Healing through Remembering: Sharing Grassroots Experiences of Peace, Reconciliation and Healing in the Great Lakes Region of Africa (Edition ... Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis) 365842446X, 9783658424466

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Edition Centaurus – Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis

Karin E. Sauer · Dieter Brandes · Penine Uwimbabazi · Onésime Nzambimana · Mumbere Ndemo Mbasa Editors

Healing through Remembering Sharing Grassroots Experiences of Peace, Reconciliation and Healing in the Great Lakes Region of Africa

Edition Centaurus—Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis Reihe herausgegeben von Jürgen Burmeister, Duale Hochschule Baden-Württemberg, Heidenheim, Germany René Gründer, Duale Hochschule Baden-Württemberg, Heidenheim, Baden-Württemberg, Germany Klaus Grunwald, Duale Hochschule Baden-Württemberg, Stuttgart, Baden-Württemberg, Germany Rahel Gugel, Duale Hochschule Baden-Württemberg, Villingen-Schwenningen, Germany Ute Koch, Duale Hochschule Baden-Württemberg, Stuttgart, Germany Karin E. Sauer, Duale Hochschule Baden-Württemberg, Villingen-Schwenningen, Germany

Vorwort der Herausgeberinnen und Herausgeber der Schriftenreihe In der Schriftenreihe „Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis“ werden Monographien und Sammelbände veröffentlicht, die im Kontext der Weiterentwicklung von Disziplin und Profession der Sozialen Arbeit stehen. Dabei soll durch die Auswahl der Fragestellungen, Themenfelder und Autorinnen und Autoren der Fachbereich Sozialwesen der Dualen Hochschule BadenWürttemberg als Ort von Forschung und Theoriebildung sichtbar(er) gemacht werden. Die Soziale Arbeit als wissenschaftliche Disziplin ist heute durch vielfältige wissenschaftliche Diskurse gekennzeichnet, die in ihren Forschungsanstrengungen teils stärker theoretisch, teils stärker empirisch ausgerichtet sein können oder auch beide Perspektiven auf spezifische Weise miteinander verbinden. Soziale Arbeit als Disziplin differenziert sich dabei hinsichtlich ihrer Arbeitsfelder, methodischen Zugänge, bezugswissenschaftlichen Kontexte usw. ständig weiter aus. Soziale Arbeit als Profession bezeichnet eine besondere Form eines Berufs. Sie verfolgt insbesondere seit Ende der 60er Jahre das Ziel einer nachhaltigen Professionalisierung und ist durch die damit verbundenen Diskussionen über Berufsbilder, Kompetenzen und gesellschaftlichen Status von Sozialarbeiter:innen und Sozialpädagog:innen gekennzeichnet. Damit in Verbindung stehen Anstrengungen, die Ausbildung der Fachkräfte wissenschaftlich zu fundieren (vgl. Dewe/ Otto 2015: 1233). Disziplin und Profession der Sozialen Arbeit sind aufeinander bezogen und stehen in Wechselwirkung zueinander, auch wenn sie durch unterschiedliche Logiken geprägt sind. Pointiert gesagt: Die Profession benötigt einen Wissenschaftsbezug, um fundiert, kritisch und reflektiert agieren zu können; die Disziplin braucht einen Praxisbezug, will sie nicht im Elfenbeinturm der Wissenschaft an Prägekraft für die Praxis verlieren. Die Profession ‚Soziale Arbeit’ ist jedoch nicht gleichzusetzen mit der Praxis der Sozialen Arbeit, sondern steht zwischen der wissenschaftlichen Disziplin, die „wissenschaftliches Erklärungswissen“ liefert (Kriterium: „Wahrheit“) und der Praxis, die „praktisches Entscheidungswissen“ bereitstellt (Kriterium „Angemessenheit“) (Dewe/Otto 2005: 1966). Die Profession bedient sich sowohl des „wissenschaftlichen Erklärungswissens“ als auch des „praktischen Entscheidungswissens“ und verbindet die beiden Kriterien „Wahrheit“ und „Angemessenheit“ miteinander (ebd.). Ihr geht es – im Sinne eines permanenten Lernprozesses – darum, mit wissenschaftlichem Wissen fachliche Entscheidungen sorgfältiger und stichhaltiger begründen zu können und gleichzeitig auf der Basis

von praktischem Können die eigene Handlungskompetenz weiter zu verbessern. Die Erklärung oder Deutung von Situationen und Strukturen sowie die Bereitstellung einer Maßnahme oder eines Angebotes sind aus dieser Sicht aufeinander bezogen. Sie ergänzen und befruchten sich im besten Fall gegenseitig (vgl. ebd.). Soziale Arbeit als wissenschaftliche Disziplin – und damit auch diese Schriftenreihe – hat insofern die Aufgabe, für vielfältige Fragen und Gegenstandsbereiche aus Disziplin, Profession und Praxis jeweils spezifische theoriegestützte Angebote zu machen und die je nach Feld, Fragestellung, Bezugswissenschaften usw. verschiedenen wissenschaftlichen Diskurse weiter zu entwickeln. Die Disziplin Soziale Arbeit stellt theoretische Rahmungen und Bezugspunkte zur Verfügung, an denen sich die Profession teils orientieren, teils reiben kann und die Herausforderungen für professionelles Handeln in der Sozialen Arbeit darstellen können. Dies kann jedoch nur gelingen, wenn die Disziplin einerseits offen und sensibel ist für Themen- und Fragestellungen von Profession und Praxis Sozialer Arbeit und andererseits sich von diesen immer wieder selbst ‚verunsichern‘ bzw. in Frage stellen lässt. Die vorliegende Schriftenreihe „Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis“ ist dieser Aufgabe verpflichtet. Sie entsteht vor dem Hintergrund eigener Lehr- und Praxiserfahrungen der Herausgeber und Herausgeberinnen insbesondere an der Dualen Hochschule Baden-Württemberg und verfolgt das Ziel, Disziplin und Profession der Sozialen Arbeit mit unterschiedlichen Beiträgen zu befruchten. Die Herausgeberinnen und Herausgeber, Dezember 2023 Prof. Dr. Jürgen Burmeister, Heidenheim; Prof. Dr. René Gründer, Heidenheim; Prof. Dr. Klaus Grunwald, Stuttgart; Prof. Dr. Rahel Gugel, VillingenSchwenningen; Prof. Dr. Ute Koch, Stuttgart und Prof. Dr. Karin E. Sauer, Villingen-Schwenningen Literatur Dewe, B./Otto, H.-U. (2005): Wissenschaftstheorie, in: Otto, H.-U./Thiersch, H. (Hrsg.): Handbuch Sozialarbeit/Sozialpädagogik, 3. Aufl., München: 1966-1979 Dewe, B./Otto, H.-U. (2015): Profession, in: Otto, H.-U./Thiersch, H. (Hrsg.): Handbuch Soziale Arbeit, 5., erw. Aufl., München: 1233-1244

Karin E. Sauer · Dieter Brandes · Penine Uwimbabazi · Onésime Nzambimana · Mumbere Ndemo Mbasa Editors

Healing through Remembering Sharing Grassroots Experiences of Peace, Reconciliation and Healing in the Great Lakes Region of Africa

Editors Karin E. Sauer Fakultät Sozialwesen DHBW Villingen-Schwenningen Villingen-Schwenningen, Germany Penine Uwimbabazi Protestant Institute of Arts and Social Sciences Butare, Rwanda

Dieter Brandes Facultatea de Teologie Universitatea Lucian Blaga Sibiu, Romania Onésime Nzambimana Université des Grands Lacs Bujumbura, Burundi

Mumbere Ndemo Mbasa ULPGL Goma City, Congo, Demographic Republic (Zaire)

ISSN 2569-958X ISSN 2569-9601 (electronic) Edition Centaurus—Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis ISBN 978-3-658-42446-6 ISBN 978-3-658-42447-3 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42447-3 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer VS imprint is published by the registered company Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature. The registered company address is: Abraham-Lincoln-Str. 46, 65189 Wiesbaden, Germany Paper in this product is recyclable.

Map of Burundi, DR Congo, Rwanda in the African Great Lakes Region

Contents

Healing of Memories. An African Approach to Reconciliation Takes Its Course . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dieter Brandes Memory Work as Participatory Action Research. Introducing the Collaboration of Burundian, Congolese, Rwandan and German Researchers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Karin E. Sauer

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Burundi Burundi—An Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Onésime Nzambimana Background of the Conflicts in the Great Lakes Region and Implementation of Methods for Reconciliation and Trauma Healing Using the Example of the Organization APRED-RGL . . . . . . . . David J. Fechner From the Challenges to the Strengths of the Ongoing Reconciliation Process in Burundi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Denis Kazungu Awareness-Raising via Interactive Theater at Gitega Commune Bugendana. Contribution of Civil Society Organizations to Dealing with Past Traumas and Intergenerational Dialogues for Community Reconciliation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Alexis Niyibigira, Josiane Nimbona, and Josiane-Yvette Kamariza

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Recovering the Wealth of Our Humanness: Ubuntu as a Basis of Lasting Reconciliation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Symphorien Ntibagirirwa

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Rwanda Rwanda—An Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Penine Uwimbabazi The Impact of Grassroots Reconciliation Processes on Healing Wounds Among Survivors of the Tutsi Genocide Among Tutsi Genocide Survivors and Former Perpetrators in Rwanda: A Case Study of the Light Group-Remera Presbytery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jerôme N. Bizimana Grassroots Experience of Memory, Healing, and Reconciliation: Learning from the Center for Training and Documentation (CFD) of the Presbyterian Church in Rwanda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Célestin Nsengimana Reconciliation and Healing in Shyogwe Diocese of the Anglican Church of Rwanda (EAR) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Venant Ntakirutimana The Role of the Anglican Church of Rwanda (EAR) Kigeme in Promoting Peace, Unity and Reconciliation Through Grass Root Churches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Felicien Imanirakiza Flowers of Reconciliation from Umucyo Nyanza Project: Grassroots Experiences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Penine Uwimbabazi and Shukulu Murekatete

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Democratic Republic of the Congo Democratic Republic of the Congo—An Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mumbere Ndemo Mbasa From the Acoustics of Weapons to the Guitar, an Extraordinary Professional Retraining. How Did the Vocational and Artisanal Training Centre (CAPA) Succeed in the Socio-professional Integration of a Former Child Soldier? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Augustin Barhazigirandi Mufumu

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Youth Involvement in the Prevention and Non-violent Resolution of Conflicts in Goma City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jacques Nzanzu Birikunzira Reintegration of Vulnerable Girls Through the Nyota Center in Kadutu (Democratic Republic of Congo). A Holistic Experience of Resilience . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bernard R. Ugeux Peace Education by the La Sapientia Catholic University of Goma . . . . Bernardin Ulimwengu Biregeya Contribution of the Université Libre des Pays des Grands Lacs (ULPGL) to Peace Building in North Kivu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mumbere Ndemo Mbasa Annex: Psychotraumatic Factors During Conflict Periods in North Kivu/DR Congo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Polepole François Maheshe, Eugène Bashombe, Jean Marie Ciza, Ntabe E. Namegabe, and Kaputu M. Célestin Kalala

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Editors and Contributors

About the Editors Karin E. Sauer, Prof. Dr. rer. soc., Dipl.-Päd., Master in Diversity Education. Professor of Social Work Theory and Social Work Methods at the Cooperative State University Baden-Württemberg Villingen-Schwenningen DHBW VS. Adjunct lecturer at the University of Hildesheim for Cultural Diversity in Music Education. She teaches Inclusion and Exclusion in (Post-)Migration Societies, Cultural Studies, Dis_ability Studies, Gender & Diversity in Social Work. Her research interests are: Critical Whiteness, De-colonial Social Work, Memory Work, Global Environmental Movements, Community Music, Music and other creative arts as a means of communication and political articulation, Participatory Action Research. She facilitated the Participatory Action Research process and coordinated the scientific evaluation of this project. Contact: [email protected] Dieter Brandes, Rev. Dr. theol. at the Facultatea de Teologie “Sfântul Andrei S¸ aguna” in Sibiu-Romania. Born 1945 in Hannover-Germany he completed a master’s degree in Evangelical Theology and of Economics (Eberhard-KarlsUniversität Tübingen). He studied sociology of religion in Chicago and has experience in teaching Economics at the DHBW Ravensburg, Diaconal Management at the German Diaconia Academy in Berlin and Mediation and Conflict Management at Universities in Romania. He is a specialist in Healing of Memories between cultures, ethnicities and religions and editor of the book series Reconciliatio, Evangelische Verlagsanstalt Leipzig. His publications focus on diaconal management, historical conflict causation research, and processes for peace and reconciliation. He is the overall coordinator of this project. Contact: dieter. [email protected]

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Editors and Contributors

Penine Uwimbabazi, Prof. Dr., Degree at the University of KwaZulu-Natal (UKZN) South Africa. She has been working in higher education institutions since 2004 serving in different departments of the UKZN administration, as a post graduate and research assistant for the department of Policy and Development Studies, and as a lecturer at the School of Social Sciences, International Relations and Public Affairs at the UKN. From 2013 she has been working as one of the professors of policy analysis and conflict transformation at the Protestant Institute of Arts and Social Sciences (PIASS) in Huye-Rwanda. She is a recognized facilitator and trainer, especially alternative to violence program, nonviolence communication, and conflict transformation among others. She is now serving at the PIASS as Vice Chancellor. Her research interest includes social and public policy analysis, migration and integration, social justice and conflict transformation, rural development and cooperative management. She is the country coordinator of this project for Rwanda. Contact: u.penine@gmail. com Onésime Nzambimana, is the general secretary at Université des Grands Lacs (UGL) and lecturer at the same University, where he has been serving for more than ten years. He has participated in different conferences about peace building, reconciliation and healing. He also participated in a research on reconciliation and sustainable development in Burundi. He is the country coordinator of this project for Burundi. Contact: [email protected] Mumbere Ndemo Mbasa, Prof. Dr. is a permanent professor at the Université Libre des Pays des Grands Lacs-Goma (ULPGL), deputy dean in charge of research at the Faculty of Health Sciences and member of the board of directors of the Centre Africain de Recherche et d’Éducation à la Paix et à la Démocratie board (CAREPD). He is the country coordinator of this project for the Democratic Republic of Congo. Contact: [email protected]

Contributors Augustin Barhazigirandi Mufumu Centre d’Apprentissage Professionnel Et Artisanal (CAPA/3È CBCA), Bukavu, Democratic Republic of the Congo Eugène Bashombe Médico-Psycho-Social, Centre Hospitalier Neuropsychiatrique de Goma, Goma, Democratic Republic of Congo

Editors and Contributors

xv

Bernardin Ulimwengu Biregeya Université Catholique la Sapientia de Goma (UCS/Goma), Goma, Democratic Republic of the Congo Jacques Nzanzu Birikunzira Goma, Democratic Republic of Congo Rev. Jerôme N. Bizimana Remera Presbytery, Kigali, Rwanda Rev. Dr. theol. Dieter Brandes Facultatea de Teologie, Universitatea Lucian Blaga, Sibiu, Romania Jean Marie Ciza Médico-Psycho-Social, Centre Hospitalier Neuropsychiatrique de Goma, Goma, Democratic Republic of Congo David J. Fechner Ziviler Friedensdienst (ZFD)/Civil Peace Service, Gesellschaft Für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ), Kigali, Rwanda Felicien Imanirakiza Administration and Finance in charge at EAR Kigeme Diocese, Nyamagabe, Rwanda Prof. Kaputu M. Célestin Kalala Université de Kinshasa/Centre NeuropsychoPathologique de Kinshasa, Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo Josiane-Yvette Kamariza Quartier Kigobe Nord, ISV/SERUKA, Bujumbura, Burundi Dr. Denis Kazungu Consultative & Research Services, Kigali Psycho-Medical Center, Kigali, Rwanda Dr. Polepole François Maheshe Neuropsychiatry Departement, Faculté de Médecine, Université de Goma (UNIGOM), Goma, Democratic Republic of Congo; Médico-Psycho-Social, Centre Hospitalier Neuropsychiatrique de Goma, Goma, Democratic Republic of Congo Shukulu Murekatete Peace and Conflict Studies, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies (TUFS), Tokyo, Japan Prof. Ntabe E. Namegabe Faculté de Médecine-ULPGL, Université Libre Des Pays Des Grands-Lacs/ULPGL-Goma, Goma, Democratic Republic of Congo Prof. Dr. Mumbere Ndemo Mbasa Université Libre des Pays des Grands Lacs, Democratic Republic of the CongoGoma, Josiane Nimbona Quartier Saint Michel, Centre Ubuntu, Bujumbura, Burundi

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Editors and Contributors

Alexis Niyibigira Commune Mukaza, Quartier INSS, THARS, Bujumbura, Burundi Rev. Célestin Nsengimana Department of Theology and Religious Studies, Protestant Institute of Arts and Social Sciences (PASS), Huye, Rwanda Rev. Venant Ntakirutimana Evangelism Department, Anglican Church of Rwanda/Shyogwe Diocese, Muhanga, Rwanda Fr. Symphorien Ntibagirirwa Institute of Development and Economic Ethics IDEE-Burundi, Saint Thomas Aquinas Priory, Bujumbura, Burundi Onésime Nzambimana Université des Grands Lacs, Bujumbura, Burundi Prof. Dr. rer. soc., Dipl.-Päd. Karin E. Sauer Duale Württemberg, Villingen-Schwenningen, Germany

Hochschule

Baden-

Prof., Fr. Afr. Bernard R. Ugeux UCB ERSP, Cyangugu, Rwanda Prof. Dr. Penine Uwimbabazi Protestant Institute of Arts and Social Sciences, Butare, Rwanda

Healing of Memories. An African Approach to Reconciliation Takes Its Course Dieter Brandes

1

New Ways of Memory Culture1

The founding of the UN after World War II led to new approaches to respect between cultures and nations in world political affairs. For the first time, governments worldwide committed themselves to non-violent resolution of conflicts between nations, and for the first time, universal human rights were formulated. After the Second World War, Europe (for the first time) began to come to terms with history, acknowledging its own guilt. However, at first, no significant ways of coming to terms with memory developed for the injuries caused by several hundred years of European colonialism in Africa, Asia and South America. In large parts of the population of Europe, colonialism was a little questioned phenomenon until the 70s of the twentieth century. Recognition of guilt and attempts at reconciliation were focused on the wounds of two world wars. In Europe itself, a “new culture of remembrance” emerged, detached from the “hero worship” that had been customary for centuries to a commemoration of the injustices committed in one’s own country as well as of the victims of the war enemy. The famous “genuflection in Warsaw” on December 7, 1970, in front of the “Monument to the [Jewish] Heroes of the Ghetto” (Polish: Pomnik Bohaterów Getta) by German Chancellor Willy Brand has acquired a symbolic significance for this that has received worldwide attention. 1 The explanations in the chapters 1 to 4 are comprehensively pesented in Brandes (2022a). This section is described in detail in Brandes (2022c).

D. Brandes (B) Facultatea de Teologie, Universitatea Lucian Blaga, Sibiu, Romania e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2023 K. E. Sauer et al. (eds.), Healing through Remembering, Edition Centaurus Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42447-3_1

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D. Brandes

However, there was no genuflection to the victims of the colonial wars by European powers. The focus of the European culture of remembrance was, on the one hand, the collective acknowledgement of guilt and, on the other hand, the punishment of individual “main culprits”. A general awareness of the fact that past injustices, torture and death also require the healing of mental wounds has developed notably first outside Europe: on the one hand after the end of dictatorships in Latin America and on the other hand especially in South Africa after the end of apartheid. While the colonial period for Africa was characterized by a one-sided North– South oppression movement, a South-North movement of new methods of dealing with violence through victim-oriented, personally oriented memory work has now emerged. For Latin America, a parallel development from the East–West transfer of violence to the West–East transfer of reconciliation can be noted. “For the first time”, aspects of a new form of dealing with injustice and reparation no longer originated in Europe and North America, but had developed in countries that had suffered under European colonialism. Whereas in Europe processes of remembrance and reconciliation were predominantly focused on coming to terms with conflicts between cultures, nations, religions and other social groups, the reconciliation processes in Africa and Latin America were, on the one hand, predominantly characterized by personal compensation through justice and, on the other hand, focused in particular on processes for coming to terms with personal mental wounds.

2

South Africa as the Country of Origin for Reconciliation Through Healing of Memories

Healing of Memories as a person-centred counselling process started in South Africa after the end of apartheid. Apartheid “was a system of legal racial segregation enforced by the National Party government in South Africa between 1948 and 1994” (Lapsley, 2010, p. 128). Racial segregation in South Africa began in colonial times, but apartheid as an official policy was introduced after the 1948 general election. After the political end of apartheid in South Africa then and after the first general free elections in South Africa in 1994, two fundamental questions dominated politics and society: (1) “How to meet the basic needs of a previously divided society”, and (2) “How to deal with the past” (Brandes, 2011, p. 179 f).

Healing of Memories. An African Approach …

3

For the second question and to deal with the crimes committed during the apartheid era, the later famous Truth and Reconciliation Commissions (TRC) were established throughout the country in 1993. Guillermo Kerber (2008) lists as “positive aspects of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commissions”: . The focus on a “victim-centred approach” provides an alternative to the “cause-centred approach” to criminal justice that has been prevalent in the northern hemisphere until now2 . Emphasis is placed on the importance of dialogue between victim and offender . Involving the community in the process goes well beyond confrontation between victim and offender and . The TRC approach recognizes that both victims and offenders are part of a community that is expected to play an essential role in the reconciliation process . The South African TRC emphasizes the spiritual dimension of reconciliation after violent conflict situations . The South African TRC has succeeded in enforcing a non-judicial approach to victims’ rights (the right to “truth, justice and reparation”). Thus, the truth commissions were a necessary step on the way to justice and reconciliation between cultures. However, on the one hand, only a very limited number of affected persons could be summoned in the TRC sessions. On the other hand, it soon became clear that for the urgently needed mental healing of the many victims of injustice, the TRC sessions “were not sufficient in themselves to meet all the psychosocial (and trauma-related) needs of the people” (Jesudasan & Rüppell, 2008, p. 49). Those affected by the pain of injustice suffered and the loss of people need a “safe space” to tell their story and receive “genuine appreciation of the complexity of victimization and trauma” (ibid.). This is because disclosure and truth-telling alone are not healing, “rather, the complexity of storytelling must be attended to, especially in light of different cultural approaches” (ibid.). Thus, in 1998, the Institute for Healing of Memories was founded in Cape Town with Michael Lapsley as director and Bishop Desmond Tutu, then chair of the TRC trials, as founder.3 2

In Europe in particular, “restorative justice” had until then been largely focused on addressing family and juvenile justice issues. 3 Detailed reports on this are given in Botman und Petersen (1996), as well as in Wahrheitsund Versöhnungskommission Südafrika (2000).

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D. Brandes

The Institute set itself the goal of “contributing to the journey of healing individuals, communities and nations” (Jesudasan & Rüppell, 2008, p. 49). This established regional Healing of Memories workshops nationwide “so that the enormous psychological injuries could be given a broader platform” (Brandes, 2011, p. 180). This added another step to the process of reconciliation between the formerly racially segregated groups.

3

Healing of Memories on Its Way Through the Continents4

Healing of Memories (HoM) soon found its way from South Africa to other regions of Africa, such as Angola, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Ethiopia, Rwanda and Uganda. Along the way, traditional processes of conflict transformation such as the Gacaca processes in Rwanda and the Mato Oput ceremonies in Uganda were also incorporated into the reconciliation work. Gacaca is a traditional legal system in Rwanda. Gacaca originally refers to the type of grass on which the gacaca trials took place while sitting. Traditional gacaca trials were presided over by village elders. Although they dealt with disputes, the focus was not only on punishment but especially on maintaining village peace and cohesion. The essential goal of the gacaca trials was a mental perpetrator-victim reconciliation in the form of “acknowledgement of guilt” on the one hand and “forgiveness” by victim families on the other. The related goal of “restoring” the communal community is aptly expressed in the English reconciliation. The Latin “reconciliation” literally means: “return to the community”. After Belgian colonial rule initially restricted gacaca trials to civil communal (commercial) disputes by law, they were reintroduced after the genocide of the Tutsis (and helping Hutus) in 1994. Because the genocide had also largely destroyed all legal institutions in Rwanda, a new form of gacaca court, now based on the rule of law, was introduced. This followed formal trial procedures and assured defendants of legal defence. However, attempts were made to reconcile original gacaca elements, such as the general goal of reconciliation, with it. Another traditional conflict resolution process is the Mato Oput process in Uganda. This also involves mechanisms to preserve and protect the village

4

This section is described in detail in Brandes (2022c).

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commGacaca trials, however, were not intended to be a “substitute” for (usually subsequent) legal trials. The gacaca “results” did, however, influence a subsequent sentence as a “legal verdict”, provided that a gacaca process conducted in the community setting had found perpetrator-victim reconciliation with acknowledgement of guilt by the perpetrators and “forgiveness” by the victim families.5 unity through a process of forgiveness and reconciliation. Mato Oput originally traces its origins to ceremonies of the Acholi people in northern Uganda. In the Acholi language, Mato Oput means to drink a bitter potion made from the leaves of the Oput tree. By drinking the bitter herb, the parties to the conflict are supposed to leave the bitterness of the past behind and promise not to taste it again. Mato Oput does not primarily place the question of guilt, but tries to restore the disturbed village community.6 The Healing of Memories methodology was then applied to conflicts in other regions outside of Africa, in Australia, South and North America, Asia, and eventually in Europe.7 In Australia, churches have begun a HoM process to address the systematic genocide that has reduced Aboriginal people to a small minority.8 In Latin America, the spread of liberation theology opened new avenues of respect for indigenous peoples, combined with a coming to terms with their historical identity through cultural tolerance and mutual respect. In North America, a nationwide process of coming to terms with the genocide of the First Nation9 began in Canada, first in the 1970s by churches and then in the twenty-first century comprehensively by the state.10 In the USA, such a process has not yet begun on a significant scale. In Asia, cautious processes of coming to terms with historical violations and genocides have begun, for example in India,11 Sri Lanka and Thailand, as well as with the Community Reconciliation Processes in East Timor.12 In Europe, this

5

The Gacaca processes are described in detail, for example, in Hankel (2006). More details at Afako (2002). 7 Healing of Memories on its intercontinental way to Europe is described in detail at Brandes (2022c) and in abbreviated form in Brandes (2013, p. 92 f.). 8 Described in detail at Brandes (2022d). 9 Called Indians due to a historical misunderstanding. 10 Described in detail at Brandes (2022e). 11 Described in detail at Jesudasan (2010). 12 Described in detail at Burgess (2006). 6

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process was first taken up in Northern Ireland13 and Norway (Church of Norway and Sámi).14 Healing of Memories between Churches, Cultures and Religions finally found its way to South-Eastern Europe. In South-Eastern Europe, Healing of Memories was first used in an ecumenical interdisciplinary reconciliation process in Romania.15

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Healing of Memories as a Way to Overcome Passed Down Wounds and Misunderstandings Between Churches, Cultures and Religions16

Healing of Memories (HoM) is a process for addressing current hurts after oppression as well as overcoming centuries-old, inherited hurts between peoples and cultures. Usually HoM is subordinated to the processes of conflict transformation and transitional justice. HoM takes an interdisciplinary approach to working through deeply rooted, painful, frozen history at the cultural, religious, and ethnic levels and in personal relationships. Thus, HoM is a method “to overcome frozen history” by bringing to the fore voices that have not been heard, ignored or acknowledged. HoM is a “process across generations”. Central elements are “story telling” in a protected space as well as a strictly applied dialogue technique17 with special attention to “radical respect” and “unreserved conversation”.18 In South Africa, HoM was originally developed as a counselling process in pastoral care and community reconciliation work. However, in the course of various applications of the HoM process in Europe,19 especially in Norway, Northern Ireland and South Eastern Europe (see above), it soon became clear that in dealing with tensions and painful experiences between religions and cultures, it is very important to also work on “deep historical streams”.20 13

The reconciliation processes in Northern Ireland are described in detail in Falconer and Liechty (2005), as well as in Stoves (2005). 14 Described in detail at Steffensen (2010). 15 This process is described in detail in Brandes (2022f). 16 For more detailed information compare Brandes (2022b). 17 Described in detail e.g. in Hartkemeyer (2003). 18 Martin Buber speaks of a true dialogue “when, instead of the thing to be said, I prepare to let an I be heard that comes to the fore” (Buber 1992, p. 295). 19 Described in detail by Brandes und Kurian (2010). 20 Brandes (2016, p. 279).

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With reference to different target groups, two levels of HoM processes were developed and realized in the following steps21 : (1) Micro level: HoM as a counselling process in personal counselling (expressly not Dream Healing, which requires other treatment methods!) and community reconciliation work (a) Process part A: “walking through history together” (b) Process part B: “sharing the pain of others” (c) Process part C: “preparing the future together”. (2) Macro level: HoM as a society-oriented reconciliation process between conflicting and demarcated ethnic, cultural and religious communities (a) Interdisciplinary research into the history of the nation, cultures and religions and/or communities (b) Training of regional facilitators of Healing of Memories (c) Conducting local seminars on Healing of Memories (micro level)22 (d) Seeking national, intercultural/interfaith, and/or community processes of shared responsibility to shape the future together.

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From an AACC/WCC Conference in 2012 to the Great Lakes Project 2020 ff.

From 28 January to 3 February 2012, a joint conference of the All Africa Conference of Churches (AACC) and the World Council of Churches (WCC) was held in Kigali/Rwanda on the topic of Peace and Security in Africa.23 At the same time, a meeting between delegations of WCC and the DRCongo church Communuate Baptiste au Centre de l’Afrique (CBCA) took place in Gisenyi on the border to Goma/DRCongo. In this meeting, for the first time, the desire was expressed to WCC for a cross-border initiative for the exchange of experiences between training centres and NGOs on Peace, Reconciliation and Healing in the three Great Lakes countries Rwanda, Burundi and DRCongo. 21

For both process levels, there are many connections in terms of content to group-oriented methods of intercultural mediation, theme-centered interaction, and conversational psychotherapy. 22 These seminars require “very sensitive pastoral care” and need a very large process depth. Therefore, this part of the process will be co-moderated by professionally educated priests and teachers of the churches involved in the process. 23 Official title: God of Life leads Africa to Peace, Justice and Dignity.

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Then in 2016, the cause got an active boost with a cross-border training initiative WCC in cooperation with the universities Protestant Institute of Arts and Social Sciences (PIASS) in Huye/Rwanda and the Université Libre des Pays des Grand Lacs (ULPGL) in Goma/East DRCongo.24 As a pilot project for this, workshops on methods of reconciliation on collective and individual conflict memories and dealing with traumatized youth in Bukavu were conducted in spring 2019 at the ULPGL University in Goma, at the Centre d’Apprentissage professionnel et Artisanal CAPA in Bukavu/DRCongo, and at the Université Lumière de Bujumbura with . tools for dealing with trauma (Kaernbach, 2012) . tools for aspects of the Healing of Memories (Brandes, 2016, Reconciliation through Remembering) A concept that was then developed in the summer of 2019 in the course of three workshops with universities and NGOs in Bujumbura, Huye and Kigali was finally adopted in the spring of 2020 as a “Policy paper Education for reconciliation and healing in the Great Lakes Region” with the following key points (ULBU, 2019): . sharing methodologies of education in key experiences of Peace, Reconciliation and Healing . clarifying the concepts of education in Peace, Reconciliation and Healing . to create curricular modules (that can be used in addressing different issues such as healing) to be included in units of peace, reconciliation and healing of memories in the curricula of the participating universities . to publish training examples in special church activities of peace and healing, e.g. Human Rights & Democratic Governance, Migrants and Uprooted People, Small Arms Conflicts, Peace-Building and Transitional Justice, Healing of Memories, Inter-Religious Dialogue and Freedom of Religion, Gender-based Violence, Race for Natural Resources . to create a textbook/guide book for the Great Lakes Region; to be adapted to each country—in addressing different issues such as healing—even translated in the local languages.

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Mediated via Action for the Promotion of Peace, Reconciliation and sustainable Development in the Sub-Region of the Great Lakes (APRED).

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With this Memorandum of Understanding between five universities and eleven grassroots institutions as NGOs or church social institutions in Rwanda, Burundi and DRCongo,25 the foundation was laid for the later Great Lakes cross-border cooperation between universities and other educational institutions on the one hand and grassroots organizations as free NGOs or church social institutions on the other hand. Thus, for the first time, a cross-border Great Lakes theory–practice comparison between actors for training and grassroots projects on peace and reconciliation and on dealing with people traumatized by war and other excesses of violence began. At this stage, a cooperation with RAPRED-Girubuntu e. V.26 and the BadenWuerttemberg Cooperative State University in Villingen-Schwenningen27 was established. The joint project “Peace-Reconciliation-Memory—Transboundary Network Project Education for Peace, Reconciliation and Healing—Sharing education and grassroots experiences in the Great Lakes Region Burundi, Rwanda, East DRCongo” was created. The project was financially supported by Stiftung Entwicklungs-Zusammenarbeit Baden-Württemberg SEZ and by the Lions Clubs in Villingen-Schwenningen. Project Partners of this Great Lakes Project in Burundi were: Université des Grands Lacs (UGL) Bujumbura, Université Lumière de Bujumbura ULBU, Université du Lac Tanganyik Bujumbura, Bujumbura Christian University. In Burundi the following NGOs were involved: Commission Episcopale Justice et Paix CEJP, Centre UBUNTU Bujumbura, Centre SERUKA Bujumbura und THARS Trauma Healing and Reconciliation Service Bujumbura. Project partners in Rwanda were: Protestant Institute of Arts and Social Sciences PIASS Huye, Université catholique de Butare Huye. In Rwanda the following NGOs were involved: Diaconia of Anglican Church of Rwanda Muhanga 25

The meetings leading to the memorandum involved: Université Lumière de Bujumbura ULBU, Université des Grands Lacs (UGL) Bujumbura, Université Libre des Pays des Grand Lacs ULPGL Goma, Université Catholique la Sapientia UCS Goma, Protestant University of Rwanda PIASS Huye. The NGOs involved were: Action for the Promotion of Peace, Reconciliation and sustainable Development in the Sub-Region of the Great Lakes APRED, Diaconia of the Anglican Church of Burundi, Diaconia of the Methodist Church of Burundi, Commission Episcopale Justice et Paix CEJP Burundi, Diaconia of the Anglican Church of Rwanda, Diaconia of the Presbyterian Church of Rwanda, Light Group Association Rwanda, Commissione Justice, Paix et Sauvegarde de CBCA Goma, Centre d’Apprentissage professionnel et Artisanal CAPA Bukavu/DRCongo, Community of the White Fathers, Bukavu/DRCongo. 26 “African Network for Peace, Reconciliation and Sustainable Development” based in Freiburg Germany. 27 Facilitated by Prof. Dr. Karin E. Sauer, Faculty of Social Work.

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District, Diaconia of Anglican Church of Rwanda Kigeme District, Centre de Formation et de Documentation CFD Kigali, Light Group Association Rwanda, Peace for Peace Initiatives Kigali and the Dominicans Kigali. Project partners in DRCongo were: Université Libre des Pays des Grand Lacs ULPGL Goma, Université Catholique la Sapientia UCS Goma. In DRCongo the following NGOs were involved: CBCA Justice, Peace and The Integrity of Creation Commission Goma, Centre d’Apprentissage professionnel et Artisanal CAPA Bukavu, SMA Society of the Missionaries of Africa, Coordination of the Ongoing Formation for Africa Bukavu, Saint Vincent de Paul, CHNP Centre Hospitalier Neuropsychiatrique Goma. Also involved was: Action for the Promotion of Peace, Reconciliation and sustainable Development in the Sub-Region of the Great Lakes APRED. In Germany, the Baden-Wuerttemberg Cooperative State University was involved as well as the Albert Ludwig University of Freiburg AB Caritas Science and Christian Social Work. Upon completion of the project, this publication Healing through Remembering—Sharing Grassroots Experiences of Peace, Reconciliation and Healing appears in the publication series of the Faculty of Social Science of the Baden-Wuerttemberg Cooperative State University. The coordinator of the process since 2012 with workshops, trainings and conferences was Dieter Brandes, who as a sociologist of religion, church historian and economist was responsible for processes of Healing of Memories for WCC first in Southeast Europe and later in Africa. He led training initiatives, workshops and conferences from 2016 together with Corinna Kaernbach, trauma therapist in Berlin, in cooperation with various partners in Germany and Africa, which finally led to the Great Lakes Project Peace—Reconciliation—Memory.

References Afako B. (2002). Reconciliation and justice: ‘Mato oput’ and the Amnesty Act. https:// www.c-r.org/accord/northern-uganda/reconciliation-and-justice-%E2%80%98matooput%E2%80%99-and-amnesty-act-2002. Botman, H. R., & Petersen, R. M. (Eds.). (1996). To remember and to heal. Human & Rousseau. Brandes, D. (2011). Heilende Erinnerung. In B. von Clausewitz (Ed.), Gerechtigkeit, Jahrbuch Mission 2011 (pp. 179–186). EMW. Brandes, D. (2013). Heilende Erinnerung – Die Initiative Healing of Memories weltweit. Materialdienst MD Konfessionskundliches Institut Bensheim, 5, 92–94.

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Brandes, D. (2016). Reconciliation through remembering. An overview about the methodology of Healing of Memories (HoM). Revista Teologica, 2(98), 271–284. Brandes, D. (2022a). Healing of Memories – Healing through Remembering / Das Amt der Christen für Versöhnung – Konfliktgeschichte und Ansätze zu Versöhnung durch Erinnerung an ausgewählten Beispielen in Europa. Inaugural dissertation at the Facultatea de Teologie “Sfântul Andrei Saguna” ¸ of the “Universitatea Lucian Blaga” Sibiu, Romania. Brandes, D. (2022b). Healing of Memories in zwei Ebenen der Realisierung. In D. Brandes (2022a), 73–83. Brandes, D. (2022c). Der Weg der Healing of Memories Versöhnungsarbeit durch Afrika und transkontinental. In D. Brandes (2022a), 96–131. Brandes, D. (2022d). Healing of Memories in Australien. In D. Brandes (2022a), 107–111. Brandes, D. (2022e). Healing of Memories in Nordamerika am Beispiel der First Nation in Kanada. In D. Brandes (2022a), 114–118. Brandes, D. (2022f). Healing of Memories in Rumänien als Beispiel für Wege zu versöhnter Verschiedenheit. In D. Brandes (2022a), 488–522. Brandes, D., & Kurian, M. (2010). Healing of memories in Europe. In M. Kurian, D. Brandes, O. Lukács, & V. Gr˘ajdian (Eds.), Reconciliation, 7 (pp. 15–26). Schiller. Buber, M. (1992). Das Dialogische Gespräch (6th ed.). Schneider. Burgess, P. (2006). A new approach to restorative justice. East Timor’s community reconciliation processes. In N. Roht-Arriaza, & J. Mariezcurrena (Eds.), Transitional justice in the twenty-first century. Beyond truth versus justice (pp. 176–205). Falconer, A. D., & Liechty, J. (Eds.). (2005). Reconciling memories. Blackroc. Hankel, G. (2006). Wir möchten, dass ihr uns verzeiht. Die Anfänge der Gacaca-Justiz in Ruanda. In A. Kenkmann & H. Zimmer (Eds.), Nach Kriegen und Diktaturen (pp. 141– 153). Klartext. Hartkemeyer, M. (2003). Das Geheimnis des Dialogs. In H. Egner (Ed.), Heilung und Heil (pp. 11–39). Walter. Jesudasan, U. (2010). Healing of memories: What does it mean in the context of India. Reconciliatio, 4, 122–127. Jesudasan, U., & Rüppell, G. (Eds.). (2008). Pain – Remembrance – Healing. World Council of Churches. Kaernbach, C. (2012). Arbeitsmaterialien/Trauma-Tools. Unpublished manuscript. Kerber, G. (2008). The truth and reconciliation commission – An outside reaction. In U. Jesudasan & G. Rüppell (Eds.), Pain – Remembrance – Healing (pp. 50–52). World Council of Churches. Lapsley, M. (2010). Looking beyond the borders – Healing of memories in South Africa. Reconciliatio, 4, 128–132. Steffensen, R. (2010). The difficult talks – Experiences from reconciliation process of Norway. Reconciliatio, 7, 54–58. Stoves, J. (2005). Healing in Northern Ireland found through remembering and the kingdom of god. ULBU. (2019). Education and grassroots experiences of Peace, Reconciliation and Healing Université Lumière de Bujumbura. Unpublished manuscript. Wahrheits- und Versöhnungskommission Südafrika. (2000). Das Schweigen gebrochen. Reihe Geschichte – Anhörungen – Perspektiven.

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Dieter Brandes, Rev. Dr. theol. at the Facultatea de Teologie “Sfântul Andrei S¸ aguna” in Sibiu-Romania. Born 1945 in Hannover-Germany he completed a master’s degree in Evangelical Theology and of Economics (Eberhard-Karls-Universität Tübingen). He studied sociology of religion in Chicago and has experience in teaching Economics at the DHBW Ravensburg, Diaconal Management at the German Diaconia Academy in Berlin and Mediation and Conflict Management at Universities in Romania. He is a specialist in Healing of Memories between cultures, ethnicities and religions and editor of the book series Reconciliatio, Evangelische Verlagsanstalt Leipzig. His publications focus on diaconal management, historical conflict causation research, and processes for peace and reconciliation. He is the overall coordinator of this project. Contact: [email protected]

Memory Work as Participatory Action Research. Introducing the Collaboration of Burundian, Congolese, Rwandan and German Researchers Karin E. Sauer 1

Remembering and Healing Past Conflicts in the Great Lakes Region in Eastern Africa

The book Healing through Remembering in the Great Lakes region in Eastern Africa is the final outcome of a joint project carried out by Burundian, Congolese and Rwandan authors from 2020 until 2023. Their objective was to share grassroots experiences of peace, reconciliation and healing across the borders of their neighboring countries. To help local people through the aftermath of war, violence and injustice in all three countries, local activists and organizers have made great efforts to create safe and sustainable environments for traumatized people. These efforts have been accompanied by Memory Work projects. These projects serve as a way to collectively remember traumatizing situations that have left scars that still hurt decades later. Memory Work actively pursues the Healing of Memories by providing opportunities for both victims and perpetrators of violence. By sharing their individual memories of their traumatizing pasts and their potentially traumatizing present situations, they can approach each other on a level of human connection: The encounters enable them to acknowledge past crimes or acts of violence and to seek forgiveness from survivors, and they serve as a basis for understanding the ‘other side’ of past and present conflicts between formerly competing groups. Because the various target groups of Memory Work have had multi-layered experiences of loss, death or chronic (mental) K. E. Sauer (B) Duale Hochschule Baden-Württemberg, Villingen-Schwenningen, Germany e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2023 K. E. Sauer et al. (eds.), Healing through Remembering, Edition Centaurus Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42447-3_2

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illness, Memory Work projects seek to support individual coping strategies that simultaneously stabilize people’s communities. The authors of this book, all experts in grassroots Memory Work initiatives in community- or faith-based settings, soon became convinced that their expertise would benefit from an exchange with colleagues from different Memory Work settings. However, the project encountered a double challenge: 1. Although each of the three countries had faced violent conflict in recent decades and had developed individual strategies to address it, there was little exchange of ideas among representatives of grass-roots peacebuilding initiatives in neighboring countries. 2. Although academic and practical discourses on peace education competencies existed in each country, a discourse linking theoretical and practical perspectives was not well established. These challenges were overcome by assembling experts from practice and academia into ‘country teams’, carrying out Participatory Action Research on Memory Work in their country. These country teams worked to build a mutual understanding of country-specific conflicts and the pathways leading out of them. Team members brought together their expertise, which was largely oriented toward the remembrance and reconciliation of conflict and resulted in a variety of initiatives: For example, there were experts who worked on peacebuilding based on their shared Christian faith, others came from public health backgrounds and offered primarily psychological assistance, and some led socioeconomic support networks in rural areas. As a first step, organizers from faith communities and social initiatives (e.g., NGOs) shared their professional expertise in country teams and gathered their specific experiences with reconciliation and healing in their respective grassroots areas of work. Doing so, they engaged in a dialogue both at the grassroots level and at the academic level, which was represented by university staff teaching Peace and Conflict Studies, Policy Analysis and Conflict Transformation, or Development Studies. Together, they developed an interand transdisciplinary discourse on peace, security, and healing. In this way, they expanded their country-specific knowledge by linking theoretical and practical perspectives more closely. In a second step, they presented their country-specific knowledge to the teams of their neighboring countries in joint conferences. This served as a means to promote educational materials on conflict reconciliation in each country, which were eventually collected in this book. Thus, the book project enabled mutual

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communication on peace education with different audiences on a cross-border level. But there is another challenge that goes beyond the borders of the African continent: the (German) colonial legacy of violence in the three neighboring countries that was created or fueled under colonial rule. The publication of a book on grassroots experiences of peace, reconciliation, and healing in the Great Lakes region of Africa therefore requires a fundamental reflection on both the historical context of these regions and their connection to a German/European scientific community. Characterizing the three neighboring countries of Burundi, DR Congo, and Rwanda as post-conflict societies has a very different meaning than characterizing post-war Germany as a post-conflict society (cf. e.g. Rothberg, 2021; Maruhukiro, 2020; Sasaki, 2009; Strizek, 2006). The following section will focus on the historical narratives and discourses, which highlight the power inequalities between European colonizing countries and the three colonized Sub-Saharan African countries mentioned above.

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African-European Relations: Racism in Colonial and Recent Times

From a Western-/European-centered understanding of history, it is overdue to advocate for the remembrance of colonial crimes and their continuation in multilayered regional and national conflicts of formerly colonized societies, as is the case in the East African countries of Burundi, Rwanda and Eastern Congo. These countries can be viewed as post-conflict societies, due to the violent conflicts deriving from the racist policies imposed on them by colonial law. Through the colonial rule of ‘divide et impera’ (divide and rule), the colonizing countries overrode the existing social systems that structured the social conviviality between the different members of the original populations as well as the geoecological conviviality of people and nature or their resources. With the arrival of colonial powers—including Germany in Burundi in 1885–1918 and in Rwanda in 1884–1916—they took over pre-colonial structures by exploiting these countries’ resources for their own profit and claiming them as their own (e.g. trade in ‘German cocoa from the colonies’). This was accompanied by harsh restrictions on the population, leaving them with few resources for their own subsistence. At the same time, the colonizers created division and competition between different social or cultural groups: They systematically racialized them using biologistic methods, following the concept of white supremacy: Africans were generally considered inferior, and there were subdivisions into ‘ethnic’ groups that were even

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more subordinated by reducing their resources to a level close to mere survival. The capitalist logic of the colonizers was interested only in economic growth, without regard for human and ecological values. The exploitation of nature and the oppression of the native population as a labor force went so far that even the death of the colonized was an accepted condition of the imperial way of life of the European rulers. They even deliberately killed those who supposedly posed a ‘threat to colonial rule.’ Such a ‘threat’ was also evoked by the fact that the colonizers did not consider Africans as fellow human beings, but as potentially dangerous animals, without souls, wild, uncivilized, and driven purely by instincts. Following this logic, whites who killed Africans could justify it as an act of self-defense. At this point, it should be noted that these supremacist ideas are based on a strongly anthropocentric worldview. The extraction of natural resources and the exploitation of humans and animals—accepting their death and extinction by millions—for the unstoppable growth of a privileged few was the basis for their undisputed ‘normality’ (see, e.g., Klose, 2016; Keppeler, 2021). The systematic ‘othering,’ devaluation and humiliation of the colonized took its toll and led to rivalries for resources and power among the colonized. As tensions in the colonies intensified, colonial powers denied any responsibility and refused to de-escalate inter-group conflicts, even though the seeds of their disruption had been deliberately planted by the colonizers. One well-known example is Rwanda: during the 1994 Hutu genocide against the Tutsi, the European community deliberately looked the other way and withdrew UN troops from Rwanda, resulting in the deaths of some 800,000 people. This was followed by the total collapse of the country, which also affected neighboring countries where the Rwandan population sought refuge. This is just one example of the historical relations between colonizing and colonized countries. Regrettably, discussions that attempt to explain the violent and deadly escalation of conflict in former colonies too often follow a white supremacy perspective through the same historical construct of the inferiority of Black (compared to white) people who are ascribed with a higher potential for belligerence and aggression. Very rarely are the racist actions, designations and ideas of the colonial powers addressed in German public historiography, for example in ethnological exhibitions in German museums. Only today are German school and university curricula integrating the aspect of German imperialism. The main focus is on historical guilt, which German politicians have recently begun to publicly regret. But regretting the damage done by the former colonial masters is a purely rhetorical act, disconnected from the damage done in the present by the continued exploitation of the former colonies by Western politics and economies. Official expressions of pity—along with the recently media-hyped return of looted art to its original

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sites—very rarely involve “guilt”: Guilt would be a formal admission of wrongdoing, which all former colonial powers try to refrain from doing for as long as possible (cf. Wiedemann, 2022, p. 47). Gestures of repentance are offered in the form of financial contributions, especially development aid, and thus remain on the familiar terrain of a relationship that suggests generosity (cf. ibid., see also Wiedemann, 2019). Olúf´e.mi Táíwò argues that even reparations—called “social justice projects” by colonizing countries—are either rooted in a conciliatory justice that focuses on reparations in the present, or they focus on the past and emphasize reparations for historical wrongs (cf. ibid., 2022). However, in order to sustainably redress the imbalanced power relations between African and European countries, Táíwò proposes a “constructive” view of reparation, which should be seen as a future-oriented project to build a better social order; and that the costs of building a more just world should be distributed more among those who have inherited moral responsibility for past injustices (cf. ibid.). Disturbingly, this perspective has been neglected by those leading an ‘imperial way of life’ (Brand & Wissen, 2017) that persists and even expands in Germany and other former colonial powers. Thus, it is evident that colonial domination continues in the form of racial capitalism that transcends even the planetary boundaries of human existence. Severe ecological damage and global climate collapse seem to be accepted as collateral damage to feed an ever-devouring capitalism with disastrous consequences for all future generations, especially in former colonies (Sauer, 2021). Moten and Harney (2013) explain, “Racial hierarchies (…) must be opposed by precisely all those who benefit in any way from them. Or, as Moten puts it: ‘The coalition emerges out of your (white, K.E.S.) recognition that it’s fucked up for you, in the same way that we (Blacks, K.E.S.)’ve already recognized that it’s fucked up for us. I don’t need your help. I just need you to recognize that this shit is killing you, too, however much more softly, you stupid motherfucker, you know?” (Moten & Harney, 2013, p. 10). Thus, in order to understand the urgent need for collective and transformative action for a sustainable future, a world view shaped primarily by white supremacy must be expanded to include discourses of white fragility (diAngelo, 2018). This requires empathy for those whose perspectives have been left out of predominantly white discourses. This is a challenging endeavor because “empathy also requires identifying with the person you’re empathizing with. And sometimes you only identify with those whom you recognize. That’s a problem because part of solidarity is the people you don’t recognize. The people you don’t see yourself in” (Kelley et al., 2018, n. p.). Germany and other European colonial powers would therefore be well advised to learn how formerly colonized people

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deal with their history of violence and death through colonial oppression, cruelty, and crime. And they should open themselves to the indigenous knowledge that members of non-European societies had before they were colonized. Indigenous knowledge includes strategies of community organizing, care-taking, public health, networks of intergenerational solidarity. Those who suffered from colonial oppression were encouraged by their original knowledge to persevere in the most adverse circumstances. This knowledge enabled them to survive and helped them return to a life beyond survival (cf. Dixon & Piepzna-Samarasinha, 2020). Indigenous knowledge has the potential to transform even the harmful habits of an imperial way of life into sustainable ways of living together on one planet. Nota bene: The ownership of indigenous knowledge cannot be claimed by racialcapitalist appropriation. Rather racial-capitalist motivations must be unlearned. To liberate ourselves from a destructive system we need to reconstruct a livable world for everyone and everything (Mbembe, 2021). The African paradigm of Ubuntu offers a starting point to pursue this goal. It stands for “I am we; I am because we are; we are because I am, I am in you, you are in me” (Chilisa, 2020, p. 98). It stands in contrast to “the Eurocentric view of humanity, ‘I think, therefore, I am’”, which was coined by René Descartes. Descartes “expresses a concept of self that is individually defined and ‘is in tune with a monolithic and one-dimensional construction of humanity’” (Goduka, 2000, p. 29, quoted in Chilisa, 2020, p. 99). In contrast, in Ubuntu, “the principle of ‘I am because we are’, ‘the group has priority over the individual without crushing the individual, but allowing the individual to blossom as a person’ (Senghor, 1966, p. 5, quoted in Chilisa, 2020, p. 99). Existence-inrelation and being-for-self-and-others sum up the African conception of life and reality” (Onyewumi, 1998, quoted in Chilisa, 2020, p. 99). Only recently has this concept been integrated into the global professional Social Work discourse. The International Federation of Social Workers states: “the salient philosophies in the West do not conceive of such ideas as core in prescribing duties in the way societies south of the Sahara do. Ubuntu includes the values of communality, respect, dignity, acceptance, sharing, co-responsibility, humaneness, social justice, fairness, personhood, morality, group solidarity, compassion, joy, love, fulfilment, and conciliation. Ubuntu was widely popularised by the likes of President Nelson Mandela and Archbishop Desmond Tutu. The philosophy has over the years influenced the way communities in Africa have resolved problems affecting both individuals and the community as a collective. In 2020, ubuntu was brought into the social work discourse through the IFSW and IASSW Global Agenda Theme for 2021: Ubuntu: I am because we are: Strengthening social solidarity and global connectedness” (Mayaka et al., 2023, p. 2).

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In this book, the Burundian, Congolese, and Rwandan authors make this concept accessible to a European readership. By sharing their individual expertise for their situation, they follow a research approach inspired by Paulo Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1970), as described in the next section.

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Research Approaches to Indigenous Knowledge and Transformative Research

Brazilian educator Paulo Freire, himself from the ‘Global South’, was a pioneer of transformative education. Believing that people in poor living conditions are experts on their situation, he developed research collaborations with communities to identify the reasons for their living conditions in a broader social perspective. Together, they generated knowledge to help local communities become more empowered by developing ideas for transformative action to reduce poverty. Using Freirean methods, members of disadvantaged communities were able to create concrete measures of community organizing in the form of grassroots networks of mutual support, while also acting as co-researchers by uncovering unjust power relations affecting their immediate lives. From the analysis of their circumstances, they derived civil, social, or fundamental human rights, and on this basis began to demand political rights in the public sphere. Freire’s methods were further developed by Black scholars such as bell hooks, whose book Teaching to transgress (1994) addressed both Black and non-Black students to examine the conditions of racism and sexism. Thus, hooks’ approach involves not only the ‘oppressed’ themselves but also the ‘oppressors’. Like Freire, she believed that both sides could act with united forces to redirect historical power imbalances toward a mutually sustainable future if the narratives of indigenous researchers were shared among themselves and also reflected and understood by representatives of the dominant society. Once their knowledge of their interconnectedness would be transformed, they would be able to reconcile conflict and trauma and work toward transformative justice. Transformative justice is of utmost urgency today, especially with regard to epistemic justice and distributive justice in the context of the ongoing global socioecological transformation (see Das & Or, 2022; Or, 2022; Chilisa, 2020; Haines, 2019; Sow, 2014). According to Paulo Freire’s approach, racial-capitalist structures deriving from colonial power imbalances can be seen as forms of oppression. Following this perspective, today’s citizens and governments of formerly colonizing countries can

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be seen as both historical and present-day oppressors. Changing the fatal irresponsibility of the oppressors for the world’s fast track to disaster (cf. United Nations, 2022) requires an empathetic understanding of the narratives of the oppressed and, at the same time, their narratives of empowerment. This book is an attempt to draw the attention of colonial oppressors to the narratives of oppression and agency articulated by the voices of the oppressed, also referred to as indigenous knowledge. Freire’s practices for generating indigenous knowledge lead to the methods of Participatory Action Research (PAR): PAR provides a framework in which anyone (regardless of their academic qualifications) can research their own conditions and take action to change those conditions. In this book, for example, these are incarcerated people convicted of genocide crimes, people with psychopathological symptoms following traumatic stress during violent conflict, women with experiences of rape, loss of family members, ongoing domestic violence, and generally people in difficult circumstances. All of them were involved in one way or another in Memory Work projects, facilitated by the researchers and grassroots collaborators who wrote this book. As authors, they conducted Participatory Action Research by engaging in a research process about how they themselves produce transformative knowledge by doing Memory Work and Healing of Memories (e.g., Brandes, 2016; Correa, 2011). In the research teams formed in each of the African countries, they brought their own perspectives and beliefs forward. Through a facilitated research process, the participants organized their contributions to include both academic and practical experiences. The country-specific research networks benefited from their diversity: While the academically trained team members helped the field researchers put their thoughts on paper, the field researchers’ knowledge enriched the academic discourse at their respective universities. To structure the contributions from Rwanda, Burundi, and DR Congo, each country team was represented by a country coordinator from their own ranks as a member of the editorial team. The results of the country-specific meetings were presented at a final transboundary conference entitled ‘Transboundary Network Project Education for Peace, Reconciliation and Healing’. This conference showcased the collaboration of colleagues doing Memory Work in three neighboring countries. In their transboundary exchange of ideas, they developed educational materials for the purpose of “teaching to transgress” (hooks 1994) both in universities and in fieldwork in (East) Africa and Europe. As an African-German editorial team, we aim to address the exclusion, silencing, invisibility, and inaudibility of the work of scholars from the Global South, including the diminished status assigned to work and knowledge from these

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regions (cf. Ncube, 2022). The authors and the members of their community projects have dealt with various ‘scars’ from the past that continue to resonate today, whether in the form of psychological diagnoses, lack of social support, ongoing experiences of violence in families, or environmentally challenging conditions. During the collaborative research process, Memory Work facilitators made the inner and outer life worlds of the people they work with accessible to a wider audience. In the final conference, they noted that their most important learning was the exchange with colleagues from neighboring African countries and from Germany. They appreciated the opportunity to engage in a learning process that revealed many commonalities regarding the personal and social challenges of Memory Work. They also emphasized the importance of teaching materials that bring together academic and fieldwork expertise, seeing this as a key element in teaching to transgress past conflicts. However, there is a limitation regarding the actual authorship that needs to be addressed: Because the editorial team agreed to use English as the language of the joint book project, much of the contextual knowledge contained in the vocabulary and word choices of the other languages spoken in the three countries could not be fully conveyed. Interview sequences or references used by the authors that were originally in Kinyarwanda, Kirundi, Swahili, or French may not be accurately reflected in the English translation. As much as this book aims to create epistemic justice through power-sharing in this collaborative research design, the hierarchies of the global scientific community persist. Since the translations led to some objectification of knowledge, the editorial team decided to counteract this fact by leaving the texts as close as possible to the versions presented by the authors, without ‘cleaning up’ passages that might read ‘unconventional’ from a European-Western academic perspective. This is a deliberate—though very small—attempt to deconstruct epistemic power relations in knowledge production (cf. Cory, 2020, p. 150).

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Memory Work as Social Work—Trauma as an Archive of Transformative Knowledge

This book on Healing of Memories contains a collection of educational initiatives ‘from below’ aiming at the realization of peace, reconciliation and healing in community projects at the ‘grassroots’. They can all be seen as pieces of a mosaic leading to a ‘multidirectional memory’ (Rothberg, 2021) or a ‘world memory’ (Wiedemann, 2022). The attempt to bring about public remembering

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will possibly be accompanied by ‘memory conflicts’; however, according to Rothberg, it will produce more memory not less (cf. Rothberg, 2021, p. 11). That this can also lead to connectedness and solidarity rather than division and competition is shown in the chapters on Burundian, Congolese, and Rwandan strategies for bringing memories and their associated suffering together. In light of increasing globalization, Charlotte Wiedemann’s attempt to ‘understand the pain of others’ (2022) seems meaningful: In order to understand the world as a whole and to end the hierarchization of experiences of suffering, she suggests that ‘white historical thinking’ must be overcome through the commitment to empathy (Wiedemann, 2022, p. 9). Establishing a ‘world memory’ in this way is admittedly not a simple undertaking, but a complex process of negotiation, ‘a groping process in which there may be missteps, detours, and errors’ (ibid. 2022, p. 175, quoted in Ihring, 2022, p. 5). Nevertheless, these steps must be taken. This necessity is underlined by an open letter from African intellectuals to the German government in 2020: ‘All human beings are born free and equal. They belong to the same species. By virtue of this radical equality, there is no culture of memory that is inferior to another. All cultures of memory can/are allowed to be communicated. For in every catastrophe and misfortune in our common history, it is the shape of each of us that has been eclipsed’ (Lado, 2020, p. 3). Bringing the different approaches to Memory Work of this unique BurundianCongolese-Rwandan collaboration into global social science discourses, may be one step on this path. The recognition of the diverse ways of remembering holds a key to transforming trauma into an ‘archive of knowledge’ (cf. Scharf da Silva, 2022)—transformative knowledge—that can point a way out of the multidimensional crises of our time (cf. Khaled-Ibrahim & Schaefer, 2022). In this understanding, the contributions of this book also represent testimonies of Social Work that aims at peaceful coexistence on a communal and a global level: According to the Global Social Work Statement of Ethical Principles (IFSW, 2018, n. p.), promoting social justice is one of the key responsibilities of social workers, as they “engage people in achieving social justice, in relation to society generally, and in relation to the people with whom they work”. This has a very large scope—“Social workers challenge discrimination, which includes but is not limited to age, capacity, civil status, class, culture, ethnicity, gender, gender identity, language, nationality (or lack thereof), opinions, other physical characteristics, physical or mental abilities, political beliefs, poverty, race, relationship status, religion, sex, sexual orientation, socioeconomic status, spiritual beliefs, or family structure” (ibid.). This implies an unbiased respect for diversity:

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“Social workers work toward strengthening inclusive communities that respect the ethnic and cultural diversity of societies, taking account of individual, family, group, and community differences. Social workers recognize the biological, psychological, social, and spiritual dimensions of people’s lives and understand and treat all people as whole persons. Such recognition is used to formulate holistic assessments and interventions with the full participation of people, organizations, and communities with whom social workers engage” (ibid.).

