their style of play after an athlete they admire. In many ways, this becomes a kinaesthetic legacy of the athlete; that their style and technique become part of their identity (Haigh, 2018) and their movements become emulated by others around the world. In a similar vein, the amateur also shares particular understandings with the star athlete; the joy of victory and the agony of defeat are emotions shared across the sporting spectrum. Kilburn, for example, draws an empathetic parallel between the amateur and professional in cricket: Every boy who has defended a lamp-post wicket is in blood brotherhood with Bradman, and knows Hobbs or Sutcliffe as himself … every man who has by reflex action or conscious effort flicked a boundary past point knows a thrill of intense physical delight when he sees Woolley bat. (2008: 12)

In many ways, this goes beyond simple childhood imagination and flights of fancy, to rather an understanding of what it’s like to be a sportsperson, that there is a ‘blood connection’ between athlete and amateur, which makes the athlete artefact not just someone to be admired but also to share a form of sporting kinship. Conclusion

The idea of living heritages is not unique to sport, although it is one of the more important ways in which sport heritage can be understood. Given the recency of many sport heritages, the people who were involved in the creation of particularly historic or noteworthy sporting achievements are often still with us and, frequently, are public figures who may continue to utilise their association with a particular sporting past well into their retirement. Indeed, the idea that a suitable – and, preferably, commodifiable – legacy is important for many sportspeople is particularly pertinent to sport heritage, given the potential avenues for income after athletes’ playing careers are complete. Similarly, the notion of time in terms of living heritage is important and perhaps unique to sport, insofar

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as many sporting achievements occurred when athletes were in early adulthood and yet, these same people change, retire and perhaps pursue other interests even though their achievements may become even more mythical year after year. The degree to which retired athletes wish to be considered a form of living heritage is, perhaps, worth exploring. Being a repository for other peoples’ nostalgia in perpetuity and having to re-live a particular sporting moment or achievement time and time again, may potentially be lucrative though could be exasperating to some retired athletes. In the many ways that athletes are forms of living heritage, it is important to note that absence – as much as presence – is an important part of all forms of heritage recognition (Felder et al., 2015) although it is particularly pertinent in forms of living heritage. The degree to which, for example, sportswomen are recognised, enshrined, or have opportunities to commodify their athletic achievements post-career in comparison with sportsmen requires both exploration and, in many instances, advocacy. For example, Aldred (2018) notes that there are no monuments to women cricketers anywhere in the world, despite women being involved at high levels as players, advocates, managers and administrators for more than a century – while male cricketers such as Don Bradman have as many as six statues (Booth, 2018b). Similarly, heritages of absence also permeate other forms of athlete recognition in sport. King (2006), for example, notes that many indigenous athletes fail to receive acknowledgement or recognition for their sporting achievements, while those recognitions that do exist are often produced by and for non-­indigenous audiences (Rubinfeld, 2007). As such, in understanding the breadth and importance of living sport heritages, we must also contend with forms of marginalisation, misrepresentation and absence.

8 Intangibility and Sport Heritage Introduction

The idea of ‘intangible’ heritage is a source of debate in heritage studies. Ostensibly, intangible heritage deals with heritage that does not have a physical, material presence (Vecco, 2010). Recognising intangible cultural heritage is also an acknowledgment both that heritage can be ephemeral and that much of heritage discourse has privileged tangible, monumental heritage while marginalising intangible heritage practices (Kearney, 2009). As such, heritage – particularly in terms of conservation and recognition – is often put into a duality of tangible and intangible. However, both Smith (2006) and Ashworth (2008) question whether any heritage is ultimately tangible. Working from the premise that heritage is about the values placed in sites, objects, and ceremonies – and not inherent physical properties – they argue that all heritage is intangible. Therefore, the idea of ‘heritage conservation’ is an oxymoron, as heritage values are infinite and can be applied to any number of sites, objects and ceremonies. Harrison (2012) supports the view that heritage is an intangible process rather than a tangible object but argues that all heritage – even that which is considered intangible – intersects with material reality. As such, those heritages that are recognised as intangible – such as the language or the performing arts – must be performed by people in tangible spaces. Despite the debate over the tangible/intangible heritage relationship, many heritages appear to be about custom, ritual and tradition rather than a building or specific space. Notwithstanding Hobsbawm’s (1983) argument separating custom, ritual, and tradition as separate entities, particularly in terms of who may perform these intangible elements and the seriousness in which the performances are maintained, these entities are frequently seen as synonymous. Furthermore, sport heritage intersects frequently with Hobsbawm and Ranger’s (2012) notion of invented traditions. Invented traditions in sport are often closely aligned with commercially-appealing heritage narratives, frequently combining with often popular nostalgic narratives in order to promote or sell particular products or experiences. Lake (2018) and Wagg’s (2017) explorations of the Wimbledon tennis tournament, for example, note that the traditions and rituals of attending the Wimbledon tournament create imagined c­onnections to the past while simultaneously creating a distinct (and highly commodifiable) event product. Similarly, it is understood

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that invented traditions in sport are also strongly tied to creating and re-­ enforcing dominant power structures (Giles, 2004), which may marginalise dissonant perspectives, challenging or contested histories, or unflattering pasts. Furthermore, many sport heritage traditions are not organic and involve a form of staged authenticity (MacCannell, 1973), particularly when they are associated with tourism. This chapter explores the many facets of intangible sporting heritage from sensory perceptions of sport heritage, sport heritage and sense of identity and belonging, heritages of time and timelessness in sport, ­heritage-based modes and styles of play and performance, memory and intangible heritage in sport, and the transmission of sporting knowledge as a form of intangible sport heritage. In many ways, intangible sport heritages intersect with virtually all forms of sport heritage and are frequently inextricably linked with particular spaces. A chant at a match, for example, is performed, ritualised, and conserved at the venue during the time of a match. In other spaces and times, it has little context. Furthermore, virtually any type of action could conceivably be considered a form of intangible sport heritage. An individual fan’s pre-game rituals, for example, may be articulated by that fan as part of his or her heritage. As such, any form of categorisation of the form and types of intangible sport heritages will be, to a degree, incomplete. However, as this chapter will demonstrate, the ways in which intangible sport heritages ought to be characterised and understood remains quite broad and inclusive. Sensory Sport Heritage

Sensory perceptions are important in how we experience sport. De Garis notes the importance of the senses in sport using the example of baseball: Playing and watching baseball are extremely sensuous experiences. Consider the feel of a worn leather glove, the rubber on the handle of an aluminium bat, the pine tar on a wood bat. Think of the smells of the game: the smell of a wet clay infield at the start of a game, the aroma of boiled hot dogs at a Little League field, the smell of lime on the base paths. Consider the sounds of the game: the pop of the catcher’s glove as a pitcher warms up, the crack of the bat, the chatter of players in the field and dugouts. (1999: 73)

Heritage is also sensual, though, like sport, the emphasis tends to be on that which we can see. In sport, built heritages and tangible heritage, such as historic sporting venues and important sporting artefacts in museums, are important in comprehending the breadth of our sensory impressions and engagements with the sporting past. Other senses, such as sound, smell, touch and taste, can often be overlooked in heritage more broadly,

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though remain important in experiencing and articulating, in particular, the intangible sport heritage experience. They often intersect with other, non-sport heritages are frequently employed in how sport is played, consumed and commodified, and often evoke very powerful personal and collective nostalgias. The smell of a particular food that is associated with a game ritual (such as the smell of a barbeque during tailgating in American football) can invoke particular memories and nostalgias, while the ritual of tailgating creates and re-enforces notions of identity, camaraderie and masculinity (Drenten et al., 2009; Veri & Liberti, 2013). Sound and soundscapes are important intangible sport heritages. Bateman and Bale (2006) argue that sound has long been part of the sporting experience. Most notable are terrace chants in football, which are aural heritages in and of themselves while also intersecting with a variety of sport and non-sport heritage narratives in terms of content and notions of identity (Schoonderwoerd, 2011) (Figure 8.1). Gaffney and Bale (2004) note the use of organ music in baseball or halftime popular music performances in American football as part of those sport’s aural cultural traditions. Some sports such as figure skating, rhythmic gymnastics and synchronised swimming require sound – specifically music – for their competitions. Even innocuous sporting sounds can evoke nostalgic reactions, such as the sound of hawkers in the stands at baseball games

Figure 8.1  Supporters’ section at a Greenville FC football (soccer) match in ­Greenville, South Carolina. Chants and cheers at sporting matches may both ­reference heritage or become heritage in and of themselves

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in the United States selling hotdogs, popcorn and beer. In different sporting contexts, a cheer, a boo, a whistle and a murmur from the crowd can also be quite traditional, in so far as they reflect the norms and culture of particular types of sports spectating. These sounds – whether they be manufactured through a public address system or organic through the crowd – may, at times, seem to be background noise to the seasoned sports spectator, though undoubtedly their absence would be noticed. However, more ambient sporting sounds have also been adopted into heritage narratives. The ubiquitous ‘sound of leather on willow’ in cricket is often used as shorthand for a retrenchment to more conservative forms of heritage in England (Allard, 2007), while the absence of sound during points of a match, in particular in sports such as tennis and cricket (Bateman & Bale, 2006), are indicative of a sport’s culture, heritage and social standing. Touch is often used in heritage, particularly in museum settings (Levent & Pascaul-Leone, 2014), as a way of re-enforcing the material properties of an object such as shape and weight. However, despite its relationship to tangible heritage, touch also has intangible features related to memory. The memory of how a piece of sporting equipment, such as a baseball glove, feels, or the closeness of a crowd in the stands at a match, can bring back memories of great goals, victories and other nostalgic recollections. Smell is also part of the intangible sport heritage experience. According to Gaffney and Bale, ‘smell evokes memories and transports us through time and space … (s)mell is a powerful and sometimes overwhelming component of experience’ (2004: 33). In a sporting context, smells can range from the fair, such as the smell of a freshly-mowed pitch or the food from the grills in the concourse, to the foul, such as the odour of locker rooms and the smell of stale beer and tobacco in the stands. However, many sporting smells are strongly aligned with personal and collective nostalgias and, as such smells can also be used to provoke consumption in sport settings (Lee, Heere et al., 2013). Aligned with smell in sport heritage is taste. Certain foods are ‘traditional’ for some sports, such as hot dogs and baseball and chicken wings and American football (‘The end zone’, 2015). Similarly, preparing and consuming food and alcohol are part of many personal and family traditions, particularly before American college football games (Ramshaw, 2017a). Consuming alcohol, often to excess, is also often connected to heritages of masculinity in sport (Collins & Vamplew, 2002) and is frequently considered a traditional element of both watching and playing sport. Critchley (2017) for example makes the connection between senses, particularly the importance of smell and taste, as traditional components of attending football matches: There is something intensely nostalgic – elegiac even – about smell. When I think back to watching games with my dad when I was young or crying in the car home if Liverpool lost … then what I remember are smells: the acrid piss stink of the toilets, beefy Bovril, smudges of newsprint on your

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fingers, cigarette smoke everywhere and the deliciousness of meat pies … Modern stadiums these days are highly sanitised and more like shopping malls. But there is still the smell of wet earth on the pitch that ascends into the terraces, especially during the winter months. (2017: 112–113)

Interestingly, the evocation of the senses is not always that the sensory sensation is particularly pleasant. Indeed, the smell of urine or cigarette smoke is hardly enticing, while the sound of a crowd jeering and booing over a poor call from an official or because of a poor play from an athlete is normally not enjoyable in the moment. Nevertheless, these collective sensory perceptions are part of the intangible heritage of sport and in some cases, are integral to the authenticity of the sports with which they are linked. Identity and Belonging

Many intangible sport heritages create or reinforce a shared sense of identity and belonging (Kytö, 2011) though, as Lowenthal (1998) contends, heritage is often a means of separating ‘us’ from ‘them’. Rituals at sporting events associated with national identity, such as anthems at the beginning of matches (Bairnier, 2009) or the use of national flags and, often, the use of military symbols and personnel, demonstrates ways in which sport is a vehicle for creating heritages of unity. However, these rituals and traditions can also be a source of heritage dissonance and contestation when the tradition is challenged (Miller, 2017; Mollett, 2017). Moments of silence in sport, often done at times of national remembrance or to mark the passing of an important sporting figure (Foster & Woodthorpe, 2012), further demonstrate the uses of intangible heritage in sporting contexts. Rivalries, particularly between different countries or communities, also demonstrate how heritage is used as a source of identity in sport. Inglis (2014) notes that rivalries are a central part of the character and heritage of London sport, particularly in football, rugby, rowing and cricket. Many sporting rivalries involve non-sport heritage, such as with the sectarian heritages of Celtic and Rangers in Glasgow (Foer, 2004), with chants and cheers that frequently denigrate the other side’s history and heritage. The rivalry between the English counties of Yorkshire and Lancashire, ostensibly in reference to the 15th century ‘War of the Roses’ between the houses of York and Lancaster, has been ritualised through sport – in particular, cricket – for well over a century (Light, 2009), while the Edmonton-Calgary civic rivalry in the Canadian province of Alberta, which has ties to the political and economic development of the region, has similarly been played-out through sport since the 1890s (O’Riordan, 2001). More than consuming sport as a spectator, playing a sport can also be a means of maintaining particular heritage practices and meanings. Hinch

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and de la Barre (2005) note that the Arctic Winter Games, for example, provide outlets for both sporting competition and cultural heritage expression for many northern Indigenous participants. Sports and sporting practices such as Charrería (a form of livestock herding in Mexico that is also considered a sport), Taekkyeon (a form of Korean martial arts), and Chovqan (a horse-riding game in Azerbaijan) are examples of sports that are both expressions of cultural identity as well as recognised and protected heritage via UNESCO’s intangible cultural heritage convention. Some sports are used as a way of practicing and maintaining cultural practices by immigrant communities, such as with the sport of Bocce which was played by Italian immigrants to the United States in part as a way of maintaining cultural practices from the old world to the new (Miller, 2013). Certain intangible practices are also part of particular team practices. In college football in the United States, many teams have specific pregame rituals which have become part of their programme’s heritage. Clemson University’s football players touching a large rock, known as Howard’s Rock, before each game or Notre Dame University’s players touching a sign that says ‘Play Like a Champion Today’ before taking the field (Figure 8.2) become part of the team’s talismanic rituals as well as an anticipated and valued part of the spectating experience. Sport participants may also practice particular heritage or cultural values through their play, in particular demonstrating a knowledge of the so-called ‘unwritten rules’ of a sport or the norms of participation which separate insiders from outsiders (Rickly-Boyd, 2012). For example, Ramshaw and

Figure 8.2  ‘Play Like A Champion Today’ sign from Notre Dame University at the College Football Hall of Fame in Atlanta, Georgia. Rituals within sport, such as the touching of a sign before a game, is a kind of intangible form of sport heritage which helps create identity and a sense of belonging

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Gammon (2017) cite the ice hockey ‘code’ – particularly in terms of what is and is not permissible in terms of violence on the ice – and ‘walking’ in cricket, when a batsman knows he or she has been bowled or caught out, does not argue with the umpire, and simply walks off the pitch, as part of the intangible heritage of sporting play. Furthermore, by knowing these codes, players demonstrate to others their knowledge about the norms and values of the sport, which is assumed to have been garnered through years of play and practice. Language and other forms of terminology, in particular sporting aphorisms or quotes from athletes, are also a type of intangible sport heritage, particularly when used in common language outside of sport. Perhaps most famously, former New York Yankees catcher Yogi Berra is credited with a number of different – and sometimes, unintentionally humorous – sayings such as ‘It ain’t over till it’s over,’ and ‘When you come to a fork in the road, take it,’ (Berra, 2010). Traditional aphorisms such as ‘It’s not cricket,’ – which has become shorthand for an action or form of behaviour which is viewed as unfair, wrong, or intentionally devious – have become, in Bull’s (2012) view, so cliché as to lose all meaning. However, language can also demonstrate a particular knowledge about sport and convey a sense of history and heritage. Correct use of terminology in proper context, for example, or easy use of historical anecdote can separate a long-time sport aficionado from a newcomer. Sense of Time and Continuity

Gaffney and Bale (2004) argue that attending a sporting event, particularly at a stadium, represents a ‘sense of historical continuity as well as a sense of participating in history’ (2004: 35). The notion that by viewing or playing particular sports spectators are joining a tradition that existed before them, and will continue long after they are gone, can be appealing. The fact that many artefacts are produced that also mark those times, such as programmes, ticket stubs and player jerseys, further add to the heritage dynamic (Gaffney & Bale, 2004). Often, it is both the sense of continuity and the sense of time that reveal particular heritage dynamics. Test cricket, and its long-form, multiday format is a form of heritage, borne out of a society that is much different than ours and yet, carried into the present relatively unchanged. Thompson’s (2012) essay about test cricket, in fact, reveals that the sport’s anachronistic heritage of lengthy matches, particularly in an age of sports that are attempting to speed-up for a more-hurried society, is a large part of the sport’s appeal. However, many sports are in the process of altering or dramatically changing their relationship with time, which can alter dimensions of those sports’ heritage and history. Golf has seen a steady decline in participation and viewership in both North America and Europe, which has seen the sport’s history and heritage of wealthy, leisured white men spending hours on the

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course as, in fact, one of the reasons for the sport’s decline (‘Handicapped’ 2014). As such, golf managers have had to think differently about what constitutes ‘playing’ golf (Sheets et al., 2016), including non-traditional golf experiences such as computer simulated golf, ‘Topgolf’ (which resembles a combination of bowling and pinball), and shorter rounds of golf (such as three or six-hole golf experiences), each of which potentially brings new players to the sport (or retains players who considered quitting the sport due to time commitments) though challenges the history and traditions of the sport going forward. Similarly, the advent and popularity of T20 cricket, which allows for a cricket match to be completed in under four hours, not only challenged the heritage of the sport in terms of how it is played or its record book, but also potentially shifted the primary cultural production of the sport from England to India (Thompson, 2012). As such, heritages related to time, timelessness and continuity in sport are can also be a barrier for many sports. Records and achievements of sporting greats are one of the most ubiquitous forms of intangible sport heritage. These records and achievements do not necessarily exist in physical space, although they may often be tangibly remembered through interpretive signage (such as at sports venues) and commemorative events (such as a civic ceremony). Sporting records can also become important markers of time within the history and cultures of particular sports. Fans of sports such as baseball are particularly attached to the records and achievements of the past, as they help to create and contextualise fandom and spectating in the present. As sports commentator Keith Olbermann explains in The Tenth Inning baseball documentary: What adheres me to baseball, and always has, is this sense that I am essentially watching the same game that somebody saw in 1860. The history of it … it is the only sport that goes forwards and backwards. Other sports have some interest in their own history and will occasionally make reference to it. But, baseball, it’s there. You come in at the start of the game or the start of the season or the start of your own fandom, you feel as if you are joining the river midstream. And all that has gone before you can enjoy as much as if you were there. It’s as simple as that. (Burns & Novick, 2010)

Records and achievements offer comparison between past and present, may spark arguments and debates about which athlete was better or which team was more dominant and, in some instances, may potentially spark memories and discussions between generations of supporters. Although undoubtedly other sports beyond baseball could claim to have a unique relationship with records, achievements, and a sense of time, certainly the pace of baseball (and, similarly, cricket) allow for debate, reflection and comparison between past and present.

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Many sports also are also historically tied to certain times of year or seasons, and often use the heritages and traditions of those seasons to give a sense of continuity and timelessness. The Masters Golf Tournament in Augusta, Georgia, for example, is always played in April and dubs itself as a ‘tradition unlike any other’ (Millington & Wilson, 2017). Burns and Novick’s (2010) poem ‘Home’ notes that baseball season in the United States begins with the ‘promise of spring’ and ends with the ‘harsh realities of fall.’ Of course, some sports must be played at certain times of year because of naturally-occurring phenomena, although with the ability to control and create artificial environments weather can be eliminated, controlled, or simulated in some sporting environments. Rather, this is to say that watching or participating in certain sports simply belongs to the wider heritage of a particular season; that certain sports appear to simply ‘belong’ at particular times of year. In many cases, the institutional seasonality enforced by particular competitions and leagues over decades creates certain seasonal constructs and reinforces the notion that such seasonal constructs are timeless; that they ‘have always been thus.’ American football is associated with the autumn, and though it feels as though it ought to be associated with leaves and cooler temperatures and autumn holidays like Thanksgiving, the institutional structure of it simply puts it at a certain time of year. American football could, of course, just as easily be played in the spring – but, because of its institutional structure, it has associated the sport with the broader markers of the season in North America such as falling leaves, cooling temperatures, the end of summer, and the return to school. In many ways, certain sports cannot be separated from the heritages of their season. As such, they are both part and parcel of the traditions and heritages of certain times of year. Memory

Memory, and in particular, who is allowed to remember and how memory is manifested as heritage, is an important topic in the construction of heritage (Hall, 2008; Smith, 2006). Wilson (2009) contends that ‘remembering is considered … to be an active choice by an individual or society, situated with a cultural and social context, bearing implications for identity and indicating the responsibilities that groups hold towards one another’ (2009: 374–375). Sport is one of the most potent generators of memory for both individuals and societies. Remembering, particularly nostalgically, certain games or performances can be a rewarding experience for individuals (Fairley, 2003), while important sporting moments and victories can be milestones for communities and nations. The fact that sport has been widely covered by media over the past century has meant that many may even experience so-called ‘flashbulb memories’ where they can vicariously experience important sporting moments even if they did not experience them first-hand (Snyder, 1991). Furthermore,

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Figure 8.3  Mural of Diego Maradona in a Newell’s Old Boys uniform at the Estadio Marcelo Bielsa in Rosario, Argentina. The mural, which deems Maradona as ‘God,’ formalises a memory of the player among supporters

sporting memories can also have spatial consequences, as communities will produce various sport heritage markers (such as plaques, statues and buildings) as a means of producing and formalising particular memories (Belanger, 2002) (Figure 8.3). Sporting memories can also have therapeutic uses, particularly through reminiscence therapy programmes, which provide opportunities for people with memory-related ailments such as dementia to share their sporting memories as a way of battling loneliness and quality of life issues (Clark et al., 2015). More recently, heritage scholars have explored the idea that part of the heritagisation process is the act of forgetting. Harrison (2012) argues that forgetting particular heritage is important to the management of built heritage, particularly in terms of ‘letting go’ of some heritages to make room for new heritages. However, within intangible sport heritage, the act of forgetting – particularly in terms of marginalising particular heritages out of malice, ignorance, or embarrassment – is also part of the sport memory process. Some sports museums may omit particularly embarrassing or unsuccessful legacies of athletes or teams, in essence attempting to reframe the collective memory about the sporting past, while sporting memories of exclusion (particularly in terms of gender, race, class and sexuality) may be given limited attention in official heritage narratives. Billings (2000) for example notes that the exclusion of particular sporting people and achievements from the collective sporting memory, such as the accomplishments of female athletes, can have an impact on who or what we remember about sport going forward. If, as Belanger (2002) argues, collective memories of sport create tangible legacies in communities, the spatial reproduction of these memories will then reflect dominant

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discourses and will omit other, parallel heritage narratives. Although some marginalised sporting memories, such as those associated with Negro Leagues baseball in the United States, are ‘rediscovered’ and recognised by authorised heritage agencies (Hogan, 2006), many others are – explicitly or implicitly – ‘forgotten.’ Knowledge

The transmission of sporting knowledge is another form of intangible sport heritage. Smith (2006) more broadly describes the idea of heritage work, where the heritage is not about objects but the sharing of stories and practices from one generation to another. Perhaps this is most closely understood in sport through coaching. Day et al. (2013) for example note that the transmission of knowledge and values from coaches to athletes ought to be considered one of the heritage legacies of events such as the Olympics. Similarly, the idea that sporting grounds will have ‘head’ and ‘apprentice’ groundskeepers suggests that certain forms of sporting knowledge are a kind-of intangible heritage passed down from one generation to the next. Other forms of horticulture, such as gardening, will sometimes incorporate a knowledge of both sport heritage and natural heritage. Appleby (2018), for example, notes that cricket has a connection with gardening, and that there is a long history of gardeners and cricket supporters in England in particular using each other’s knowledge to create cricket-themed gardens and flower displays. The manufacturing of sporting equipment, particularly if it is considered an artisan pursuit, is another form of knowledge transmission in sport heritage. Traditional crafts, such as cricket bat and ball making, are broadly considered intangible heritage practices particularly if they are endangered or under threat (Booth, 2018a). Conclusion

Many heritage scholars suggest that all heritage is inevitably intangible, although the degree to which intangible heritages are ultimately moored to tangible spaces, people, and objects remains a source of debate in heritage studies. In approaching the idea of intangible sport heritage, the default approach is to view these as the collective rituals – such as chants – which happen in the stands. Certainly, chants and cheers are a significant element in intangible sport heritage, but intangibility must be understood in a broader context. The cultural meaning of particular sounds (or the absence thereof) is a kind of intangible sport heritage. Tastes and smells associated with sport are often some of the ways in which we immediately connect to our own sporting pasts. The relationship between sport and time is often heritage based, and the manipulation of this relationship – particularly in ‘speeding up’ sport for contemporary consumption – is

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frequently opposed on the grounds that it would impact the heritage and traditions of the sport. How we remember, and with whom, is also a form of intangible sport heritage, as is the transmission of sporting knowledge from one generation to the next. While it is acknowledged that the forms and types of intangible sport heritage are endless, it is also appropriate to understand intangible sport heritage as more than chants on the terrace. As is discussed in other sections of the book, the recognition, protection and performance of so-called traditional sports is one of the most notable ways in which intangible cultural practices intersect with sport heritage. It must be noted as well that intangible sport heritage can be a source of significant dissonance. How a particular ritual is performed, and by whom, can denote a certain level of insider status as well as privilege. This goes beyond merely understanding the cultures of a particular sport; as James (1963) reminds us, acceptance on one field of play does not necessarily lead to acceptance in others. Fan cultures, in particular, may exclude as many people as they include based on vague notions of tradition. As such, it is important to remember that intangible sport heritages are, like other facets of sport heritage, rarely ever neutral.

