Harappan civilization: a recent perspective 9788120407794

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HARAPPAN CIVILIZATION A Recent Perspective

A Recent Perspective Second Revised Edition

Edited by

GREGORY L. POSSEHL

AMERICAN INSTITUTE OF INDIAN STUDIES and

OXFORD & IBH PUBLISHING CO. PVT. LTD.

New Delhi Bombay Calcutta

© 1993, 1982 American Institute of Indian Studies ISBN 81-204-0779-2

Published by Mohan Primlani, Oxford & IBH Publishing Co. Pvt. Ltd.,

66 Janpath, New Delhi 110 001 oe Phototypeset and printed at Raj Bandhu Industrial Co.,

Mayapuri, New Delhi, India ,

Preface to the Second Revised Edition. This edition is a significant revision of the original Finally, it has been necessary to delete some work, Harappan Civilization: A contemporary pers- papers that appeared in the original edition of this

pective, which brought together the papers from a work. This was an essential step given the bulk conference held in Srinagar in July 1979. An of the book. By adding approximately twenty-five entirely new section of three papers has been added percent more material, we tested the limits of a to this edition, covering the important discoveries single volume. Making decisions on what would be of a Mature Harappan presence in the Arabian omitted was not easily accomplished. To give some Gulf. This was not a topic that was sufficiently well sense of reason and pattern to the process, and developed in 1979 for it to have been one of the keep in view the ‘recent perspective’, whole subjects discussed at the original conference, how- sections of papers were dealt with, rather than a ever recent years have seen much archaeological hit-and-miss approach. Those authors whose activity in this region with important discoveries, papers remain only in the first edition can be such as those at Tell Abraq. In fact, it is clear that assured that this decision is not a reflection of any some of the most important work on understanding disminished quality in their work. the Harappan Civilization is now being done in the The new edition of Harappan Civilization will

Gulf and future years will see many interesting keep this popular book in reach of the public

developments in the area. interested in ancient Indian civilization. I want to This new edition has also provided an opportu- thank all our contributors for making this possible, nity to present the results of recent field work on as well as the National Museum, New Delhi, for the Harappan Civilization in both [India and making the images used on the dust jacket available

Pakistan. Thus, reports on excavations at Harappa, to us. |

Ghazi Shah, Lewan and Kuntasi are included along Funds from the National Science Foundation with a number of other reviews. These are espe- provided a handsome subvention for the publica-

cially important in maintaining the sense that tion of this edition. Harappan Civilization remains a timely source for

the understanding of this fascinating urban system. GREGORY L. POSSEHL

Preface to the First Edition

The conference on which this book is based was made Srinagar Mr. L.S. Suri and V. Ram Nambiar saw us possible through the generosity of the government of through the traumas of living in an unfamiliar enviIndia and the Archaeological Survey of India. It was ronment. Their efforts were largely concerned with held in Kashmir on 22-24 June, 1979. A grant from matters of travel, accommodations and the duplicathe Smithsonian Foreign Currency Program provided tion of papers—essential matters, the careful execu-

the funds to the American Institute of Indian Studies, tion of which is essential for the peace of mind Center for Art and Archaeology that enabled the necessary for intellectual endeavors to succeed. conference delegates to visit Srinagar, a splendid site The editing of the conference papers was done in for any meeting. The Smithsonian also provided the Philadelphia at the University of Pennsylvania. The funds which have made this publication possible. ‘The excellent typists at the University Museum, Carolan

persons who played key roles in making the confer- Yarazower and Raymond Rorke, devoted many ence possible are too numerous to mention individu- hours of their time to this book. Raymond Crow, my ally, however the former Directors General of the associate during the Summer of 1980, was unfailing in Arhaeological Survey, Dr. M.N. Deshpande and Dr. his devotion to the quality and accuracy of the biblioB.K. Thapar; Ms. Francine Berkowitz of the Smith- graphies. His sharp eyes and keen mind have made a

sonian Institution. and Dr. F.R. Asher, former real contribution to this aspect of the publication. Chairman of the Art and Archaeology Committee of Many of the illustrations were photographically duthe American Institute of Indian Studies must be plicated in the Museum’s studio by William Clough

recognized. and Fred Schoch. The quality of the end product is The staff of the American Institute of Indian Studies testimony to their superb skill. Thank you all.

in New Delhi was unselfish in devoting its time and Finally, I must thank the delegates to the seminar energy to making the conference, and this publica- for their contributions to furthering our understandtion, a success. Mr. P.R. Mehendiratta, Director of ing of ancient Indian civilization.