References Brand, U., & Wissen, M. (2017). Imperiale Lebensweise. Zur Ausbeutung von Mensch und Natur im globalen Kapitalismus. oekom. Brandes, D. (2016). Reconciliation through remembering. An overview about the methodology of Healing of Memories (HoM). Revista Teologica, 2, 1–21. Chilisa, B. (2020). Indigenous research methodologies (2nd ed.). SAGE. Correa, S. M. de Souza. (2011). History, memory, and commemorations. On genocide and colonial past in South West Africa. Revista Brasileira de História, 31(61), 85–103. Cory, E. (2020). Bringing conviviality into methods in media and migration studies. In O. Hemer et al. (Eds.), Conviviality at the crossroads. The poetics and politics of everyday encounters (pp. 145–164). Palgrave Macmillan. Das, C., & Or, Y. (2022). Wer spricht für wen um die Erde zu retten? Repräsentation und ökologische Gerechtigkeit in der Sozialen Arbeit. In T. Pfaff, R. Lutz, & B. Schramkowski (Eds.), Klimakrise, sozialökologischer Kollaps und Klimagerechtigkeit. Spannungsfelder für Soziale Arbeit (pp. 52–68). Beltz Juventa. diAngelo, R. (2018). White fragility: Why it’s so hard for white people to talk about Racism. Beacon. Dixon, E., & Piepzna-Samarasinha, L. L. (2020). Beyond survival: Strategies and stories from the transformative justice movement. AK Press. Freire, P. (1970/2002). Pädagogik der Unterdrückten. Bildung als Praxis der Freiheit. Rowohlt. Haines, S. (2019). The politics of trauma. somatics, healing, and social justice. North Atlantic Books. IFSW – International Federation of Social Workers. (2018). Global social work statement of ethical principles. https://www.ifsw.org/global-social-work-statement-of-ethicalprinciples/. Ihring, I. (2022). Globale Erinnerungskultur – (Wie) Kann das gelingen? Newsletter Rassismuskritische Migrationspädagogik, 36, 5. Kelley, R. D. G., Amariglio, J., & Wilson, L. (2018). Solidarity is not a market exchange: An RM interview with Robin D. G. Kelley. https://black-ink.info/2020/01/16/solidarityis-not-a-market-exchange-an-interview-with-robin-d-g-kelley/. Accessed 26 Dec 2022. Keppeler, T. (2021). Schwarzer Widerstand. Sklaverei und Rassismus in Lateinamerika und der Karibik. Rotpunkt.

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Khaled-Ibrahim, R., & Schaefer, K. (2022). Mut zur Komplexität. Von der (Un-)Möglichkeit einer feministischen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit. https://www.medico.de/blog/mutzur-komplexitaet-18908. Accessed 13 Dec 2022. Klose, F. (2016). Koloniale Gewalt und Kolonialkrieg. Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung. Lado, L. (2020). Offener Brief afrikanischer Intellektueller, Schriftsteller-, und KünstlerInnen an Frau Angela Merkel, Bundeskanzlerin der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, und an Seine Exzellenz Frank Walter Steinmeier, Bundespräsident der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 18.05.2020, 1–6. https://www.afrieurotext.at/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/ Brief-von-Achille-Mbembe-an-die-dt-Bundeskanzlerin-Frau-Angela-Merkel_%C3% 9Cbersetzung_18.05.2020.pdf. Maruhukiro, D. (2020). Für eine Friedens- und Versöhnungskultur. Sozial-politische Analyse, ethischer Ansatz und kirchlicher Beitrag zur Förderung einer Friedens- und Versöhnungskultur in Burundi. LIT Verlag. Mayaka, B., Uwihangana, C., & van Breda, A. D. (Eds.). (2023). The ubuntu practitioner. Social work perspectives. International Federation of Social Workers. Mbembe, A. (2021). The need and desire to repair the world. On the conditions for a planetary consciousness. Feb. 14, 2021. In The (Re)Construction of the World. Online conference. 12.–14. Feb. 2021. Moten, F., & Harney, S. (2013). The undercommons. Fugitive planning & black study. Minor Compositions. Ncube, M. (2022). Epistemic violence in psychological science. Issues of knowledge, meaning making and power: A critical historical and philosophical perspective. https://doi.org/ 10.31234/osf.io/a5nxs. Or, Y. (2022). Faire Zitierpraxis und sozialökologische Gerechtigkeit. In T. Pfaff et al. (Eds.), Klimakrise, sozialökologischer Kollaps und Klimagerechtigkeit. Spannungsfelder für Soziale Arbeit (pp. 242–246). Beltz Juventa. Rothberg, M. (2021). Multidirektionale Erinnerung. Holocaustgedenken im Zeitalter der Dekolonisierung. Metropol Verlag. Sasaki, K. (2009). Beyond dichotomies. The quest for justice and reconciliation and the politics of national identity building in post-genocide Rwanda. [Doctoral dissertation]. University of Bradford: Department of Peace Studies. Sauer, K. E. (2021). Friedenspädagogik und Demokratiebildung am Beispiel von Erinnerungsarbeit in Deutschland und Ruanda. In A. Ullrich & K. E. Sauer (Eds.), Pädagogik für die Soziale Arbeit (pp. 127–143). Nomos. Scharf da Silva, I. (2022). Trauma als Wissensarchiv. Postkoloniale Erinnerungspraxis in der Sakralen Globalisierung am Beispiel der zeitgenössischen Umbanda im deutschsprachigen Europa. Büchner Verlag. Sow, N. (2014). Schwarze Wissensproduktion als angeeignete Profilierungsressource und der systematische Ausschluss von Erfahrungswissen aus Kunst- und Kulturstudien. Paper presented at Postkoloniale Analysemethoden in der Kunst, Dec. 05./06., 2014, Dresden. Strizek, H. (2006). Geschenkte Kolonien. Ruanda und Burundi unter deutscher Herrschaft. Ch. Links. Táíwò, O. (2022). Reconsidering reparations. Oxford University Press. United Nations. (2022). UN climate report. It’s ‘now or never’ to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees. Apr. 4, 2022. https://news.un.org/en/story/2022/04/1115452. Accessed 26 Dec 2022.

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Wiedemann, C. (2019). Der lange Abschied von der weißen Dominanz. dtv. Wiedemann, C. (2022). Den Schmerz der Anderen begreifen. Holocaust und Weltgedächtnis. Ein Plädoyer für eine empathische Erinnerungskultur. Propyläen.

Karin E. Sauer, Prof. Dr. rer. soc., Dipl.-Päd., Master in Diversity Education. Professor of Social Work Theory and Social Work Methods at the Cooperative State University Baden-Württemberg Villingen-Schwenningen DHBW VS. Adjunct lecturer at the University of Hildesheim for Cultural Diversity in Music Education. She teaches Inclusion and Exclusion in (Post-)Migration Societies, Cultural Studies, Dis_ability Studies, Gender & Diversity in Social Work. Her research interests are: Critical Whiteness, De-colonial Social Work, Memory Work, Global Environmental Movements, Community Music, Music and other creative arts as a means of communication and political articulation, Participatory Action Research. She facilitated the Participatory Action Research process and coordinated the scientific evaluation of this project. Contact: [email protected]

Burundi

Burundi—An Overview Onésime Nzambimana

Burundi has experienced various socio-political crises and conflicts since independence that have lasted for decades. The bad events that Burundians suffer cyclically are due to the fact that they have almost never learned lessons from their history. In 1965, after an attempted coup against King Mwambutsa, Burundi’s first national drama occurred when many Tutsis were killed by Hutus in Busangana in Muramvya province. In 1972, another crisis erupted in the south of the country when a group of Hutu rebels attacked and killed many people, especially Tutsis. In response to these massive killings of Tutsis, Tutsis throughout the country killed many Hutus, including those not involved in the rebel group. In 1988, another crisis claimed many lives, including many Hutus, and in 1993, after the assassination of the first democratically elected president from independence, massacres of several people, Tutsis and Hutus, occurred. Finally, in 2015, after the announcement that President Pierre Nkurunziza would run for a third term, there was a protest movement and horrific violence that killed many Tutsis and Hutus. These crises and acts of violence have led to different memories and other consequences, such as trauma, for the people (the victims and the perpetrators). Local and international organizations, in cooperation with universities and other religious organizations, have done their best to achieve reconciliation between the two ethnic groups, Hutus and Tutsis, in order to promote peace. In this context, researchers from universities and some local organizations that are partners in O. Nzambimana (B) Université des Grands Lacs, Bujumbura, Burundi e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2023 K. E. Sauer et al. (eds.), Healing through Remembering, Edition Centaurus Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42447-3_3

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the cross-border network project “Education and grassroots experiences of Peace, Reconciliation and Healing” are also making contributions to reconciliation and peace building. This includes the work of David Fechner of the APRED-RGL organization. In his article, Background of the conflicts in the Great Lakes region and implementation of methods for reconciliation and trauma healing, using the example of the APRED-RGL organization, he highlights the origins of the conflicts in the Great Lakes region, which have been ongoing for many years and continue to negatively impact people’s lives. He talks about the historical and political background of the three countries Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda and shows how the ethnic conflicts in this region have their roots in colonization. The colonizers used biological differences to create social hierarchies that did not exist before. They then established racial theories based on false information. They began to favor one group and disadvantage another, and this led to conflicts that resulted in wars, massacres, and trauma for many people. APRED-RGL aims to achieve its goals by building local capacity for peace and sustainable development, facilitating intercultural learning and reconciliation, and promoting social cohesion and solidarity. The author introduces us to the different approaches and practical measures to promote peace and reconciliation. We can see that it works for reconciliation and peacebuilding. From the same perspective, Denis Kazungu’s article From the challenges to the strengths of the ongoing reconciliation process in Burundi shows how reconciliation is likely to be a process in a country that has lived through various crises and war situations. Reconciliation is seen as the overcoming of differences and the healing of broken relationships. The author of this article explains how Burundi, like any other country that has lived through violence and crises, faces challenges in the reconciliation process. He goes on to show that there is a way out and the power to move through the challenges to reconciliation. One of the suggested ways is telling the truth about what happened in Burundi during the whole period of troubles between Hutus and Tutsis in Burundi. The truth here means that people may talk about the real situation the country underwent in an impartial way. In Burundi, there is a need to tell the truth about whatever happened between Hutu and Tutsi and show the responsibility for everyone. In this article, the author considers that the process of reconciliation should be based on the truth of the facts, that is Tutsis killed Hutus and Hutus also killed Tutsis. Moreover, both Tutsis and Hutus helped each other in these bad situations and that there are Hutus who survived due to the action of Tutsis and vice versa. Another point which has been raised in this article and which seems very important in the process of reconciliation is the relations of proximity and

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interdependence that Burundians have been entertaining from time immemorial. Unfortunately, my point of view is that this area is not well exploited while it is very essential. Burundians have been living together in communities, helping each other and this can be a good opportunity for reconciliation. The fact that they live together without separating Hutu and Tutsi, speaking the same language would be a base on which reconciliation should be based on. In few words, through the truth that states that both Hutus and Tutsis have suffered the crises and the understanding that both are Burundian without pointing at each other as being bad can help to reconcile. The fact of living together in communities and helping each other should also be exploited as a strip, which can tie them together as a community. This can help Burundians to overcome all the so-called differences and get the sustainable reconciliation. They would then be able to heal their memories and begin to live together peacefully. Along with these works, Alexis Niyibigira from THARS, Josiane Nimbona from the Centre UBUNTU and Josiane-Yvette Kamariza from Centre SERUKA in their work Awareness-raising via interactive theater at Gitega, Bugendana commune—Contribution of civil society organizations to dealing with past traumas and intergenerational dialogues for community reconciliation, they show us how the crises made people overwhelmed, disoriented even cut off from social reality. For them, to know the truth is not enough since their question is to know how these people who are affected and suffering psychologically can contribute to the reconciliation, peace building and social reconstruction. They say that when reconciliation is separated from trauma healing, the peace building may result into another victimization. The victims, survivors and the community are suffering with the distress of having lost their own and suffering psychologically while women and girls have been victims of sexual violence and torture. Considering the seriousness of the crises, violence and crimes observed in Burundi there is a need of psychological intervention in order to succeed the process of reconciliation. According to the authors, those people who are suffering from the crises that Burundi went through need psychosocial support in order to overcome the post-traumatic stress disorder. This will help them to be part of the reconciliation process and peace building. Symphorien Ntibagirirwa in his work Recovering the Wealth of our Humanness: UBUNTU as a Basis of Lasting Reconciliation on the other hand, focusses on “UBUNTU” value so as to get to the real reconciliation. He mentions that “Ubuntu” means the humanness or the humanity of the human being or the person. This means that Ubuntu is a characteristic of a person, which helps him or her to live together with other people in the community. The problem that we have and that pushed us (Africans) to tensions, conflicts, wars and genocidal

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massacres is that we have lost the Ubuntu value. If people violate the rights of others and kill each other, the meaning is that Ubuntu is no longer there and these people are those that are qualified as animals by Rwandese and Burundians since they have lost their humanness or Ubuntu. In the view of the author, the question is how to restore the humanness, the Ubuntu for those who have lost it so that reconciliation can be possible. According to Symphorien, the knowledge of the truth of what happened and the psychological approaches mentioned by the other authors are not enough for the reconciliation process. He says that in reconciliation, it is not just to forgive and forget but both the victim and the perpetrators must commit themselves to allowing life to flow. For him, some perpetrators may tell the truth of what they did in order to boast themselves of their deeds. On the other hand, for the victims, the knowledge of the truth can lead to the idea of how to revenge. Hence, only the pair of intelligence and love, of mind and heart that constitute the Ubuntu value can help in the reconciliation process and peace building.

Onésime Nzambimana is the general secretary at Université des Grands Lacs (UGL) and lecturer at the same University, where he has been serving for more than ten years. He has participated in different conferences about peace building, reconciliation and healing. He also participated in a research on reconciliation and sustainable development in Burundi. He is the country coordinator of this project for Burundi. Contact: [email protected]

Background of the Conflicts in the Great Lakes Region and Implementation of Methods for Reconciliation and Trauma Healing Using the Example of the Organization APRED-RGL David J. Fechner Abstract

The African Great Lakes region has long been shaken by ongoing wars and conflicts. Both the causes of the conflict and the causes and objectives of the conflict parties are extremely complex. Deep-rooted stereotypes and prejudices cause local and regional conflicts to flare up again and again. Due to the high occurrence of mineral resources, numerous international actors have always been involved in the conflicts in the region. Various organizations and initiatives use numerous tools and instruments to counteract these prejudices and to support reconciliation among the people in the region. The regional network APRED-RGL uses certain methods for conflict resolution and reconciliation, in particular the Youth Forum Theatre.

D. J. Fechner (B) Ziviler Friedensdienst (ZFD)/Civil Peace Service, Gesellschaft Für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ), Kigali, Rwanda e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2023 K. E. Sauer et al. (eds.), Healing through Remembering, Edition Centaurus Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42447-3_4

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Keywords

APRED-RGL . Peace . Reconciliation . Rwanda . DRC . Burundi

1

Introduction

The conflicts in and between the countries of the Great Lakes region have arisen over many years due to various factors and yet have not lost their relevance. In this compilation of contributions, we discuss the conflicts in Rwanda, Burundi, and the Democratic Republic Congo (DR Congo), which are already enormously complex and extensive. The actual purpose of this collection of texts is to show what forms and possibilities of reconciliation and trauma healing exist in theory and how they are applied in practice. This chapter describes above all the peace and reconciliation work from a practical perspective. Therefore, I will describe the organization I was working with. This organization is called APRED-RGL and works in Rwanda, Burundi, and the eastern DR Congo. I will describe its vision and mission, its structures, and the background of its foundation as well as the different approaches, activities, and instruments APRED-RGL is using to work on peace, reconciliation, and trauma healing in the countries of the Great Lakes region. In order to be able to understand all this as a reader, however, it is essential to first explain how the corresponding conflicts arose in the first place and which resulting problems stand in the way of the goal of reconciliation today. Although I will describe the historical and political background of the region as comprehensively as possible, since it is just a brief description, some details are not or only briefly mentioned. This chapter should therefore not be considered as a complete description of the history of the Great Lakes region but rather as an overview.

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Historical and Political Background of Rwanda, Burundi and the DR Congo and Relation Between Them

The colonization of Africa by the European empires had such an enormous negative impact that it is still omnipresent today. The borders of today’s nation-states throughout Africa were simply drawn on a map and often they considered in no way the existing political and geographical circumstances. Borders were drawn in the middle of existing empires and settlements. Conversely, hundreds of different

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peoples and empires were also combined into single countries, as for example in the case of today’s DR Congo. However, in the case of Rwanda and Burundi, the borders of the two kingdoms, which already had existed for several hundred years when the Germans arrived at the end of the nineteenth Century, were somewhat maintained (but they were combined with Tanganyika to form German East Africa). This was because, unlike for example the Belgians in Congo, the German Reich practiced the system of “indirect rule”. This means that the German Reich largely retained the existing government and economic structures and simply let them work for themselves.1 However, it would be naive and euphemistic to claim that the Great Lakes region was a paradise in harmony before colonization by the European powers. The already flourishing slave trade and the colonization of parts of Africa by Arab powers had already triggered significant changes in many African societies. The Great Lakes region because of its very fertile soils and the African east coast as an access to maritime trade were also among the most embattled areas on the continent. The European missionaries and colonial officials who arrived in Rwanda and Burundi interpreted biological differences into the social hierarchy that didn’t actually exist, and invented racial theories based on their own misinterpretation. In particular, the ‘Hamite theory’, according to which the Group of Tutsi are the descendants of the biblical figure of Ham and are of Caucasian origin and thus biologically superior to the group of Hutu, who allegedly immigrated from West Africa.2 The colonialists and missionaries didn’t invent the groups of Hutu, Tutsi and Twa. They existed before colonization. But according to today’s state of knowledge however, the Hutu and Tutsi were by no means different ethnic groups, but social classes. The Hutu were active as farmers, the Tutsi as cattle herders and the Twa as hunters and gatherers. There are also reports that it was possible for farmers to become cattle herders and vice versa and therefore to change the social class. However, this was the exception and not the rule. The only part of the colonial theory that is likely to be true even by today’s scientific consensus is that the Twa are the original inhabitants of the region. It is believed that they have been native to the region for several thousand years and have consistently led the hunter-gatherer lifestyle into modern times.3 However, 1

Mamdani, M. (1996). Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism. Princeton: Princeton University Press, p. 255. 2 Mamdani, M. (2001). When victims become killers: Colonialism, nativism, and the genocide in Rwanda. Princeton: Princeton University Press, pp. 46–47. 3 Lewis, J. (2000). The Batwa pygmies of the great lakes region. London: Minority Rights Group International, p. 3.

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due to population density and progressive deforestation, as well as the establishment of national parks to protect endangered animal species, this way of life has been almost impossible for several decades. The fact that the royal and military elite consisted largely of Tutsi, although they had only a relatively small proportion of the total population,4 may be due to the fact that the cattle herders (Tutsi) were simply wealthier than the farmers (Hutu). Also, the ones who owned many cattle had a high social position. Started by missionaries and explorers, the racist division and systematic discrimination was continued by the German colonial power. The Belgians, who conquered Rwanda and Burundi from the Germans in the First World War, intensified this division by noting the ethnicity in the identity cards. Decades followed, during which Belgium created structures that permanently destabilized the entire region to this day. In addition to the systematic exclusion and discrimination of the Hutu majority, these include in particular the forced resettlement of Rwandan Hutu to the Kivu region in eastern Congo between 1937 and 1955 where they were forced to work on the fields and in the mines.5 These years of discrimination and oppression finally discharged into the so-called “Social Revolution” (also called “Hutu Revolution”) in Rwanda in 1959. However, this was not directed against the Belgian occupiers but against the Rwandan Tutsi. The revolution was initiated by a very small, educated Hutu elite. Hutu were excluded from higher state education, but not from Catholic seminaries. This was the only way for Hutu to obtain a higher education. However, it remained at a small number compared to the total population. Even though the revolution was instigated by this small elite, it quickly found many followers. The Belgian colonial government recognized the signs very quickly and reacted immediately. The Belgians made a total U-turn, supported the Hutu revolution and from then on discriminated against the Tutsi in Rwanda. All this was done in an attempt to avert Rwanda’s independence (the wave of independence had already begun in Africa). Another reason for the U-turn of the Belgians was that the Tutsi elite was increasingly anti-colonial.6 The revolution was followed by reprisals and attacks against Tutsi in Rwanda. Between

4

According to official figures during the colonial period the Hutu made 85 percent of the Rwandan population, the Tutsi 14 percent and the Twa 1 percent. 5 Vlassenroot, K. (2004). Reading the Congolese crisis. In K. Vlassenroot, & T. Raeymaekers (Eds.), Conflict and Social Transformation in Eastern DR Congo (pp. 39–60). Ghent: Ghent University, p. 40. 6 Prunier, G. (1995). The Rwanda Crisis: History of a Genocide. New York: Columbia University Press, p. 256.

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1959 and 1963 10,000–20,000 Tutsi have been killed. Up to 300,000 more fled to neighboring countries.7 Despite all the Belgians’ attempts, Rwanda gained independence on 1 July 1962. The educated Hutu elite, now finally favored by the Belgians, did not really seek independence at the time, but ultimately bowed to the majority led by radical Hutu. The government after independence was not formed by the more moderate intellectual Hutu, but by the radical anti-Tutsi movement Parmehutu. The hate and jealousy of the Hutu against the Tutsi, nourished by the colonial regime, led to these acts of violence. This again led to hate of the Tutsi against the Hutu. After independence from Belgium, a Hutu-led government was in power in Rwanda. In Burundi, however, the structures of the colonial period were largely maintained, and the government consisted mainly of Tutsi. The violence of the radical Hutu against the Tutsi in Rwanda caused a wave of refugees, including to Burundi. There, in turn, the Tutsi radicalized and killed between 100,0008 and 300,0009 Burundian Hutu in acts of violence in 1972 (The number of victims varies greatly depending on the source. The real number of victims was never finally clarified). Around 150,000 more fled to the neighboring countries, 10 especially to Rwanda. Many today speak of an attempted genocide. This, together with the simultaneous political crisis in Rwanda, resulted in renewed reprisals against Tutsi and a renewed wave of refugees from Rwanda.11 Since the Rwandan government refused to let return the Tutsi who had fled after 1959, the refugees militarized over time, especially in Uganda, but also in Burundi. The estimated numbers of Rwandan Tutsi Refugees in the region (outside of Rwanda) in 1990 ranged between 400,000 and 700,000.12 The Rwandan Tutsi in Uganda formed the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) and helped Yoweri Museveni and his army seize power in 1986. In return, they received support 7

Kuper, L. (1977). The Pity of It All. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press; Prunier, G. (1995). The Rwanda Crisis: History of a Genocide. New York: Columbia University Press, p. 256. 8 Uvin, P. (1999). Ethnicity and power in Burundi and Rwanda: Different paths to mass violence. Comparative Politics, 31(3), p. 258. 9 Strizek, H. (1996). Ruanda und Burundi: Von der Unabhängigkeit zum Staatszerfall. München: Weltforum-Verlag, pp. 168–169. 10 Uvin, P. (1999). Ethnicity and power in Burundi and Rwanda: Different paths to mass violence. Comparative Politics, 31(3), p. 258. 11 Mamdani, M. (2001). When victims become killers: Colonialism, nativism, and the genocide in Rwanda. Princeton: Princeton University Press, pp. 160–161. 12 Mamdani, M. (2001). When victims become killers: Colonialism, nativism, and the genocide in Rwanda. Princeton: Princeton University Press, p. 161.

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when they launched the attack on Rwanda in 1990. Initially under the command of Fred Gisa Rwigyema, the RPA launched the fight against the Rwandan army FAR. In addition to Uganda, the RPA received indirect support (military trainings etc.) from the USA, while the Rwandan government received support from Zaire and France. Rwigyema was killed in action in the first days of the war and Paul Kagame took command. The civil war lasted until 1994 and eventually led to the genocide against the Tutsi, carried out by Rwandan Hutu. Up to one million people died between April and July 1994, mainly Tutsi, but also many moderate Hutu who refused to participate in the massacres. The genocide as well as the civil war ended with the victory of the RPA in July 1994. More than 2 million Hutu fled to the neighboring countries, approximately 270,000 to Burundi and 570,000 to Tanzania. But the most, around 1.5 million fled to Zaire, 850,000 to Goma in North Kivu and 650,000 to Bukavu in South Kivu.13 The flight to Zaire was organized by France who was at this time still an ally of the Rwandan Hutu-led government. According to Adelman (2003) between 10 and 15 percent of the refugees were perpetrators14 (génocidaires15 ). The others, although they had not participated in the massacres, fled anyway as they were fearing sweeping acts of revenge by the RPA on Hutu. In the refugee camps, including in Goma directly at the border to Rwanda, chaos soon reigned. Diseases broke out, many people died and the génocidaires remained completely unmolested. More than 100 non-government and aid organizations came to Goma to take care of the refugees. Additionally, around 500 journalists were on the ground.16 This fueled a great deal of resentment in Rwanda. After the international community had looked away during the genocide and all the organizations fled the country and knowingly left the Tutsi to their cruel fate, now, in the eyes of the Rwandan Tutsis, the same ones were coming back to support the genocidal murderers? Even if by far not all people in the Zairean refugee camps were génocidaires, the frustration of the Rwandans is quite understandable. Especially since the support from the NGOs did not only have positive effects. With their help (and supposedly with the help of France), the hardliners were able to rearm themselves and invaded Rwanda several times 13

Van Reybrouck, D. (2010). Kongo: Eine Geschichte (W. Hüsmert, Trans.). Berlin: Suhrkamp Verlag, p. 491. 14 Ansorg, N. (2013). Kriege ohne Grenzen: Ursachen regionaler Konfliktsysteme in SubSahara Afrika. Freie Universität Berlin, p. 149. 15 Today usually, either the English term ( former) perpetrators or the French term génocidaires is used for the people who participated in the genocide. I will use the latter. 16 Polman, L. (2008). Die Mitleidsindustrie: Hinter den Kulissen internationaler Hilfsorganisationen (M. Holberg, Trans.). Frankfurt am Main: Campus Verlag, pp. 30–33.

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in an attempt to continue the planned genocide and get to the achievement of their goal which is to kill all Tutsi. When the Rwandan army finally marched into Goma as well as into Bukavu in 1996 to “clean up”, about 600,000 people returned to Rwanda and faced the courts. Almost as many fled further west into the Congolese jungle. It is not known exactly how many people died at that time; some speak of 200,000 deaths and more,17 but this is disputed by others and denied by the government of Rwanda. Among the people who fled further into Zaire were many high-ranking génocidaires. In this context, high-ranking means that these people not only participated in the killings but also planned and organized the genocide as well as commanded groups of génocidaires. In Zaire they founded new militias. Their main goal was to retake Rwanda and to complete the genocide. However, they mainly spread terror in the Kivu provinces. This in turn triggered a general hatred against Rwanda within the population of the eastern DR Congo. Because when a village in the DR Congo is attacked and people are raped and killed, the victims remember one characteristic of the attackers in particular: the leaders often spoke Kinyarwanda. This hatred was not only directed against the “new Rwandans” (meaning the Rwandans who fled to Zaire after 1994) but also against the descendants of the Rwandans who were forced by the Belgians to migrate to North Kivu between 1937 and 1955 (the so-called Banyarwanda) as well as against the Banyamulenge in South Kivu. The Banyamulenge were and are often referred to in the DR Congo as Rwandan infiltrators and therefore discriminated against. The fact that the Banyamulenge originate from Rwanda is not a proven historical fact but serves first and foremost propaganda. However, due to the fact that the languages Kinyarwanda and Kinyamulenge are almost identical, the suspicion cannot be dismissed. But even if the immigration from today’s Rwanda and Burundi took place, it happened before the nineteenth Century.18 To deny the Banyamulenge their affiliation to the DR Congo is therefore preposterous. Above all, the Banyamulenge communities have nothing to do with the génocidaires who murdered and plundered North and South Kivu after 1994. For many people, however, the language was already proof enough. Already in 1981, a new law came into effect in Zaire that questioned the Congolese citizenship of the Banyamulenge and the Banyarwanda which resulted in a drastic limitation of the national rights of 17

Reyntjens, F. (2011). Waging (civil) war abroad. In S. Straus, & L. Waldorf (Eds.), Remaking Rwanda: State building and human rights after mass violence (pp. 132–151). Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, pp. 135–136. 18 Van Reybrouck, D. (2010). Kongo: Eine Geschichte (W. Hüsmert, Trans.). Berlin: Suhrkamp Verlag, p. 488.

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members of these groups.19 The consequence of this long-standing discrimination and exclusion was that the Banyamulenge fought alongside Rwanda (under the new government) against the ex-FAR/Interahamwe20 (and the Hutu in general) in the first Congo war in 1996. About 1000 Banyamulenge fighters had received a militarily training in Rwanda.21 However, they also fought for themselves and their own rights, as, also in 1996, Mobutu had ordered the Banyamulenge to be deported out of Zaire as they were “Rwandan Tutsi”.22 To this day, there are serious violent conflicts between the Banyamulenge and other ethnic groups, especially the Bafulero, Babembe and Banyindu. The members of the Banyamulenge ethnic group have long endured severe discrimination and violence. The anti-Tutsi militia RED-Tabara, which comes from Burundi, is now mainly active in South Kivu. There they repeatedly commit serious acts of violence against Banyamulenge communities. But to look at all Banyamulenge generally as mere victims would again be too one-dimensional. Members of the Banyamulenge also organize themselves in armed and extremely violent militias (just like members of almost all ethnic groups in the DR Congo). With the fighting of the Rwandan army RDF against the ex-FAR/Interahamwe in September 1996, the first Congo War began. It ended with the overthrow of the long-time dictator Mobutu Sese Seko in 1997. A key role in the first Congo war was played by the Militia Alliance des Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Congo (AFDL), which was officially led by the later President of the DR Congo Laurent-Désiré Kabila but was largely composed of Rwandan Tutsi. According to Van Reybrouck (2010) and Reyntjens (2011), the militia committed mass murders in several refugee camps. First in the border towns of Goma, Bukavu and Uvira and then others on its way to the capital Kinshasa, where the militia overthrew

19

Vlassenroot, K. (2004). Reading the Congolese crisis. In K. Vlassenroot, & T. Raeymaekers (Eds.), Conflict and Social Transformation in Eastern DR Congo (pp. 39–60). Ghent: Ghent University, p. 45. 20 The FAR (Forces Armées Rwandais) was the Rwandan army until 1994. The Interahamwe was an extremist paramilitary organization within the state party. Both were the main masterminds and the enforcers of the genocide. Therefore, the Génocidaires are often grouped together as Ex-FAR/Interahamwe. 21 Huliaras, A. (2004). (Non)policies and (mis)perceptions: The United States, France, and the crisis in Zaire. In H. Adelman, & G. Rao (Eds.), War and peace in Zaire/Congo: Analyzing and evaluating intervention, 1996–1997 (pp. 281–305). Africa World Press, p. 283. 22 Ansorg, N. (2013). Kriege ohne Grenzen: Ursachen regionaler Konfliktsysteme in SubSahara Afrika. Freie Universität Berlin, p. 220.

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the long-time President Mobutu. In addition to Rwanda, the AFDL was also supported by Uganda and by the USA.23 The genocide in Rwanda in 1994 was the decisive trigger for the conflicts in eastern Congo that continue to this day. This is undisputed and due to the alliances of the time, namely that Zaire and the Hutu-led government of Rwanda were allies and Zaire therefore provided shelter to the ex-FAR/Interahamwe. Much more controversial, however, is the role of Rwanda under the new RPF24 -led government in the conflicts in eastern Congo, in the 1990s, but still today. The so-called Mapping Report was published by the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in 2010 and documents the most serious human rights violations between 1993 and 2003.25 The main actors were identified as the then Congolese army, the Rwandan army and various militias, some of which are said to have been supported by Rwanda (such as the AFDL). Rwanda denies this to this day. As recently as August 2021, the UN published a report accusing Rwanda of still being involved in the smuggling of gold and coltan and thereby fueling the various conflicts in the eastern DR Congo. This accusation has been denied by the government of Rwanda as well. The militia “M23”, which was one of the strongest militias in eastern DR Congo between 2012 and 2013 and even temporarily captured the city of Goma, was proven to be supported by Rwanda (although Rwanda has always denied this). Only when the EU, US and others issued an ultimatum to Rwanda to stop all bilateral cooperation, the M23 withdrew from Goma and disappeared (but was never completely dissolved). At the end of 2021, the M23 suddenly returned strengthened and heavily armed, and has been engaged in fierce battles with the FARDC ever since. The previously improved relationship between Rwanda and the DR Congo deteriorated abruptly as a result. Violence and pogroms against so-called “rwandophone” Congolese (Kinyarwanda speaking Congolese Citizens) increased considerably. 23

Van Reybrouck, D. (2010). Kongo: Eine Geschichte (W. Hüsmert, Trans.). Berlin: Suhrkamp Verlag, pp. 499–503. 24 After the RPA took power in Rwanda it formed into the political party Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) with the Rwanda Defense Forces (RDF) as the country’s military. 25 United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). (2010). Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1993–2003: Report of the mapping exercise documenting the most serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law committed within the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo between March 1993 and June 2003. https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Countries/CD/DRC_MAPPING_R EPORT_FINAL_EN.pdf.

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While Rwanda again vehemently denies supporting M23, UN expert groups have repeatedly provided evidence of this support. In nearly the entire international community, there is no longer any doubt about Rwanda’s support. Neither Rwanda nor the DRC are seriously committed to de-escalation. Rwanda, despite the evidence, insists it has nothing to do with the conflict in eastern Congo. The Congolese government is using anti-Rwanda and anti-Tutsi rhetoric (also in view of the presidential elections planned for 2023) to appeal to potential voter groups in eastern Congo. The conflict threatens to escalate further. As always, the victims are the inhabitants of eastern Congo. All this shows that one act of violence leads to other acts of violence. In Rwanda, the long-standing discrimination and oppression against the Hutu led to the massacres and expulsion of the Tutsi. After their return, this led to the expulsion of Hutu and massacres in the DR Congo by Tutsi soldiers. In the DR Congo, this in return triggered mutual massacres that continue to this day. The discrimination accompanied by expulsion in Rwanda was always connected to those in Burundi. One group is expelled from its country to the neighboring one, parts of the refugees become radicalized which leads the expulsion of the other group in the neighboring country and so on. The goal of APRED-RGL and its partners is to break this spiral of violence by conducting projects with all people equally, thereby combating hatred and prejudice (although this contains existing conflicts between many more ethnic groups in the DR Congo as well as other forms of conflicts). In the following I will present APRED-RGL, its approaches, instruments, and projects. What is certain, and this is clear to all those involved, is that reconciliation in the Great Lakes region is a very long process. But it is important not to be discouraged by this.

3

Vision and Mission of APRED-RGL and the Reason for the Foundation of It

Ending this spiral of violence requires different approaches at different levels. Without the will of the highest government authorities as well as international organizations (and donor countries), sustainable reconciliation and thus the achievement of peace is impossible. Just as important, however, is the work on the ground. In the following, I will outline the structure of the grassroot initiative APRED-RGL as well as its vision and mission. APRED-RGL is a network of eight protestant churches in three countries. It was founded in 2008 by three churches from Rwanda and the DR Congo, the

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Anglican and Presbyterian churches in Rwanda (EAR and EPR) and the Baptist church of Central Africa in Eastern Congo (CBCA). At the 2nd General Assembly of APRED-RGL in 2015, five other churches, the Methodist and Baptist churches of Rwanda (AEBR and EMLR), the Baptist church of Eastern Congo (CEBCE) as well as the Methodist and Baptist churches in Burundi (UEBB and EMUBU) joined the organization. This extended APRED’s work from two to three countries (although cooperation with Burundian partners already existed before). APRED’s coordination office is located at the EPR head office in Kigali. Apart from the member churches, APRED-RGL receives financial support by the ecclesiastical organization Bread for the World as well as the United Evangelical Mission (UEM). The UEM also seconds a development advisor to strengthen the capacities of the staff. The vision of APRED-RGL is to contribute to the development of a peaceful, solidary, and developed Great Lakes region. Its mission is to promote a culture of peace, to work on peaceful cohabitation, to enhance local and cross-border social cohesion and to fight poverty. APRED-RGL wants to achieve this by building local capacities for peace and sustainable development, by facilitating intercultural learning and reconciliation and by promoting social cohesion and solidarity.26 With its projects, APREDRGL thus reaches people of different churches, nationalities, ethnicities, social classes and ages.

4

Projects and Activities of APRED-RGL

To make this organization more tangible, I will now present some of its approaches and practical measures to promote peace and reconciliation.

4.1

Peace Groups

APRED-RGL has set up so-called peace groups to facilitate personal exchanges. The primary goal of these groups is the direct encounter, the direct exchange of people of different ethnicities who have a conflict with each other. In this context, peace groups mean that APRED-RGL organizes meetings and roundtables and conducts human rights and peace-building education. Just as in encounters between people of different nationalities, people of different ethnicity in such encounters realize quickly that it does not distinguish anything from the others 26

https://apred-rgl.org/

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and that one cannot generalize and instill from an ethnicity on characteristics. Even if participants themselves have had bad experiences with members of the other ethnic groups they can change their minds about this group through repeated encounters and conversations.

4.2

Youth Forum Theatre

Participatory theatre, also known as forum theatre, is a very important instrument for promoting peace and reconciliation for several reasons. It all started with a youth theatre group formed by APRED-RGL. The group called Badilika (Swahili for “change”) consists of young people from Rwanda, Burundi, and the DR Congo. At the beginning, they still had many reservations about each other. Today, almost ten years later, they are all close friends and a committed community. Unfortunately, people often have a preconceived opinion, which often does not come from their own experiences, but is based only on rumors or on the stories of others. We know that young people are most receptive to accepting different opinions and rethinking their own positions. Therefore, not only the members of APRED’s theatre groups are teenagers, but also the target audience. Badilika develops plays on always-current topics that move people at the moment and tours the villages, where they perform them mainly in schools and youth centers. The plays and themes vary but are always subject to the topics of “peace, reconciliation and justice”. As the members are young people, it happens that members leave, for example because they move away to study or to work. However, there are always other young people taking their places. The project became so successful that further groups were formed. BADILIKA is mainly active in the region around Goma (DR Congo) and Gisenyi (Rwanda). Three other theatre groups have been founded: SALAMA (Swahili for “peace”) in the region of Cyangugu (Rwanda) and Bukavu (DR Congo), UMOJA (Swahili for “Unity”) in Uvira (DR Congo) and Bujumbura (Burundi) as well as AMANI KWETU (Swahili for “Our Peace”) in Kiwanja and Rutshuru (both in DR Congo). Of course, the founding members have grown up, but most of them are still active and are leading new members who joined. Many of the actors in APRED’s theatre groups present situations and stories in the plays that they have experienced themselves. These are often experiences of violence, but not always. Discrimination and rejection based on their ethnicity or nationality are also part of it. For new members, it is initially visibly difficult to talk about their experiences and, above all, to present them and share them with others. But the more often they talk about it and repeat the situation, the

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stronger they become. What helps them in particular is the strong cohesion in the group. Although the others may come from the country one used to hate, they have often had very similar experiences.27 The forum theatre is always participatory which means that the audience is involved. In our case the play always ends in a conflict situation. The audience shall try to solve the conflict, either by discussing the issue or by changing the final image of the play until they believe it has a positive outcome (or both). In the beginning, the theatre plays almost exclusively covered the topic of cross-border or ethnic conflicts. Although this is still the core topic to this day, the groups also cover other topics today, depending on what is currently affecting the people. For example, during the Ebola epidemic in the eastern DR Congo the groups used their theatre work to sensitize the population on how to prevent the spreading of the virus and to fight against the various fake news that were circulating. As the number of teenage mothers has been growing in Rwanda and the DR Congo for years, they developed plays to educate young women on how to avoid an early pregnancy and to educate the people in general on how to avoid discrimination and exclusion of teenage and single mothers. These are just a few examples for the various topics APRED-RGL and the theatre groups are working about.

27

See also Schrowange, C. (2014). Forum theatre for peace: Experiences in Uganda, Rwanda, DR Congo and South Sudan. In C. Kayser, & F. Djateng (Eds.), Theatre for peace: CPS work in Cameroon, DR Congo, Nepal, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, South Sudan and Uganda (pp. 11–72). Berlin: CPS/BfdW Bafoussam.

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Image: The theatre group BADILIKA with members from Rwanda, Burundi and the DR Congo during a presentation in Kibuye, Rwanda in November 2019. (Photo: David Fechner)

4.3

Women’s Trade Cooperative

In addition to young people, women are another target group of the work of APRED-RGL. The Community of Women conducting Cross-Border Commerce in the Great Lakes Region (CEFCT-RGL28 ) creates peace and understanding by linking this need with the basic need for a life without hunger and poverty. Trade across international borders is essential for surviving for hundreds of thousands of people in the Great Lakes region. Women from Rwanda, Burundi and the DR Congo have taken this opportunity, with the support of APRED-RGL, to set up a cooperative that promotes this trade and provides hundreds of women and their families with a new livelihood. As a member of the CEFCT-RGL, each woman pays a small membership fee, which is adjusted to her respective economic possibilities. For this purpose, these women can then take out a microcredit at a 28

Communautés des Femmes Exerçant le Commerce Transfrontalier dans la Région des Grands Lacs.

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low interest rate and thus start a new business or expand an existing one. This automatically ensures greater understanding between women and their families from the three countries. At the same time, the position of women in families and communities will be strengthened.

4.4

Cellules De Base Pour La Paix Et Le Développement

The Cellules de Base pour la Paix et le Développement (CPD) are local cells formed by APRED-RGL. One CPD can be an individual village community or a region of several villages as well. In total, there are 30 such cells in the three countries. APRED-RGL trains mediators to resolve problems and disputes. These can be conflicts between villages, between families or even within a household. Often, but not always, the mediators are pastors, simply because they have the best contact to all the village members and because they are held in high esteem. Conflicts can be of ethnic kind, and this is, especially in the DR Congo, often the case. But a lot of the conflicts are everyday conflicts that can occur in any country and in any region of the world. The mediators are trained by APRED in further training courses. These trainings are free of charge, the participants also receive compensation for expenses, such as traveling. But the mediators are liable to periodically submit reports to APRED-RGL describing the conflicts that have been brought to an end and explaining how they have proceeded. APRED-RGL is also particularly interested in how ongoing conflicts develop and whether the mediators were able to bring about an improvement with their work. A recent example of a project is a training of facilitators, who work as mediators on the ground: In response to the ongoing clashes, especially between the Banyamulenge and the Bafulero, Babembe and Banyindu and the intensifying violence against the civilian population in South Kivu, APRED-RGL together with its member churches and with the United Evangelical Mission (UEM) has organized a workshop on peace and mediation in August 2021. 50 religious leaders from all over South Kivu received a mediation training to apply the learned methods on mediation, reconciliation and trauma healing in their parishes throughout South Kivu.

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Interreligious Peace Dialogue

Another one of APRED’s peace building tools is the interreligious dialogue, which, however, takes place only irregularly. It extends the circle of participants beyond the Protestant churches to members of other religious communities. In addition to Protestants, members of Catholic and Muslim communities have been involved in the interreligious dialogues held so far.

5

Lessons Learnt from APRED-RGL

As we have seen, the conflicts in the Great Lakes region are enormously complex and diverse. However, what plays a role in many conflicts is extreme poverty. The goal of militias in eastern Congo is often to gain control of a mine. The taxes and toll fees they impose, as well as the robberies and kidnappings, ultimately serve to enrich themselves. If you break this down to individual groups or people who have conflicts with each other, you can see that extreme poverty and resentment towards others often play a role. So, one must ask oneself: How can I combine peace and reconciliation measures with poverty reduction and sustainable economic development? In the case of the CEFCT-RGL, poverty reduction and economic development are even the main factors. This group does not organize dialogues on reconciliation or anything like that. We only support the members in starting a business. However, by including two additional factors, namely the focus on cross-border trade and the fact that the CEFCT-RGL consists (almost) exclusively of women, we automatically achieve two effects in addition to economic empowerment: cooperation across state and ethnic borders and the empowerment of women in the family and society. The question one must ask is: What do the people I work with need? What do they need right now and what do they need in the long term? What at first glance does not seem like a measure to achieve peace and reconciliation, however, can be just that. Sometimes it makes more sense if reconciliation seems to be a side effect of the project. When we founded our theatre groups, the main question was: How do we best reach the youth? Music, for example, is an effective tool that is also used in different contexts. Theatre for the purpose of education was practically unknown in the region in this sense. Theatre was only known as entertaining comedies. And that’s exactly why our theatrical performances were and are well received. They

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are funny, they are sad and also dramatic, but always educational. The message is received and remembered better than if you just give a lecture or organize a discussion. That theatre is generally not seen as an instrument of education or politics brings another advantage: the actors dare to say things publicly that they would not otherwise say due to repression by the government or society. Last but not least, you have to ask yourself: How do I choose suitable members? Of course, the easiest and less complicated way would be to hire a group of friends or colleagues. However, the easiest way is not always the best. It becomes much more authentic when you bring together people who actually have those prejudices. Who, based on their own experiences, feel an aversion or even hatred of the other group. The work will include conflicts (at least for a while). Some members may drop out. But in the end, you have a group that has been bound together despite the unfavorable circumstances and that is eager to pass on its own experiences.

6

Conclusion

What is clear, is that the reasons for the numerous and ongoing conflicts in the Great Lakes region, and especially in the DR Congo, have arisen over a long period of time and are highly complex. However, they can be summarized in a few main factors. First, the lack of state structures in the Kivu provinces in the DR Congo, which has been widespread for a long time. On the one hand, this is since the far eastern Congolese provinces of South Kivu, North Kivu and Ituri for a long time received little attention from the government located in Kinshasa in the far west of the country. On the other hand, North Kivu and South Kivu are geographically, historically and culturally, but not politically, counted as part of the Eastern African region. However, the rest of the country does not count. The absence of state structures also includes the lack of order and security by the state. On the contrary, the Congolese army has repeatedly committed attacks and acts of violence against the civilian population in the past. Second, the collision of state and traditional authorities (chiefs). Especially in areas where the incumbent president receives little or no support, the population is more likely to follow the decisions and orders of traditional authorities than state officials. The fact that the views of the traditional and the state superiors are often diametrically opposed therefore causes conflicts. Thirdly, the question of nationalities. The Banyamulenge and the Banyarwanda naturally see themselves as Congolese rather than Rwandans (as they have never

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lived in Rwanda). However, many Congolese of other ethnicities perceive them as Rwandans. In particular, the fact that the Banyamulenge and the Banyarwanda fought alongside Rwanda in the first Congo War (which is quite understandable considering the historical background) has left a deep division between the ethnic groups.29 Fourthly, the role of Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi in the Congo wars and in the ongoing conflict in South Kivu, North Kivu and Ituri. The list of accusations is long: support of various militias, deployment of own soldiers and fighters and significant involvement in the smuggling of resources (especially gold and coltan). The allegations have been made repeatedly and have been repeatedly denied by the governments of the three countries. APRED-RGL, as well as other actors, works on the ground. We work directly with the people affected by the conflicts. We try to mediate, to reduce prejudices and thus to pacify the region sustainably. I believe in this project and am convinced of what I do. But I also know that we can only achieve sustainable pacification if the governments of Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda, and the DR Congo, come together and settle their disputes and conflicts. This includes the lower and middle levels of government, but especially the highest levels. As long as there is mistrust and enmity there, no cooperation and thus no sustainable peace can be achieved. We must all work together to make the vision of APRED-RGL, which so many people share, come true.

List of Abbreviations

AEBR AFDL APRED-RGL CBCA CEBCE CEFCT-RGL CPD 29

Association des Églises Baptistes du Rwanda Alliance des Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Congo Action pour la Promotion de la Paix, la Réconciliation et le Développement durable dans la Sous-région des Grands Lacs Communauté Baptiste au Centre de l’Afrique Communauté des Églises Baptistes du Congo-Est Communauté des Femmes Exerçant le Commerce Transfrontalier dans la Sous-région des Grands Lacs Cellules de base pour la Paix et le Développement

See also Vlassenroot, K. (2004). Reading the Congolese crisis. In K. Vlassenroot, & T. Raeymaekers (Eds.), Conflict and Social Transformation in Eastern DR Congo (pp. 39–60). Ghent: Ghent University.

Background of the Conflicts in the Great Lakes Region …

EAR EMLR EMUBU EPR FAR M23 OHCHR RDF RED-Tabara RPA RPF UEBB UEM

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Église Anglicane au Rwanda Église Méthodiste Libre au Rwanda Églises Méthodistes Unie au Burundi Église Presbytérienne au Rwanda Forces Armées Rwandaises Mouvement du 23 Mars Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights Rwanda Defense Force Résistance pour un État de Droit—Tabara Rwandan Patriotic Army Rwandan Patriotic Front Union des Églises Baptistes du Burundi United Evangelical Mission

References Ansorg, N. (2013). Kriege ohne Grenzen: Ursachen regionaler Konfliktsysteme in Sub-Sahara Afrika. Freie Universität Berlin. Huliaras, A. (2004). (Non)policies and (mis)perceptions: The United States, France, and the crisis in Zaire. In H. Adelman & G. Rao (Eds.), War and peace in Zaire/Congo: Analyzing and evaluating intervention, 1996–1997 (pp. 281–305). Africa World Press. Kuper, L. (1977). The pity of it all. University of Minnesota Press. Lewis, J. (2000). The Batwa pygmies of the great lakes region. Minority Rights Group International. Mamdani, M. (1996). Citizen and subject: Contemporary Africa and the legacy of late colonialism. Princeton Univeristy Press. Mamdani, M. (2001). When victims become killers: Colonialism, nativism, and the genocide in Rwanda. Princeton University Press. Polman, L. (2008). Die Mitleidsindustrie: Hinter den Kulissen internationaler Hilfsorganisationen (M. Holberg, Trans.). Campus. Prunier, G. (1995). The Rwanda crisis: History of a Genocide. Columbia University Press. Reyntjens, F. (2011). Waging (civil) war abroad. In S. Straus & L. Waldorf (Eds.), Remaking Rwanda: State building and human rights after mass violence (pp. 132–151). University of Wisconsin Press. Schrowange, C. (2014). Forum theatre for peace: Experiences in Uganda, Rwanda, DR Congo and South Sudan. In C. Kayser & F. Djateng (Eds.), Theatre for peace: CPS work in Cameroon, DR Congo, Nepal, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, South Sudan and Uganda (pp. 11–72). CPS/BfdW Bafoussam. Strizek, H. (1996). Ruanda und Burundi: Von der Unabhängigkeit zum Staatszerfall. Weltforum-Verlag.

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United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). (2010). Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1993–2003: Report of the mapping exercise documenting the most serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law committed within the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo between March 1993 and June 2003.https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Countries/CD/ DRC_MAPPING_REPORT_FINAL_EN.pdf. Uvin, P. (1999). Ethnicity and power in Burundi and Rwanda: Different paths to mass violence. Comparative Politics, 31(3), 253–271. Van Reybrouck, D. (2010). Kongo: Eine Geschichte (W. Hüsmert, Trans.). Suhrkamp. Vlassenroot, K. (2004). Reading the Congolese crisis. In K. Vlassenroot & T. Raeymaekers (Eds.), Conflict and social transformation in Eastern DR Congo (pp. 39–60). Ghent University.

David J. Fechner, born 1989 in Berlin, has been working and researching in and about the Great Lakes region since 2012. Between 2018 and 2022 he had been seconded by the United Evangelical Mission (UEM) to work as a Consultant for Justice and Peace within APREDRGL in Rwanda, Burundi, and the DR Congo. Prior to this position he worked as an Advisor for political and economic affairs at the German Embassy in Rwanda. He currently works in the same region as a consultant within a regional programme of the Civil Peace Service (CPS). He holds a M.A. in African studies from the Humboldt-University Berlin. Besides the history and politics of the Great Lakes region his research and professional focus lays on the topics of peace, justice, conflict resolution, and human rights. Contact: david.fechner@ outlook.com

From the Challenges to the Strengths of the Ongoing Reconciliation Process in Burundi Denis Kazungu

Abstract

For about fifty years, Burundi has been in a cycle of repeated violence. Since the causes and solutions have always been very different, there is a multitude of memories that coexist and become opposites. When Hutu and Tutsi are interviewed, a look at the facts suggests that a political conflict, even if different from the usual war situations, and the sudden confrontation with the little, poorly or not fully known reality of the past, etc. create tensions and lead some to position themselves as righting the wrong or to “legitimate revenge”. Restoring peace, rebuilding trust between communities, reconciling them, etc. have remained major challenges. Nevertheless, the relationships of proximity and “interdependence”, which the two communities are “obliged” to maintain, continue to bind them and multiply the opportunities for inter-group cooperation. Hutu and Tutsi extremism then loses power, slowing the dynamics of group identity formation, fostering relational resilience and the possibility for reconciliation. Finally, both communities have suffered together and have demonstrated their shared humanity. This may allow them to share the memory of the events, to make “sense of the conflict” and therefore to resolve the issue of “ethnicized or communalized memory”. Keywords

Reconciliation process . Violence . Burundi

D. Kazungu (B) Consultative & Research Services, Kigali Psycho-Medical Center, Kigali, Rwanda e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2023 K. E. Sauer et al. (eds.), Healing through Remembering, Edition Centaurus Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42447-3_5

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Introduction

For the past fifty years, Burundi has been caught in a cycle of repeated violence. These crises occur with a very important ethnic dimension, even if the contours of the notion of ethnicity seem not to reflect a reality as constructed by anthropological science. What is certain and commonly accepted is that there was no tradition of political mobilization around identity before colonization. It was only after the period of independence that waves of violence followed one another, leading to divisions around identities. What was then a conflict among the elite soon became a conflict among the entire population. What was considered the effect then became the cause. This succession of bloody events, through which the political elite knowingly confused electoral competition with ethnic mobilization, ended up making the population receptive to calls for identity-based conflict. The regional context that began in 1959 with the events in Rwanda (the so-called “Hutu revolution” movement) has also contributed to crystallizing the Burundian conflict around the ethnic question. Chrétien (1993) explains that during the colonial period, the model of the European Middle Ages was implemented on the double register of social archaism and the idealization of traditional hierarchies by secular or missionary authorities strongly marked by the conservatism. The Tutsi were then considered as Normans, conquerors of Saxon England, the builders of a natural order not to be upset. In addition, the absence of the notion of responsibility and the lack of judicial impartiality have instituted a culture of impunity at a time when demands for recognition of suffering and reparation are being heard. Thus, a mutual distrust between one ethnic community and the other (and vice versa) gradually took hold. After various peace agreements were concluded, involving the Hutu and Tutsi communities to some extent, the violence ceased, but peace has always remained fragile. The memory of massacres, torture and executions, often going back decades, remains another issue that needs to be addressed. A more recent example is the events of 2015 surrounding the contentious issue of respect for the constitution. A civil movement quickly developed into a major ethnic crisis, leading some to believe that genocide was looming over the country. In a few days, these events awakened the “old demons”, causing the two communities to engage in a particularly fierce competition for power. The conflict over memory, with the intention of “controlling history”, and the identification and exhumation of bodies buried in false graves without the victims and perpetrators being sufficiently prepared to understand the purpose, are some of the problems that may hinder the ongoing reconciliation process. In the face of these challenges, the results obtained through semi-structured interviews and

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life stories, this article analyzes the role of the relations of proximity and interdependence that Burundians “must continue to maintain”, as well as the lessons that the two communities have drawn from the war years for the long process of reconciliation. Let us first consider the issue of memory conflict.

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The Weight of the Conflict of Memory to “Control History”

While it is possible to evoke a period of peace following the end of the war, it remains difficult to speak of reconciliation. It does not happen automatically, even after several years. People do not forget the war, and a possible crisis (even if it is different from the old ones), a simple political conflict, causes tension. They keep selective memories that may keep the conflict alive. In Burundi, the ethnic communities mentioned earlier maintain complex associations in their conflicts of memory. Each community faces the denial of their suffering by the other, but feels “pressure” to remember their own. In the post-conflict period, when reconstruction was the priority, the past was easily forgotten and/or suppressed in a hurry, to the detriment of the need for a real analysis of events in order to understand what had happened. This is very important because what has been experienced must be integrated as something that is part of the history of the country. Unfortunately, the victims find themselves “forced” to sacrifice their individual memories in order to guarantee the survival of the group to which they belong because they maintain silence around the events that have occurred (Ridwana & Neal 2004). However, the memories suppressed by a group or by individuals are not entirely forgotten. Therefore, the idea of reconstruction and amnesty, often promoted by post-conflict governments to create a good start for social peace, can sometimes prove unreliable. The identity conflict reappears years later in the form of social conflicts or in certain forms of demands for recognition of the victims, etc. The “enemy” is then regularly known and named before the event has even occurred. In such situations, a vocabulary of animality is assigned to him/her, without sufficiently and clearly stating who it is, so that one can prove that one does not belong to him/her. The enemy (the one who is perceived as potentially dangerous) within is, in fact, the one that one can hate with impunity, whatever the consequences of this hatred: the one whom one hates collectively and who is generated by being named (Crowley, 2001, p. 78). In Burundi, this way of referring to the “enemy”, which sometimes goes hand in hand with a certain dehumanization, was a regular occurrence. In 1972, potential victims were labeled “abamenja” (feared criminals), while in 1993 they

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were called “abansi ba démocratie” (enemies of democracy). During these events, which repeatedly struck the country, the way people lived together was destabilized and deconstructed by loss of life, assaults, torture, and mistrust fueled by regimes that became almost paranoid and encouraged suspicion between communities hutu and tutsi. For example, when interviewing Hutu as well as Tutsi, depending on whether they are former combatants, former dignitaries, “formerly oppressed”, etc., their relationship to the past and their view of the facts are very revealing and since the change of political regime has not helped to solve the problems related to the painful experiences (fear, injustice, hatred, etc.) that go beyond the objective facts, victims and perpetrators are still in a certain ambivalence towards the past. One is confronted with a multiplicity of memories that coexist and, moreover, contradict each other. When society demands to remember, some refuse to do so for various reasons: The perpetrators would refuse for fear of prosecution, others, in this case the victims (because of their physical proximity to the executioners), for fear of revenge, etc. As Milan Kundera (1978) writes in his “Book of Laughter and Forgetting”, in order to liquidate peoples, one begins by taking away their memory. In the face of successive events, all regimes have tried to cover up the truth. To this day, the lack of rehabilitation of the memory of the victims contributes to the perpetuation of the potential for conflict. The perpetrators of all ethnicities want to forget the past or even pretend that the events never happened. Victims, on the other hand, tirelessly (and less visibly) demand that their suffering be acknowledged and that they receive justice and reparations. In both cases, they always blame themselves, with the idea that if history should repeat itself, the other is a potential source of danger and therefore responsible of events that have occurred. The more monstrous the planned deed, the more monstrous the future victim himself must appear, according to Pascal Bruckner (1995). As perpetrators and victims in Burundi, one carries around (rightly or wrongly) a memory of difficult remembrances that block and prevent confrontation with the past. These difficult memories are therefore carefully pushed aside, forgotten or repressed, and victims want to “bury” this past, which is perceived as a threat to their identity or even as the extinction of the group. After the war, it has been widely recognized that a collective amnesty is the best option to start the reconciliation process. When the population is “forced” to live as if the past, although riddled with painful events, no longer poses problems, the memory resurfaces decades or even centuries later in the form of antagonisms, tensions. In a more positive way the two communities commemorate differently. In Burundi, the recognition of the past, especially of abuses, massacres, torture, etc., must not become the last priority in reconciling

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a people that has long been torn by identity conflicts. If at present there is a persistent search for mass graves and the bodies of the victims of the events that have plunged the country into mourning, then this is proof that the collective amnesty long propagated by peace politicians and the desire, or rather the “duty to forget”, are merely lapsed, and still oppose such demands. What inhumane things have happened must be named, explained and shared at the level of society as a whole, without trying to take advantage of the other side. For the relatives of a disappeared person, or a survivor, the knowledge of what happened should be recognized as a right that cannot be deviated from and is the same for both communities. Shared remembrance places particular memories above collective memory and contributes to the restoration and maintenance of trust, which is the basis of solidarity. In this sense, it is also necessary to dig up the bodies of the victims and bury them with dignity, in order to help the relatives in the mourning process, which is fundamental to the reconciliation process. This process is a double-edged sword if one does not think of mechanisms to deal with certain reactions and feelings caused by the reopening of the wounds and injuries.