9 Institutions and Sport Heritage Introduction

The term ‘institution’ is often applied to a variety of organisational entities and, in general, broadly refers to the ‘complex social forms that reproduce themselves’ (Miller, 2014: np). These could include elements such as social discourse and tradition, as well as bodies organised to govern societal structures such as political institutions, legal institutions, and economic institutions. Sport itself is an institution, as it not only governs and regulates aspects of social life, it also interacts with and reinforces other social institutions (Graydon, 1983). Similarly, heritage acts as a reinforcing mechanism for institutions, not only in terms of legal structures such as planning, protection and conservation legislation, but also in the recognition, legitimacy, and continuity of institutional bodies. However, the purpose of this chapter is not necessarily to explore the sociological implications of sport and heritage as institutions, but rather to demonstrate how sport heritage is used by and interacts with other social institutions such as the media, church, government, educational system, and through sport’s own governing bodies and agencies. This chapter furthers the discussion started by Cronin and Higgins (2011) in their examination of the relationship between sport, heritage, and institutions in Ireland. In their examination, they found that institutions such as the church and educational system generated intangible sport heritage through values, ideologies and rules systems related to sport, while also creating tangible sport heritage places through establishment of playing fields, sporting venues, and offices and buildings which housed sports’ governing bodies. However, the links between institutions and sport heritage is not benign, as institutional structures reinforce particular ideologies through sport and sport heritage. This chapter therefore notes the areas in which sport heritage intersects with institutions, including media, religious organisations, government and military, educational organisations, family, and sport organisations and governing bodies.

Media

According to Silverblatt (2004), the emergence of media as a social institution is a historically-recent phenomenon, as media has often replaced traditional social institutions such as the church and education 115

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system in terms of creating a sense of membership, espousing tradition and history, formulating values, and generating a sense of unity. In terms of sport heritage, media has played a role in creating, disseminating, and reinforcing particular forms of sport heritage, and has become a type of sport heritage in and of itself. According to Cronin and Higgins (2011), media has played an integral role in creating an awareness of particular sporting sites and sporting heritage. In writing about Irish sport heritage, they argue that through media, ‘even if a (Gaelic Athletic Association) fan has never travelled to Croake Park … they know through media that these grounds are iconic and a central strand in their appreciation of sport’ (2011: 55). Similarly, media broadcasts (and the broadcasters themselves) have become part of the sport heritage landscape. Iconic sports programmes such as Test Match Special in the United Kingdom (Watson, 2010) and Hockey Night in Canada (Gruneau & Whitson, 1993; Scherer & Whitson, 2009) espouse their longevity, histories and traditions, creating and inspiring a degree of mythology and nostalgia around, in particular, a shared national heritage and identity (Figure 9.1). In the case of Hockey Night in Canada in particular, much of the marketing of the programme is based on its heritage including the programme’s tagline (‘The Tradition Continues’), and it even has its own line of ­heritage-based apparel. Locations associated with media, such as media broadcast centres at sporting venues, are also normally part of stadium tours, along with stops at dressing rooms, private suites and the team or stadium store. In addition, the broadcasters themselves are also positioned as sport heritage, both through their longevity and association

Figure 9.1  Museum signage at the Canadian Museum of Immigration in Halifax, Nova Scotia which includes photos of the broadcast of the iconic Hockey Night in Canada programme in Punjabi. Media is increasingly recognised as part of sport ­heritage

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with particularly iconic sports broadcasts as well as their induction into the media sections of sport halls of fame. More recently, the link between sport heritage and media has also been explored in sport museums. The Lawn Tennis Museum, for example, recently featured an exhibit on the 90th anniversary of BBC broadcasts of Wimbledon, which featured not only artefacts from media broadcasts including television cameras and microphones, but also reflections from ordinary listeners about how BBC broadcasts of the tournament are part of their personal heritage (Figure 9.2). Broadcasts of famous games and moments are part of the sport heritage experience. In some cases, visitors can relive famous sport broadcasts through pushing a button or watching a film in an exhibit that features the broadcast of a famous sporting moment. In fact, as Snyder (1991) argues, many sporting moments are formed through so-called ‘flashbulb memories’ whereby sports fans have memories specifically created through and associated with media broadcasts. For example, baseball player Lou Gehrig’s ‘Luckiest Man’ speech – where the player’s retirement speech in Yankee Stadium, precipitated by the diagnosis of ALS disease which later took his life (and is now commonly

Figure 9.2  Signage at the Wimbledon Lawn Tennis Museum from a special media exhibit about BBC broadcasts of the Wimbledon tennis tournament. Media is not only an institution which creates and broadcasts sport heritage, it also can become sport heritage in and of itself

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known as ‘Lou Gehrig’s Disease’) includes the infamous line, ‘Today, I consider myself the luckiest man on the face of the earth’  – is a well-known element of baseball lore, both through the rebroadcast of the speech and through its recreation in the film The Pride of the Yankees (Eig, 2005). As such, these audio and video files are considered important artefacts in the interpretation of sport heritage. Many sports museums also provide opportunities for visitors to become broadcasters themselves, through exhibits that allow them to create their own commentary on particular sporting events and moments. For example, both the Kentucky Derby Museum in Louisville and the College Football Hall of Fame in Atlanta have broadcast booths for visitors to imprint their own commentary over that of professional broadcasters, allowing them to compare their commentary to that of a professional broadcaster, as well as to learn how difficult it is to call a sporting event for broadcast. As such, media not only forms the narrative of sport heritage, it is also a sport heritage experience itself. Media also uses sport heritage for content. Marking anniversaries of famous games or athletic performances, or ‘greatest ever’ lists related to sport, are now standard aspects of sport blogs, articles, and social media posts. Some sporting networks, such as ESPN, use the sporting past both as content for shows and documentaries – such as the network’s 30 for 30 documentary series – as well as for the content of entire broadcast channels, specifically ESPN Classic which broadcasts famous games from the past. Social media channels also use both personal and collective sporting pasts as content. A fan of a particular team or player can easily use YouTube to watch past performances, while Facebook has a memories feature where users might re-post photos of themselves at matches or sporting events from years past. Film may also reproduce, or entirely create, sport heritages. Biography films of sporting figures such as Jackie Robinson (42) or Billy Mills (Running Brave), or of teams or particular sporting achievements such as Miracle (chronicling the feats of the 1980 US Olympic ice hockey team), also generate both popular knowledge and public interest in the sporting past. Such interest may also impact areas such as conservation and tourism, where the sites associated with the figures in these films become focal points for the public – particularly those who might not have witnessed the sporting achievement first-hand. In other cases, film can create a form of sport heritage. The baseball film Bull Durham is strongly associated with Durham, North Carolina and has become part of the city’s cultural heritage and identity, with sites from the film being part of the tourist itinerary. However, it is not only audio and visual forms of media, such as television, film and visual arts, which become part of sport heritage. Poetry, short stories, and books, for example, may become part of the canon of regional or national literature, and help to reinforce broader social and national identities. Perhaps most famously in the United States, the poem ‘Casey at the Bat,’ – about an overconfident baseball batter who struck

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out – has become an American folk tale about the hubris of heroism and the lessons of failure (Regan, 1997). Even sport-themed comedy routines have, in and of themselves, become ‘institutions’ of particular art forms, and conserved as part of the larger national heritage. Abbot and Costello’s famous ‘Who’s on first?’ comedy routine, where pronouns (‘Who’) or common phrases (‘I don’t know’) are, in fact, the proper surnames of players on a fictitious baseball team (‘Who’ is on first base, ‘What’ is on second base, ‘I don’t know’ is on third base) and which causes immense confusion between the duo (‘Who’s on first?’ ‘Yes’ ‘The player on first base’ ‘Who’, and so on) has been preserved in the Library of Congress as part of American national media and broadcasting heritage (O’Dell, 2002). Religious Organisations

Many religious organisations, particularly denominations within the Christian faith, have historically taken an interest in sport. The idea of Muscular Christianity, created in Britain and adopted in other colonial and postcolonial contexts including the United States, framed sport as a vehicle for broader truths about ethics, fair play and gentlemanliness (MacAloon, 2006). In many communities, this meant that the church itself created and supported leagues and teams (Cronin & Higgins, 2011). While sport in most contexts has largely been separated from specific religious organisations, some connections still exist. At an international level, the Young Men’s Christian Association, or YMCA, continues its involvement in community-based sport, recreation and leisure activities. At a local level, particular local religious organisations continue to support sport. In Edmonton, Canada, for example, the Knights of Columbus – a Catholic fraternal organisation – has supported youth hockey teams for many decades. Beyond the organisational legacy, many religious organisations also build sporting facilities. These facilities, whether they are playing fields, gymnasia or ice arenas, often form part of the built recreational heritage of communities. In addition, many of these sports venues – such as the Father David Bauer ice hockey arena in Calgary, Canada – are named after local religious leaders in recognition of their role in supporting youth and amateur sport. Religious organisations also, at times, played a role in the creation of particular tournaments, where historic religious rivalries and disagreements were ritualised through sport. The early organisation of cricket in Bombay, for example, was based on pitting faith-based teams against one another (Guha, 2002). Perhaps most famous of these is the rivalry between two Glasgow-based football clubs, Rangers and Celtic, whose rivalry, traditions and rituals are based upon centuries-old Protestant/Catholic divides (Foer, 2004). Although not always sanctioned or supported by religious organisations, per se, it demonstrates the ways in which institutions like the church connect with sport, often through broader heritage considerations such as national or regional heritage identities.

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Government and Military

Heritage is frequently used to both celebrate and legitimise the nation state (Hall, 2004). Monuments, museums, and days of national celebration and remembrance are frequently used to promote citizenship and common identity, though these identifications are often a source of dissonance and conflict. Sport heritage is used in this endeavour, as the sporting past provides markers, events, and persons who, through sport, provide an idea of shared national values, ethics, and identities (Polley, 1998). For example, Nakamura (2005) explores the nationalism associated with baseball player Ichiro, who simultaneously reflected a Japanese national identity connected to tradition and dynamism while also re-enforcing US nationalism associated with immigration and success. Often, these links to national identity are re-enforced through official heritage recognition and dedication, through official government agencies, institutions, and legal channels. For example, at the Canadian Museum of History in Ottawa, a museum funded by the federal government of Canada, sport is used to celebrate Canadian heroes and explore facets of Canadian identity linked to sport (Figure 9.3), while the Blue Plaque heritage marker programme in England, which is supported through

Figure 9.3  Sporting display at the Canadian Museum of History. The display ­celebrates Nancy Greene, two-time Olympic gold medallist in skiing. Government agencies and institutions will often use sport heritage in the creation of a shared identity

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public funds, recognises the locations associated with particular sports or sportspersons from the nation’s past. Government institutions, such as the military, also frequently apply heritage to their endeavours (Stone, 2011), particularly in terms of the creation and maintenance of patriotism. The use of sport heritage in remembrance ceremonies or to transfer the values of the playing field – such as determination, skill, camaraderie, sacrifice, and teamwork – to the battlefield are important uses of sport heritage in a military context as well (Adair et al., 1998; Sage, 1998). Educational Organisations

Educational organisations, such as schools and universities, are also integral to the creation of sport heritage legacies and built heritage associated with sport. Like the church, schools use sport to reinforce particular values, ethics, traditions, and histories. Similarly, schools sponsor and support particular sports and teams, build facilities where sport is played, and organise sporting events and tournaments. As such, there are numerous intersections between educational organisations and sport heritage. Intangible heritages such as chants and cheers link the school and sport together. College sports teams in the United States, such as the Clemson Tigers, sing their university’s Alma Mater song after every game. Many school sports spaces, such as the mythical ‘playing fields of Eton’ where ‘the battle of Waterloo was won’ have not only become sacred places in their own right, but have come to signify a variety of values and ethics seemingly inherent to the sport/education relationship (LaVaque-Manty, 2009: np). Schools also codify and reinforce their heritage connections through halls of fame, museums and in-venue heritage displays which may include recognising and celebrating the achievements of particular student athletes, administrators, and coaches. Sites such as Paul W. Bryant Museum at the University of Alabama, named after the university’s most famous football coach, which preserves and celebrates the history and material culture related to the university’s athletic teams (and, in particular, its football team) demonstrates another way in which institutions like schools and universities overlap and interact with sport heritage. Family

Family can also be a strong institutional link to sport heritage. Wheeler (2012), for example, argues that family culture is linked to sport participation in children, while Wann (1995) notes that influences from family, in particular the role of family history and tradition in sport consumption, may influence sport fandom. While neither sport participation nor sport fandom are explicitly sport heritage, they can be strongly linked to cultural transmission of values and identity. Similarly, sport can be the centre of many family traditions, such as family outings to sporting events

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or always watching annual sporting events (such as the Super Bowl) with family, whereby the sport becomes the vehicle for rituals of social bonding. However, sport may also conflict with family rituals, traditions and heritages. Kay (2006), for example, notes that Muslim women who participate in sporting activities may have to navigate other forms of family traditions, particularly those associated with gender and religious belief systems. Sport Organisations and Governing Bodies

Local, regional, and national governing bodies, particularly those involved directly with sport, have a strong relationship with sport heritage. Governments themselves recognise and celebrate sport heritage through the celebration of sporting achievements and people through heritage markers, plaques, and awards. International agencies, such as UNESCO, also intersect with sport heritage through the recognition and enshrinement of sport heritage places and activities, particularly through the Intangible Cultural Heritage convention and World Heritage convention. Similarly, governments create public leisure spaces, such as parks and pools, which frequently overlap with the conservation of sport heritage. English Heritage’s (2002) pilot report on sport heritage in particular focused on public sport and recreation spaces, such as public playing fields and pools, as part of the nation’s sporting heritage to be recognised and conserved. However, sport organisations and governing bodies – those agencies that created, codified, manage and regulate sport – also generate their own heritage. Locations where sporting organisations first formed, and ‘gave birth’ to particular sporting practices through the establishment of rules and regulations, are now part of the heritage landscape. In Covent Garden in London, for example, passers-by may notice a plaque, erected by the Football Association rather than a governmental agency, celebrating the location where the sport was created (Figure 9.4) – though the origins of modern football remain contested (Swain & Harvey, 2012). Similarly, sport heritage experiences such as stadium tours reinforce heritage narratives about the creation of particular sports, particularly vis-à-vis rival claimants. For example, Ramshaw and Gammon (2010) describe how tours of Twickenham Stadium, home of England’s national rugby programme, attempt to establish the site as the true ‘home’ and birthplace of the sport and, in the process, marginalise other locations (such as Rugby School) who have claims to the sport’s creation. Sports clubs and societies also offer a form of sport heritage. As Inglis argues, ‘it is less the heritage of a building or sports ground that invites interest so much as the intangible heritage of the club or institute itself’ (2014: 116). That said, the heritage of a particular sporting club and the ground in which the club is situated often go hand in hand. In many ways, the heritage of the Marylebone Cricket Club is virtually inseparable from its location, Lord’s Cricket Ground (Figure 9.5), though in other instances

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Figure 9.4  Plaque commemorating the creation of the Football Association and, by extension, the sport of football, on Great Queen Street in London. Sport is a social institution, while the governing bodies and organisations which created and ­regulated sport generate their own heritage

Figure 9.5  The Pavilion at Lord’s Cricket Ground. One of the most iconic buildings in sport, it is also associated with the Marylebone Cricket Club. In some cases, tangible immovable sport heritage sites and locations are associated with sporting ­institutions

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as Inglis (2014) notes, many clubs that included sport as part of their activities may no longer have any sporting connections, or may only be tangentially involved in sport today. Companies and corporations also have institutional connections to sport heritage. As Inglis (2014) notes, sport was seen by companies as a way of reinvigorating the workforce as well as providing another outlet for competition within particular business sectors. The use of sport by companies includes both tangible and intangible heritages, as companies not only created spaces for sport, there is also in many cities – such as London – a living memory of company sport competitions (Inglis, 2014). In the southern United States, in particular South Carolina and Georgia, the echoes of company sport still exist today. Many of the baseball fields still in use were created for so-called ‘Mill League’ or ‘Textile League’ teams, which were baseball teams created from the floors of various textile mills for Sunday afternoon games (Perry, 2004). Players such as ‘Shoeless’ Joe Jackson started in the Textile Leagues before moving on to professional, big-league baseball. In addition to the tangible and intangible legacies of the textile leagues, some baseball teams also celebrate the heritage of both the teams and industry that once shaped many Southern communities. The Greenville Drive, a Class-A minor league baseball team in Greenville, South Carolina, features an annual ‘Textile Night’ where the history of the textile industry is celebrated, while the Drive wear special replica jerseys that are modelled after textile league teams (Figure 9.6).

Figure 9.6  Textile night promotion at the Greenville Drive baseball game in ­Greenville, South Carolina. Not only was baseball an important part of the sport heritage of the Greenville area, celebrating the textile heritage of the ­community is now one of the promotional nights for the local minor league baseball team

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Dissonance and Institutional Sport Heritage

Heritage is often involved in the task of creating and maintaining dominant ideologies (Smith, 2006). As such, many institutional sport heritages are created, promoted, and reinforced institutional structures related to colonialism, racism, class and gender inequity. In sports such as cricket, for example, broader ideologies and values about the colonial power were reinforced, particularly in terms of moral codes and behaviour, which frequently marginalised and omitted indigenous knowledge and people (James, 1963). However, sport could also be a site for resistance. As Philips et al. (2014) explore, sport in Australia became both a site of subjugation and resistance for many aboriginal groups, with many contemporary museums and heritage sites representing the duality of both celebrating sporting achievements of aboriginal athletes as well as exploring how sport was used to marginalise, and often eliminate, aspects of aboriginal culture. As such, institutional uses of sport and sport heritage represent a form of dissonance. On the one hand, many sport heritage sites divorce the sporting past from any broader social or political context – ­sticking fastidiously to Ramshaw and Gammon’s (2005) ‘heritage of sport.’ Often, this approach sees sport as separate – and, in many cases, divorced – from other realms of social life. However, other heritage sites, such as the Ali Center in Louisville Kentucky, look to sport heritage as a tool for social change (Figure 9.7). This is not to suggest that they shy away

Figure 9.7  Exhibit display at the Ali Center in Louisville, Kentucky featuring the protest by John Carlos and Tommy Smith at the 1972 Olympics. Displays such as this approach sport heritage as not simply a representation of the past, or as strictly through a celebratory lens, but also see sport heritage as a contemporary tool for social engagement and change

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from recognising and celebrating sporting accomplishments and achievements, but rather that they purposefully see ‘sport as heritage’ (Ramshaw & Gammon, 2005) where sport intersects and engages with a variety of other institutions. Conclusion

The relationship between sport heritage and social institutions needs to be better understood. Many institutions use sport and sport heritage as vehicles for other activities, while the heritage of the institutions themselves have become part of museum exhibits and public heritage markers. Of course, sport itself is an institution which creates and re-enforces all types of social interactions, particularly when topics such as gender are considered a type of social institution (Martin, 2004). In many ways, the intersection of sport heritage and a variety of institutional structures demonstrates the ways in which heritage more broadly is a product of the present, as institutions may use sport as a way of supporting broader heritage agendas. Whether it is through media depictions of sport heritage or the use of sport heritage to promote religious or educational values, it is vital to acknowledge and examine the role institutions have played in creating and disseminating sport heritage in a variety of different social contexts.