the Institute was our constant, patient leader and , without his energy and wisdom the venture could not

have been the success it was. In New Delhi and GREGORY L. POSSEHL

Contents Preface to the Second Revised Edition V

Preface to the First Edition vil

Contributors and Participants xili Illustration Credits XVil

List of Abbreviations | xix Introduction

Their Exploitation 3

B.K. THapar: The Harappan Civilization: Some Reflections on Its Environments and Resources and

GREGORY L. POSSEHL: The Harappan Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective , 15 PART I: The Nature of Harappan Urbanization

1. VIsHNU-Mrrrre: The Harappan Civilization and the Need for a New Approach 31

2. Jim G. SHAFFER: Harappan Culture: A Reconsideration 41

Structure? 61

3. S.P. Gupta: The Late Harappan: A Study in Cultural Dynamics 51 4. C.C. LAmBerRG-KARLOvsky: Sumer, Elam and the Indus: Three Urban Processes Equal One

5. K.V. SOUNDARA RAJAN: Motivations for Early Indian Urbanization: An Examination 69 PART II: Results of Recent Fieldwork

6. JEAN-FRANCOIS JARRIGE: Excavations at Mehrgarh: Their Significance for Understanding

the Background of the Harappan Civilization 79

Features , 97

7. M. RAFIQUE MUGHAL: Recent Archaeological Research in the Cholistan Desert 85 8. GEORGEF. DaALEs: Mohenjodaro Miscellany: Some Unpublished, Forgotten, or Misinterpreted

9. WALTER A. Fairservis, Jr.: Allahdino: An Excavation of a Small Harappan Site 107

19, R.S. Bisut : Excavations at Banawali: 1974-77 , 113 7

Archaeology 125

11. R.C. AGRAWALA and ViJAY KUMAR: Ganeshwar-Jodhpura Culture: New Traits in Indian

x Contents

12. B.P. SINHA: Harappan Fallqut (?) in the Mid-Gangetic Valley 135_

13. Y.D.SHaARMa: Harappan Complex on the Sutlej (India) 141 14. R.N. Menta: Some Rural Harappan Settlements in Gujarat 167

15. S.A. SaLt: The Harappans of Daimabad 175 16. JAGAT Pati JosHt and MADHU BALA: Manda: A Harappan Site in Jammu and Kashmir 185

17. Y.M. CHITALWALA: Harappan Settlements in the Kutch-Saurashtra Region: Patterns of , | Distribution and Routes of Communication 197 PART III: Ecology, Technology and Trade

18. VisHNuU-MittrRe and R. SavitHri: Food Economy of the Harappans 205 19. D.P. AGRAwALand R.K. Soop: Ecological Factors and the Harappan Civilization 223

20. BRIDGET ALLCHIN: Substitute Stones 233 21. K.T.M. HeGpe, R.V. KARANTH and S.P. SYCHANTHAVONG: On the Composition and

Technology of Harappan Microbeads 239

Millennium B.c. , 245 23. SHEREEN RATNAGAR: The Location of Harappa 261 22. Marcia FEntTRESS: From Jhelum to Yamuna: City and Settlement in the Second and Third

24. DitiepK. CHAKRABARTI: ‘Long Barrel-Cylinder’ Beads and the Issue of Pre-Sargonic

Contact between the Harappan Civilization and Mesopotamia 265

25. SHASHI ASTHANA: Harappan Trade in Metals and Minerals: A Regional Approach 271 |

Subsistence Systems 287

26. STEVEN A. WEBER: Changes in Plant Use at Rojdi: Implications for Early South Asian |

from the Eastern Margin 295

27. RICHARD H. MEADOW: Animal Domestication in the Middle East: A Revised View

PART IV: Harappan Archaeology and the Gulf

of Evidence 335

28. DANIEL T. POTTS: Tell Abrag and the Harappan Tradition in Southeastern Arabia 323 29. CHRISTOPHER EDENS: Indus-Arabian Interaction during the Bronze Age: A Review

30. MAURIZIO TOSI: The Harappan Civilization beyond the Indian Subcontinent 365 PART V: The Later Phases of the Harappan Tradition

31. A. GHOSH: Deurbanization of the Harappan Civilization 381

32. F.R. ALLCHIN: The Legacy of the Indus Civilization 385

Contents xl Ganges Civilizations 395 33. B.B. LAL: West was West and East was East, but When and How Did the Twain Meet? The Role of Bhagwanpura as a Bridge between Certain Stages of the Indus and