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Violent and Brutal Exhumation of Buried Bodies: An Obstacle to the Dynamics of Reconciliation

For years, all humanity has paid respect to the human bodies of victims by burying them with dignity. Particular circumstances (epidemics, mass crimes, genocide, etc.) may, however, lead to the necessity of burial in the wrong community or in unusual places. If death occurs in a context where the person is a victim of armed conflict, political violence, war context etc., when the time comes, dignified burial will be provided to victims in due course so that survivors can grieve and overcome suffering. As already mentioned, this procedure is very delicate. While it can contribute to healing, it can also be an obstacle to the reconciliation process between perpetrators and survivors. To illustrate this reality, let us consider an incident that occurred during the work of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. We mention it without the intention of questioning everything, but as a contribution to the reappraisal of history so that the wounds can be healed. As part of its work, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission conducts raids at the local unit level to gather information and identify the mass graves where the victims of the various tragedies were buried. In Mwaro province, Rusaka commune, the bodies of a mass grave were excavated. According to the commission members present at the site, based on the testimony of a man from the neighborhood of two of the dead persons, the bodies excavated are

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the victims of the 1972 massacres. Moreover Lemarchand (2002) gives a critique that the 1972 genocide was practically concealed by that of 1993 is no less justifiable. When the secretary of the commission took the floor and mentioned these tragedies, the forces of order did not succeed in controlling the population, keeping them away, as the forensic anthropologist had requested. People crowded around as if everyone had something to say and was desperate to express it. The feelings were so diverse that the reactions also varied. Some were crying, screaming in pain and expressing their anger, while others were overwhelmed by feelings of shame and guilt and trembling with fear of being a possible target for acts of revenge. One young motorcyclist, hearing that his grandfather’s name was among those suspected of being responsible, jumped on his motorcycle and quickly fled. This suggests that in Burundi, both responsibility and victim status do not remain individual. They can be experienced as collective, affecting descendants in a particular intergenerational dimension. If a child, feeling threatened by possible revenge or inclined to take a beating, takes flight because his grandfather is suspected (rightly or wrongly) of bearing some responsibility, one might wonder how someone whose personal responsibility, that of his father or brother, has been proven, will fare. If someone who bears no responsibility is overcome by fear, the “justified” anger of someone whose victim status has long been “denied” could just as quickly drive him to seek his own justice. Such actions based on revenge carry the risk that the uninterrupted cycle of violence will continue. If this is not the case, there is the notion that responsibility is individual and not collective (neither in the sense of ethnicity nor in the sense of generation), and there is a conflictual positioning towards what was wrongly understood and committed as “legitimate revenge”. In such a situation, it is not self-evident that quickly recognizing the suffering of the victims by the perpetrators is not without consequences either. We are not opposed to the fact that by acknowledging and disclosing the truth about what happened, the protagonists of the conflict in some way return their humanity to the victims and thus contribute to the reconciliation process. If the population is not adequately prepared and is violently and brutally confronted with reality, victims may find it “legitimate” to position themselves as redressers. This can then jeopardize the search for the little, poorly, or no known but always contested co-responsibility that the reconciliation process must then strive to uncover. These examples show that the excavation of the bodies of victims must be an operation that is part of a series of other actions that must be carried out long beforehand, in an order with a certain hierarchy; this would help prevent certain actions that could compromise the reconciliation process.

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If the Truth and Reconciliation Commission intends to uncover and heal the wounds of the past without adequately preparing the population, some may interpret this as “hostile” acts against one community, others may find that it could be an obstacle to reconciliation efforts or set back the step toward good coexistence, etc. In a context that brings long-suppressed negative emotions to the surface, such differences only fuel hatred, even though both communities share the responsibility that one unfortunately tries to attribute to the other. The principle of equivalence, which equates victims and perpetrators in crime, must also be avoided. In situations where memory is “ethnicized” or “communalized”, everyone views the history of the country through their own experiences, their ethnicity. Digging up the bodies without providing mechanisms to help separate things, identify who was buried, exactly how, etc., can maintain confusion and perpetuate conflict. “This particularized view does not allow for the blending of memories to prevent history from replaying itself. A problematic return repeats the compartmentalization of memories, where everyone comes to dispute a date, a place of remembrance” (Stora, 2002, p. 8). Digging up the bodies of the victims in such a brutal and violent way, without foreseeing the purpose of the act and the mechanisms to cope with the different emotions and sensations, does not mean that the wounds can heal. On the one hand, hatred can grow, on the other, fear, as Vidal and his colleagues (2001) show in their work. Before excavating the corpses of the victims, it is therefore necessary . to explain as clearly as possible that at this moment it is not a question of proving the responsibility of one person or another, known mainly rightly or wrongly; but that it is a question of trying to create, above all, the essential conditions for the beginning of the mourning process, which is a need of all communities to overcome the suffering; . to explain that the purpose of victim/perpetrator status is neither to please those who have long pointed (unsuccessfully) at their tormentors, nor to “legitimize/blame” the perpetrators for the acts of revenge that are regularly observed. The point is to know exactly who did what, so as not to remain in globalization. . to make it clear that it is about creating the conditions to fulfill the duty of remembrance for all communities, so that the symbols of remembrance reflect what really happened, to allow a process of reconciliation based on the truth of the facts. The bloody events that have repeatedly afflicted the country are hardly examined, especially by the younger generation. Yet it is them who, in one way or another, bear the main responsibility for the consequences.

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Exhuming the bodies of the victims of these tragedies and burying them with dignity is a humane and important act to initiate the mourning process among their relatives. However, exposing people violently and brutally to these little or unknown but potentially emotionally stressful facts, while the population has not been adequately prepared for such harsh realities, may trigger various reactions that were not anticipated. It is very likely that there will be violent and brutal reactions for which no solutions were foreseen and which could eventually perpetuate conflictual relations and hinder the reconciliation process. While there are still some challenges, there are also opportunities for a reconciliation process.

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The Network of Relationships Within Burundian Society

For historian Joseph Gahama (1983), Burundi is one of the few African states that had a national identity before the arrival of European colonizers. In his opinion, the monarchical system has been preserved since the seventeenth century thanks to the alliances between all ethnic groups and between certain clans, which created a true nation-state. In his view, the distinction between Hutu and Tutsi deepened during the colonial period, but this separation was mitigated by a web of complex social relations, and horizontal ties were traditionally important, even between different clans and ethnic groups. These relationships have always represented an important social capital between ethnic groups. In Burundi, there is no separate Hutu or Tutsi territory. Both communities live together, speak the same language, attend the same churches and schools, work together in the private and public sectors, are treated in the same hospitals and cared for by Hutu and Tutsi, etc. Being in the same circumstances, they face the same difficulties and maintain deeply rooted relationships. Naturally, the organization and functioning of Burundian society do not allow people to live without their neighbors. Indeed, it is possible to establish relationships and cultivate closeness or even “interdependence” in many ways, even when the environment may be distant. In happy or difficult situations, there is a need and a duty to turn to each other, especially to friends or neighbors in Burundi. The Rundi dialectic expresses this as “amata ntakamwa inka akamwa incuti”—“The milk is not given by the cow, but comes from friendship relations” (friendship with family members and neighbors).

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The use of the word “amata” (milk) is therefore no mere coincidence. This product has an inestimable cultural value and should be compared to good friendship relationships that can ultimately lead to a good attitude. Just as the body needs the product milk to quench its thirst, the Burundian also vitally needs the other, perhaps to quench the thirst of the soul and of living together. It is even conceivable that in the relationships one maintains with one’s neighbors and surroundings, inner communication is much more important than material things, which are, however, necessary for daily physiological needs. According to Musaniwabo (1979), mutism has a bad reputation in the country because it is an unbalanced situation if one does not maintain good relations with one’s neighbor. For the author, the persons who are so preoccupied with themselves that they do not need to communicate with others are not around for long, and in extreme cases, isolation is one of the most painful human experiences. In Burundian folk songs, according to Musaniwabo, “umubanyi ni musigwa musangwa nk’igikingi c’irembo” means “the good neighbor is as irreplaceable as the beams that fasten the threshold of the enclosure”. The enclosure surrounds the houses built on the same plot of land. Thus, it has the function of a protector. The enclosure is fixed by the wooden logs at the main entrance, without which it would not be possible to “close” the fence to protect oneself, one’s property and especially the cows from thieves at night. So, it can be imagined which role the neighbor plays compared to these wooden trunks that secure the fence and protect the family and their property. Musaniwabo explains that the neighbor belongs to the family, being the one with whom one shares everything: one’s worries, one’s joys, one’s difficulties. According to the author, all roads lead to others, provided one has an attentive heart. The Burundian educational proverb “umwana si uwumwe”: “The child does not belong to the nuclear family only”, but to the whole village, reflects a “culture of multiple bonds” organized by society and inculcated from the earliest childhood. It is a kind of anticipation of the different possibilities of interacting with one’s environment. Thus, reaching out to the other became a very natural gesture that contributed to the rapprochement between the two communities and that would have allowed them to maintain a certain closeness to each other despite the events that could separate them. When a fire breaks out, while there are no emergency services even in most urban centers, one always relies on one’s neighbor, who does not necessarily have to be the one with whom one shares the same ethnic origin. In other words, one can not choose one’s neighbor. If someone becomes seriously ill and has an emergency need, such as going to the hospital, it is the neighbors who take turns bringing food or serving as nurses. Nothomb (1965) explains that mutual aid among neighbors is based on the principle of reciprocity. As

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mentioned earlier, repeated crises have destabilized the bonds of solidarity, but the physical proximity and the mutual reliance to which the Burundians are, in a sense, socially “compelled”, have fostered a certain relational resilience. Laguerre (2007) explains that some populations that have experienced collective traumas such as wars are able to look to the future again thanks to cultural teachings and everyday practices such as religious faith, family solidarity, and the virtues of perseverance and generosity. According to the author, culture acts as a catalyst that enables members of a community to overcome traumas that threaten the survival of the group. Some cultural mentoring initiatives such as dance clubs, prayer groups, etc. seem to have implemented successful interventions. The “obligatory” coexistence of the two communities multiplies the possibilities of cooperation between the groups. The extremism of both Hutus and Tutsis thus loses strength and slows down the dynamics of the formation of group identities. In a context of crimes between citizens who maintain relations of proximity and interdependence, the victim/perpetrator dialectic is blurred by the fact that it is difficult to distinguish victims from perpetrators. ‘In situations of widespread violence, the majority of people are simply ‘lost’ in the turmoil’ Pouligny (2003). As Kenz (2005) explains, it is not uncommon for actors to take advantage of the situation to settle old disputes and take revenge with impunity. This is known as “crime of proximity”, (Kazungu 2019) which can be found in the context of repeated crises in Burundi. As much as the proximity and interdependence that perpetrators and victims cultivate can be an opportunity to destabilize communities from time to time, they can also be a good opportunity to get closer to each other, to face their painful experiences together, to discover and understand what has really happened. The constant encounter then contributes to the knowledge of one’s own identity and illuminates the idea of the relationship with history, the memory of one’s own group. The awareness of the memories of one’s own community will indirectly lead to an idea of the memory and history of the other. The community then raises awareness of their memories to the other and even claims a space of identity for the other. When they meet at festivals, church, school, etc., this has a positive effect on their sense of belonging; this can help to restore and consolidate the feeling and trust of one for the other. It is not to suggest that knowing the truth alone is a magical solution. In this amalgam of perpetrators and victims, some idealize the principle of truth-telling supported by a comprehensive amnesty as a means to end the conflict in Burundi. However, because impunity has become a kind of counterpart to the truth commission, it poses a serious problem and can lead to “obligatory or recommended oblivion” close to what Paul Ricœur (2000) explains, “amnesty, as institutional

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forgetting, touches the roots of politics and, through it, the deepest and most hidden relationship with a past that is forbidden. The more than phonetic, indeed semantic, proximity between amnesty and amnesia points to a secret pact with the refusal to remember, which in fact removes it from forgiveness by forcing its simulation”. The relational closeness and, above all, the interdependencies that Burundians cultivate can therefore help resolve the identity issue, which remains a social construction characterized by the formation of a barrier between the “in-groups” and the “out-groups”. The realization that the identity of the other is ultimately not a threat can help create a different set of institutional arrangements in which perpetrators and victims can recognize each other, and reintroduce a political culture that is truly capable of bringing the two communities together. Finally, it is a matter of both communities being able to overcome the “negative self-fulfilling prophecy” (subjective reasons for conflict determined by manipulation, fear, and passion, which work as mechanisms of self-defense) that has long defined them and that has led the population to look to the future with fear and distrust. Relationships of proximity and interdependence can therefore be a way to focus the reconciliation process on the victims and the executioners. It should be recalled that the political mechanisms for seeking peace and reconciliation have to date focused exclusively on the political actors. This “natural approach” can also make amnesty and/or forgiveness work without undermining the work of justice. It would be, as Valérie Rosoux (2000) says, a kind of collective therapy that would allow victims and perpetrators to recognize and integrate this symbol of reconciliation itself, so that its impact on society can be demonstrated. How did the two communities experience and witness the war together, and what lessons were learned?

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Sharing the Experience of War: Discovering the Humanity of the Other

The crises that have repeatedly afflicted Burundi are difficult to decipher, both in asking what caused them and in trying to understand the responsibility of one side or the other within the two ethnic groups of Hutu and Tutsi. There is disagreement and even conflict among both citizens and elite circles. However, it is clear that both the Hutu and Tutsi communities suffer, although it is possible that the group that does not have a strong position, i.e. that does not hold power, is more prone to attacks and casualties.

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In other words, the repeated violent situations cannot be reduced to a simple majority-minority conflict, but their understanding should also include the logic of survival of each of its components, independent of their size. But despite a whole set of parameters that need to be studied and communicated to the two communities of Hutu and Tutsi, the realization that they themselves are the victims of this violence is not as simple as one might think. In an attempt to clarify this reality, which is all in all complex, I would like to share my personal experience, which I have had due to the different views of my parents in relation to this question of identity. With all the events that have plunged the country into mourning since its independence, my mother has regularly lost family members. She could not get away from the idea that the other (the Hutu community) was not always the cause of her suffering. Her speech, in which she kept pointing out to us (the children) how dangerous this community was, was marked by suffering that had not been overcome, whether by a simple conversation or by a particular incident. My father had also lost his family, but was still able to gain some distance from his painful experiences. In both simple conversations and serious topics, he did not stray too far from reality. He approached the dark side of history with a certain impartiality, seeing a community as neither the sole culprit nor the sole victim. Faced with these two seemingly contradictory statements, I was still perplexed, but without allowing myself to openly ask them the question. How can this different view and understanding of the past be explained among people of the same ethnicity who, moreover, were all victims? Indeed, my mother grew up in a Tutsi-dominated environment in terms of numbers. She probably had no opportunity to build or maintain connections and relationships with Hutu and knew only their single side as the cause of her suffering. In contrast, my father grew up in an environment where ties and relationships were heterogeneous. He maintained privileged relationships with both local Tutsi and Hutu people. Although he was a victim (he lost some family members), the fact that he continued to maintain relationships with this community probably made him understand that people’s responsibilities are individual, that there are good and bad people in every community, that attitudes and behaviors are not the same, etc. As for my mother, she had to see with her own eyes that some people from her neighborhood survived the events of 1993 because they got hidden and rescued (for several days) by Hutu, to understand that there are also human persons on the other side. It is quite possible that this attitude will be shared by many victims of all ethnicities for a long time.

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Since the outbreak of the sociopolitical crisis in 1993, when the surviving Tutsi entrenched themselves in displaced persons camps where they were regularly attacked by Hutu rebels, some members of the Hutu community who were in the mountains found themselves caught between the hammer and the anvil. Some were accused (rightly or wrongly) of standing in the pay of Hutu rebels and were mistreated or even attacked by the regular army. The rebels considered them cowards who did not fight for the Hutu cause and forced them to join the rebellion. Some were even killed when they refused to join or support them. During the post-war period, a plot could be set up by a Hutu and a Tutsi against a Tutsi or a Hutu when the two communities had long been convinced that it was the other (with whom we do not share of ethnicity) which is the source of evil. At a time when each community long saw itself as the sole victim and blamed the during our professional activity of assisting repatriated persons in their reintegration into their living environment, we witnessed several instances of attacks by former rebels and military personnel, both Hutu and Tutsi, on a Hutu or Tutsi within the population in the besieged hills. The International Crisis Group (2011) points out that tensions based on political divisions within the Hutu majority have shaken the Burundian society since the electoral process reached an impasse in 2010. Some of the stereotypes and prejudices once nurtured around the Hutu/Tutsi identity now appeared to have lost their intensity. While one cannot say that they have been overcome, a detachment can be observed. As much as Hutu and Tutsi have suffered together and demonstrated their common humanity, they all need what Benjamin Stora (2002, p. 8) in Algeria calls the “reunification of memory”, which is also true in Burundi, because it allows one to look history in the face and to write it. The shared experience of war may have helped both communities to “understand” the conflict and to gradually realize that conflict is always a hopeless situation, that neither party can take advantage of it, and that escalation will not lead to the achievement of their goals. The two communities can eventually be brought to consider mutual concessions that are not limited to sharing responsibility (which, incidentally, has remained mostly cosmetic), rather than continuing to regard each other as dogs. This is an essential step on the way to resolving their conflict.

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Conclusion

Burundi has been repeatedly shaken by bloody crises. These politically motivated events with a significant ethnic dimension have destabilized and deeply affected the society. Restoring peace and reconciliation has faced numerous challenges, some of which remain unresolved. These include, among others, the issue of oral discourse and certain actions that predominate the “ethnicized or communalized memory”, problems of managing access to speech, memories, certain truths that are little, poorly or not at all known but have long been asserted, etc. Despite Burundi’s repeated crises, to which the phenomenon of globalization is added, and the realities with which society is confronted and which undermine culture, traditions and certain values of solidarity, the country still has the potential to carry out a process of reconciliation capable of bringing everyone involved together. Relationships of closeness and ties between the two communities, relations of interdependence, shared humanity, etc., have continued to persist and function. Family relations are based on this spirit of solidarity, with the emphasis on the priority of the collective over the individual, being the foundation of the Burundian society. Certain moments of encounter, conviviality, and dialogue, constitute a breeding ground on which these values of solidarity can manifest and grow. Finally, other realities such as the regional context, problems of health, education, poverty, etc. contribute to the development of the conflict and remain long-term challenges that any political order should resolve.

References Bruckner, P. (1995). La tentation de l’innocence. Grasset. Chrétien, J.-P. (1993). Burundi, l’Histoire retrouvée: 25 ans de métier d’historien en Afrique. Karthala. Crowley J. (2001). Pacifications et réconciliations. Quelques réflexions sur les transitions immorales. Culture et conflits, 41(1), 78. El Kenz, D. (2005). Le massacre objet d’histoire. Gallimard. Gahama, J. (1983). Le Burundi sous administration belge. Karthala. International Crisis Group (ICG). (2011). Burundi. Du boycotte électoral à l’impasse politique. Rapport Afrique, 169. Nairobi. Unpublished manuscript. Kazungu, D. (2019). Surmonter les traumatismes: relations familiales et sociales dans le processus de résilience chez les jeunes devenus orphelins dans le contexte des situations de guerres survenues au Burundi. Doctoral thesis. Université de Mons. Kundera, M. (1978). Livre du rire et de l’oubli. Gallimard. Laguerre C.-E. (2007). La résilience. 10 fiches pour comprendre. Déclinaison du concept, ressources nécessaires, applications pratiques. Editions In Presse.

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Lemarchand, R., (2002). Le génocide de 1972 au Burundi: Le silence de l’histoire. Cahiers d’Etudes Africaines, 167(42), 551–567. Musaniwabo, T.-L. (1979). Chemins de la sagesse: Imana et le Murundi. Centre d’Histoire des Religions. Nothomb, D. (1965). Un humanisme africain, valeurs en pierres d’attente. Lumen vitae. Nyagodien, R. L., & Neal, A. G. (2004). Confronting an ugly past. The Journal of American Culture, 27(4), 375–383. Pouligny, B. (2003). CERI (Centre de Recherches Internationales), Construire Après Les Massacres. Revue Tiers Monde, 2(174), 417–438. Ricœur, P. (2000). La mémoire, l’histoire et l’oubli. Editions du Seuil. Rosoux, B.-V. (2000). Rwanda: la gestion du passé. In Lanotte, O. et al. (Eds.), La Belgique et l’Afrique centrale (pp. 285–296). Grip-Complexe. Stora, B. (2002) La mémoire retrouvée de la guerre d’Algérie? Le Monde, 23, 8. Vidal, C., Brauman, R., & Smith, S. (2001). Les commémorations du génocide au Rwanda. Les Temps Modernes, mars-avril-mai, n°613, 1–46.

Denis Kazungu, Dr. holds a PhD in Clinical Psychology (University of Mons, Belgium), a Master’s degree in Clinical Psychology and Psychopathology (Université Libre de Bruxelles), and a Specialized Higher Diploma in Human Rights and Peaceful Conflict Resolution (UNESCO Chair in Peace Education, University of Burundi). He has experience in teaching at the University of Burundi, in refugee assistance, and as a psychologist in Rwanda and Belgium. His research and publications deal with memory conflicts, peace and reconciliation, war trauma and rape especially in times of conflict, mental health problems, etc. Contact: [email protected]

Awareness-Raising via Interactive Theater at Gitega Commune Bugendana. Contribution of Civil Society Organizations to Dealing with Past Traumas and Intergenerational Dialogues for Community Reconciliation Alexis Niyibigira, Josiane Nimbona, and Josiane-Yvette Kamariza Abstract

Through this chapter, the authors show the contribution of civil society organizations in dealing with the past and managing psychological trauma. They show some of the approaches of the THARS organizations, Ubuntu Center and Seruka Center in community psychosocial work and the link between trauma management and community reconciliation.

A. Niyibigira (B) Commune Mukaza, Quartier INSS, THARS, Bujumbura, Burundi e-mail: [email protected] J. Nimbona Quartier Saint Michel, Centre Ubuntu, Bujumbura, Burundi J.-Y. Kamariza Quartier Kigobe Nord, ISV/SERUKA, Bujumbura, Burundi © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2023 K. E. Sauer et al. (eds.), Healing through Remembering, Edition Centaurus Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42447-3_6

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Keywords

Interactive theater . Civil society organizations . Community reconciliation

1

Introduction

Burundi has experienced repetitive crises for years since the eve of its independence. All the crimes committed since then to this day have had negative effects whether at the individual level or communities, or even the entire Burundian society. Some of these crimes are for example: enforced disappearances, targeted assassinations and extrajudicial executions, arbitrary imprisonments, inter-ethnic massacres, forced displacement, rape, etc. As a result, people may feel overwhelmed, disoriented, sometimes they may also be afraid, anxious or feel as though paralyzed and cut off from social reality. Can these people in need of psycho-social support contribute to reconciliation, peace building and social reconstruction? When the link between healing and reconciliation is broken, peace building engenders experiences of secondary victimization that can undermine peace. This article provides guidelines for the various ac-tors and partners to properly target actions that genuinely aim at effective reconciliation and peace consolidation, taking into account the efforts of Burundian communities for lasting peace. We will therefore define the context of our psychosocial work, define certain concepts to better understand the phenomenon of psychological trauma and show the state of peace building initiatives in Burundi, the interactions between psychosocial support, the reconciliation process and peace building. Victims, survivors and communities affected by conflict live with the distress of the loss of loved ones and suffer the physical and psychological scars of decades of war. Women and girls have been victims of sexual violence and torture, a practice often used to attack or humiliate the ethnic group of the women as a whole. So, the majority of Burundians live with a deep psychological trauma, for which local authorities, national and international organizations and the state have not yet provided adequate support at the national level.

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Reconciliation

Reconciliation means finding a way to live alongside former enemies—not necessary to love them, or forgive them, or forget the past in any way—but to coexist

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with them, to develop the degree of cooperation necessary to share our society with them, so that we all have better lives together than we had separately. The stages of reconciliation suggest a course of action for reconciliation and establish conditions that must be met for it to occur. In short, reconciliation is not an outcome called stability or peace, but a socio-political process by which each party is called to recognize the suffering of the other and where the enemy parties must adopt constructive attitudes and behaviors or individual relationship and collectives based on trust. Specifically, enemies must overcome their perceptions and feelings of hostility, often based on horrific experiences or on the demonization and dehumanization of the other. It has been argued that the more serious the violence and war crimes, the more attention should be paid to the psychological dimension for the success of the reconciliation process. Reconciliation therefore supposes a past and future dimension. In fact, as mentioned by John-Paul Lederach (1997), one must be able to manage the emotions associated with traumatic events of the past (anger, pain…) before thinking of progressing towards interdependence and reciprocity. Reconciliation . . . .

requires time and space for grieving; anger, hurt and scarring involves the recognition of the legitimate apologies involves memory work (discovery of the past and facing the future) is a quest for justice (retribution and restitution).

“Creating safe and supportive spaces for victims and perpetrators to process their experiences, speak out about their pain and seek acknowledgement for their suffering, and giving perpetrators the opportunity to apologies and seek forgiveness, is an important precondition for the formation of a context conducive to healing” (Bubenze et al., 2015, p. 11). From the above, hatred, cycles of violence, fratricidal wars will give way to reconciliation, lasting peace and development. So, psychosocially rehabilitated community members benefit from an increased level of confidence, rebuild society together, resist political manipulation, resist violence and thus contribute to peacebuilding.

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Breaking Intergenerational Transmission of Violence and Trauma

Duran (1995) suggest that historical trauma becomes embedded in the cultural memory of a people and is passed on by the same mechanisms by which culture is generally transmitted and therefore becomes normalized with that culture. After conflict there is a risk that individuals and communities affected by traumatic events pass elements of their hate, anger, fear and trauma on to next generation, with the result that violence and trauma manifest—often in new ways—In the second generation (Bubenze et al., 2015, p. 6). According to our own experiences, intergenerational dialogues are interactive participatory forums that bring together older and younger generations and aim to create shared knowledge and meaning as well as collective experience. The aim is to better understand each other and ultimately to address the challenges or obstacles that young people face in accessing information about the past. In Burundi, some organizations are using such approaches of intergenerational dialogue to bring together antagonists’ parties such as political and ethnic groups. The Advantages of Intergenerational Dialogue Intergenerational Dialogue . helps improve young people’s access to information about the past to reduce violent memory among young people . helps overcome cultural and religious challenges and other barriers to young people’s access to reproductive health information and services . creates mutual understanding between different generations or groups in the community on psychosocial aspects.

1.3

Understanding Psychological Trauma

Individual trauma: While there are many definitions of the term ‘individual trauma’ in the context of conflict and post-conflict situations, it is the exposure of an individual to events or sequences of injury. Potentially traumatic events result in three main responses: helplessness or hopelessness, acute disruption of life, and extreme discomfort. This can include experiences of separation, exile, imprisonment, loss, threats of annihilation, death and dismemberment. Individual

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trauma can go beyond the individual level to reach the level of a group of people or a community where we speak of collective trauma. “The term collective trauma refers to any ethnic or religious group in society, any social category or class that has been exposed to extreme circumstances of traumatization as a result of armed conflict, including social, political, cultural, gender, ethnic or religious persecution” (Bubenze et al., 2015, p. 5). So collective trauma suggests that whether individuals or communities are traumatized as a result of their exposure to a life-threatening event depends on a number of aspects, such as their cultural and social background, emotional experiences, as well as the significance given to the event by individuals and communities. Analyzing these aspects and how they influence each other helps to understand why people feel traumatized or why people attribute special meaning to what happened. This may be the case in groups of internally displaced people, returnees, ex-combatants, or a group affected by natural disasters. Psychosocial professionals commonly use the term “post-traumatic stress disorder” for people from countries and communities that have experienced crises. This is a medical term meaning all the psychological disorders resulting from the confrontation with a sudden and threatening event which continues to disrupt the psychological functioning of the individual over time. Individual and collective trauma can be transmitted from generation to generation depending on the cultural and social context of the communities.

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Psychosocial Support (Trauma Management)

Psychosocial care (psychosocial support), is an approach of helping someone to take courage to over-come their problems and to reconnect with life instead of sinking into discouragement and inertia. This action may be oriented towards psychological and/social rehabilitation, re-education, social reintegration or rehabilitation. The term ‘psychosocial’ emphasizes the dynamic relationship between the psychological aspects of the experience (our thoughts, emotions, feelings and behavior), our wider social experience (our relationships, our traditions) and our values and culture. The psychosocial support is used and is defined in the IASC guidelines as any type of local or outside support that aims to protect or promote psychosocial well-being and/or prevent or treat mental disorder. The way people experience and respond to conflict and disaster varies widely, but with the right support, most people will be able to overcome these difficult experiences. Psychosocial

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support helps build resilience. Psychosocial support creates internal and external resources so that individuals and their families can understand and cope with events and take charge of their future. One question is who needs psychosocial support. Psychosocial support is necessary for anyone affected by the past or the present, being in post-traumatic stress, i.e. children, adolescents and adults. Psychosocial support promotes their psychological and emotional well-being, as well as their psychological and mental development. Another question is the importance of psychosocial support. Traumatic events can have a negative impact on a person’s psychosocial well-being and community experience. Appropriate psychosocial support helps individuals and their families overcome post-traumatic stress disorders and builds coping mechanisms, confidence and hope for the future. There are different types of psychosocial support that people may need, whether in times of crisis, at an early stage, or in situations of distress that people experience during times of crises and repetitive cycles of violence that have affected them in Burundian communities.

2

Specific Context in Relation to the Trauma in Burundi

In August 2019, the Ministry of Public Health and the Fight against AIDS, in close collaboration with Swiss Cooperation and ISTEEBU conducted a mental health survey in 4 provinces of the country (Bu-jumbura, Mairie, Gitega, Ngozi, Rumonge; surveyed population: 3000 households). Overall, the average psychological well-being score is 3 out of 12. 8.9% of the population suffer from anxiety disorders. According to the criteria used, it appears that 4.6% of the Burundian population suffer from symptoms that could suggest the presence of a depressive disorder. Overall, sleep disorders affect 12.5% of the Burundian population, which vary by province. Overall, 4.4% of the population suffers from acute psychosis. The results showed that 8.3% of the population declared having seriously thought about suicide at least once in their life, of which more than three quarters in the last 12 months (6.4% of the surveyed population). As for suicide attempts, 4.3% of the surveyed population would have attempted suicide at least once in their lifetime and 3.7% had attempted it in the 12 months preceding the survey. The analysis of the consumption of psychotropic drugs revealed that the proportion of consumption of psychotropic drugs prescribed by a doctor is 16.1%

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(1.6% for sleeping pills or tranquillizers and 0.8% for antidepressants, while the consumption of psychotropic drugs not prescribed by a physician is only 0.5%. According to a study conducted in Burundi by the organization Trauma Healing and Reconciliation (THARS) in 2012, some victims were still in shock despite the end of crises or armed conflicts. Some expressed their emotions by crying, holding their heads in their hands, excessive instability, anger and mood disturbances revealing the internal emotional dislocations experienced by the subject. Symptoms indicative of trauma are also evidenced in particular by feelings of avoidance and flashbacks of traumatic events. The victims also present a great psychological vulnerability; they said that some triggers reminded them of painful events and that all the blame fell on the crisis which shook the country and indirectly on the executioners. Second, addressing post-conflict trauma issues in Burundi calls for a broader understanding of the complexity of trauma in the region. Survivors of violent conflict and war have been and still are grieved by the loss of loved ones. They are still grieving by their experiences, memories, poverty, displacement and fear. To heal society, to rebuild society, to arrive at the process of reconciliation and the consolidation of peace, nations and communities must deal well with the past by integrating the approach of care or psychosocial support which is one of the pillars of peace and reconciliation.

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Contribution of Local Organizations in Psychosocial Support

3.1

Introducing THARS

The Trauma Healing and Reconciliation Services program was launched in 2000. It is a psychosocial healing and peacemaking program focused on workshops, ‘train the trainers’ seminars, and conferences. The trainers are university graduates. THARS offers a new path to healing from psychological trauma, community peace and reconciliation. Traumatized people are healed and reintegrated into social and economic life. THARS contributes to the healing of psychological trauma by offering psychosocial services to individuals through Community Therapeutic Salons, capacity building of workers and community education as well as group therapy. In addition, THARS contributes to building the knowledge and capacities of various actors on the process of reconciliation and conflict transformation through awareness-raising, training, revitalization of leadership structures and by providing frameworks for exchange different actors.

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THARS provides support at the individual, group and community level. Working at the community level is an effective way to support large numbers of people and engage them in supporting each other. It is important to involve the community in the planning and implementation of specific psychosocial activities. This protects the interests and concerns of those affected.

3.1.1

Different Stages of Psychosocial Work

Sensitization of Communities THARS uses awareness brochures, interactive theater, posters and radio broadcasts to sensitize com-munities for the understanding of trauma and its effects and the psychosocial services available, e.g. training of communities on different themes to address trauma issues. Regarding the community sensitization, the contents of the different materials contain several aspects concerning the understanding of stress and trauma in general, psychosocial services provided in the community and the role of psychosocial assistants. For the transmission of messages or information, THARS uses different communication channels such as leaflets, media, social networks on the facebook page, community meetings, interactive theater. THARS adapts the messages and communication strategies according to the audience and the level of education of the targeted participants. The difficulty encountered is that the phenomenon of psychological trauma is not yet well understood and people confuse trauma or post-traumatic stress disorder with reported mental illnesses. Sensitizing via Interactive Theatre at Gitega/Bugendana Commune Interactive theater is a form of theater where the audience is involved in different ways, e.g. by asking them to propose stories or themes to be played in improvisation at the playback theater. The public can also present a social situation and ask for a reaction that will be played in improvisation, replacing the role played by the actors. The actors of the interactive theater are of different levels and are trained by the experienced people of their team to play the different scenarios that can arouse curiosity and reaction among the observers. Interactive theatre stimulates thought, provokes dialogue and promotes change through interaction between audience and actors and among audience participants. Interactive dialogue is aimed at all members of the community without distinction. As a limitation, interactive theater requires quality sound instruments and gender sensitivity toto allow for public expression regardless of gender. Some-times interactive theater can arouse emotions in observers that are difficult to control directly. The actors still need additional training on psychological

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first aid to stabilize participants who may show strong emotions in the place where the narrative theater takes place.

Image: Interactive theatre at Gitega/Bugendana Commune

Identification of Community Psychosocial Assistants (CPA) Community Psychosocial Assistants are targeted and appointed in communities with a lower level of education and THARS train them on psychosocial care approaches. The trainers use different methods such as slide shows, illustrative and situational examples, group work and practice exercises and the use of different case monitoring tools. These CPA collaborate with community social agents and community leaders. They contribute to healing community members by identifying people in need of psychosocial support in order to either provide them with psychosocial support or to refer them to other stakeholders, including psychologists. For psychosocial training for community psychosocial assistants, the contents of the different materials and modules contain several aspects concerning the understanding of stress and trauma in general, the types of trauma, the causes and consequences of trauma and the different techniques of psychosocial care based in the community as well as the role of psychosocial assistants in accompanying communities affected by the past.

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Establishment of Psychologists and Community Therapeutic Rooms THARS psychologists are reinforced on the different psychosocial care approaches of THARS and occupy community therapeutic rooms in the communities established in the municipalities. They are also supervisors of CPA-THARS psychologists who have benefited from various training courses to carry out psychosocial work. In addition to individual and group psychosocial support (cognitive behavior therapy), THARS psychologists have been trained in healing of memories, eye movement desensitization and reprocessing (EMDR), community based sociotherapy (CBS), and the treatment of perpetrators and the pillars of transitional justice. Depending on the case, THARS psychologists apply more individual and group therapy based on memory healing, which is more successful because this approach allows participants to share and free themselves from the effects of the past. Community psychosocial assistants receive a supervision session once a quarter while psychologists receive a supervision session once a semester.

3.1.2

THARS Psychotherapeutic Approaches

Individual therapy or individual counseling—The theory of resilience and the activation of personal, internal and external resources. THARS involves community psychosocial assistants at the intermediate level. In terms of expertise, THARS has experienced psychologists operating at community therapy salons by combining the different techniques of individual counseling. Psychologists have tools for monitoring and evaluating post-traumatic stress disorder. Support groups after individual therapy—Psychologists invite members around community therapeutic rooms to take turns to express their ideas, emotions, feelings, share their experiences and thoughts with others. It is not appropriate to separate traumatized people to avoid stigmatization of some community members. When the members of the support group are well rehabilitated, it is best to form mixed groups to learn from each other. The essential elements of rehabilitation are expression, sharing and mutual aid. They can also develop an economic activity together like the fields of agricultural cultivation, a breeding of small livestock in common. The limitation is time management as some may be late for these sessions. Hence, the time is planned for the afternoon after the work in the field. Another limitation is that the beneficiaries have limited means for the activities of economic resilience. Healing of Memories—Persistent symptoms and psychological vulnerability. Memory healing provides the unique opportunity to examine and experience one’s individual journey. Each individual is given time for reflection, emotional discharge, creativity exercises and opportunities for small group exchange, emotional

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discharge and the creation of symbols of peace as well as times for psychological relaxation. In focusing on their personal memories, some people may have a “flash back” but the team of facilitators is equipped to provide emotional comfort to people who are experiencing these emotions. Traumatized people are included in healing of memories session to give them an opportunity to express their feelings with the help of other participants and facilitators. Community-based approach “Sociotherapy” or CBS (Community based sociotherapy). THARS has just introduced a new approach to sociotherapy focused on the human relations of a group or an individual. THARS sets up group work that aims to reduce any emotional and behavioral disorders in a person. It is a way to develop socially or towards oneself within a group of people suffering from psychological disorders and personality disorders. Sociotherapy is a methodological strategy that makes it possible to restore individual and collective tranquility, restore confidence, restore social cohesion, mutual respect and lead beneficiaries to move towards the adoption of new standards of life favorable to individual and collective development. This form of therapy is also indicated for sexual violence based on gender. Community based social therapy is one of the means used for the repair of the relationships of human hearts wounded by various problems It is based on a number of pillars and must respect some stages during the sessions of the process towards the achievement of its objectives. The evolution is schematized as a ladder. Before climbing the second bar of the ladder, one must first master what is on the first bar of the ladder. When climbing from one bar to another, there are rules, principles that must be observed. To date, social therapy is built on seven principles and six phases. Social therapy facilitators are challenged to ensure that the way in which sessions are conducted is based on the principles and phases in order for the social therapy program to produce its effects. The six phases of CBS include Safety/Tranquility, Trust, Caring, Respect, New Norms, Memory. The seven principles of CBS are: Have the thirst to care for each other, equality, democracy, responsibility, participation, here and now; learning by doing. The social therapy program is applied to the members of a given group for 15 sessions. In order to move from one stage to another, it is necessary that the sessions are well directed and based on the pillars, either in a direct or indirect way. These pillars are called the principles of social therapy while the stages/levels are called the phases of social therapy.

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EMDR—Eye movement Desensitization and reprocessing is used by THARS psychologists to treat the symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder like anxiety, feelings of guilt, anger, depression, fear; sleep disturbances, reliving events caused by traumatic events. EMDR is a relatively new, rapid psychotherapy to treat troubling symptoms of trauma experiences. EMDR has evolved through the contributions of therapists and researchers all over the world. It now incorporates elements from many different treatment approaches. To date, it has brought many people of all ages relief from many different kinds of psychological distress. Eye movement refers to alternative stimulation of the right and left hemispheres of brain. Eye movements accomplish this as do bilateral alternative taps or stones. Desensitization refers to the removal of emotional disturbance associated with traumatic memory a little at a time so that it is no longer upsetting. Reprocessing refers to the replacement of the unhealthy, negative beliefs associated with traumatic memories, with more healthy, positive beliefs. EMDR is now the most researched treatment for post-traumatic stress disorder (www.emdr.com; www.emdria.org). Clinical Supervision of Psychologists and Psychosocial Assistants THARS trainers supervise psychologists and psychologists supervise community psychosocial assistants for mutual strengthening. We discuss psychosocial work, the behaviors to be adopted, the challenges and the strategies to get around these challenges. Some challenges are always met. Psychologists and psychosocial assistants may receive difficult psychiatric cases and must be referred to neuropsychiatric centers. This medical care is often expensive and the beneficiaries are not able to pay for it. Another obstacle is that there are some beneficiaries who are poor and in addition to the psychosocial support, they need material assistance to ensure the basic needs, which is not provided by the projects. Other hindrances are the distance and at certain times the reliability of the beneficiaries regarding their appointments. Community Reconciliation Through Alternatives to Violence Program (AVP) This program also contributes to peace and confidence with oneself and with others. With this approach, we discover transformative energy for individual change, for social cohesion and peaceful co-existence (young people and antagonistic persons who do not share opinions because of their political affiliations: The AVP approach can gather also residents and returnees, marginalized people, …). According to testimonies, through AVP one does not only acquire knowledge but behaviors favorable to non-violence, peaceful cohabitation, mutual understanding and the power to transform evil into good. For example, members of political

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parties who used to consider themselves as enemies acquire knowledge and ability of tolerance and peaceful cohabitation between members of different political parties.

3.1.3

THARS Psychosocial Work Results

More than 300 psychosocial assistants and 20 qualified psychologists carry out THARS’ psychosocial services in the communities. These community structures and psychologists have sensitized around 100,000 people on trauma, its effects and the services available in the communities. Sensitization was reached through different techniques including posters, community meetings and interactive theater. The posters show images that talk about trauma and indicate psychosocial services in their communities, the presence of community psychosocial assistants and the community therapeutic rooms of psychologists. In summary, posters, community meetings, and interactive theater emphasize the understanding of trauma, its causes and consequences, and the signs of trauma in a basic way for the understanding of participants. Since 2018 THARS has carried out actions in the communes of Mpanda, Musigati and Rugazi in the province of Bubanza, communes of Kanyosha, Kabezi, Nyabiraba, Mutimbuzi, Mukike and Mugongomanga in the province of Bujumbura, Communes of Buganda, Murwi, Rugombo, Mugina and Mabayi in the province of Cibitoke, communes of Mabanda, Nyanza-Lac, Makamba and Kayogoro in the province of Makamba, communes of Buhinyuza, Giteranyi, Butihinda, Gasorwe and Muyinga in the province of Muyinga and commune of Muha, Mukaza and Ntahangwa in the Marie de Bujumbura. Since these years THARS has always had psychosocial assistants and psychologists installed in community therapeutic rooms, and the number depends on the funding available. THARS was supported by Impunity watch through the Nyubahiriza (Respect me) project and American Friends Committee service through the ARC (Addressing the Roots of the conflicts in Burundi) project and GIZ through the social cohesion funds.

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Summary Table of THARS Statistics from the 2019–2020 Annual Reports

On the follow-up forms, among the persons accompanied, there are some who manifest different symptoms that can be classified in several categories. By observation and the evaluation form of the post-traumatic stress state, we can therefore note the physical symptoms related to the trauma, the cognitive symptoms, the emotional, behavioral, relational and spiritual symptoms. Thus, in the psycho-therapeutic approach, each case is a separate case. The psychologist must adapt an appropriate psychotherapeutic technique to the case. It is then important to classify the symptoms and to know to what degree the members of the community are affected and to see how to target the different psychotherapeutic interventions either individually or in groups. Through our work, psychosocial support contributes to social reconstruction and effective reconciliation, preventing violence and bringing together antagonistic or potentially conflicting groups. The various interventions in the area of human security, rights and peacebuilding should take into account psychosocial aspects in a transversal manner.

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Conclusion We have shown the interrelationship between notions of trauma management, reconciliation and peacebuilding. The management of psychological trauma influences the choice of initiatives, measures and interventions for an active peace. Psychosocial care allows healing and soothing of past psychic wounds and numbness. People rediscover a taste for life and become capable of interacting in society and thus favorable to reconciliation and the safeguarding of peace through the development of a positive memory and a common and critical reading of the events of their common past.

3.2

UBUNTU Center

3.2.1

The Work of Center Ubuntu

Indeed, the socio-political crises and conflicts that Burundi has known over the past four decades have caused deep psychic wounds. This situation had a traumatic impact on the population in general and on young people in particular. Bigirimana (2015, p. 8) states: “Armed conflicts, dictatorships, human disasters have a long impact on the inhibition and atrophy of the integral development capacities of citizens”. It is in this context that the Ubuntu Center serves as a laboratory of analysis and action for the promotion of peace and reconciliation in Burundi and in the Great Lakes Region. It is specialized in reflection, analysis, study and research which focus on Ubuntu values (dignity, respect, fair sharing, generosity, etc.), which play a key role in reconciliation of victims of socio-political crises that Burundi has gone through. The Ubuntu Center provides trauma management and helps strengthening the social cohesion and lasting peace within communities. While the entire population is susceptible to stress after a traumatic experience, children and young people are both the most vulnerable and those with the greatest ability to be healed. According to Brewin and his counterparts quoted by Bui (2012, p. 116) “when confronted with an event, children and adolescents show immediate psychological responses. The reactions experienced during and immediately after trauma are called peri-traumatic and have been identified as strong predictors of the development of post-traumatic stress disorder”. It is for this reason that the Ubuntu Center acts in the reconciliation of the victims of socio-political crises that have passed through Burundi and in the management of trauma within communities with a particular emphasis on young people. Young people are the main target of the Ubuntu Center. The Center works

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and helps, through its psychosocial support and training, young victims of sociopolitical conflicts and bearing psychological wounds to dispel differences and to come together around common initiatives for total reconciliation. The Center also organizes young people around effective development projects to consolidate the process of reconciliation and promote lasting peace within communities. Leaders of political parties, representatives of religious denominations, representatives of the security forces and decision-makers at the local administrative level should also be included in the offer of support. From a gender and equity perspective, Ubuntu Center puts forth a fair representation of both female and male with the same opportunities. This encourages females to freely express themselves and participate to their self-empowerment. All social groups in conflicts are included in our target groups, be it the minority or majority of their social classes, but also vulnerable people, including people with handicap. The composition of Ubuntu Center personnel is also gender-oriented. To achieve its objective, the Ubuntu Center has set up an ubuntu network in most of the provinces of Burundi in order to reach most of the Burundian communities. The members of the network are trained on psychosocial animations via narrative theatres, on listening skills/techniques and on psycho-social support to offer attentive listening and basic emotional support to individuals who are going through difficult experiences or who have lived through traumatic stories in their communities. The same trainings are also given to Psychosocial Animators of Ubuntu Center.

3.2.2

Community Approach of the Ubuntu Center

Narrative Theater The main methodology used by the Ubuntu Center during psychosocial activities is narrative theater. Psychosocial activities constitute a fundamentally practical, simple and lively strategy that invites participants to freely express themselves and become aware of their psychological, behavioral and social problems in order to jointly seek solutions relating thereto. The psychosocial animation work is an approach centered on the “here and now” and the creation of relations (to oneself, to the other, to the environment). It aims at restorative hospitality, greater acceptance and self-respect, and a shift away from the violence of internalized or externalized exclusion. Psychosocial animation through narrative theater is a form of counseling for traumatized communities. It stimulates contact through narratives simulating real-life experiences with traumatized communities. With narrative theater, people meet, discuss, examine their problems together, and are invited to update their stories. This method works well

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with communities that have gone through a lot of trauma and creates an opportunity to share stories within a community meeting and often results in group therapy. People who conduct narrative theater are prior trained on the approach. Ubuntu Center was trained on the approach by an expert whose name is Yvonne Sliep from KwaZulu-Natal University, an approach that has tremendously helped South Africa in the trauma healing. Hence, working with Universities can always be a great asset to the Center in order to deepen its abilities and skills to give back to the community.

Image (left): Narrative theater at Makebuko Image (right): Narrative theater at Kirundo Training Sliep (2009, p. 31) states that: “people who have experienced trauma often need help from others to understand the trauma they have experienced, and enable them to build coping and resilience skills, in order to be able to cooperate efficiently again”. The Ubuntu Center provides training on various modules. Training on the values of Ubuntu (dignity, respect, fair sharing, generosity, a sense of honor and of the word given, and the sense of truth) lead beneficiaries to do a kind of introspection and allow them to realize their own traumas and seek to get rid of them. During the training, the people affected tell the traumatic stories they have experienced and request psychological support themselves. However, the intervention level of Ubuntu Center is limited because there are no specialized trauma therapists although they are a prerequisite. If needed, we are compelled to refer severely traumatized people to specialized centers. Therefore, more support from the training institutions is a pressing need.

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The Ubuntu Center also trains its beneficiaries in trauma management. This is in line with its role of building the capacity of beneficiaries of its program. The young people trained become the transmission belts of these programs. According to Bigirimana (2015, p. 8) no development is possible in a society that suffers from trauma. With the various socio-political crises that Burundi has experienced, signs that indicate the presence of traumatic suffering are still observed in some individuals. This is why the Ubuntu Center, in its initiatives to consolidate the gains of peace and reconcile young people in conflict, is active in training people who can serve as therapeutic levers for declared or latent cases of trauma. Thus, trained officers become able to detect signs of physical or psychological trauma and try to find remedies based on Ubuntu’s values. If necessary, they send patients who require special treatment to specialists. However, beneficiaries of these trainings should be aware that even though there are organizations specializing in trauma management, the availability of those around them is still of paramount importance. Indeed, rejection, stigma, contempt or indifference from those around them can worsen the situation of a person with traumatic suffering. Individualized Psychological Support and Group Therapy Mental health professionals are of great help and importance to war victims with mental health consequences. According to Crocq (1999, p. 12) “We can take stock of therapeutic methods, those which are symptomatic and those which want to be radical and which use the words of the patient, make him take his unspeakable trauma on his account, he who, anchored in his status of victim, did not want to know anything about it; and, far from vainly seeking to make him forget it, to make the occasion of an initiatory test conducive to healing and rebirth to the world”. In its process of dealing with trauma, the Ubuntu Center offers counseling sessions or individualized listening sessions, family and couple therapy with people who show more pronounced signs of trauma and those who present with behavioral disorders, occasioned in the past. The Center also uses group therapy to heal clients with traumatic experiences. In the latter, several people who have experienced similar traumas come together to discuss their traumas, each of them talking about their experience and the efforts they make to cope with their situation. Patients come forward in narrative theaters and training sessions. Others are referred by the psychosocial animators from basic therapies performed in the communities.

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Ubuntu Center Psychosocial Work Results

Thanks to its psychologists, the staff and Ubuntu network members, the Ubuntu Center has educated 364,000 people on the causes and consequences of trauma and on the management of the latter in the interval of the last two years in the provinces of Bujumbura (Kanyosha, Kabezi, Mutimbuzi, Isare, Mu-gongomanga), RUMONGE (Mugara, Buzimba), Gitega (Giheta, Mutaho, Itaba), NGOZI (Ruhororo, Gashikanwa), Cibitoke (Buganda, Mabayi)), Kayanza (Gatara, Matongo) Makamba (Nyanza-Lac), Ruta-na (Mpinga-Kayove and Giharo) and in the ubuntu clubs: Rutana (St Peter Apostle Seminary of Mika, Lycée Giharo) Bujumbura (Communal High School Kinyinya, Interregional Club), Muramvya (Lycée Bukeye, Ecole Téchnique Monseigneur Michel NTUYAHAGA) Bubanza (Minor Seminary Ciya, Lycée Bukinga), Mugongomanga (Lycée Jenda). From 2019 to 2020, Ubuntu Center has implemented different projects in partnership with both local and international organizations. With the latter projects, members of communities have benefited a lot from our interventions. Over 30,000 citizens have participated in narrative theaters among which a good number of people testify having healed from traumatic experiences and now contribute to helping their fellow neighbors. Over 800 cases, both males and females were identified and psychologically rehabilitated. In addition to providing support, the Ubuntu Center has provided Burundian people in various parts of the country with a grassroots saving and loan method called “Village Community Bank” (VICOBA). This approach has helped within a period of two years over 1500 to be financially independent and contribute to economic resiliency.

3.2.4

Some Testimonials from Beneficiaries

The Ubuntu Center conducts monitoring and evaluation during projects to measure success. One of the methods used is the collection of testimonies from direct and indirect beneficiaries. They show how the situation was before, during and after the establishment of the Ubuntu Center. Based on these testimonies, we are able to measure the changes. Here are some of the testimonies that we collected. “I am responding in the name of C. N. of Tutsi ethnicity and I have lived in the displaced persons site of Mubanga in Ruhororo commune since 1993. The crisis that has grieved the country has not spared my family. The Hutus came with bladed weapons and killed my father and 8 of his children. There were 9 of us in total. But we escaped death, me and my mother, and we took refuge at the Mubanga site. Life on the site was a real way of the cross, I couldn’t sleep, I had hallucinations, I thought all the time of my brothers and sisters and especially of

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the perpetrators of this massacre. A visceral hatred had developed in me towards the Hutus. My mother often repeated it to me’the Hutus, they are to be hated, they are the ones who took your father and your brothers and sisters from us’. My heart was filled with hatred and I spent all my time cursing the Hutu, all the Hutu. I was unhappy because my heart had become a prison in which I was the only detainee. Forgiveness was the only word missing from my vocabulary list. One day, agents from the Ubuntu Center visited us, the message was: tolerance and resilience to work together. A message that did not penetrate my heart, given that the Ubuntu Center had brought together the people who live in the predominantly Tutsi site and those who live in the hills, the majority Hutu. The center called on us to return to Ubuntu values such as: love, forgiveness, tolerance… living together. By dint of rubbing shoulders with these young Hutus in the Ubuntu association and carrying out the tasks together, we became familiar and I understood that the misfortune that befell the Tutsi families has also knocked on the door of the other ethnic group. I understood that we have all been victims of the mad violence that Burundi has experienced. If you all want to know (she lets out a wry smile) I fell in love with a Hutu boy and we’re living together now, I’m happy with him. Today I feel liberated and relieved because the walls of hatred against the Hutu are behind me and I am not the only one, my friends on the site are too”. “My name is AB, I am of the Hutu ethnic group and I live on the hill near the displacement site of Mubanga. I was born on the eve of the 1993 crisis. When growing up, the elders told us that we must be wary of the Tutsi who lived on the site. We did not know why until they told us that it was the Tutsi who were at the origin of the crisis which grieved our country after the death of President Ndadaye Melchior in October 1993. When we were going to the school we took the path that passes next to the displaced persons site. They threw stones at us. To defend ourselves, we in turn picked up stones to try to repel the aggressors. The Hutu of the hills and the Tutsi who lived in the IDP site had a chat-and-smile relationship. When it came to playing football, because we had one pitch in our area, we split the pitch in two. One part for the Tutsi and another for the Hutu. When, unfortunately, the ball crossed the line to the other field, it was a fight that ensued. I grew up with hatred of Tutsi in my heart. But one day, the ubuntu center visited us and made us aware of the return of ubuntu values. Visit after visit, the center created an ubuntu association in which was the young Hutus and Tutsi. It helped me to speak out and be around those I thought were my enemies. Today I don’t have better friends than the Tutsi, thanks to the work of the Ubuntu center”.

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Seruka Rape Crisis Initiative (SCI)

3.3.1

Introducing SERUKA

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The Seruka Rape Victims Initiative (SVI) is a local non-profit organization. Its mission is to support the Burundian community to improve the status of vulnerable women and youth. This mission is carried out through the “Seruka Center” which has been operational since 2003. The Seruka Center is a center specialized in the comprehensive care (medical, psychosocial, legal and community) of victims of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV). It has a short-term shelter. The services are permanent (7 days a week and 24 h a day) and offered free of charge in respect of confidentiality. A green line (+257 22 24 87 30) offering emergency assistance and alert for medical emergencies and referral of service seekers is open. It receives an average of 120 new SGBV cases per month, of which more than 68% are minors and 17% are children under 5 years old. It is also a reference center at the national level for training and care of victims of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV). It organizes theoretical and practical training for health care providers and psychosocial assistants from public structures, magistrates and judicial police officers (OPJ) on the comprehensive care of SGBV victims. The main activities are medical, psychosocial and community care and legal and judicial assistance for victims of SGBV, supervision of children and survivors who consult the center, sensitization and practical training for volunteers, professional trainees as well as for university graduates who request academic training. The center works in 3 provinces (Bujumbura Mairie, Cibitoke and Muramvya) and welcomes survivors from all over the country and even from peripheral countries such as the Democratic Republic of Congo (Uvira in South Kivu).

3.3.2

Approaches and Results of the Seruka Initiative

For the activities carried out at the Seruka Center, different approaches have been developed, whether the care is individual or collective or whether the activity simply aims to raise community awareness on a chosen theme. Thus, for individual cases, a warm welcome is given, followed by active listening and emotional support. For cases that present acute symptoms that prevent them from facing the victim circuit, they first go through a relaxing session. Community or group activities focus on group therapy for the different categories of survivors who have consulted the center individually or who participate in psychosocial and community care. Community mediation sessions are conducted for families and couples in conflict through accompaniment and support

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over a period of time. Finally, interactive theater is an effective means of conveying different messages aimed at raising community awareness about the problem of violence of all kinds. In terms of results, during the year 2020, the Seruka Center received 2796 cases of SGBV (survivors and perpetrators from the three provinces mentioned above). Among them, its care center in Bujumbura alone scored 1443 survivors including 96 cases of GBV and 1347 new cases of sexual violence. The center has qualified competent staff. The center offers quality care that takes into account the specific needs of each survivor. At the local level, the community psychosocial approach (CPA), a new approach that complements individual CSP, was introduced in 2011 and is the driving force behind community activities. It is an approach that has so far allowed for collective awareness of Sexual and Gender-Based Violence. It allows for community education, which is extremely important in challenging social norms and guiding the care of SGBV survivors within their community. Thus, through this approach, community members become aware of the seriousness of sexual and gender-based violence. Available statistics from the center (year 2020) show that 8698 people, including 3826 men and 4872 women, participated at least once in sensitization sessions, 109 community leaders (including 86 men and 23 women) were sensitized on SGBV issues, and a total of 91 standard sensitization sessions were conducted per village/colline of intervention. In the same year, under the heading of community workshops (awareness and healing), 19 workshops were held. Out of 438 people who joined the community groups in 2020, 322 are SGBV survivors, or 73.51%. Concretely, the PCA has already produced results that speak to the community. Community resource persons are beginning to take ownership of the actions previously conducted by the Seruka Center by replicating them with other members of their community who are in need. Here are some captioned photos of their actions at one of our intervention sites.

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Image (left): Sexual and gender-based violence awareness workshop prepared and facilitated by Resource Persons (RPs) Image (right): Members of community groups during an annual evaluation session of the impact of their actions on the community It should be noted that the Seruka Center, which has already experimented with this new approach (APC) for ten years, trying to contextualize it to the Burundian environment, is satisfied with the results it has already produced in the beneficiary communities. With a view to transferring it to other stakeholders, the Center has begun to promote it among state and non-state actors and aims in the long term to institutionalize the approach.

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Limits and Evaluation System

4.1

Limits/Critical Points

Healing is a process that takes time, but the more people are actively involved in the process, the greater the chances that affected communities will be able to overcome psychological trauma. But despite efforts on the ground to help communities cope with and overcome trauma, it is important to note that some people are not aware of the work of a psychologist. The stereotypes surrounding the profession of psychologists cause people to shy away from psychologists because in some mindsets, psychologists are seen as people who read other people’s minds, a mindset that is probably linked to Burundian culture. Another limitation observed in the field is the lack of specialized mental health structures that can be used in case of emergency or relapse. The treatment of psychiatric patients is costly, which means that most of them, with limited means, do not have access to the care to which they aspire. In general, poverty is one of the factors of vulnerability of the assisted communities and limits the resilience of the beneficiaries. Thus, in addition to psychological help, they also ask for

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material help, a need that is difficult to satisfy by the workers because it is not included in their budget.