10 Existential Sport Heritage Introduction Heritage exists on many scales, from the global to the personal (Graham et al., 2000; Timothy & Boyd, 2003). As Timothy (1997) reminds us in reference to heritage tourism specifically, ‘personal heritage attractions draw people who possess emotional connections to a particular place’ (1997: 753). Personal heritage can occur most anywhere and involves many different items, rituals, and people, although there is some debate as to the core of heritage, and whether personal connections to a heritage are more important than specific heritage attributes a location might have, such as age, aesthetics, and links to historical people or events. While it seems logical that heritage primarily includes codified and institutionalised sites that are recognised, enshrined, conserved and promoted, heritage is a dynamic process and can be applied to most anything, anywhere, at any time which, logically, would also apply to many different types of locations as well. Poria et al. (2001, 2003) in their examination of heritage tourism posit that understanding where heritage exists, for example, should not be strictly relative to the historic merits of a location, but rather must also consider the dynamic between visitor motivation and a visitor’s perception of one’s own heritage. Of course, many personal heritages need not require any form of tourism. Personal mementos, family heirlooms, and locations in one’s hometown or place of residence could all be part of personal heritages. However, personal items and places are not inherently heritage; they must be consciously described and valued as heritage. As Smith (2006) explains, although the materiality of heritage is important, where heritage ‘resides’ is in the values we place in tangible objects and places. As such, not everything we possess or inherit is heritage, nor is every location from our past, but we do position some objects and places as important to our personal heritage. Certainly, there are often economic considerations with personal heritages, such as the value of heirlooms or property, but more often the connections are existential in nature; they tell us about our connections to loved ones, our identity and where we came from, our sense of who we were, what we are now, and what we wish to pass along to others. Perhaps the most important form of personal heritage is our ancestry. At its most innate, heritage is biological, and perceptions of our own

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origins can drive our understanding of our own heritage – from personal heritage tourism and personal pilgrimage journeys to commercial ancestry searches such as those offered by a variety of online genealogical tools. According to Lowenthal, ‘blood is still widely held to determine not only pigment and physique but character and fate’ (1998: 202). As such, our heritage may both determine our relations and our health, as well as how we contextualise our personal pasts and connections to broader events. Heritage is not a finite resource, according to Ashworth (2008) – we create it as we need it. We may trumpet the famous or the infamous aspects of our biological pasts, while ignoring or marginalising that which does not fuel our search for identity or for ourselves. Like any other heritage, therefore, existential heritages are subject to the same limitations as other forms of heritage, in that our understanding of personal heritages may edit, marginalise, brag and ignore depending on our required needs. But the search for ourselves, at the sites and locations and experiences where we believe we are both genetically-bound and feel have determined something of our destiny, may be the most basic yet powerful form of heritage. These connections often extend to other forms of heritage performance, specifically touristic journeys, where existentialist motivations drive tourists to locate something of a ‘true’ identity without being bound by the constraints of ‘real life’ and its day-to-day routines (Brown, 2013; Wang, 1999). Similarly, forms of self-reflexivity – particularly the incorporation of autobiographical narratives – often intersects with heritage as well, as personal narratives can seamlessly weave together with broader heritage narratives, such as during touristic journeys (Chronis, 2012; Rickly-Boyd, 2010; Timothy, 2008). Furthermore, as Bagnall (2003) describes, heritage often includes a performative component; that is to say, not necessarily a public heritage demonstration, but rather a discussion, confirmation and/ or rejection of heritage narratives based on one’s own heritage experiences and understandings. As such, many heritage experiences – both as part of journeys, as well as at home – are framed through personal and existential lenses. In approaching ideas of personal heritages, discussions of authenticity can be particularly important. More generally, the search for some sort of objective or contextual reality in heritage can be of paramount importance to our connection, understanding and enjoyment of heritage, although what makes something authentic is often highly contested (Chhabra, Healey et al., 2003; Cohen, 1988; MacCannell, 1973). When authenticity is sought as part of a touristic journey, for example, the debate has shifted from authenticity of the toured object, towards an understanding of the authenticity of the experience (Bruner, 1994; Rickly-Boyd, 2012). Ashworth perhaps states it most bluntly, arguing that: Authenticity (in heritage tourism) relates not to the object or physical site but only to the experience. Any other definition of authenticity is at best

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a delusion and at worst a professional conspiracy. Only the user can define the authenticity of a heritage experience. (2008: 25)

Ashworth claims that a modern reconstruction of a historic site, for example, provides a more authentic experience than touring the original remnants of the site. Certainly, being in contact or proximity of an objectively-verified authentic artefact can be a powerful experience. ­ However, what Ashworth’s argument highlights is the role of perception in heritage journeys. Wang’s (1999) discussion of existential authenticity highlights the relationship of our sense of self, and our relationship with others, to the construction of journeys as authentic. Indeed, perhaps if we believe or feel that an experience is connected to ourselves or our personal perceptions of our own heritage, then perhaps it becomes an authentic experience. Of course, there can be interplay between both external and internal constructions of authenticity. The artefact may indeed be objectively authentic – and the visitor may believe that the artefact is authentic, making it a powerful experience. For example most religious services or sporting matches are not pseudo-events which are created primarily for tourists (Hinch & Higham, 2005). Rather, they can be both authentic displays of a collective culture and part of an individual’s perception of their own culture, heritage and identity. In terms of sport heritage, most of what is perceived of as heritage (including in this text) is external to ourselves. In other words, the ‘sport heritage’ resides at a hall of fame or sports museum, at a famous sporting venue, or in the witnessing of a sporting tradition or ritual. Indeed, part of the appeal of sport heritage is walking in the footsteps of famous sportspeople or seeing where infamous sporting events or moments took place (Gammon & Fear, 2005; Ramshaw & Gammon, 2010). The idea that sport heritage could also involve personal heritage, or that sport could be the vehicle for journeys of self-discovery, is relatively underdeveloped in terms of understanding this relationship. Indeed, some sport heritage experiences – such as the sport fantasy camp, where patrons connect with their own memories through the nostalgia of their own former, athletic self – could be considered a type of personal sport heritage journey (Gammon, 2002). However, most sport heritage still deals with more collective, broader forms of heritage. We can walk in the footsteps of legends – but normally only if that legend is a famous athlete whom everyone knows and admires. Rarely is sport heritage understood not through infamy but through blood. However, the interplay of sporting place or artefact as well as a personal connection to that place or artefact can produce a powerful type of sport heritage experience (Ramshaw, 2014a). Personal sport heritages need not necessarily just be connected to famous people or locations, or even require a touristic journey. Rather, the existential connection can be much more intimate, insofar as it may connect to personal biography and sport, family bloodlines and sport, or the actual

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playing and performance of sport. This chapter, therefore, explores personal and existential forms of sport heritage – in Smith’s (2006) words, the ‘being’ and ‘doing’ components of heritage – including hereditary sport heritages, intrapersonal sport heritages and interpersonal sport heritages. Finally, there is a discussion about how existential sport heritages can also be sites of dissonance, contestation, and resistance. ‘Being’ Sport Heritage

The notion of ‘being’ a part of a sporting heritage often takes on more hereditary elements of heritage. Numerous examples in sport exist where the children of athlete parents go on to become star athletes themselves. In baseball for example, the father-son duos of the Griffeys (Ken Sr. and Ken Jr.) and the Bonds (Bobby and Barry) are legendary in the sport. Mother-daughter sporting duos are also common, including in martial arts (AnnMaria De Mars/Ronda Rousey), athletics (Liz and Eilish McColgan), and archery (Jessie and Brenda Wadworth) (Brown, 2017). Siblings are also part of the hereditary heritage of sport. Ice hockey’s Sutter brothers (Brent, Brian, Darryl, Duane, Rich, Ron) all played professionally in the National Hockey League, with several of the siblings going on to post-athletic career managerial positions in the sport. Furthermore, siblings outside of sport find that their identities are often intertwined with those of their sport-playing brother or sister (Popovic, 2010). The most recognisable and celebrated example of hereditary heritage in sport is in horseracing. Champion horses are often known as much for their offspring as they are for their on-track accomplishments. As Figure 10.1 below shows, Man O’ War – arguably the most famous racehorse in history – is well known for siring several other champions, most notably the 1937 Triple Crown (Kentucky Derby, Belmont, Preakness) winner War Admiral. Similarly, many of Man O’ War’s offspring bear similar militaristic names in homage to their sire: including Battleship, War Relic, War Kilt, and the aforementioned War Admiral. Besides the direct lineage of racehorses, the origins of particular lines of breeds is also an important part of the sport. Bower et al. (2011) argue that the origins of many thoroughbred racehorses are not purely Middle Eastern and, in fact, have traces of European ancestry. These findings provide an example of how existential sport heritages place objective forms of heredity (such as through DNA samples) with heritage conjecture and mythology. However, ‘being’ sport heritage need not only be understood in terms of hereditary connections. Being a supporter of a particular team or club, which is often a type of inherited heritage, can have health consequences for individuals. Kirkup and Merrick (2003), for example, found that the results of a football match (in particular, a loss) increases the chances of stroke in male football supporters in the North East region of England. On the other hand, Pringle (2004) found improved mental health attributes, in

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Figure 10.1  Museum display at the Kentucky Horse Park in Lexington, Kentucky showing Man O’ War’s significant offspring. Bloodlines are important in heritage in general and, in certain sports like horseracing, they are integral to understanding the sport

particular a sense of belonging, a release of tension, and change in mood, among male supporters of Mansfield Town Football Club in England. Diasporic attachments are also part of the ‘being’ part of sport heritage. Connections forged through sport to ancestors or family members – in particular, the teams and sports of an ancestral home – can be part of larger heritage identities. Similarly, attaching personal identities to a local sporting culture can also be part of creating a new identity, particularly for newcomers. Burdsey (2006), for example, discusses the fractured nature of some diasporic identities among British Asians, who often support England in football but India in cricket. This allows a dual form of cultural identity, attaching both to the cultural heritage of ‘old country’ while also creating a sense of attachment and permanence in the ‘new’ country. However, attachments to two often competing cultures can be a challenge to navigate. Ramshaw and Gammon (2017) argue, for example, that fandom becomes ‘even more complex and layered for diasporic communities, where competing national loyalties, heritages and traditions

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may be articulated through sport’ (2017: 123). However, many diasporic sport heritage experiences need not be so challenging. Ramshaw (2014a), for example, describes the connections he felt to a cricket ground where he knew his grandfather had once been and imagined had been a special place for him. While Ramshaw notes that there is an inherent tension in genealogical journeys between verified proof and imagined connections, the fact that he did not know for certain that his grandfather admired that particular cricket ground did not make it any less powerful an experience. ‘Doing’ Sport Heritage

In many ways, the idea of ‘being’ and ‘doing’ sport heritage as separate entities is a false dichotomy. One necessarily has to be ‘doing’ something while ‘being’ sport heritage, even if the doing is simply thinking about it and confirming or rejecting the heritage narrative. Performing heritage need not be physical. However, many forms and types of sport heritage do involve more active forms of expression, particularly when they are tied to existential expressions of one’s own heritage (Popovic, 2012). In understanding the ‘doing’ of sport heritage, Wang’s (1999) existential authenticity – where intrapersonal and interpersonal forms of the authentic self are practiced and performed – is used to frame this section. From an intrapersonal perspective, the very nature of our own movement – tied to our personal sporting pasts – is part of ‘doing’ sport heritage. In a performing arts context, Nicholson (2003) posits the idea of the body as an archive where past experiences are remembered, recalled and performed in future lives. Although contemporary athletes may view muscle memory as simply a way of achieving their athletic goals, older competitors – particularly those returning to a sport after a long absence – may position muscle memory as more than simply a means of achieving a desired physical outcome, but also as a form and expression of autobiography and personal athletic heritage. Many mass-participation sporting events also provide opportunities to connect with intrapersonal sporting pasts. Events such as the World Masters Games, which provide the opportunity for athletes from ages 35 and up to compete and continue a personal sporting career throughout their lifespan, are an example of a space where personal sporting heritages can be practiced and performed. Intrapersonal sporting heritages are often also interconnected with the heritages of particular landscapes and events. Derom and Ramshaw (2016), for example, examined a mass-participation cycling race in Belgium and found that for many of the participants – particularly from abroad – it formed a kind of ‘active sport heritage’ whereby they were not only connecting with their own personal sporting heritage through competing in the race, but also doing so on the famous route of the Tour of Flanders race, which added an additional heritage meaning to the competition. Physical styles of play, which are enacted at the personal level, are also tied to larger cultural and

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heritage constructions. According to MacGregor (2006), ‘it is impossible to know a people until you know the game they play. To understand America, you need to know football. To understand Brazil, soccer’ (2006: ix). For example, Gordon and Helal (2001) describe the widely articulated style of Brazilian football as expressing ‘traces of the Brazilian “character” or “spirit”, particularly the harmony between European and African, white and black … (the style of play) appeared … as a sort of “dance”, which expressed characteristics such as cunning, art, musicality, ginga (swing) and spontaneity’ (2001: 146), while other styles of play in different sports may also be considered a reflection of local cultural traditions, behaviours and heritages (Figure 10.2). Although globalisation may change the degree to which individual regions or nations reflect distinctive forms of sport and play (Foer, 2004), the idea that the body is an archive of both personal and collective heritages may be most recognisable in sport. Kinaesthetic heritages are challenging to mimic or imitate, at least consciously, and thus may reflect a degree of authentic cultural performance through sport. From an interpersonal point of view, personal sport heritage identities can be created and reinforced through connections with others. Mementos and souvenirs, such as from past games and events, can be personal artefacts and reminders of times spent with friends and family. Although these

Figure 10.2  Clemson University’s women’s basketball at Littlejohn Coliseum in ­Clemson, South Carolina. Styles of play, particularly those that are connected to a ­particular regional or national identity, are an example of a physical heritage that is both personally performed and collectively celebrated. Sports such as basketball ­often have their own regional styles of play that are often enacted at the personal level

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Figure 10.3  Ticket stub from an Atlanta Thrashers ice hockey game. Mementos and souvenirs from sporting events can help to create and re-enforce personal and existential sport heritage

souvenirs, such as ticket stubs, might have little monetary value beyond sentimental attachment, they nevertheless come to represent a personal sporting past created and shared with others (Figure 10.3). Sport-based travel, particularly in travelling with a group, can also help to create, re-enforce, and perform personal and collective sporting heritages. Joseph (2011), for example, in looking at a Caribbean-Canadian cricket trip to St Lucia notes that the journey was more than simply an opportunity to play cricket, but also an opportunity for a diasporic community to reconnect with and perform elements of their culture, traditions and heritage. Fairley and Gammon (2005) similarly find that sport-based travel can re-enforce both personal and collective identities, particularly through nostalgia. However, many forms of intrapersonal sporting heritage need not involve travel. Many recreational sports, particularly as played at the adult recreational level in sports like ice hockey, not only provide participants an opportunity to connect with their personal sporting heritages but are able to produce and perform these heritages in a team environment – often with participants at the same life-stage and ability. The transmission of sporting knowledge from one generation to another is also a form of intrapersonal sporting heritage. Extending this thought further, the idea that a form of personal sport heritage – such as knowledge and experience – could be shared with others is another form of intrapersonal sporting heritage.

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Figure 10.4  The ‘It’s My Derby’ display at the Kentucky Derby Museum. Personal experiences of larger forms of sport heritage re-enforce individual connections to sport heritage

Fandom is another mode in which personal and existential heritage is internalised and performed. ‘Being’ a fan – such as in the self-­identification of supporting a particular sport or term – is certainly part of existential sport heritage, though it must also be re-enforced through ‘doing’ fandom, including attending matches and events, reminiscing and nostalgising past players and teams with fellow supporters, or even actively forgetting or rejecting particularly challenging sporting pasts (Ramshaw & Gammon, 2017). The act of fandom can also provide a type of heritage solidarity and can act as a coping mechanism with fellow supporters during tough times. In Pearlman et al.’s (2018) Sunderland ’Til I Die, for example, supporters of Sunderland football club in England derived comfort from their shared heritage identities, particularly during challenging times for both the club and city. The performance of fandom has also received more formalised attention and recognition at sporting museums. The Kentucky Derby Museum, for example, includes a personal reminiscence section called It’s My Derby which rotates reflections about attending or watching the race (Figure 10.4). As such, the act of being a supporter, or fan, or spectator is increasingly being understood and expressed in heritage terms. Dissonance and Sporting Performance

The idea of personal and existential sporting heritages, either performed through and for the self, or shared with a group, appears to be

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Figure 10.5  Jackie Robinson Day at Turner Field in Atlanta, Georgia on April 15, 2015. Some forms of sport heritage include the recognition that simply playing a particular sport can be a type of sport heritage

a relatively benign form of sporting heritage. However, this would omit the understanding that the mere act of competing – or, often, being barred from competition – is often framed in the language of tradition. Exclusions based on race, gender, and sexuality have long been a part of sport, and continue in many instances today. The idea of exclusion is based on, among other aspects, the idea that there is simply no tradition, culture, or heritage of the excluded individuals being permitted to play. Later on, as with Jackie Robinson in baseball, the heritage changes to one of recognition for the ‘trailblazer’ who defied and challenged tradition (Figure 10.5). However, in the moment, the act of exclusion is often based on heritage and, as such, the act of simply physically playing the sport becomes an act of defiance, one which may be later recognised as a heritage moment. Beyond the act of playing, how a sport is actually played can also be a source of heritage dissonance and debate. New techniques, strategies, and attitudes that challenge norms, traditions and heritages are often sites of conflict, and can take on more racial overtones. The West Indies cricket team of the 1970s, for example, played a very aggressive (and successful) form of cricket that challenged cricket orthodoxy, with the criticism of such an approach focusing in part on the racial composition of the West Indies squad (Lister, 2015). Personal conduct and behaviours, such as how

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an athlete dresses before or after a game, have also been a source of dissonance. Lorenz and Murray (2014), for example, looked at the dress code discussion for both the NBA and NHL, noting that both leagues looked to control the dress of its young, male, black athletes in reaction to negative media constructions of black masculinity. As such, while many forms of existential sport heritage are celebratory and performative of personal and collective identities, other forms are sources of immense dissonance, debate, and conflict. Conclusion

Personal and existential sport heritages are often overlooked in our understandings of sport heritage as a whole. After all, much of what is included as part of the sport heritage canon is about the famous, the notable, and the grand. Most personal and existential sport heritages will never be celebrated in a museum, be given a plaque or a statue, or be preserved in an archive. However, what they embody can be some of the most important, and most cherished, forms of sport heritage we have. The idea that a woman may play the same sport as her mother, and perhaps teach that sport to her daughter, creates a deeply important family heritage. Similarly, visiting the ground where a grandfather once played is perhaps a more important and memorable journey than visiting the stadium of a professional club. Even the idea of a style of play, a particular posture, can appear to embody the culture and heritage of an entire nation. These forms of embodied heritage are important to our understanding of how sport heritage is understood and articulated, particularly beyond the famous and monumental toward more everyday, personal sport heritages.

11 Tourism and Sport Heritage Introduction Visitation to heritage sites, events and festivals is as old as the practice of tourism itself (Timothy, 2011). Heritage is an important part of contemporary travel and tourism as well, as it usually includes visitation to museums, galleries, historic buildings, and sites of worship, as well as experiencing cultural displays, cultural demonstrations and living cultures. Many destinations also use their heritage sites and cultural traditions as part of larger marketing strategies in order to attract visitors and investment (Herbert et al., 1989). Although some forms of heritage tourism are not necessarily planned, particularly if a certain type of heritage comes into fashion through media depictions or through a new or revived public interest in an event or person, many other forms of heritage are developed, conserved and managed primarily for tourism purposes. Clearly, much of what is conserved and protected as heritage has little to do with tourism. Howard (2003), for example, argues that too much has been made of the tourism/heritage relationship, in particular noting that communities would not tear down their heritage properties if tourists stopped visiting them. However, one of the primary justifications for the ongoing recognition, conservation, protection and public investment in heritage is tourism. Although not every community can boast of world-renowned tourist attractions, every community has a heritage and, with increasing frequency, heritage is being used in a variety of tourism development and marketing initiatives. Despite the fact that heritage tourism is not a new concept, the forms and types of heritage attractions have become more varied in recent years. Although heritage tourism continues to include visitation to stately buildings or museums, heritage sites and heritage tourism has become more diverse in recent years, with experiences related to popular cultures, including music, literature and film, becoming more a part of the heritage tourism mix. Similarly, the desire for tourists to experience – and not merely view – cultural heritage is on the rise (Timothy, 2018), as evidenced through the role of cuisine in heritage tourism (Timothy, 2015), as well as the enduring appeal of authenticity as an essential element of heritage tourism (Jamal & Hill, 2004). Sport has become an increasingly important part of heritage tourism as well, particularly in terms of destinations creating and marketing sport heritage experiences for tourists seeking to

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engage and interact with sporting cultures and sport history (Ramshaw & Gammon, 2015). In fact, it could be argued that sport heritage in many destinations is part of the ‘must-see’ culture of a community, along with other cultural attractions such as castles, galleries and festivals. Similarly, as tourists are looking to engage with authentic displays of sporting culture (Hinch & Higham, 2005) as well as participate in sport heritage activities and events (Derom & Ramshaw, 2016), sport has taken on a more prominent role in heritage tourism. According to Timothy: People traveling for sport purposes may simultaneously be involved, wittingly or not, in heritage tourism … (t)he famous sporting venues they visit may be significant heritage attractions in their own right and feature prominently in a destination’s recommended itineraries. As well, the events and athletic activities observed and undertaken, as well as the sites and happenings associated with sport celebrities, are by definition a part of the intangible and tangible heritage of regions and countries. Sport and its associated patrimony are known to help reinforce national identities and build solidarity among fan groups and communities. (2017: 2)

As such, this chapter explores the many facets of the sport heritage/ tourism relationship, including an exploration of the variety of different sport heritage attractions which are meant to attract tourists and foster tourism development, the demand for sport heritage experiences by tourists, the role sport heritage plays in destination marketing, the importance of sport heritage in other forms of hospitality and some trends and issues in the sport heritage/tourism relationship. Sport Heritage Attractions

Sport and sporting cultures are increasingly global and, as such, destinations are increasingly looking to sport to attract tourists (Higham & Hinch, 2009). The form and type of sport heritage attractions are varied, though they often include locations such as sports museums and sports halls of fame, famous or historic sports stadia, as well as experiences such as sport fantasy camps, or historic or heritage-based sporting events (Ramshaw 2011a, 2014b) (Figure 11.1). However, heritage sport tourism, as Ramshaw and Gammon (2005) term it, is becoming more varied and, in using Leiper’s (1990) tourist attraction system, there are significantly more markers (such as global sports broadcasts and social media) connecting the tourist to a variety of potential sport heritage attractions. As such, heritage sport tourism has come to include experiences such as diasporic travel (Joseph, 2011) and roots tourism (Ramshaw, 2014a). Despite the seemingly important role sport can play in tourism development, sport heritage has long been marginalised or ignored as a tourism resource. Cronin and Higgins (2011), for example, argue that despite

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Figure 11.1  A tour group at Paul Brown Stadium in Cincinnati, Ohio, home of the National Football League’s Cincinnati Bengals. Visiting famous sporting venues and seeing behind the scenes at these venues (normally on off-days or in the off-season) is a popular form of heritage sport tourism

the important role sport plays in Ireland’s heritage – and the fact that there are numerous sites and locations where tourists could experience this form of Irish heritage – sport is overlooked as part of the country’s heritage tourism itinerary. Yet, in recent years, sport heritage seems to have become a more prominent part of the heritage mix. Visit Britain, for example, includes a page that lists sport heritage attractions tourists may wish to see during their visit (Visit Britain, 2018). Similarly, communities such as Green Bay, Wisconsin (Packers Heritage Trail, 2018) and Kannapolis, North Carolina (Cabarrus County, 2018) developed walking trails based on sport heritage to attract tourists to their communities. Some sport locations that were not previously created for heritage tourism or necessarily considered heritage attractions have also been developed into multifaceted attractions. Gammon (2011), for example, suggests that many sporting venues have become tourist attractions in their own right, particularly as tourists wanted to simply touch or be near them and, given the public interest, many teams and sport organisations turned the stadium visit into a commodity. As such, sport heritage attractions can often either be planned specifically as part of a community’s tourism development or can be commodified as a sport heritage experience in reaction to tourist demand.