, in India 413 34. K.N. DIKSHIT: Hulas and the Late Harappan Complex in Western Uttar Pradesh 399 35. S.R. RAO: New Light on the Post-Urban (Late Harappan) Phase of the Indus Civilization

36. M.K. DHAVALIKAR: Daimabad Bronzes 421

the Harappan Civilization 427

37. ROBERT SHARER: Did the Maya Collapse? A New World Perspective on the Demise of

_ 38. D.P. AGRAWAL: The Harappan Legacy: Break and Continuity 445 —

PART VI: New Excavation Reports | a , 39. LOUIS FLAM: Excavations at Ghazi Shah, Sindh, Pakistan | . 457 , 40. GEORGE F. DALES and J. MARK KENOYER: The Harappan Project 1986-1989: New

Investigation at an Ancient Indus City ! 469

41. BRIDGET ALLCHIN and RAYMOND ALLCHIN: Lewan—A Stone Tool Factory of the | }

Fourth to Third Millennium B.C. , 521

Recent Excavation of Kuntasi 555

42. M.K. DHAVALIKAR: Harappans in Saurastra: The Mercantile Enterprise as Seen from

Index. , , 583 PART VII: Conclusion

43. ROBERT H. DYSON, JR.: Paradigm Changes in the Study of the Indus Civilization 571

Contributors and Participants D.P. Agrawal Y.M. Chitalwala Physical Research Laboratory Superintending Archaeologist Ahmedabad, Gujarat 380009, India Department of Archaeology Western Circle

R.C. Agrawala Jubilee Bagh Former Director Rajkot, Gujarat, India Department of Archaeology and Museums Grorge F. Dales

Ram Garden D f South andanSouth Asian Jaipur,Hiswar Rajasthan, India epartment O out outneast AsianStudi Studies University of California | Bridget Allchin Berkeley, CA 94720, USA

Center of South Asian Studies M.K. Dhavalikar Laundress Lane Joint Director Cambridge, England, CB2 1SD | Deccan College

Pune, Maharashtra 411006, India

TR. Allchin , K.N. Dikshit Faculty of Oriental Studies . . ;

Cambridge University Superintending Archaeologist Sidgwick Avenue __ Archaeological Survey xcavations Brancof India

Cambridge, England, CB3 9DA Purana Qila, New Delhi 110011, India

Shashi Asthana Robert H. Dyson, Jr.

Keeper, Archaeology Department of Anthropology

National Museum University Museum

R.S. Bisht ; . Peabody Archaeological Survey ofMuseum India , ;

Janpath, New Delhi 110001, India , University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, PA 19104, USA

Superintending Archaeologist Chrishoper Edens

Srinagar, Kashmir, India Harvard University , , Cambridge, MA 02138, USA Dilip K. Chakraba rH Walter A. Fairservis, Jr. Department of History

tate Department of Anthropology Delhi University ; ; ° Central Park West at 79th Street

Delhi 110007. India American Museum of Natural History New York, NY 10024, USA

xiv Contributors and Participants

Marcia Fentress , B.B. Lal Department of South and Southeast Asian Studies Director

University of California Indian Institute of Advanced Study

Berkeley, CA 94720, USA Rashtra Pati Niwas

Louis Flam Simla, India Department of Anthropology Carl C. Lamberg-Karlovsky Lehman College Department of Anthropology CUNY Harvard University New York, NY, USA Cambridge, MA 02138, USA A. Ghosh (Late) Madhu Bala

Former Director General Deputy Superintending Archaeologist Archaeological Survey of India Archaeological Survey of India Bankuli, Gurgaon Road, Janpath, New Delhi 110001, India

| New Delhi 110037, India Richard H. Meadow

S.P. Gupta Zooarchaeology laboratory Keeper, Central Asian Antiquities Peabody Museum

National Museum Harvard University

Janpath, New Delhi 110001, India Cambridge, MA 02138, USA

_K.T.M. Hegde R.N. Mehta Department of Archaeology and Ancient History Head of the Department of Archaeology and M.S. University of Baroda Ancient History

Vadodara, Gujarat 390002, India M.S. University of Baroda

Jean-Francois Jarrige Vadodara, Gujarat 390002, India

Guimet M. Rafique Mughal 6Musee Place d’Iena Ministry of Education Paris, France 75116 P.O. Jagat Pati Joshi Bahrain, Arabian Gulf