4.2

Assessment Tools

THARS uses tools to identify and track cases by psychosocial workers and psychologists. The follow-up sheet indicates the number of sessions and an action plan until the cases are closed. There is also a brief version of post-traumatic stress disorder. THARS wants to introduce a psychosocial well-being assessment tool. The assisted persons can give testimonies or stories of changes related to the change at the behavioral level, at the language level and at the ideal level. For the Ubuntu Center, monitoring indicators are progressively tested through the study of reports, the evaluation of affected targets, and a study highlighting lessons learned. The following steps are part of our mechanisms for capturing the effects and perspectives of impacts. In addition to the monitoring and evaluation meetings, there are sample evaluation forms produced involving two focus groups, one with direct beneficiaries of our program, the other with a control group living in the same grassroots community but not directly involved in program implementation. The instrument attempts to track changes that have taken place at the personal, community or relationship, structural and cultural levels. At the community level: the “Spider Web” tool is used: It is a monitoring methodology that allows to see the evolution and the needs of the activity. Its application consists of identifying 5 stages or levels of appreciation for each activity carried out. Finally, for the Seruka Center, there are different tools that serve as basic data and are used in the re-porting, monitoring and evaluation of the quality of our services. Each service has these tools and some of them, notably the consultation forms, which contain information on the beneficiaries, are coded and then classified in a confidential manner. It should also be noted that in the community psychosocial activities, certain tools measuring, for ex-ample, the degree of satisfaction of the beneficiaries or their level of reintegration are administered at fixed periods corresponding to their reporting periods.

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References Bigirimana, J. N. (2015). Autour des initiatives de développement pour consolider la paix. Centre Ubuntu. Bubenze, F., et al. (2015). Healing communities, transforming society. IJR. Bui, E., et al. (2012). Réactions aigues et chroniques aux traumatismes chez les enfants et chez les adolescents. SEPEADA. Crocq, L. (1999). Les traumatismes de guerre. Odile Jacob. ISTEEBU. (2019). Basic survey of the mental health integration program in primary health care ser-vices in the provinces of Bujumbura. Gitega, Ngozi and Rumonge. vs 2019006cnis. Lederach, J. P. (1997). Building peace: Sustainable reconciliation in divided societies. United States Institute of Peace Press. Sliep, Y. (2009). Guérison Collective: Une Approche d’Action Sociale. Intervention/War Trauma Foundation. THARS. (2012). Study on the psychosocial support needs of victims during the transitional justice process. Bujumbura.

Alexis Niyibigira, born 1971, is the program manager, psychosocial advisor and trainer of the Trauma Healing and Reconciliation Services program THARS, Burundi. He has conducted several capacity building workshops for different actors, community leaders, and social workers in trauma management, conflict transformation and community reconciliation. He holds a diploma in Clinical and Social Psychology at the National University of Burundi. He has 15 years of professional experience with NGOs in governance, peace building and reconciliation, and trauma healing programs. He has developed training manuals on peace, trauma and reconciliation. Contact: [email protected] Josiane Nimbona, born 1990 in Burundi, holds a degree in Clinical and Social Psychology. She has seven years of experience working in the psychosocial field with communities. She also has experience in planning, problem solving, and facilitating group therapy sessions. Since 2017 she has been working as a social and clinical psychologist. Since 2017 she works at the Ubuntu Center, an analysis and action laboratory for the promotion of peace and reconciliation in Burundi and the Great Lakes region. She has worked with different organizations in trauma management, peace building, reconciliation and social cohesion. She facilitates various workshops in the framework of trauma healing programs. Contact: [email protected] Josiane-Yvette Kamariza, studied Clinical and Social Psychology at the University of Burundi. She has fourteen years of experience in the field of community psychosocial care. She has a long experience in welcoming, listening to and accompanying survivors of sexual and gender based violence as well as psychologically suffering people. She provides training to professionals and communities. She is skilled to different techniques of individual and

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community care for survivors of sexual and gender-based violence and of conflict management. She has conducted various individual and community care techniques for survivors of sexual and gender-based violence and conflict management, as well as relaxation and stress management techniques and the ability to organize community workshops. Contact: [email protected]

Recovering the Wealth of Our Humanness: Ubuntu as a Basis of Lasting Reconciliation Symphorien Ntibagirirwa Abstract

Throwing a light on African ways of life, I came to realize that African cultures contain fundamental values that could help to deal with certain current challenges our societies are faced with. These values have often been neglected and even ignored in the process of what I have referred to as engaging in “a wrong way” (Ntibagirirwa G (ed) Protest and engagement: philosophy after Apartheid at an historically Black South African University, The Council for Research in Values and Philosophy, 2001). Among these values I shall dwell on that of Ubuntu (humanity or humanness). I will focus on the wealth of Ubuntu in its philosophical foundations and explore how it could serve in the process of reconciliation. The paper will argue that the recurrent intra-/ interethnic tensions, conflicts, wars and genocidal massacres that have claimed so many lives in the Great Lakes Region can be traced back to people neglecting the value of Ubuntu that unites us as people far beyond diversities. Thus, for reconciliation to succeed, it must be rooted in the value of Ubuntu. A takeoff of reconciliation based on Ubuntu has a certain number of implications, which all lead to building a modern state in which citizens claim their rights and fulfill their duties based on our common humanity and its underlying socio-ethical values. Keywords

Ubuntu . Values . Reconciliation . Great Lakes Region S. Ntibagirirwa (B) Institute of Development and Economic Ethics IDEE-Burundi, Saint Thomas Aquinas Priory, Bujumbura, Burundi e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2023 K. E. Sauer et al. (eds.), Healing through Remembering, Edition Centaurus Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42447-3_7

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Introduction

In the general common sense, the concept of Ubuntu is often referred to John Mbiti’s humanism captured in the principle “I am because we are; since we are therefore I am” (Mbiti, 1968), that is we are human only through the humanity of others. It might be one of the reasons why the concept of Ubuntu has attracted the attention of so many scholars and even policymakers in Africa and beyond. Yet this does not exonerate this paper from asking again, „Why this particular interest in the concept of Ubuntu”. Without going around beating the bush, my answer is simply: It is because the concept of Ubuntu has what really matters for various aspects of human life. Ubuntu is not just a word, it is not just a way of life, it is not just a way of being, it is our very being. Thus, far beyond its immediate moral utility as a value, it is first and foremost a metaphysical concept that has a socioethical grounding (Ntibagirirwa, 2017). More precisely, our fundamental identity as human being is deeply rooted in the concept of Ubuntu to such an extent that we cannot be what we are, both individually and as community without Ubuntu. This concept must be considered as the core of the reconciliation process. The point I shall put across is that the terrible recurrent conflicts and wars that claim so many lives in Burundi and in the Great Lakes Region can be traced back to people not taking seriously the value of Ubuntu that unites us as people far beyond diversities. I suggest that envisioning reconciliation on the basis of Ubuntu should lead us to building a kind of modern state, or better a state under the rule of law in which citizens claim their rights and fulfill their duties based on a common humanity and its underlying socio-ethical values. This paper consists of four sections. The first section is this very introductory note. The second section studies the context and the concept of Ubuntu. Based on this study, the third section outlines principles that should inform the process of reconciliation and how to go about it. The third point outlines the implications for the reconstruction of a modern state in which rights are enjoyed and duties fulfilled based on our common humanity. To put it more clearly, our common humanity is that we are actually human through the humanity of others, that is, I am because we are. The paper is an inventory in the form of an analytical and reflexive report based on philosophical experience.

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Context and Concept of Ubuntu

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The Context of Ubuntu

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Before dwelling on the concept of Ubuntu, it is important to outline its contextual framework. The context of Ubuntu consists of two aspects. The first aspect is the people sharing a common ancestry, namely the Bantu people and a common root language which can be observed in the languages spoken in the region from Eastern Nigeria to South Somalia and from South Soudan to Cape Town. The abundant literature from various disciplines (see Filippo, et al., 2012; Montano, et al., 2011; Berniel-Lee et al., 2009) shows that researchers in Linguistic Genetics and Archaeology are amazed by the similarities between cultures and languages they have found across an area of more than 9 million square kilometers and more than half the population of the African continent (Reader, 1998, p. 183). Bantu languages are said to be the variations of one common ancestral language, proto-bantu or ur-bantu (Guthrie, 1967–1970). Despite phonological variations, they share the fact that the human being is referred to as Muntu (singular) and Bantu (plural); hence the appellation of Bantu people. The root „ntu” which does not change both in singular and plural refers to being or thing. It is in this Bantu geographical zone where the concept of Ubuntu is located. Thus, it is not surprising that popular and scholarly writings are also found in southern Africa as well as in the Central African region on which this study is focusing. Before moving to the second aspect, it should be noted that the commonality of the language, which is particularly pronounced in Burundi and Rwanda, should be emphasized as one of the targeted ways to facilitate the process of reconciliation. The second aspect of the context of Ubuntu is the community. This community itself has two major aspects, namely the cosmological and the anthropological aspect. Cosmologically, the Muntu is a member of the community of “ntu” (beings). Kagame (1956) argues that the structure and grammatical rules of a people’s language are modelled in agreement with the cosmological ordering of the universe. Kagame (1976, p. 102) highlighted four categories that constitute the Bantu reality and universe: . Muntu (bantu in plural) is a being which acts by intelligence; . Kintu (bintu in plural) interacts without the use of intelligence (it is characterized by vitality as is the case with animals or plants, or by inertia as is the case with rocks);

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Fig. 1 The schematic structure of the Bantu categories

. Hantu (same in plural) is the localizing being (it is the being of space and time); . Kuntu (same in plural) is the modal being: it indicates the way things are or should be (see table and figure, Ntibagirirwa, 2017). All the four categories (mu, ki, ha, ku) are built on the same root, ntu (being). The following figure (Fig. 1) gives a schematic picture of the four categories. The above structure shows that the world is a community sharing one thing: being. The world is a com-mon-unity (community) in being (ntu). Human beings belong to this universal community. The direct implication here is that reconciliation should take into consideration the universal dimension. Tensions, Conflicts, wars and genocidal massacres take place in the environment, thus affecting the rest of creation. The earth is forced to drink human blood even though it was not created to do so. The point is that the world as a community means that human reconciliation should consider the ecological dimension. There is no human reconciliation without the reconciliation with the environment. Secondly, the human being belongs to the human community. Apart from this universal community, the Muntu is also a member of the human community. In Africa, the Muntu is conceived of as part of the social web which incorporates other Bantu. These Bantu include human beings actually living (the present generation), human beings who are dead or the living dead (the past generation), and human beings who are not yet born (the future generation). Against this background, reconciliation is not a process that is isolated in the present only. It is also a process that does justice to the ancestors who used traditional means of justice (e.g. Gacaca in Rwanda or intahe yo ku mugina in Burundi) to ensure harmony

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in society. Likewise, reconciliation means building a harmonious society without conflict and war for future generations.

2.2

The Concept of Ubuntu

The concept of ubuntu is very complex. The various definitions can be captured into three main categories. The first category is that of ordinary, popular, moral definitions. Ubuntu refers to certain values expected of a human being as such. These values include generosity, liberality, kindness, respectfulness, empathy, understanding, etc. In our Burundian/Rwandese cultures, Ubuntu literarily means generosity, liberality, big-heartedness, charity, magnanimity or greatness of the soul, good moral nature (Kimenyi, 1979: 75; Nyembezi, 1963: 47). The Centre Ubuntu of Burundi defines Ubuntu as “the synthesis of all the values which make the human being singular in his humanity and different from other creatures” (Centre Ubuntu, 2014). One can sum up this first category of understanding of ubuntu in Khoza’s words: “Ubuntu assumes that we are by nature moral… it would not be possible to exist collectively, or even individually, without an innate ethical sense” (Khoza, 2011, p. 87). The second cluster is the understanding of ubuntu as a phenomenon such as an ethic (Ramose, 2003), an (African) humanism, or a worldview according to which people are interconnected. Thus, ubuntu is at times referred to as philosophy (Ramose, 2002), ideology (Samkange & Samkanga, 1980), ethics (Shutte, 2001; Ramose, 2003), humanism (Khoza, 2011; Sebidi, 1988), etc. While ubuntu as a moral quality may be attributed to people regardless of their society (African or not), ubuntu as a phenomenon points to its specificity in Africa. The third category is the understanding of ubuntu as humanity, humanness, human nature, manhood, common humanity, true humanity, reverence of human nature, a person’s own nature, real humanity, or personality (Gade, 2011, pp. 307– 308). It is this category of understanding with which any use of the term Ubuntu should begin. Many scholars define Ubuntu as humanness without paying attention to how effectively this is the case. Looking back to the four categories of the Bantu philosophy, it is clear that there is no such category as bu. Indeed, the question arises why Alexis Kagame, from whom we have drawn inspiration, did not consider the “bu” of (u)bu-ntu as an independent fifth category, especially since some Rwandans speak of ubu-muntu, the essence of the human being, to distinguish it from ubuntu as generosity/liberality. According to Kagame, with the concept of

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u-bu-ntu, one is already in the realm of formal logic as a prerequisite for philosophizing. Bu, then, is not another class of beings, but an abstracted being, a logical being. It is accessed by abstraction from our mind. The Bantu distinguish between the concrete and the abstract. They distinguish between the abstract of accidentality and the abstract of substantiality. The abstract of accidentality expresses entities which do not exist independently in nature. In other words, entities expressed by the abstract of accidentality have no existence except in reference to some being. Two examples could be given here, namely u-bu-gabo and u-bu-shingantahe. U-bu-gabo (courage, force and virility) derives from umugabo (man) and refers to people or anything that shows signs of virtues of courage or strength. U-bu-shingantahe (integrity, equity) derives from umushingantahe (judge) and refers to any person who leads a life of integrity, justice, and truthfulness. The abstract of substantiality instead expresses entities existing independently in nature. It expresses a particular being in specific categories or a mode of being. Thus, people talk of u-bu-bwa to mean the dog-ness of a dog; u-bu-shuhe (heat-ness of the heat); u-bu-kali (sharpness of a thing or a tool). In these examples, it is the substantiality of a given being that is expressed. Both the abstract of accidentality and the abstract of substantiality are denoted by -bu. Ubuntu enters in the category of the abstract of substantiality. When bu is joined with (mu)ntu, the result is ubuntu. Ubuntu means the humanness or the humanity of the human being or the person. It can also refer to the person-hood of the person. Thus, when people violate the rights of others or kill each other, it can be said that they have lost their Ub-untu. That is what the Burundians and Rwandans express when they say that this or that person is heartless (nta mutima agira) or this or that person is not human (si umuntu) or this or that person is an animal (igiko-ko). The question is how to restore these people who have supposedly lost their humanness or Ubuntu. That is precisely the question that this paper wants to address. Before we do so, a prior question needs to be answered. Where is the Ubuntu of the muntu located?

2.3

Locating Ubuntu of the Muntu

In a lecture on Approaching Corporate governance through Ubuntu, I was asked where Ubuntu of a person resides. At first glance, such a question seemed pointless to me. Yet it was an important and legitimate question. So, it needs to be answered. For the Bantu people the Ubuntu of the umuntu is situated at two complementary levels: The intelligence (ubwenge) and the heart (umutima), that

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is, the mind and the heart. The first salient characteristic feature of the human being is intelligence as is seen in the distinctive characteristics of each category. Intelligence is what distinguishes human beings from other beings in the world. It is the capacity with which umuntu acts and interacts with other “ntu” in the world, compared to other beings (ibintu) characterized by inertia (for example, minerals such as rocks) or simple vitality (as in the case of animals, plants, nonhuman spirits). It is the ability with which the muntu judges, appreciates, relates and harmonizes with other beings (Ntibagirirwa, 2001). However, “ubwenge” by which umuntu has Ubuntu has a certain number of nuances: “Ubwenge” as practical intelligence and “ubwenge” as habitual intelligence. In its practical aspect, ubwenge means slyness, shrewdness, intellectual grasp or cleverness. This is what one can call calculative rationality (Ntibagirirwa, 2012). Most Bantu admire this aspect of “ubwenge”, but at the same time, they are wary about it. For instance, the Burundians and Rwandese call calculative rationality not “ubwenge” but “akenge” by which people could mislead others. That is the case when they cleverly lie, cheat, kill or attempt to deviate other from virtuous pursuits. Instead, habitual intelligence refers to active knowledge, ability, understanding or wisdom. One wonders whether this intelligence or “ubwenge” is what makes the human being a rational being, since reason is the salient feature of the human being in western philosophy. Of course, the way the Bantu define the human being is not much different from the way other peoples do. The Bantu people would agree with Nida-Rumelin, who argues that reasoning includes all people who have the capacity to reason, which appeals to all people. (Nida-Rumelin et al., 2009). To support this, I agree with Ramose who concludes that „umuntu is the specific entity which continues to conduct an inquiry into being, experience, knowledge and truth (Ramose, 2002, p. 41). So much for “ubwenge” or intelligence in locating Ub-untu. The second aspect or dimension of the Ubuntu of the Muntu is the heart (umutima). The heart is a very rich concept, particularly among the Bantu of the Great Lakes Region. Umutima consists of the capacity to relate and to love. The Ubuntu of the Muntu lies in the capacity to relate and to love. From this point of view, Ubuntu means to the needs of others: generosity, liberality, benevolence, empathy, care and sensitivity to the needs of others, or simply put, the ability to express those values that make the human environment a place to live. A person who is insensible and cruel is said to have no heart (Nta mutima agira), a person whose heart is dead (igipfamutima). The Burundians say of the Bantu who fail to live according to the requirements of Ubuntu: Barabaye ibikoko ntibakiri abantu, nta (u)buntu bagifise (these people have become animals and are no longer human beings), they have no human heart. A similar understanding is

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found among the Zulu culture which refers to such people as “little animals”. In other words, in appearance, they are human beings, yet they have lost their humanness, their Ubuntu, their identity as human beings. This identity can be recovered if such people reconcile with themselves and the community. Conflict, violence and killing deprive people of their Ubuntu as they deprive Ubuntu from their victims. I shall try to bring together the two aspects (intelligence and the heart) of Ubuntu by distinguishing two ways in which ubuntu is expressed, namely, the conception of human being as a being-with/in-self (umuntu-w’-ubuntu) and a being-with/in-others (umuntu-mu-bantu).

2.3.1

The Bantu Conception of the Human Being as Umuntu-W’ubuntu

Ubuntu is assessed in terms of what a person can be and do for other people to enhance their life. Enhancing and sustaining life is one important aspect by which Ubuntu is assessed. Ramose (2002, pp. 45 ff. Cf. Agada, 2021) sees in Ubuntu a “rheomodic” character: where there is Ubuntu, there is a flow of life. One may wonder whether “rheomode” is simply about language and/or a “way of being” (see Bohm, 1963)? Language and being go together. In fact, language is not just a representation of the world but also our very being-in-the world. Thus “rheomodic” is not just defined as a “way of being”, but this way of being itself is expressed in a language. The language expresses “what a person can be for oneself and for other people”. The dynamic character of umuntu w’ubuntu in one’s community or socio-ecological environment is expressed in the language. Accordingly, the flow of life should not be limited to human beings, but also to the whole environment surrounding us and of which we are part. Reconciliation based on the Ubuntu reflection must not be limited to human beings, but must also extend to our common home, the ecology. Indeed, when human beings are killed by their fellow human beings, the earth itself is forced to drink the human blood. This is seen as evil. The earth “soaked” with blood must therefore be exorcised. The earth, of which we are part, is not meant to drink human blood but to be the source and breeding ground of life. The rheomodic character of Ubuntu underlies the widely recognized view that the African philosophical view of the universe is holistic (Ramose, 2002, p. 46). There is often a fear, even a justified one, of the dangers of clanism, tribalism or nepotism which are common in Africa and which continue to undermine the order of society even today. In the past, Bantu have sensed these dangers and culturally sought to mitigate them through intermarriage or blood ties to create a community that transcends limiting barriers. Thus, umuntu-w’ubuntu cannot be

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satisfied with practical matters and simple calculations alone. The primary role of intelligence, characteristic of Ubuntu, is to connect people to their true selves as human beings so that they can now feel obligated to live in harmonious relations in the community of both the visible world (the living) and the invisible world (the dead and those not yet born).

2.3.2

The Umuntu-W’ubuntu as Umuntu-Mu-Bantu: Being-With/in-Community

While umuntu-w’ubuntu refers to the human being as one who understands oneself as an individual, umuntu-mu-bantu (being-with/in-community) refers to a human being as a community being, i.e., as a socially constituted being. “To be a human being is to affirm one’s humanity by recognizing the humanity of others and, on that basis, establish human relations with them. Ubuntu understood as being human (humanness; a humane; respectful and a polite attitude towards others constitutes the core of the aphorism [of the bantu of Burundi or Rwanda (abantu ni magirirane, umuntu ni umuntu mu bantu]” (Ramose, 2002, p. 42). The plenitude of Ubuntu, of being human, cannot be fully achieved outside of community. An individual is born into an existing human society insofar as community life as such is not optional. The individual cannot make community optional without at the same time doing injustice to the Ubuntu characteristic of one’s own humanity. To be is to belong and to participate; it is to be borne for the other. This gives rise to the concept of umuntu-mu-bantu. A person is recognized as a person by others when he or she enriches them by their creativity, initiative and innovation, by the dynamics in their universe, their self-determination and realization, as well as their care and respect for themselves and for others. It is about putting one’s intelligence and heart at the service of the community in a way that reflects belonging and participation.

3

Ubuntu and the Principles of Reconciliation

From what has been developed so far, we can derive a number of principles that could guide reconciliation processes. The first principle that emerges from Ubuntu, is our very being: humanness or humanity. In my attempt to make sense out of the tragedies we lived in the past years and even today, I have come to be convinced that before you deprive someone of one’s humanity in whatever way, you have lost that very humanity in the first place. That is why, in most conflicts or upheavals, people act as if they have lost their minds; in essence, they have

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lost their humanness. Thus, reconciliation means that we must ultimately recover what was lost in the first place: the very value of Ubuntu which is our ultimate and fundamental identity. The second principle is that of community. There is no reconciliation outside the community, above all individuals are so much a part of the community that everything they do is approved or disapproved by the community. What affects the individual affects the community, and not only the community of humans but also the environmental context in which we live, as underlined earlier. From the cosmic point of view, everything belongs together. The Muntu belongs to the universal community of people and things. One’s humanness or Ubuntu mirrors the way people ensure harmony in the world of things and other human beings. Thus, in the process of reconciliation, it is not just the offender and the victim coming together to reconcile outside the community but within the community as a witness. This is the real meaning of Gacaca in Rwanda (or intahe yo ku mugina in Burundi) in the process of reconciling people and the post-genocide and post-conflict. One might also learn from the role Ubuntu ethics played in the process of reconciliation in post-apartheid South Africa. In his book No Future Without Forgiveness, Desmond Tutu vividly expressed what is being portrayed here. He says: “[Ubuntu] speaks to the very essence of being human […] it is to say, ‘My humanity is caught up, is inextricably bound up, in yours.’ We belong to a bundle of life. We say, ‘A person is a person through other persons.’ It is not, ‘I think therefore I am.’ It says rather: ‘I am human because I belong. I participate, I share […] Harmony, friendliness, community are great goods. Social harmony is for us the summum bonum—the greatest good. Anything that subverts, that undermines this sought-after good, is to be avoided like the plague” (Tutu, 2000, pp. 34–35).

In addition, the Bantu community is inclusive. Care is taken to ensure that nothing or no one is excluded. Inclusiveness means you belong to what I do and who I am! Everything and everyone contributes to my being human, my Ubuntu. This is the very meaning of Mbiti’s “I am because you are, since we are, therefore I am…”. One important aspect of inclusiveness is participation, which means getting involved in the course of action and being of others. A greater achievement is an inclusive endeavor involving the participation of others. The third principle is the rheomodic character of Ubuntu; Or in short, the principle of life. In reconciliation, the aim is not just to forgive and to forget. Instead, ultimately, both the offender and the victim must commit themselves to allowing life to flow. Thus, the fundamental aspects of Ubuntu, namely ubwenge

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and heart, intelligence and love must be taken seriously! In our countries, reconciliation presupposes that one has told the truth. However, it is not impossible that some perpetrators tell the truth, not because they want to repent of their offenses, but in order to chalk up their deeds as success. On the other hand, the psychology of some societies is such that the victims, having learned the truth, can slowly but surely find tricky ways to take revenge. Only the pair of intelligence and love, of mind and heart, can allow the flow of life.

4

Conclusion and Implications

This chapter outlined the context and the concept of Ubuntu. The geographical context shows that, basically, Ubuntu derives from the fact that the bantu people are the same and share a common original language. This linguistic language should facilitate internal reconciliation at various levels of African societies. We discovered that Ubuntu has anthropological and cosmological aspects so that social reconciliation has an ecological dimension: Conflicts, wars and genocidal massacres take place in the environment and affect it. A further analysis showed that Ubuntu has a moral character that derives from its metaphysical dimension. Its extinction in the person leads to moral decay, which manifests itself in disharmony among people, as was the case in the Great Lakes Regions. Reconciliation is a recovery of the moral behavior characteristic of our humanness or humanity. We further argued that Ubuntu of the Muntu is located in the mind as the seat of intelligence and the heart as the seat of love. Violence, wars, massacres of whatever kind deprived people of their intelligence and love which underlies humanness. On this basis, three ubuntu principles were outlined to guide the reconciliation process, namely the ubuntu principle (humanness or humanity) itself, the principle of community as the context in which the Ubuntu of the muntu is grounded, and finally the rheomodic character of ubuntu or the flow of life. As Tim Murithi argues, “The wisdom of Ubuntu lies in the recognition that it is not possible to build a healthy community at peace with itself unless the human dignity of all members of the community is safe-guarded. With reference to the notion of ‘I am because we are’ and that of ‘a person is a person through other people’, ubuntu can be developed into an ideal ethical system and a way of life” (Murithi, 2007, p. 282). If our argument so far is convincing, Ubuntu has political, social (in terms of human rights) and developmental implications that are central to building a modern state in which people claim their rights and fulfill their duties.

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Thus, the first implication is political in character. The genocides, genocidal massacres, and intra-/interethnic conflicts observed in the Great Lakes region can be traced to inadequate policies and political regimes that administered societies without reference to or consideration of values. This type of politics gave a free field to sociopolitical vices such as favoritism, nepotism, regionalism and exclusion of groups of people by others. The point here is that a political system suitable for reconciliation could take inspiration from Ubuntu as described in this paper to make it ethical and sound. Such a political system should be any kind of democracy but a deliberative consensus democracy determined by discussion or public reasoning. In this way, differences between people are not seen as (social or political) conflicts but as complementarities in which new ideas and actions are needed for people to thrive together. The second implication concerns human rights. Ubuntu requires that the culture of human rights be taken seriously. Reconciliation is an issue because people’s fundamental rights have been violated. In conflicts or wars, genocide or genocidal massacres, people’s rights to life and equal dignity are violated, people exclude one another and lose their fundamental identity of ubuntu. Thus, ubuntu means promoting the culture of human rights, particularly through “the principles of reciprocity, inclusiveness, and a sense of shared destiny among peoples” (Murithi, 2007, p. 282). Ubuntu provides a value system for giving and receiving forgiveness, renouncing or letting go of the desire for revenge for past wrongs. This, in turn, can promote human rights not only in the Great Lakes Region but also in any other society affected by war and conflict. The suggestion behind this implication is that the ethics of Ubuntu should be part of the educational system of our countries if a culture of human rights is to develop from the value system with which the Great Lakes Region is familiar. The third and the last implication refers to development. Ubuntu does not consist only of being, but also of having. To have more, to be more, to value more is innate in human beings (Lebret, 1967, p. 33). The conflicts and wars in the Great Lakes Region are rooted in poverty, poor economy and development, which have deprived people of their livelihood, self-esteem and freedom. In particular, the state as the sole employer, is in most cases, the cause of exclusion, favoritism, nepotism, joblessness and the fight over resources. Ubuntu requires that development be taken seriously and diversified so that reconciliation can be deepened and consolidated. Underlying this is the idea that state authorities must have the moral ambition to develop in ways that consolidate people’s sustenance, self-esteem, and freedom (Todaro et al., 2009, pp. 20–21) in order to prevent the causes of conflicts and wars.

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In this way our humanness, our Ubuntu, the lost and found of our Ubuntu are recovered and harnessed so that reconciliation can take place. This should lead to an effort to build a kind of modern state in which citizens claim their rights and fulfill their duties, based not on the basis of fragmented identities as they are known, but on the basis of a common humanity and its underlying socioethical values. The question of how the understanding of Ubuntu could assist in the process of reconciliation and prevent other conflicts remains open (as it does in this paper). I cannot claim to have answered it, but I have posed it anew. The reflection continues!

References Agada, A. (2021). Nietzsche and Ramose on being and becoming: An exercise in crosscultural philosophizing. Journal of World Philosophies, 6, 1–12. Berniel-Lee, G., et al. (2009). Genetic and demographic implications of the Bantu expansion: Insights from human paternal lineages. Molecular Biology and Evolution, 26(7), 1581– 1589. Bohm, J. D. (1963). Problems in the basic concepts of physics. Birkbeck College. Centre Ubuntu. (2014). Centre Ubuntu. http://www.centre-ubuntu.bi. Accessed 8 Apr 2014. Filippo, C., et al. (2012). Bringing together linguistic and genetic evidence to test the Bantu expansion. The Proceedings of the Royal Society B, 279, 3256–3263. Gade, C. (2011). The historical development of the written discourse on ubuntu. South African Journal of Philosophy, 30(3), 305–329. Guthrie, M. (1967–70). Comparative bantu: An introduction to the comparative linguistics and prehistory of the bantu languages. Gregg. Kagame, A. (1956). La philosophie Bantu Rwandaise de l’Etre. Academie Royale des Sciences Coloniales. Kagame, A. (1976). La philosophie bantu comparee. Presence Africaine. Khoza, R. J. (2011). Attuned leadership: African humanism as compass. Penguin. Kimenyi, A. (1979). Studies in Kinyarwanda and Bantu phonology. Linguistic Research. Lebret, L.-J. (1967). Dynamique concrète du développement. Editions Economie et Humanisme/Editions Ouvrières. Mbiti, J. S. (1968). African religions and philosophy. Anchor. Montano, V., Ferri, G., Marcari, V., Batini, C., Anyaele, O., Destro-Bisol, G., & Comas, D. (2011). The Bantu expansion revisited: A new analysis of Y chromosome variation in Central Western Africa. Molecular Ecology, 20(13), 2693–2708. Murithi, T. (2007). A local response to the global human rights standard: Ubuntu perspectives for human rights, globalisation, societies and education. Globalisation, Societies and Education, 5(3), 277–286. Nida-Rumelin, J., et al. (2009). Philosophical grounds of humanism in economics. In H. Spitzeck (Ed.), Humanism in business (pp. 15–25). Cambridge University Press.

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Ntibagirirwa, S. (2001). A wrong way: From being to having in the African value system. In P. Giddy (Ed.), Protest and engagement: Philosophy after Apartheid at an historically Black South African University (pp. 65–81). The Council for Research in Values and Philosophy. Ntibagirirwa, S. (2012). Philosophical premises for african economic development: Sen’s capability approach. University of Pretoria. Ntibagirirwa, S. (2017). Ubuntu as a metaphysical concept. 1–21. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10 790-017-9605-x. Nyembezi, C. (1963). Zulu proverbs. Witwatersrand University Press. Ramose, M. B. (2002). African Philosophy through Ubuntu. Mond Books. Ramose, M. B. (2003). The ethics of ubuntu. In P. H. Coetzee & A. P. Roux (Eds.), Philosophy from Africa (2nd ed., pp. 325–331). Routledge. Reader, J. (1998). A bibliography of the continent. Vintage Books. Samkange, S., & Samkanga, T. M. (1980). Hunhuism or Ubuntuism: A Zimbabwe Indigenous Political Philosophy. Graham Publishing. Sebidi, L. J. (1988). Towards a definition of Ubuntu as an African humanism. Unpublished. Shutte, A. (2001). Ubuntu: An Ethic for a New South Africa. Cluster Publications. Todaro, M. P., & Smith, S. C. (2009). Economic development (10th ed.). Pearson Educational. Tutu, D. (2000). No future without forgiveness: A personal overview of South Africa’s truth and reconciliation commission. Image books.

Symphorien Ntibagirirwa, Fr., associate professor, is the coordinator of the Institute of Development and Economic Ethics (IDEE) and the Editor-in-Chief of Revue Ethique et Société, a Journal of the Dominican Fathers of Burundi. He lectures Leadership Ethics and Governance of Economic Development at International Leadership University (ILU) of Burundi; Philosophy of Law at the University of Ngozi, Burundi, Philosophy at Saint Thomas Aquinas Major Seminary in Rwanda, and Theories of Social Justice at Institute of Legal Practice and Development (ILPD), Rwanda. He resides in Couvent Saint Thomas d’Aquin de Bujumbura, Burundi. Contact: [email protected]

Rwanda

Rwanda—An Overview Penine Uwimbabazi

Abstract

The 1994 genocide against the Tutsi severely affected the people of Rwanda and the country in all aspects of its existence. The traumatic experience still haunts many Rwandans twenty-nine years later. Survivors still live with unhealed wounds and trauma.

The 1994 genocide against the Tutsi severely affected the people of Rwanda and the country in all aspects of its existence. The traumatic experience still haunts many Rwandans twenty-nine years later. Survivors still live with unhealed wounds and trauma. This is tangible and visible during the 100 Days of National Mourning, which are officially commemorated each year from April to July. Socially, economically and politically, Rwandan society remains very fragile. It is not easy to deal with the memories and all the other consequences of the genocide against the Tutsi. Forgiveness and reconciliation are therefore still not excluded from daily conversation and work, and will remain so for many years to come. Any efforts to rebuild and develop the country must be channeled with this in mind. Faith-based organizations, including national and international organizations, have invested heavily in forgiveness and reconciliation and continue to do so, especially at this time when some perpetrators are finishing their sentences in P. Uwimbabazi (B) Protestant Institute of Arts and Social Sciences, Butare, Rwanda e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2023 K. E. Sauer et al. (eds.), Healing through Remembering, Edition Centaurus Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42447-3_8

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prison and returning to their communities. It may be hard to comprehend that in Rwanda, victims live next to their perpetrators on the same hill/village, but that is the reality in Rwanda. APRED Girubuntu, in collaboration with the Protestant Institute for the Arts and Social Sciences (PIASS), as part of the Transboundary project, sought to discover and document how memories and reconciliation are not only understood at the grassroots level, but how they are valued. In this context, a collection of experiences with the work of mostly Protestant religious organizations was gathered. These include Jerôme Bizimana’s article, analyzing the extent to which the grassroots reconciliation process has contributed to the healing of wounds among genocide survivors and former perpetrators of the Tutsi genocide. The article highlights the strategies used to achieve a successful grassroots reconciliation process and heal the wounds of genocide survivors and perpetrators in society. In addition, there is the fundamental experience of memory, healing, and reconciliation, presented through the example of the Presbyterian Church of Célestin Nsengimana. Venant Ntakirutimana’s chapter documents experiences with the reconciliation and healing work of the Diocese of the Anglican Church in Shyogwe. Felicien Imanirakiza describes experiences of the Anglican Church in the Diocese of Kigeme in promoting peace, unity and reconciliation. These articles portray the experience of reconciliation and coexistence between victims and perpetrators of the Tutsi genocide. Lastly, Shukulu Murekatete and Penine Uwimbabazi describe a project of female victims and wives of perpetrators, under the name Flowers of Reconciliation. Through the experiences presented, one can learn about the tremendous work that has been done, especially how the families of perpetrators and victims have managed to live and work together in relative peace. Rwanda’s experience with the genocide of the Tutsi and the process of reconciliation and rebuilding of the state is not only a lesson for the world, but also a positive hope that it is possible to transform enmity into positive relations with a national spirit. I am sure that this collection of grassroots experiences from Rwanda will not only add to the body of knowledge, but also stimulate further discussion on this topic.

Penine Uwimbabazi, Prof. Dr., Degree at the University of KwaZulu-Natal (UKZN) South Africa. She has been working in higher education institutions since 2004 serving in different departments of the UKZN administration, as a post graduate and research assistant for the department of Policy and Development Studies, and as a lecturer at the School of Social Sciences, International Relations and Public Affairs at the UKN. From 2013 she has been working as one of the professors of policy analysis and conflict transformation at the Protestant Institute of Arts and Social Sciences (PIASS) in Huye-Rwanda. She is a recognized

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facilitator and trainer, especially alternative to violence program, nonviolence communication, and conflict transformation among others. She is now serving at the PIASS as Vice Chancellor. Her research interest includes social and public policy analysis, migration and integration, social justice and conflict transformation, rural development and cooperative management. She is the country coordinator of this project for Rwanda. Contact: u.penine@ gmail.com; [email protected]

The Impact of Grassroots Reconciliation Processes on Healing Wounds Among Survivors of the Tutsi Genocide Among Tutsi Genocide Survivors and Former Perpetrators in Rwanda: A Case Study of the Light Group-Remera Presbytery Jerôme N. Bizimana Abstract

The impact of grassroots reconciliation processes on healing wounds among genocide survivors and former perpetrators in Rwanda, using the Presbyterian Church-Remera Parish as an example, was written to present the perceptions of genocide survivors and former perpetrators about the restoration of peace and reconciliation after the genocide in Rwanda. The purpose of this chapter is to (a) analyse the extent to which the grassroots reconciliation process has contributed to the healing of wounds among both genocide survivors and former perpetrators, and (b) highlight the strategies that have been employed to achieve a successful grassroots reconciliation process to heal wounds among genocide survivors and former perpetrators in society. This research is designed as a case study. As for the population, the data was collected from the members of the Light Group Association. For sampling, we used random sampling. We preferred to consult the written sources on our topic, and face-to-face group or individual interviews were conducted to complete the information. The results of the study show that before participating in the reconciliation process at the grassroots level, 100% of the conflict parties’ J. N. Bizimana (B) Remera Presbytery, Kigali, Rwanda e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2023 K. E. Sauer et al. (eds.), Healing through Remembering, Edition Centaurus Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42447-3_9

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relationships were characterized by mistrust, fear, hatred, shame and trauma. Afterwards, they confirmed that they had found an appropriate and lasting means to heal each other by telling their story and/or telling the truth to promote collective healing through confession and repentance, and by praying together to heal the wounds of the victims through the Gospel. To strengthen the reconciliation process at the grassroots, all genocide victims should join associations or cooperatives that have names and goals focused on unity and reconciliation, such as Abiyunze and Ukuri Kuganze, and participate in social ceremonies that gather many Rwandans on their respective hills where they live, such as wedding, mourning, funeral, socializing, guhekerana, gutwererana and guhana umubyizi which characterize Rwandan society. Keywords

Grassroots reconciliation . Healing wounds . Genocide survivors and genocide perpetrators

1

Introduction and Background of the Study

The Light Group Association is a group of former prisoners of the 1994 genocide committed against the Tutsi and survivors of the genocide. The main priorities of the Light Group are to promote peace and create an environment of peaceful coexistence, forgiveness, and healing among people who were affected in one way or another by the 1994 Tutsi genocide. This case-study includes two variables: Grassroots reconciliation as the independent variable and healing of wounds as the dependent variable. In addition, it is important to note that there are intervening variables that support grassroots reconciliation and contribute to the healing of wounds. These include storytelling or truth-telling, apology and forgiveness, and remembering, to name a few.

1.1

Clarification of Terms

The Light Group The Light Group Association “Urumuri” is an association of former detainees of the 1994 Tutsi genocide and survivors of the genocide. It was founded in 2009 by Pastor Jerôme Bizimana after participating in a series of trainings and workshops on the concept of conflict management, conflict prevention, conflict impact and

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consequences, conflict resolution, and unity, as well as the reconciliation process through peacemaking. The Light Group’s Association has enabled perpetrators to accept the genocide and seek forgiveness, and survivors to reconcile with the groups involved in the murder of their families and friends. The Light Group has even gone so far as to train new peacemakers in high schools, because they are the foundation on which the seeds of peace and reconciliation will grow for the next generation. The main objectives of the Light Group are (a) to strengthen the culture of peace, non-violence and good relations on a broad scale in order to restore the moral conscience in the Rwandan family; (b) to promote peace and reconciliation in Rwandan high schools; (c) to create an environment of peaceful coexistence, forgiveness and healing among the people who were affected in one way or another by the genocide against the Tutsi in 1994; (d) creating innovative projects to promote the social well-being and economic development of the Rwandan family; (e) protecting the rights of women, youth, and other vulnerable groups; (f) using the church as a platform for genuine reconciliation and healing; and (g) protecting the environment. Light Group Association activities include: (a) visiting each other’s homes to maintain good relations among members; (b) tilling each other’s soil during the rainy seasons; (c) participating in special events to show how the Light Group Association has done much to change lives in Rwandan society by sharing its experiences with the rest of the population; (d) Organizing events to commemorate the 1994 Tutsi genocide; and (e) Engaging in small income-generating business activities as part of the primary cooperative organization. Genocide Survivor According to Sentama (2009), the term “genocide survivor” refers to any person who has been injured, hunted, or targeted in one way or another by the actions, attitudes, and behaviors of a genocide perpetrator, regardless of their ethnic or group background. Genocide Perpetrator A genocide perpetrator is defined as any person who has been involved in genocidal acts in one way or another, regardless of their ethnic or group background (Sentama, 2009). In this study, eyewitnesses who were not involved in genocide or had a low probability of being involved in genocide are not considered genocide perpetrators.

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Theories of Reconciliation

The impact of intense violence on genocide survivors is enormous. Their basic psychological needs are profoundly disappointed, and their identity, worldview, and spirituality are disrupted. These disruptions, as well as those of interpersonal relationships and the ability to regulate internal emotional states, coexist with and lead to intense trauma symptoms (Allen, 2001). People feel vulnerable, the world seems dangerous to them, and other people, especially those outside their group, seem untrustworthy (McCann & Pearlman, 1990). Healing the psychological wounds caused by past victimization should reduce the likelihood that victims will use unnecessary “defensive” violence. In Rwanda, the government has attempted to avoid acts of revenge through national and grassroots reconciliation processes. Healing not only reduces pain and suffering, but also enables lasting reconciliation. The peace agreement alone does not change the feelings of fear, mistrust and hostility that have developed. A lasting peace requires a change in the attitudes of people in each group toward the other. This change in attitude is all the more necessary when the violence has ended not by a peace agreement but by a military defeat of the perpetrators. External peace is not necessarily a guarantee of internal peace. The 1994 genocide against the Tutsi destroyed Rwandan society economically, physically, socially, and spiritually; about one million Tutsi men, women, and children were massacred. At the same time, they left countless orphans, widows and severely disabled and traumatized people, but today the situation has changed and you can see how people have recovered. The survivors of the genocide and the former perpetrators live and work together in harmony. The Rwandan government has taken various measures to achieve the goal of allowing perpetrators and victims to live side by side in peace. Living together allows both victims and perpetrators to remember the trauma and violence and to tell the truth about what happened through testimony. Remembering and telling the truth about the horrific events are prerequisites for both the restoration of social order and the healing of individual victims. Ways to Reconcile at the Grassroots Level and Heal the Wounds Reconciliation is a process and takes time. On the one hand, reconciliation requires that perpetrators apologize for the suffering they have caused in the past. On the other hand, survivors must decide whether to grant forgiveness. Openly admitting what happened (telling the truth) is crucial to the healing process of both survivors and perpetrators.

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Truth Telling or Story Telling

According to Desmond Tutu et al. (1998), truth refers to the information or knowledge about what happened at a particular time. There are four main types of truth: (a) factual or objective truth: based on collected or received evidence; (b) personal or narrative truth: through telling their own stories, both victims and perpetrators make sense of their multi-layered experiences; (c) social or dialogic truth: experiencing truth through interaction, discussion, and debate; and (d) healing and restorative truth: the truth to help heal the damage done in the past and look to the future. In the Rwandan context, one says ushaka gukira indwara arayirata, meaning “who needs to be healed tells the story” and ukuri kurakiza, meaning “truth heals”. One of the genocide survivors, a member of the Light Group, stated, “Through Pastor Jerôme Bizimana’s workshops, I and my colleagues have learned that without reconciliation there will be no people in Rwanda, that we will die one by one, and that there is no future for our children. Therefore, based on biblical teaching, we have agreed to forgive former genocide perpetrators” (KN, personal communication, May 18, 2021). Telling the truth helped to learn how the genocide was planned, organized and carried out, who the victims and perpetrators were, who was killed and who killed them. In an interview with a former genocide victim, he said, “Before we joined the Light Group, there was a wall of separation in communication. After we joined the group, we slowly opened up and tried to find out the truth about what we committed during the genocide. On the side of the genocide survivors, our testimonies have also helped them to know where their beloved relatives were killed and buried. This also helps them bury the bodies and restore the dignity of the victims of the Tutsi genocide if they are discovered” (AB, personal communication, May 18, 2021). By telling the truth about their own history, both genocide survivors and former perpetrators shared the difficult experiences they had during the genocide, and these experiences helped them heal the wounds and begin the recovery process. Telling the truth should help heal the damage done in the past and provide a vision for a constructive future. The Relationship Between Reconciliation, Apology, and Forgiveness The term reconciliation refers to the mutual acceptance of members of formerly hostile groups. Such acceptance includes positive attitudes as well as positive actions that express them, as circumstances permit and require (Staub & Pearlman, 2001). Reconciliation must involve a positive psychological change in attitude toward the other. Constructive forgiveness, on the other hand, can help all

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parties heal—survivors, perpetrators, and members of the perpetrator group who have not themselves engaged in violence. Full reconciliation is likely to involve some degree of forgiveness, letting go of the past, anger, and desire for revenge. Without this, it seems impossible to accept the other and see the possibility of a peaceful future in which the two groups live in harmony. Healing and reconciliation must go hand in hand, especially when groups that have done violence to each other continue to live together. Both apology and forgiveness are two sides of the same coin. They reflect the constructive ways in which the survivors of genocide and the perpetrators of a difficult conflict can deal with the shame, pain, and suffering that the conflict has caused. The oppressors who have committed human rights violations and other atrocities must take responsibility for their actions and apologize. Likewise, the victims of these atrocities must find a space in their hearts to forgive those who victimized them, even though the pain and suffering will never go away. Just as important as apology, however, is forgiveness in any society that wants to leave its struggles behind and create a more peaceful and cooperative future. The Gospel points out in James 5:16 that: “if you have sinned, you should tell each other what you have done. Then you can pray for one another and be healed. The prayer of an innocent person is powerful and can help a lot”. Matthew 5:6 says, “God blesses those people who are merciful. They will be treated with mercy”. In Matthew 18:21, the Bible reveals that “Peter came up to the Lord and asked,’how many times should I forgive someone who does something wrong to me? Is seven times enough?’ Jesus answered: Not just seven times, but seventyseven times!” Telling the truth can alleviate the suffering of the oppressed and/ or survivors by providing facts about serious human rights violations and the perpetrators who committed them. One of the genocide perpetrators and member of the Light Group Association stated that “we, the released prisoners, have generally tried to seek forgiveness from the genocide survivors in their families. Nowadays, both the genocide survivors and the former perpetrators hold gathering ceremonies in their respective villages to strengthen their reconciliation and to educate the rest of the community about the negative impact of the genocide and how the community can prevent it from happening again” (HT, personal communication, May 18, 2021). Apology and forgiveness are integral components of any long-term resolution of a difficult conflict. Without them, it is impossible to achieve reconciliation and lasting peace. Without apology and forgiveness, people remain trapped in the value system that caused the conflict. Little progress can be made beyond a cease-fire.

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Reconciliation at the Grassroots Level

To fully understand the process of reconciliation, reconciliation is not an excuse for impunity, an individual process, an alternative to truth or justice, a quick fix, a religious concept, a perfect peace, an excuse for forgetting, or mere forgiveness. Reconciliation involves finding a way of life that allows for a vision of the future; (re)building relationships; confronting past actions and enemies; a society-wide, long-term process of profound change; a process of acknowledging, remembering, and learning from the past; and is voluntary and cannot be forced. Offenders need to heal from the wounds they have given themselves while harming others. Healing can allow offenders to confront their crimes, engage with their victims, and begin a process that leads to reconciliation. Members of the offender group who did not participate in the violence must also recover from the effects of their own group’s actions. Genocide perpetrator testimonies highlighted that “before joining The Light Group, when we met one of the Genocide survivors, we were very ashamed of what we had done to them and we deviated from the path. The confusion of living with those we had wronged stemmed from the scriptures we had read in the Bible, where it says that he who kills with the sword will be killed with the sword. Honestly, we did not expect a pardon; we thought that the current Rwandan government is under the influence of the former regime and we could take revenge for what you committed during the 1994 genocide” (RG, personal communication, May 18, 2021). Another genocide survivor added, “Me and my colleagues were afraid that the released perpetrators would start killing again, especially with the intention of eliminating witnesses to their genocidal acts” (QX, personal communication, May 18, 2021). According to Light Group members, the situation has changed, as reported by one genocide perpetrator: “Before we joined the Light Group, we did not know the Light Group’s program of living together with those we had wronged. The Light Group taught us the program of grassroots Rwandan reconciliation, which leads to the healing of wounds between genocide survivors and former genocide perpetrators. Today, we are completely changed. We have learned how to work with the genocide survivors. Both genocide survivors and former perpetrators should participate in the social ceremonies that bring many Rwandans together in the respective hills where they live, such as marriage, mourning, burial, socializing, community work, and gift-giving that characterize Rwandan society” (MD, personal communication, May 18, 2021). Reconciliation at the grassroots level goes hand in hand with social reparation. Reparations aim to redress the suffering of victims of human rights abuses and seek to compensate victims, help

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them overcome the consequences of abuse, and rehabilitate them. It can include financial payments or symbolic compensation such as public apologies. Reparations allow for the return of property, compensation for pain/suffering/ punishment, and recognition by perpetrators that they have wronged victims and can begin to compensate them for their losses. Reparations help heal the wounds of a society and bring both sides of the conflict together by acknowledging that wrongs have been done and should be acknowledged and reconciled. Once reparations are offered, a society can begin to transform the institutions that enabled these mass atrocities (Barkan and Karn, 2006). Reparations are not just about paying money to victims, but rather about healing the psychological, cultural, social, and other wounds caused by trauma on both sides of the conflict. Reparations can bring about positive change in the way history is constructed.

3

Research Methodology and Findings

In this study, we used a case study as the research design. As for the population, the data was collected from the members of the Light Group Association. Random sampling was used as the sampling method. First, we preferred to consult the written sources on our topic. Second, face-to-face group or individual interviews were conducted to complete the information. To achieve our objectives, we used the qualitative method of semi-structured interviews, which allowed us to analyze different interactions of different authors related to the topic in question. The methodology used in the present study helped us to collect reliable and valid data. We took into account all the informants’ responses, which led to successful results.

3.1

Results

Before joining the Light Group reconciliation process at the grassroots level, the relations between the conflicting parties were 100% characterized by mistrust, fear, suspicion and hatred. The genocide survivors feared that the former perpetrators would come and kill them. Both the genocide survivors and the perpetrators feared that the survivors would take revenge. Moreover, shame and trauma shaped the relations of both parties to the conflict before they turned to reconciliation at the grassroots level. On the one hand, former genocide perpetrators felt ashamed when they met survivors after their release from prison, thinking that they would put them back in prison. On the

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other hand, genocide survivors were also traumatized when they met former genocide perpetrators. Before they joined grassroots reconciliation, relations between the parties to the conflict were also marked by interpersonal divisions and lack of communication. Former genocide perpetrators could not imagine that they would one day sit and live with genocide survivors. There was a wall of separation between them. Each side suspected the other of planning further acts of violence, either that the survivors would take revenge on the former genocide perpetrators or that the perpetrators would begin to murder again, especially with the intention of eliminating witnesses to their genocidal acts. All members of the light group confirmed that they discovered that appropriate and lasting healing was in their hands and that one could help the other heal. On the one hand, telling the story or the truth helped the former perpetrators of genocide to reveal the reality of their involvement in the killing and then to repent and ask for forgiveness. On the other hand, telling the truth helped genocide survivors learn where their beloved relatives had been killed and buried. This also helps them bury the bodies and restore the dignity of the victims of the Tutsi genocide when they are discovered. Grassroots reconciliation between Light Group members has taken place through public apologies, and some former perpetrators of genocide have paid for the damage they caused during the genocide, while others have fully apologized for both the killings and destruction of property. When the former parties to the conflict talk about the genocide scenario, they are healed. For the former genocide perpetrators, the wounds were healed by disclosing their involvement in the genocide atrocities, while the genocide survivors were healed by being informed or brought up to date on how their loved ones were killed and given the opportunity to bury the bodies of the victims with dignity. This was achieved through the introduction of grassroots reconciliation which was initiated amongst Presbyterian Christians, particularly in the Remera community. Prior to the formation of the Light Group Association, both genocide survivors and perpetrators believed there was no hope for restoring peace. Initially, the former parties to the conflict considered the introduction of reconciliation at the grassroots level within the Presbyterian Church, particularly in the Remera congregation, to be a waste of time. Gradually, both parties considered reconciliation as a tool (i.e., a way, a process, a remedy) that allows close and frequent contact between them, thus contributing much to the restoration of interpersonal relations through contact, dialogue in workshops, and interactive problem solving, leading to the healing of the wounds of both the former perpetrators and the survivors of the genocide. We cannot force apology, remorse and forgiveness; it is a process. We must teach people and let them decide for themselves what they want to do.

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Grassroots reconciliation within the Light Group Association is based on a spiritual or theological approach. This approach is based on the Christian belief that reconciliation with our neighbors is reconciliation with God. It insists on the direct relationship between forgiveness and reconciliation. The approach focuses on renouncing revenge and relies on patience. It seeks to promote collective healing through confession and repentance and collective prayer to heal the wounds of victims through the gospel. Since forgiveness and reconciliation are individual processes, mass mobilization is needed to communicate the goodness of forgiveness and reconciliation to people so that everyone can make their own personal decision.

4

Conclusion

The 1994 genocide was committed by Rwandans against Rwandans, and it was up to Rwandans themselves to find solutions to their problems and accept the consequences. To reaffirm the ability of Rwandans to solve their problems, grassroots reconciliation played an important role in healing the wounds between the perpetrators of the genocide and the survivors of the genocide in the post-genocide period in Rwanda. Although the parties to the conflict participated in grassroots reconciliation in a specific setting (the Light Group) to improve their coexistence, it also had a positive impact on their lives as a whole. They found solutions to their common fears, and trust and positive communication were fostered. The restoration of relations between the parties to the conflict following the genocide of the Tutsi in the Remera community was enhanced by several phenomena, including the acceptance of responsibility for the acts by the perpetrators, speaking the truth, confession, and forgiveness. Members of the conflicting parties were taught about these phenomena so that they could develop a solid understanding of the tools they could use to repair broken relationships. The perpetrators of the genocide pointed out that after being taught about responsibility and truth-telling, they directly asked for forgiveness from the genocide survivors whose relatives they had killed during the genocide, and the surviving relatives forgave them. Interpersonal forgiveness requires that the harm done be named and articulated. This is followed by an act of apology and confession and then the offer of forgiveness by the victims. The willingness of former genocide perpetrators to tell the truth about what happened, to acknowledge their responsibility, and to express regret for the wrongs committed has led genocide survivors to offer forgiveness. Today, genocide survivors have accepted the apology, and

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both former perpetrators and genocide survivors live in harmony, characterized by mutual help, respect, trust, and the removal of all negative, hostile attitudes. The results of this study show that the reconciliation process at the grassroots level contributes to the healing of wounds between genocide survivors and former genocide perpetrators in Rwanda. Former genocide perpetrators have mended their ways and are aware that the destruction they inflicted on humanity was unnecessary and must never happen again. Recommendations and Suggestions for Further Action Although Light Group members have successfully achieved grassroots reconciliation that has led to the healing of wounds, they feel shame for their fellow non-Light Group members who are still being undermined by the ideology of genocide and the problem of those who have refused to ask forgiveness and forgive. In the course of this study, we have found some limitations: a) the ideology of genocide persists in some areas, and b) some former genocide perpetrators do not fully confess and ask forgiveness for their crimes. For the work of the Light Group, this means that Light Group members who have accepted and confessed their crimes offer to mentor those perpetrators who have not confessed. There are a number of recommendations that can be essential and useful, as they will shed more light on the goals of grassroots reconciliation and enable many more people to understand its importance. The Rwandan government, through its decentralized institutions, should (a) establish a forum for the exchange of ideas on the proper functioning of grassroots reconciliation and the path that can lead to the establishment of peace between former genocide perpetrators and the rest of the Rwandan population; (b) encourage and support scholars to study the strategies needed to ensure that nationwide grassroots reconciliation achieves its goals; (c) mobilize development partners to support the grassroots reconciliation implementation program; (d) establish groups of individuals responsible for unity and reconciliation who should sensitize the remaining former genocide perpetrators to seek forgiveness or interpose themselves between the former genocide perpetrators and the families of the genocide survivors to maintain good relations on their hills; and (e) sensitize the community to form cooperatives or associations between the genocide survivors and the former genocide perpetrators. These associations or cooperatives should have names and goals aimed at unity and reconciliation, such as Abiyunze and Ukuri Kuganze. The former perpetrators of the genocide are the ones who need to be reintegrated into the lives of other Rwandans today. They should acknowledge the seriousness of the crimes they committed and distinguish themselves through good behavior as people who have repented, confessed and apologized for their

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crimes. It is necessary that both genocide survivors and former perpetrators participate in the social ceremonies that bring many Rwandans together in the respective hills where they live, such as wedding, mourning, funeral, social gathering, guhekerana, gutwererana, and guhana umubyizi that characterize Rwandan society.

References Allen, J. (2001). Traumatic relationships and serious mental disorders. Wiley. Barkan, E., & Karn, A. (Eds.). (2006). Taking wrongs seriously: Apologies and reconciliation. Stanford University Press. McCann, I. L., & Pearlman, L. A. (1990). Psychological trauma and the adult survivor: Theory, therapy, and transformation. Brunner/Mazel. Sentama, E. (2009). Peacebuilding in post-Genocide Rwanda: An exploration of the role of cooperatives in the restoration of interpersonal relationships, PhD Thesis, Gothenburg University, Göteborg, Sweden. Staub, E., & Pearlman, L. A. (2001). Healing, reconciliation, and forgiving after genocide and other collective violence. In R. G. Helmick & R. L. Petersen (Eds.), Forgiveness and reconciliation: Religion, public policy, and conflict transformation (pp. 195–217). Templeton Foundation Press. Tutu, D., et al. (1998). Truth and reconciliation report of South Africa Report. Johannesburg.