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Sport heritage is also often used in broader forms of tourism development. Sports museums, halls of fame, sport heritage events and retro sports stadia often form the anchors of broader urban regeneration initiatives (Friedman et al., 2012). American cities such as Baltimore and Cleveland employed heritage-based baseball stadia as key features of their tourism development (Chapin, 2004), while American communities such as Charlotte (NASCAR Hall of Fame) and Atlanta (College Football Hall of Fame) have added large-scale sports museums to their tourist attraction mix in recent years. Similarly, heritage-based sporting events can attract tourists to communities outside of regular tourist seasons. Ramshaw and Hinch (2006) note that the 2003 Heritage Classic outdoor ice hockey event in Edmonton, Canada, which relied heavily on heritage and nostalgic images of outdoor ice hockey in Canada, attracted a significant number of international visitors to the city in November, which is traditionally a low-leisure tourism month in that community. Tourism Demand for Sport Heritage

Heritage sport tourism overlaps with two large tourism segments, heritage tourism and sport tourism. In general, heritage tourists are middle-to-upper class, well-educated, often middle-aged or older, with an interest in history (Adie & Hall, 2017; Huh et al., 2006; Light & Prentice, 1994) though the engagement with heritage places and experiences while on vacation exists across market segments (Timothy, 2011). Sport tourists are somewhat more difficult to categorise given the range of both active and passive sport tourism pursuits (Robinson & Gammon, 2004), although the type of sport, the role sporting activities and consumption play in identity formation, and the seriousness to which a sporting activity is pursued on vacation may also influence segmentation (Hinch & Higham, 2011). The range of motivations for both heritage tourism and sport tourism are similarly broad. Timothy argues that ‘there are likely as many reasons or motives to visit heritage places as there are people who visit’ (2011: 16) though interest in other cultures, education and the desire for authentic experiences may all play a role. Motivations for sport tourists are similarly broad and often consider the type of sporting activity taking place while on vacation, but may include pursuing a sport tourism ‘career’ (perhaps through golfing particular courses, or attending every Olympic Games) as part of identity formation or maintenance (Getz & McConnell, 2011; Green & Jones, 2005), the desire to actively or passively engage in sport-based events (Deery et al., 2004), or be part of particular sporting subcultures through fandom or participation (Green & Chalip, 1998).Tourism demand for sport heritage experiences remains a relatively understudied phenomenon (Hinch & Higham, 2011), though the desire for nostalgic consumption appears to be one of the main motivations for heritage sport tourists. Gammon and Ramshaw (2013) argue

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that the ability for sport to create collective memories, as well as the fact that sport fandom and participation originate in youth, suggests that nostalgia and sport are a perfect match. From a tourism perspective, Fairley and Gammon (2005) suggest that it is the duality of nostalgia for artefacts (such as the stadium) and the nostalgia for social experience (nostalgic interaction with others through sport) that drives tourists, though Cho et al. (2014) found that tourist motivation for sport-based nostalgia is multifaceted, encompassing experience, socialisation, group identity, and personal identity. Furthermore, Weed and Bull (2009) argued that tourists seeking nostalgic sporting experiences were driven more by immediate opportunity (i.e. the tourist happens upon a sport museum) though, subsequently, they suggest that tourists may be more purposeful in seeking out nostalgia-based sporting experiences (Weed & Bull, 2009). However, Ramshaw and Gammon (2005) caution that positioning tourist consumption of the sporting past purely as a form of nostalgia overlooks the fact that many sporting pasts are not nostalgic at all, and that many tourists may be motivated by a desire to learn about more complex or challenging sport histories and heritages rather than by a nostalgic yearning for the sporting past. Tourism demand in all sectors is influenced by a variety of factors, including price, income, transportation costs, and seasonality (Lim, 1997). Undoubtedly, heritage sport tourism is also influenced by these factors, though certain forms of both sport tourism (Higham, 2005) and heritage tourism (Everett & Aitchison, 2008) can be used to positively influence the impacts of seasonality in particular regions. However, demand for heritage sport tourism may also be influenced by other factors. The rise (or decline) in the appeal of particular teams or sports may impact demand for sport heritage experiences. The global appeal of Liverpool Football Club, for example, has meant that the club and tourism operators now provide more forms and types of heritage experiences to meet tourism demand year-round, including a variety of stadium tour packages, a club museum, an expanded shop, a café and a tourist bus taking fans from the city centre to Anfield (the team’s home stadium) (Figure 11.2). Competition from other sport heritage attractions may also impact demand, particularly if the attractions are offering similar experiences or cover similar sporting pasts. Ramshaw and Gammon (2010) in their exploration of Twickenham Stadium tours, for example, note that tour managers viewed other famous sporting venues in the region, such as Wimbledon, as competitors for international visitors looking to experience English sport heritage while visiting London. As such, many sport heritage attractions look to differentiate themselves from local or regional rivals. Similarly, as Ramshaw and Gammon’s (2010) Twickenham Stadium research notes, the competition can often be in terms of claiming certain forms of authenticity and precedence such as (in Twickenham’s case) being the ‘real home’ of rugby (as opposed to the town of Rugby and Rugby School) as well as the ‘home’

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Figure 11.2  The Liverpool FC tourist bus. Tourist infrastructure and heritage-based experiences increasingly cater to large, international fanbases

of a particular type of English identity and heritage (as opposed to local tourism rivals such as Wembley Stadium). Sport Heritage and Destination Marketing

Heritage and sport are both important components of destination marketing, particularly in tourism (Harrison-Hill & Chalip, 2005; Morley & Robins, 1995). Sport heritage can help a destination’s image, as some forms of sport heritage are unique to particular locations and help to create a sense of place. As noted, the notion that some destinations are a ‘home’ of a particular sport, athlete, team, venue, or sporting practice helps in the branding of a destination. For example, Philadelphia’s tourism agencies actively use Rocky Balboa, the fictitious boxer from the Rocky film franchise which was set in Philadelphia, in the marketing of the city (Figure 11.3). Some destinations will use ‘living sport heritage’ – often a famous ex-athlete who was born, raised, or associated with the destination – as a tourism ambassador, such as Antigua using former world-famous cricketer Viv Richards to promote the island as a destination (McOwan, 2015). Many sports teams and sporting events will also use non-sport heritage in marketing, using symbols or icons as a means of promoting their product, event, or community. According to

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Figure 11.3  Statue of Rocky Balboa at the Philadelphia Convention and Visitors Bureau. Even fictitious sport heritage can be used in the tourism marketing and promotion of communities

Chalip and Costa (2005), destination names and icons are often built into sport event logos as a means of marketing the location, while heritage icons are often an effective means of conveying tourism marketing messages (Pennington & Thomsen, 2010). As such, in sport we see examples such the Golden State Warriors basketball team, which is based in the San Francisco Bay area, use the Golden Gate Bridge – the unmistakable icon of the city of San Francisco – in their team logo, while the logo for the 2024 Olympic Games includes a stylised version of the Eiffel Tower, unambiguously placing the event in Paris. Many destination marketing organisations (DMOs) also promote sport heritage as part of their ‘must see’ attractions. For example, the Barcelona DMO includes Camp Nou, home of FC Barcelona, as one of the city’s premier cultural attractions, while the DMO of Charlotte, North Carolina lists the NASCAR Hall of Fame as one of the city’s ‘must-do’ attractions for tourists. Similarly, in the construction of a place identity, sport heritage gives some indication of what a destination might be like for tourists, and how it might offer a different kind of cultural or historical experience than other communities. For example, engaging with the heritage of FC Barcelona not

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only gives the tourists an idea of what Barcelona culture is like, it also ties into broader place identities around Catalan culture, while attending a Montreal Canadiens ice hockey game might offer a unique cultural heritage experience, particularly linked to Québécois and Francophone culture, than might simply attending an ice hockey game in another destination. Sport Heritage and Hospitality

Although experiencing sport heritage is often the key part of a trip for many tourists, it can also be an additional feature to a broader hospitality experience. Unlike tourists visiting a sports museum or taking a stadium tour, many sport heritage experiences include a vacation package which includes not only various sport heritage experiences, but numerous forms of non-sport heritage hospitality such as dining, accommodations, and entertainment. The demand for luxury tourism experiences is rising (‘A place to lay your bread’, 2015), and many forms of ­heritage sport tourism can offer unique sporting and hospitality experiences for high-end tourists. Fantasy camps, in which ‘campers’ play a sport with or against their sporting heroes (Gammon, 2002), for example are frequently held in warm-weather tourism destinations at luxury resorts. Elements such as welcome receptions, an awards banquet and memorabilia signings and auctions are often part of the hospitality aspects of fantasy camps. The Wayne Gretzky fantasy camp, for example, is normally held at a Las Vegas resort and includes many off-ice events and gatherings, as well as a formal banquet at the end of the camp (Wayne Gretzky Fantasy Camp, 2018). Celebrity golf tournaments, again often held in warm-weather and resort locations, include sporting legends from across different sports and provide opportunities for fans to meet, dine-with, and even golf-with, their sporting heroes (Olmstead, 2014). Gibson (1998) notes that sport-themed cruises are part of the sport nostalgia tourism market. Like golf tournaments, cruises place sporting legends ‘away’ from their normal sporting environments and into hospitality contexts where they can meet, greet and chat with fans in a relaxed touristic environment. The ‘Packers Legends’ cruise, for example, provides patrons a chance to mingle with their favourite Green Bay Packers retired players during a beach party, at on-board dinners, and at multiple question-and-answer sessions (Green Bay Legends Cruise, 2018). Similarly, traditional sport heritage attractions and activities might offer additional hospitality packages. Many teams, for example, offer stadium tours where the guide is a former player, coach, or manager who can tell first-hand stories about particular matches and players. Sports museums too might offer afterhours hospitality options which include ex-athletes, curators, or collectors who provide an experience not regularly available to the general public, and which may be offered to tour groups and business travellers

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as an additional ‘add-on’ to their experience. As such, this form of heritage sport tourism has evolved into a unique, exclusive, and often expensive opportunity to interact with sporting legends away from the regular fields of play. Trends in Heritage Sport Tourism Development

Many forms of heritage sport tourism, such as visiting museums, touring stadia and attending a heritage-based sporting event or sports fantasy camp, remain robust and growing. Various other trends are also emerging in the field. Experiential forms of sport heritage, which require active forms of sport-based tourism such as running various famous marathon sites or riding important cycling routes (Derom & Ramshaw, 2016) are an emerging element of sport heritage, and denotes that heritage sport tourism is not only about passive consumption of sport heritage but active engagement with personal sporting pasts or famous sporting landscapes (Ramshaw, 2018). The idea of the personal heritage tourism experience (Timothy, 1997), where tourists seek genealogical or diasporic connections with the past (McCain & Ray, 2003), is a trend in heritage tourism more generally and has implications for heritage sport tourism as well (Joseph, 2011; Ramshaw, 2014a). In particular, this could include team reunions, where members of the same team reconnect at milestone dates (such as the 25th anniversary of a particular championship). The use of technology may also influence future heritage sport tourism experiences. For example, the use of hologram simulations in other forms of entertainment (Harris, 2013) may in the future be used to re-create famous sporting events, or even pit athletes from different eras against one another in a live arena setting. The growing influence of eSports, which may use the sporting past in competitions as well as generate their own future heritage through famous matches, players, and events may also influence future heritage sport tourism development. Linking shopping or retail experiences with visitation is another way to potentially attract tourists, as some tourists who may have little interest in the heritage aspects of a particular sport or venue may, nevertheless, wish to acquire sport heritage-based souvenirs as authentic reminders of their journey. However, attracting and retaining tourists to sport heritage attractions is becoming increasingly challenging, particularly as there are significantly more sport heritage attractions specifically – and heritage attractions more generally. In London, for example, there are dozens of sport heritage experiences, such as stadium tours and sports museums, available across the city (Vamplew, 2013). Certainly, fans of particular sports and clubs might seek out some of these experiences during a visit, but how these experiences might appeal to non-fans or those looking for a more generalisable cultural experience may remain a challenge. Offering different experiences to different visitors is certainly part of this, however also clustering

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attractions (including a venue tour, a team museum, a team café and retail experiences) might attract a more diverse tourist audience. Sport heritage attractions may have to also move beyond the celebratory and engage with broader forms of heritage (such as social history or art) in order to attract non-fans. Similarly, while many tourists may look to sport heritage attractions as a source of fun or escape, many other tourists may be looking for more challenging or critical interpretations of the sporting past. Many forms of sport heritage are not celebratory and, in fact, represent a type of dark or macabre form of the sporting past. The notion of dark tourism has been studied in other forms of heritage (Stone et al., 2018), though has not yet been applied to sport heritage. Although much of heritage sport tourism is celebratory and nostalgic, sites of disaster (such as loss of life by fans or athletes) reveal an underexplored aspect of heritage sport tourism and may be one of the reasons why tourists may choose to visit a particular location. How sport tourism destinations choose to engage with these different narratives remains a challenge, for example, balancing the narratives of a location like the Superdome in New Orleans which is known both as an important site for football (as the home stadium of the New Orleans Saints and the site of numerous Super Bowls) as well as the focal point for a tragic natural and human disaster (as it was a makeshift shelter during Hurricane Katrina in 2005). Sporting tastes are also changing and it is possible to imagine that the sport heritage attractions of today may change in cultural importance over time, while particular attractions may gain prominence as particular sports or athletes become more popular. Finally, though communities may welcome heritage sport tourists, there may exist a tension between clubs and communities commodifying sport heritage for touristic consumption and local people viewing tourism as changing or destroying their sport culture. Mitten (2018) for example questions whether tourism trivialises, threatens, or changes some of the cultural importance and cultural performance of sport, explaining that touristic visitation to global football clubs like Barcelona and Manchester United ‘add to the exuberance but detract from the atmosphere … (as) tourists buy tickets and gawp at the “authentic” fans around them rather than joining the songs’ (n.p.). The notion that tourism, through the commodification process, trivialises cultural heritage is not new (Hewison, 1987), however this process not been widely considered in sport heritage. As such, although many sports organisations and communities may welcome touristic interest in their sport heritage and sporting culture, there may exist areas in which sport heritage may need strategies in which to manage heritage sport tourists and protect sport heritage from tourism. Similarly, as sport heritage destinations become more competitive, it is important for sport heritage attractions to balance both interesting and exciting sport heritage experiences with authentic and accurate interpretations of the sporting past.

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Conclusion

Sport heritage is undoubtedly part of tourism. Increasingly, tourists are seeking out sport heritage experiences while on vacation, and destinations and sport organisations are providing a variety of sport heritage opportunities for tourists. The touristic interest in sport heritage demonstrates that sport is viewed as an authentic form of culture, and destinations are increasingly interested in promoting this heritage as a way to attract tourism as well as to provide a distinctive cultural attraction. As such, many destinations and organisations are providing a variety of different attractions and experiences to cater to the sport heritage market. The demand for sport heritage by tourists, however, requires further attention, as does the relationship between promoting sport heritage in tourism and protecting sport heritage from tourism. As interest in sport heritage increases from a discerning global audience, many sport heritage attractions are going to be challenged with attracting an increasingly diverse audience with differing interests and expectations as well as properly representing and, in some cases, protecting sport heritage from touristic interest.

12 Marketing and Sport Heritage Introduction

Heritage sites, experiences, products and attractions often require some sort of promotion and marketing to tell potential visitors, consumers and supporters about them. Following Leiper’s (1990) tourist attraction system, marketing and promotional material are some of the markers that link tourists with tourism sites. However, marketing and promoting heritage often takes on a different form than marketing other products and services, including in tourism. As Timothy (2011) explains, marketing heritage often has multiple goals beyond increasing visitation and revenue, including public education and transparency. Similarly, Misiura (2006) notes that marketing heritage often has to find a balance between consumption of the resource and conservation of that same resource. As such, traditional marketing approaches do not always align with the multifaceted goals of many heritage locations. Furthermore, some heritage marketing involves tangible products rather than visitation to sites or consumption of heritage experiences and, as such, marketing of these products may involve additional elements such as aesthetics, authenticity or patrimony. However, it is unquestionable that heritage is a powerful marketing tool, often as the primary focus of the product or destination, or as a secondary or ancillary value-added component of a product or experience. Sports marketing encompasses many different fields of the sport industry, from sporting equipment and recreational sporting activities to sporting events, sport tourism and sports spectating experiences. Mullin et al. define sport marketing as consisting of ‘all activities designed to meet the needs and wants of sport consumers through exchange processes’ (2000: 6) of which there are two major areas: marketing of sport products in particular, or using sport to promote other goods and ­services. Pitts and Stotlar (2007) contend that the sport product can be understood as being both tangible (such as a piece of sporting equipment) and intangible (such as a sporting experience) which satisfies consumers’ needs and desires for sport. Although the use of sport heritage has not been broadly addressed in the sport marketing literature, there appear to be numerous ways in which marketing initiatives use sport heritage, from tangible c­ onsumer sporting souvenirs and apparel to sport heritage events and spectator events. Scola and Gordon’s (2018) article is one of

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the few current studies to address the use of ‘retro’ marketing in sport. Their framework includes sport imagery (logos and uniforms), merchandise (souvenirs), venues (including halls of fame), promotions (retro giveaways) and advertising (retro sports campaigns and advertising). Beyond the direct relationship between heritage and sport organisations, sport heritage is also often used by other businesses to sell consumer products such as alcoholic beverages. Here, sport heritage is used to make an association with a product rather than being a sport heritage product in and of itself. Although marketing sport heritage often has goals beyond promotion, such as conservation and education initiatives, more often than not sport heritage is used by teams, leagues, sport organisations, and related businesses as a commodity (Grundlingh, 2015) – and is marketed as such. These activities often include promotion and sales of tickets, events and merchandise, but sport heritage can also be used for public relations and community engagement. The numerous ways in which sport heritage is marketed speaks to its enduring influence; drawing on a past, particularly if it is glorious or – if nothing else – fashionable, has become a staple of the sporting industry. Many sport heritages are unique to particular locations and communities, and the people – often fans – who consume sport heritage marketing initiatives have an emotional investment with the sport, location, or club, and may strongly identify with those heritages as part of their identity. Similarly, sport heritage marketing initiatives can nostalgically remind fans of when the past was great, particularly if juxtaposed with an unsatisfying present (Gammon & Ramshaw, 2013a). As such, sport heritage can be stylish, as it conveys a sense of style and authenticity for sports organisations which products from the present may not be able to match. This chapter explores some of the many ways in which sport heritage and marketing intersect, including: in team names and logos, in promotions and as a way to sell event tickets, in the creation of heritage-based retro and vintage sporting apparel, as branding other products and services, in social media, and in the spectating and stadium experience. Team Names and Logos

Team names and logos are some of the ways in which organisations create bonds between fans and their community. As Heere and James note, ‘people identify not only with a team but also with the community a team represents’ (2007: 320). Team names and logos often link the team with the non-sport culture and heritage of a community or region. The Green Bay Packers name, for example, relates to the community’s history of meat canning and packing, while Packers fans are known as ‘Cheeseheads’ which links fan identity with the local dairy industry. National teams also often use non-sport national heritage symbols, such as figures from

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national flags, although the use and commodification of these symbols often reflects contested ownership and dissonant interpretations of their meaning (Jackson et al., 2001). Some team names and logos are historically based, such as Arsenal Football Club in London which was originally formed by workers at an armaments factory. More recently, teams have employed heritage in names and logos related both to local sport heritage and non-sport heritage. The Charlotte Hornets of the NBA, for example, employ the ‘Hornets’ moniker for dual heritage reasons. From a sport heritage perspective, Charlotte’s original NBA franchise from 1988–2002 was known as the Hornets; a name which several other Charlotte-based sports teams (including a former local baseball club) were also known by throughout the community’s history. The Hornets name moved with the franchise when the team relocated to New Orleans in 2002. When the NBA returned to Charlotte in 2004, the team was known as the Bobcats until 2014 when they reacquired the Hornets name (Figure 12.1). Thus, the Hornets name has a strong and lengthy attachment to local sport heritage. According to Newman (2014), the Hornets name and logo in Charlotte were not only a popular nostalgic brand for local consumers, the team also experienced a dramatic spike in ticket sales, merchandise, and advertising revenue due to the affinity for the Hornets name and logo. However, the Hornets name is not only related to the city’s sport heritage, as it has a broader sport as heritage association. During the American Revolutionary War, Charlotte was referred to as a ‘hornet’s nest of rebellion’ by British General Cornwallis and, as such, the Hornets name is a

Figure 12.1  A Charlotte Hornets basketball game at the Spectrum Center in ­Charlotte, North Carolina. The Hornets name has both ‘heritage of sport’ and ‘sport as heritage’ associations in the community, as it is not only linked with the city’s sport history but also the community’s role in the American Revolutionary War

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source of local historical pride (Lassiter, 2009). The use of heritage therefore helps to create a connection between the team and the local community, which helps with the promotion and marketing of the team’s products. Other teams, such as Manchester United, view their logo and team history as an extension of their global brand which helps to differentiate them from other global sports brands and organisations (Hill & Vincent, 2006). Here, the logo becomes a self-referential heritage brand through its longevity and history, rather than necessarily borrowing from a local or regional past. However, the link between heritage, team names and logos, and marketing may also have unintended consequences, particularly in the increasingly global sports marketplace. Names and logos associated with racism, such as those of the Cleveland Indians MLB team and Washington Redskins NFL team (Fenelon, 2016), may galvanise owners and fans particularly in the defence of team names and logos as tradition (Sigelman, 1998). However, the continued use of such names can, among other consequences, detract potential consumers and sponsors. In the case of the Washington Redskins, their name and logo may negatively impact their overall brand for consumers (Benson, 2015) and may pose ongoing legal challenges to their trademark (Kirkland, 2016), although there are no current plans to abandon the team’s logo or name. In the case of the Cleveland Indians, the team did not change its name but will no longer sport the team’s ‘Chief Wahoo’ logo as of 2019, citing that it was no longer appropriate given the MLB’s push for diversity and inclusion in baseball’s fanbase (Waldstein, 2018). Tickets Sales and Promotions

Sport heritage is commonly used by sports organisations as a form of enticing ticket sales for a particular game or event. Often, the use of sport heritage takes the form of a promotion where a past player, team, or milestone is recognised and celebrated by the organisation. In a North American sporting contests, this frequently includes a ‘jersey retirement’ ceremony where a past player’s jersey number is ‘retired’ and will never be used by another player in that organisation again. Following the jersey retirement ceremony, a banner featuring the ­player’s name and number is displayed at the venue, thus creating a kind-of ­permanent heritage marker. Kelley (2011) notes that these promotions often include a take-home giveaway (such as a special miniature banner or a special ticket) which provides the fan not only a memento to display but also showcases his/her fan affiliation (Figure 12.2). Along with other promotions, such as apparel giveaways and discounted food and beverage nights, heritage-based special events may drive additional ticket sales and/or create a better customer experience and a form of customer satisfaction (Kelley, 2011).