Box 43 ,

Director, Exploration

Archaeological Survey of India reeory L. rossenl

Janpath, New Delhi 110001, India € University Museum University of Pennsylvania

R.V. Karanth Philadelphia, PA 19104, USA

Department of Archaeology and Ancient History ,

M.S. University of Baroda | Daniel T. Potts

Vadodara, Gujarat 390002, India Carsten Neibur Institute

J. Mark Keynoyer Copenhagen, Denmark Department of Anthropolo University of Wisconsin ” S-R. Rao

Madison. Wisconsin. USA 1233, 34th Cross, IV “T’ Block ,

, ° Jayanagar, Bangalore 560011, India Vijay Kumar Superintendent Shereen Ratnagar Department of Archaeology and Museums Center for Historical Studies

Ram Hiswar Garden Jawaharlal Nehru University Jaipur, Rajasthan, India New Delhi, India

Contributors and Participants XV S.A. Sali B.P. Sinha Superintending Archaeologist Former Head of the Department of Ancient Archaeological Survey of India Indian History and Archaeology Janpath, New Delhi 110001, India Patna University

Pantna, Bihar, India : R.; Savithri , pace Application Center

Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeobotany RB. Sood er

Lucknow, U.P. 226007, India

»3, University Road Ahmedabad, Gujarat 380053, India K.V. Soundara Rajan

Jim G. Shaffer Additional Director General

Department of Anthropology Archaeological Survey of India

Case Western Reserve University Janpath, New Delhi 110001, India

Cleveland, OH 44106, USA S.P. Sychanthavong Robert Sharer Department of Archaeology and Ancient History Department of Anthropology M.S. University of Baroda

U a Vadodara, Gujarat 390002, India niversity Museum

University of Pennsylvania B.K. Thapar

Philadelphia, PA 19104, USA Former Director General Archaeological Survey of India

Steven A. Weber — Janpath, New Delhi 110001, India Department of Anthropology Maurizio Tosi

? 2, Golf Links Y.D. Sharma New Delhi 110003, India

Franklin and Marhsall College Italian— Cultural Cent Lancaster, P.A. USA 0 C/o Malan ular enire

Formerly Deputy Director General Vishnu-Mittre

Archaeological Survey of India Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeobotany

B-16, Kailash Colony 53, University Road New Delhi, India Lucknow, U.P. 226007, India

Illustration Credits

Most of the line drawings and photographs accom- Plates 36.1, 36.3, 36.4 and 36.5 accompanying M.K. panying the papers in this book were supplied by each Dhavalikar’s paper are courtesy of the National Geo- , of the authors. The members of the Archaeological graphic. Permission to reprint illustrations should be Survey of India drew upon the resources of that in- obtained by contacting individual contributors or the | stitution and most of their illustrations are by cour- appropriate authority.

tesy of the Archaeological Survey of India. Plate Dust jacket illustration thanks to the National 11.12 is also courtesy ot the Archaeological Museum, Survey. New Delhi.

List of Abbreviations

DSW Degenerate Siswal Wares MASCA Museum and Applied Science Center for Archaeology

OCP Colored Pottery PGWOchre Painted Gray Ware : ,

NBPW Northern Black Polished Ware NBPW Northern Black Polished Ware

INTRODUCTION

Ss SSSS B.K. THAPAR

The Harappan Civilization: Some Reflections on Its Environments and Resources and Their Exploitation

HARAPPAN Culture is a field of study which has ancient world, such as the Mesopotamian and the fascinated scholars and laymen alike for the past six Egyptian, were riverine in their environmental setdecades. During this period, which has been marked ting. However, the geographical factors relevant to by an advancement in science and technology, many the settlements in the Indus Valley are similar to revolutionary discoveries have been made, admit- those between the Mesopotamian lowlands and the tedly with some indispensable though volatile con- Iranian highlands. The greater Indus Valley (Fig. 1) tributions. But, all have required a search for new can be divided into two principal divisions: (1) the interpretations of old evidence. It is fully well known Baluchistan plateau with the western highlands, rethat neither history nor any other human activity can presented by Sind Kohistan, Kirthar, and Sulaiman be definitive as long as the human race continues to ranges, and (2) the lower Indus Valley, represented exist. Thus, new dimensions are being added to by the western and eastern valley sections as well as knowledge of the Harappan Civilization through the delta area. The Thar Desert on the eastern margin fieldwork, conducted both in India and Pakistan and, of the valley formed an effective barrier, isolating it if I may add, Afghanistan, Iran and the Turkmenian from the rest of India. The western hill country on the Republic of the U.S.S.R. This has resulted in a seri- other hand was not a barrier because of the numerous ous challenge to the old platitude concerning the transverse lines of drainage through these mountain homogeneity of this civilization. In fact, it might be ranges which promoted communication from the valsaid that one is now in a position to see the woods, ley to the Iranian Plateau. The most important of

thanks to the thinning of the trees. these are the Mula, Muskhat and Bolan Passes.