Jerôme N.Bizimana, Rev. is the president of Remera Presbytery of the Presbyterian Church in Rwanda (EPR). He is the initiator of the Light Group, which is engaged in reconciliation work between genocide survivors and former perpetrators. He studied Peacebuilding and Conflict Resolution in Zambia and also holds a master’s degree in the Department of Theology and Development at Uganda Christian University (UCU). Contact: bizimajero2002@ yahoo.fr

Grassroots Experience of Memory, Healing, and Reconciliation: Learning from the Center for Training and Documentation (CFD) of the Presbyterian Church in Rwanda Célestin Nsengimana Abstract

The Center for Training and Documentation (CFD) was founded in 1996 by the Presbyterian Church in Rwanda (EPR). Through research, training, and grassroots initiatives that bring together diverse groups of people, the CFD seeks to equip people with knowledge and skills to meet community needs in a post-genocide Rwanda. This paper focuses on the contribution of grassroots home churches to memory, healing, and reconciliation. After describing and analyzing data from primary and secondary sources, it was concluded that grassroots home churches are important learning spaces. They also play a major role in reducing prejudice and stereotypes, mediating between conflicting parties, and strengthening social cohesion. It is recommended that their leaders receive further training to equip them with the necessary skills. Keywords

Grassroots home churches . Genocide commemoration . Mediation Repentance . Forgiveness . Healing . Reconciliation

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C. Nsengimana (B) Department of Theology and Religious Studies, Protestant Institute of Arts and Social Sciences (PASS), Huye, Rwanda e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2023 K. E. Sauer et al. (eds.), Healing through Remembering, Edition Centaurus Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42447-3_10

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Introductory background

In 1994, Rwanda, a country in east-central Africa, experienced a genocide perpetrated by a then Hutu regime against the Tutsi ethnic group. In addition to the Tutsi who were the target of this tragedy, other people (Hutu, Twa, and foreigners) who did not support the plan and execution of the genocide were also killed or threatened (Nsengimana 2021, p. 347; Hintjens, 2013, pp. 195–217; Mutwarasibo, 2018, pp. 201–238). This genocide, which claimed the lives of more than one million people, had numerous consequences, both on an individual and societal level. In addition to the great loss of human lives, physical and psychological injuries, hopelessness, and the collapse of political and economic structures, Rwanda’s social fabric was severely shaken. In the aftermath of the genocide, the Rwandan government, national and international organizations, churches and other religions undertook a number of initiatives to rebuild the country, that lay in ruins. These initiatives include refugee repatriation, psychosocial interventions, socioeconomic development, justice, reconciliation processes, and genocide commemoration. From a faith-based perspective, the Presbyterian Church in Rwanda (EPR) contributed to that challenging task by preaching the word of peace and reconciliation. It also supported those in need with material aid and psychosocial care. Other contributions consisted of organizing annual rituals to commemorate the genocide and promoting grassroots initiatives that facilitated physical contact and interaction among the different population groups (Nsengimana, 2015, pp. 73–116). Against this background, an extraordinary General Synod of the EPR decided in February 1995 to establish a training center to equip church members with skills and knowledge to meet the needs of the post-genocide community. This center began its work in 1996 under the name “Centre Œcuménique de Recherche et de Vulgarisation Théologique (CORVT)”. In 2003, to clarify the mission and Presbyterian sponsorship of the center, the General Synod of the EPR decided to change the name of the center and rename it “Centre de Formation et de Documentation de l’ EPR (CFD)” (Musabyimana, 2007, p. 41). The CFD currently operates five programs that are ecumenical in nature and promote cooperation, mutual respect, and unity among the various Christian denominations active in Rwanda (Eregare et al., 2017, p. 57; Rausch, 2017, p. 87). First, CFD’s Theological Education by Extension (TEE) program provides church elders, deacons, and lay ministers with basic theological knowledge and skills in biblical studies (Old and New Testaments), practical theology, church history, Christian ethics, and church-society relations. Second, the Capacity Building

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Program for Church Ministers (FCP) provides in-service training on important topics such as conflict management, reconciliation, environmental challenges, gender-based violence, family planning, pastoral counseling, and trauma healing. In terms of counseling and trauma healing, CFD does not train professional therapists. Instead, the center provides church staff with basic knowledge and skills for dealing with traumatized people in their respective communities. Training materials are compiled in a brochure and given to participants and others who have not had the opportunity to attend in-person training. The beneficiaries of both programs are from various Protestant denominations operating in Rwanda. The list includes the Presbyterian Church in Rwanda (EPR), the Pentecostal Church of Rwanda (ADEPR), the Free Methodist Church of Rwanda (EMLR), the Anglican Church of Rwanda (EAR), the Association of Baptist Churches of Rwanda (AEBR), the Union of Baptist Churches in Rwanda (UEBR), the Reformed Baptist Convention in Rwanda (RBCR) and the Lutheran Church of Rwanda (Nsengimana, 2020, online newsletter; CFD, 2020, p. 38). In a workshop organized by the CFD in 2003, Rev. Desiré Rutaganda, the former coordinator of the center, said that cooperation among the different denominations was crucial to rebuilding the Rwandan community and caring for the broken-hearted: “Our country was destroyed by the 1994 genocide against Tutsi. That is why we need to work together as ordinary Christians and church leaders from different denominations to rebuild our community and take care of those with broken hearts” (EPR, 2003, p. 12). Transcending the boundaries of Christian faith, the third program of “Christian-Muslim Relations (RIC)” promotes peaceful cohabitation and interdependence of people from both religious groups. Through mutual home visits, sports activities, collaborations, shared meals, and joint workshops, this program brings together members of both faith communities to reflect on common political and socioeconomic issues and promote a spirit of tolerance and mutual respect despite theological and doctrinal differences (Nsengimana, 2020, online newsletter). This program fits within the framework of the global movement of interfaith dialogue, which aims to prevent religiously based conflicts in the world and promote peaceful coexistence among different religious groups (Nsengimana, 2007, pp. 60–66; Rajkumar, 2020, pp. 707–709). At an interfaith workshop in 2002, Rutaganda stated, “A successful interreligious dialogue requires the one side to listen and understand the other in respect of their beliefs and avoidance of selfishness with the aim of building sustainable peace” (EPR, 2002, p. 6). Fourth, the research and documentation program helps the center and its beneficiaries reflect on the challenges faced by the post-genocide Rwandan

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community, and how churches can address these challenges based on empirical evidence. In this regard, CFD has established a library of books, journals, and articles in its offices to help church ministers, Christians, theology students and lecturers access learning materials that will enrich them intellectually and practically. Fifth, the program of Christian education is primarily concerned with producing educational materials for the EPR Sunday School and grassroots house churches that are the focus of this article. These consist of a weekly gathering of about 10 families from the same neighborhood. They take turns meeting in one of the families to study the Bible, socialize, discuss some of their concerns, and pray. Through their weekly gatherings, the grassroots home churches strengthen the spiritual life of church members, break down prejudices and stereotypes, and promote social cohesion. Each year, the EPR publishes a booklet that encourages reflection on 52 themes that correspond to the 52 weeks of the year. Some of the themes related to remembrance and reconciliation are specifically addressed during the genocide commemoration period (EPR, 2021, pp. 41–42). By focusing on grassroots churches, this paper has been guided by the following questions: What are the contents and approaches of grassroots churches and how do they relate to the issues of memory, healing, and reconciliation? How do church members value the contribution of grassroots home churches with regard to memory, healing, and reconciliation? In this paper, the concept of memory is understood not only as “the capacity of a person to remember” (Morrill, 2000, p. 53). It is also understood as a selective reconstruction of the past to meet the needs of the present and envision a promising future. Memory does not necessarily refer to a scientific and objective reconstruction of the past. Rather, it is a highly selective and subjective recollection of elements of the past that correspond to the present needs and future hopes of a particular commemorative community (Erll, 2011, p. 8). As Denis (2016, p. 7) puts it, “by referring to the past, it speaks to the present”. In the same way, the concept of reconciliation is used not only as a processes of restoring and consolidating interpersonal relationships, but also as an inner healing or reconciliation with oneself (Nsengimana, 2015, p. 39; Lederach, 1997, p. 151; Herman, 1997, pp. 133–153).

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Methodological Considerations and Structure of the Article

To answer the guiding questions above, I chose a qualitative research approach that involves the analysis of textual materials and respondents’ views to understand the concepts, opinions, and experiences based on non-numerical data (Kumar, 2019, pp. 170–171). Furthermore, I chose a descriptive research design that refers to a systematic description of the phenomenon under study by answering the questions of what, where, when, and how (Loeb et al., 2017, p. V). This research design allowed me to shift from the traditional deductive theology (theology from above) to the methodological paradigm of inductive theology (theology from below) which considers human experience as the starting point for theological reflection (Meiring, 2007, p. 736). In doing so, the focus was on how the grassroots community appropriates the Bible rather than reproducing traditional and/or official theological claims (Nsengimana, 2021, pp. 353–354; Przygoda, 2013, pp. 33–48; Barnard et al., 2014, p. 39; Klomp, 2011, p. 134). In this sense, I assume that the Bible has “to be interpreted in different cultural, political and socio-economic contexts of communities” (Nsengimana & Mukantwari, 2021a, 2021b, p. 132). Marti (2016, p. 162) uses the term “found theology” to name the theology or theologies “discoverable within situations”. He distinguishes five ways to uncover the theology of a people or place that are relevant to this study of grassroots experiences of memory, healing, and reconciliation. The first method involves observing and interviewing those who have taken on a particular role in religious leadership (pastors or lay leaders) who can provide theological indicators through their theologically oriented dialogue (idealized vision of what they think should happen, rather than what actually happens). The second way to uncover theology refers to “the religious talk of a people or place”. In this regard, Marti argues that it is not only religious leaders who can engage in theological dialogue. Ordinary people can also engage in theological discussion, including the use of theological terms, metaphors, and doctrinal statements. By following or interacting with people’s theological debates, one can gain theological insight from their “spiritual packages”. The third way to uncover theologies is to pay attention to everyday dialogue, since all conversations and places are carriers of particular theologies. The fourth way, according to Marti, is to examine the relationship between theology(s) and the behavior of a people or group to determine whether or not a particular theology influences people’s actions. The final way suggested by Marti is to examine the workings of religious practices apart from religious talk in order to discern religious and non-religious motivations of actions. In this regard, Marti

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notes that “the methodological principle here is to look at what people do more so than what people say” (Marti, 2016, pp. 163–166). In this context, data were collected through secondary research, reading brochures used by the grassroots churches (grassroots church booklets), CFD reports, published books and articles on EPR, interviews, and participant observation. In addition, interviews were conducted with key informants intentionally selected from church members and pastors. Since there was no predefined sample, data were collected until the natural saturation point, after which no new information could be obtained (Klomp, 2011, p. 134). The natural saturation point was characterized by duplications and redundancies of data. The collected data were analyzed using the techniques of coding and content analysis (Saldaña, 2009, pp. 23–70). This paper is divided into three main sections. The first section consists of a description of the contents and approaches of grassroots churches. The second section analyzes how church members perceive the contribution of grassroots churches to memory work and reconciliation. The last section looks at the challenges and ways to overcome them.

3

The Message Conveyed by Grassroots Communities in Relation to Memory, Healing and Reconciliation

In December 2011, the General Synod of the Presbyterian Church in Rwanda approved the establishment of grassroots home churches as a new strategy for evangelism and reconciliation that reaches grassroots communities on a weekly basis. This new approach, officially launched on February 5, 2012, is based on four pillars: (1) evangelism in families, (2) unity and reconciliation, (3) poverty alleviation, and (4) serving God and the church with love and zeal (EPR, 2014, p. 7). The purpose of this section is to present the messages conveyed through grassroots home churches by identifying what churchgoers learn about memory, healing, and reconciliation when they attend grassroots home churches. In reviewing the brochures used at these home meetings and interviewing church leaders and ordinary churchgoers, I found that the content of the grassroots churches included themes related to memory work and reconciliation such as commemoration of genocide, repentance, mediation, forgiveness, love, healing, and conflict resolution. Each of these themes was based on a biblical text that must be read, discussed, and applied to the current context of church members.

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Grassroots Teachings on Repentance and Forgiveness

In the literature on reconciliation, repentance, forgiveness, and other concepts from the same semantic repertoire (love, mercy, truth, justice, and reparation) are used as instruments of reconciliation (Nsengimana, 2015, p. 40; Lederach, 1997, p. 30). In the first booklet of the grassroots church (EPR, 2013, pp. 47–48), theme number 18 is about repentance and forgiveness. This topic is to be discussed during the 18th week of the year, which falls within the period of genocide commemoration. The basis for the discussion is the parable of the lost son found in Luke 15:11–24. The comments in the booklet indicate that the wrongdoer will have fear, shame, frustration, distrust and guilt until he/she repents of his or her sins toward the victim. Likewise, the person who has not yet forgiven his or her wrongdoers is not emotionally stable because there is no peace in his or her heart. From this perspective, Schreiter (2013, pp. 15–17) rightly argues that repentance and forgiveness heal both the perpetrator and the victim. This booklet No. 18 says that the lost son, after realizing that he had done wrong by leaving his father and wasting his inheritance, decided to return home and repent to his father. The loving father forgave his son and held a feast to celebrate his return. The commentaries in the booklet conclude by applying the text from Luke 15:11–24 to the Christian life, arguing that Christians need to repent and ask for forgiveness when they have committed sins. Although the booklet understands the above biblical text as a call to repentance, other commentators have interpreted it in terms of an unconditional reconciliation that the Father accomplishes. This is consistent with another aspect of the commentary in the same booklet, which argues that Christians must learn to forgive others (even those who have not turned to them to repent of their wrongdoing and ask for forgiveness) just as they themselves want to be forgiven (Matthew 6:12). In the comments of the booklet, Christians are admonished not to hurt others, for hurting their fellow man is equal to offending God. At the end of this lesson, some questions are suggested for further reflection on this subject: (1) Is there anyone who has a testimony of how he/she forgave his/her offender? If so, can he/she share it with all the participants? (2) Do you know some community members or families who are in a conflict situation? How can you help them engage in the process of repentance and forgiveness? (EPR, 2013, p. 48).

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In another lesson on forgiveness, booklet number four lists 7 stages of forgiveness: Taking time to accept the harm you have suffered as a victim, finding the courage to meet the offender, being affected by the offense, having compassion for the offender, forgiving the offender, sharing the story of the forgiveness journey, and choosing to build new relationships (EPR, 2016, pp. 33–34).

3.2

Lessons on Unity and Reconciliation at the Grassroots Level

Lesson 19 from the first booklet of the grassroots church addresses unity and reconciliation (restoring and strengthening interpersonal relationships). This lesson, which aims to strengthen the Christian’s role in the processes of unity and reconciliation, is based on the biblical narrative about Joseph and his brother reconciling after not seeing each other for a long time (Genesis 45:1–8). The booklet defines reconciliation as the process of restoring broken relationships as follows: “We speak of reconciliation when there is disagreement between people and the breaking of relationships. Therefore, it is necessary to restore the broken relationships and establish good understanding between the conflicting parties. For a successful process of restoring the broken relationships, both parties must be involved. If necessary, a third party may be involved as a mediator between the conflict parties” (EPR, 2013, pp. 48–49).

The same lesson number 19 emphasizes that in the narrative of Joseph and his brothers, the offended party (the victim) is the first to initiate the process of reconciliation (Genesis 45:4–5). As a result, first, the offenders (Joseph’s brothers) are freed from their grief. Second, the separated brothers resume life in convivial brotherhood: “And he [Joseph] kissed all his brothers and wept over them. Afterward his brother talked to him” (Genesis 45:15). The brothers, by their misdeed, excluded themselves from fellowship with their youngest brother (Joseph). But the youngest brother accepted them back into fellowship unconditionally. In this sense, reconciliation means “re-admission into community” after a period of estrangement. By applying the story of Joseph and his brothers to the context of Rwanda, lesson 19 shows that it is normal for people living together to have disputes. However, if not addressed in a timely manner, they escalate into serious hatred and even killing each other (EPR, 2013, pp. 48–50). Lesson 19 also points out that without unity and reconciliation, it is not possible to envision spiritual and socio-economic development. The conclusion to this lesson affirms that grassroots home churches play an important role in the

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process of unity and reconciliation. Therefore, every churchgoer must participate in grassroots home churches to contribute to reconciliation among people and between people and God. The issue that needs further reflection is to recognize the signs of mistrust and quarrels within the grassroots home church and find ways to address them (EPR, 2013, pp. 48–50). In the same perspective, lesson number 20 draws on 1 Corinthians 12:12–30 to point out that Christians must live unity as parts of one body (Jesus Christ). This Christian unity includes humility, mutual respect and acceptance between brothers and sisters through Jesus Christ (EPR, 2013, p. 50).

3.3

Grassroots Teachings on Memory, Commemoration and Healing

Grassroots home churches are places where people talk about genocide remembrance and other related issues. For example, lesson number 13 (in the 2016 booklet) is about remembrance. It is based on the text of Deuteronomy 8: 1–20. The lesson begins by pointing out that an ordinary person must remember. The lesson goes on to show that remembering is biblically based. This is the case in Deuteronomy 8: 1–20, where God repeatedly reminds the Israelites never to forget their past suffering and deliverance. This lesson states, “the aim of remembrance is not to re-plunge someone into his/her past troubles and let him overwhelm by them. Rather, remembrance aims at recognizing the hand of God who saved the concerned persons from his/her troubles” (EPR, 2016, p. 30–31). This interpretation of Deuteronomy 8: 1–20 is applied to the case of Rwanda by pointing out that commemorating the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi is not only an opportunity to honor the victims of the genocide, but also to acknowledge the hand of God who never abandons his people. In this way, commemoration helps to envision a promising future that builds on the lessons of the past. In addition, lesson 13 indicates that signs of resilience include effective participation in commemorative rituals and involvement in healing and reconciliation activities (EPR, 2016, p. 31). Although lesson 13 limits the interpretation of Deuteronomy to the saving hand of God, the Pentateuch as a whole, particularly the books of Kings and Prophets, goes beyond that narrow understanding and also serves as a reminder of the transgressions of human beings in general and the people of Israel in particular throughout history. This dimension points to the fact that Rwanda has a long history even before the genocide (the monarchical rule, the colonial times, the first and the second Republics). In this long history, a prophetic voice must also speak about the past grievances between the Hutu and Tutsi people,

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and alternating victimhood between both identity groups in Rwanda’s history (Shyaka, 2005, pp. 17–56; Bazubagira, 2012, p. 48; Gatwa, 2005, pp. 44–136). In the same 2016 booklet, the lesson 14 is about healing from trauma. Although the story of Lazarus is usually viewed from the perspective of resurrection and victory over death, the grassroots churches have a different understanding of the same biblical text. The theme of trauma healing is discussed using the example of the death of Lazarus and the comforting of family friends (John 11: 28–44). This lesson number 14 identifies the causes of trauma (death, illness, economic losses, insecurity, and separation from loved ones) and the signs of trauma (aggression, substance abuse, crying or silence, weeping, agitation). It also reminds that there is a difference between trauma and demonic possession although some signs are similar (agitation, crying or silence). In addition, four actions of Jesus toward the family of Lazarus and his sisters are described: (1) visiting and showing solidarity with the afflicted family, (2) listening to the story of their spiritual and psychological suffering caused by the loss, (3) words of comfort and encouragement, (4) reintegrating the afflicted family into the normal course of life through an act of resurrection (EPR, 2016, p. 32). Similarly, Lesson 13 of the 2019 booklet talks about grief rituals based on Genesis 50:1–9. Mourning is defined here as the time of weeping for the deceased, his or her dignified burial, acceptance of death, separation from the deceased, and resuming the new journey of life without the deceased. This lesson shows that mourning is part of the healing process. By crying, talking about the deceased and the circumstances under which he/she died, the concerned persons release destructive emotions and integrate the loss in their lives. However, the loss of a loved one and the suffering that comes with it should not undermine the Christian belief in the resurrection of the dead, because death does not have the last word on human life. For Christians, after death, there is resurrection and eternal life for those who have died in Jesus Christ (EPR, 2019, p. 33).

3.4

The Grassroots Church Approaches

The grassroots home churches address the themes of memory, healing, and reconciliation from a biblical perspective. In the booklets used by the grassroots home churches, each topic is explained by a biblical passage from the New Testament or/and the Old Testament. The program that grassroots churches use in their meetings is divided into six main parts. In the first part, the gathering is introduced with singing and saying an opening prayer. The second part consists of welcoming participants, with special attention to those who are attending the meeting

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for the first time. The third part focuses on reading and discussion of a biblical text for that week, as provided in the grassroots church booklet. This core phase of the gathering is itself subdivided in subsections: Illuminating prayer, Scripture reading, initial discussion of the Bible through exploration of clarifying questions posed by participants, reading of comments suggested by the team that wrote the guide booklets, and a more in-depth discussion on two or three questions related to the theme of the week as suggested in the booklet. Discussion is the rule for all grassroots churches. No one is allowed to preach. The goal is not to promote a particular interpretation of the Bible, but to allow people to explore the meanings of the Bible in their particular contexts and situations. The fourth part is about sharing family and church news. The fifth and final parts are respectively about intercessions (for the world, the country, the church, and for the family that has welcomed the grassroots church) and the closing prayer (EPR, 2014, pp. 7–10). Apart from this prescribed program, I noticed when I attended the grassroots community meeting that the participants had informally added another section on repentance before the scripture reading. Repentance consists of a prayer said by one of the participants after giving those who wish an opportunity to openly confess their sins. Usually they confess social and moral sins such as hatred, unwillingness to forgive, jealousy, sins of omission, to name a few.

4

Perceptions of Church Members About the Role of Grassroots Communities in Memory, Healing and Reconciliation

This section analyzes several interviews with church members to determine how they perceive the contribution of grassroots communities in commemorating the genocide, healing the wounds caused by the genocide and rebuilding interpersonal relationships. Based on the empirical data, I found that the grassroots churches encourage mutual visit between families, repentance, forgiveness, healing, and conflict resolution through mediation between parties in conflict. Regarding reciprocal visits between families, the interviewees argue that these meetings at home became an opportunity to reduce mistrust, stereotypes, and prejudices between families and individuals. One of the interviewees explains this as follows: “In the early days of the grassroots churches, people did not relate well to each other. It was difficult to meet in one of the neighboring families. The first time, they were reluctant to participate. The second time, there was a small increase of the number

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of participants. The third time, they felt free to participate. So I [the interviewee] can affirm that grassroots churches are building and strengthening good relationships among Christians in Post-Genocide Rwandan community” (Interview with HGR, May 8, 2021).

Another interviewee adds, “Before the grassroots churches program, some families did not visit each other because of suspicion, prejudice, and anxieties. As a result of the genocide, people were afraid and suspected each other. Today, interpersonal relationships are better than before” (Interview with HNT, May 8, 2021). Empirical data show that repentance can be addressed directly to God and to the victims of wrongdoing. It can also be mediated by a third person. One of the interviewees, who has led a grassroots home church from 2012 to the present, explains this phenomenon as follows: “In response to the Word of God, a member of our grassroots home church approached me and told me that he hated his neighboring family who had betrayed him during genocide. After repenting, he asked me to pray for him. Through this repentance, he felt free to reach out to the other family and repent of his hatred. As the leader of our grassroots home church, I mediated the meeting of the two. As a result, he was forgiven by the hated person. Today they are good friends” (Interview with DSH, May 8, 2021).

Another interviewee had a similar experience of mediation between survivors and perpetrators of the genocide. He describes his experience as follows: “When the grassroots churches were starting, it was not easy to gather in the so-called ‘enemy family.’ There were two parties: genocide survivors and perpetrators. I asked the committee of our grassroots church to reach out to the affected families, mobilize them and educate them about the importance of grassroots churches. Little by little, these families joined us. So, step by step, the families who were in conflict with each other accepted to come together” (Interview with NYT, May 7, 2021).

The same interviewee described another experience of mediation related to a false accusation of crimes related to the genocide as follows: “One day, a woman came to me and asked me to mediate the reconciliation of her family with her neighboring family because they falsely suspected her family of being involved in the crime of genocide. I placed myself between both families. One party confessed their suspicion to the other and asked for forgiveness. Both families reconciled and became friends” (Interview with NYT, May 7, 2021).

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According to Nolte-Schamm (2006, p. 13), “repentance opens up possibilities for transformation, new beginnings and actions of penance. It establishes confidence and trust which may have been lost, and seeks to make amends for sins in concrete ways”. Regarding forgiveness, one of the interviewees mentioned a scenario of forgiveness during the gathering of grassroots home churches as follows: “In our grassroots home church, one of our members was a former prisoner of a genocide crime. When we met in the grassroots home church, we discussed the lesson on forgiveness based on the story of Joseph and his brothers. After hearing the Word of God, he asked forgiveness from a widow who had survived the genocide. After hearing from him, the widow forgave the perpetrator with these words: ‘Do not return our property that you damaged, for it was Satan who used you. I forgive you.’ Since that day, these families live together in friendship” (Interview with NYT, May 7, 2021).

In another study I conducted in 2015, I collected similar testimony from a genocide survivor about the role of the Word of God and spiritual framework in promoting forgiveness. That interview I did on November 14, 2013, is reproduced below: “The EPR taught the word of forgiveness. I forgave the one who killed my family because of the word of God. Immediately after the genocide of the Tutsi in 1994, I could not be recruited by a choir led by a Hutu. But today we are brothers and sisters in Jesus Christ. God-parenting and interfamily marriage between different ethnic groups are possible, even though some parents still resist their children being married to members of other ethnic groups” (Nsengimana, 2015, p. 99).

In terms of healing, the empirical data for the current study on grassroots communities’ experiences with memory, healing, and reconciliation show that grassroots home churches help their members recover from their traumatic experiences by surrounding them with love and empathy. One of the interviewees gave the example of a church member from their grassroots home church who had lost her husband and children. She was always very quiet. During the period of genocide commemoration, she showed symptoms of trauma such as crying and loneliness. When the other members of the grassroots home church learned about her suffering, they took the time to pray with her at home, singing together and sharing the Word of God with her. Step by step, she became aware that she had the Church close to her. During the genocide commemorations, she willingly shares her testimony with the public. In addition to prayers and songs, grassroots house church

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members show their love and sympathy toward the affected people through tangible actions such as building or repairing houses, providing food, and other types of socio-economic support (Interview with DSH, 8 May 2021). With regard to the commemoration of the genocide, one of the interviewees believes that the grassroots teachings on memory prepare church members to actively participate in the commemoration of the genocide. He expresses this in these words: “The lessons on memory that fall during the period of genocide commemoration, in April, help Christians to prepare their hearts for this event and to actively participate in the rituals of remembrance” (Interview with BND, Feb. 18, 2021). Another interviewee states that at the beginning of the commemoration of the genocide in 1995, Christians did not actively participate due to fear, suspicion, and ignorance (Interview with NGD, May 9, 2021). Interviewee HGR adds that genocide commemoration was considered a new practice. It was thought to be a pagan ritual, similar to the traditional Rwandan practices of ancestor worship. But as grassroots home churches emerged, church members did learn a lot about the importance of commemorating the genocide and how to explain it biblically. Today, Christians actively participate in the commemoration of the genocide (Interview with HGR, May 8, 2021).

5

Challenges and Perspectives

This study identified four main challenges facing the Presbyterian Church in Rwanda. First, despite some efforts by grassroots church leaders to mediate family conflicts, some respondents indicated that there are still people who are unable to attend these home meetings due to interpersonal conflicts. On the one hand, these conflicts are the consequences of ethnicization and the subsequent genocide against the Tutsi. On the other hand, they are triggered by the struggle for power (leadership positions) and resources (land and money). As one of the interviewees put it: “When we plan to meet in some families, some people do not attend because of unresolved conflicts. That is the challenge we are still facing. But we believe we will be able to overcome it because the number of such cases is decreasing” (Interview with MRG, Feb. 19, 2021). According to existing theories of conflict resolution, conflict is part of the human nature. Since conflict cannot be completely eliminated from the community, reconciliation should not be understood as goal to be achieved immediately, but rather as a continuous process of restoring and consolidating relationships (Bloomfield, 2006; Nsengimana, 2015; Sasaki, 2009). To effectively contribute

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to healing and reconciliation, the leaders of grassroots home churches call for ongoing training to be equipped with knowledge and skills to mediate between conflicting parties and heal psychological wounds (interview with NYT, May 7, 2021; NGN, Jun. 26, 2021; DSH, May 8, 2021). Second, this study has shown that youth participation in the grassroots churches is low for two reasons. First, they do not feel comfortable at expressing their ideas and concerns when they are in a group with adults (including their parents) (interview with HKM, May 8, 2021). Second, group discussions are tiring for youth who want to meet in a fun environment. They suggest separating the meetings between youth and adults to prevent generational conflict from affecting the effectiveness of grassroots home churches (interview with IRP & IGR, July 15, 2021). Third, some interviewees mentioned that some families are not willing to receive the grassroots meetings in their respective homes because of their poverty. Some argue that they do not have enough space to accommodate the whole group. Others cite that they do not have the means to provide food and/or drink for all the participants. To solve this problem, some grassroots communities have decided to limit their gatherings to prayer and Bible study without feeding the participants, even if they are wealthy families. Others have envisioned mutual aid between grassroots church members in the form of financial contributions to needy families or assistance with income-generating projects. Interviewees argue that mutual aid is a symbol of love that ensures the sustainability of the group by strengthening its cohesion (interview with MVL, July 14, 2021). The concept of group cohesion is understood here as “the strength of the ties that bind individuals to and within the group” (Forsyth, 2010, p. 9). Fourth, the COVID-19 pandemic that is sweeping the world does not allow people to meet physically. The lack of physical contact weakens group cohesion and solidarity. Some have tried to bridge this gap by creating WhatsApp groups for virtual gatherings of grassroots churches. However, experience has shown that only those who can afford a smartphone and Internet packages can participate in a virtual gathering. In this sense, Pillay (2020, p. 269) rightly argues that the Covid-19 context has created a church of the rich because it excludes the poor who does not have access to new information and communication technologies. Further reflection is therefore needed to find a way to remain an inclusive church in challenging contexts.

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Conclusion

At the end of this paper, it is important to return to the initial questions to see how this study has attempted to answer them. In terms of the content and approaches of the teachings conveyed by the grassroots home churches, this study reveals that during the period of genocide commemoration, topics such as memory, repentance, forgiveness, love, unity and reconciliation are discussed in the gatherings of grassroots home churches. All of these topics are addressed from a biblical perspective, and discussion is a golden rule for conducting these home-based gatherings. In analyzing church members’ perceptions of the role of grassroots churches in the areas of remembrance, healing, and reconciliation, the research findings indicate that they have an important function in bridging social distances by breaking down stereotypes and prejudices and strengthening social cohesion among church members. In addition, grassroots home churches act as mediators between conflicting parties. Furthermore, this study found that these grassroots gatherings provide a trusting spiritual setting for repentance and forgiveness. In addition, grassroots home churches contribute to healing by surrounding people in trouble with love, sympathy and/or socio-economic support. Finally, a number of interviewees claim that grassroots home churches have changed their mentality regarding genocide commemoration. It is no longer seen as a pagan ritual because the issues discussed in the grassroots churches have shown that mourning and commemoration rituals are biblically based. It is also important to points out that the programs of the Training and Documentation Center (CFD) also contribute to the global movements of ecumenism and interreligious dialogue. In this way, the CFD bridges social and spiritual distances between the various Protestant denominations in Rwanda. It also promotes a spirit of tolerance, mutual respect, and peaceful coexistence between Christians and Muslims. This study has identified some challenges that hinder the proper functioning of grassroots home churches. These obstacles include untrained leaders of grassroots home churches, interpersonal conflicts, low youth participation, and poverty. To overcome these challenges, continuous training of leaders and economic empowerment of families is needed. In addition, separate meetings for youth and adults should help meet the needs of each generation.

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Questions for further consideration 1. How can the grassroots home churches become spaces for memory, healing and reconciliation in post-conflict societies? 2. How can grassroots initiatives of healing and reconciliation reach and influence decision makers at the national level? 3. How can the church remain an inclusive community in the difficult contexts? 4. How can the issue of genocide remembrance be approached from a cultural perspective rather than applying top-down biblical narratives?

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Rev. Célestin Nsengimana (PhD), is the Dean of the Faculty of Theology and Religious Studies and Lecturer of Practical Theology at the Protestant Institute of Arts and Social Sciences (PIASS). He is PhD thesis is on “Genocide commemoration and reconciliation in Rwanda from a liturgical ritual perspective”. He also holds a Master’s degree in Peace Studies and Conflict Transformation and a Bachelor’s degree in Protestant Theology. Contact: [email protected]

Reconciliation and Healing in Shyogwe Diocese of the Anglican Church of Rwanda (EAR) Venant Ntakirutimana

Abstract

The central teaching of the Church and the character of Jesus’ disciples is love (John 13:34–35). The Christian faith and life have been seriously challenged by the events in Rwanda during the 1994 genocide of the Tutsi, even though the population of the country was 89% Christian. Perhaps the person reading this article, after being informed about the main factors of mass participation in the genocide, will understand what succession in the churches of Rwanda failed to accomplish. Thank God, the genocide was eventually stopped and ended. However, measures should be taken to prevent the shameful and sorrowful history of ethnic division and genocide from repeating itself. Seeing how quickly Rwanda’s post-genocide reconstruction and development have proceeded, one might think that this has been accomplished smoothly. Reading this paper, one becomes aware of the diverse and difficult impacts of the genocide and learns how challenging the processes of reconciliation, healing and reconstruction have been. That the Church’s mission is to be the salt and light of the world (Matthew 5:13–16) should be experienced by supporting this country to rise out of its historical darkness. This paper describes the contribution of the Anglican Church of Rwanda/Shyogwe Diocese to the ministry of post-genocide reconciliation and healing.

V. Ntakirutimana (B) Evangelism Department, Anglican Church of Rwanda/Shyogwe Diocese, Muhanga, Rwanda e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2023 K. E. Sauer et al. (eds.), Healing through Remembering, Edition Centaurus Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42447-3_11

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Keywords

Reconciliation . Healing . Churches’ mission in Rwanda

1

Overview of the Key Concepts

In order to better understand the perspectives of Shyogwe Diocese in the field of reconciliation and healing work, key terms such as Shyogwe Diocese, reconciliation and healing and their connection with the mission of the Church are discussed first.

1.1

Reconciliation

There are a variety of Old Testament and New Testament proto-canonical narratives about reconciliation between people and other people, and between God and people. However, the term “reconciliation”, popular in contemporary missiological discourse, is found in only a few places in the Bible. According to van de Beek, the Greek words “katallagè” for “reconciliation” and “katalasso” for “to reconcile” in the paradigm of restoring relationships occur exclusively in Pauline literature in the following passages: 1 Corinthians 7:11; Romans 11:15; Ephesians 2:16; and Colossians 1:20–22. According to the results of his study, reconciliation between human beings and other human beings is perceived only in 1 Corinthians 7:11, where it is about the wife’s return to her husband and reunion with him. In contrast, the passages in Romans 11:15; Ephesians 2:16; and Colossians 1:20–22 speak mainly of the God-initiated reconciliation between God and human beings, for which the redemptive work of Jesus Christ is authoritative and on which the reconciliation of human beings to one another is necessarily based (van de Beek, 2019, pp. 6–8). Based on van de Beek’s discussion of the passages mentioned above, reconciliation is to be understood as the mission of God, who is innocent but feels love toward sinful people and longs to be reunited with them. In the person of Jesus Christ, God takes the first step to reach out to people when he comes into the world, not only to offer forgiveness and revive friendship and relationship, but also to punish sin by transferring the punishment to his Son, who was crucified and resurrected for humanity. So, God wants to make peace, has love and is ready to forgive people despite their offenses and save them from pain and death. Since God reconciles people to Himself and brings them together in His house, they are called to live according to the principles of the master of the

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house and therefore to reconcile among themselves. Salvation ultimately strives for the new being, the new life and the new world; agape (love) is not caught up in deep feelings of affection, but its meaning lies in objective faithfulness; reconciliation (katallagè) arguably has to do not only with deeper feelings, but its ultimate goal is the return to reunion with God and with people. The fact that God, whose mission is reconciliation, also sends the Church to participate in this mission, and that the members of the Church or the disciples of Jesus are called to become ambassadors of reconciliation (2 Cor 5:17–20). Since reconciliation is the mission of God and the church, the theological perspective of the ministry of reconciliation is based on the following main principles outlined by Schreiter and summarized by Nilssen (2016, p. 21). 1. Reconciliation is first and foremost the work of God; 2. God begins the reconciliation process with the healing of the victim; 3. Reconciliation makes a “new creation” out of both the victim and the perpetrator; 4. Liberation from suffering is modeled after the suffering, death and resurrection of Christ; 5. Reconciliation will be complete only when God has reconciled the whole universe in Christ. Not only are theological principles to be considered in the healing process, but also essential practices, of which Schreiter, as cited by Nilssen (2016, pp. 21–22), states the following: (a) Healing of the wounds, rebuilding trust and restoring right relationships. This practice involves “the healing of memories, healing of the victims and healing of the wrongdoers”; (b) “Truth telling involves testimony to what really happened in the past, and a common effort to reconstruct a public truth”. Yet, truth-telling is divided “into objective truth, narrative truth, and moral truth”; (c) The pursuit of justice in three dimensions. Punitive justice for punishment of the wrong-doers; restorative justice involving restitution, reparation and opportunities to explore how to rebuild a just and meaningful society; and structural justice such as changing social structures; (d) Forgiveness is a process for both individuals and societies.

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Conflict

Nicholson (1992), cited by Sheriff F. Folarin (n.d.), defines conflict as an existing disagreement or hostility between two or more people (p. 2). Citing Jeon (2000), he says that two or more groups in conflict generally seek status, power, and resources (idem). He also argues that conflict manifests itself in disagreement, anger, strife, hatred, destruction, killing, or war (idem). Sheriff goes on to categorize conflict, mentioning intrapersonal conflict, interpersonal conflict, intergroup conflict, human-society conflict and human-nature conflict, family conflict, intrastate conflict, interstate conflict, and global conflict (pp. 4–6). Obviously, these conflict types are classified based on the parties to the conflict and their location. Perhaps another list of conflict types can be made based on the issues people or groups of people are fighting for, or the factors of conflict.

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Healing

The World Health Organization (WHO) defines health as “a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely freedom from disease and infirmity” (Sartorius, 2006). To this definition we must add the dimension of spiritual well-being that comes from a right relationship with God. The biblical Greek verb “sozo” means to save, redeem, deliver, and heal. Today’s Christian view of health assumes that the body, soul, and spirit are intertwined and connected, so that disease cannot attack only one part without affecting the others (Barclay, 1968, p. 7). Therefore, healing is the restoration of the health of the person in its wholeness.

1.4

Relationship Between Reconciliation and Healing

In one way or another, reconciliation and healing are interdependent. One might say that reconciliation restores unity where relationships are broken, while healing restores health where there is sickness. However, broken relationships or separations are often accompanied by violence and health disorders at the physical, mental and spiritual levels. This means that initiatives for reconciliation processes consciously and unconsciously serve healing to some degree, and they are more effective when such awareness and goals are present. At the same time, the various healing approaches such as medical treatment, clinical counseling, memory healing, active listening, pastoral counseling, spiritual or faith healing, etc., take

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into account the relational dimension and should include reconciliation processes when considered necessary. While healing encompasses the physical, emotional, and spiritual dimensions, it is important that reconciliation considers relationships with self, God, others, and creation. Ultimately, one could say that reconciliation becomes the healing of broken relationships, which in turn contributes to the healing of multidimensional illness. It should be noted that violent conflicts, as well as mental and physical illnesses, are related in one way or another to sin and the influence of the devil. For this reason, fruitful healing of both the perpetrator and the victim should start from the conviction that sin is rebellion against God and must be repented of by the perpetrator in order to return to communion with God and neighbor, and avoided by the victim so that he or she does not behave sinfully and end up separated from communion with God like the perpetrator. I agree with Greiner (2006, pp. 6–8) that Christian pastoral care must be done in the context of salvation. He argues that the Hebrew verb “to be saved” alternatively means “to be redeemed” (to be set free) or “to be healed and made whole” (physical and inner healing). It affirms that Christian counseling must involve guiding the person seeking counsel to accept Jesus Christ as his or her personal Lord and Savior. Accordingly, I believe that this can be an indispensable part of the Christian ministry of reconciliation and healing, holding to the fact that Jesus is the Savior, the Healer, and the Reconciler. In other words, without the grace and action of God, humanity cannot endure humility, repentance, forgiveness, love and peacemaking, and cannot achieve reconciliation and healing.

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Description of the Specific Context

2.1

Overview of the Diocese of Shyogwe and Its Mission

The Diocese of Shyogwe, one of the 12 dioceses of the Anglican Church of Rwanda (EAR), was opened in 1992 and covers the four political and administrative districts of Kamonyi, Muhanga, Ruhango and Nyanza. The motto of this diocese, issued by Bishop Dr. Jered Kalimba, is “Thy kingdom come”, as it says in the Lord’s Prayer (Mt 6:10). It is translated into the goal of the diocese “a healthy soul in a healthy body”. The Diocese of Shyogwe recognizes that love, unity and peace are important aspects of the Kingdom of God in the present and in the future. Moreover, the Kingdom of God is about life in all its fullness, spiritual and physical.

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Therefore, the church becomes an agent of Jesus Christ in the restoration of broken relationships including that of the person with himself/herself, that of a person with God, that of a person with other people, and that of humans and the rest of the creation. The Church also strives to improve the daily living conditions of its members and the surrounding community.

2.2

Conflict Situation in Rwanda

Rwanda’s history is marked by the genocide of the Tutsi in 1994. It is curious that Rwandans killed other Rwandans. The main cause of this genocide is poor governance, which has solidified the ideology of genocide against the Tutsi since the German and Belgian colonial regimes (1897–1916; 1916–1959) and during the governments of the First and Second Republics (1962–1973; 1973–1994). Ethnic hostility between Hutu and Tutsi and the Hutu government’s progressive violence, discrimination, and oppression of Tutsi culminated in the 1994 genocide of Tutsi. Western missionaries and colonial authorities were accused of helping to create this ethnic division, hatred, and discrimination, and the Rwandan Church faced the same accusation after independence, even accusations of involvement in the genocide. It always sounds incredible that the genocide took place in Rwanda, a country whose population was 89% Christian. Rwandans were aware of the ethnic hostility and genocide, and for about three decades after the 1994 genocide, they made great efforts for reconciliation, unity, and reconstruction. In the aftermath of the genocide, both the reconciliation process and the improvement of the Church’s mission in Rwanda required a thorough investigation of the causes of the mass participation of Rwandans, including many Christians, in the genocide against the Tutsis. In this context, Jean Pierre Methode identifies the following factors for this genocide: (1) Ethnic hatred due to colonial anthropology, which confirmed the intellectual superiority of the Tutsi minority over the Hutu majority and triggered the hostilities; (2) Political power preservation: To maintain their power, the ruling Hutu elite emphasized that the genocide of the Tutsi was for the benefit and service of the Hutu majority; (3) Fear: Some genocides were either forced to kill because otherwise they would be killed as accomplices of the Tutsi, or they were convinced that it was an act of self-defense against the Tutsi, who were seen as enemies of the country; (4) Resources: People were interested in looting Tutsi property such as land and livestock; (5) deeply ingrained blind obedience to authority based on educational, political, and cultural pat-terns of blind obedience; (6) assumption of overpopulation to combat the return of Tutsi refugees who have fled to neighboring countries

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for about three decades since 1959; (7) impunity for the killers throughout the history of killings and violence against the Tutsi; (8) nominal Christians due to conversion to Christianity without deep discipleship; (9) misinterpretation of the biblical narratives of wars and massacres to justify the violence; and (10) fear by some priests to denounce the crimes of genocide and therefore the lack of adequate pastoral accompaniment of Christians in the midst of the process (Jayeola & Rukundo, 2018, pp. 74–82).

2.3

Consequences of the Genocide Against the Tutsi

The 1994 genocide against the Tutsi had multiple and severe consequences, namely the death of 800,000 to 1,000,000 Tutsis, completely wiped out families, children who do not know or have surviving relatives, elderly people with no surviving relatives, widows, destroyed houses and looted Tutsi property, destroyed public and private infrastructures, extreme poverty, anger, hatred, mistrust, depression, trauma, mental and physical wounds and disabilities, HIV/AIDS infections due to sexual abuse of women, the ideology of genocide, and the discrediting of the belief in the existence of God and the Church. Fortunately, after the genocide, the new government chose to rebuild the country based on reconciliation and unity. Obviously, the government, the community and the church had a lot to do in the process of reconciliation and unity and in dealing with the above-mentioned consequences of the genocide. In addition to the reconciliation and healing efforts to address and resolve conflicts related to the Tutsi ethnic genocide, there are undeniably other problems such as property conflicts, family conflicts, gender-based violence, drug addiction, human trafficking, child abuse, etc. that affect the health of individuals, families, and communities. Like any other society that has not overcome the problems of war, Rwandan society and the Church have other problems to face and people who need healing, rehabilitation, protection and reconciliation.

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Content of the Current Project—Strategies for Reconciliation and Healing in EAR Shyogwe Diocese

The reconciliation and healing strategies of the Shyogwe Diocese of the Anglican Church of Rwanda consisted of healing memories during the commemoration of the genocide, caring for prisoners by preaching the gospel of repentance and

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reconciliation, and establishing reconciliation groups, including the House Cell Groups, the Credit and Savings Groups, the Peace Cell, and the Abunzubumwe Reconciliation Group.

3.1

Commemoration of Genocide

The Shyogwe Diocese of the Anglican Church of Rwanda, like other denominations, adopted the government’s approach to reconciliation and healing of memories. It began with the practice of collective commemoration of the genocide, which takes place every year in April, with a week set aside nationwide for memorial walks to genocide memorials, daily meetings in cells and villages to commemorate the victims of the genocide and to comfort the survivors of the genocide, to share the information documented by the government about the history of Rwanda, the meaning, causes, and consequences of the genocide, and to draw lessons from the past, lessons for reconciliation, unity, rebuilding the country, patriotism, good governance, and development. Pastors had the opportunity to pray and preach the Word of God and even participate as facilitators in the discussions during the Genocide Memorial Week. Choirs were invited to sing songs of lament, love, repentance, forgiveness, reconciliation, peacemaking, etc. during these events. In addition, Easter Sunday is part of this Genocide Remembrance Week, and thanks to the Protestant Council of Rwanda, a booklet with the special liturgy for the commemoration is available for use by pastors to adapt this Sunday service to the national concern. However, this National Genocide Remembrance Week is part of the one hundred days that certain public, private and church organizations and institutions dedicate to the memory of the victims of the genocide. In the Shyogwe Diocese, parishes, e.g. Shyogwe and Hanika, together with church schools and health centers, select the dates for the collective commemoration of church members and staff murdered during the Tutsi genocide. At this time, the families of the genocide victims are also invited and happy to participate in the commemoration of their loved ones. The conference halls and the church building have been opened for church meetings and local government meetings to commemorate the genocide. The existing graves of the genocide victims and the monuments in the two mentioned church communities are visited and locally used for commemorating the genocide. The schools and health centers of the church are working closely together to treat the trauma of some students.

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Ministry to Prisoners

After the genocide, the new government which called itself the “Government of the Unity of Rwandans” did not adhere to the impunity granted by previous governments for crimes committed against the Tutsis. Thus, several genocide suspects were detained in district and central prisons. According to the Human Rights Watch report (2014), there were approximately 130,000 prisoners in 1998, and only 1292 cases were brought to trial. The government recognized that it would take many decades for all cases to be brought to trial and that justice deferred was tantamount to justice denied. To address this challenge, the government decided to establish the Community Gacaca Court, which had traditionally been responsible for resolving local conflicts prior to colonial settlement. At that time, the goals of Gacaca were to establish justice, strengthen reconciliation, and expose the truth about the genocide. The admission of guilt and apology during the Gacaca Courts led to a reduction in punishment, such as a reduction in years of imprisonment, with half of the years spent in prison and the other half spent at home while participating in community service. Gacaca courts were created in 2005 and closed in 2012. Since 1998, the pastors, preachers, and choirs from parishes near district prisons (or former prisons of Communes) have been invited to Sunday gatherings with prisoners. Subsequently, the Diocese of Shyogwe officially received written permission to conduct evangelization work at Muhanga Central Prison (formerly known as Gitarama) and at the new Mpanga Central Prison in Nyanza, which opened in 2005. The diocesan department for evangelization coordinated this prison ministry and assigned pastors and choirs to visit the prisoners during Sunday services. At times, the diocese collected clothing and hygiene supplies, Bibles and hymnals, and provided them to the prison administration for the poorest prisoners. In 2009, Shyogwe Diocese initiated the children-day care center and appointed a social worker in charge of the cleaning, providing food, drinks, toys and books for the children who are born with their mothers in prison and remain there until they are released from prison at age three (Nyituriki, 2019, pp. 59–63). The sermons, testimonies, and songs about God’s love and protection, repentance, forgiveness, reconciliation, unity, human dignity, and peacemaking led prisoners to personally confess to genocide crimes and began an inner peace and healing process. These early confessions facilitated the work of Gacaca, as those suspected of genocide who had already repented of their crimes were willing to confess, apologize, and tell the truth before the court about what happened during the genocide, genocide survivors and the local community, and many other genocide perpetrators were able to emulate their courage and example. This service

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of the Diocese of Shyogwe to the prisoners has certainly contributed greatly to the reconciliation and healing process of the Rwandan people.

3.3

Reconciliation Groups

It has already been mentioned that repentance and forgiveness are important practices, but the goal and purpose of reconciliation activities must be reunion, fellowship, friendship, and restoration of relationships. It is not surprising that some church members who meet several times for worship have hostile relationships outside the church, cannot talk or visit each other. Conflicts between husbands and wives, between parents and children, or between neighbors are not simply settled in church, but are well known in the areas where they live. The fact that physical altercations and aggression do not occur between neighboring households does not necessarily mean that they get along well. For this reason, the Diocese of Shyogwe has developed an approach to reconciliation that consists of bringing people together in different groups that share a common goal and in whose activities they are interested. These groups help their members learn the meaning of unity and solidarity and practice mutual acceptance and respect, faithfulness, dialogue and conflict resolution. (a) House Cell Groups House cell groups are grassroots communities established in December 2007 in Shyogwe Diocese to extend the fellowship of local churches (“chapels”) to groups of 7–13 Anglican households in the same neighborhood. To date, there are 621 active house cell groups. The overall goal of this program was to bring the Kingdom of God to families. The design of the house cell group program included the following four pillars: Bringing the Word of God to Families, Unity and Reconciliation, Poverty Alleviation, and Commitment to Participate in the Ministry of the Church. Based on these pillars, one-hour house cell meetings are held once a week and include important activities such as Bible study, savings and loan program, sharing of family news, intercession and blessing of the visiting family. In collaboration with the Anglican dioceses of Butare, Cyangugu, Kigeme, and Shyogwe, two booklets were developed (the first in 2007, the second in 2012) and distributed to home cell groups, containing Bible texts, topics and discussion questions, and brief commentaries (Itorero, 2011, p. 3). In some home cell groups, coming together went smoothly and was enjoyable, but in others it failed for some time until pastors encouraged the households

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and intervened to resolve existing conflicts. The unknown or unresolved conflicts were gradually reported during the news sharing events or after the discussion of the Bible text related to unity and reconciliation. Some conflicts were settled and resolved internally by members of the stem cell group or reported to parish pastors. Within this framework, the Diocese of Shyogwe has helped church members manage and resolve many, though not all, conflicts and bring peace to their neighborhoods. It is important to mention that after visiting all households of the members of the stem cell group, they have learned to sometimes visit other neighboring families and integrate them into the group if they agree. (b) Saving and Credit Program Extreme poverty is usually one of the factors of conflict and was one of the reasons for the massive participation in the genocide, as people envied the Tutsis their property. In contrast, the Rwandan government promoted programs to develop the population through the establishment of savings and credit associations, which do not give away money but help people gradually build an economy based on the mentality of saving and investing. For this reason, the Anglican Church of Rwanda, in partnership with Hope International, launched the Savings and Credit Associations program in 2008, involving church members and their neighbors. Retired Archbishop Dr. Onesphore Rwaje pointed out that this savings and credit program is based on three pillars: spiritual, social, and physical growth (Butera et al., 2015, p. II). The Shyogwe Diocese of the Anglican Church of Rwanda launched this savings and loan pro-gram in 2010. By 2019, the diocese has supported and supervised at least 600 savings and credit associations annually in various parishes. Each group is expected to have between 15 and 25 members. In 2015, Hope International worked with partner churches to create a guide for Bible discussion at the associations’ weekly meetings. The biblical teachings suggested in the booklet relate to the custom of saving and investing, mutual love and support, unity and solidarity, contentment and faithfulness in the use of money. Through this program, the members of the savings and credit associations improve their living conditions step by step by meeting their basic needs and creating microprojects to generate income. Since money matters lead to conflicts in many cases, the ministry’s approach also includes lessons on money management and loyalty in terms of good social relations. Although some people left the associations or some associations did not last long due to inadequacies in managing conflicts related to money, the program had a positive impact on the lives of thousands of people who were affected mentally, socially, and physically.

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(c) Abunzubumwe Group Since 2019, the diocese has begun to create special groups for unity and reconciliation. There is a group called Abunzubumwe (the United), which is based in Shyogwe Parish and includes 19 families from three sides: genocide survivors, genocide criminals released from prisons, and neutral families who are neither genocide survivors nor genocide suspects. The group advocates for unity and reconciliation, the savings and loans program, and environmental protection. Archdeacon Edouard Nyituriki, a parish priest in the Shyogwe Diocese who founded and leads the group, prepares various topics for discussion at the group’s weekly meetings. The group operates as a savings and loan association, meaning members bring money to save and lend once a week. As part of its environmental awareness, the group runs a small nursery project, providing fruit and other tree seedlings to the surrounding community to plant on their own families’ properties. (d) Peace Cell In 2014, the Diocese of Shyogwe, in collaboration with APRED (Appui à la Paix, la Réconciliation et le Développement durable dans la Région des Grands Lacs), established the Peace Cell in the parish of Gahogo (Saint Mathias). According to Innocent Musoni, the head of the Peace Cell, it is a group of 33 trained peace animators assigned to different tribal groups in the parish and has its own committee with the president as the main animator. The Peace Cell program consists of three areas: Peace and Reconciliation, Environmental Protection, and Development Projects. This group is mainly concerned with mediating and resolving conflicts between spouses, neighboring households and different groups of people in the community. In the area of economic development, the Peace Cell has successfully mobilized the creation of a savings and credit group called “Aguka” (May you grow), composed of 64 community members, and the implementation of a youth project to grow mushrooms. In the area of environmental protection, the Peace Cell has maintained the existing parish garden and recently planted a new one.

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Conclusion

In conclusion, reconciliation and healing are important dimensions of the church’s mission. The Christian ministries of reconciliation and healing are rooted in the context of redemption; therefore, the acceptance of Jesus as Savior, Healer, and

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Reconciler should be the guiding principle of both ministries. The reconciliation and healing strategies of the Shyogwe Diocese of the Anglican Church of Rwanda involved healing memories at genocide commemorations, working with prisoners by proclaiming the gospel of repentance and reconciliation, and establishing reconciliation groups, including the House Cell Groups, the Credit and Savings Groups, the Peace Cell, and the Abunzubumwe Reconciliation Group. Ultimately, it is not easy to bring people together just for the purpose of unity and reconciliation, but they are drawn to certain economic activities to which the themes of reconciliation and inner healing can be added. It is clear that all the strategies are not only aimed at the conflicts related to the genocide, but also at the everyday conflicts that are important for lasting peace and unity. It is clear that the wounds associated with the genocide cannot be fully healed and that the Diocese of Shyogwe needs to strengthen programs for reconciliation and healing by increasing and disseminating the number of reconciliation groups and building the capacity of clergy and group leaders in reconciliation and healing.

References Itorero Angilikani ry’u Rwanda/Diyosezi Butare, Cyangugu, Kigeme, Shyogwe. (2011). Inyigisho z’Amatorero shingiro, Igitabo cya 1. Barclay, W. (Ed.). (1968). Prayers for help and healing. Collins Sons & Co Ltd. van de Beek, A. (2019). Mission as reconciliation. http://www.scielo.org.za/pdf/at/v39s28/ 03.pdf. Accessed 17 July 2021. Butera, C., Kagorora, G., Mageza, E. et al. (2015). Kwiga Ijambo ry’Imana muri Gahunda y’Amatsinda yo Kuzigama no Kugurizanya ishingiye ku Itorero: Igitabo cyo Kuyobora Amatsinda, Kigali: Hope International. Folarin, F. S. (n.d.). Types and causes of conflicts. Nigeria: Covenant University. http://epr ints.covenantuniversity.edu.ng/3241/1/Folarin%2025.pdf. Accessed 17 July 2021. Greiner, M. (2006). The ministry of Christian counselling. Bishop Barham University College. Human Rights Watch. (2014). Rwanda: Justice After genocide—20 years on. https://www. hrw.org/news/2014/03/28/rwanda-justice-after-genocide-20-years. Accessed 17 July 2021. Jayeola, A., & Rukundo, J. P. M. (2018). Blessed are the peace makers, but how does a Christian make and preserve peace? Peace making in Nigeria and Rwanda. Tyndale NL Press. Nilssen S. (2016). Reconciliation in the Mission of the Church: Towards an understanding of a new paradigm. Master’s Thesis. Norwegian School of Theology. https://mfopen. mf.no/mf-xmlui/bitstream/handle/11250/2432751/AVH501-1104-Nilssen-navn.pdf?seq uence=1&isAllowed=y. Accessed 17 July 2021. Nyituriki, E. (2019). Reconciling victims and perpetrators of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi: New initiatives for the shyogwe diocese prison ministry for sustainable peace in Rwanda. Master’s Thesis. Tyndale Theological Seminary.

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Sartorius, N. (2006). The meanings of health and its promotion. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih. gov/pmc/articles/PMC2080455/. Accessed 17 July 2021.

Venant Ntakirutimana, Rev., is the head of the Evangelism Department and the director of the Bible and Development School in Shyogwe Diocese of the Anglican Church of Rwanda (EAR). He also works as assistant lecturer at the East Africa Christian College (EACC). He earned his master’s degree of Theology in Missiology. Contact: [email protected].

The Role of the Anglican Church of Rwanda (EAR) Kigeme in Promoting Peace, Unity and Reconciliation Through Grass Root Churches Felicien Imanirakiza Abstract

The EAR, Diocese of Kigeme, is a faith-based organization (FBO) that was officially established and legally recognized on July 12, 1992 (Ministerial Order No 318/05 of 10/11/1992). Since its establishment, the EAR Diocese of Kigeme has undertaken various activities and initiatives that have been beneficial to the Rwandan community. These activities include Grass Root Church programs that played an important role in the Rwandan reconciliation process following the 1994 Tutsi genocide, such as the Saving Group Program that began in 2002 in the Uwinkomo community and is now implemented in some 16 countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America. Keywords

Grass Root Churches . Reconciliation

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Background: Promoting Peace Unity and Reconciliation through Grass Root Churches

The area of activity of the Diocese of Kigeme is entirely rural and known as the poorest region of the country, which, like other areas, faced the consequences of the genocide against the Tutsis in 1963 and 1994. The total population of the Kigeme Diocese is approximately five hundred thousand (500,000) people, of which eighty-one thousand (81,000) are members of the EAR Kigeme F. Imanirakiza (B) Administration and Finance in charge at EAR Kigeme Diocese, Nyamagabe, Rwanda e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2023 K. E. Sauer et al. (eds.), Healing through Remembering, Edition Centaurus Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42447-3_12

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Diocese (Gakuba, 2012). The EAR Kigeme Diocese has 6 archdeaconries, 16 districts, 66 parishes, 15 sub-parishes, 334 chapels, and 1778 Grass Root Churches (Hatungimana, 2018, p. 6). After the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, the Rwandan community was greatly affected. This disrupted the unity of Rwandans in general and Christians in particular. In order to fulfill the Christian mission of rebuilding Christianity in Rwanda, the Anglican Church established the Grass Root Churches in the Diocese of Kigeme. In a country that, like Rwanda, has suffered from genocide, these community groups help Rwandans promote unity, peace and reconciliation (Gakuba, 2009b, p. 18). The idea of Grass Root Churches in EAR Kigeme Diocese came about in 2001, when Bishop Augustine Mvunabandi noticed that there was no growth at the level of home churches. He asked the board of the diocese to find out the reasons (Ntawuhigimana, 2009, p. 49). They dealt with this problem for two years and then reported to the Synod in 2000: The main problem was leadership, and there was generally a problem with Christian leadership at all levels of the church, which was an obstacle to spiritual growth. This led us focus on the Word of God in order to find out how the Bible describes a Christian and a Christian leader. They also found out that the leader is chosen among the Christians, so the question was what this leader should be like. They looked for biblical examples of a Christian leader, especially in Acts chapters 2 and 4, where we read about the early church using fellowship and sharing, all the way to chapter 4:37, where the writer says that no poor person was found among them. So, from 2003, they made unity through the Grass Root Church their vision (Acts 6: 1–7). They asked the Evangelization Commission to look for ways to implement this proposal, and at the 2005 Synod, the project was approved. In early 2006, they began to plan how these Grass Root Churches would operate. They worked out maps and elected a four-member committee consisting of a chairperson, vice chairperson; secretary and treasurer. The committee was trained in November 2006 and the Grass Root Churches were officially established with the vision: “God’s Kingdom and his righteousness is our families” (Ntawuhigimana, 2010, p. 68). They created a booklet with teachings that relate to the vision of the Grass Root Church. These teachings are used in the meetings of the Grass Root Churches, and so far, good progress has been made (Mvunabandi, 2007, p. 72). The Grass Root Church is a basic church unit created by the Anglican church of the Diocese of Kigeme after noticing that many people joined the Church after the genocide against the Tutsi ethnic group. However, EAR Kigeme recognized that many brothers and sisters came to the church with conflicts and hatreds,

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mainly related to the Tutsi genocide. So, the church decided to take these brothers and sisters (former Hutus and Tutsis) back to their community and gather them in 10 households that would form a Grass Root church, where they would meet, resolve their conflicts, and return to the church together after reconciliation (Gakuba, 2008a, p. 27). As part of this program for peace, unity, and reconciliation, Trócaire (an overseas development agency of the Irish Catholic Church) partnered with the Anglican Church of Kigeme in 2008 to provide financial and technical support to the Diocese of Kigeme in its vision to promote the well-being of the people by building its capacity to promote peace through training and community groups, especially where there has been conflict. The church has created a platform for conflict resolution that is also used by the Unity and Peace Commission of the Gikongoro Catholic Church. Since they are all working in the same area and for the same people, TROCAIRE encouraged them to work together since they serve the same community (Sibomana, 2012, p. 61). Rwanda was long characterized by community and mutual aid and assistance in pre-colonial times. However, in the following decades, these gradually disappeared, culminating in the genocide of the Tutsi in 1994. Since then, there has been an incoherent society in which there are numerous homeless widows and orphans of the genocide, in which genocide survivors and witnesses in Gacaca courts face all kinds of treatment, including death threats, etc. The Grass Root Churches were designed to help the Rwandan population, especially the members of the EAR in Kigeme in the Southern Province, to reconcile and live together, and some good results have been seen since. Meetings are held regularly once a week in the heart of the Grass Root Churches. The progress is related to the conflicts and problems identified by the community members and the solutions they come up with themselves. Conflicts include, for example, allegations of poisoning between families, prolonged disputes between families, conflicts related to charges in Gacaca courts, domestic conflicts between husband and wife, jealousy, land (as inheritance), illegal marriages, problems related to poverty such as agricultural implements, the fact that access to health care is difficult, problems related to customs, etc. The fear of those involved in the genocide against the Tutsi has prevented them from accepting the role they played (Ntawuhigiryayo, 2010, pp. 32, 34). The spirit of team work has developed and discussions between those involved are taking place, which was certainly not the case in the recent past when problems seemed to be ignored. However, there are still challenges and problems, the Grass Root Churches still have not managed to resolve all conflicts, and there are communities that do not address their problems because they do not understand

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them properly and do not participate fully in meetings because certain community members feel that they are not included in what is happening (men, youth and some women) (Gakuba, 2010a, p. 6). For this reason, the EAR Diocese of Kigeme has chosen to train the coordinators of the Grass Root Churches in conflict resolution and provide them with didactic materials and documentation. These new topics are part of the training of the coordinators to increase their knowledge and further build their capacity. The Grass Root Churches have benefited from a deepened understanding of sociotherapy and group therapy, which in turn helps to maintain peace (Nyampeta, 2001, p. 29).