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Figure 12.2  A bobblehead of Cincinnati Reds baseball player Raisel Iglesias. ­Giveaways and promotions may sometimes use sport heritage in the promotion or, as in the case of bobbleheads, may become a collectable form of sport heritage in and of themselves

Sport organisations may also have so-called ‘retro nights’ where the special promotion is related to a specific sport – or, often times, nonsport – era. For sport-based retro nights, one of the key features tends to be that the team wears a different era jersey, either from the organisation’s own past or from a borrowed past from the same community (Figure 12.3). For example, two organisations in Toronto – the NBA’s Toronto Raptors and the NHL’s Toronto Maple Leafs – have worn so-called ‘throwback’ jerseys based on past (and no longer in existence) local sports teams such as the Toronto Huskies (a professional basketball team in the city in the mid-1940s) (Staffo, 1998) and the Toronto St. Pats (a professional hockey team in the city in the 1920s) (Wilson, 2005). These events not only recognise local or team sport history, they also connect the teams to broader heritage legacies. Perhaps most importantly, however, they grow the brand locally as well as potentially offering both a new spectating experience as well as new types of merchandise. Retro and Vintage Sports Apparel

Retro sports apparel is also linked to marketing and sport heritage. ‘Antiqued’ items, in Hewison’s (1989) view, convey a sense of timelessness and authenticity and, as such, retro apparel creates a form of cultural

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Figure 12.3  In-stadium advertisement for ‘Whalers Night’ at a Carolina ­Hurricanes ice hockey game. The Hurricanes, now in Raleigh, North Carolina, were once known as the Whalers and were located in Hartford, Connecticut. Retro nights, which use local or team heritage, are a common heritage-based marketing ­promotion for teams and organisations

capital and conspicuous consumption which conveys a certain depth and gravitas for the purchaser. Similarly, retro apparel creates a commodity out of a club’s heritage, as well as providing supporters with a new/old product. As Stride, Williams et al. (2015) argue, it has only been recently that leagues and teams embraced producing replica apparel for the general public and, in a short time, demand for apparel grew to include casual fans and non-fans, as sportswear became a particular fashion choice in and of itself. Thus, it is not surprising that sports ‘heritage wear’ is simply an evolution of sportswear as fashion (Figure 12.4). Throwback jerseys abound in professional sport, and have done for some time, but many other licensed brands – with names like ‘Old Time Hockey’, ‘47 Brand’, ‘The Old-Fashioned Football Shirt Company’, and ‘Ebbets Field Flannels’ – create faded, retro and ‘antiqued’ or ‘distressed’ sport heritage apparel such as t-shirts and hoodies. Similarly, sports leagues and teams have also offered vintage and retro apparel and, as Ramshaw and Gammon (2017) note, often the apparel is for teams that the leagues themselves shuttered or relocated. For example, one can visit the ‘Vintage Hockey’ section of the National Hockey League’s (NHL) online shop to purchase apparel from the Hartford Whalers (which the NHL relocated

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Figure 12.4  Brooklyn Dodgers heritage wear at a ‘retro’ sports clothing store in Greenville, South Carolina. Wearing sport heritage-themed clothing can be a sign of cultural capital for the owner. In this case, a Brooklyn Dodgers shirt not only has a unique, vintage design, it also associates the wearer with Jackie Robinson, who broke baseball’s colour barrier as a player with Brooklyn in 1947

to Raleigh, North Carolina in 1997) and Québec Nordiques (which the NHL relocated to Denver, Colorado in 1996) as a heritage product, though ‘antiqued’ items from other relocated teams such as the Atlanta Thrashers (which the NHL relocated to Winnipeg in 2011) do not appear to have been created. In all cases, none of the ‘vintage’ teams listed had particularly successful histories in their original locations, though they have unique colours and logo designs. As such, novelty, authenticity and originality appear to be as much a consideration in the commodification of retro apparel as much as long, successful and memorable pasts. Retro apparel also helps to create a sense of affinity for a particular past or team, and marketing potential for the teams and sport organisations. Wearing, for example, a ‘throwback’ Chicago Cubs t-shirt may not only create an emotional bond between the shirt’s owner and the team (including the team’s history), the shirt is also a walking advertisement for the team and its heritage merchandise. Heritage Brands

Sport heritage can be a brand in and of itself, and part of strategic alliances and cooperative marketing initiatives with other non-sport heritage

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brands (Belanger, 2002). Urde et al. (2007) note that corporate heritage brands can be identified through their track record, longevity, core values, use of symbols and use of heritage and history as part of the organisation’s value and strategic positioning vis-à-vis other products. Many sports organisations employ their heritage in the creation of their brand and, in the process, commodify their heritage through merchandise, events, and special promotions. Sports teams such as the Montreal Canadiens, New York Yankees and Manchester United Football Club all use their heritage in the creation of their brands and, as such, reinforce their longevity, authenticity and distinctiveness versus other teams. Similarly, some sporting venues and sporting events will use heritage as part of their branding, advertising the fact that, through buying a ticket and attending the event, the consumer will be a witnessing an important and unique, historical occasion or location – and, in some cases, even promising something akin to time travel (Figure 12.5). Sport organisations and non-sport-based heritage brands may also connect through strategic alliances and cooperative marketing initiatives based on sport heritage. In this, both the sport organisation and corporate heritage brand can build off of mutual interest in the same heritage discourse. Seiler (2002), for example, notes the numerous connections between Canadian breweries Labatt and Molson – both with a significantly lengthy history and who have developed specific branding based on their heritage – with the flagship Canadian Broadcasting Corporation sports programme, Hockey Night in Canada, thereby mutually-marketing their products over a shared version of Canadian identity. At other points, non-heritage corporate brands may wish to associate themselves with a

Figure 12.5  Advertisement for the Royal Ascot horse race which promises ­potential consumers that they will not only see a sporting event but also experience a ‘­different world’ of heritage dress and manners

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popular sport heritage in order to boost their corporate profile. Kia, a South Korean automobile manufacturer, for example, sponsors some of the exhibits at the College Football Hall of Fame in Atlanta, thus aligning their brand – which does not necessarily otherwise have an association with college football – with the history, heritage and traditions of college football in the United States. Businesses may also use sport heritage in their names and décor. Pubs, restaurants, and bars may employ, in Phillips’ (2013b) terms, a form of vernacular sport museum where small displays of sports memorabilia are part of the business’s furnishings. These displays add an element of Pine and Gilmore’s (1999) ‘experience economy’ to establishments, where the memorabilia adds a unique talking point and selling feature to otherwise indistinguishable enterprises. At other times, a business may directly use sport heritage in their name. Inglis (2014) cites the Tom Cribb pub near Leicester Square in London as one such example, where the establishment is named after a late-18th and early-19th century bare-knuckled boxer who once owned the pub and lived above it as well. In this case, the business’s name is both a marketing opportunity as well as an alignment with a type of public sport history, where the building has previously been recognised as having historic value. However, businesses may also use sport heritage names when located at or near a site of sporting significance. The Spectrum Grill in Philadelphia, for example, is located at the exact location of the Spectrum Arena, the one-time home of both the Philadelphia 76ers of the NBA and Philadelphia Flyers of the NHL (as well as numerous other sporting and non-sporting events such as boxing and concerts) (Figure 12.6) but which was demolished in 2011. In this case, the business is commodifying the fact that it is located on ‘sacred ground’ and could be used as an additional marketing feature to attract customers. Social Media

According to Lowenthal (1998) and Roberts (2014), one of the key characteristics of the heritagisation process is the shrinking (and, in some cases, nearly imperceptible) temporal distance between a cultural artefact becoming discursively reproduced and consumed as heritage. This is particularly the case with popular cultures, including sport, when the people, places and moments which are recognised and celebrated as heritage are temporally recent. In the case of social media and its rapid production of cultural touchstones, the temporal distance between a fantastic athletic performance and its discursive placement as a definitive historic moment further shrinks the temporal gap from years or decades to days and hours. However, heritage moments which are created and shared via social media platforms, such as celebrating past games and victories, great moments in team history or honouring

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Figure 12.6  The Spectrum Grill in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Businesses often use notable or beloved sport heritage references in their names, particularly if the business is located at or near the location associated with a place or person from the sporting past

past players, are now part of the marketing content for sport organisations. The creation and maintenance of ‘fan nations’ (Foster & Hyatt, 2008) via social media creates a sense of affiliation through shared pasts and traditions. Similarly, the idea of a great play or performance going viral – often with heritage-based titles like ‘greatest dunk in history’ – also uses instant heritage as a way of generating interest, support and consumption. Corporate Social Responsibility

Corporate social responsibility (CSR) encompasses the ways in which corporations and private organisations improve quality of life in their communities and society as a whole (Lindgreen & Swaen, 2010). The notion of CSR posits that an organisation not only exists to make a profit but must also be a good and ethical steward of resources, be equitable and fair, and broadly enhance the lives of its employees, consumers and community at large. Heritage is one of the ways in which corporations and private organisations demonstrate CSR, both through the use of heritage in making reference to the legacy of its founders (Maignan & Ferrell, 2004) and historical commitment to communities,

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Figure 12.7  Advertisement at Heathrow Airport in London linking BP (­formerly ­British Petroleum) to Parasport and, specifically, the International Paralympic ­Committee. Businesses often use sport to demonstrate CSR and, at times, these initiatives will include the preservation or promotion of sporting cultures and sport heritage

as well as directly benefitting community heritage resources such as museums. Sport is also linked to CSR, as sport organisations and businesses might use sport heritage and sporting cultures to demonstrate equity, fairness, transparency and commitment to local populations and communities (Godfrey, 2009) (Figure 12.7). Although the direct connections between CSR and sport heritage have not been explicitly explored in the literature, there appears to be a potential relationship. As sports franchises change owners, and particularly as owners are increasingly global, commitments to the traditions, history and heritage of particular teams and fanbases is key for ongoing support. This is particularly the case in North American professional sport, as the franchise system means that organisations are increasingly portable. Partnerships with local sport museums also demonstrate CSR, while sport organisations may initiate their own sport heritage initiatives through the conservation of local historic sporting venues, maintaining or donating to public archives and conserving important artefacts from the organisation’s own history. Although these initiatives are sometimes not directly related to selling a specific product, they nevertheless enhance the brand of the organisation as it demonstrates an acknowledgement and commitment to local heritage values.

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Heritage and Marketing at the Stadium

Heritage is also used to market at sporting venues themselves and create a pleasing atmosphere for sports consumers. Atmospherics in sport are largely related to the many facets of the sport spectating experience, from the comfort of seats to the type and volume of music played at the venue (Palmero & Price, 2015). Heritage aesthetics, heritage displays, heritage-­based promotions and consumer options can all enhance the sports stadium atmosphere. Although many sports may use heritage in creating particular atmospherics at games, sports and sporting venues which are strongly associated with history, heritage and nostalgia often employ heritage-based marketing approaches. Friedman and Silk’s (2005) examination of the spectating experience at Fenway Park in Boston, for example, suggests that the uses of heritage at the ballpark (including colours, signage, souvenirs and heritage displays) is an intangible marketing resource which is used to attract, retain, and sustain an increasingly global fanbase, as well as a means of enhancing the ballpark experience vis-à-vis competitors. Other MLB teams such as the Toronto Blue Jays are also looking to their heritage as a way of creating a less-sterile environment at their stadium (Nicholson-Smith, 2018), while teams such as the Cincinnati Reds employ local heritage identities – such as the city’s historic link to riverboats as well as the team’s long heritage – as part of their stadium design and marketing (Figure 12.8). Nostalgia and heritage

Figure 12.8  Advertisement outside of the Great American Ballpark in Cincinnati touting the long history and heritage of the Cincinnati Reds baseball team – ­including their original, formal name, the ‘Red Stockings’

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associations may also fuel marketing efforts and retail consumption in sporting venues (Spaid, 2013). Slavich et al. (2018) for example note that minor league baseball teams will employ unique heritage-based concessions, such as using local beers or local restaurants at their venues, while ‘throwback’ pricing on concessions – where food and beer is sold at, for example, 1980s’ prices – is a staple of minor league sports promotions and is often associated with other in-game promotions (such as the home team wearing retro jerseys). Conclusion

The appeal of the sporting past is undeniable from a marketing perspective. Although many forms of heritage marketing attempt to find a balance between promotion and conservation, most forms of sport heritage marketing are about commodifying particular saleable pasts (Ramshaw & Gammon, 2017). Although the relationship between marketing and sport heritage has yet to be widely explored in the literature beyond its uses in tourism promotion, it is clearly a durable connection. The use of heritage in team names and logos, in promotions and apparel, in connections with fans and communities, and through links with other brands and experiences, appears to be influential in attracting and retaining consumers. However, from a marketing perspective, sport heritage cannot be inflexible, particularly as consumer tastes and values change. What may have been an engaging use of sport heritage in one season may be seen as passé in another. Similarly, marketing initiatives may also bring into question the different and dissonant understandings of that heritage, particularly if the commodification process opens divisions and rifts over the meanings and appropriateness of a particular marketing initiative, such as a team name or logo. Finally, the use of sport heritage in marketing initiatives can have an impact on how heritage is understood. Creating retro apparel for a brand-new sports team, for example, demonstrates how marketing initiatives re-imagine the relationship between heritage and time.

13 Managing Sport Heritage Introduction

Heritage in all of its forms is a resource to be managed, whether it is planning for heritage, enacting legislation and policy to protect and ­conserve heritage, presenting and interpreting heritage for a variety of audiences, contending with dissonant and overlapping viewpoints about heritage, or even delisting or ‘letting go’ of heritage. Given that many forms of heritage, from historic buildings to intangible traditions, often intersect with other activities such as tourism (Park, 2013) and redevelopment ­initiatives (Fairclough et al., 2008), while also being viewed simultaneously as both an economic and cultural resource (Graham et al., 2000), there has been significant interest into how heritage resources in their many forms can be conserved and presented to many different audiences. Sport heritage is also a resource to be managed, though it may have some distinct management issues relative to other forms of heritage. Much of what is considered sport heritage, particularly in its built, tangible form, is relatively recent. Furthermore, many forms of sport heritage continue to be in use for daily activities such as sporting events, while contemporary global sport and its increasing need for revenue generation may view heritage venues as incapable of meeting contemporary consumer demand. Similarly, both at the elite and community levels, many historic sporting venues face challenges in terms of the cost of maintenance and renovations, while continued preservation of historic sporting venues which have been abandoned or are no longer in use face challenges in terms of their utility beyond historic or architectural interest. However, the management of sport heritage goes beyond the management of historical or culturally significant venues. The conservation and preservation of intangible sporting heritages has also received attention in recent years, as has the interpretation of sport heritage to diverse audiences. Many forms of sport heritage are also planned, particularly as they coincide with important events or anniversaries, which takes the management of sport heritage beyond considerations for the built and intangible environments, to notions of public awareness and recognition. Finally, like any form of heritage, dissonant and contested approaches to sport heritage can also impact its management, particularly in terms of ownership of narratives, preservation considerations, and whether some forms of sport heritage ought to be conserved and in what form. 165

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Although the management of sport heritage has not been widely c­ onsidered in the literature, there have been a few approaches to the management of built sport heritage, particularly the preservation and renovation of historic sporting facilities. Pfleegor et al. (2013) examined the moral obligation for communities to preserve sport and recreation facilities as heritage resources, noting that many sporting facilities possess multiple forms of heritage value, from functional, structural, and aesthetic properties to historic and symbolic value. Pfleegor and Seifried (2012, 2014) further note that heritage management principles, particularly in terms of renovation and adaptive reuse options for sporting facilities, are often not known by sport managers and could help to preserve historic sporting facilities while offering sport organisations options beyond demolition of the venue. Heritage organisations such as the National Parks Service and National Register of Historic Places in the United States, as well as the International Council on Monuments and Sites, are just a few of the public entities which have recognised built sport heritage as a resource worthy of conservation and protection. Furthermore, the inclusion of many intangible forms of sport heritage on UNESCO’s Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention, as well as UNESCO’s working group on Traditional Sports and Games, further demonstrate the wide recognition of sport heritage as an important heritage resource which requires ongoing management initiatives. This chapter therefore explores the many ways in which sport heritage and management intersect. In particular, the chapter looks as how sport heritage is planned, protected and interpreted. It further considers ways in which sport heritage might be captured as a future resource for scholars, managers and communities. Finally, the chapter looks at professions in sport heritage, in particular noting that sport heritage work may require specialist training as the field grows. Planning Sport Heritage

Most heritage planning involves some sort of active intervention in the protection, conservation and sustainability of built historic structures (Kalman, 2014) though, as Ashworth and Phelps (2002) note, much of heritage planning is also about the commodification process. As such, heritage planning involves both managing that heritage which has been inherited, particularly built heritage, as well as how it is to be used, often for tourism, place promotion, and redevelopment initiatives. Many communities have inherited built sport heritage and must plan for how such heritage is preserved (or not, as the case may be) and what its contemporary use is, either as a sporting venue or for a different, non-sport use. The planning process is important with regards to built sport heritage, particularly as professional sports franchises leave historic sporting venues for newer facilities. Many historic sporting venues have been converted to other non-sport uses and maintaining references and architectural

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features of the site’s links to the sporting past, while others have been demolished all together. However, even in the case when some form of preservation or adaptive reuse is employed, it is rarely a quick process and often reflects both a lack of planning and a protracted acknowledgement of heritage designation (often occurring after the venue has been abandoned). Houston’s Astrodome received designation on the National Register of Historic Places in 2014, over a dozen years after hosting its final event and after it was slated for demolition (National Register of Historic Places, 2014). Though some organisations have been proactive in designation (often while the venue is still in use) many other communities continue to struggle with the future of their historic – but increasingly derelict – sports structures. Although planning for built sport heritage is a challenge for communities and organisations, other forms of sport heritage beyond built sport heritage can be planned and managed. Many leagues and organisations will manage particular pasts, often for marketing purposes or in the creation of certain souvenir products. Sports organisations may also suggest that certain events or matches will be ‘historic,’ thus promising a type of ‘future’ heritage. The National Hockey League, for example, created an ad campaign for their league’s playoffs called ‘History Will Be Made’ which used both well-known historic moments in the sport while suggesting that future, and yet unknown, heritage moments will enter the cannon (NHL, 2011). In this, the league not only marketed their existing heritage, they also managed their future heritage, deeming certain moments as culturally important and historic before they occurred. Though a small and relatively innocuous example, it suggests that part of the planning process in sport heritage is managing and controlling both the official and authorised forms of a sport’s past and future heritage. ‘Official’ heritages are important to sport organisations, particularly in terms of marginalising rival and often dissonant narratives (Ramshaw & Gammon, 2010), often as a way of crafting a suitable past (and future) as well as a way of branding and commodifying a sport’s heritage. Returning to the NHL, the league frequently promotes much of its heritage to the so-called ‘Original Six’ franchises – those being the Montreal Canadiens, Toronto Maple Leafs, New York Rangers, Detroit Red Wings, Boston Bruins and Chicago Blackhawks – both as a way of marketing particular games as an ‘Original Six match-up’ as well as in the creation of a heritage-style merchandise line. As Moore (2002) notes, there is no such thing as the ‘Original Six’, the history of the league’s foundations are incredibly complex, and the ­creation of an ‘original six’ myth is a way of giving the league a ­suitable and marketable past. Although this critique highlights the differences between history and heritage discussed throughout critical heritage studies (Smith, 2006), it nevertheless highlights the fact that many forms of sport heritage – particularly when they involve marketing, promotions, and merchandising – are planned and managed.

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Organisations and agencies may also look to recognise and enshrine particular sport heritages at times of anniversaries or to recognise a particularly important place where an important sporting moment occurred. Beyond recognition, this process also involves a form of management, particularly in terms of managing which sport heritage is recognised and celebrated, and by whom. For example, planning for particular sport heritage anniversaries – such as the founding of a particular team, league, or organisation – allows organisations to both control heritage narratives while also potentially aiding other heritage outputs (such as fundraising, conservation of properties, tickets and advertising for anniversary events and merchandising). For example, the National Football League celebrated its 100th anniversary with a commemorative logo, special events, and a variety of new ‘retro’ merchandise options (Bell, 2018). Protecting Sport Heritage

Many forms of built heritage must manage, on the one hand, access and use by commercial and public interests and conservation of the historic fabric (Nasser, 2003). Many sport heritage places, although perhaps not as fragile as other forms of built heritage, nevertheless face conservation and protection issues, most notably in terms of the need for sport heritage sites and venues (such as historic sports stadia) to generate revenue. In many cases, this leads to the abandonment of historic sports stadia though, at other times, sports organisations have realised the value of keeping and renovating, in an historically-appropriate manner, historic sports venues (Friedman & Silk, 2005). However, designation and protection of built sport heritage is not only for the large, spectacular, and famous professional sporting venues. Smaller, community-based venues with a significant social and recreational history and unique and important architectural design are often also conserved and protected. The Historic Pools Network, for example, advocates for the protection of historic swimming pools in Britain through historic listing, designation and recognition (Historic Pools of Britain, 2018). Similarly, as aspects of sport heritage are increasingly part of the archaeological landscape (Schofield, 2012) such as the excavation of Bradford Park Avenue Stadium (Pidd, 2017a) heritage protection agencies and legislation will play an increasing role in the protection of tangible sport heritage. At the international level, the recognition of built sport heritage by the International Council on Monuments and Sites is further recognition of sport heritage as an important part of the historic environment (ICOMOS, 2016b) which requires protection and conservation. Beyond built heritage, material culture such as artefacts and historical documents from the sporting past also require conservation. Inglis (2015), for example, notes that much of the material culture from Britain’s sporting past is lost, damaged, destroyed or held in private hands (and therefore publicly inaccessible).

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Sport sites can also impact other forms of heritage and may present a threat to non-sport heritage locations. Strohmayer (2013), for example, argues that infrastructure from large scale sporting events such as the Olympics – much of which could be heritage in and of itself – can cause irreparable damage to the built historic environment, particularly in cities such as Paris. Anton et al. (2013) further argue that large-scale sporting events create a type of liminal heritage, particularly when a location is transformed from derelict space to sport and event space. They contend that this transformation is a heritage in and of itself, and that this form of heritage is rarely considered when conservation initiatives are tabled. Furthermore, the notion that sporting events can negatively impact heritage sites has also been raised by UNESCO, with sport organisations such as the World Rowing Federation committing to limit their sport’s negative impact on World Heritage Sites (UNESCO, 2018b). Intangible sporting heritages also increasingly require forms of protection. These protections are recognised as important both because intangible heritage is an important part of cultural heritage and identity, and because commodification of intangible heritage – particularly through tourism – could irreversibly change the process and meanings of the heritage. As Higham and Hinch (2009) argue, the increased globalisation and commodification of sport and sporting practices may adversely impact local and distinctive sporting cultures, although some sporting cultures can also be resistant to globalisation. UNESCO’s Traditional Games and Sports initiatives recognise the need to preserve and practice traditional sport and games, as forms of social and community development and as a resource for health, intercultural dialogue, and ethics (UNESCO, 2018a). However, forms of intangible heritage must also be living and dynamic. As Kirshenblatt-Gimblett (2004) notes in a critique of UNESCO’s intangible cultural heritage convention, ‘change is intrinsic to culture, and measures intended to preserve, conserve, safeguard, and sustain cultural practices are caught between freezing the practice and addressing the inherently processual nature of culture’ (2004: 58-59). As such, efforts to manage and protect intangible sport heritage may, through institutional mechanisms such as legislation, actually harm the heritage. Furthermore, commercial interests, particularly through tourism, may wish to experience intangible cultural heritage as a form of authentic culture, but by experiencing it in large numbers tourism may actually dilute the intangible heritage practice it has come to experience. This is particularly the case with large, global football clubs, as tourists wish to view and participate in the game experience, primarily to experience the chants and cheers of the crowd. However, the very presence of tourists may actually adversely impact the match spectacle and the intangible heritage traditions of supporters (Evans & Norcliffe, 2016). Finally, the traditional manufacturing techniques used for sporting equipment are also a form of intangible sport heritage requiring protection. For example, the Heritage Crafts Association

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in the United Kingdom issues an annual ‘red list’ of endangered or extinct crafts. Included on this list are the traditional sporting crafts of handstitched cricket ball making (extinct), lacrosse stick making (extinct), shinty caman making (critically endangered), cricket bat making (endangered), arrowsmithing (endangered), falconry furniture making (endangered), and bicycle making (endangered) (Heritage Craft Association, 2019). Without some sort of protection, both the knowledge and practice of these specific forms of intangible sport heritage will disappear. Interpreting Sport Heritage

According to Timothy (2011), heritage interpretation is a valuable management tool and is often used as a form of crowd control, conservation education and public entertainment – normally all at the same time. Types of heritage interpretation, such as signage, tours, re-enactments and forms of live, costumed interpretation can all simultaneously inform, entertain and educate the public in heritage settings. In sport heritage, interpretation is a valuable tool. Most often, signage is used to interpret sport heritage, usually as a means of educating the public about why a particular site, artefact, or exhibition is important (Figure 13.1). Tours of particular sporting locations also provide visitors a chance to experience a sport heritage site, while providing the sites themselves with a way to manage visitors safely and securely and also affording the visitors an enjoyable and unique experience. Re-enactments of particular sporting moments are also part of interpreting sport heritage. Most common are forms of so-called ‘Vintage Base Ball’ where participants will play an early version of baseball using antiquated rules and, most often, wearing replica outfits of the era. However, sporting re-enactments can also provide an element of public education. Schultz (2013) for example describes the use of re-enactment and live interpretation in highlighting racial discrimination in Baltimore’s sport and recreation history. Interpretation can also be a way of managing dissonant and differing views about heritage, particularly as the past is increasingly used for a variety of purposes and agendas (Tunbridge & Ashworth, 1996). Sport heritage is not immune from dissonance, and interpretation can be a way in which dissonant perspectives are managed, particularly if the organisation is taking a controversial stance on a particular topic. At the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum, for example, interpretive signage is used to explain and defend the museum’s curatorial d ­ ecisions about representing players suspected of using performance enhancing drugs. Similarly, at the Scottish Football Museum at Hampden Park in Glasgow, interpretation is used to explain and historically contextualise heated rivalries, including ‘the Old Firm’ matches between Rangers and Celtic (Figure 13.2). In these, interpretation is not only used as a form of public education, but as a means of managing contested viewpoints about the past.

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Figure 13.1  Interpretive signage at the Museum of London Docklands explaining the name and logo of West Ham United football club. Interpretation in its many forms, including static signs, helps to explain sport heritage to non-specialist ­audience

Figure 13.2  Interpretive signage about ‘the Old Firm’ football matches at the Scottish Football Museum at Hampden Park in Glasgow. Interpretation can be used as a managerial tool in sport heritage, particularly when a particular form of sport heritage is controversial or contested

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According to Beck and Cable (1998), contemporary interpretation at cultural sites is often called upon for additional management services beyond information exchange and direct conservation initiatives. Interpretation can also help with management of community relations, public awareness, fundraising and political initiatives. Sport organisations can use heritage interpretation to convey important messages to the public about the organisation’s aims, values and initiatives (Ramshaw, 2010b), about opportunities for volunteering, fundraising, or other forms of support, as well as re-enforcing organisational narratives about their heritage and history relative to other sites (Ramshaw & Gammon, 2010). For example, a sport museum might use interpretation to solicit donations from visitors, explain planned expansions, or demonstrate cultural and economic value to a community. Although these types of initiatives do not directly relate to heritage narratives, they can often be interwoven into other heritage activities such as gallery displays and venue tours. Capturing Sport Heritage

Many sporting events and activities will produce heritage, both tangible and intangible, and part of managing sport heritage is an active engagement with capturing these heritages before they disappear. In this, notions of heritage legacies are part of many sporting activities, particularly sporting events such as the Olympics, World Cup and Commonwealth Games. These events will create numerous heritage ‘moments’ and performances which organisers may wish to capture through film, photographs and related artefacts. As Choi and Ramshaw (2018) note, heritage infrastructure such as post-event museums are one of the ways in which sport heritage is captured, preserved and displayed for future generations. The planning and organising of events can also generate its own heritage (Stromayer, 2013) particularly through planning and bid documents which may be donated to an archive or held in a planned post-event archive. Similarly, the intangible, intellectual legacy of sporting events could be used as a form of heritage, particularly for future event planning. For example, capturing what sporting event organisers learned and what they would do differently can be an important managerial document for future event organisers. Sport Heritage Work

Bates (2015) in her discussion of information professions discusses the variety of forms of tasks and work involved in heritage, including appraisal of heritage resources, the creation and enforcement of heritage policy, and the organising, storing and retrieving of heritage materials. Although aspects of sport heritage may intersect with broader heritage professions, other forms of sport heritage work will often require specialist knowledge.

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Academic fields such as sport history, sport geography, sport sociology, and sport marketing help to gather, interpret, and disseminate sport heritage research and information to other scholars, to students, to organisations and granting agencies, to the media, and to the general public, while archivists will house and retrieve sport heritage items. Conservators, curators, guides, re-enactors and interpreters at sport heritage sites need to have specialist knowledge in order to preserve, protect and explain sport heritage to a variety of audiences. Appraisers will determine the value of sport heritage objects, designers and marketers will use sport heritage in the sale of goods and services, managers will look to sport heritage to enhance their event, and tourism development officials will look to sport heritage to promote destinations and develop tourism products. Although not all sport heritage work will require dedicated training in sport heritage, undoubtedly some will require specific forms of knowledge, particularly as the sport heritage field grows and expands. Conclusion

The management of heritage resources has become increasingly important, particularly as heritage sites and activities are increasingly called upon for a variety of cultural and economic purposes. Managing sport heritage poses unique challenges and opportunities. On the one hand, protecting sport heritage can interfere with other forms of sport management, particularly revenue generation. On the other hand, sport heritage is clearly a resource in demand and, as such, there exists unique opportunities to plan, protect, and promote sport heritage to a wide variety of audiences and user groups. However, how heritage resources are managed, and by whom, is one of the primary sources of dissonance in heritage. Sport heritage is no different in this regard. The ways in which sport heritage is planned, conserved and interpreted can vary between user groups. Indeed, as Ramshaw and Gammon (2017) note, some types of sport heritage – often community sporting venues – may possess few discernible heritage properties beyond local sentiment and, as such, may be discarded. Similarly, communities may be torn as to how a particular form of intangible sport heritage ought to be played and performed, and by whom, while communities may also face tough decisions about how to manage – or not, as the case may be – historic sporting venues and facilities which have been largely abandoned. In any event, as interest in sport heritage increases, specific strategies for managing these resources will need to soon develop.

14 Conclusion: Future Directions in Sport Heritage Introduction

There is little doubt that heritage and sport share a strong and enduring relationship. Sporting moments, achievements and people are celebrated, venerated, and commodified in various ways and in different locations, while sport heritage has transcended the field of play and entered broader discourses about the recognition of our collective heritage. Although sport heritage scholarship is relatively new in both sport studies and heritage studies fields, it is undoubtedly an emerging and important field. Although sport was once largely ignored in broader heritage debates, the evidence of sport as a topic of interest is undeniable and is now largely embraced as part of heritage studies scholarship. Similarly, many sport studies fields and disciplines had not necessarily linked sport and heritage together. However, the use of heritage in public history, geography, tourism and marketing – among other areas – has placed heritage as a growing feature of contemporary sport scholarship. Perhaps most of all, there appears to be a public appetite for sport heritage, whether through public heritage recognition (such as through heritage plaques, statues or museums), through sport heritage-based products and services, and through broader forms of heritage recognition, including sport heritage ceremonies, events and festivals. Although there is a growing interest in sport heritage from both academics and the public, there has not necessarily been a broad recognition of the scale and scope of sport heritage. There has been research interest in particular elements of sport heritage, most notably sport museums and sports venues, although it is hoped that this book has demonstrated that sport heritage has many different component parts. While it is certainly expected that readers might use this text to explore particular aspects of sport heritage in greater depth, it is also hoped that those working in the sport heritage field begin to view this area on a much broader scale. Although issues in the heritage/sport relationship were addressed in different ways throughout the text, consideration was not necessarily given to future research agendas and directions. As such, rather than provide a summary of the text, this chapter is primarily examines the directions which the study of sport heritage could take. Specifically, topics such as 174

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how and why some sport heritages are hidden and ignored, the challenges of conserving sport heritage, the experience of sport heritage, how heritage helps to legitimise particular sporting practices, how sport heritage might be a burden and applied aspects of sport heritage beyond its social and economic roles, will be discussed. Hidden Sport Heritage

Sport heritage is often used as a way of recognising sporting accomplishments and achievement. However, many sport heritages continue to be hidden or ignored, particularly in terms of public recognition and understanding. The fact that certain heritages are marginalised is not unique to sport and has been explored more broadly in other heritage research (Graham et al., 2000; Silverman, 2011). Sport heritage typically still focuses on the elite, the professional, the popular and the famous and, as such, ignores many of the people, events, and stories that are vital to a more robust understanding of sport heritage. Similarly, sport heritage research is predominantly focused on sites, events, and experiences in western countries, particularly North America and Europe. There are myriad reasons for ignoring some sport heritages. Some of it might be purely ignorance of particular sporting moments or athletes, or at other times the commercial appeal of popular and well-known sporting heritages may drive representation of some heritages over others. There may be an element of hostility towards particular sports or sporting practices, as well as outright sexism and racism towards particular athletes. Often, the recognition of some sport heritages might disrupt or challenge wellworn cultural or national identities, or cast particular sporting events or sporting heroes in a different, and perhaps unflattering, light. Whichever the case, broader representations of sport heritage – as well as the reasons for underrepresentation – need to be explored in greater detail. Similarly, heritage can also be used to deflect from broader social issues. Self-congratulatory heritage-based commemorations and events, particularly those which recognise minority ‘pioneers’ of sport, often (either wittingly or unwittingly) marginalise ongoing, contemporary concerns. For example, Lemon (2018) describes Cricket Australia’s commemoration events surrounding the 150th anniversary of the 1868 cricket tour of England by Aboriginal Australians, suggesting that such commemorations mask issues in contemporary Australian cricket where Indigenous cricketers continue to endure marginalisation and outright racism in the sport. Similarly, England’s Football Association commemorates the foundations of women’s football in England on its website (‘The History of Women’s Football’ 2019), despite the fact that the organisation actively marginalised women’s football for generations (Williams, 2003). As such, even commemorative activities can sometimes mask contested heritages and contemporary concerns.

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In terms of broader forms of representation in sport heritage, much of the burden falls to public heritage agencies and researchers as well as sport museums, sport venues and sporting bodies and organisations. Having policies about, for example, gender representation for sport-based historical plaques, dedicating significant museum or exhibition space to broader forms of sport heritage, or hosting conferences which may challenge dominant sport heritage discourses, may all help to ‘reveal’ hidden sport heritages. Of course, broader representations of sport heritage might not only reveal issues of racism or sexism, it also can celebrate the achievements of athletes who otherwise may have been overlooked (Philips, Osmond & Morgan, 2014). Some sport heritages may also provide inspiration in different ways, perhaps as a means of addressing human rights, social injustice and issues of inequality (Ramshaw, 2017b). In addition, efforts to provide a broader, more inclusive narrative may also help in terms of site visitation through tourism. Timothy (2011) argues that heritages of the ‘everyday’ – where visitors can see themselves in the places and artefacts of heritage – can provide a different tourism product and attract a different audience. According to Cronin and Higgins (2011), sport provides one of the most direct links to everyday pasts, as many sport heritages represent a form of mass social activity (whether playing or spectating). As such, representing broader forms of sport heritage is not only ‘the right thing to do’ but also, potentially, a good business decision. Conserving Sport Heritage

Conservation of sport heritage, particularly tangible sport h ­ eritagelike venues, was discussed in Chapter 2 and remains a topic of exploration particularly as venues age and are replaced by new, state-of-the-art stadiums. Similarly, conservation of sporting artefacts, and the tension between public and private sport heritage collections, remains an issue in the management and protection of sport heritage. However, authors such as Inglis (2014) raise the issue that sport as a social practice is fluid and, as such, there are conservation issues involving ‘dying’ or ‘extinct’ sports, in particular how they might be recognised or conserved and whether some are worth preserving. Certainly, some sporting practices have become outmoded because of changing societal values – particularly those that involve some form of animal cruelty – while others fall victim to changing tastes. Sports that may have been popular in the 19th or early 20th centuries may no longer be popular, or even played, in certain parts of the world and as such both the locations and buildings where the sports were played, as well as the more intangible practices associated with the sports themselves, risk being lost. Inglis (2014) proposes a type-of ‘sports at risk register’ that might help to preserve particular sports or encourage participation in sports that have seen a significant decline in participation and interest. Although such a register might prop-up particular sports that

Conclusion: Future Directions in Sport Heritage  177

may be outmoded for entirely appropriate reasons (perhaps, again, due to cruelty or health risks to participants), it may also help to further position sport as a vital heritage practice that is worth protecting and saving. Finally, many types of built heritage are targets for looting, vandalism and destruction (Brodie et al., 2006; Brosché et al., 2017; Merrill, 2011). Sport heritage is not immune to targeting, particularly through looting and vandalism. For example, two locations in Kansas City associated with the city’s Negro Leagues baseball history and heritage were targeted by vandals (Campbell, 2018; Gregorian, 2018). Protecting sport heritage locations from vandalism, particularly that which is motivated by hatred towards a particular group of people, requires further exploration. Digital humanities are another tool for the conservation of the sporting past. Sterling et al. (2017) note that, particularly in historical fields, digital humanities provide an output for both preserving elements of the past, such as the digitisation of photographs and documents, and sharing, interpreting and archiving the past. Furthermore, they add an element of collaboration, particularly between scholars and institutions such as universities, as well as public engagement through blogs and other social media outlets (McGregor, 2017). As such, digital humanities are a vital part of sport heritage and related fields, as they provide both a conservation and research tool and an outlet for engagement beyond traditional outputs such as monographs and academic journal articles. The conservation, then, becomes a dual proposition: conserving aspects of the material culture of sport along with preserving the practice of the study of the sporting past. Finally, issues created by climate change pose significant challenges to the preservation of the built historic environment (Brimblecombe et al., 2010; Hall et al., 2016) and are further creating challenges in sport, including the adaptability of sporting venues and the locations and seasonal hosting of sport events and sport participation (Hinch & Higham, 2011). Cassar and Pender (2005) note that climate change has had impacts on both historic buildings and their contents, making them erode and deteriorate at a rapid rate. It is likely that historic sports sites and sporting artefacts would not be immune to these challenges. Add to this the fact that many historic sporting venues are in current use and may have to be adapted – and, perhaps, their historic features irrevocably altered – in order to meet comfort requirements for athletes and spectators alike, and it is clear that climate change poses a threat to the conservation of built sport heritage. However, climate change also impacts participation in some traditional sports while also altering the seasonal timing of traditional sporting events. Sporting activities such as speed skating on canals in the Netherlands (‘Of medals and melting’ 2018), dog sledding in Alaska (‘Alaska husky racing’, 2018), and cricket in South Africa (Ali, 2018) are being impacted by climate change, causing significant challenges in playing and hosting these sports.

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Experiencing Sport Heritage

Despite the significant public interest in sport heritage, there is still relatively little known about how participants understand, view, and are motivated to experience sport heritage. It is often assumed that motivations are linked to nostalgia and, in particular, the uncritical veneration of the sporting past. Although nostalgia can undoubtedly be a motivating factor, the breadth of sport heritage as well as the myriad of experiences which exist within sport heritage suggests that nostalgia is but one of many elements (Ramshaw & Gammon, 2005). Of course, the experience of sport heritage will undoubtedly be related to the type of sport heritage and the context in which it is experienced. As such, nostalgia could be a reason why someone might be driven to visit a sports museum or purchase a sport heritage souvenir, although other sport heritage experiences – ­particularly those related to existential forms of sport heritage – might be driven more by identity and the performance of culture rather than any kind of nostalgic yearning. Similarly, as sport heritage becomes more a part of broader heritage discussions and displays, the sport heritage experience may be driven by education, enlightenment and understanding. Sport heritage can also be interesting, entertaining and even fashionable, depending on the context. However, the fact that there is relatively little known about the sport heritage experience from the participant/consumer side requires further exploration. Legitimacy and Sport Heritage

Legitimacy plays a significant role across heritage, from notions of who can (and cannot) legitimise particular heritage places and practices (Smith, 2006) to heritage being a legitimising agent for particular places and activities by providing a lengthy and stable patrimony (Lowenthal, 1998). Part of this extends to the discussion throughout the book (including in this chapter) about hidden and dissonant sport heritages, who or what is included and ignored in terms of sport heritage, and which voices are heard (or marginalised) in terms of the creation of sport heritage. However, an emerging trend, particularly in sport, is the use of heritage as a means of legitimising seemingly ‘new’ sports and sporting places and legitimising the activities and actors in pseudo-sports. Some sport heritage research, particularly from Ramshaw, Gammon and Huang (2013), argues that newer sport sites that lack a notable and lengthy past may explicitly ‘borrow’ heritage from other actors in order to appear both authentic and meaningful. Some sporting practices, particularly in ‘lifestyle sports’ that appear ‘new’, actually have lengthy histories (Wheaton, 2010), while supporters of eSports note that video game competitions have been around since the 1970s (Parkin, 2018). Such sporting practices might use their heritage in order to gain acceptance and legitimacy, demonstrate stability and

Conclusion: Future Directions in Sport Heritage  179

Figure 14.1  Items from professional wrestler Jessie ‘The Body’ Ventura at the M ­ inneapolis-Saint Paul International Airport in Minneapolis, Minnesota. ­Pseudo-sports, such as professional wrestling, generate forms of heritage as well

durability, and provide justification for being featured in sports media and included in larger sporting competitions such as the Olympics. Heritage is also used in sports entertainment, those sport-based activities that include athletic prowess but are ‘staged’ insofar as the outcome of the competition is pre-determined. There are numerous professional wrestling halls of fame, particularly in the United States, some of which are independent facilities, some are virtual, and some are part of corporate wrestling companies (such as World Wrestling Entertainment) (Figure 14.1). Similarly, the Harlem Globetrotters, a vaudeville basketball team who combine theatre, comedy and basketball athleticism in their performances, regularly touts its history, heritage and notable past players as part of its brand. The reasons for organisations and sports such as the Harlem Globetrotters and professional wrestling companies to collect, archive, and celebrate their heritage requires investigation, though it may include a combination of legitimising these sports and sport organisations as well as commodifying the heritage of these sporting practices through ticket sales, events, and merchandise. Sport Heritage as a Burden

Sport heritage is typically viewed as beneficial. Whether it be honouring past championships or superstars, unveiling retro jerseys or souvenirs,

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or even memorialising a tragic event through a moment of silence or another more tangible marker such as a memorial or statue, sport heritage is normally seen in terms of its cultural, economic, or social benefit. Of course, there are sporting legacies which are challenging and difficult, though even these are often used in terms of education, illumination and inspiration, while sport heritage sites such as team museums will often gloss-over particularly poor seasons, players, and performances in their narratives. Heritage does, after all, ignore as much as it includes. Rather, some sport organisations and sport commentators are beginning to view the constant reflection and veneration on past events to be burdensome. Reflecting Hewison’s (1987) polemic, where it was argued that the perpetual use of heritage can place communities into a form of nostalgic stasis, organisations have started to reject glorious legacies, even ones that have been useful in the past (particularly in terms of events and souvenirs) and popular with supporters. In two cases from ice hockey, organisations felt that constant and overt references to past championships and players placed undue pressure on current players and minimised their contemporary accomplishments (Kirshenblatt, 2013; Wescott, 2013). Sports and sporting leagues have also, at times, viewed their heritage as more of a straightjacket than an asset. In Brunt’s (2017) article about the Canadian Football League’s (CFL) Grey Cup championship festival, he argues that the league’s slavish devotion to its heritage inhibits the league from adapting and changing to twenty-first century viewing habits. Similarly, golf is also looking to change from traditional modes of the sport to make it more appealing to participants and viewers alike, particularly as interest in the sport declines (‘Handicapped’, 2014). However, such a turn can have consequences for heritage. The massive international growth and interest in limited-overs cricket is challenging the cultural relevancy, and even the ongoing existence, of traditional forms of the sport (Stoddart, 2011). As such, a potential turn away from heritage by sports and sporting organisations has consequences in terms of conservation, cultural memory and the continued utility and relevancy of the past. Beyond the cultural relevancy of sport heritage, many physical remnants of the sporting past are also viewed as a burden. Undoubtedly, historic sporting facilities offer an important sense of authenticity in viewing or playing a sport, provide unique forms of style and architecture, and are repositories for history and shared cultural memories. Though historic sporting venues are often beloved by supporters, as Cronin and Higgins (2011) remark, many historic facilities lack contemporary amenities and have issues in terms of health and safety. Although historic sporting facilities are charming, ‘no one wants to sit in a draughty stadium in a seat that is uncomfortable and where the view is restricted’ (Cronin & Higgins, 2011: 1). The retro stadium movement in the United States may have attempted to bridge the gap between heritage and comfort, but the drawbacks of historic venues – particularly in terms of revenue

Conclusion: Future Directions in Sport Heritage  181

generation – may overshadow the benefits in terms of authenticity and the sentiment of supporters. Everyday Sport Heritage

Although the unique, the rare, and the monumental are given the most attention in heritage in general, it is the everyday, the personal and perhaps even the mundane which makes up the majority of what might be considered as heritage (Howard, 2003). The same holds true in sport heritage. Indeed, most of what is valued – particularly at a personal or local level – as sport heritage is not necessarily worthy of heritage protection or designation. These might be the community sports pavilions where generations of children in a community play (and their parents watch) basketball games or swim meets or gymnastics classes. It might be the personal heirloom of a sports trophy or jersey from a grandparent who has passed on, or the traditional family trips to watch the local baseball team play every Fourth of July. The very act of playing or watching sport, of talking and sharing and remembering, can also be a type of sport heritage. Smith (2006) calls this heritage work, where the transmission (often intergenerationally) of memories or values within a heritage space or through a heritage object is an important way of understanding not only what heritage means but how it intersects with our regular, everyday lives. Mason, Duquette et al. (2005) in their exploration of Canadian junior ice hockey suggest that part of the nostalgic value of sport is not in the objects themselves, such as memorabilia or sporting venues, but in the traditions of going to a game, or the conversations that happen while watching sport. Although this could be considered part of existential approaches to heritage (Chapter 10), the notion that everyday forms of sport, recreation and leisure are part of heritage requires further consideration. Applied Sport Heritage

Many heritage organisations are looking beyond tourism and e­ conomic development to other forms of utility and engagement, in particular as ways of fostering social inclusion and social capital (MurzynKupisz & Działek, 2013). Most notably, links between heritage collections and health are beginning to be realised particularly in terms of health and wellbeing in older adults (Ander et al., 2011; Helen et al., 2015). Sport heritage is also being used in applied settings, particularly in reminiscence therapy programmes for adults with dementia, Alzheimer’s disease and other memory-related illnesses. Organisations such as Football Memories Scotland developed reminiscence therapy kits based on British sporting memories for care facilities (Doeg, 2012; Tolson & Schofield, 2012) and now place sport reminiscence alongside other forms of parasport participation. In the United States, Wingbermuehle et al.

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(2014) developed a baseball reminiscence league to serve individuals with dementia using the St Louis Cardinals as the theme, with investigators reporting that ‘reminiscence therapy based on major sports may be useful to help improve quality of life for older persons with dementia’ (2014: 89). The Tolson and Schofield (2012) study on sports-focused reminiscence therapy reported qualitative contexts, mechanisms, and outcomes of their intervention, and reported improved social participation, talkativeness, confidence, stimulation, fun and laughter, and anticipation of future events for participants with dementia. Similarly, Ramshaw, Hawkins et al. (2018) reported significant increases in quality of life indicators for participants in a college football-heritage themed reminiscence therapy programme. As such, sport heritage is demonstrating applied uses in healthcare settings. Sport heritage also has the potential to be part of health intervention programmes related to healthy lifestyles. For example, the Healthy Stadia Agenda, a consortium of academics and football organisations which use stadia as a vehicle for health promotion, suggesting that ‘sports stadia play iconic roles in communities and are capable of reaching large numbers of people, both in the grounds and surrounding areas’ (Philpott & Seymour, 2011: 69), has a clear symbiotic relationship with sport heritage, particularly given the prominent role sporting venues play in the construction and interpretation of the sporting past. In particular, Ramshaw (2017a) argues that the use of sport heritage at sporting venues may help inspire physical activity and health education, while also providing historical interpretation about crowd safety, binge drinking, and sport-based injuries among others. Virtual forms of sport h ­ eritage are now part of many health and exercise programmes. For example, Zwift – an indoor cycling app that simulates the terrain of particular rides – includes sections of the Tour de France as options for its users to virtually ride (Yeager, nd). A famous and historic sporting route, in this case, becomes both a selling feature and an athletic challenge where participants can, in essence, pit themselves and their performance against the entirety of the race’s history. Finally, sport heritage is often used as a tool of informal ­education, however it also has the potential to be part of a structured, curriculum-­ based educational programme. Using aspects of sport history, sporting traditions and culture and sport science have the potential to align with primary and secondary school curricula. For example, the Edmonton Oilers ice hockey team in Canada hosts a programme called ICE (In Classroom Education) School, which links aspects of their team, sport and facility to curriculum outcomes, including history, culture, architecture, event management, business management and science (Edmonton Oilers, 2018). These types of programmes demonstrate both a public utility for sport heritage as well a way in which sport organisations employ forms of Corporate Social Responsibility

Conclusion: Future Directions in Sport Heritage  183

by using their heritage to demonstrate direct engagement and impact within their communities. Conclusion

Gammon (2007) and Moore (2008) both suggested that the popularity of sport, the relative recency of sport, and the perceived triviality of sport, meant that sport heritage has been, at times, dismissed by academics and practitioners alike. Suffice to say things have changed. Sport heritage is a growing topic in both sport and heritage research, many non-sport museums and heritage organisations are embracing and recognising sport heritage in public commemorations and events, and individuals are increasingly viewing their own pasts and identities through the prism of sport heritage. Similarly, dedicated sport heritage locations and experiences, from multi-million-dollar sport museums to heritage-­ designed sports venues, are now part of many communities. Scholars in both heritage and sport are also now viewing sport heritage as a vital part of their research, particularly in that sport heritage intersects with a great many interdisciplinary fields, from history and anthropology to management and marketing. In short, sport heritage has emerged from relative obscurity to become part of many theoretical and applied discussions and projects. It is hoped that this book, which explores the many facets of sport heritage and the heritage/sport relationship, will serve readers in their own work and interests, whether as a source of ideas and inspiration or as a launching pad to explore their own sport heritage research projects. The sport heritage typology, and the categories of sport heritage which fall within each section, help to illustrate the many ways in which we can view and understand sport heritage, and that sport heritage is more than a museum, or event, or retro souvenir – but that it includes these and so much more. It is hoped that, as interest and examination of sport heritage increases, scholars, students and practitioners will find unique ways of understanding sport heritage that have not been discussed in this text and take this field in new and exciting directions.