1.1

Community-Based Sociotherapy

Sociotherapy is an approach that advocates group work with fixed group rules, with the aim of developing good relationships and respect for life. These principles are: in the interest of others, equality, learning by doing, democracy, taking responsibility, living for the here and now without forgetting the past (Gakuba, 2009b, pp. 3–5). Community-based sociotherapy is an approach to heal the wounds of the past and strengthen social cohesion. It was introduced in 2008 in the EAR diocese of Kigeme to help people cope with their mental health problems. In this approach, the church forms a group of 12 people at the grassroots level, and group members are given the opportunity to help fellow members overcome problems and solve their own problems. The group is used as a therapeutic medium to build trust with each other and create an open environment for discussion and peer support structures. Participants have the right to remember what happened to them and live with those memories, develop the right and reject the wrong they faced in the past, and help them plan for the future (Charpman, 2012, pp. 70–72). There are many testimonies of the healing effect of the participants who were able to alleviate their trauma by finding a space where they could share their hurtful memories and hurt feelings. Both orphans and widows have been given the opportunity to talk about what happened to them. They have increased their self-confidence and learned to trust others so that their lives have meaning (Mvunabandi, 2009, pp. 2–3). The consequences of sociotherapy are safety, trust, caring for others, respect, new rules and memory. All this has been developed and is being integrated into various training sessions, and we have taken the first step (Gakuba, 2010c, pp. 6– 7).

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Conflict Resolution Through Mediation

Considering the fact that the people of the Southern Province, and especially in the diocese of EAR Kigeme, are still living with the consequences of the genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi in 1994; the Gacaca trials reached their finale and affected interpersonal and family relations. Taking into account the problems related to social welfare that existed between the families that mediation encountered, the other phase consisted in facilitating the resolution of interpersonal and family conflicts. It helped reduce mistrust in the community, loneliness, stress and trauma. It improved cooperation and unity between and within communities, and also addressed many other community problems, especially with the sociotherapy program, which was shown to have a positive impact on communities (Ndamyumugabe, 2008, p. 9). The leaders of the Grass Root Churches identify the conflict cases that occur in their area of work and create a plan for mediation when needed. During the mediation process, grassroots community leaders elect three contact persons to intervene in the mediation process as indicated above. The main role of these contact persons is to listen carefully to the two parties in conflict and give advice to the parties before reconciling with them. The purpose of this approach is to reconcile the conflicting parties (Ndamyugugabe, 2012, p. 41). At the end of this process, the testimonies of the reconciled parties are shared with the others to strengthen group cohesion. There are many testimonies of the impact of conflict reconciliation on the daily lives of the members of the Grass Root Churches working in the EAR Kigeme Diocese (Ndamyumugabe, 2009, pp. 6–8).

1.3

Empowering Church Members Out of Poverty

In this approach, the creation of savings and credit groups is the main task for poverty alleviation among Grass Root Church members. Participants join together in groups to collect small amounts of money and extend credit to some of them, which they repay with interest (Hatungimana, 2015, p. 4). At the end of a certain period, the collected money is distributed to the participants along with the interest, and everyone receives the money to use it to solve problems or needs (Habumuremyi, 2008, pp. 2–4). There are different testimonies that report the benefits of these savings and credit groups. Some of them are able to pay their health insurance (MUSA), others are able to pay school fees for their children and solve different personal problems (Gakuba 2010a, p. 5).

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Results from the Application of the Grass Root Church in the Diocese of EAR Kigeme

Some of the brothers and sisters testify that the Grass Root Churches have created an opportunity for reconciliation and building strong relationships in their families. Kigeme, Murico, Bugarama and Muse are some of the communities in Nyamagabe district. The leader of Kayogoro Grass Root Church in Kigeme community said a lot has been achieved: “Our Grass Root Church started on November 13, 2006, it was needed, and four persons were elected in the committee and started working. We started with seven households by meeting in our homes for prayer and fellowship. In our fellowship, we had to identify the main problem we were facing in our context it was poverty. We decide to work as a team and started working together by prayer. We grow up, now we are 33. Through fellowship there was repentance and reconciliation and now we share everything; salt, water and chairs. The Grass Root Church created unity in our families. We don’t only meet as Anglican but also the whole neighborhood Adventists, Catholics, Pentecostals as we all live in harmony both victims and perpetrators families” (Clementine, 2008). Hitimana and Daphrose had and are resolving conflicts related to Gacaca courts and were reconciled through the Grass Root Church. According to the narrative report from Hitimana, he says “I am thankful the Grass Root Church that has reconciled us, personally I had an issue with one of my neighbors due to the false testimony that was given about me in Gacaca courts, this had made me very bitter, but through the Grass Root Church we were reconciled” (2014). The Grass Root Churches have also encouraged the children to have energy for friendship. The communities of Murico, Bugarama and Muse, the church leaders and church members have gained more knowledge about the Word of God and reconciliation through their base communities of Gisabo, Rugando and Tare. Like one member said “I am thankful to my Grass Root Church of Gisayo which has been very beneficial to me. My house has been leaking, but they are now helping me and they are in process of building a new house for me. I am thankful for the unity in the Grass Root Church. We help each other to meet our needs and solve our problems” (Mukantwari’ interviewed in 2014). Before, there were conflict and hatred in many families, but through the Grass Root Churches, unity and reconciliation were achieved in the sense that they meet in community in their homes. As for the genocide survivors, our neighbors were lonely and traumatized, especially during the commemorative month of April, and the base community supported them, prayed for them and cared for them during that difficult time. And now they have recovered from that trauma.

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According to the diocesan report of 2008 on the cause of conflict in the workplace, poverty was mentioned as one among other causes of conflict in our community. So, we introduced a small savings and credit system in the base communities. In some base communities, they bought each other pets, farm equipment, and clothes. So that they all feel part of one family. “My name is Stephanie and I am a genocide survivor where during the genocide I lost my all children, my husband and my parents, and after that I was lonely and sad but the Grass Root Churches helped me to go back to church. I was baptized, they enabled me to be comforted. I joined the Grass Root Church where they also bought for me clothes, farming tools, especially in the commemoration period, they visit me and pray for me, they also give me food and make sure that I am not alone. I joined others in Monday fellowship and they bought me also a goat. Through Grass Root Churches my living standard has been greatly improved” (Interview report, 2012). In the community of Muse, the Grass Root Churches were founded in 2008. Since then, they have gained great importance in the lives of the members. Through these Grass Root Churches, spiritual evangelization has taken place and many have given their lives to Jesus and joined the church. The base communities contributed to the well-being and good relations. Economically, a small savings and credit system was introduced, enabling everyone to start a small income-generating business. Everyone was able to pay for their health insurance. On a social level, many families who had been involved in conflict were reconciled. Some were afraid to visit each other because they thought they would be poisoned, and others were afraid of Gacaca related issues. Now they are not afraid to visit each other. There is a big difference between the church before the foundation of the Grass Root Churches and the church after. The brothers and sisters now talk and share with each other, and the relationships have been consolidated and strengthened. “In 1994 genocide perpetrated against Tutsi, my brothers were all killed and I used to feel that forgiving the perpetuators was impossible. In Gacaca courts we also urged to forgive but I still thought that it was impossible especially after hearing how my brother was killed. When the Grass Root Churches started we were all meeting together and being taught and these who participated in the genocide were encouraged to repent and ask for forgiveness but still it was impossible for me to forgive. We received many teachings after which I was set fee. I learnt that God is forgiving and that I should forgive too. One day a man called Mwasira asked me to forgive him and I did. Now we can meet and talk and he even escorts me at night and I do not fear him anymore. Through the teachings

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in the Grass Root Churches I have grown spiritually and there are other six who repent and have been forgiven” (Interview, 2009). In Nyaruguru district, there are also testimonies from Nyacyondo Grass Root Church: “I am thankful for the Grass Root Church that helped us to reconcile with genocide survivors. We have wronged, personally I participated in the genocide and I was in jail for eight years. In 2003 I was released before the Gacaca courts, started through teachings related to Gacaca courts I got saved in jail. I wrote to the survivor that I had wronged, asking him forgiveness and the person forgave me during the Gacaca court in 2007. I was the last to be judged and again jailed for a year and a half. In prison the Grass Root Church visited me and helped the family I had left behind. Back home after a year and a half in jail I found that the Grass Root Church cared for my family left behind. I am so thankful to God who brought me out of jail; it was God’s will to be released so that everyone should see how God is powerful. All in all, as one of participants said ‘I appreciate how the Grass Root Church visited me and helped and my family to manage our life changing situation’”. “Many people died in this area during the genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi in 1994. That is why this church remains with few people, most of them were killed. After the genocide perpetrated against Tutsi, we the genocide survivors felt lonely and sad and we used to think that all people are bad. We would see some go to church with their bibles and wonder what they are going to do. It is the Grass Root Church that revived us and led us back to church. We started by meeting and sharing our concerns and troubles, and that way the Grass Root Church grew. After that I took the teachings I received in the Grass Root Church to the Gacaca court, where I had responsibilities and I urged those who are guilty to repent, which they did because from repentance comes peace and joy from God. I used to be alone but now they come and help me in my daily work. Personally, I can testify that the Grass Root Church has been very helpful for unity and reconciliation” (Narrative by Thacien, 2009). “During the genocide perpetrated against Tutsi, there was a man who killed my husband and after that I thought that I would never talk to him again. After being released from jail, he came to ask for my forgiveness and I was able to forgive him. The Grass Root Church helped me a lot through the Bible teachings, urging us to live in peace and I now have no grudge in my heart. Recently I got sick and the Grass Root Church members came to my house to help me with my work. So, I am very thankful for the Grass Root Church and I pray that God would enlarge it” (Narrative by Chrotilde, 2009).

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Conclusion

To conclude this article, we will briefly discuss how the Grass Root Churches in EAR Kigeme played a crucial role in rebuilding the community after the 1994 genocide against the Tutsis. Through the Grass Root Churches, various families have been reconciled and peacemaking activities have been carried out. There are so many cases of repentance and forgiveness. Even the idea of grassroots communities organized by the Anglican Diocese of Kigeme was welcomed by the local government authorities and confirmed that they must achieve the stated goals. The Kigeme Diocese operates in four districts, the entire Nyamagabe district, a large part of Nyarugur district, a small part of Nyanza district, and a small part of Huye district in Southern Province. Apart from evangelism, education and health activities, the Anglican Church of Kigeme is involved in promoting unity in the Rwandan community through the Grass Root Churches. The Anglican Church of Kigeme will continue to focus more on the Grass Root Churches as they have a strong impact on building the Rwandan community and promoting the Kingdom of God (Musabyimana, 2021, pp. 3–5).

References Charpman, d. (2012). Mpirindura mpinduke EAR, Diyoseze ya Kigeme mu bufatanye na TROCAIRE. (2009). Tuganie ku mategeko yo nkingi yo kwimakaza umuco w’ubutabera amahoro n’ubwiyunge. Gakuba, F. (2008a). Raporo Y’igihembwe Kuri Mvura Nkuvure. Kigeme. Gakuba, F. (2008b). Ibiraro bine by’amahoro arambye. Kigeme. Gakuba, F. (2009a). Tuganire ku mategeko yo nkingi yo kwimakaza umuco w’ubutabera, amahoro n’ubwiyunge. Kigeme. Gakuba, F. (2009b). JPR, justice, peace and reconciliation: execution modalties. Kigeme. Gakuba, F. (2010a). Enhancing the capacity of the community for justice, peace and reconciliation. Kigeme. Gakuba, F. (2010b). Promotion of justice peace and reconciliation. Kigeme. Gakuba, F. (2010c). Rapport narratif du projet No RWA06-01-07 (Mars–Mai 2009 et fin phase II) élaboré. Kigeme. Gakuba, F. (2012). Annual report on promotion of justice peace and reconciliation. Kigeme. Habumuremyi, S. (2008). Imyanzuro y’amahugurwa y’abayobozi b’amaparuwasi/ ububwiriza n’abakangurambaga b’ubutabera amahoro n’ubwiyunge yo kuwa 25–28/ 08/2008. Hatungimana, D. (2015). Kiga ijambo ry’Imana muri gahunda y’amatsinda yo kuzigama no kugurizanya ashingiye ku itorero. Igitabo cyo kuyobora amatsinda. Kigeme. Hatungimana, D. (2018). EAR, Kigeme startegic plan on the period 2018–2021. Kigeme.

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Musabyimana, A. (2021). Importance of Grass Roots Churches in Ear Kigeme Diocese. Ear Kigeme, Bishop of Ear Kigeme. Mvunabandi, A. (2007). Inzego za komite mpuzabikorwa z’itorero shingiro. Mvunabandi, A. (2009). Raporo Y’igihembwe Kuri Mvura Nkuvure. Ndamyugugabe, J. (2012). Inyigisho z’amatoreshingiro igitabo cya 2. Ndamyumugabe, J. (2008). Ishami ry’ivugabutumwa n’ubwiyunge EAR Kigeme. Ndamyumugabe, J. (2009). Porogaramuu yo kwimakaza umuco w’ubutabera amahoro n’ubwiyunge muri Ntawuhigimana, A. (2009). Plan opérationnel révisé du projet sur la transformation sociale. Ntawuhigimana, A. (2010). Les formations seront faite par l’approche DELTA pour assurer la durabilité du projet. Ntawuhigimana, A. (2015). Kiga ijambo ry’Imana muri gahunda y’amatsinda yo kuzigama no kugurizanya ashingiye ku itorero.Igitabo cyo kuyobora amatsinda. Ntawuhigiryayo, A. (2010). Les formations seront faites par l’approche DELTA pour assurer la durabilité du projet. Nyampeta, J. (2001). Gukira imvune zo mu mutima birashoboka. Sabamungu Anastase. Sibomana, M. (2012). Promotion of justice, peace and reconciliation.

Felicien Imanirakiza is an administration and finance in charge of the Kigeme Diocese at the Anglican Church in Rwanda (EAR). He holds Master’s Degree in Project Management from the University of the Lay Adventists in Kigali. He also holds a bachelor’s degree in Public Finance from the former National University of Rwanda. He want to continue in Doctorate but he still collecting the financial means. Contact: [email protected]

Flowers of Reconciliation from Umucyo Nyanza Project: Grassroots Experiences Penine Uwimbabazi and Shukulu Murekatete

Abstract

This article highlights two connections: first, the ability of nature to connect people, and second, the interdependence between nature and people. The study connects these ideas from the field of peace education knowledge to indicate how they could be built upon to promote sustainable reconciliation and holistic environmental security. What is interesting about these connections is that they are challenging the pragmatic side of individual and social responsibility. The article is based on the Umucyo Nyanza project, a project started and owned by a group of women who have been inspired by flowers to go beyond what divided them. This project is made up of women who survived the 1994 genocide against Tutsis and women whose husbands are in prison for crimes committed during the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi. From their choice and experiences of growing and caring for flowers, we learn from these women that there is a strong connection between humans and nature, when our cognitive abilities are alert and ready for action. To understand this experience, a month-long volunteer assignment was used to experience shared activities and relationships from these women. Subsequently, two focus group discussions were organized with all 14 women who participated in the project and two interviews with professionals in the field who planted flowers with these women. Through qualitative analysis of the data collected, the study P. Uwimbabazi (B) Protestant Institute of Arts and Social Sciences, Butare, Rwanda e-mail: [email protected] S. Murekatete Peace and Conflict Studies, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies (TUFS), Tokyo, Japan © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2023 K. E. Sauer et al. (eds.), Healing through Remembering, Edition Centaurus Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42447-3_13

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presents a socially constructed meaning of flowers in the reconciliation process. Using the flower symbol identified in this study, the call for individual and social responsibility to protect and preserve the environment becomes both a commitment and a contextual definition. Keywords

Flowers . Development and reconciliation

1

Introduction

Most of the literature on the relationship between peace and environment as well as nature protection focuses on the effect of conflicts on the environment and vice versa. Underlying human violence against nature and other humans is an allegiance to a myth of human domination and conquest. Peace and environmental education aim to deconstruct this myth and replace it with a vision and competencies for humans as nurturers cooperating to preserve the natural world and human communities (Harris, 2002, p. 8). In this communal view of nature, soil, water, sun, and microbial life nourish plants which in turn nurture animals who nourish one another. All return to the soil contributing to an ongoing process of regeneration and self-renewal (Berry, 1984, p. 2). Understanding the Earth as an interdependent and mutually nourishing community of life helps us to deepen our understanding of the communal aspects of peace (including development, environment, diplomacy and politics). First, understanding the interdependence between ourselves, the environment and nature helps to extend our concept of the community beyond the human social realm to include the whole community of living things. As Harris puts it, the spiritual/ religious concept, “I am my brother’s keeper” also applies to animals and plants (Harris, 2002, p. 8). In such a view, humans are not apart from or above nature, but part of the larger community of life on Earth. The Earth is like a single cell in the universe, and all—human beings and other species—are part of that cell. They will live or die as that single cell lives or dies (Berry, 1984, p. 3). It should be understood, therefore, that a culture of peace has both social and ecological implications (Harris, 2002). In this article, nature and the environment are seen as a powerful link in the process of human unification that facilitates reconciliation. Without neglecting the interdependence between humans and nature, the experience from the Umucyo Nyanza Project calls our consciousness to reconsider the role of the environment and nature not only in our human relationships, but also in our daily social,

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political, and economic debates about the sustainability of nature and its conservation. It also highlights the natural healing of broken relationships that comes from an awareness of the energy and power of nature. This work remains vigilant to the criticisms of 1987 sustainability theories, which have been described as elusive by various researchers such as Robinson (2003, p. 370), but focuses its argument on integrative sustainability, which goes beyond technical solutions and rather assesses the social reconstruction of sustainability involving the local community. The study relies entirely on the experience of the reconciliation process as defined by the participants and motivated by the Umucyo Nyanza flower garden. However, the study bases its arguments on various academic concepts on environment-related articles and those on sustainable peace and development. The Umucyo Nyanza project consists of eight women-survivors and six wives of perpetrators of the Tutsi genocide, most of whom are in prison. Two focus group discussions were organized with these 14 women to learn about their experiences with the various activities in which they are involved and how they link their activities to environmental protection, conservation, and the sustainability of reconciliation and development. The study also included two expert-interviews with the coordinator and a specialist for the Umucyo Nyanza project, in order to gain a different perspective on the origins and perspectives of the project. The contribution of this study is a theory of social construction based on the experiences of the women of Umucyo Nyanza, exploring what a flower means regarding their past relationships and how this led to valuing the environment. The study also helps scholars and practitioners to identify different reasons that could motivate the sustaining of nature both for its purpose and for human connectivity in uniting the indulgence of sustainable peace, environmental protection and development.

2

Historical Background

Recently, there has been little discussion of how environmental protection itself is part of sustainable peace. In this paper, we instead consider nature and the environment as a powerful tool in the process of human connection and reconciliation for the case of our study, and thus provide reasons for its protection. We use the Umucyo Nyanza project, a project created and owned by women, victims and wives of perpetrators of the 1994 Tutsi genocide. These two groups were both individually affected with specific emotions resulting from past experiences of genocide and violence, with each group having a personal interpretation guided by emotions that made it difficult to talk about reconciliation. The program began

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in 2013 when over 50 women were first invited to a seminar on healing and reconciliation by the organization Reconciliation Evangelism and Christian Healing (REACH). From that seminar, 14 women emerged with a desire to continue the process of healing and strengthening their relationship. Learning of their interest, CRASPED took the initiative to at least support them with ideas and strengthen their initiatives. According to the professionals in the field, the idea these women had that would help them stay connected was the “flower garden”. When asked why they were creating a flower garden, the women responded that they needed flowers to remember their loved ones. This indicates a strong need based on social emotions that the women did not yet know how to interpret. The hopeful part of the narrative is that even the wives of the perpetrators felt that flowers would help them to accompany their fellows for commemoration. Among other activities that these women do besides the flower garden and decorating with the harvested flowers, after a year they started keeping goats, which are shared in a form of gift donation among themselves. The reason for keeping goats was that their flowers are well nourished since they will use the dung of the goats to support the soil. In addition, these women also make some book covers from local materials—Kitenge—, which are mainly sold in Japan. What is clear, however, is that flowers are the most important link for their existing relationships. Although there is little literature on the relationship between humans and flowers, Huss et al. (2017) state that the human connection and attraction to flowers is not at the survival level, but at the level of human emotional and social needs, and therefore call for the responsibility of humans to take good care of flowers and nature. In the July 2016 article “The Human Relationship with Nature” by Christopher Sanchez-Peralta, it is pointed out that human’s relationship with nature is a very complex system. There are ways in which people love nature and others in which they despise it. But overall, humans tend to defend nature and its beauty, seeking refuge in nature and exploring what nature has to offer. Sanchez-Peralta goes on to say that humans adore nature even more because the natural world is needed for survival. Nature is what provides oxygen, food, and water. Above all, it is amazing to see how our human natural cognitive guide sees the role of nature as meaningful not only for our personal survival, but also for coexistence with other humans and all living things. The women of Umucyo Nyanza are a good example of how flowers help them restore relationships with themselves and with their communities that have been shattered by historical facts. The Umucyo flower garden is the initial project, which was chosen as a symbol with a special meaning that would help them on the path to healing and reconciliation with the past and with each other. Although

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it was initially difficult for the survivors to speak freely with their fellow women whose husbands are in prison for crimes committed during the genocide, conversations with these women have shown that “flowers mean light to the group. The flower garden helped us to come together as people who used to be enemies and now we are friends. Flowers helped us move from darkness to light” (group discussion, July 10, 2018). This statement could be interpreted as a positive psychological need that was necessary for these women to approach a positive future, which will be further explained in the theoretical part of this study.

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Theoretical Considerations

This article bases its arguments on the social psychological needs perspective. This approach is borrowed from social psychology, which views the process of intergroup reconciliation as the process of removing conflict-related emotional barriers that block the path to ending intergroup conflict. Much of the literature on this view focuses on the causes of conflict, which are rooted in threats to the parties’ basic psychological needs, and the ways in which attempts are made to end them. Nadler and Shnabel’s (2006) views of social psychological needs state that during conflict, parties inflict humiliation and pain on each other, resulting in threats to basic psychological need such as needs for positive self-esteem and worthy identity, the need for autonomy, or needs for security and justice. These threats lead to emotions that contribute to the perpetuation of the conflict and hinder its termination (Nadler & Shnabel, 2006, p. 7). The example of Rwanda, specifically the Umucyo Nyanza Garden, shows that it is not just a conflict between groups, but a genocide perpetrated against the other group in the same society that usually has the same psychological needs. When the needs of an individual are not taken into account and are violated, a broken relationship is created with a lack of trust in each other. As a result, each group in the community creates its own identity, which is different from the others. In order to change this situation and create a “community”, a systematic form of reconciliation is of utmost importance. A systematic reconciliation that is contextual, socially understood or defined, and based on the surrounding meaning for the adversaries. Kelman (2004, p. 112) views reconciliation as a process that reflects the identity changes that each of the adversaries undergoes. It consists of eliminating the negation of the other as an element in one’s own identity and of being able to acknowledge the other’s narrative without having to fully agree with it. Victims

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are threatened in their identity as powerful actors, while perpetrators are threatened in their identity as moral actors. According to Kelman, the different threats to powerful and moral identities evoke feelings of powerlessness and moral inferiority, respectively. To avoid these negative feelings and ameliorate threatened identities, victims are motivated to recover the identity of powerful actors and perpetrators are motivated to regain the identity of moral actors. They may do so unilaterally or interactively. The Garden of Women of Umucyo Nyanza inspires by responding to the need to have a common identity that says we are all Rwandan “ndumunyarwanda”. Despite the ignorance in the past, whether one was involved or not, there is still a common need that is stronger to build on personal emotions so that the differences can be changed; the flower garden has a meaning to the context of the relationship of the women of Umucyo Nyanza. Consistent with Kelman’s position that distinguishes between ending conflict through changes in adversarial relationships or through changes in the identities of the adversaries, Nadler and Shnabel (2006, p. 171) have distinguished between two categories of emotional barriers that must be removed in order for conflict to end: first, a sense of distrust of the other, and second, feelings that emanate from a threat to one’s sense of worthy identity. Since trust between adversaries is said to result from repeated acts of cooperation between adversaries to achieve common goals (e.g., a cleaner environment, better health), the Umucyo Nyanza Garden women have discovered nature and the flower garden bringing its own meaning to their situation as one of the activities that helps them in the process of reconciliation. Therefore, through these women’s experience, we focus on the restoration of a sense of worthy identity by overcoming the emotional barriers of victimhood and guilt through an interaction that includes an admission of past misdeeds with an eye toward a shared future. Such a genuine process is important for “socio-emotional reconciliation”. Socio-emotional reconciliation aims to remove the emotional and identity related barriers to ending conflict through the successful completion of an apology-forgiveness cycle. We view this cycle as a social exchange between perpetrator and victim in which each provides the other with the psychological goods needed to alleviate threats to their respective identities. Building trust requires participation in various cooperative programs aimed at achieving common goals that are important for the former adversaries, such as environmental, agricultural, and health projects. This becomes even clearer when one sees how the women of the Umucyo Nyanza project see the role of flowers in their own understanding of the path to reconciliation.

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The Role of Flowers in the Process of Reconciliation

The women of Nyanza decided to plant flowers in the garden because it would help them heal and reconcile. Mark Notaras believes that we can use the tools of ecological diplomacy to address conflict, even those that have nothing to do with the environment (2010, p. 8). From interviews conducted both with professionals in the field and with a group of these women, we learn that the first motivation was that they needed flowers to commemorate the victims of the Tutsi genocide. Second, it was for improving their relationships and communication. Third was about income-generating activities. One field professional explained that “in the beginning it was difficult for these women to talk to each other, often one would find a group of women survivors and a group of women whose husbands are in prison not together” (interview, July 5, 2018). If a segment of the environment can attract the attention of opponents, this justifies another reason for an inclusive environmental concern, that of environmental protection. According to the interview conducted with the women, the group values the group values planting a flower garden because of what it means to them. The interview clearly shows what flowers mean to them: . Light for the group . The flower garden is the symbol of forgiveness . It is the symbol of love which is in the group (while before joining in the flower garden project, it was difficult to speak freely to one another; the flowers have made this possible) . They are a link of the group, because a flower garden helps the group to come together and connect (group discussion, July 2, 2018) . The participants explained that the flower garden was the best choice for them, not only because those who had lost their loved ones during the Tutsi genocide would use flowers to commemorate them, but also because they enjoy the flowers. According to the interview with one of them, “flowers bring happiness and are a source of healing”. One discussion group explained that “our hearts were wounded but flowers have helped us to heal”. For them, the decision to plant flowers was the “best choice because it helped them to meet often, take care of flowers, and seeing the growth and beauty of flowers helped restoring our relationship” (focus group discussion, July 10, 2018). A study done by Huss et al., (2017, p. 32), on human relationships with flowers shows that the relationship between human and flower is special in that humans

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have always been strangely attracted to flowers even when they provide no physical sustenance and when resources are scarce. Observations show that women in Umucyo Nyanza, who have little or no income, have strangely chosen to plant flowers as a symbol and energy to help them on the path of reconciliation, especially during commemoration ceremonies, rather than as an income-generating measure. Haviland-Jones, et al believes that flower plants increase positive emotional reaction by influencing emotional displays such as smiling and influences social-emotional such as memories of social event (2005). After finding their own meaning and path to reconciliation, these women discovered that flowers can be a source of income by selling them to the organizers of various ceremonies, especially during genocide commemorations. The project has also been improved so that the flowers are not only seen and sold as a symbol of reconciliation, but are also used to make accessories such as earrings. The women of the Umucyo Nyanza project are convinced that there is more than money to be made from the accessories: . The flower garden is the foundation of everything that the group is doing and having . It helps them to meet and exchange ideas regularly . It helps the group provide flowers for commemoration. . The flower garden helps the group strengthen their relationships . It brings happiness into their lives (interview, July 7, 2018). Christophe Sanchez-Peralta’s online newsletter (2016) argues that flowers promote pleasant brain stimulation associated with positive social experiences and positive emotions. Thus, they contribute to positive relationships and social interaction. For these women, income is not a priority. From the interviews with them, it appears that during their meetings they perform various joint activities, such as: . Weeding the flower garden to remove things that can affect the health of the flowers. . Watering the garden, especially during dry season . Discussing various issues in the group, such as why some people are not present and what should happen next time . Sharing information in the group (group discussion, July 10, 2018). These activities eliminate negative social emotions and can lead us to the needsbased and social construction model of reconciliation, where those in dispute

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come up with their own meaning and path to reconciliation. According to the Umucyo Nyanza project field specialist, the activity of growing flowers together and using them for the commemoration has a healing and bonding effect on these women (interview, July 7, 2018). According to Nadler and Shnabel (2006, p. 7), the Needs-Based Model of Reconciliation is a systematic representation of the cycle of apology and forgiveness that is central to the process of socio-emotional reconciliation. The basic idea of the model is that victims and perpetrators see different dimensions of their identity threatened because of conflict, and that addressing these different threats through the apology-forgiveness cycle promotes socio-emotional reconciliation. Until this is done, these threats to identity are obstacles to reconciliation.

3.2

The Needs-Based Model of Reconciliation Consists of Three Consecutive Levels of Hypotheses

(1) Victims experience a threat to their identity as powerful social actors and perpetrators experience a threat to their identity as moral social actors. (2) Perpetrators seek information that others accept them and view them as moral whereas victims seek power and acknowledgement of the injustice done to them. The frustration of these needs leads to feelings of moral inferiority or powerlessness that stand in the way of reconciliation. (3) Messages of social acceptance and empowerment will satisfy the emotional needs of both perpetrators and victims and are therefore associated with a greater willingness to reconcile with one’s adversary. According to the needs-based model, the apology-forgiveness cycle represents a social interaction that satisfies the psychological needs of both victims and perpetrators. The apology-forgiveness cycle represents an interactive removal of threats to the identities of the parties. From this perspective, the apology-forgiveness cycle is viewed as an act of social exchange in which each party provides their counterpart with the psychological resources to mitigate the specific threat to their identity. In the case of the women from Project Umucyo Nyanza, flowers were psychological resources that helped the group in both the healing process and reconciliation. This is because the goal of reconciliation is to create a conflict-free environment in which two separate parties coexist, or to form an integrated social unit in which the former adversaries are two parts sharing an “us” feeling. Even if

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a common goal emanates from flowers and the women carry out different activities in their meetings, it is possible to understand and take into account the needs of the group, leading to social-emotional reconciliation. Social-emotional reconciliation is in line with the goal of integration. It aims to restore the identity of both parties through the cycle of apology and forgiveness, thus freeing them from the threats they pose to each other’s identity. In this case, the flower garden has helped former adversaries share a larger and more inclusive identity. Hayner believes this may explain why most truth committees that institutionalize processes of socio-emotional reconciliation have been established at the end of intra-societal conflicts, where the goal of reconciliation is social integration (Hayner, 2001, p. 94).

3.3

Preserving What is Socially and Contextually Valuable

It is our responsibility to achieve stability for ourselves and our relationships. In addition, we also have an obligation to preserve the environment because we depend on the resources and services it provides. The women of Umucyo Nyanza share the resources they use to protect and preserve the flowers. Because they are so valuable for social-emotional reconciliation, these women must take care of them by “putting flowers in water so that they remain fleshy for a long period”. It has been noted that “some types of flowers can last for two weeks and others for as long as three months. Flowers that dry up either due to the season or natural causes are not thrown away, but dried so that they can be made into products such as accessories” (focus group discussion, July 2, 2018). There are no technical means to dry the flowers other than using the natural heat of the sun. Accessories such as earrings made from dried flowers are sold and the income is shared among the women. This is seen as part of conservation, but is also a source of income that helps them meet some needs, such as health insurance cards, mutuelle de santé for their families. In a conversation with the women from Umucyo Nyanza, it was also noted that there are several other activities to maintain the flower garden so that it will last for a long time, such as . . . .

Removing weeds and loosening the soil Adding fertilizer to nourish the soil for better flower production Clearing and mowing the area where the flowers will be planted Harvesting the flowers with special knife

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From the interview with the field specialist, we also learned that flowers help to “protect soil from erosion and also help with pollination: this is the process by which bees carry pollen grains from male flower to female flower” (interview with field specialist, July 5, 2018). With these arguments, there is a good reason to protect them. The women of the Umucyo Nyanza project who see flowers as a light that separates their group from the darkness, and make earrings from flowers to generate income, are now thinking about expanding their project. Although land scarcity poses a challenge to achieving their goal, these women not only want to become the most prominent flower producers in Rwanda’s southern province, but also export them outside the country. They also water the flowers with baskets— yet, having an irrigation system/machine would save them time to expand their projects. Moreover, the original meaning and inspirational message behind this project is that the environment and nature, such as flowers, have had an impact on their personal and social journey to restore self-reliance.

4

Conclusion

It is well known from conflict and peace studies and sustainable development perspectives that peace is a result of respect for human rights and nature. The results of this study show that it is important not only for environmental protection but also for social and human sustainability to consider and truly respect the relationship between people and nature. However, as this study shows, it must be contextualized and socially defined to achieve good results in terms of individual responsibility for sustainable development, peace, and the environment. Individual responsibility would help achieve a sustainable future in which humans take a more natural role and have less negative impact on nature. It is argued that changing the way we view nature has political, economic, and social implications, but our cognitive capacities oblige us to re-evaluate our position in the world rather than further destroy it. There are a number of ways we can begin to reconsider our relationship with nature, but they all require enormous effort. Through a universal peace education curriculum, it is possible to encourage people to see themselves as part of a larger picture for peace and environmental protection. Formal and informal education, including religious education is crucial.

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References Berry, T. (1984). The cosmology of peace. Breakthrough. Global Education Associates, 5(4), 1–4. Harris, I. (2002). Peace education theory. Paper presented at American Educational Research Association Conference, New Orleans, LA, Apr 3, 2002. Haviland-Jones, J. M., Rosario, H. H., Wilson, P., & McGuire, T. (2005). An environmental approach to positive emotion: Flowers. Evolutionary Psychology, 3, 104–132. Hayner, P. B. (2001). Unspeakable truths: Confronting state terror and atrocity. Routledge. Huss, E., Yosef, K. B., & Zaccai, M. (2017). Humans’ relationship to flowers as an example of the multiple components of embodied aesthetics. Behavioral Sciences, 8(3), 1–10. Kelman, H. C. (2004). Reconciliation as identity change: A social-psychological perspective. In Y. Bar-Siman-Tov (Ed.), From conflict resolution to reconciliation (pp. 111–124). Oxford University Press. Nadler, A., & Shnabel, N. (2006). Instrumental and socio-emotional paths to intergroup reconciliation and the need-based model of socio-emotional reconciliation (pp. 2–31). Tel Aviv University. Notaras, M. (2010). Building peace through environmental conservation, United Nations University. www.ourworld.unu.edu. Accessed 21 Apr 2020. Robinson, J. (2003). Squaring the circle? Some thoughts on the idea of sustainable development. Ecological Economics, 48(4), 369–384. Sanchez-Peralta, C. (2016). The human relationship with nature. www.theodysseyonline. com/human-relationship-with-nature. Accessed 23 May 2019.

Penine Uwimbabazi Prof. Dr., Degree at the University of KwaZulu-Natal (UKZN) South Africa. She has been working in higher education institutions since 2004 serving in different departments of the UKZN administration, as a post graduate and research assistant for the department of Policy and Development Studies, and as a lecturer at the School of Social Sciences, International Relations and Public Affairs at the UKN. From 2013 she has been working as one of the professors of policy analysis and conflict transformation at the Protestant Institute of Arts and Social Sciences (PIASS) in Huye-Rwanda. She is a recognized facilitator and trainer, especially alternative to violence program, nonviolence communication, and conflict transformation among others. She is now serving at the PIASS as Vice Chancellor. Her research interest includes social and public policy analysis, migration and integration, social justice and conflict transformation, rural development and cooperative management. She is the country coordinator of this project for Rwanda. Contact: upenine@ piass.ac.rw Shukulu Murekatete is a graduate from the department of Peace and Conflict Studies at the Protestant Institute of Arts and Social Sciences (PIASS) in Huye-Rwanda. She is currently doing a master’s program in Japan.

Democratic Republic of the Congo

Democratic Republic of the Congo—An Overview Mumbere Ndemo Mbasa

The DRC has been experiencing war since 1996. Since this period, many armed groups have established themselves in the DRC, particularly in the eastern part of the country. This is a big challenge for communities living in rural areas where these armed groups harass people. War traumatizes people because they are killed, raped, and their goods are looted with the consequences of economic destabilization, poverty and the trauma of populations affected negatively by the war. These atrocities are currently happening more in the North-Kivu, South-Kivu and the Ituri provinces. Apart from national and foreign armed groups, there are soldiers from the Congolese armed forces responsible for human rights violations. Children are forcibly enrolled in armed groups where they are mistreated by warlords. The situation of war does not allow residents to freely do their business, resulting in a problem of extreme poverty. On the other hand, the Congolese government is not able to promote good governance; rather there is a situation in which those who hold power enrich themselves while others are becoming very poor. In the framework of the conference Peace and Security in Africa organized by the All African Conference of Churches (AACC) and the World Council of Churches (WCC) in Kigali-Rwanda in 2012, the leadership of the Université Libre des Pays des Grand Lacs (ULPGL) in Goma-DRCongo proposed a structured cross-border exchange of experiences in peacebuilding and reconciliation M. N. Mbasa (B) Université Libre des Pays des Grands Lacs, Goma, Democratic Republic of the Congo e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2023 K. E. Sauer et al. (eds.), Healing through Remembering, Edition Centaurus Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42447-3_14

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between Protestant universities and NGOs in the region of the Great Lakes. After a decade, the project Sharing Grassroots Experiences of Peace, Reconciliation and Healing now is completed in cooperation with RAPRED-Girubuntu and DHBW VS, including Roman Catholic universities and NGOs in DRCongo, Rwanda and Burundi. In the framework of this project the following contributions from DRCongo have been made: Augustin Barhazigirandi Mufumu describes how the diaconal institution CAPA succeeds in the socio-professional integration of former child soldiers. He highlights how the war in eastern Congo, which has lasted for more than two decades, has created a “spirit of violence” among many Congolese. This often leads to young people in particular wanting to claim their rights by violating the rights of others. Some therefore join armed groups because they believe they can help them get money. Augustin Barhazigirandi Mufumu describes how the “culture of war in the minds of the young people” is to be dismantled through vocational training and parallel continuous socio-psychological programs and support, in order to give them a real chance for an economically independent existence. Jacques N. Birikunzira begins by explaining that many communities are not aware of their rights and do not know how to claim them. And young people in particular are manipulated by politicians or others. Moreover, rumors, prejudices and stereotypes are often a source of conflict and have a negative impact on social cohesion. Therefore, JPIC establishes programs to strengthen the culture of peace and promote social cohesion and cultural diversity. Young people should learn that cultural diversity cannot be seen as a source of conflict, but as a wealth, leading to pacification and peace consolidation. Bernard R. Ugeux explains the situation of married women who have been raped and have difficulty reintegrating into the community. They are often rejected and ostracized by both their husbands and others around them. Other cases involve very young single mothers who are abandoned by the men who impregnated them and left alone with the child, without any source of income. Moreover, once pregnant, these girls are not allowed to continue their schooling. Such events traumatize not only the immediate victims, but also family members and people living with the victim. Bernard R. Ugeux describes programs at the Nyota Center in Kadutu to reintegrate victims into the community. Women who are so overwhelmed by traumatizing events that they are discouraged and lose hope are offered a new future through professional counseling and guidance. Bernardin Ulimwengu Biregeya describes the situation and the cause of the phenomenon of street children in the province of North Kivu, who represent

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a danger to society. Extreme poverty eventually leads these young people to join armed groups that terrorize the population. Bernardin Ulimwengu Biregeya details how the teaching team at La Sapientia Catholic University in Goma uses a combination of classical pedagogical and experiential approaches for this clientele in courses on civics and conflict management, peace and development. Mumbere M. Ndemo states that the Congolese judiciary does not perform its proper duties properly because it is not completely independent, but follows the influences of those in power. This leads the population to believe that they must take justice into their own hands, which results in a lack of compassion and community. For this reason, peace education courses are offered at the Université Libre des Pays des Grands Lacs to teach young people the values of peace culture. These courses are conducted in a practical way with the participation of groups of young people, who are to be taught the values of the culture of peace. As human rights violations continue to increase due to impunity in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the courses teach that restoring justice is a necessity for people to live together. The chapters are supplemented by an appendix written by Polepole F. Maheshe, Eugène Bashombe, Jean Marie Ciza, Ntabe E. Namegabe, and Kaputu M. Célestin Kalala. Their sociopsychological survey describes the situation of people from war zones in North Kivu who were admitted for counseling to the neuropsychiatric Hospital Center Saint Vincent de Paul in North Kivu Province after suffering traumas related to the atrocities of war. The consequences of psychotraumatic syndromes occurring in the North Kivu population after traumatic events and depression as a result of war and violence over decades are being studied. Conclusion The treatises written by the various project partners in the Democratic Republic of Congo can help decision-makers develop strategies that help young people stop joining armed groups, renounce violence and actively participate in processes of peace, and respect cultural diversity. The measures described above, which focus on healing memories and dealing sensitively with the consequences of trauma, are important, so that people scarred and traumatized by war and violence can find spaces in which to express their feelings. To this end, community organizations and the government are also called upon to combine their efforts so that peace can be restored and, above all, justice in the DRC can be improved.

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Mumbere Ndemo Mbasa Prof. Dr. is a permanent professor at the Université Libre des Pays des Grands Lacs-Goma (ULPGL), Dean at the Faculty of Health Sciences and member of the board of directors of the Centre Africain de Recherche et d’Éducation à la Paix et à la Démocratie board (CAREPD). He is the country coordinator of this project for the Democratic Republic of Congo. Contact: [email protected]

From the Acoustics of Weapons to the Guitar, an Extraordinary Professional Retraining. How Did the Vocational and Artisanal Training Centre (CAPA) Succeed in the Socio-professional Integration of a Former Child Soldier? Augustin Barhazigirandi Mufumu Abstract

The Vocational and Artisanal Training Centre (CAPA) addresses the importance of vocational training in times of crisis and war. Using the example of their specialized field, guitar making by former child soldiers in the Democratic Republic of Congo, they explain the value of vocational training as a best practice model for a sustainable and peaceful future for their trainees and graduates, guaranteeing their socio-professional integration. Keywords

Child soldiers . Democratic Republic of Congo . Professional retraining Socio-professional integration

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A. B. Mufumu (B) Centre d’Apprentissage Professionnel Et Artisanal (CAPA/3È CBCA), Bukavu, Democratic Republic of the Congo e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2023 K. E. Sauer et al. (eds.), Healing through Remembering, Edition Centaurus Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42447-3_15

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1

Introduction

1.1

The Political and Social Situation in Eastern Congo

The Democratic Republic of Congo has been devastated by civil wars since 1996. Today, several armed rebel groups, Congolese, but also Rwandan, Ugandan and Burundian, fight in order to exploit the natural and economic resources of the country. These armed groups kill, rape, massacre, loot and commit several other abuses against the peaceful population. UNICEF estimates that in the provinces of Tanganyika and South Kivu, where violence has been raging for several months, more than 3000 children are now used in militias (UNICEF, 2018). Between 2014 and 2017, 6168 children were separated from armed groups and militias in the DRC, and hundreds more are believed to remain in their ranks (MONUSCO, 2019). Child soldiers and ex-soldiers have participated in wars and abuses, they have been mistreated by their leaders, they have killed people, and so on. Therefore, the first thing to do with them is to try to heal their minds so that they can follow the training properly, because a traumatized person cannot learn effectively. Trauma makes learning difficult, especially for children. Negative childhood experiences have a lasting effect on young people’s ability to learn (Barrère, 2020).

1.2

The Problem Statement for the Work of the Institution CAPA

Frequently asked questions by visitors passing by CAPA are: How to successfully train traumatized subjects such as ex-child soldiers and demobilized army personnel? How did CAPA manage to transform an ex-child soldier into a peacemaker? What difficulties did it face? What should be done to achieve the socio-professional integration of an ex-child soldier? In the following lines, we are therefore going to share with you the experience or the path taken by the CAPA for the transformation of a child soldier, from a weapon manipulator with related consequences, to a manufacturer of the guitar, a musical instrument to mollify souls (peacemaker). This chapter takes a critical look at the realities in most vocational training centers in DR Congo in relation to: . the management system . the training program and the enrolment of learners

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the orientation of candidates for training the vocational learning approaches the quality of trainers and training the socio-professional integration policy the psychosocial support and social inclusion of traumatized and disadvantaged target groups.

This chapter puts particular emphasis on placing the learner at the center of his training in order to hope to achieve the desired result and thus take into account all aspects of the learner’s life. The qualities of a training program, the equipment available as well as the competence of the trainers are crucial to the success of professional training. Apparently, however, very few managers of the centers are aware that success depends so largely on who you enrol, on what is their background, their mental and psychological health, their real needs and their talents. Recruitment and registration are considered by many of the centers to be just administrative acts. Some centers register those who apply, exactly in the order of their applications, others take all those who are able to pay the training fees, still others only take those who have passed an admission test (very often designed according to purely academic standards). But very few centers interview candidates to find out their motivations, their real needs, their talents and especially their psychological state. A professional trainer cannot be improvised; a certain learner cannot learn properly and has less chance of a professional trainer, who is judged mainly on the basis of his practical knowledge. But most centers do not consider this aspect, although it is very important for the quality of training.

2

Description of the Context

2.1

The Institution CAPA and the Focus of Its Training

Faced with this state of affairs, CAPA, which is a vocational training center with financial and technical support from Bread for the World, has embarked on the vocational apprenticeship of former child soldiers and has obtained good results. CAPA has operated from its creation in 1982 to date in a context of fragility and crisis, also during certain times of war. This context is marked by the following characteristics:

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. political and economic instability . generalized insecurity caused mostly by the presence of around 100 armed groups in the region. The CAPA which is a vocational training center has gone through a reform process. The CAPA differs from other training centers by the diversity of the professions in which it trains (Muhini & Baier-D’Orazio, 2016) and allows young people to make a judicious choice of a profession according to their abilities and talents; listening to and guiding training candidates to discover their real needs and talents. CAPA is characterized by . “its flexibility” associated with listening to the population in relation to their needs (community/market needs) . the pedagogical approaches that allow all population groups to have access to vocational training, . the short training periods . the follow-up of the graduates after the training (Muhini & Baier-D’Orazio, 2016) . the psychosocial support for traumatized target groups . the socio-professional integration approach that starts before the training and continues during and after the training . the support provided to learners in the design and development of their own business project . the follow-up of the former awardee’s graduate and his experience in relation to the training of traumatized target groups. CAPA is a social work, a vocational school belonging to a church, the 3rd of Christ Churches in Congo, called Baptist Community in Central Africa, whose vision is “employment for all” and whose mission is “to contribute to the promotion of employment through training and professional activities in order to reduce unemployment”. Their core values are: . Work, flexibility and diversity . The motivation and competence of managers and trainers. Their scope of activities includes:

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. Vocational guidance, vocational training and retraining of craftsmen . Qualification of teachers in the crafts . Socio-professional integration and psychosocial support for traumatized target groups. In this essay we try to briefly describe the context which influences positively or negatively the phenomenon of child soldiers in our country, the DR Congo and especially in its eastern part. This chapter will answer the questions . Why and how children do find themselves in armed groups as combatants, sex slaves and carriers? . What are the unfortunate consequences of this situation for the psychosocial and economic life of these children? In particular, it addresses the situation of children who were recruited into armed groups by force or on their own initiative and who decide to pursue vocational training after demobilization. It also describes the CAPA center, its values and its particularities, especially in the supervision of traumatized subjects.

2.2

Why Are Children in Armed Groups?

Although many child soldiers are forcibly recruited by armed groups in opposition to the ruling power, many enlist on their own will. There are several reasons for this phenomenon. . Revenge is the motive mentioned by children to justify their decision. Enlisting in an opposing camp would allow them to avenge the death of their beloved ones or to take back belongings such as goats, cows and lands which have been stolen from them. . For those who live in areas affected by looting and attack by armed groups, obtaining a weapon and undergoing military training seem to be privileged, which is a way of trying to secure their families. Joining the army or a rebel group is thus often a protection strategy for the child as well as for his parents, and sometimes even for the community. . For poor and destitute families, sending a child to the army may be seen as a source of income or an opportunity for a better future.

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So, most of the children who join the armed forces are not true volunteers, they are subjected to various economic, social and political constraints and in this case, the recruitment within armed groups and bands constitutes their only survival strategy. It should also be noted that when they realize the reality of military life, after only a few days in the army, the majority of them, nevertheless, wish to leave and go back home. They are therefore forced to stay there under threat and terror. We should keep in mind that their recruitment often does not depend on their own will and they never know what really awaits them. Children make excellent recruits because they are obedient, impressionable, and often ignore the danger behind the recruitment. They rarely desert and especially are less demanding than adults, because they eat available food and are satisfied with little things. If the choice of armed groups falls mainly on children and adolescents, it is because it is easier to convince them to belong to an ideological movement. The armed groups thus find a considerable advantage in the recruitment of children, which makes it a military strategy that has been adopted in several war zones around the world. Recruitment methods differ depending on regions and armed groups. It is often in villages, schools and playgrounds that armed troops forcibly recruit children.

2.3

The Psychological Support Service and Promotion of Cross-Cutting Themes

The psychological support service is a team of psychologists and social workers who provide psychosocial support to traumatized people through training for their successful integration. It is also involved in the promotion of peace and sport activities, environmental protection, the fight against sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and AIDS.

3

Content of the Current Research Project

3.1

The Methodology for the Social Reintegration of Child Soldiers

This chapter will consist in sharing the techniques and approaches tested and implemented at CAPA which have enabled us to successfully train these targets. This experience is described in the following five important steps:

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1. the trial and error step 2. the identification of the problem causing failure step (it has been discovered that a traumatized learner cannot learn properly and has less chance of evolving and finishing his training) 3. the training of trainers step 4. the listening step 5. the psychosocial support step. After several cases of failure, trial and error and discouragement, we finally learned to understand the members of our target group better. After better understanding their preconditions, their military discipline, their trauma, and their desire to learn quickly and make a living from their profession, we experimented with approaches and practices that helped us to serve them well. Thus, psychosocial support was introduced for them throughout the training process. The center then gives them the freedom to organize themselves by establishing class representatives and dictating to themselves the rules of group life, which they adhere to well during training, just as they experienced in the army. Their military background is easily reflected in their experiences, and this is a good guarantee of success in training. Military training is associated with suffering. Those who leave this training have the aspiration to learn other things to escape the misery. Therefore, they are brave and learn with determination, hoping to start a new life in which they can satisfy a minimum of needs. Finally, objective and especially practical trainings are much more suitable for them, because they are in a hurry to learn, to master the professions quickly and to make a living from it. To successfully train traumatized target groups such as ex-child soldiers and demobilized army personnel, we took time to identify the problem of trauma as a real obstacle to training, with the support of an external consultant. We had to realize that not only the target group but also the trainers were traumatized. After knowing their state and the weaknesses of our trainers to train them, the solution was found through the training of trainers for the management of traumatized persons and the psychosocial support of learners throughout their learning.

3.2

From a Destabilized Violence-Oriented Environment to a Demobilized Psychosocial Support System

This chapter describes the approaches resulting from the experiences capitalized by the CAPA during several years. These beginnings were characterized by

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uncertainties, trial and error, and failures. However, over the years and through the strength of endurance, flexibility and determination, this led to fine-tuning appropriate approaches for these complicated and traumatized cases. To be concrete, in the following we will also present the story and testimony of a former child soldier demobilized from an armed group in South Kivu by UNICEF and recommended to CAPA for his professional training. The former child soldier speaks in this testimony, of the circumstances in which he was enlisted, of the life he experienced within this armed group, of how he found himself in the CAPA training, as well as of his socio-professional integration. CAPA had to organize training for young people who have been officially demobilized by the army (they usually come in groups that are recommended), as well as for young people who have been demobilized themselves or “deserters”. In order to properly introduce them to the professions to be learned, we first conduct a survey of their individual needs. We do not guide them through the areas in which the training will be conducted until the final orientation to each individual’s needs, skills, and background has been made. A hearing and debriefing is conducted with traumatized individuals prior to the start of training. A psychosocial support system is provided throughout the training. Before the actual training, the trainers and other veterans are prepared for the newcomers. The excombatants are also sensitized to community life with the people they will meet at the center (Muhini & Baier-D’Orazio, 2016). It should also be noted that all CAPA trainers undergo training every year on supporting traumatized people, trauma integration and many other topics related to prevention, management and resilience in a “psychotraumatogenic” context.

3.3

Difficulties and Limits of Reintegration Work for Former Child Soldiers

Let us point out here that in this story we are omitting some serious facts committed by the former combatants which would be offensive. From the outset, interviews with former child soldiers show the existence of two significant psychological wounds: . First, when the child leaves his family to join the army . Second, when he leaves the army and becomes “demobilized”. These two identity breaks seem to explain the presence of a subjective representation of three very different and divided times around their experience of

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war. Children thus perceive themselves very differently when they describe themselves before the military period, a period generally perceived as a “lost paradise”; compared to the intense identity crisis they experienced as a child soldier during the “military experience”; or when they try to see the new identity crisis corresponding to “demobilization”. On this last point, while we might be led to think that these children should be relieved and experience a period of return to calm and stability, we will see that demobilization is once again experienced as a painful identity crisis requiring psychological reorganization. Although there are three temporal phases for these children (before the army, during the army and after the army), in order to understand the experiences of child soldiers, we should focus only on the second phase, which they perceive as such: the period during which they were child soldiers. In fact, it is this period of extreme crisis which influences the subjective organization of their experience and which is the origin of the development of the defense mechanisms that mark their psychological organization (Daxhelet & Brunet, 2013). The major and complex concern in a post-war context is how to restore peace and give it a foundation. When this peace is fragile, like it is the case in the DRC, we also need to avoid getting back to war. In South Kivu, rebels and militias recruited a considerable number of children and young people, by force or voluntarily—most of these young people thus fought for years in the regular army or militias. They endured violence and exercised violence. These sad experiences affect their souls and burden their consciences and psyche.

3.4

The Testimony of Murhula Bashimbe from Abduction to Child Soldier to Reintegration Through Training in CAPA

The following is a description of the development of a former child soldier who became a guitar maker after training and support from the CAPA centre: The currently 32-year-old Murhula Bashimbe embodies the hope of a youth suffering from the throes of war and chronic instability, forced to take up arms at the age of 13; “It was a Thursday in March 2002”, Murhula recalls, “I was in the classroom taking the course; heavily armed soldiers broke into our classroom. They immediately ordered the boys to separate from the girls, after separating us, they asked us to help them carry their luggage and when they got to the bush, they forced us to stay in the bush. Soon we started the military training, we are taught how to manipulate weapons, fight and defend ourselves against the

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enemy. During all the time spent in the bush, the instructor used to tell us: ‘your father, your mother and your family are now the weapon’, after a one-month training, we were dropped in the war where we were on the first attack with instructions to shoot at whatever moves. It was during this period that they began to drug us, tease us and encourage the brave who committed killings and other serious atrocities such as: massacre of soldiers, rape, killings of civilians with the Kalashnikov, machete, cannibalism scene, etc. I fought in different armed groups for over 4 years, until the day when the regular army launched an offensive against the position of the rebel group. During this offensive, all the members of the movement were captured and transferred to Bukavu, separated from the adults. The teenagers were placed in a transit and orientation camp supported by UNICEF from which I had the chance to leave military life, and as I had no one to turn to, CAPA, which is a vocational school, got me back for training. When I arrived at CAPA I was well received and that despite my tragic past and my low level of education, I felt considered especially when I was asked why I want to learn guitar making, a very difficult training. From this interview I came home with an idea of what I will do after the CAPA training. The following day I was listened to by the guidance service where with the help of the person who received me in his office we spoke. I still remember the points that were the subject of our interview: my skills in relation to the chosen profession, my needs and the duration of training and the prospects for exercising the profession I was going to be trained in. From then on, I started training at CAPA in guitar making for a period of six months, and after the training, CAPA installed me in their workshop where I now work as a guitar making trainer. So, I earn my life, I am able to have my basic needs met. I have already got married and have 7 children, of whom 4 are already attending primary school. I have already built a house in the outskirts of Bukavu town where my family lives and I have already got a motorbike for my movements. I am and I remain grateful to CAPA, because my whole personality has been forged by this centre through its leaders and my trainers. I salute the courage of our trainers who despite our whims, our troubles and especially our aggressiveness due to military life and the trauma resulting from our experience in the bush, they stooped down just to bring us to reason”. “It is an exceptional grace for me”, declares Mr Murhula “I am delighted that today I make guitars that cradle hearts, bring freshness and give life to traumatized and loaded people, so it is a way for me to break with a sad past and live peacefully the rest of my days here on earth”. When asked whether he might be tempted to join an armed group again, Murhula always responds that he hates

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to remember the suffering he has experienced and repents of all the atrocities committed against his fellow human beings.

3.5

Professional Training of CAPA Trainers as a Prerequisite for Successful Reintegration Work

CAPA trainers needed training on trauma, something which was difficult to implement. On the one hand, the problem was financial because it was not included in the CAPA program and, on the other hand, there were questions about where to find such specialists. In Rwanda, a country neighbouring the DRC, since the atrocities in that country, many therapists have specialized in war trauma. Unfortunately, they were all overloaded with the enormous solicitations. As no one in Kivu could carry out this mission, we called on an expert pedagogue from EED who came to train CAPA trainers in conflict management, listening and supporting traumatized people. The training of demobilized young people is not easy and you have to know how to manage their behaviour. Every time during the training they are agitated, aggressive and behave differently from those who have never touched a weapon. They often get angry and sometimes beat others; they always tend to attack others. This behaviour is due to military life but also to trauma. We understood that we are dealing with traumatized people and we had to know how to ensure concomitantly their psychological support and their training. To make this conversion a success, the following settings are required: . a particular patience . a training program adapted to the real needs of the targets . a guarantee of socio-professional integration. If these conditions are not met, the retraining of the child soldiers and exservicemen will fail. Changing from a weapons handler to a guitar maker therefore requires a number of prerequisites.