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Index

Aaron, Hank 39 abandoned sporting venues 22–4, 168 aboriginal culture 68, 76, 125, 175 abuse 44, 76 academic museums 62, 66, 76 accidents 31, 34, 37, 150 active sport heritage 132–5 Adair, D. 85 adaptive reuse techniques 11, 16–18, 166–7 after-dinner speaking 97 Alaska 177 Alberta, Canada 107 alcohol 106 Alderman, D.H. 42 Aldred, T. 99 Al-Fayed, Mohamed 32 Ali Center, Louisville 61, 77, 92, 95, 126 All American Speakers 97 alliances 139, 158, 159 Alps 47 alternative heritage 42 see also dissonant heritage American football see football American Indian Athletic Hall of Fame in Lawrence 94 ancestry, personal 127–8, 131 ancient heritage 6 ancient sports 3, 24 Anfield Stadium, Liverpool 34, 97, 145–6 animals 35–6, 88, 91, 176 see also horses anniversary celebrations 21, 118, 168 Antigua 146 anti-heritage 40 antiquated sports 80–1, 176–7 Anton, M. 1, 169 aphorisms and quotes 109 Appleby, M. 113 applied sport heritage 181–3 archaeology 6, 24, 168 archery 3 architectural features 24, 38, 166–7, 168 archives 66, 69–70, 132, 172, 177, 179

Arctic Winter Games 108 Arnot, C. 22, 52 Arsenal Football Club 16, 154 art galleries 69, 86 artefacts athletes as 89–91 authenticity 129 climate change 177 conservation 176 marking a sense of time 109 museums 59–78 nostalgia 145 personal heritage 181 protection of 168 Arthur Ashe Stadium, New York 17 artistic sport heritage events 86–7 artistic works, as memorialisation 23 see also statues Ashworth, G.J. 2, 5, 7, 8, 53, 61, 66, 103, 127, 128–9, 165, 166, 170, 175 Astrodome, Houston 16, 167 at risk sports register 176–7 athlete health 76, 87 Atlanta 39, 60, 108, 136, 144 Atlanta Thrashers 134, 158 atmospherics 163 attractions, sport heritage 142–4 audience development 75–6 Augusta National Golf Course 79, 111 aural heritage 105 Australia 17, 66, 126, 175 Australian Football League Hall of Fame 71 authenticity ‘borrowing’ heritage 19, 31, 179 contested sporting landscapes 53 events 79, 81 existential heritage 128–9, 133 intangible sport heritage 102 museums/halls of fame 71, 76 protection of sport heritage 169 replica sporting venues 19

207

208 Index

retro/vintage apparel 156, 158 sport heritage as a burden 180 and the sport heritage typology 8, 9 tourism 141, 144, 150 Authorised Heritage Discourse 2, 70 authorised versus unauthorised heritage marking 40 authority 13, 40–1, 67, 70, 113, 167 autographs 86, 96, 97 Ayresome Park, Middlesborough 39 Azerbaijan 108 Babe Ruth 26, 39 Bagnall, G. 128 Balboa, Rocky 146–7 Bale, J. 14, 46, 48, 105, 106, 109 Baltimore 39, 144, 170 Baltimore Ravens 39 Barbaro 36 Barcelona 147–8, 150 bars/pubs 27, 84, 160 baseball autographs 96 ‘colour barriers’ 4, 158 corporate links 124 events 81 exclusiveness 136 family heredity 130 halls of fame 61 heritage markers in 40–1 heritage marketing 163–4 historical continuity 110 media 117–18 museums 64, 65, 70 and nationalism 120 Negro League baseball 27, 86, 90, 113, 177 in poetry 118–19 public recreation facilities 39 records/achievements 110 recycling elements of former stadia 39 replica sporting landscapes 50 retired numbers 94 retro nights 156 seasons 111 sensory sport heritage 104, 105 team names and logos 155 theatre productions 86 tourism 144 venues 15, 18–19, 23, 27, 38 Vintage Base Ball 170 basketball 95, 96–7, 133, 147, 154, 156, 179 Basque country 48

Bateman, A. 105, 106 Bates, M. 172 beach volleyball 50 bear-baiting 3, 26, 43 Beardsley, D. 48 Beatles 24 Beck, L. 172 ‘being’ sport heritage 9, 130–2 Bélanger, A. 112 belonging, sense of 107–9 Berg, Patty 66 Berra, Yogi 109 billiard halls 26 Billings, A.C. 112 biography 118, 132 Black College Football Hall of Fame 68 Blair, Kate 17 blogs 118 bloodlines 130–1 Bloody Sunday 24 Blue Plaque Rebellion 44, 94–5 Boat Race (Oxford/Cambridge) 51 Boca Juniors 22 ‘borrowing’ heritage 19, 31, 179 Boston 15, 19, 43, 163 Boston Red Sox 43 Bottelberghe, T. 85 Bower, M.A. 130 boxing 160 Boyd, J. 38 Boyd, S. 8 Bradford Park Avenue football ground 24, 168 Bradman, Don 98, 99 branding 66, 95, 139, 155, 157, 158–60, 179 Brazil 133 breeding 130, 131 brewery alliances 159 British Golf Museum 85 British Museum, London 63 broadcast media 115–19 Brooklyn Dodgers 158 Brunt, S. 180 Buenos Aires 22, 42 built sporting structures 13–28 see also venues Bull, A. 109 Bull, C. 145 Bullen, P.A. 16 bullfighting 53, 81 bullrunning 80 burden, sport heritage as a 179–81 Burdsey, D. 131

Index 209

Burns, K. 111 buying and selling sports memorabilia 86 Cable, T.T. 172 Calgary 72, 74–5, 119 Canadian Association for Sport Heritage (CASH) 75 Canadian Football League (CFL) 180 Canadian Museum of History, Ottawa 69, 120 Canadian Museum of Immigration, Halifax 116 Canadian Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum, Calgary 72, 74–5 capturing sport heritage 172 cards, sport 86 Carlos, John 126 Carolina Hurricanes 74, 157 Cassar, M. 177 cautionary tales 24 celebrity cruises 89 celebrity tournaments 148 see also fantasy camps cemeteries 35–6 Centrum Ronde Van Vlaanderen 84–5 Chalip, L. 147 ‘Champions’ tours 83, 96 chants 104, 105, 107, 113, 121 Chappelet, J.L. 79 character rehabilitation 93 Charlotte, North Carolina 18, 61, 144, 147 Charlotte Hornets 154 Charrería 108 cheese-rolling 80 Chhabra, D. 79, 81, 128 Chicago 19 Chicago Cubs 97, 158 ‘Chief Wahoo’ logo (Cleveland Indians) 155 childhood homes, sportstars’ 26–7 Cho, H. 145 Choi, J. 85, 87, 172 Chovqan 108 churches 119 Churchill Downs racecourse, Kentucky 36 Cincinnati 25, 41, 61, 143 Cincinnati Reds 61, 96, 156, 163 civic events 58, 84, 110, 120–1 class, social 35, 48, 76, 92, 94, 112, 126 Claval, P. 46, 47 Clemson University football 108, 121 Clemson University Memorial Stadium (‘Death Valley’) 37, 38

Clemson University women’s basketball 133 Cleveland 144 Cleveland Indians MLB team 155 climate change 177 clothing 137, 156–8 coaches 9, 29, 43, 84, 89, 92, 97, 113, 121 coasts 49–50 Cobb, Ty 65, 92 cock-fighting 3, 26, 43 codification, sport 52, 80, 108 Cohen, E. 53 Cohen, S. 40 collaborative working 75, 177 collectables 86, 156 collections management 70 collective identity 38, 134, 142 collective memory 6, 13, 23, 29–45, 106, 112, 145 college football 37, 108, 182 College Football Hall of Fame, Atlanta 60, 118, 144, 160 college sport generally 121 colonial ideologies 119, 126 comedy 119 commemoration 29–45, 84, 175 commentary 118 commodification athletes 89, 95–7 events 82 heritage 5, 6 heritage brands 159 intangible sport heritage 169 living sport heritage 95–7 and marketing 153 memorabilia 71 nostalgia 66, 105 planning sport heritage 166 retro apparel 158 sporting landscapes 52 and tourism 143, 150 venues 20–2, 28, 143 community links 38, 153, 155 community museums 86 community sporting venues 11, 25–6, 28, 119, 168, 181 community sports museums 64–5 competition between sport heritage locations 145 computer simulated sport 110 see also interactive exhibits; virtual sport concerts 24–5 conflict/tragedy, histories of 24

210 Index

conservation conservation studies 6 digital humanities 177 films 118 future directions 176–7 intangible heritage 103 management 165, 166, 168–70 and marketing 153 mega events 58 non-elite sporting venues 25–6 sporting venues 13, 14–18, 24, 28 transformation of areas for mega events 169 contested sporting landscapes 53–4 controversial topics 14, 32, 43, 73, 76, 92, 96, 171 see also dissonant heritage Cooper’s Hill cheese-rolling 80 corporate links applied sport heritage 182–3 heritage brands 159 marketing 139 monuments and memorials 38, 40, 42 organisations and governing bodies 124 sponsorships 159–60 ‘staged’ events 179 Corporate Social Responsibility 139, 161–2, 183 corporate sports museums 63–4 Costa, C.A. 147 costs of heritage 67 Covent Garden, London 122, 123 crafts, traditional 113, 169–70 Craven Cottage, London 32, 33 credibility 8 Cribb, Tom 40 cricket amateur-professional empathy 98 and climate change 177 colonial ideologies 126 and cultural identity 131 equipment manufacture 113, 170 exclusiveness 48, 54, 175 and gardening 113 historical continuity 109, 180 local cricket clubs 26 lost cricket grounds 52 memorialisation 33 new forms of 110, 180 people 37, 87 and race 136 and religion 119 sound/soundscapes 106

sports clubs/societies 122 summer cricket festivals 83 team rivalries 107 on television 116 Test Match Special (UK) 116 unwritten rules of 109 venues 18, 24, 55 Cricket Australia 175 Cricketers pub, Richmond 27 Critchley, S. 6, 106 critical heritage studies 167 Croke Park, Dublin 24, 116 Cronin, M. 6, 15, 22, 24, 29, 52, 115, 116, 119, 142–3, 176, 180 Cronin, R. 69 Crosby, Sidney 43 cruises 148 Cultural Olympiad 83 culture cultural heritage 5–6, 141–2, 150, 180 cultural identity 4, 108, 131, 133, 134 cultural resources 140 maintenance of 108 and the media 118 and memory 111 and museums 59 and sport heritage events 80 sport landscapes 46, 47, 48, 51, 52 temporary sport landscapes 51, 52 traditional sports 82 cycling 51, 55, 132, 149, 182 Danilov, V.J. 1, 60, 61 Danville 91 dark tourism 150 Day, D. 113 Daytona International Speedway, Florida 31 De Garis, L. 104 de la Barre, S. 108 ‘Death Valley’ (Clemson University Memorial Stadium) 37, 38 dementia 112, 181–2 derelict sporting venues 22–4 Derom, I. 132, 142, 149 destination marketing 146–8 Detroit 19 diasporic attachments 131–2, 134, 142, 149 digital humanities 67, 177 digital media 37, 57, 67–8, 92, 94, 95, 110 disabilities, athletes with 44, 162 disability sport 44 disappeared landscapes 52

Index 211

disappeared venues 38 disasters 24, 30, 34, 37, 150 Discobolus sculpture 63 discursive practice, heritage as 2 dissonant heritage contested sporting landscapes 53–4 events 86 existential heritage 135–7 hidden heritage 77, 175–6 institutions 125–6 intangible heritage 102, 104, 114 and interpretation 170 landscapes 12 legitimacy 178–9 living sport heritage 99 management 165 marketing 164 museums 57, 62, 73, 76–8 national identity 154 and ‘official’ heritages 167 place names 42 public memorialisation 29 re-evaluation of historic figures by modern standards 43–4, 175 research attention 1 rituals and traditions 107 self-authorised plaques/markers 41 sport heritage as a burden 179–81 sport heritage least likely to address 7 sporting venues 11 street art and graffiti 41 team names and logos 155 and tourism 145, 150 DNA 130 documentaries 118 documentation 168, 172, 177 see also archives dog sledding 177 ‘doing’ sport heritage 10, 130, 132–5 Doss, E. 36 Dragon Boat Racing 52, 80 dress codes 137 drill halls 26 drinking (alcohol) 106 Dryden, Ken 72 Dublin 24, 116 Duns Hand Ba’ 81 Durham, North Carolina 118 ‘dying’ sports 176 dynamic process, heritage as 43, 89, 127, 169 Dyreson, M. 14

Earnhardt, Dale 31 Eaton, Timothy 32 Ebbets Field apartment complex, New York 23 Edmonton 31, 52, 53, 144 Edmonton Oilers 31, 182 education 74–5, 121, 182–3 Egan, S. 53 Eggener, K. 39 elite discourses 13, 175 embodied process, heritage as 39 English Heritage 3, 25–6, 40, 122 enshrinement 92–3 entertainment, sport heritage as 66, 140, 170, 178, 179 ephemerality 103 equipment manufacture 113, 169 ESPN 118 eSports 3, 149, 178–9 Estadio Marcelo Bielsa, Rosario 112 events commodification of sporting venues 21–2 existential heritage 129, 132 living sport heritage 95, 96 marketing 159 non-sport connections 24–5 ‘staged’ events 179 as tangible movable sport heritage 57–8, 79–87 tourism 144 Evert, Chris 97 everyday, heritages of the 14, 26, 28, 176, 181 exclusion 48, 54, 112, 136, 175 existential heritage 127–37, 181 experience economy 160 experiential aspects 74–5, 149, 178 extinct sports 26, 176 Facebook 118 Fairley, S. 134, 145 Falla, J. 49, 50 Fallon, F. 80 family 121–2, 130, 137, 181 fans/supporters ageing 89 diasporic attachments 131–2 exclusiveness 114 existential heritage 135 family influence 121 fan motivation scale 73 fan nations 161 globalisation 163

212 Index

health of 130–1 and marketing 153 memorialisation 29 and museums 73 social media 118 social media ‘fan nations’ 161 sound/soundscapes 106 sport heritage as a burden 180 and sport tourism 144 statues 32 fantasy camps 89, 96–7, 129, 142, 148 Father David Bauer ice hockey arena, Calgary 119 FC Barcelona 147–8, 150 Felder, M. 22, 99 Fenway Park, Boston 15, 19, 43, 163 Fernandez, Jose 37 festivals and events 79–87 fiction 146, 147 films 118, 172 Finney, Tom 65–6 First World War truce 50, 84 flashbulb memories 111, 117 Fleming, D. 43 Florence 80 Fluor Field, Greenville 19–20 Flushing Meadows tennis centre 37 Foer, F. 83, 107, 119, 133 folk-games 80, 81 food 51, 101, 105, 106, 164 football (American) college football 37, 108, 182 and cultural identity 133 foods 106 and health promotion 182 ‘Memorial Stadium’ naming 37 National Football League (NFL) 37, 39, 95, 143, 155, 168 seasons 111 sensory sport heritage 105, 106–7 venues 18 football (soccer) creation of new heritage 6 and cultural identity 131, 133 events 84 exclusiveness 175 First World War truce 50, 84 and health promotion 182 memorialisation 32–3 origins of 122 resurrected events 80 sensory sport heritage 106–7 sporting disasters 24–5 terrace chants 105

and tourism 169 venues 14, 22 World Cup 24, 58, 79, 84, 85, 172 Football Association (UK) 122, 123, 175 Football Memories Scotland 181 forgetting, heritagisation as 112 forgotten legacies 45 forgotten sports 26, 176 forgotten venues 22–3 former athletes 22, 58, 89, 95, 96–7, 132, 146, 148, 155 former venues 38, 39 Forsyth, J. 76 Fort Meyers, Florida 19 Fox, Terry 44 fox hunting 53 franchises 21, 154, 162, 166, 167 Freeman, Cathy 90 Friedman, M.T. 163 Frost, W. 71 frozen ponds 48, 55 Fulham Football Club, London 32 Fulton County Stadium, Atlanta 39 fundraising 80–1, 172 funerals 58, 97–8 Funny Cide 91, 96 future directions 174–83 future heritage, generation of 6–7 Gabie, N. 39 Gaffney, C. 1, 13, 105, 106, 109 gaming 3, 95, 178–9 Gammon, S. 1, 2, 4, 6, 8, 13, 14, 19, 26, 31, 33–4, 61, 70, 80, 83, 89, 90, 96, 108–9, 122, 126, 129, 131, 134, 135, 142, 143, 144–5, 148, 153, 157, 164, 167, 172, 173, 178, 183 Gay Games 83 Gehrig, Lou 117 gender 35, 54, 76, 82, 90, 92, 94, 99, 112, 122, 126, 136 see also women’s sport genealogy 128, 132, 149 geography 6, 174 Gibson, H.J. 148 Gibson, John 86 Giles, A.R. 76 Gilmore, J.H. 160 Giulianotti, R. 73 giveaways/promotions 155–6 Glasgow 81, 107, 119, 170, 171 globalisation 72–3, 133, 145, 155, 162, 169 Go for Gin 96 Golden State Warriors basketball team 147

Index 213

golf

celebrity tournaments 148 ‘Champions’ tours 96 events 79, 85 golf courses 49 historical continuity 109–10, 180 Masters golf 9, 58, 79, 82, 111 memorabilia 66 Open golf tournament 85–6 PGA Champions Tour 83 sport heritage as a burden 180 Gordon, B.S. 152 Gordon, C. 133 governing bodies 122–4 government as institution, and sport 120–1 graffiti 40, 41–2 Graham, B. 2, 5, 53, 61, 66, 127, 165, 175 Grand Slam Tennis 95 grassroots museums 64–5 gravesites 35–6, 97–8 ‘greatest ever’ lists 118 Green Bay Packers 18, 37, 148, 153 Green Bay, Wisconsin 18, 37, 143, 148 Greene, Nancy 120 Greenville, South Carolina 19–20, 61, 92, 93, 105, 124, 158 Gretzky, Wayne 31–2, 93, 96, 148 Grey Cup championship festival 180 grief, displays of public 36 groundskeepers 113 guest appearances 22 gymnasia 26 Hahl, O. 19 Halifax, Nova Scotia 116 Hallmark sporting events 82 halls of fame 58, 59–78, 92, 94, 95, 121, 142, 144, 153 Hampden Park, Glasgow 170, 171 Harlem Globetrotters 179 Harrison, R. 2, 5, 29, 103, 112 Hartford Whalers 157 Harvey, D.C. 10 Hawaii 45, 52 health and wellbeing 76, 87, 130–1, 181–2 Healthy Stadia Agenda 182 Heere, B. 153 Helal, R. 133 Henley Royal Regatta 51 hereditary sport heritage 130 heritage definition of 2 evolving concepts of 3–4 recent changes in understanding of 1

heritage agencies, official 5, 40, 113, 120, 140, 166, 168, 176 see also specific agencies heritage brands 158–60 Heritage Classic ice hockey game 50, 144 Heritage Crafts Association 169–70 heritage icons 11, 13, 30, 45, 47, 84, 97, 116, 147 heritage markers 39–42 heritage of sport versus sport as heritage 4, 70 heritage work 181 hero-worship 7, 175 Hewison, R. 156, 180 Hewitt, I. 30 hidden heritage 77, 175–6 Higgins, R. 6, 15, 22, 24, 29, 52, 115, 116, 119, 142–3, 176, 180 Higham, J. 142, 144, 169, 177 Highbury Square, London 16 Highland Games 81 high/low culture 5–6 Hill, J. 1 Hillsborough Stadium, Sheffield 24, 34 Hilvoorde, I.V. 3 Hinch, T. 107–8, 142, 144, 169, 177 hiring of sport venues 22 Hispanic Heritage Months 95 Historic England 5, 25 Historic Pools Network 168 historical continuity 109–11, 154, 179–81 history (discipline of) 6, 7, 174 history of sports 122 Hobsbawm, E. 103 hockey (ice) adaptive reuse techniques 16 and art 69 controversial topics 43 education initiatives 182 family heredity 130 fantasy camps 96 films 118 halls of fame 72 landscapes 48, 50, 54, 55 mementos/souvenirs 134 National Hockey League (NHL) 83, 93, 130, 137, 157, 167 ‘Original Six’ franchises 167 retired numbers 93 sport heritage as a burden 180 statues 31 on television 116 and tourism 148

214 Index

travelling sports museums/exhibits 68–9 unwritten rules of 109 Hockey Hall of Fame, Toronto 66, 68, 74, 90 Hockey Night (Canada) 116, 159 hollow icons 30, 45 hologram simulations 149 homes, historic 26–7 homogenisation 19 Hornets (Charlotte) 154–5 horseracing 58, 130, 131, 159 horses 35–6, 58, 91, 130, 131 horticulture 113 hospitality 148–9 Houston 16, 50, 167 Howard, P. 141 Huang, W.J. 19, 21, 31, 178 Huggins, M. 29, 35 Hughes, Phil 37 Humboldt Broncos 37 hunting 3, 53 Hurricane Katrina 24, 150 ice hockey see hockey ice skating 54, 177 ICOMOS (International Council on Monuments and Sites) 5, 13–14, 166, 168 iconic status 11, 13, 30, 45, 47, 84, 97, 116, 147 identity collective identity 38, 120–1, 134–5, 142 creating new 131 cultural identity 4, 108, 131, 133, 134 events 80 existential heritage 128 gravesites as ‘active’ texts 35 heritage as catalyst of 1 intangible heritage 107–9 landscapes 47 legacy heritages 98 and memory 111 museums 75 national identity 48, 53, 84, 97, 107, 116, 120, 142, 153–4, 159, 175 place identity 147 recent heritages 6 rituals and traditions 105 and sport tourism 144 Iglesias, Raisel 156 imaginative sports geographies 48, 50 In Classroom Education (ICE) school 182

inclusivity 54, 92, 181 Indianapolis Motor Speedway 84 indigenous heritage 42, 52, 54, 76, 99, 108, 126, 175 inequality 176 see also exclusion informal education 182–3 infrastructure 82, 169, 172 Inglis, S. 3, 6, 26, 43, 46, 49, 51, 53, 107, 122, 124, 160, 168, 176 institutions 115–26 intangibility of heritage 2, 9, 15, 51, 101–2, 103–14, 169 Intangible Cultural Heritage convention (UNESCO) 81–2, 88, 108, 122, 166, 169 interactive exhibits 68, 74–5, 106, 117 interdisciplinary research 5, 6, 7, 10 intergenerational connections 6, 15, 113, 114, 127–8, 181 International Council of Archives 70 International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) 5, 13–14, 166, 168 International Sports Heritage Association (ISHA) 75 International Women’s Sports Hall of Fame 68 interpretation 140, 170–2 invented traditions 103–4 invisible sporting landscapes 52–3 Ireland 22, 24, 115, 116, 143 Isle of Man TT race 34–5 Jackie Robinson Day 95, 136 Jackson, Michael 32, 33 Jackson, ‘Shoeless’ Joe 26, 61, 92, 93, 124 Jai Alai 48 James, C.L.R. 114 James, J.D. 153 jersey retirement ceremonies 93–4, 155 Jesse Owens Museum and Memorial Park, Danville 91 jobs in sport heritage 172–3 Johnson, J.F. 92 Jordan, Michael 96 Joseph, J. 134, 142, 149 Joyner-Kersee, Jackie 97 Judd, D.R. 19 Kannapolis, North Carolina 143 Kansas City 27, 177 Kay, T. 122 Kazakhstan 82 Kelley, K.E. 155 Kentucky Derby 36, 83, 96

Index 215

Kentucky Derby Museum 74, 76, 77, 91, 118, 135 Kentucky Horse Park, Lexington 36, 91, 96, 131 Kilburn, J.M. 98 kinaesthetic activity as ‘sport’ 3 kinaesthetic heritages 133 kinaesthetic legacies of athletes 98 King, Billie Jean 37 King, C.R. 99 Kirkup, W. 130 Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, B. 169 Knights of Columbus 119 knowledge, transmission of 113, 134, 170 Koch, N. 82 Korea 108, 160 Krzyzewski, Mike 97 Kuikkaniemi, K. 84 La Bombonara, Buenos Aires 22 Lake, R.J. 103 Lambeau Field (Green Bay Packers) 37 landscapes, sporting 12, 24, 46–55, 122, 132 language 2, 109 Las Vegas 148 Lausanne 31, 85 legacy heritages 61, 65, 82, 85, 87, 98, 112, 113, 172, 180 legislation 168 legitimacy 178–9 Leiper, N. 142, 152 Lemon, G. 175 Leonard, Buck 90 Lexington 36, 91, 96, 131 LGBTQ+ athletes 44, 68, 76 lifestyle sports 178 liminal space 1, 169 Liverpool 61–2 Liverpool Football Club 24, 34, 97, 145–6 livestock herding 108 living human treasures 88 living sport heritage 9, 37–8, 58, 88–99, 146, 169 Lloyd, S. 30 local businesses see also bars/pubs; restaurants heritage markers in 40 memorabilia collections in 65–6, 160 logos 95, 139, 147, 153–4 London adaptive reuse techniques 16 ancient sports 3 Blue Plaques 40

British Museum 63 Covent Garden 122, 123 Craven Cottage 32, 33 cricket grounds 18, 21, 24, 33, 34, 122, 123 marathon routes 50–1 Museum of London Docklands 171 parks as contested spaces 53 place names 43 Southbank Skatepark 47 team names and logos 154 team rivalries 107 tourism 146, 149 Wembley Stadium 146 World Rugby Museum 74 looting 21, 177 Lord’s Cricket Ground 18, 21, 33, 34, 122, 123 Lorenz, S.L. 137 Louisville 61, 126 Louisville Slugger Museum & Factory 64 Love, P.E. 16 Lowenthal, D. 2, 107, 128, 160 luck, rituals for good 32, 108 Macdonnell, A. 48 MacGregor, R. 133 Madison Square Gardens, New York 18 makeshift memorials 36–7 Man O’War 35–6, 130, 131 management of sport heritage 165–73 management studies 6 Manchester 18, 32, 71–2 Manchester United 18, 34, 35, 150, 155, 159 Mansfield Town football club 131 Maple Leaf Gardens 16, 17 Maradona, Diego 112 marathon routes 50–1, 55, 149 Marbles Kids Museum, Raleigh 74 marginalisation 54, 76, 89, 99, 102, 104, 112–13, 126, 167, 175 markers, heritage 39–42, 112 markers of significant events 17–18 marketing 5, 6, 83, 139, 141, 146–8, 152–64, 167 Marlins Park, Miami 19, 23 martial arts 108 Marylebone Cricket Club 122, 123 masculinity 105, 106 Mason, D. 181 mass-participation events 132 Masters golf 9, 58, 79, 82, 111 meaning-making 11–12, 15, 18, 22, 24, 26, 29–31, 39, 59, 107–8

216 Index

media 3, 115–19, 137, 141 mediation 72–4 mega events 24, 52, 58, 79, 80, 82, 86, 169 see also specific events Melbourne 17, 66 mementos 133–4, 155 memorabilia see also museums; souvenirs artistic sport heritage events 86 commodification of sporting venues 19–20 fragments of old venues 11 living sport heritage 89, 90, 95 marketing 160 ‘owning a piece of history’ 19–20 private collections of memorabilia 61, 65–6, 71, 168 and sport heritage 5 as tangible movable sport heritage 58 Memorial Stadium, Baltimore 39 ‘Memorial Stadium’ naming 37–8 memorialisation 12, 13, 14, 23, 32–45, 89, 97–8 memory collective memory 6, 13, 23, 29–45, 106, 112, 145 flashbulb memories 111, 117 formalisation of 112 intangible sport heritage 111–13 and the media 117 memory repositories 13, 14, 98, 99 muscle memory 132 therapeutic applications 112 and touch 106 mental health 87, 130–1 merchandising 63–4, 153, 155–6 Merrick, D.W. 130 Merrill, S. 41 Mexico 108 Miami 19, 23 Middlesborough 39 migration 108, 116, 120, 131–2 Milburn, Colin 87 military connections 33–4, 37, 38, 39, 121 Mill League baseball 124 Miller, S. 115 Mills, Billy 118 Milwaukee Bucks 21 Minneapolis-Saint Paul International Airport 66, 179 Minute Maid Park, Houston 50 Misiura, S. 152 Mitten, A. 150 Moerlein Lager House, Cincinnati 41

moments, important sporting 27, 29–45, 136, 160, 167, 168, 170, 172 Montreal Canadiens 72, 97, 148, 159, 167 Montreal Canadiens Hall of Fame 72 Montreal Forum 16 Moore, K. 1, 6, 60, 61, 69, 167, 183 Moore, R. 34 MTS Arena, Winnipeg 32 Mullin, B.J. 152 multifunctional landscapes 50–1 Munich air disaster 34, 35 Murray, R. 137 muscle memory 132 Muscular Christianity 119 Museum of Liverpool 61–2 Museum of London Docklands 171 museums broad recognition of 174 education 121 event museums 84–5 living sport heritage 91, 92, 94 marketing 160, 162 and the media 117–18 sensory sport heritage 106 sportstars’ childhood homes 26–7 as tangible movable sport heritage 59–78 tourism 142, 144, 145 traditional sports 81 music as part of sporting events 105, 121 see also chants music events 24–5 mythological ideas 48, 50, 99, 121, 130, 167 Nakamura, Y. 120 names, local place/business 42–3, 52, 160 names of destinations 147 names of venues 17–18, 37–8, 42–3, 119, 121 narratives 2, 42, 72, 106, 113, 150, 168 NASCAR Hall of Fame, Charlotte 61, 144, 147 Nassau Coliseum, New York 21 National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum, Cooperstown, New York 57, 66, 70, 73, 76, 92, 96, 170 National Basketball Association (NBA) 21, 23, 95, 137, 154 National Football League (NFL) 18, 37, 39, 43, 95, 143, 155, 168 National Football Museum, England 32, 33, 71–2 National Gay and Lesbian Sports Hall of Fame 68, 94

Index 217

National Hockey League (NHL) 83, 93, 130, 137, 157, 167 national identity 48, 53, 84, 97, 107, 116, 120, 142, 153–4, 159, 175 National Museum of African American History and Culture, Washington 62 National Museum of American Jewish History, Philadelphia 70 National Parks Service 166 National Register of Historic Places in the United States 15, 16, 166, 167 National Sports Collectors Convention (NSCC) 86 National Sports Museum, Melbourne 66 national treasures 88 National Trust for Historic Preservation (US) 5 nationalism 120 natural features in sport landscapes 47 Negro League baseball 27, 86, 90, 113, 177 Netherlands 177 network broadcasting, sport 118 never-built sporting landscapes 52 new heritage generation 6 new museology 59 New Orleans 24, 150, 154 ‘new’ sports, authenticity of 178–9 New York Arthur Ashe Stadium 17 Ebbets Field apartment complex 23 Madison Square Gardens 18 Nassau Coliseum, New York 21 National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum, Cooperstown 57, 66, 70, 73, 76, 92, 96, 170 Polo Grounds 38 Shea Stadium 24 Yankee Stadium 20–1, 39, 117 New York Yankees 109, 159 Newcastle, UK 18 Newcastle United 42 Newman, A.A. 154 Nicholson, H. 132 nicknames 37 non-elite sporting venues 25–6 see also community sporting venues non-sport connections and heritage brands 158–60 impact of sport sites on 169 marketing 139, 152–3 memorialisation 29, 37–8 museums/halls of fame 69–71 sensory sport heritage 105 statues 32

team names and logos 153 tourism 146 venues 24–5 Northlands Coliseum, Edmonton 31 nostalgia events 83 existential heritage 129 historical continuity 111 landscapes 48–9, 54 living sport heritage 89 marketing 153, 154, 163–4 as motivation 178 museums/halls of fame 64, 78 sensory sport heritage 105 sport heritage as a burden 180 tourism 144–5, 148 venues 21 Notre Dame football 108 Nova Scotia Art Gallery 69 Novick, L. 111 O’Bonsawin, C.M. 54 off-season revenue 21, 143, 144 Olbermann, Keith 110 Old Trafford, Manchester 18, 34, 35 Olympic Experience, Vancouver 61 Olympic Museum, Lausanne 85 Olympics athletes as artefacts 90, 91 capturing sport heritage 172 dissonant heritage 126 events 79, 80, 82, 83, 85, 87 infrastructure 169 knowledge transmission 113 landscapes 52, 54 logos 147 museums/halls of fame 58, 72 and sporting authenticity 179 venues 24 Winter Olympics 54, 61, 72 O’Neill, M. 91 online collections 57, 67–8, 92, 94 Open golf tournament 85–6 operas and plays 86–7 Orange Bowl, Miami 23 organic sport landscapes 46–9 Oriole Park, Camden Yards 39 Orkney 80 Osmond, G. 29, 45 Ottawa 44, 69, 120 Oval cricket ground, London 24 ownership and access issues 71 ‘owning a piece of history’ 19–20 Oxford/Cambridge Boat Race 51

218 Index

Paceo YMCA, Kansas 27 Packers Heritage Trail, Green Bay 143 Packers Legends cruise 148 Pamplona 80 Paoa Kahanamoku, Duke 45 Paralympic Hall of Fame 68 parasport 162, 182 Paris 52, 147, 169 Parker, C. 29 parks 46, 53, 122 passive sport tourism 144 Paterno, Joe 44 patriotism 121 patronage 75–6 Paul Brown Stadium, Cincinnati 143 Paul W. Bryant Museum, University of Alabama 121 Pearlman, L. 135 Pender, R. 177 Penn State football 44 people aphorisms and quotes 109 athletes as artefacts 89–91 collective memory 112 commodification of athletes 89, 95–7 former athletes 22, 58, 83, 89, 95, 96–7, 132, 146, 148, 155 hereditary sport heritage 130 heritage markers 39–42 hero-worship 175 legacy heritages 98 living sport heritage 88–99 memorialisation 29–30, 32–7, 38–9 museums dedicated to 60 and personal heritage 129–30 place names 42–3 recognition 121 re-evaluation of historic figures by modern standards 43, 175 statues 30–2, 84 perception 129 performance enhancements 73, 76, 92, 170 performativity 128, 132–5 personal heritage 127–37, 149, 181 Pfleegor, A.G. 166 PGA Champions Tour 83 Phar Lap 91 Phelps, A. 166 Philadelphia 38, 70, 146, 147, 160, 161 Phillips, M.G. 2, 62–5, 71, 76, 92, 126, 160, 176 photojournalism 24 Pidd, H. 24, 26

pilgrimage 1, 15, 58, 128 pilot testing 68 Pine, B.J. 160 Pinson, J. 1, 79, 80, 82 Pittburgh Penguins 43 Pitts, B.G. 152 place, meaning and 39 place identity 147 place names 42–3, 52 planned heritage looting 21 planning sport heritage 166–8 plaques 22, 32, 38–40, 44, 52, 94–5, 112, 120, 122, 123 ‘Played in Liverpool’ gallery, Museum of Liverpool 62 playing surfaces 16, 18, 21, 49, 50 plays and operas 86–7 poetry 111, 118 political narratives 7, 43, 126 Polo Grounds, New York 38 popular culture 6 Poria, Y. 127 post-colonialism 119, 126 post-event legacy heritage 82, 85, 87, 172 Pot, N. 3 pre-game rituals 108 preservation intangible sport heritage 169 management 165, 166, 167 non-elite sporting venues 26 sport landscapes 47 sporting venues 16 tourism 140 Preston 65, 71 Pringle, A. 130–1 private collections of memorabilia 61, 65–6, 71, 168 professions in sport heritage 172–3 promotions 155–6 protection 168–70, 177 protest 43, 44, 126 pseudo-sports 179 public affect 36 public art displays 23, 39 public heritage agencies 5, 40, 113, 120, 140, 166, 168, 176 see also specific agencies public recreation facilities 39, 54, 122, 166 public relations 153 public sport history studies 7 pubs/bars 27, 84, 160 #PutOutYourBats 37

Index 219

Québec 97, 148 Québec Nordiques 158 quotes 109 race

athletes as artefacts 90 baseball 4, 27, 43, 86, 94, 158 breaking barriers 94 ‘colour barriers’ 4, 94, 158 and exclusion 48, 54, 92, 112, 136 museums 76 National Museum of African American History and Culture, Washington 62 Negro League baseball 27, 86, 90, 113, 177 racism 43, 44, 65, 69, 86, 89, 92, 126, 155, 175, 176 and re-enactments 170 traditional sports 82 race tracks 26 racecourses 22 racehorses 35–6, 130, 131 Ramshaw, G. 1, 2, 4, 6–7, 8, 14, 19, 26, 31, 33–4, 47, 48, 50, 51, 54, 61, 70, 72, 74, 80, 85, 87, 89, 108–9, 122, 126, 129, 131–2, 135, 142, 144–5, 149, 153, 157, 164, 167, 172, 173, 178, 182 Ranger, T. 103 Ran-Ressler, N. 70 real tennis 26, 49 recent heritages 5–6 recognition 93–5 records/achievements 110 recycling elements of former stadia 39 Reds Hall of Fame and Museum, Cincinnati 61 Redskins, Washington 155 re-enactments 170 Reilly, J. 1, 61 religious organisations 119, 122 remembrance 97–8, 121 reminiscence therapy 112, 181–2 replica sporting landscapes 49–50 replica sporting venues 18–20 research history 1–2, 69–70 resistance, sport heritage as site of 7, 126 Ressler, W.H. 70 restaurants 40, 65–6, 160 resurrected events 80 retirement banners 40 retirement ceremonies 95, 117, 140, 155 retiring shirt numbers 93–4, 155 retro apparel/merchandise 156–8, 164, 168

retro ballparks 18–19, 28 retro events 83, 170 retro logos 95 retro marketing 153 retro nights 156, 157 retro venues 144, 180 reunions 149 Richard, Maurice 97 Richards, H. 2 Richards, Renee 95 Richards, Viv 146 Richmond, UK 27 Ripken Jr., Cal 96 rituals and traditions 32, 82–3, 101, 103, 105, 107, 108, 122, 181 rivalries 107, 119, 170, 171 Riverfront Coliseum, Cincinnati 25, 41 rivers/waterways 51 Roberts, L. 40, 160 Robinson, Jackie 4, 94, 95, 118, 136, 158 Rocky (Balboa) 146–7 Rod Laver Arena, Melbourne 17 Rogers Place, Edmonton 31, 32, 53 romanticisation 49 Rose, Pete 41, 96 routes, historic 50–1, 55, 149, 182 rowing 51, 52, 107 Royal Ascot 159 Royston, Georgia 65, 92 rubbish theory 22 rugby 34, 54, 122, 145 Ruth, Babe 26, 39 San Francisco 147 San Lorenzo, Buenos Aires 42 sand dunes 49 Sao Paolo 84, 97 sayings and quotes 109 Schofield, I. 181–2 Schofield, J. 24 scholarship 174, 177 schools/universities 121 see also college football Schultz, J. 1, 54, 170 Scola, Z. 152 Scottish Football Museum 81, 170, 171 sculpture 39 seasons 48–9, 111, 144, 145, 177 Seifried, C.S. 166 Seiler, R.M. 159 self-authorised plaques/markers 40, 41 self-discovery, sport heritage for journeys of 129 self-reflexivity 128

220 Index

Senna, Ayrton 84, 95, 97 sense of belonging 107–9, 116 sense of place 39 sense of self 129 sense of time and continuity 109–11 sensory sport heritage 104–7 Seoul Olympic Museum 85 sexism 69, 89, 175, 176 sexuality 44, 68, 76, 90, 92, 94, 112, 136 Shea Stadium, New York 24 Sheffield 24 shirt numbers, retired 93–4, 155 Shoeless Joe Jackson Museum, Greenville 61, 92, 93 shrines, memorials as 33, 34, 92–3 siblings 130 signage 93, 110, 116–17, 140, 170, 171 silence, moments of 107 Silk, M.L. 163 Silverblatt, A. 115 singing 19 see also chants Sir Alex Ferguson Stand, Old Trafford, Manchester 18 Sir Tom Finney Sports Centre, Preston 65 sites, memorialisation of 17, 38–9, 160 skateboarding 47 skiing 47, 120 Slavich, M.A. 164 smells 104–5, 106, 113 Smith, L. 2, 70, 88, 103, 111, 113, 126, 127, 130, 167, 178, 181 Smith, Tommy 126 Snyder, E. 7, 117 social change, sport for 126 social class 35, 48, 76, 92, 94, 112, 126 social justice 77, 92, 176 social media 37, 67, 89, 118, 153, 160–1 Solo, Hope 97 sound/soundscapes 104–6 South Africa 177 Southbank Skatepark, London 47 souvenirs see also memorabilia; museums commodification of athletes 95, 96 commodification of sporting venues 20–1 ‘doing’ sport heritage 133–4 marketing 152, 153 motivations 178 organisations and governing bodies 139 planning sport heritage 167 private collections of 58 tourism 149

Spain 53, 81 spatial meanings 39 speaking engagements 97 Spectrum Centre, Charlotte 18 Spectrum Grill, Philadelphia 160, 161 speed skating 177 sponsorships 159–60, 162 sport, definition of 2–3, 43 sport, evolving concepts of 3–4 sport development 110 sport heritage, definition of 4 sport heritage typology outline 8–10 sport history studies 7 sport science 182 sport tourism 144 Sporting Chance, A (English Heritage, 2002) 25 Sporting Heritage CIC 75 sports clubs/societies 122 sports organisations and governing bodies 122–4, 167 sportscapes 12, 46 St. Andrews 85 St. James Park, Newcastle 18, 42 St. Louis Cardinals 182 stadia 13–28, 116, 142, 163–5, 168 stadium tours 97, 116, 122, 145, 148, 170 ‘staged’ events 179 State Farm Arena, Atlanta 23 statues 30–2, 43–4, 84, 112 Sterling, J.J. 177 storytelling 59, 148 Stotlar, D.K. 152 street art 41–2 street names 42–3, 52 Stride, C. 29, 30, 32, 45, 84, 157 Strohmayer, U. 52, 169, 172 stroke risk 130–1 subaltern positions 76 subcultures 144 summer cricket festivals 83 Sunderland football club 135 Super Bowl 122, 150 Superdome, New Orleans 24, 150 supporters/fans ageing 89 diasporic attachments 131–2 exclusiveness 114 existential heritage 135 family influence 121 fan motivation scale 73 fan nations 161 globalisation 163 health of 130–1

Index 221

and marketing 153 memorialisation 29 and museums 73 social media 118 social media ‘fan nations’ 161 sound/soundscapes 106 sport heritage as a burden 180 and sport tourism 144 statues 32 surfing 52 sustainable legacies 24, 28, 71–2, 166 swimming pools 26, 122, 168 Sylaiou, S. 68 Taekkyeon 108 talismanic rituals 108 Tal’s Hill, Minute Maid Park, Houston 50 tastes 104–5, 113 team names 139, 153–5, 164 team reunions 149 team rivalries 107, 119, 170, 171 technology 67–8, 73, 110, 149 see also digital media; gaming; online collections; social media television programmes 116–17 temporal gaps 160 temporary heritage 36, 50–2 tennis 9, 37, 54, 83, 95, 96 terrace chants 105 Test Match Special (UK) 116 Textile League baseball 124 theatre productions 86 Thompson, M. 22 Thompson, W. 109 ‘throwback’ jerseys 156, 157, 158 ‘throwback’ pricing 164 ticket sales 139, 153, 154, 155–6, 168 Tiger Stadium, Detroit 19, 39 Timothy, D.J. 2, 8, 26, 28, 59, 127, 141, 142, 144, 149, 152, 170, 176 Tolson, D. 181–2 Tom Cribb pub, London 160 topophilia 27–8 Toronto 16, 66, 68, 74, 156, 163 Toronto Blue Jays 163 Toronto Maple Leafs 16, 17, 156, 167 touch 106 Tour de France 51, 182 Tour of Flanders 51, 85, 132 tourism athletes’ legacy 89 commodification of heritage 5, 6 dilution of intangible heritage 169 events 80

everyday heritages 176 fantasy camps 97 films 118 goods and services 139 group travel 134 management of sport heritage 166 and museums 59, 60 museums 72 personal heritage 127 replica sporting venues 19 research into tourism and sport heritage 1 scholarship 6 and sport heritage 141–51 sporting venues 13 temporary sport landscapes 51 tourist attractions 142–4 tours (of venues) 20, 21–2, 97, 116, 122, 145, 148, 170 traditional events 83 traditional sports 80–2, 166, 169 Traditional Sports and Games UNESCO working group 166, 169 traditions and rituals 32, 82–3, 101, 103, 105, 107, 108, 122, 181 tragedy 24–5, 30, 37 travelling sports museums/exhibits 68–9 trips/travel 134 tropes, heritage 50 ‘Trophy Room, The’ (public art project) 39 Trump, Donald 43 Trumpbour, R. 14, 16 Tuan, Y.F. 27 Tunbridge, J.E. 2, 5, 7, 8, 53, 61, 66, 127, 165, 170, 175 turf transplants 39 Twickenham Stadium, London 33–4, 122, 145 Ty Cobb Museum, Royston 65, 92 ‘typical’ sports landscapes 48 typology of sport heritage, outline of 8–10 unauthorised heritage marking 40, 44 UNESCO (United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization) 5, 58, 81–2, 88, 108, 122, 166, 169 unofficial heritage 40–2 unwritten rules of a sport 108–9 urban development 26 urban heritage spaces 46 urban regeneration 19 Urde, M. 159 US Open tennis 37

222 Index

Vamplew, W. 85 Vancouver 54, 61 vandalism 177 vaudeville basketball 179 velodromes 26 Ventura, Jessie ‘The Body’ 179 venues adaptive reuse techniques 11, 16–18, 166–7 broad recognition of 174 climate change 177 conservation 176 education 121 events 83 management 165, 168–70 marketing 153, 159, 163–5 and the media 119 and memorials 37–9 modern amenities 14–15, 180 organisations and governing bodies 122–3 planning sport heritage 166–7 as tangible immovable heritage 11, 13–28 tourism 142 vernacular sports museums 65–6, 71, 160 video games 95, 178–9 village greens 48, 49, 54 vintage apparel 156–8 Vintage Base Ball 170 virtual reality 68, 149 virtual sport 84, 179, 182 Visit Britain 143 Wagg, S. 103 walking trails 143 Wang, N. 129, 132 Wann, D.L. 73, 121 War Admiral 130 war memorials 33–4, 37, 39 Warner Stand, Lord’s 18 Washington D.C. 62 Washington Redskins 155 Waterton, E. 2, 80, 88 Watson, S. 2, 88 Wayne Gretzky fantasy camp 148

weather 111 Weed, M. 145 Wembley Stadium, London 146 West Ham United football club 14, 171 West Indies cricket team 136 Western bias in sport heritage 175 Wheeler, S. 121 White, L. 1, 90 Who concert 25 Williams, J. 1 Wilson, R. 111 Wilson, R.J. 84 Wimbledon Lawn Tennis Museum 68, 84, 117 Wimbledon tennis tournament 9, 58, 79, 82, 103 Wingbermuehle, C. 182 Winter Olympics 54, 61, 72 Womack, K. 16 women’s football 175 women’s sport 41, 44, 48, 54, 94–5, 99, 112, 175 Women’s Sport Trust 41, 94–5 Women’s Sports Museum 68 Wood, J. 1, 39 working class sports 35 working in sport heritage 172–3 World Cup 24, 58, 79, 84, 85, 172 World Heritage convention (UNESCO) 122 World Heritage sites 169 World Masters Games 83, 132 World Rowing Federation 169 World Rugby Museum, London 74 World War I truce 50, 84 World Wrestling Entertainment 179 Worldwide Traditional Games event 82 wrestling 179 Wrigley Field, Chicago 19, 38 Yankee Stadium, New York 20, 39, 117 Yawkey Way, Boston 43 YMCA 27, 119 youth teams 39, 119 YouTube 89, 118 Zwift 182