3.6

The Successful and Efficient CAPA Training Program

A successful and effective training program is one that considers the following:

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. the context (political, economic, social, technological, environmental and legal) . the skills needed (present and future) . the focus (and gives more time) to practice . the adjustment to the level of all categories of people . the consideration of the specific characteristics/differences of targets. The target of the military or ex-combatants is a target that has had a history characterized by immediately reaching everything they needed. Therefore, profession learning must have a rapid impact on the life of the target given that he/ she wishes to see the quick results, quickly know the profession and practice it (Muhini & Baier-D’Orazio, 2016). Finding a job, having a good income, being respected, being part of society, that’s all demobilized people are looking for. The problem is that this integration is difficult to achieve. Again, despite a huge investment, CAPA did not achieve all the expected results. Nevertheless, there are those who have succeeded and have become entrepreneurs by practicing the learned subjects, generate income and meet their basic needs.

4

Conclusion

4.1

The Successful Reintegration in Figures

Successful reintegration of demobilized people presupposes that they have been trained, exercise and live by learned professions and that they forever forget the life of weapons. It is not always easy because sometimes we succeed in professional integration but we fail social integration, especially when the excombatants had committed atrocities in their living environment, which is very frequent. In this case, awareness-raising work in the community and social therapists are required to successfully reintegrate these persons. In the chart below, we find the child soldiers and ex-combatants trained and inserted by CAPA from the years 2005 until 2020. Image: data from CAPA 2020 integration and monitoring and evaluation services reports

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Target groups

Number

Of which girls/women

Have completed the training

Are reintegrated socio-professionally in the learned profession

Demobilized child soldiers

23

00

18

16

Children—deserting soldiers

00

00

00

00

Demobilized ex-combatants

117

77

104

93

Ex-combatants/ deserters

02

00

02

02

Total

142

77

124

111

From the analysis of these data above, we note that out of 142 child soldiers and ex-combatants registered at CAPA, 124 managed to finish their training, i.e. 84.3% and 111 practice the profession for which they were trained, i.e. 78.16% professional integration.

4.2

Vocational Education and Training of Young People for Self-reliance as a Best Practice Methodology, to Curb the Phenomenon of Recruitment of Child Soldiers

The vocational training of young people for employment and self-employment is one of the best solutions to stem the phenomenon of armed groups and can contribute enormously to the restoration of lasting peace in the region. To succeed in the program for the demobilization of children and other combatants in armed groups, it is absolutely necessary to first think of alternatives for their jobs. And it requires a professional training program and holistic support (psycho-social, economic and spiritual) for these targets. It is all these elements together that have enabled CAPA to successfully integrate several young ex-combatants into the labour market, including Mr. Murhula (see above), a young man who joined the armed group for a while, decided to take training in guitar making and turn the black page of his history. Admittedly, this professional retraining is the fruit of long-term work by several stakeholders, the process of which starts from awareness-raising for

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demobilization, listening and guidance, trauma, training and socio-economic reintegration.

5

Transfer

5.1

Summary of (Self-) Reflective Skills in This Area of Memory Work

The professionals required for this area of memory work are: . Psychologists (psychosociologists, clinical psychologists and psychotherapists) . Vocational guidance specialists . Sociologists and social workers to insure social support.

5.2

Relevance for Practical Fieldwork

If we consider the situation of repeated wars and the number of armed groups and child soldiers within these groups, we relate it to the importance of vocational training for these children and former combatants for the establishment of lasting peace in the region. Then, importantly, as a prerequisite for the successful training of former child soldiers, research on vocational training, psychosocial support, and vocational inclusion of this category of disadvantaged young people must be integrated into the training methodology.

5.3

Questions for Reflection

. To what extent does the vocational training of young demobilized soldiers contribute to the pacification and stability of the region? . How to succeed in the retraining and socio-professional integration of excombatants? . How to make the choice of programs and set appropriate approaches for the training of traumatized targets? . What actions to consider for the stabilization of the region and the collective healing of memories? . What work to do upstream to eradicate the phenomenon of child soldiers?

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References Barrère, M. (2020). Les difficultés scolaires peuvent venir de traumatismes de l’enfance. https://www.slate.fr/story/193278/difficultes-scolaires-enfant-traumatismes-enfance-vio lence-agression-deces. Daxhelet, M.-L., & Brunet, L. (2013). Le Vécu des enfants soldats. Cheminement psychique et transformations identitaires. La psychiatrie de l’enfant, 1(56), 219–243. MONUSCO. (2019). Notre Force: nos jeunes. Rapport sur le recrutement et l’utilisation des enfants par les groupes armes en RDC de 2014–2017. https://monusco.unmissions.org/ sites/default/files/rapport_sur_le_recrutement_et_lutilisation_des_enfants_en_rdc_de_ 2014_-_2017.pdf. Muhini, V. B. M., & Baier-D’Orazio, M. G. (2016). Guide du Praticien de la formation professionnelle. Bukavu, DRCongo: CAPA – Centre d’Apprentissage Professionnel et Artisanal. UNICEF. (2018). Des milliers d’enfants continuent à être utilisés comme enfants soldats. https://www.unicef.org/drcongo/communiu%C3%A9s-de-presse/des-milliers – d’enfants – continuent - % C3%A0-%C3%AAtre-util% C3% A9s-comme-enfantsSoldats: https://www.unicef.org/drcongo. Accessed 17 July 2021.

Augustin Barhazigirandi Mufumu is the director of the Vocational and Artisanal Training Center (CAPA) Bukavu. Contact: [email protected].

Youth Involvement in the Prevention and Non-violent Resolution of Conflicts in Goma City Jacques Nzanzu Birikunzira Abstract

For more than two decades, the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo has been the scene of recurrent wars and conflicts. This situation is exacerbated by the spread of armed groups that recruit and use thousands of young people as fighters. A culture of violence is gradually spreading in the Congolese society. The Baptist Community in Central Africa has invested in the pacification program through the establishment of the Justice, Peace and Protection of Creation Commission. This structure supports various groups within and outside the church, especially young people, in promoting peace education using the concept of peace clubs. Keywords

Culture of violence . Peace clubs . Non-violent conflict resolution . Demand for rights . DRCongo

1

Introduction

We present the work of the Justice, Peace and Protection of Creation Commission (Commission Justice, Paix et Sauvegarde de la Création JPSC) as part of peacebuilding by involving young people as actors in building sustainable peace in eastern DRC. These young people who are supervised in peace clubs are educated in positive values, especially promoting non-violent cohabitation, human J. N. Birikunzira (B) Goma, Democratic Republic of Congo e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2023 K. E. Sauer et al. (eds.), Healing through Remembering, Edition Centaurus Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42447-3_16

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rights and social coexistence. The holistic approach of the JPSC is based on education, awareness, exchange of experiences, cultural and sports activities for peace, compassionate actions in favor of vulnerable people and organization of action research activities. However, in the context of this workbook, the focus is on an opinion survey on public non-violent demands for rights raised by young people in the city of Goma.

2

Brief Overview of JPSC’s Work to Engage Young People in Peacebuilding in Goma City

Since 2013, the JPSC has been implementing a program aimed at engaging young people in sustainable peace in eastern DRC. The goal of this program is to help break down rumors, prejudices, and stereotypes that poison relations between communities in eastern DRC. Instead, it aims to build hope and social cohesion. The idea is based on the observation that in all the conflicts that have raged in the east of our country, young people have not only been used to commit crimes, but have also been victims. This justified the urgent need to establish peace clubs in schools and parishes. The Youth Peace Club is a structure for listening, communication, sharing and education on positive values. The club enables young people to better contribute to crisis prevention and management in order to build and protect peace among members of their social groups. Today, the JPSC has established 30 peace clubs in schools and parishes. Through this program, young people learn about the need to build peace in their communities. Since most of these young people were born in times of tension, wars and conflicts of all kinds, many of them were already familiar with the prevailing life-styles in our environment. Young people are slowly embracing the culture of peace, especially with regard to the rejection of negative feelings and attitudes towards others, the rejection of violence and the understanding of the importance of living together, regardless of barriers based on ethnic, linguistic, cultural and other affiliations. Finally, young people internalize the importance of peace actions in favor of the most disadvantaged, which we believe is a step forward, since peace is not just a speech, but rather an action.

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3

Content of a Study on the Causes of Violence in Eastern Congo and Resulting Measures to Support Young People in Claiming Their Rights Without Violence

3.1

Outline of a Public Opinion Poll on Non-Violent Demands Among Young People

3.1.1

General Overview of the Study

This study on young people’s participation in conflict prevention and resolution was conducted through a public opinion survey of young people in Goma city, North Kivu province, from September 1 to December 30, 2020. The purpose was to identify young people’s views on the causes, consequences, and perspectives to be provided to strengthen young people’s nonviolent civil engagement. The study consisted in collecting qualitative and quantitative data on the resurgence of violence related to the claiming of rights by young people in the city of Goma. The purpose was to analyze the causes and consequences and to identify perspectives for strengthening young people’s nonviolent civic engagement. This research is part of the implementation of the SCP project entitled „Involving Youth Peace Clubs in the Prevention and Non-violent Resolution of Conflict” supported by Pain Pour Le Monde (PPLM) and was carried out with the technical support of the Centre de Recherche pour le Développement et la Démocratie (CREDDA) of the Université Libre de Pays des Grands Lacs (ULPGL). (a) Methodology of the study Quantitative and qualitative methods

(1) Quantitative approach: this method was used to collect quantitative data. It allowed us to obtain the results in terms of numbers and percentages and to identify the trends related to the different questions asked to the young people. (2) Qualitative approach: this method was helpful in collecting non-quantified data. Thus, it enabled us to obtain opinions, reflections and thoughts from key informants defined according to their role within the community, social position, political and other positions.

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Data collection techniques The data collection technique here consists of a structured opinion survey and/ or conducting semi-structured and unstructured interviews with the target group identified as potential respondents for this research. Quantitative data collection involved conducting structured interviews with young people in different districts of Goma city who meet the criteria for participation in this research, as defined in the following section. These interviews were structured so that participants responded according to the answers offered in the statements. Two types of instruments were used to collect quantitative data: the questionnaire and the observation guide. For qualitative data collection, unstructured interviews were conducted in the form of a face-to-face interview with various individuals who were potential respondents based on their influence and role within their socialization group. (b) The target groups of the study The study included the following target groups: (1) Bikers due to the rapid dissemination of information and rumors perceived by a large and diverse audience, during the day and the night (2) Young people from civic movements based on their relevant activities in the struggle for respect of human rights (3) Leaders of political parties because of their role in mobilizing and influencing young people (4) Civil society leaders responsible for mentoring youth from civic movements, schools and universities (5) The representative of the youth parliament and the chairperson of the Urban Youth Council (6) Representatives of religious communities (Église du Christ au Congo ECC, Catholic Church in Congo CCC and revivalist churches, and Muslim religious communities) and youth movements within the churches (7) The entire community (young people by age group and gender) (8) The police commander of the city of Goma (9) Journalists involved in media coverage of youth activities (10) The person in charge of an organization supporting youth in difficult situations (those at risk). (c) Sampling This is a cluster sampling with 40 young people per neighborhood and 10 young people per street. This results in 40 respondents multiplied by the

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18 neighborhoods, yielding 720 young participants as respondents for this study. Each neighborhood (cluster) is divided into 4 avenues, which thus form the final sampling unit. In each avenue, 10 young people participate in the survey. The respondents are evenly distributed, i.e. 50% women and 50% men, proportionally to the age groups agreed upon for this research.

3.1.2

Presentation of the Results of the Study

(a) Causes of the resurgence of violence linked to ‘rights’ by young people: no access to basic social needs Regarding access to basic social needs, the study identified access to education, health care, employment, water, electricity and recreational areas. Regarding access to education, it shows that the majority of respondents, (66%) say that they or their relatives have moderate access to education, and 2.2% speak of “poor access”. Regarding health care, we find that the majority of respondents, 70.1%, say that they have average access to health care, while 1.1% speak of poor access to health care. Regarding access to employment, we note that 55% of respondents highlight poor access to employment and 0.8 say the opposite. Faced with the challenge of lack of access to employment, a young person who requested anonymity declared: “The main cause is when young people notice that they are not living in good conditions; they consider themselves being the poorest of the country. The authorities do not give work to young people and those who work do not want to share with others and/or give job opportunity to any other apart from their relatives or family members”.

Regarding access to water, 62.2% of respondents say they have average access to water, while 1.4% of respondents say they have poor access to water. Similarly, in terms of access to electricity, half of the respondents say they have no access to electricity, while 11.8% say they have poor access to electricity. (b) Lack of perception of safety When asked if they feel safe in their neighborhood or on their street, 53.9% of respondents say they do not feel safe. 46.1% say they do feel safe. The endemic insecurity in which the population has lived for several decades as a result of repeated wars has created a climate of psychosis and constant

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fear. This reflects the level of unease in our society. The Congolese state is struggling to properly fulfil its sovereign mission.

The perpetrators of insecurity In light of this sense of insecurity, respondents named the people they believe are responsible for the feeling of insecurity: the national police, local authorities, national army soldiers, street children, motorcyclists, and refugees. The study found that almost half of the respondents, or 48.5%, believe that the police are the cause of their feeling of insecurity in the neighborhood. 31.7% of respondents said that they could be street children, and 13.9% said that they were members of the armed forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Causes for insecurity

Number

The PNC (Police Nat. Congolaise)

188

% 48.5

The political authorities themselves

7

Street children

123

31.7

1.8

The FARDCa

54

13.9

Bikers

1

0.3

The refugees

2

0.5

Anybody

7

1.8

People who refused to respond to questions

6

Total

388

1.5 100.0

a The

Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) are the result of a process that brought together the belligerent armies of the second Congo war, including the Congolese armed forces (loyalist army), the rebels of the Congolese Rally for Democracy, Jean-Pierre Bemba’s Movement for the Liberation of Congo, Mbusa Nyamwisi’s Congolese Rally for Democracy-Liberation Movement, and the Mai-Mai. Later, other rebels were integrated, including Laurent Nkunda’s CNDP and other armed militias

In addition, an anonymous informant pointed out the communication deficit. It is expressed as follows: “But also the authorities do not approach young people to listen to them, inform them and talk with them about the difficulties or problems that young people are going through. Another big concern is that, there is no communication between young people and authorities”.

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Insecurity among some people When asked which people you feel more insecure with when you meet them in the street during the day or at night, the majority of respondents (73.9%) do not feel safe when they meet police officers. 59.6% feel unsafe when encountering the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo FARDC and 6.9% when encountering activists of the civil movements. In contrast, 69.2% of respondents say they feel insecure when meeting thieves and 16% feel insecure when meeting strangers. Only 2.6% of respondents feel insecure when meeting with government authorities. Almost all of the respondents (99.9%) feel safe when meeting Christians in their churches, or teachers. Trust in the Police in their role as guarantors of security The Constitution of the Democratic Republic of Congo defines the role of the national police in Article 182 as follows: “the national police are responsible for public security, the security of persons and their property, and the maintenance and restoration of public order, as well as the close protection of high authorities”. When asked how much confidence young people have in the police in ensuring the safety of persons and property, half of the respondents (46.7%) answered that they have little confidence in the role of the police in ensuring safety. And only 1.8% have great confidence in the role of the police. Other facts of incitement to demands by young people In what other acts of violence resulting from insecurity did you develop such attitudes that led to protest? (What is the biggest concern about elements of insecurity that would motivate you to demonstrate to demand rights?) Using this question, the survey found that 29.9% of respondents affirmed that their involvement in advocacy activities was motivated by targeted assassinations, 20.8% indicated that this occurred after harassment by public officials, 18.2% emphasized that it was mainly attacks or night time robberies. 6.9% of respondents said that it happened after rape. Other reasons for involvement in claims

Number

%

Targeted assassinations

215

29.9

Other(s) to be specified

41

5.7

Uncontrolled and illegal possession of weapons

36

5.0

Finishing activities before 4 pm

8

1.1 (continued)

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(continued) Other reasons for involvement in claims

Number

%

Rape

50

6.9

Night attacks or robberies

131

18.2

Armed conflicts

14

1.9

Targeted kidnappings

29

4.0

The harassment of law enforcement officers

150

20.8

Death threat phone messages

4

,6

Presence of lifeless bodies

40

5.6

Presence of armed groups

2

,3

Total

720

100.0

Frequency of participation in claims How many times have you actively or passively participated in an action to demand respect for human rights? Regarding the frequency of participation in advocacy activities

57.4%

Say they have never participated

29.6%

Say they have already participated

9.2%

Say they often participate

(c) Judgment in relation to acts of claims Almost half of the respondents (42.7%) believe that lobbying to engage the community is a moderately effective advocacy measure. And nearly half of respondents (47.8%) believe leafleting is an effective advocacy measure. 52.1% consider tax resistance to be an appropriate advocacy measure. 55.8% of respondents believe that a boycott is an appropriate protest measure. And 55% emphasize that a demonstration involving violence against property and public infrastructure is an appropriate means of protest, and only 29.9% consider a non-violent demonstration to be a good means of protest. 51.4% emphasize that a strike would be the best means of protest. More than a third of respondents (35.6%) say that fighting through diplomacy would be the best means of protest. (d) Risks of young people demanding rights in demonstrations The consequences of violent protests are numerous. They include destruction of public property and infrastructure, restriction of movement, loss of life, detention of protesters, kidnapping of protesters, loss of trust in public

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institutions, theft of property, emergence of new conflicts, attacks and targeted threats against demonstrators or against the political authorities, the summoning of authorities and dismissal, the intrusion of an external threat (rebels), the feeling of insecurity, the increase in public spending related to reparations, the disruption of axes to claim the rights of young people, the increase in rumors, etc. More than a third of respondents, 39.3% acknowledged that the destruction of property is more frequent in activities related to the claiming of rights by young people. Almost half of the respondents, or 42.8% say that the restriction of freedom of movement is observed. 51.5% say that loss of human life is moderately observed during these activities. 76.8% say that kidnapping of demonstrators is not observed at all as a consequence of protest activities. 38.5% point out that there is a feeling of insecurity and almost half, or 49% of respondents, say that disruption of activities is very much observed. (e) Hidden reasons for the youth protest When asked about possible hidden reasons for the youth demonstrations, the answer was: Apart from the obvious motives, certain hidden motives may justify the use of public demonstrations. Almost a quarter of the respondents, or 22.8%, say that the main reason for the demands is simply that the youth want to get job opportunities. Then 21.1% say that it is foreign policy manipulation. 18.3% of respondents say it is simply to destabilize the central power, and 10.8% of respondents say the demonstrators want to be imprisoned to benefit from the support of human rights organizations. (f) People present at demonstrations The study also examines the quality of people present during car demonstrations. These may be organized by political parties, but on the ground their activists are fewer or virtually absent. The result is that more than a third of respondents or 37.1% say that it is the street children who are most present at the demonstrations. 27.1% of the respondents say that they are normal members of the citizens. In addition, 13.5% emphasize that they are young people who are unemployed. 9.6% say that they are the activists. (g) Affiliation with civic movements Regarding the affiliation to civic movements, half of the respondents, 43.3%, say they belong to the LUCHA movement. Then, 36.7% say they belong to the FILIMBI movement. 6.7% belong to the MNC movement and 6.7% to the RAIYA NA SIMAMA movement, and only 3.3% belong to the VERANDAMUTSANGA movement. The goals of the civic movements can be summarized in the idea of building a new citizenship based on the ideals

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of democracy, responsibility, justice, transparency and solidarity, and fighting poverty to create a better living environment. (h) Effective strategies to anticipate the negative impacts of demands The interviewees commented on the strategies to avoid negative effects of the strategies to enforce the young people’s demands. They were offered the following strategies: . Involve civil society organizations, and create a platform for the exchange, analysis and follow-up of the recommendations formulated as a demand . Strengthen the police unit responsible for maintaining public order during demonstrations . Involving local authorities in raising awareness among young people about the nonviolent struggle . Involve human rights organizations in building the capacity of young people and youth movements for nonviolent struggle . Implementing a measure to ban public demonstrations by young people by provincial, city and municipal authorities . Establish a body to monitor the demands of young people and youth movements at the level of public institutions affected by the demands and monitor the implementation of the provincial ministries’ plans . Capacity building of the Police and the Army. 59.4% of respondents believe that the participation of human rights organizations in building the capacity of youth and youth movements for nonviolent struggle is a good strategy to avoid negative impacts related to demands. And the majority (83.9%) think that the implementation of a measure to ban public demonstrations of young people by the authorities at provincial, city and municipal levels would be a better strategy. However, 47.3% of respondents were in favor of the establishment of a unit to monitor the demands of young people and youth movements at the level of the public institutions affected by the demands.

3.2

Actions Taken by the JPSC to Support Young People in Claiming Rights Without Violence

Using this study, which helped to understand the root causes of youth claims, JPSC organizes activities to help young people reduce the culture of violence and promote non-violent claims for their rights.

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Reflection Workshop on Non-Violence

These workshops gathered about thirty young people to reflect on the issue of nonviolence in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. These young people from peace clubs, religious communities, and civil movements such as LUCHA, Filimbi, MNC and “Génération positive”. The first focused on the theoretical considerations of active non-violence. The emphasis was on models of non-violence, strategies of non-violence and possibilities for nonviolent action among young people in a context of recurrent violence. The second discussion topic on active non-violence in the Congolese context focused on an overview of violence in DRC, responses to violence, including young people’s awareness of respect for civil rights, citizen control and nonviolent demands, and violent responses to violence. Questions were raised about the alleged legitimacy of self-defense groups in the face of demands to combat insecurity. Several challenges to non-violence were raised in the case of the perpetuation of the culture of violence, the phenomenon of political manipulation, and the culture of submission to those in power. Participants exchanged views in the discussion groups on the following issues: . . . . .

Respect the rights of others, the first step towards non-violence Promoting civic and civil society values Breaking the culture of blind submission Teaching positive values from an early age Building a model of nonviolence.

3.2.2

Training Peace Club Peer Educators in Non-violence

Peace clubs consist of at least 30 young people who love peace and are passionate about the well-being of others. Each peace club is headed by two peer educators who take care of the internal management of the peace club. The peer educators have participated in a series of trainings on conflict mediation, violence prevention among young people, active non-violence and celebration of differences. The module on violence prevention focused on the manifestation of violence according to the triangle of violence developed by Johan Galtung who conceptualized the typology of violence: direct violence, structural violence and cultural violence. The young people also dealt with the consequences of violence among young people.

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Training of Youth Leaders on Advocacy

Youth leaders from peace clubs, citizen’ movements and those working on demobilization, disarmament and community reintegration programs, as well as school chaplains accompanying peace clubs were trained in advocacy strategies for the non-violent rights claiming. The goal of this workshop was to provide beneficiary teams with tools and techniques for claiming rights to support the peace actions of young people on the ground. A practical session was held, in which participants developed advocacy notes on issues as diverse as the fight against insecurity in the city of Goma and the fight against the production and distribution of strong alcoholic beverages, which is one of the causes of juvenile delinquency in the city of Goma.

4

Conclusion

The recourse to violence by young people appears, on the one hand, as a means of claiming rights by the mostly young population, and on the other hand, as a means of exercising the attributes of power by the leaders. This antagonism can be explained by a lack of leadership that has failed to create conditions for establishing a climate of trust between the people and those in power. The failure of the state to effectively carry out its duties, in this case the security of people and goods and access to basic social services, is one of the main causes of the growth of protest movements. The State must therefore implement public policies that take into account the aspirations of its citizens. In addition, civil society organizations must strengthen their peace education programs for both youth and law enforcement officials, in order to overcome this culture of violence that is gradually taking root in Congolese society.

5

Transfer

In the field of peace work with young people, it is important to have experience in coaching youth groups, knowledge of conflict management and resolution, and violence prevention. Other skills such as non-violent communication, active listening, and integration of a human rights-based approach are required. Relevance to the research is based on an approach that aims to reconcile the work of peacemaking, respect for human rights, and the nonviolent claiming of rights by young people. In terms of future developments, the following questions should be considered:

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(1) How can the peace club approach contribute to building peaceful relationships between young people based on mutual trust? (2) How can the peace education approach for young people contribute to transforming the culture of violence? (3) What cooperation mechanisms can be established between civil society and the authorities to limit the use of violence as a means of enforcing rights? (4) What training do Youth Peace Strategy facilitators need to integrate holistic approaches such as social therapy and personal engagement for peace?

References Civil Peace Service. (2019). Fostering peace literacy and civil society networks in the Great Lakes region. Burundi. https://www.giz.de/en/worldwide/123849.html. Galtung, J. (2012). Peace economics—from a killing to a living economy. Transcend University Press. Gatelier, K., Dijkema, C., & Mouafo, H. (2017). Transformation des conflits: Retrouver une capacité d’action face à la violence. Paris: Ed. Charles Léopold Mayer, 24. Lutte pour le changement (LUCHA). (n.d.). https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/organizat ion/lucha.

Jacques Nzanzu Birikunzira is a lawyer and the program officer at Justice, Peace and Integrity of Creation Department of the Baptist Church in Central Africa, CBCA, in GomaDRCongo, and he is member of the civil Peace service DRC. Contact: jacknzanzu2000@ gmail.com.

Reintegration of Vulnerable Girls Through the Nyota Center in Kadutu (Democratic Republic of Congo). A Holistic Experience of Resilience Bernard R. Ugeux Abstract

In eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, gender-based violence has been used as a weapon of war for several decades. The main victims are women and girls. The Catholic Church has mobilized to create reintegration and host places for vulnerable young girls. The Nyota Center in Bukavu (South Kivu) offers holistic care for the victims and survivors it receives. Supporting resilience involves an individualized, multidisciplinary approach as part of a warm educational community that provides a space offering personalized professional support, affection and safety. Keywords

DRC . Gender-based violence . Women’s vulnerability . Trauma . Resilience

1

Introduction to the Topic of Social Reintegration After Gender-Based Violence

The following is a presentation of the experience and methodology of the Nyota Center of the Catholic Diocese of Bukavu (DRC), in hosting people of various forms of abuse in a context of great violence, insecurity and political instability. This essay explains that resilience work involves holistic care for the young girl so that she can rebuild herself on a psycho-affective and psycho-social level. She is helped to first regain self-esteem and self-confidence. Then, she is enabled B. R. Ugeux (B) UCB ERSP, Cyangugu, Rwanda e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2023 K. E. Sauer et al. (eds.), Healing through Remembering, Edition Centaurus Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42447-3_17

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to achieve personal and economic autonomy. This includes access to education, diplomas and professional skills. This is what the Nyota Center offers each year to around 250 young girls who have been victims of various abuses.

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The Nyota Center and the Context of Its Methodological Approach

2.1

Presentation of the Nyota Center

2.1.1

Brief History of the Origins of the Nyota Center

The Nyota Center is a center for the recreation and supervision of abandoned and street girls who have not had the chance to attend formal school or who have dropped out of primary school very early. Founded in 1986 by the Italian sisters Dorothée de Cemmo, the center was abandoned by them due to the repeated wars of 1996 and 1998 in the DRC. It was systematically looted, forcing the nuns to leave the country. The Archdiocese of Bukavu entrusted the center to lay people who already had the charism of the Dorothean Sisters of Cemmo in collaboration with the parish of Saint Francis Xavier in Kadutu. The Center is recognized by the Congolese State as a social center.

2.1.2

The Mission and Objectives of the Center

The center is committed to participating in the establishment of a society where the rights of women and children are respected. It is a society that provides equitable access to education and resources, as well as the fight against poverty. It is dedicated to promoting peace and reconciliation in a region marked by violence. The Nyota Center strives to contribute to the retraining and integral education of the girl; Nyota strives to restore and socially (re)integrate abandoned and marginalized girls, as well as to provide psychosocial and spiritual support to these vulnerable, orphaned and disadvantaged girls who have suffered social and/ or sexual violence, through care and psychosocial and spiritual support. Its field of action is education, mental and community health. Among the participants are young single mothers, young girls living on the streets, unemployed girls and victims of multiple violence such as trafficking through prostitution or kidnapping by armed groups.

2.1.3

The Care of the People Received

The children and young girls are referred to the center by their families, the neighborhood, the parish, the juvenile police and by word of mouth from the vulnerable

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young girls themselves, including former students who have been reintegrated and who form an association. They are received Monday through Saturday from 7:30 a.m. to 1 p.m. and stay with their families or with host families selected with the help of the parishes. Every year, the center welcomes between 250 and 270 children and young people. The criterion for admission is great vulnerability and the inability to support themselves academically. The first three years are dedicated to obtaining a primary school diploma, and the next two to vocational training, for those who continue. They are also trained in socio-economic self-sufficiency in order to gain their autonomy after completing their education (which last three to five years). In this way, they will be able to face the multiple challenges they will have to face if they want to take care of themselves. Upon completion of the training, the young girl is given a socio-economic and professional reintegration package that allows them to effectively integrate into the life of the community, depending on the orientation of the girl in terms of skills: Small business, tailoring, culinary art. However, in serious cases, the former victims of violence may be referred to appropriate health facilities for medical or psychological care. The others can join remedial schooling or vocational training. In order to verify that the former victims of violence have integrated into the community after the completion of the training organized by Nyota Center, continuous monitoring is carried out by the center’s administration to follow the progress of activities and offer possible solutions in case of difficulties. Moreover, the changes that occur as a result of the accompaniment are also monitored. The Nyota Center, which provides a framework for the care and support of girls, does not consider religion, but rather aims to integrate the girls into the community. It promotes peace, tranquility, peaceful cohabitation between people, the restoration of trust, forgiveness, reconciliation and love through its peace education activity in the Peace Club, which it organizes within the institution for the benefit of the care leavers and supervised girls.

2.1.4

The Staff

The staff consists of fourteen people, mainly teachers and educators, including a religious sister with a degree in education who specializes in psychosocial care for vulnerable people. The staff receives ongoing training, especially in the areas of reception and reintegration of traumatized people. When necessary, professionals from outside the center are called in.

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The financing, the financial accompaniment and part of the continuous training and spiritual animation of the teaching staff are provided by a priest associated with the Germes d´Espérance (2010) network.

2.2

The Methodological Context of the Work at the Nyota Center

2.2.1

Definition of Trauma and Its Consequences

We retain here the definition of Laplanche and Pontalis (1967) for whom trauma is an event in the subject’s life which is defined by its intensity, the inability of the subject to respond adequately, the upheaval and the lasting pathogenic effects that it causes in the psychic organization. In economic terms, the trauma is characterized by an influx of excitement which is excessive, relative to the subject’s tolerance and his capacity to control and psychically develop these excitations. Traumatic events are generally classified according to several criteria: individual or collective, natural or of human origin. They can affect different registers of life: physical and sexual assault, confrontations with death, acts of war, accidents… We now defend the idea that traumas caused by a human agent have more serious consequences than those caused by unintentional phenomena (de Chamfort, 2009). As much as security, trauma attacks the ‘sense’ given to life events, which become absurd, unpresentable, and non-symbolizable. There is now confusion between the real and the symbolic. It also attacks the bonds that connect the individual to himself and to others, excluding, sending the subject back to the unknown, tearing him away from the human group. The importance of the loss of the feeling of security, of trust in the environment, of the protection of good objects, the feeling of abandonment were highlighted by Winnicott (2000). Among the consequences of a traumatic shock, we note the compulsion to repeat (the person relives the experience of the trauma in various ways) and that of avoidance (he or she avoids anything that might remind him or her of the traumatic experience). This leads to psychological and social consequences which explain the difficulty of the people accommodated in integrating harmoniously into their social or school environment. Not all traumatic experiences cause traumatic neurosis. Likewise, most victims of violence at the Nyota Center do not suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). However, eastern DRC has experienced repeated wars, and households have been exposed to constant violence since the 1990s. “Since then, insecurity and instability have generally marked the killings and rapes which have led to

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rural exodus of many families. Established in the city of Bukavu and its outskirts, the latter have not been able to meet the needs of their members and particularly the education and food of their children. The fact that they do not have jobs leads girls to exchange water for food, sometimes working as traders in the market and living in insecurity as street children. Statistics show that the number of children in particularly difficult situations continues to increase and are subjected to multiple violence, especially girls, in their movements as in the host families, which house them” (Centre Nyota, 2021a). In the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo, there are currently more than 120 armed groups, not to mention the crimes committed by some uncontrolled soldiers of the regular army. People are subjected to constant trauma, and there is no family that has not faced consequences of this situation. Rape is not only used as a “weapon of war”, but is also commonplace in civil society and is part of child slavery. It is therefore understandable that the vulnerable people housed at the center have largely been exposed to one form of trauma or another.

2.2.2

About Resilience

A short definition of resilience has been proposed by Manciaux et al. (2001): Resilience is the capacity of a person or a group to develop well, to continue to project itself into the future despite destabilizing events, difficult living conditions, sometimes severe trauma. This definition is broad enough to include the approach of the Nyota Center which creates a secure environment where persons can orient themselves and prepare for a social and professional future. The attendance of the students and the results obtained show that these young people invest in their future, thanks to the economic, psychological and even emotional support they receive over several years.

2.2.3

Post-Traumatic Growth

“How can we explain the fact that some people who have lived through traumatic situations have found in this experience a potential for growth? Some authors have coined the term posttraumatic growth (PTG), which has been defined as the subjective experience of positive psychological change that is achieved by an individual as a result of struggling with the trauma. Some examples of this growth: an increase in appreciation of life, adjustment of personal priorities, a sense of greater personal strength, identification of new possibilities, relationships with greater closeness and intimacy and positive change at the spiritual level” (Lopez, 2021). It has been noted that a large number of people who have passed through the center have been able to begin a process of socioeconomic autonomy that has

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enabled them to support their families. In addition, they are trained as agents of reconciliation in the “School of Peace” that the Center offers to those who wish to do so. “There are certain conditions for post-traumatic growth to take place. a. The person should have social resources and a support network. b. A time to distance himself/herself from the traumatic experience makes possible a vision of it, which helps to create one’s own story from what happened and, from there, the possibility of post-traumatic growth. c. The possibility of receiving support in a helping relationship where the person can tell and elaborate the story of what happened in a protected space. d. The person should have the ability to make sense of events, whether ideological or religious/spiritual. e. The person must have the capacity to adapt which allows him to position himself/herself. f. He/she should be able to identify and embrace her emotions to deal with them. Therefore, it is possible to say that the traumatic experience marks a before and an after in a person’s life, which can mean personal growth” (Germes d’Espérance, 2010). In this regard, a safe space, personalized care, and spiritual support are important factors in fostering the resilience and positive post-traumatic dynamics that the center seeks to provide.

3

The Steps of Supporting the People Received

3.1

First Step: Create a Space of Trust

The staff provides an individual listening space—When a person who has been exposed to violence arrives at the center, he or she is met by a counselor in a quiet place. This person conducts an initial interview to gather information about the person’s situation and problem. An initial file is created. They create a framework of friendship with the victim—After the preliminary listening, the staff familiarizes itself with the violence survivors or creates a framework of friendship in order to acquire other additional information by increasing the number of discussion sessions, management of the consequences of a possible trauma and particular support according to the relevance of her case.

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Attempts are made to gain the former violence victims’ trust by raising awareness of their problem—To gain the persons’ trust, they have to be encouraged to openly address their problems, while working on their follow-up sheet, giving advice based on their past history and finally providing appropriate orientation. We call this the student progress sheet, from arrival to departure. We first note all the data concerning her identity and her personal history and, from year to year, the training team together notes the psychological, physical and school evolutions to see which are the points of improvement and those which require special follow-up (malnutrition, trauma, school difficulties, foster family who sometimes mistreat her like a maid, etc.). When necessary, we visit the host families. The orientation may proceed in the vocational classes or in the school-based support center. The follow-up sheet represents a “progress report” that accompanies the person throughout their stay at the center.

3.2

Second Step: Accompanying the Clients in Their Developmental Steps

If necessary and as far as possible (depending on the number of students), a home visit is arranged with the girl to better understand her living situation and to identify other important issues. The aim of this visit is to become more familiar with the girl. Finally, after each trimester, an evaluation of the support is organized with the entire staff to identify the progress and positive development that the support has brought about in the girl in order to reflect on an adjustment of the support that will lead her to resilience (see Centre Nyota, 2021a).

4

The Experience of the Nyota Center as a Safe Social Environment for Personality Development and Resilience Factors for Coping with Life

4.1

The Importance of a Safe Environment and the Most Individualized Support Possible Over Time

The community dimension—The environment of the center provides a sense of security due to the quality of the reception and the teamwork of the management staff. Despite the large number of people admitted (250–270 depending on the year), the center takes care to provide the most individualized attention possible, especially for the most vulnerable children and adolescents. The training

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of the teachers (see Centre Nyota, 2021a) in the field of trauma care and their experience (some of them used to work at the center) enable them to identify and care for the most vulnerable. They work as a team and pool their knowledge. The center does not limit itself to education, but also provides training for young people (especially in the area of life support) and prepares them to take on responsibilities. Personalized follow-up over time—The use of personalized sheets that track the child’s personal development during his or her two to five years of attendance is an important benefit, as they are updated with the participation of all the people who have been in contact with the child during that year. This “progress report” makes it possible to take into account several factors (health, psychological state, ability to relate, education, personal fulfilment, etc.) in order to guide the child towards the most appropriate path for him or her. It also makes it possible to consider psychological and professional support and, if necessary, redirection to other external areas. This is one of the distinctive features of the center compared to other existing facilities: Accompaniment and support for 3–5 years and a “progress report” updated by the educational team that accompanies the child or infant throughout his or her career. Health—In the most severe cases, health monitoring is carried out. The center has only a small pharmacy, but if necessary, the child is accompanied to a health center for treatment. Those suffering from malnutrition are given daily protein porridge. An external health officer is brought in to identify the children most at risk for health problems. The host family—The link with the biological family or the host family, if necessary, sheds important light on the follow-up of the child. In fact, it happens that some of them are abused as housemaids, sometimes to the point of being prevented from coming to the center some days. The host family is chosen by the Parish in collaboration with the staff, but sometimes the family abuses the situation and uses the girl as a servant. Some are in contact with the biological family others are not. There are a lot of different and very complicated situations. We are in a context of survival most of the time, even the host or biological families—they are not trained but they are visited by the staff to evaluate the situation and the evolution of the family and the girl. The biological family is a very large concept in Africa, some members of the family agree to welcome the girl, some do not, and we have to find another family. The families do not receive any support, as we do not have any funds beyond the support of our 250 girls. Most of the girls go back to their biological family (in the large sense) after the completion of the care and become their economic support.

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Resilience Factors, a Holistic Approach

In addition to the family environment and personal care, there are other factors that promote resilience. Brigitte Dorst lists seven steps of resilience: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Respect exhaustion, failures, and depressive perceptions Overcome resistance to change (I can’t change anything after all!) Activate the willingness to change (something has to change!) Allow fantasies, wishes and visions of a better life Develop plans for change, set goals Release changes (I am doing it!) Stress reduction, satisfaction with oneself, resilience activities adopted in everyday life (I am allowed to feel well again!) (Dorst, 2018, p. 22).

Social identity—In the African context, the perception of social identity by oneself and by others is crucial. It is important to consider that in sub-Saharan Africa responses to trauma and the resulting psychological and social consequences are often managed differently than in Western countries. In these countries, when trauma is verified, personalized follow-up with a health care professional is almost automatically provided, with an emphasis on psychological management of affect and sometimes psychiatric follow-up in a face-to-face situation. In African countries, particularly in the Democratic Republic of Congo, this service is rarely accessible. For this reason, we speak less of psychological support and more of psychosocial support. In many African cultures, strong emotions are externalized and shared communally. This allows for some release of affect and a quicker return to normal life, for example, after a bereavement. Given the harsh conditions of life, people who are victims of trauma usually do not dwell on their emotions or spread out about their inner states; very often the emotions are repressed and become anchored in the body (B. Ugeux, 2020). Theoretically, the primary concern is to find a social identity. Characterized by feelings of shame and guilt, loss of dignity and fear of stigmatization by the environment (see case presentation in the appendix), the people at risk are primarily concerned with finding a place in society and being enabled to lead as normal a relationship life as possible again. This is because it is not about the individual, but about the person in the relationship, in the family and/or in the social environment. It is about the “togetherness”—exclusion is more serious than death. It is therefore understandable that resilience work must focus not only on the restoration of self-esteem, but also on the social and economic reintegration of the victim. Only when it feels accepted again by society (which is not always

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possible by the family itself) and achieves a certain autonomy, it quickly develops a dynamic of resilience. Self-esteem—At the Nyota Center, there are few children at risk of developing post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), but all have been affected by some form of trauma and need to develop resilience in order to gradually return to a normal life, self-esteem, positive relationships (with self and others), meaningful landmarks that give meaning to their lives, and a view of the future. This is an experience that may seem trivial, but has real symbolic meaning for at-risk young people. If a girl has lived on the streets, with everything that entails, or prostituted herself as a teenager, or comes from an unhappy family, or moved from the bush to the city because of violence, etc., she is usually rejected by society and suffers from a completely negative self-esteem. The day she is registered at the Nyota Center, receives a uniform, crosses her neighborhood every morning like any other student going to school to learn to read, write, do math and sew or cook, a future becomes possible again. This change in posture is often the beginning of resilience, and the girl can gradually lift her head, regain her pride. Her attendance at school shows that she is aware of what is at stake. The length of the training period (3–5 years) and the strengthening of one’s own abilities are also factors of resilience. So is the training for professional autonomy, which leads to self-care at the end of the training. Rebuilding a network of relationships in complete safety, feeling loved and appreciated by adults who know her whole story, participating in a training project—all these are factors of resilience. She has a future, she can plan a project, and she has no financial worries because she is fully supported in school. The relationship with the body—The student has often suffered from psychosomatic disorders. In addition to personal care, she recovers her aching body by learning a manual occupation that works like occupational therapy. Entertainment provides the opportunity to practice dances and games. For some, a daily nutritional supplement enables physical reconstruction. A civic identity—In the year 2021, it was found that 147 out of 270 young people did not have an identity card. Thanks to the laborious procedures carried out with the administration and the judiciary, these young people will soon have an official identity that will give them more autonomy and the possibility to carry out professional projects that will be recognized by the state when they leave the institution. Some of them are already organized as a recognized alumni association. The alumni association is a long-term organization of alumni who have spent a certain part of their lives in a school or other institution and have reached decisive stages of their own further education and development there.

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Spiritual life—There is spiritual animation that respects differences in membership. Catholics who wish to do so prepare for baptism, the confirmation and the reception of the Eucharist. The great celebration of the sacraments is then a form of reintegration into the faithful community. In addition, the nun who accompanies the center offers personalized spiritual support to those in need.

5

Transfer

5.1

The Challenges to Be Met

Despite the efforts of the Nyota Center and other institutions in the fight against what girls face on the streets and in abandonment [many of them are still in a very vulnerable situation], many of them are still seen in the large local markets and represent a danger to the community, mainly because of the spread of diseases, but also because of the aggression that accumulates in them. On the challenges and future perspectives, we identify the following needs: . Raising community awareness of the dangers girls face on the streets . Provision of shelters for girls in difficult situations . From an economic point of view, long-term financing of operating costs should be maintained, with the level of salaries (known as bonuses) corresponding to the work performed and the economic needs of families (especially in times of pandemic) . Ensuring adequate care for the urgent needs of the girls . Supporting host families through income-generating activities.

5.2

Transfer Reflections

a. In this area, in addition to professional training in education and primary education, training in trauma management, resilience and post-traumatic growth is required. This implies the competence to welcome and listen to victims of gender-based violence. b. Research relevance is based on a holistic approach to trauma and resilience. Moreover, it is not a matter of limiting oneself to therapeutic care, but the work must lead to the final reintegration of the victim into an independent living environment.

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c. Exploratory questions: . What are the different dimensions of the holistic approach advocated by the Nyota Center? . What is the therapeutic effect of learning manual work? (Occupational therapy)? . Why is it important that victims who have gained resilience acquire the tools to become activists for peace and reconciliation in their community? . What interdisciplinary training do you need to work with a holistic resilience methodology?

6

Conclusion

Since promoting resilience requires an individualized, multidisciplinary approach, the Nyota Center offers academic training, professional learning, life education and engagement in the service of peace. As part of a warm educational community, there is a space where each child or adolescent finds personal and professional support, as well as affection and security, which allows for psychosocial reconstruction. Each student leaves the school with a certificate of completion (primary school diploma and, for some, a national sewing diploma), vocational skills and material means to reintegrate into socio-economic life, which are crucial for their future. The individualized support allows a holistic dynamic of resilience, leading to personalized care and autonomy.

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Annex

Case of a young girl who passed through the Nyota Center (Testimony). “I am Aline, I am 19 years old. I lost confidence at the age of 14 when I saw my father being cowardly shot by the gunmen and my mother being sick. I stayed with my little brothers since I was the oldest in my family, I didn’t know who to count on because no one wanted to listen to me. Every day when I thought about the pain, I had seizures to the point that I thought I had epilepsy. We all dropped out of school and no one took care of us. In my despair, a woman in the neighborhood took an interest in me and offered to teach me some trade. On my own I couldn’t, because I was always at home with my little brothers. It was then that she referred me to the Nyota Center for psychological care and vocational training. On the road I did not want to talk to

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anyone or see the armed men, and that hurt me too much. When I arrived at the center, I was taken care of by a team who listened to me and understood that I had internal injuries that require special support from them. I was accompanied for three months before entering professional training as desired. I was visited; I had the training sanctioned by a certificate and a kit for my work. During my accompaniment, I learned to live with others, to leave my loneliness and to share. It allowed me to understand and accept my life situation. Thanks to the advice and discussion with the accompanists of the Nyota Center, my life has improved; I can make money for my family, the stress has decreased and this May 29, 2021, I realized my dream of having a husband, and we have just entered into religious marriage and my brothers that I had just left are working with me in my daily activities. I would like to thank directly and indirectly all those who have helped me become what I am today”.

References Centre Nyota. (2021a). Les stratégies d’accompagnement des filles victimes de violences appliquées au Centre Nyota. Testimony of the Nyota training team, Bukavu. Unpublished manuscript. Centre Nyota. (2021b). Porter de l’assistance aux filles victimes de violence en situation difficile: un défi à relever. Centre Nyota, Bukavu. Unpublished manuscript. de Chamfort, W. (2009). Le traumatisme psychique. http://questionspsy.leforum.eu/t3098Le-traumatisme-psychique.htm. Dorst, B. (2018). Resilienz – Seelische Widerstandkräfte stärken (p. 22). Patmos. Germes d’Espérance. (2010). The self-help network to support the most vulnerable in the DRC. https://germesdesperance.blogspot.com/p/accueil.html. Laplanche, J., & Pontalis, J.-B. (1967). Vocabulaire de la psychanalyse. PUF. Lopez, L. (2021). Rupture et résilience, l’expérience du traumatisme et les possibilités de reconstruction. In B. Ugeux (Ed.), Formation à l’accueil, l’accompagnement et la réintégration des personnes survivantes de violences sexuelles en zone de conflit. Manuel de formation (p. 77). Bukavu & Rome. Unpublished manuscript. Manciaux, M., Vanistendael, S., Lecomte, J., & Cyrulnik, B. (2001). La résilience: état des lieux. In M. Manciaux (Ed.), La resilience. Résister et se construire (p. 17). Cahiers médicosociaux. Ugeux, B. (2020). La réintégration des victimes des violences sexuelles dans les Grands Lacs. La compassion et la justice au service de la résilience et de la guérison des mémoires. Eglise et Violence. Actes du colloque: Violence dans l’Eglise, violence de l’Eglise, violence sous les yeux de l’Eglise: quelle perspective en particulier pour l’Afrique francophone? Strasbourg, 4–5 avril 2019. Ugeux, B. (2021a). Retrouver une place dans la communauté après un abus: témoignages d’Afrique. In S. Joullain, K. Demasure, & J.-C. Nadeau (Eds.), L’Eglise déchirée. Comprendre et traverser la crise des agressions sexuelles sur mineurs (pp. 98–114). Bayard.

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Ugeaux, B. (2021b). Rupture et résilience, L’expérience du traumatisme et les possibilités de reconstruction. In B. Ugeux (Ed.), Formation à l’accueil, l’accompagnement et la réintégration des personnes survivantes de violences sexuelles en zone de conflit (pp. 72 ff.). Goma. Unpublished manuscript. Winnicott, D. W. (2000). Le concept de traumatisme au développement de l’individu au sein de la famille. In D. W. Winnicott & M. Gribinski (Eds.), La crainte de l’effondrement et autres situations cliniques (pp. 292–312). Gallimard.

Bernard R. Ugeux, Prof., Fr. Afr., Société des Missionnaires d’Afrique, priest, visiting professor at the Faculty of Medicine of the Catholic University of Bukavu (UCB, ERSP). Doctor in Theology and Anthropology. Professor of Medical Anthropology and trainer of religious and medical personnel involved in the care of victims of gender-based violence. Founder and director of the self-help network Germes d’Espérance to support the most vulnerable in the DRC since 2010 (https://germesdesperance.blogspot.com/p/accueil.html; see also Centre Nyota 2021a, b; Ugeux 2021a, b). Contact: [email protected].

Peace Education by the La Sapientia Catholic University of Goma Bernardin Ulimwengu Biregeya

Abstract

This chapter presents the peace education work done by the teaching team lead by Professor Father Innocent Nyirindekwe at the La Sapientia Catholic University of Goma in two courses (Citizenship Education and Conflict Management, Peace and Development). The pedagogical approach chosen (combining the classical approach with the experiential one) is inspired by the historical context of the multidimensional conflicts experienced since three decades. Thanks to the experiences shared by transnational and civil society actors, students are encouraged to open themselves to critical thinking and the fight against identity manipulation. However, there are still practical obstacles related to the insufficient number of these courses hours and the lack of a transversal approach to peace. Therefore, strategies must be developed to integrate the peace dimension not only in all courses, but also at the level of the different faculties and socialization structures that must opt for non-violent communication for peace. Keywords

Peace . Education . UCS/Goma . DRC . North-Kivu

B. U. Biregeya (B) Université Catholique la Sapientia de Goma (UCS/Goma), Goma, Democratic Republic of the Congo e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2023 K. E. Sauer et al. (eds.), Healing through Remembering, Edition Centaurus Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42447-3_18

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Introduction

This essay describes the way peace education classes are organized at the La Sapientia Catholic University of Goma (UCS/Goma), in the context of a plural society where diversity hardly rhymes with unity and mutual acceptance. The classical approach is mixed with an experiential approach that opens to the intervention of various political figures and civil society, ordinary people and organizations committed to a society that promotes the peaceful coexistence of those who, at some point in their history, have been directly or indirectly violated themselves or by their own people. The main concern of the chosen approach is not only to make the course interactive, but also to positively influence the learners in order to reduce the possibilities of mutual exclusion as much as possible. To this end, we prefer the experiential approach supported by theoretical foundations. What can we do to ensure that our learners embrace the culture of peace? This is the basic motive of our approach. To this end, teaching consists of providing learners with a “set of values, attitudes, behaviors and lifestyles which reject violence and prevent conflicts by attacking their roots through dialogue and negotiation between individuals, groups and the states” (Assemblée générale des Nations-Unies, 1998). But how is this to be achieved in a region where conflicts between different population groups are mostly limited to the ethnic aspect? The task seems difficult to us, but possible.

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Context

While the province of North Kivu in the DR Congo was once considered a “green zone” and the “bread-basket of Zaïre “, ethnically colored conflicts and violence have led it to become a “red zone”, or rather a geographical area that even the wild animals avoid and seek shelter elsewhere. This situation does not stop at any social structure (families, schools and universities, churches, associations, etc.). Thus, even student complaints take on an ethnic coloration, so that high places of knowledge sometimes turn into places of selfishness and the culture of negation of the other based on prejudices and stereotypes maintained by manipulators on all sides. People increasingly recognize that violent conflicts are “one of the major obstacles to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals” (World Bank Group, 2018: V). Indeed, the verbal, nonverbal, structural and systemic violence that characterizes society cannot in any way favor development initiatives, since, as

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daily reality proves, living conditions are getting worse as the efforts made are reduced by the counter-efforts maintained by the promoters and actors of the denial of peaceful coexistence. Non-governmental organizations are involved in the management of conflicts (micro, meso, macro and mega) without the fruits being truly tangible, since the projects carried out extend over a long period of time. However, success requires that the different socialization structures (family, school, religion, associations, professional world) each make their contribution to building peace through their way of communication and daily life through their ability to promote the culture of peace. Thus, despite the field research already carried out, one does not have the impression that the young people, and not even the adults who are their trainers, are capable of upholding the values highlighted by Michel Pétris (2006): Respect for life and rejection of violence, respect for the principles of sovereignty, respect for and promotion of fundamental freedoms, peaceful conflict resolution, promotion of the right to development, gender equality, freedom of expression and opinion, adherence to the principles of freedom, justice, democracy, tolerance, solidarity, cooperation, pluralism, cultural diversity, dialogue and understanding. Contrary to all expectations, there is a politicization of administration and access to power even in academia. This sad reality undermines the work of peace education and creation even in the workplace because of the lack of examples. Especially in public institutions, it is not uncommon to see clashes between students against a backdrop of ethnic-tribal political manipulation. In Goma, the five institutions are housed in a building known as the “Campus du Lac”. Students and staff of the University of Goma, the Higher Institute of Applied Techniques, the Higher Institute of Tourism, the Higher Institute of Medical Techniques, and the Higher Institute of Science and New Technologies are, unfortunately, frequent victims of the tribalization and politicization of academia. These include: . the influence of the segregation conflicts that the Belgian settlers had among themselves . the questioning of the nationality of certain inhabitants who nevertheless believe they have a right to it . the looting of 1991 as a result of interethnic conflicts . interethnic conflicts resulting from the formation of an exclusionary tribal community, especially since 1993 between Hutu-Tutsi-Hunde-Nande-NyangaTembo . land and power conflicts

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. the massive influx of Rwandan refugees in 1994 following the genocide in Rwanda . the “Mbata” and “Kimya” military operations between 1995 and 1996 . repeated wars, anchored in eastern DRC . war of “liberation” by the AFDL (1996) . war of rectification by the RCD (1998) leading to a kind of balkanization between 2000 and 2003; and the M23 war (in 2012 and from 2021) . the proliferation of armed groups (a total of 130 in Kivu in 2019 and 122 in eastern DRC in 2020 and 266 in 2023), with their attendant misfortunes (kidnapping and ransom demand, indescribable killings) . massive displacement of populations (5.5 million people) . rural exodus aggravating crime and urban insecurity . the state of emergency following the coronavirus pandemic, and the state of siege decreed in the provinces of North-Kivu and Ituri from may 2021 . the challenge of the dubious “congolité”, “Congolese citizenship”, of some Congolese who, although born and raised on Congolese soil, still suffer from doubts about their nationality, as if there were Congolese whose lineage has no connection with any people living outside the borders inherited from the Berlin Conference. In this climate, the urgency of peace education is felt, but it must concern not only the young students but also their instructors, without forgetting the need for its extension to families and kindergarten, primary and secondary education. In addition, the violent conflicts have been going on for about 30 years, which means that the generation born in the 1990s is immersed in this climate and is in danger of making it their way of life unless significant efforts are made at various levels, particularly at the political and educational levels.

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What is the UCS/Goma?

La Sapientia Catholic University of Goma is an institution initiated by the Goma Diocese in North Kivu province, in the DR Congo. It was initially founded in 2005 as a college of religious studies for the training of pastoral ministers and teachers of religion, and in 2011 it was transformed into the La Sapientia Institute of Applied Sciences, before becoming a university in 2016, as proper care for young people is one of the strategies in the fighting against the ambivalences that gnaw at society. Its vision is: quality education based on human and Christian values. The goal of Sapientia is to train experts in conflict transformation; its

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mission is to provide educational opportunities to young people and enable them to acquire knowledge through values, behaviors and attitudes that will enable them to earn a decent living, build a better future and participate in social change for common happiness. The motto is love—diligence—efficiency; its principle: rational progress. From 117 students in 2011, La Sapientia Catholic University is already serving 1533 young people in 2021, divided into eight faculties, and has been awarding degrees since 2014.

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Peace Education Process for Reconciliation and Healing

Hoping to achieve educational goals with transformative aspirations, we try to outline below how we proceed to ensure lessons related to peace education led by Professor Father Innocent Nyirindekwe in two universities, one denominational (La Sapientia Catholic University of Goma) and a public one (University of Goma). For the first, there are two options: one is through the Civic Education course and the other is through the Conflict Management, Peace and Development course. For the second institution, these courses are limited to the Civic Education course, because it is not the home institution of the teaching team which, until then, has only had one course in this university. It should be noted that in the field of peace education, there are a number of publications on the subject of security and peace in the Great Lakes region in general and in the Democratic Republic of Congo in particular, with a special focus on this area. These are publications by scholars, peace researchers, journalists, and civil society actors, including local, national, and international nongovernmental organizations. Our didactic approach is guided by eight key steps for translating knowledge into action. These steps are divided into two phases, a conceptual phase and an operational phase. For the teachers, this is followed by an evaluation phase. This can be read in the following.

4.1

Conceptual Phase

Step 1: identification of a problem that requires a solution This step is justified by the fact that the material and the way to teach cannot be the same every-where and at all times. Knowing that there are problems with

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issues that are almost always the same but that vary depending on the context, the course instructors (the professor and his assistants) must first carry out a kind of contextual analysis for the period of the course, in terms of local, national, regional and international news that have a significant impact on the place. In this way, it is possible to determine the level at which action must be taken in the short, medium and long term in order to bring about change. Priority is determined based on the possibility of influencing possible solutions to other societal problems by solving this priority problem. Specifically, this phase also identifies the actors on the ground who are working toward solving the aforementioned problem. This leads us to contacts with them (visiting their field of action) in order to tap into the knowledge. Students gain from their practice and invite them for an interview after the theoretical phase of the class. At the same time, the documentation work is carried out in this phase. In this way, we can discover current publications and practices on the challenges and opportunities of conflict resolution and peace-building at the local, national and regional levels, depending on the evolution of the situation. Indeed, it would be illusory to believe that the same approach and content can bring about a change in behavior when the contexts are not the same. In particular, the most common issues are land disputes (between large landowners and small citizens), power conflicts (between majority ethnic groups and minorities, between natives and non-natives, and between reigning families in chiefdoms), and finally identity conflicts (between natives and non-natives, against the backdrop of the right to citizenship and related civil rights, or not). In democracy (in reality, the power of the majority over the minority), which is thus forced to satisfy the minority only with crumbs of its satiety. Knowing that they are also exposed to the danger of symbolic and real domination, the minorities recoil as soon as an opportunity presents itself to secure a small advantage in the exercise of power. Power (political, administrative, educational and academic, religious and associational) is often privatized depending on who holds the joystick. This power is surrounded by members of their nationality or “home mountain” to ensure that no one can oppose it. The reality of this evil is endemic but dynamic, depending on the alliances and counter-alliances. Citizens are thus victims of something that does not depend on them at all, which is why it is appropriate to know what is already being done. Step 2: identify, review and select knowledge in response to the problem In the second step, knowledge focused on possible solutions to relationship problems in North-Kivu in particular and in the Democratic Republic of Congo in

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general is identified by reviewing existing documentation. The knowledge to be preserved is that which the course instructors believe is capable of opening students to knowledge and understanding of the world of their time, while enabling them to envision solutions for the future to promote better coexistence. It is worth recalling that the conflicts most frequently mentioned are, in particular, as Emilie Pèlerin (2010, pp. 40–41) points out, conflicts over: . . . . . .

the scarcity of arable land improper land management incompetent judiciary flight, displacement and other migration problems abuse of power chronic poverty.

With few exceptions, these aspects are overlapping. However, it happens that at any given time one issue takes precedence over another, depending on the positive or negative development of the situation on the ground. For example, every time before the elections, the identity conflict is the sensitive issue; as candidates rely on inter-tribal and inter-regional sensitivity, this is the most common divisive feature, to gain popularity. This is also the time when young people can easily be persuaded to campaign for the candidates who promise them the most and offer the most money. In addition, in an African context with façade democracies, young people are manipulated by national and foreign political actors through “social movements” and “citizen movements” despite their good intentions to change the situation. Over time, therefore, we find that the energies provided by young people contribute to a struggle that is not theirs. In short, many movements become sounding boards for the will of the great powers according to their own geopolitical and hegemonic interests. An example of this is the Arab Spring, which so far does not seem to have produced the results hoped for, even though the people deposed those in power at the time. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, civic movements such as “Lucha”, “Filimbi”, “Conseil Laïc de Coordination”, “Raïa nasimama” and “Génération consciente” fought to stop the former president of the republic from running for the highest office, but their hopes seem unfulfilled so far. The “degagism” once advocated (Kä Mana, 2020, p. 9), consisted only of getting rid of a handsome student who was no longer compliant. This prompted some to say that although the people demanded that we change our heads, we only wanted to change our hairstyles. Many of them noted that they had fought the battle against the Western

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powers, who were fed up with their outsourced agent and just decided to replace him with a fresher one. The work that is often done to get young people to act without critical thinking is what Noam Chomsky and Edward Herman (2008) call the “fabrication of consent”, even about what you don’t believe in. They state: “Those who run the media shout loudly that their editorial choices are based on impartial, professional and objective criteria—which intellectuals endorse. But if it turns out that the powerful are in a position to impose their speeches, to decide what the good people have the right to see, to hear or to think, and to ‘manage’ the opinion through propaganda campaigns, the commonly accepted idea of how the system works has little to do with reality” (ibid., p. 11). This kind of manipulation comes in all variations, as International Alert (2007) notes, being a kind of collective paranoia, an attempt to restore a little-known truth, or better, a barbarization of the other, or an attempt to explain the problems of recurring conflicts in the Great Lakes region. In this sense, International Alert (2007, p. 7) added: “When such a phenomenon occurs, people are excluded or killed, not for the good or the wrong they have done, not for their beliefs, not even for their possessions, but for their identity, for who they are, for the way they identify themselves and are identified by others”. In the second phase of the course, through exchanges with the students, an attempt is made to prove the truth of these statements through examples from daily life, up to the formulation of testimonials from some students that confirm the statements of the different authors. Among the authors and organizations whose audiovisual and printed publications feed the material we have provided, the most prominent in this field are: International Alert/United Kingdom, International Crisis Group/Bruxelles, Interpeace/Geneva, Pole Institute/Goma, UNESCO/Paris and other local, national and international authors whose writings awaken understanding of what is happening in the Great Lakes region and what should be done for peaceful coexistence. Step 3: adapting the knowledge to the particular context One of the lessons we teach in the peace education part of the course focuses on antimanipulation techniques. However, before we get to that point, we discuss in turn: . . . .

what conflict is, based on experience the sources of conflict the types of conflicts the attitude towards conflicts

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. the consequences of conflict . the effect of conflict transformation and peacebuilding, The typology we prefer is that of Johan Galtung (2004). He distinguishes between microconflicts (which can be intrapersonal and interpersonal), mesoconflicts (which are intra-societal), macroconflicts (between states), and megaconflicts (between regions or between civilizations). Throughout this exchange, we leave aside what a number of NGOs call “conflict prevention” because, as Galtung (2004, p. 2) rightly argues, “life, purpose, and contradictions are inseparable”. Conflict prevention, the prevention of conflict, is meaningless. But “violence prevention”, the prevention of violence, is extremely meaningful and useful. Since life goes hand in hand with purpose and contradictions, it makes no sense to speak of “conflict prevention” but of “violence prevention”. Incidentally, our thought leader on conflict transformation is John Paul Lederach (2014). For each topic discussed, illustrative examples are identified on the basis of the experience of each of the students. To facilitate understanding, the course uses images (photos and videos) depicting situations that illustrate the realities discussed. We also use role plays that make us adapt what we see to the context of the region, to make sure that the students understand as well as possible the need to promote peaceful coexistence. In all of these cases, we take a historical approach, looking at how problematic situations arose and evolved over time to where they are today. This approach also addresses the historical background (over past centuries) of conflicts. At the same time, we take a forward-looking assessment of what will happen if the situation remains as it is now. The most recent and current case is the threat of division in North-Kivu province due to political antagonism between Hutu and Nande. To get the students thinking, we used the allegory of the ancient Myth of the Savage Horde and the murder of the father reported by Sigmund Freud (1912, pp. 108–111). Indeed, Sigmund Freud reports that in ancient times people lived in hordes. The dominant male had the sole right of disposal over the females. This tyrant drove the sexually mature young males out of the clan. This group of young brothers banded together. They hated the father, who fiercely opposed their desire for power and their sexual demands. Therefore, they attacked the paternal horde in order to take possession of the females in their turn. They killed and ate the father. However, their feelings toward the father were ambivalent. They hated him, but they loved and admired him just as much. After repressing the father and becoming aware of their identification with him, they indulged in emotional manifestations of exaggerated tenderness. They felt guilty and eventually disowned their actions. They

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chose a totem (usually an animal representing the father) and imposed a prohibition on killing the chosen totem. These sons, bound together by the murder of the father, became rivals for possession of the women. Serious disagreements arose that undermined their organization to the point of threatening its dissolution. Sigmund Freud now suspects that in order to continue to live together and be strong, they decided to enact the law of exogamy. Through the experiences of these young people, we show that the division of the province of North Kivu means that a group of people speaking on behalf of one ethnic group decides to geographically separate their community from another (or several others); to no longer share the same living space with those who do not let them into “their world”. For this reason, as in the myth, the members of an ethnic group decide to kill “the father”, that is to be together, even if it means to die, since the other ethnic group is also accused of representing the same sectarian logic. As with the myth, a part of the people feels oppressed and wants to be free from another that does not want to open the doors to its geographical territory, while the Fundamental Law recognizes the freedom of movement that the State must guarantee and, of course, regulate: “Everyone who is on the territory of the State has the right to move freely there, to establish his residence there, to leave it and to return there, under the conditions established by the Fundamental Law” (DRC Constitution 2006, art. 30). To find a solution to this conflict, we propose what Célestin Tagou (2018, p. 26) calls, in the Cameroonian context, “rotary democracy”, for power sharing, which is well understood as a palliative solution aimed at cultivating trust between peoples and preventing a group from holding on to power in the name of the majority that it constitutes. This strategy would make it possible to fight against a kind of what Frank Van Acker (1999, p. 1) calls “pembenisation” (a term derived from Swahili “pembeni” that is to say: peripheral; this neologism means the tactical and underhand exclusion). This enables one to enjoy power and property to the detriment of others. However, this rotating governance also poses a problem, as it would take 45 years for the last of the 10 ethnic groups to ascend to the throne, with the risk that views would have changed. Although being represented does not necessarily mean being present in terms of aspirations and effective expression of the joys and sorrows of the people! Step 4: identify barriers to knowledge translation in action The major obstacle to peace education that we provide is in particular: the few hours of lessons (just in the first year for all the faculties) and then only in the bachelor’s degree within one faculty to the detriment of the others cannot allow this exercise to be effective. Moreover, conferences or workshops focused on

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peace have a targeted audience limited to a few personalities and are even rare. This does not allow for a significant impact on society. Another major obstacle is, although obviously to a lesser extent, the fact that the surrounding environment sometimes witnesses possible counter-testimony from some teachers and peace-building trainers, and when young people are exposed to discriminatory messages on a daily basis, this certainly makes the task difficult but not impossible. In view of this, the wish would be that a permanent in-depth and intensive training be initiated on how peace education can, in a transversal way, be integrated into different courses and lessons. This implies the need for a certain readjustment of the material and of the program so that each lesson has to involve a kind of “peace sensitivity”. It is indeed clear that, for example, the lesson in mineral chemistry can lead to conflict with those who are supposed to benefit from mining, for which we are held responsible. For example, teaching geography or history, sociology or anthropology, economics or communication, psychology or engineering, pedology or topography, law or agronomy can lead to conflict with unimaginable negative consequences if one aspect is distorted. All it takes is for a speaker to fall into the trap of forcible or abbreviated communication to distort the messages and create tensions among the learners themselves and, by extension, with the neighbors with whom they share the resources in question. Educational communication needs initiation and capacity building in nonviolent communication to achieve this. In the long run, this training and capacity building needs to be extended to journalists, actors, musicians, dramatists, and preachers of various religious denominations to form communication relays for peace. The reason is that peace cannot be created by any one sector alone. It must be promoted by all. What we do to ensure this education is practically presented in the following operational phase.

4.2

Operational Phase

Step 5: developing strategies for knowledge transfer In the case of books or research reports published by various organizations working in the field, the work of reading is to find the elements best suited to positively influence the reader’s attitude. The reading is carried out in the courses in two formats: individual reading and group discussions. As for the educational documentaries, they are screened before forming small discussion groups that indicate what the documentary suggests and what should be done to imitate the observed

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constructive aspects and avoid the destructive ones in society in order to improve pacific co-existence. The bibliographic sources found are used as a marker, so to speak, to make them accessible to the learners, while the speakers identified in the two crossborder cities (Goma in the DRC and Gisenyi in Rwanda) are invited to interact with the learners for at least two and a half hours before responding to the learners’ concerns in a kind of open debate, allowing each to speak in turn. These groups of people include, in particular, small cross-border traders, cultural groups, cross-border pupils and students, ethnically or religiously mixed couples… The selection of delegates to speak to students will take into account representativeness in terms of ethnic groups, religion and nationalities (Congolese and Rwandan), each of which is different. Almost always, these meetings are instructive for the students, especially thanks to the presence of actors from the field who explain the theoretical aspects based on their own practice. However, this work requires some time to review what has worked well and what has worked less well, and to point out where improvements are needed.

4.3

The Evaluation Phase

Step 6: monitoring the dissemination of knowledge within the target group In principle, this work requires the teacher to observe learners who have benefited from his or her teaching to determine the extent to which they are passing on what they have learned. This requires almost personalized monitoring. This monitoring routine is done through knowledge checks (practical work, exercises, and questions). It is not our job to make students repeat the material again, but to use it as material for practical thinking, which they should do in the light of critical thinking. Step 7: evaluation of the impact of knowledge translation by the target users This step, which is difficult to ensure, is carried out through students’ personal testimonies after the course. On this occasion, we evaluate the impact to some extent based on testimonies or asking for clarification and additions from one or another student who approaches a course facilitator.

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Step 8: ongoing knowledge translation support for target users In addition to the support provided by course instructors, when one or another student approaches one of them, this support is provided to a much greater extent by the listening service of the Student Affairs Officer, who is also the University Chaplain. It should be noted, however, that among the many testimonies given by learners during our course sessions, two stand out: The first is that of a young Nande girl who claimed to have surprised her family when she announced the visit of her ethnic Hutu fiancé. It was like very bad news, so her father called a family meeting where one of the agenda items was to lecture the girl and ask her if she had missed a young man from her own tribe. The girl insisted on her attachment to her boyfriend, whereupon her father informed her that he would not participate in her marriage. The meeting ended on a note of disappointment on both sides. However, a combination of circum-stances changed her mind. When the girl fell ill and her family saw the boy’s closeness and commitment to supporting and caring for his fiancée, he changed his mind. The boy’s family was almost always the first to bring food and water to the sick girl and to care for her. The father realized that the boy was still lovable and now changed his mind, assuring his daughter that he had allowed her to marry this young man. He communicated this decision to the members of his extended family, who were also convinced. These two young people joyfully celebrated their civil and religious marriage on September 30, 2023 in Goma. The second poignant testimony comes from a young female student at the University of Goma. After the contributions of the witnesses from the Baraza la Wazee intercommunautaire and the Goma-Rubavu cross-border permanent dialogue group, she asked to speak and said she was originally from the South Kivu Province. Her concern was that there, members of her ethnic community are called “Banya-mulenge”, while since coming to Goma for study purposes, she has found that her ethnic brothers living in North Kivu are called “Batutsi” instead. She wanted to know why this difference exists. This intervention may seem trivial, but in a tribalized environment like the famous “Campus du Lac”, commonly called “Kinyumba” in Goma, it is not doubtful that someone will easily identify and freely express themselves as a Tutsi. So, it takes a climate of trust to get there. To address this concern, we have tried to review the history of the region’s settlement in order to convey to the audience that in reality everyone has come from somewhere. In this regard, there is no question that the mere fact of coming from a neighboring country is in itself a cause for frustration and rejection of the “Congolese citizenship” of the person in question. That such a free debate is being conducted in this place where students from five higher and

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university institutions often clash on ethnic grounds shows that the recipients of the explanations of the actors on the ground are open to recognizing the wrong reasons for hostility against each other. However, these peace education efforts are fraught with obstacles.

5

Limitations and Visions

One limitation of peace education by the La Sapientia Catholic University of Goma is that UCS/Goma’s approach to peace education has been limited to a few hours. In this regard, it would be worthwhile to develop strategies to include the peace dimension in every course taught at the level of all degrees in the university’s eight faculties. However, this cross-cutting task can only be successfully carried out on the basis of awareness-raising and training sessions for the entire academic and scientific community to ensure that there is unanimity. This is not yet done. Moreover, the course leaders are convinced that the change and peace so much demanded cannot be achieved only by young people and adults, in whom various non-governmental organizations are interested. The change of mentality should also and above all be done by the children, these young people of tomorrow, who, moreover, are better suited to adopt peaceful attitudes and behaviors, provided that they pass through different channels of transmission. Therefore, UCS/Goma has the ambition, in addition to what is being done and must be done at the university level, to support the education of children for peace at the elementary school level through a kind of alternative school for the education of children for peace. It will have to be a matter of adapting peace education to different categories, because as Saliou Sarr (n.d.) points out, for infants, peace means affection, security; for children, it is joy, discovery; for adolescents, peace means trust, understanding, a contract with nature; for adults, peace lies in a stable workplace, at home, in their leisure time; for elders, peace becomes an emotional feeling, a sense of security; for states, it is conflict resolution without violence. To all these aspects is added social peace (in each individual’s relationships with others). This means that peace education must adapt to these different concepts and to several categories.

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Conclusion

Despite the diversity of the contradictory aspects faced by the inhabitants of North Kivu, peace education remains a noble and possible task. Even if it is fraught with a whole series of obstacles, peace education for youth who lack the experience of peace, should act like an inoculation that protects them against violence. For the youth to acquire a culture of peace, the past must be dealt with openly and objectively, with its successes and its gray areas that have led to or exacerbated antagonisms between some and others. This task must involve different socialization structures (family, school, associations, denominations) in order to be more efficient according to a logic of pragmatic continuity. The approach should be multidisciplinary and involve actors from different non-scientific and professional fields. In addition, the focus should be on the role model character of the facilitators, representing different points of view.

7

Transfer

The work that needs to be done to facilitate reconciliation and healing of memories is to look at the history and culture of each people rather than turning a blind eye to it. Moreover, this work must ensure that history and culture are free of any form of language that advocates violence, whether verbal, structural, or cultural. Therefore, investing in culture is one of the areas in which grassroots organizations can work. If you want to get all socialization structures to participate more in building peace, you have to develop tools to disseminate this culture (books, audio, video, etc.). These tools must be adapted to each type of structure. Once these tools are elaborated, it is a matter of publicizing them through different channels, making them accessible to users, ensuring their follow-up during implementation, and identifying the aspects that need to be improved for an effective and lasting culture of peace. As for the questions to be studied, it is necessary to ask: Which peace education tools are appropriate for which group of people? What speakers can be used to reconcile current and future generations with their past? How long would it take to teach and live the values of the culture of peace?

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References Assemblée générale des Nations-Unies. (1998). Culture de la paix. www.abri-memoire.org/ ged/3-4-pages-histoire. Chomsky, N., & Herman, E. (2008). La fabrication du consentement. De la propagande médiatique en démocratie. New revised & updated edition. Agone. Democratic Republic of Congo, Cabinet of the President of the Republic. (2011). Loi n° 11/002 du 20 janvier 2011 portant révision de certains articles de la constitution de la République Démocratique du Congo du 18 février 2006. Journal Officiel de la république Démocratique du Congo, Special Issue, Feb. 5, 2011, Kinshasa. Freud, S. (1912). Totem et tabou. Interprétation par la psychanalyse de la vie sociale des peuples primitifs. http://bibliotheque.uqac.uquebec.ca/index.htm. Galtung, J. (2004). Transcend and transform. An introduction to conflict work. Pluto Press & Transcend. International Alert. (2007). Les mots qui tuent. Rumeurs, préjugés, stéréotypes et mythes parmi les peuples des pays des Grands Lacs d’Afrique. International Alert. Kä Mana (2020). Young people and citizen movements in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Unpublished manuscript. Lederach, J. P. (2014). The little book of conflict transformation. Clear articulation of the guiding principles by a pioneer in the field. The little books of justice & Peace building series. Pèlerin, E. (2010). Etude sur la problématique foncière au Nord-Kivu, RDC, Rapport d’étude, Devel-opment and Peace-building Program in the African Great Lakes region. Pétris, M. (2006). La culture de la paix. www.irenees.net/bdf-fiche-notions-118_fr.html. Sarr, S. (n.d.). L’éducation à la paix, pourquoi, comment, le rôle de l’école, www.portail-eip. org/snc/eipafrique/senegal/edpaix.hmail. Tagou, C. (2018). Démocratie rotative et élections présidentielles en Afrique. Transcendance et transformation politique des conflits ethnopolitiques dans les sociétés plurielles. L’Harmattan. Van Acker, F. (1999). La ‘pembénisation’ du Haut-Kivu. Opportunisme et droits fonciers revisités. https://medialibrary.uantwerpen.be›10-VanAcker. World Bank Group. (2018). Chemins pour la paix. Approches inclusives pour la prévention des conflits violents. International Bank for Reconstruction and Development.

Mr. Bernardin Ulimwengu Biregeya is holder of a master’s degree in development studies, after being trained in Philosophy and Theology (at Buhimba and Murhesa). He is a lecturer in Development Studies at the Université Catholique la Sapientia de Goma in DRCongo, and director of the Centre d’Archives et de Documentation des Grands Lacs & Chaire Kä Mana. His research field is Peace and Development in Pluralistic Societies. Contact: [email protected]

Contribution of the Université Libre des Pays des Grands Lacs (ULPGL) to Peace Building in North Kivu Mumbere Ndemo Mbasa Abstract

The Université Libre des Pays des Grands Lacs (ULPGL) contributes to the construction of peace through its African Research and Education Center for Peace and Democracy, called in French Centre Africain de Recherche, d’ Education à la Paix et à la Démocratie (CAREPD). To help promote peace, the ULPGL has designed a peace education course which is integrated into all of its seven faculties. The course content focuses on six aspects of education which are detailed in the text. Keywords

Education . Culture of peace . Justice . Non-violence . Environment

1

Introduction

CAREPD’s vision is “Culture of Peace and Democracy”, and its mission is to promote the culture of non-violence, democracy, peaceful coexistence between people, the promotion of human dignity, and the promotion of peace through education, research and publications. It also promotes environmental education for a sustainable development. The course developed by the ULPGL aims at developing in students the most significant values of peace such as

M. N. Mbasa (B) Université Libre des Pays des Grands Lacs,, Democratic Republic of the CongoGoma e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2023 K. E. Sauer et al. (eds.), Healing through Remembering, Edition Centaurus Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42447-3_19

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thinking positively being compassionate and not harming discovering inner peace learning to live together respect for human dignity let each be his own truth develop a critical mind resolve conflicts peacefully build peace in the community maintain the planet.

Several reasons justify the involvement of the ULPGL in peace building. Internationally, after the two world wars, people noticed their devastating consequences and believed that this should never be repeated anymore and that war should be abolished. But unfortunately, wars are an undeniable reality in many parts of the world today. At the regional level, the calamities of wars, conflicts, climate change and environmental deterioration are not to be neglected in Africa and in particular in the Great Lake Regions. Armed conflicts characterize these countries, and the consequences are so harmful that they have a negative impact on their political relations and development. At the national level, the DRC has known and continues to experience several repeated civil and military wars with all its devastating misdeeds (looting of resources, death of men, rape, theft, destruction of the environment, etc.). Conflicts of any kind undermine the country’s development process. At the local level, the ULPGL wishes to make its contribution to a peace consolidation process, particularly in the eastern part of DRC where it is established by training peace actors endowed with necessary capacities, skills and knowledge to promote peacebuilding. Conflicts and tensions exist in all regions of the world; we are also witnessing a proliferation of weapons, institutional violence resulting from poverty, social differences characterized by hunger and illiteracy. This violence is a feature of injustice and oppression found in many developing countries and can lead to further violence later on. Psychological violence (discrimination, racism, religious intolerance, insults, sexual harassment, etc.) should also be mentioned today. Likewise, the environment is deteriorating due to a bad development that does not care about future generations. We are witnessing an impoverishment of the earth’s biodiversity and the oceans, the spread of deserts, massive deforestation, unprecedented air pollution leading to global warming and the depletion of the

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ozone layer with its consequences for man and his environment. In short, all this leads to the disturbance of the balance between man and nature, and as history reminds us, the causes of conflicts can originate in nature (e.g., the desire to dominate fertile land, the curse of resources and climate, refugees, especially the Mbororo people who still live in the Democratic Republic of Congo due to environmental degradation in their countries of origin such as Chad). Schools and universities are also affected. They are also exposed to the effects of this general violence, because they are public institutions that follow its contours and reproduce its conflicts of values. They also include insults, threats, vandalism, conflicts between pupils and teachers, between pupils and members of the administration, as well as conflicts between students and professors in universities. And also, the teachers uncritically transmit the legacy of discrimination; they content themselves with adapting young people to the world as it is—undemocratic. They engage in selection that excludes some children, such as children with disabilities and non-intelligent students, and promotes elitism rather than helping to reduce social disparities. Considering all these challenges, the main question of this research is to know how the ULPGL as a higher educational institution contributes to the construction of peace in North Kivu province and what are the challenges?

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ULPGL Strategies to Contribute to Peace Building

The teaching of the “peace education course”, which is taught in parallel in the seven faculties of the Université Libre des Pays des Grands Lacs (ULPGL in acronym), is the main strategy for contributing to the construction of peace in North Kivu province. These are the Faculties of Law, Economics and Management, Applied Sciences and Technology, Medicine, Theology, Community Health and Development, followed by Psychology and Educational Sciences. It is widely known that education plays an indispensable role in a global effort to build a more peaceful world. Education is identified by the majority all over the world as the main tool for transformation to challenge the culture of violence and war. Today, peace is threatened in an unprecedented way and this poses the need for peace education. Education for peace therefore appears to be a necessity at school because, as Jacques Mühlethaler, founder of the EIP (World Association of Schools as an Instrument of Peace) underlined, education as it is often taught today, divides people rather than bringing them together. The emphasis is above all on competition, performance and elitism and tends to glorify individualism to the detriment

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of cooperation and solidarity. This is why the EIP-motto disarm the mind to disarm the hand reflects the role that schools must play in peace education (EIP, 2022). From the above ideas, education is at the heart of any strategy for promoting peace. Education provides the values, skills, and knowledge upon which respect for human rights and democratic principles, the rejection of violence, and the spirit of tolerance, understanding, and mutual appreciation among individuals, groups, and nations are based (UNESCO, 2013). Article 26 paragraph 2 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (proclaimed on December 10, 1948) stipulates that “education must aim at the full development of the human personality and the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It must promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations and all racial and religious groups, as well as the development of United Nations peacekeeping activities” (United Nations, 2015). Through a process of humanizing teaching and learning, peace educators strive to combat outrages upon personal dignity created by poverty, prejudice, discrimination, rape, violence and the war. Originally intended to eliminate the possibility of global extinction through nuclear war, peace education now focuses on the larger goal of building a culture of peace.

2.1

Brief Description of the Peace Education Course

The course, titled “Peace Education”, aims to provide students with a holistic and critical understanding of peace education. The course content is based on the “Flower Petal” model developed by Toh and Cawagas (2010), which is yet a framework for a peace education program in response to the consequences of the various forms of violence that people undergo. Six dimensions and themes of the conceptual framework of a culture of peace are used to organize the content, namely: . . . . . .

Educating Educating Educating Educating Educating Educating

for dismantling the culture of war and violence to live with justice and compassion for promoting human rights and responsibilities for promoting cultural respect, reconciliation and solidarity for living in harmony with the earth for cultivating inner peace.

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This course aims at helping students to acquire a critical mind for personal and social transformation and develop capacities to become peacemakers in order to deal with conflicts in their daily lives and then contribute to the promotion of peace in the world today. Students should be prepared to promote peace in the context of the DRC where conflict has persisted for more than two decades. That is why the influence of students’ attitudes, values and behaviors through education is very important in the DRC because it will help them contribute to the promotion of a culture of peace in their communities, societies and areas of work, as well as in their respective families.

2.2

Teaching Principles Used in the Course

Cawagas et al. (2007, p. 301) specifies four pedagogical principles for peace education, namely: “holism, formation of values, dialogue and critical capacity or awareness”. (1) Holism Toh and Cawagas (2010) explain this by saying: “Although peace education covers a variety of issues, students should not acquire only a limited understanding of conflict and violence. To be effective, proposed peace resolutions must take into account the dynamic relationships that link different levels and types of conflicts”. The authors illustrate this by showing that “symptoms of structural violence (e.g. hunger) are generally linked to militarization, as highly unequal societies are maintained by coercion and repression; excessive consumption of the earth’s resources by a minority has accentuated environmental degradation; the micro level of conflict (e.g. crimes) and personal alienation (e.g. apathy) may be rooted in the macro level of problems” (ibid., p. 29). (2) Formation of values We have realized that all knowledge is never devoid of values. Therefore, education to peace has values such as compassion, justice, equity, concern for life, sharing, reconciliation, integrity, hope and non-violence (Best, 2006, p. 9). The UNESCO handbook on peace education offers a template composed of 10 themes that can be adapted to the most significant values of peace, as they are mentioned here: 1. Think positively: Develop the autonomous positive concept and also the attitude of accepting others with respect, as well as of appreciating them

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2. Be compassionate and do no harm: develop qualities like love, kindness, sympathy, etc. 3. Discover inner peace: Develop the ability to control anger and build inner calm 4. Learn to live together: Build capacities for sharing, mutual aid, trust and acceptance of group responsibility, including leading and following as well 5. Respect human dignity: Develop respect for human rights, duties and justice; “Do for others what you expect from them to do for you” 6. Be your own truth: Develop the strength of character to be honest by expressing your feelings and thoughts without putting others down 7. Develop critical thinking: Develop essential competency for problem solving involving analysis and synthesis, seriously examining problems from alternative perspectives 8. Peacefully resolve conflicts: Develop skills in conflict analysis, negotiation, active listening, mediation, problem solving and finding alternative solutions 9. Build peace in the community: Develop understanding of social realities and the problems of people and the capacities and attitudes to work with them 10. Caring for the planet: Develop an understanding of the immediate environment, the national and global environment, and the need to protect planet Earth (UNESCO, 2005, p. 19). (3) Dialogue Another main teaching principle is dialogue. As Paulo Freire (1973, quoted in Cawagas et al., 2007, p. 303) pointed out, “many past and contemporary educational systems emphasized on a ‘banking’ approach to education wherein teachers are experts in the matter and students are passive recipients of knowledge. The banking approach stipulates that students are empty tanks and shall be filled by new knowledge. Such a mode of teaching and learning contradicts the transformative education principles”. According to Toh and Cawagas (2010, p. 178): “Building on the pioneering work of Brazilian educator Paulo Freire, a dialogue strategy cultivates a more horizontal teacher-student relationship in which both of them educate and learn from each other. In this regard, the community of transformative educators tends to rely on strategies of active and participative pedagogy. Students are exposed to a range of alternative perspectives on a problem and are also encouraged to talk about their realities, experiences, understandings, biases, commitments, hopes, despair, and dreams”.

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Education should be based on dialogue because the teacher is not the only owner of knowledge but can also learn from students. This helps to foster democratic values in the learning process as students participate in the process and have the opportunity to express their point of view on issues discussed in the audience. And they also have the chance to be heard and to experience the right to dignity. (4) Critical capacity or awareness Cawagas and Toh (2009, p. 12) wrote that: “students engage in a personal struggle to develop a critical awareness that actively seeks to transform the realities of a culture of war and violence into a culture of peace and non-violence. Students go beyond describing symptoms of conflict and violence in their immediate context. Whether it is poverty, undernourishment or infant mortality; civil wars, torture, disappearances and other human rights violations; the difficult situation of street children; or the destruction of the environment, the students’ awareness of the reasons for these dehumanizing realities must be accompanied by a critical thinking”. The process of awareness requires that words be translated into action. Cawagas et al. (2007, p. 305) explains that “this pedagogical principle in peace education is inspired by critical social theory and the universal appeal in all worldviews to bring theory closer to practice, thinking to action. Education does more than promote an objective understanding of social issues and problems. More importantly, it should lead students to act creatively and non-violently by humanizing their social, economic, cultural and political environment”. Students should act after acquiring the knowledge, so as not to passively observe what is happening. From this perspective, Harris and Morrison (2003, pp. 84–85) explain that “peace education requires that people can question the use of force in human affairs and offer options for creating a less violent world, using educational strategies to develop a peace consciousness that will help build a world that does not rely on violence to resolve human conflicts. In this sense, education can enable individuals to develop their own capacities to become good citizens and agents of change”.

3

Research Content

Starting from the question asked at the beginning of the research, this study aims to demonstrate how the ULPGL contributes to the construction of peace in North Kivu in particular, and of the Great Lakes sub-region in general. This contribution

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is reinforced by teaching peace education courses in all ULPGL faculties. This course is taught not only so that the students are evaluated at the end of the course, but so that they become agents of change, and peacemakers.

3.1

Educating for Dismantling the Culture of War and Violence

The culture of war manifests itself in different dimensions such as militarization (resources are invested in military security spending instead of being used for basic social and human needs), in the arms trade and in proliferation of weapons. But it also manifests itself in forms of minor violence, violence in schools and universities, domestic violence, violence in games, sports and the media. All these situations deserve to be dismantled in order to change the mentality and collective attitudes which consider violence as a reliable strategy for dealing with conflicts. Berhane (2011, p. 15) listed 25 African countries which allocate a lot of resources in military expenditure on the continent: Algeria, Egypt, Angola, South Africa, Morocco, Nigeria, Kenya, Tunisia, Cameroon, Botswana, Ethiopia, Namibia, Uganda, Zambia, Chad, Senegal, Mali, DR Congo, Burkina Faso, Gabon, Congo, Ghana, Swaziland, Zimbabwe, Rwanda. Unfortunately, the DRC is one of those countries that trust the use of violence as a conflict resolution strategy and as a privileged means of ensuring security. They waste resources on militarized security instead of promoting economic growth and the welfare. For example, in the DRC where even primary school is not free and health is not provided, the resources that are spent on militarization could help education and health. The contrast is that the five permanent members of the UN, decision-makers in the Security Council who are supposed to lead the world to peace are those who are the main global suppliers of arms. Grimmett (2011, p. 80) shows that the United States are the first in arms business. Analyzing all the above ideas, one can conclude that there is no hope of success in peace for the developing countries, especially for the African countries, because the great powers that must remain competitive in the world market and that are the main actors in the institutions that decide on world peace are the same countries that produce and sell arms. But it should be noted that education is a very important tool in this case to make people aware of the issue of arms trade. As far as domestic violence is concerned, the main victims are normally children, the elderly and women. At the same time peace education research shows that most victims are women. Globally, at least one out of ten (1/10) women has

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been assaulted by her spouse or partner (UN General Assembly, 2005, p. 21). International statistics of domestic violence indicate that only 2% of victims of violent acts committed by a spouse or partner are men; 75% are women and 23% are cases of reciprocal violence (Bonnet, 2015). These data prove the vulnerability of all women, regardless of their age or socio-economic status.

3.2

Educating for Promoting Justice and Compassion (Social Justice)

Living in peace requires the presence of social justice where equality is promoted between people in society. Unfortunately, the reality on the ground is generally the opposite; inequalities are promoted in the interest of the minority. Although many countries are putting in place strategies for development, people experience inequalities. Toh (2009, p. 36) presents “the world of today as tragically marked by rigid contrasts”. Unfortunately, the reality is that the gap between the rich and the poor is quite large in most places. For example, the richest 20% of the world’s population consume 76.6% of the world’s goods while 80% of humanity gets the rest (Shah, 2011). According to Toh and Cawagas (2010, p. 19), “such global and national inequalities reflect the state of structural violence, where majorities suffer from a chronic lack of satisfaction of basic needs due to unjust social systems”. In the same perspective, Reardon and Cabezudo (2002, p. 28) argue that “the process of eradicating the major causes of war requires questioning the injustice of global economic structures, defined as structural violence. It also requires envisioning and projecting a transformed world, economy designed to overcome the structural violence of imposed poverty”.

3.3

Educating for Promoting Human Rights and Responsibilities

One goal of the “Peace Education Course” is that students understand the concept of “human rights”. Human rights are the inalienable rights of all human beings, regardless of their nationality, place of residence, sex, ethnic or national origin, color, religion, language or any other condition. According to Toh and Cawagas (1990, p. 138), “human rights could be broadly defined as the rights inherent in our nature and without which we cannot live as human beings”. They argue that “human rights include the rights which make a

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person human and which enable him to develop fully as a human being and at the same time enable people to live in community and achieve wealth of their talents, culture, resources, and intangible gifts” (ibid., p. 135). According to Belisle and Sullivan (2007, p. 13), “human rights are rights that a person has simply because he is a human being”. In addition, Flowers et al. (1998) defines human rights as those basic standards without which people cannot live with dignity; those rights that all people have equitably, universally and forever. Galace (2009, p. 60) explains that: human rights relate to the fundamental principles which everyone has the right to enjoy and which must be protected. They concern the rights of all human men and women, young or old, white or black, rich or poor, who are necessary to become fully human. The United Nations define human rights as legal guarantees for the protection of individuals and groups. As such, the state has an obligation to protect and promote them. Students should learn, that human rights are not conditioned by the fulfilment of certain duties or obligations in order for them to be exercised. They are naturally acquired and important for human beings to survive with dignity. From these definitions above, we can say that human rights are characterized by different principles, which are: “universality and inalienability, indivisibility, interdependence and interweaving, equality and non-discrimination, participation and inclusion, accountability and the rule of law” (UNFPA, 2008, p. 15).

3.4

Educating for Promoting Cultural Respect, Reconciliation and Solidarity

The world is currently characterized by the interactions of people of different cultures due to globalization; people move from one country to another, from one place to another for different reasons such as work, better life, refuge, etc.… They must live together in harmony and peace, and freely express their identity. Students should learn that there are still many conflicts between people of different cultures, and beliefs have arisen and still arise from these interactions and are also causing tragedies in the world. There are cultures which are considered to be more superior than others in such a way that they dominate many areas of life such as education, commerce, religion, language. Cultural and linguistic rights are violated although many international treaties recognize the equal right of all peoples to practice their culture (cf. Article 27 of the UDH, 1948). Teachers Without Borders (2012, p. 39) explain that “in the current globalization of the world, various cultures are increasingly coming into contact with each other, with many cultures living in the same space. This diversity fosters

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great opportunities to learn, because people share different practices that others can appreciate, appreciate and can learn from others. However, diversity can also lead to conflict when there is a lack of tolerance or understanding”.

3.5

Educating for Living in Harmony with the Earth

There is a need for people to live in harmony with the earth because the life of human beings depends on the planet where they live. If it is destroyed, life will also be affected. In addition, people need to live in a world at peace. The author argues that without a sustainable environment and respect for the land, peace cannot be lived. Peace is linked to many aspects of life, so unless people can promote lifestyles that respect and protect nature and resources, it is difficult to live in peace. Unfortunately, the way human beings deal with the earth is unsustainable and produces much of the destruction that must be addressed if we are to see future generations survive. Students should learn that there is a global ecological crisis affecting everyone and everything on earth. This crisis is made up of climate change and global warming; air, soil and water pollution; industrial and nuclear waste; loss of biodiversity; poor waste management; erosion; floods and drought; ozone destruction and acid rain. Explaining the deterioration of the environment, it is said that “much damage to the environment results from forms of development derived from the West, techno-industrial development which is becoming more and more prevalent with the process of globalization” (Reardon, 2001, p. 115). Therefore, given the global consequences of the ecological crisis as demonstrated above, it is necessary to analyze these manifestations of the crisis, such as climate change and global warming, in order to better understand their main causes.

3.6

Educating for Cultivating Inner Peace

The concept of “cultivating inner peace” helps learners understand how important spirituality is in efforts to build a peaceful world and to understand the links between personal and social peace. In addition, they will develop attitudes such as compassion, love and forgiveness. Education plays a vital role in helping people cultivate peace within themselves, so that they can live in peace with others, because the more peace we have in our own lives, the more we can reflect it in the external situation. Thus,

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“education for inner peace is essential to provide values and tools to transform alienation and despair in our excessive consumption and limitless competition period” (Toh, 2004, p. 28). According to the UNESCO (2005, p. 7), “inner peace is peace with oneself or complacency”. Students should learn that having inner peace is characterized by self-respect and recognition of one’s own dignity as a human being. This allows a person to come over life challenges with a balanced inside, because despite the adversities, he/she is convinced of his/her intrinsic quality in value. Spirituality is a matter of educating the heart. It involves a transformation process. “Do not be conformed to this world, but be transformed by the renewal of your mind, that you may prove what is that good, and acceptable, perfect will of God” (Rom 12, 1–2).

4

Conclusion

The promotion of the culture of peace is a necessity for this for the transformation of people. This is only possible if peace education is promoted in our respective societies. In terms of how the ULPGL contributes to the consolidation of peace in North Kivu Province in particular and in the Great Lakes sub-region in general, this essay has shown that it does so through the course of education for peace. This course helps learners to change attitudes and behaviors in the promotion of human rights. The practice commonly known as “bluesaille” in French (mistreatment of new students by old students) was abolished at the ULPGL following this course, and the way students claim their rights has changed. The majority claim them using non-violence. The challenge remains as there is a need to teach this course to students from other institutions, especially public institutions where human rights violations are often observed.

5

Transfer

The field of peace education is important because it contributes to the promotion of peace and non-violence culture. The principle according to which one cannot be an agent of change without being changed is a reality and walks together with the principle of “do no harm”. After having been trained in conflict and peace studies, members of the CAREPD coordination are sufficiently equipped to support young students in the context of promoting peace. Therefore, they have implemented other recent

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actions related to peace building projects, throughout student’s artistic talents. Different clubs have been created. These are music clubs (15 young people), theater (20 young people), sports and games (30 young people), poetry (5 young people) and drawing (7 young people). On the occasion, two “peace huts” have been built where students are supposed to meet each time to settle their conflicts peacefully. As for the relevance for practical field work, non-violence must be experienced in our respective communities. Hence, organizations working on the ground in the domain of peace can further assist young people and communities by putting greater emphasis on the culture of peace and peaceful conflict resolution. That would contribute to promote social cohesion and to avoid split societies. The following questions allow deepening reflexions: . What can be done to put an end to structural violence in our countries? . Why the persistence of conflicts in the countries of the Great Lakes sub-region, more particularly in the DRC? . How to conciliate peace with the manufacture of weapons in the world? . What strategies should be adopted to enable people to consider cultural diversity as wealth and not as a source of conflicts? The answers to these questions would constitute new reflections to understand the problems that are still troubling our communities.

References Belisle, K., & Sullivan, E. (2007). Human rights and service learning: Lesson plans and projects. https://www.dom.edu/sites/default/files/pdfs/academic_services/CBL_HumanR ightsAndServiceLearning_Pt1.pdf. Berhane, D. (2011). Africa: Top 25 military spending countries. Ethiopia. Best, S. (2006). Methods of conflict resolution and transformation. In S. Best (Ed.), Introduction to peace and conflict studies in West Africa: A Reader (pp. 93–115). National Commission for Universities and University for Peace. Bonnet, F. (2015). Intimate partner violence, gender and criminalisation: An overview of American debates. Revue Française De Sociologie, 56(2), 264–287. Cawagas, V., Toh, S.-H., & Garrone, B. (2007). Many faiths one humanity: An educational resource for integrating interfaith perspectives in educating for a culture of peace. MultiFaith Center, Griffith University. European Institute of Peace. (2022). Strategic Plan 2020–2022. Shaping Conflict Resolution. https://www.eip.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/813-EIP-web-10-2020.pdf.

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Flowers, N. et al. (Eds.). (1998). Human rights here and now: Celebrating the Universal declaration of human rights. Human Rights USA Research Center. Galace, J. (2009). Promote human rights and responsibilities. In V. Cawagas & S. Toh (Eds.), Peace education for civil society: A program manual for South and Southeast Asia (pp. 60– 65). University for Peace. Grimmett, R. (2011). Conventional arms transfers to developing countries 2003–2010. Congressional Research Service. Harris, I., & Morrison, M. (2003). Peace education (2nd edn.). McFarland & Co. Reardon, B. (2001). Education for a culture of peace in a Gender perspective. UNESCO. Reardon, B., & Cabezudo, A. (2002). Learning to Abolish War. Teaching toward a culture of peace. Hague Appeal for Peace. Shah, A. (2011). Poverty around the world. https://www.globalissues.org/article/4/povertyaround-the-world. Teachers without borders. (2012). Memorial peace education program. Scribd Inc. Toh, S. (2004). Uprooting violence, cultivating peace: Education for an engaged spirituality. Multi-Faith Center, Griffith University. Toh, S. (2009). Living with justice and compassion. In V. Cawagas & S. Toh (Eds.), Peace education for civil society: Curriculum manual for South Asia and South East Asia (pp. 36– 44). University for Peace. Toh, S., & Cawagas, V. (1990). Peaceful theory and practice in values education. Phoenix Publishing House. Toh, S., & Cawagas, V. (2010). Peace education, ESD and the Earth Charter: Interconnections and synergies. Journal of Education for Sustainable Development, 4(2), 167–180. UN General Assembly. (2005). The situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people. A /, 60, 358. UNESCO. (2005). Peace education framework for teacher education. UNESCO. UNESCO. (2013). Projet de Stratégie à moyen terme 2014–2021, Paris: UNESCO. http:// www.lacult.unesco.org/docc/37C4_fr.pdf. UNFPA. (2008). État de la population mondiale 2008. Lieux de convergence: culture, genre et droits de la personne. https://www.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/swp08_fre.pdf. United Nations. (2015). Universal declaration of human rights. https://www.un.org/fr/udh rbook/pdf/udhr_booklet_fr_web.pdf.

Mumbere Ndemo Mbasa is a permanent Professor at the Université Libre des Pays des Grands Lacs-Goma (ULPGL), Dean of the Faculty of Public Health and member of the board of directors of the Centre Africain de Recherche et d’Éducation à la Paix et à la Démocratie board (CAREPD). He is the country coordinator of this project for the Democratic Republic of Congo. Contact: [email protected]

Annex: Psychotraumatic Factors During Conflict Periods in North Kivu/ DR Congo Polepole François Maheshe, Eugène Bashombe, Jean Marie Ciza, Ntabe E. Namegabe, and Kaputu M. Célestin Kalala Abstract

The objective of this retro-prospective and analytical study, which took place over a period of two years (January 2016 to December 2017; during the deescalation of wars, was to determine the psycho-traumatic factors (PTSD, Depressions) in the pre- and post-conflict periods in the North Kivu province. The data collected will support and direct clinical treatment methods towards the clientele of young people in the region who are affected by psychotraumatic and psychosomatic factors. The collected data are also helpful for governmental and church organizations as well as NGO’s, which offer educational and vocational services to the affected youth in order to stabilize their life situation. P. F. Maheshe (B) Neuropsychiatry Departement, Faculté de Médecine, Université de Goma (UNIGOM), Goma, Democratic Republic of Congo e-mail: [email protected] P. F. Maheshe · E. Bashombe · J. M. Ciza Médico-Psycho-Social, Centre Hospitalier Neuropsychiatrique de Goma, Goma, Democratic Republic of Congo N. E. Namegabe Faculté de Médecine-ULPGL, Université Libre Des Pays Des Grands-Lacs/ULPGL-Goma, Goma, Democratic Republic of Congo K. M. C. Kalala Université de Kinshasa/Centre Neuropsycho-Pathologique de Kinshasa, Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2023 K. E. Sauer et al. (eds.), Healing through Remembering, Edition Centaurus Perspektiven Sozialer Arbeit in Theorie und Praxis, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42447-3_20

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Keywords

Psychotraumatic factors . Conflicts

1

Introduction

The data collection was done through direct interviews with clients received for counseling at the Goma Neuro Psychiatric Hospital Center Saint Vincent de Paul. Data analysis and processing were done by SPSS, windows software, excel and the following results were obtained: At the end of this work, the results below were observed: Psycho-traumatic syndromes represent 3.5%, including 14.4% of new cases, among PTSD represent 61.2%, depressions 38.8%, other mental disorders, psychotic types and substance abuse and alcohol, represent unlike psycho traumas 97.5%. . The impact of psycho depressogenic factors on the psychology of the population in this study is remarkable, such as 14.7% want to die, 31% have a feeling of emptiness in them, 9.7% continue to experience fear, 7.3% have a loss of their sexual identity, 8.1% have developed a depersonalization against 23.4% who have lost their self-esteem and 0.5% committed suicide. . The male sex is concerned at 58.3% against 41.7% of the female sex. The age group which developed more the psycho trauma during the period of our study is the one between 30–50 years with a frequency of 60.1%. The most affected areas, twice to three times more than others in North Kivu are Rutshuru, Masisi with respectively 34%, 33% compared to Mweso 15.3%, and Butembo 9.4%. In most cases, married people are affected at 41.6% and widowhood occurred during wars in our study population at 20.8% and orphan age at 4.48%. . The wars favored psycho-traumatic factors in the province at 82.1% and have troubled the socio-cultural of the population at 17.9%; thus, losses of relatives occur at 27.7%, loss of goods at 29%, kidnappings at 9.7%, rape and HIV at 14.7%. With the elements mentioned above, mistreatment in a context of conjugopathy is observed at 9.5%, divorces occur at 7.9% compared to separations at 6.5%. . Lastly, unemployment is observed during this study at a rate of 26.4% and the abandonment of fields by the populations is noted at 41.6%, dropping out of school at 23.7% and loss of business at 7%.

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The objective of the present work is to determine the epidemiological profiles of depressogenic factors in our context after all these years of distress.

2

State of Research

In the regions of the Great Lakes countries, after the genocide in Rwanda, a specific program focused on the psychological consequences of the events of April 1994. A psycho-epidemiological study on 133 children whose age varied between 9 and 17 years, in post-conflict ethnic war fare reports that 24.1% of children presented PTSD according to DSM-IV (APA, 1994). Presently, the upheaval of the psychological and sociological trauma caused by these lasting effects of wars on individuals and society as a whole, are being felt on the population of North Kivu province. According to current knowledge, no study on the consequences of the postconflict period in North Kivu province is available to the public. The eastern part of the DRC, particularly in North Kivu province experienced a long period of war (81.4% of internally displaced people, among 29.1% in North Kivu), which had direct or indirect repercussions on the social, the economy and especially on the psyche of most of the population of North Kivu. It is a real problem which is ignored by public and community health.

3

Patients and Methodology

This is a prospective study during which from out of 10,963 patients 379 were selected suffering from depression at the mental health center “Tulizo Letu” Brothers of Charity of Goma during the period from January 1, 2016 to December 31, 2017. Data collection was done by direct observation and interview with listening, using the Hamilton Anxiety/Depression Scale to measure certain clinical dimensions, in the form of a standardized questionnaire to capture certain psychological perceptions (PTSD scale). The patients interviewed in this study were at least 10 years old and able to speak during treatment before and after the conflict period. The framework for the scientific research was based on free consent and respect for anonymity and confidentiality. Sociodemographic aspects (gender, age, origin, marital status), limiting social situations (the loss of loved ones and/or goods) were selected as dependent variables on the one hand, and the experiences of the war for the existential (socio-cultural) situation as independent variables on the other. In addition

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to the lived consequences of the war, the psychological feelings and the social level of the patients were selected as variables.

4

Research Results

The following results were found as the outcome of the analytical study: (1) Prevalence, incidence a. Incidence of depression compared to other mental illnesses—One finding of the survey was that the incidence of depression increases over time, considering these outcomes: depression represents an overall incidence of 3.5% compared to other disorders, which represent 96.5% of cases. Among new cases, 14% are depressed, compared to 2.1% of old cases. b. Depression-triggering factors—The frequency of independent variables was queried, which are contextual factors considered to be the cause of depressive factors observed during the interviews with post-conflict patients. One finding was that the war has a major impact on the lives of the post-conflict population with 82.1%. The war influences existence in the social and cultural sphere as another variable with 17.9%. Regarding the factors due to the war that influenced people’s lives in one way or another, it could be deduced that during the wars, the respondents: . lost their property in 29% of cases, lost relatives in 27.7% of cases, and were affected by HIV in about 15% of cases. . the impact of the war on society and culture led to marital conflicts with abuse in 9.5% of cases and divorce in 7.9% of cases. c. Sociodemographic aspects—When asked about which individuals were most affected by the depressogenic influencing factors identified in this study, it was found among the respondents that the male gender was the most likely to be affected by depressogenic factors in this study, at 58.3%. Among the respondents, the age group played an important role in terms of sensitivity to the factors studied in this work: for example, the age group of 30–50 years old was the most sensitive to depressogenic factors with 60.1%, followed by the age group of 10–30 years old with 36.9%. (2) Origin of depressed people It was noticed that patients from Rutshuru, Masisi and Mweso were more exposed to traumatic and depressive situations (34% and 30.15%, respectively) than patients living in Goma city (2.9%).

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(3) Marital status Among the respondents, married couples were more likely to be exposed to depressive factors with 41.6% than widows and widowers with only from 20.8%. (4) Current social rank The direct effects of the war on the change of the patients’ social status were asked. Among them, 41.6% of patients abandoned their fields, 26.4% lost their jobs and became unemployed, and 23.7% of young people dropped out of school. (5) Psychological perceptions of affected patients The effects and/or psychological suffering secondary to the factors studied were investigated, including the expression of feelings projected to the postconflict period. To this end, the study found that among the patients surveyed, the majority felt an emptiness within themselves, giving the impression of not existing (31.9%). 23.4% reported losing their self-esteem and 14.7% developed a fantasy or desire to die. On the other hand, 2 individuals committed suicide during this study (0.5%). Regarding the frequency of diagnoses of disorders in patients exposed to depressogenic factors, the survey showed that the exposure of the study population in our context to the factors involved in the war resulted in 61.2% not decompensating the traumatic conditions and 38.8% largely decompensating them.

5

Discussion of the Results of the Study

(1) Frequency At the end of this research, it appears that depression, compared to other mental disorders, alone represents 14.4%. A study conducted in Switzerland by Martin E. Keck (2016) showed that depression affects around 15% of the population in his study. This frequency is not significantly different from ours although the study contexts are different from that of this author mentioned here. In 82.1% of cases, the war in our context brought several depressogenic factors, the frequency of which was variable, with the loss of goods and loved ones being the most prominent (29 and 27.7%, respectively). The environmental and psycho-social conditions of the sample population of our study at the cultural level (forced marriage 2%), the war (resulting in the loss of loved ones at 27.7%, the loss of property at 29%), collateral damage

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and organic consequences of war (in our study context, HIV affected 15% of the study subjects) led to psycho-traumatic disorders contrary to a prevalence observed in one of the reports of the United Nations in the Eastern part of the DRC especially in North Kivu, on women victims of sexual violence during wars (20% DRC 2009). A study carried out in Lubumbashi by Tshilombo shows a prevalence whose difference is not significant for a similar study over a period of 4 years (2009–2012). The same prevalence with a slight difference is observed and reported at 16.9% (2006), in a United Nations report for North Kivu province regarding what concerned blood donors during the critical periods of the wars. This study mentions, like the United Nations, in particular psycho-social factors, the loss of a loved one in 21.2% of cases. (2) Sociodemographic profiles . During this study, it was observed that the most sensitive age group is between 30 and 50 years, at 60.1%, Most of the subjects belonging to this age have seen either their property taken away by different combatants and/or military and/or have lost their respective jobs without hope for the next day. . Many family members were either kidnapped or taken into the woods, or killed, or the subjects of this study were themselves in the process of risking death by sleeping in the woods. Unlike the studies done previously; taking into account the socio-cultural context of a Congolese from the eastern part of the DRCongo, the subjects of the study feel hyper invested and devoted to the sustainability, prosperity and socioeconomic and cultural well-being of their family. Their long-awaited dreams have been shattered almost at any age, especially for the villagers who until today flee, abandon their land and inheritance. In one of the reports of the International Committee of the Red Cross in collaboration with the United Nations (2015), in the eastern part of the DR Congo, a large number of people have been directly affected by conflicts due to the fact of having been internally displaced, taken hostage, tortured or jailed. (3) Gender During the period of our study, the male sex was more affected by depressogenic factors at 58.3% against 41.7% of the female sex. In contrast to other authors, such as in Switzerland, the frequency with which depressed women are represented in a study is twice as high as that of men (20%), according to the two psychologists Dan Bilsker and Randy Paterson, who conclude that “more than 4% of adults are depressed and over 15% will suffer from

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depression in their life time”. The men in our study were the targets of kidnappings, killings and humiliation. It is them who, at the same time are able, in the majority of cases to go and look for goods to sell and who often fall in ambush of the armed groups and others, such as women, were victims of sexual violence, other women lost their husbands, as one of our patients reports during an interview: “there were three of them armed, after having raped me in front of my husband, they subsequently killed him. I have a void in me”. In a Human Rights Watch report during a Congolese Women’s Campaign against Sexual Violence in the DRC, ‘Sexual Violence in Eastern DRC’ (2009), women said it was “on their bodies that war was done”. There is a reason here to imagine a socio-cultural extinction during the wars perpetrated in the eastern part of the DR Congo, the explanations of which have never been made nor imagined; as Alexia Pierre testifies by saying that: “the fact that women are often considered as ‘symbolic bearers of cultural or ethnic identity or producers of future generations’, reinforces their vulnerability”, thus rape was in our context used not to satisfy the pleasure but rather as an attitude or a sadistic behavior in a sense that it is indeed used systematically as a weapon of war. (4) Origin and marital status Many of these patients are married and responsible for 41% of families who found their fields and livestock confiscated by enemies and/or combatants during the occupation. Many come from areas where wars and insecurity have continued (Rutshuru, Masisi and currently Beni). They have psychologically accumulated a lot and this, for a long time without help. This leads to the occurrence of psychotraumatic syndromes (depression, PTSD) in 30.3% and 34.6%, respectively. In fact, these two areas provided training and escape routes for more or less two decades. Sometimes they were also the starting point for the conquest of Goma and North Kivu province. The patients with these constraints have developed a symptom of horror; some of them develop psychosomatics (reactive hypertension). They have all reported that their cultural identity has been violated and stolen. One of them reported in a hearing that he escaped death, but his son was kidnapped and killed. This patient, who saw his son’s body, commented as follows: “At least we have never seen people buried alive in our neighborhood in the past”. It was not his son who was buried alive, but the son of a neighbor. In a work by Pierre Bessoles (2008) entitled ‘Rape and Identity’, the latter recalls an individual genocide in such a situation.

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These people were not assisted psychologically on time; it was difficult under their conditions to be psychologically accompanied given the lack of personnel and the so-called “red zones” at that time difficult to penetrate. Yet in such a circumstance. (5) Current social rank During our study, it was established that after the war, in North Kivu unemployment, one of the depressogenic factors, occupies 26.4%, widowhood 20.8% and at 41% people abandoned their fields. However, some subjects did not have the opportunity to reach psychologists; it would be possible that this frequency is revised upwards because the social and economic consequences were more felt in cities which pay the price (food shortage, high cost of food, rents that have become more expensive than before, risky behavior, etc.). The obvious and tragic cost of war is the toll of blood and destruction. The costs are undeniably high and tragic. The “cost of war” is traditionally measured in dollars and in lost production or in the number of soldiers killed or wounded. It is rare for military establishments to attempt to measure the human cost of war, and never measure the incalculable consequences at the mental level. (6) Psychological perceptions of affected patients, PTSD and depression Our study has sufficiently shown that the population has paid a high price for two decades of war. For example, during our observations, we found that 9.7% of respondents are permanently affected by anxiety symptoms after escaping torture or abduction. And 31.9% of respondents whose relatives were reported missing or killed feel a void. 23.4% of rape victims complain of a loss of self-esteem and guilt. Some others from our study wanted to die (19.7%), and two psychologically affected persons who could not bear the war events managed to commit suicide. In contrast, due to the traumatic memory, 4% live in derealization. All these symptoms illustrate in our study the level of traumatization of the population in the eastern part of the DRC. Despite the psychological problems directly related to the war, HIV is considered (only) as a troublesome sting in the war in our study on the background of futile efforts to overcome socio-psychological wounds. Based on the above considerations, the subjects in the study population had 61.2% PTSD and 38.8% depression. This result is not different from the findings made by Evelyne Josse (2006) in ‘The development of psychotraumatic syndromes. What are the risk factors?’. She notes that some people do not or do not only have these types of symptoms, but also suffer from depression.

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From our study, it appears that not all patients responded in the same way to the factors studied. Sydor and Philippot (1996), in their study in Rwanda, found that depending on the type of event experienced, 0.6–75.8% of those affected developed agitation. In our study, a prevalence of 38.8% of depressive disorders was found in subjects who were either not treated in time or had psychological sequelae for many years. From this study, it appears that certain individuals have developed either PTSD or depression, as is the case with women survivors of rape. Thus, like Evelyne Josse, we can say that “… sexual violence has serious consequences for the mental health of the persons who suffer it. At the psychological level, it causes a radical change in the way victims perceive themselves, in the way they conceive of their relationships with their immediate social environment and, more broadly, with society as a whole, and in the way they understand the past, the present, and the future”.

6

Conclusion

The wars in the eastern part of the DRCongo having taken a long time and leave behind them more incalculable psychological and socio-cultural consequences leading to underdevelopment apart from the loss of human lives and properties. These atrocities also contribute to deleterious behavioral changes in the populations; hence it is time for actors to end these wars to allow a healing of communities in the eastern part of the DRC.

7

Transfer

Wars are very dangerous in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo because of the personal, collective and community difficulties they cause. The cessation of these wars would be the only way to relieve and allow resilience to the populations suffering until today. Today, treatment, psychosocial support, and management of psychological and psychosocial problems are no longer sufficient, as wars recur and persist, playing the role of factors that open psychological and other healing wounds. In this context, despite the efforts of the Neuropsychiatric Center and other dedicated organizations, misguided compensatory mechanisms in the form of risk behaviors (alcoholism, drug use, and delinquency) occur. The following questions bring the readers to reflection:

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. What must really be done so that the world finally understands that the populations of the eastern part of the DRCongo and particularly in North Kivu are in a process of extinction? . Why the persistence of conflicts particularly in the DRCongo, and in the Great Lakes countries in general? . How can we hope for strong social cohesion when lives and property are lost and poverty reigns in the Democratic Republic of Congo despite its natural resources? . Finally, what strategies should be used to prevent conflict between Great Lakes lands and communities? The answers to these questions can provoke a new reflection on what is troubling people in the Eastern part of the DRCongo.

References American Psychiatric Association. (1994). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (4th ed.). American Psychiatric Publishing, Inc. Bessoles, P. (2008). Rape and identity. An individual genocide. Paris: MJW Editions, 11. Josse, E. (2006). Le développement des syndromes psychotraumatiques. Quels sont les facteurs de risque? https://psycho-solutions.be/IMG/pdf/syndromes_psychotraumatiques. pdf, 6, 8. Keck, M. E. (2016). Depression: Where does it come from? How to treat it? What does this have to do with stress? 4. Pierre, A. (n.d.). Populations vulnérables en temps de conflit armé. https://orbi.uliege.be/ bitstream/2268/135627/1/Populations%20vuln%c3%a9rables%20en%20temps%20de% 20conflit%20arm%c3%a9%20-%20A.PIERRE.pdf. Sydor, G., & Philippot, P. (1996). Conséquences psychologiques des massacres de 1994 au Rwanda [Psychological consequences of the 1994 massacres in Rwanda]. Sante Ment Que., 21(1), 229–245. Tshilombo, N. E. (2013). Les facteurs étiologiques de la dépression à Lubumbashi. Cas de l’hôpital sendwe et du centre neuropsychiatrique Joseph-Guislain de 2009 à 2012. https://www.memoireonline.com/08/13/7279/Les-facteurs-etiologiques-de-la-depres sion-a-lubumbashi-cas-de-lhopit.html. United Nations (2015). Mental Health, Well-being and Disability: A New Global Priority Key United Nations, Resolutions and Documents United Nations University, United Nations, World Bank Group, The University of Tokyo.

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Polepole François Maheshe Dr. is a physician specialized in Psychiatry and head of the Psychosocial Department at the Neuropsychiatric Hospital Center of Goma. He is currently researcher in Neuroscience on Psychiatric Comorbidities in Epileptics. Contact: [email protected] Eugène Bashombe is a psychologist at the Neuropsychiatric Center Saint Vincent de Paul/ Brothers of Charity of Goma-DRCongo. Jean Marie Ciza is a psychologist at the Neuropsychiatric Center Saint Vincent de Paul/ Brothers of Charity of Goma-DRCongo. Ntabe E. Namegabe Prof. is the dean of the Faculty of Medicine at the Université Libre des Pays des Grands Lacs ULPGL in Goma-DRCongo. Kaputu M. Célestin Kalala, Prof. at the Faculty of Medicine of the Kinshasa University (UNIKIN) and visiting professor at the Université Libre des Pays des Grands Lacs ULPGL in Goma-DRCongo.