The occurrence of a few sherds of Pre-Harappan The Baluchistan Plateau and the Indo-Iranian type in the Neolithic levels at Burzahom only indi- borderlands, lie beyond this watershed. They had a cates an as yet isolated contact with the mid-Indus different ecology, and this was the area that witnessed basin and not a cultural spread. Such a phenomenon the early village-town settlements which formed the provides the archaeologist a worthwhile basis for background for the evolution of cities along the reflection, a reflection on why and where, and I have Indus. The barely habitable dry plateau of Iran and chosen for my paper, a germane theme, viz., the Baluchistan drove the highlanders into the fertile valenvironment and resources of the Harappan Civili- ley of the Indus. This movement was possible because

zation. of the lower slopes of the Kirthar and Sulaiman ranges falling gently into the plains below.

GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES The rugged and desolate character of the western. highlands is accentuated by the extreme sparseness of

It is widely known that the earliest civilizations of the its vegetation. In spite of the altitude (over 2000

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Harappan Civilization: Its Environments, Resources and Their Exploitation 5. meters) rainfall is scanty. Nevertheless, it afforded Western Yamuna Canal or the Chautang (ancient excellent grazing to sheep and goats and to the wild Drishadvati) and fed the Hakra, while according to ibex. A noteworthy feature of these hill ranges was others the Sutlej followed on an independent course the development of gravel slopes at the base of the into the Hakra. In the alluvial tract of Bahawalpur the hills, forming a piedmont zone between the western existence of several depressions and paleochannels, highlands and the alluvium in the east. The plain indicating dried-up river beds, seems to bear .testiimmediately adjoining these slopes in the northern mony to the link between the two rivers perhaps a sector across the lower reaches of the Bolan River flow of the flood waters from the Beas-Sutlej link and Nari and Chakar nais is known as Kachi. It is when the latter flowed further south.

formed of alluvium deposited from the hills, quite The Hakra branch of the great canal system, distinct from that derived from the Indus from which taking off from the Sutlej at the Sulemanki Weir, it is separated by a flat desert of clay-like soil known perhaps represented the ancient channel of the as pat. An equally distinct tract, known as the plain of Sutlej, meeting the Ghaggar a little above Fort Las, extends about 90 kilometers northwards from Abbas. The Sutlej, a snow-fed river, carried the seacoast. It drains an area of considerable abundant water to the Hakra system through its chanmagnitude in Kohistan and is composed of alluvium nel. The added volume of its waters could reasonably deposited by the Porali, Hab, and Malir Rivers. Yet be held to account for the much increased width of the another potential agricultural area lay about Lake Ghaggar-Hakra bed west of Fort Abbas and for the

Manchar. This largest freshwater lake in India was occurrence of ancient sites in a continuous line the repository of water spilling from the flood- throughout the Bahawalpur region. The Ghaggar was | channels of the Indus, including the western Nara as fed entirely by the monsoons in the Siwaliks, and

well as the drainage of the hill country. after its link with the Sutlej ceased, its diminished

During periods of inundation, it covers an areaof ———_ waters failed to sustain the settlements downstream. over 500 square kilometers but shrinks to a mere 36 The Hakra was a degrading river with a well-cut bed square kilometers as a result of post-monsoonal dry- _in the alluvium and without a large delta which a river ing. This periodically changing level of filling and of this size would be expected to form. Although the emptying thus affords an excellent arable land for chronology of stream movement still remains elusive,

cultivation, especially for the rabi crop. the observed shifts in the courses seemed to have

The Indus system, which primarily consists of two resulted from ‘“‘northering” and “‘westering”’ with the

rivers, the Indus and the Hakra-Wahinda (modern possibility of the capture of the Yamuna by the . eastern Nara) along with their tributaries, flows Gangetic system. through Sind, Rajasthan, Punjab and Haryana. Both The Indus, on the contrary, is identified as an these rivers, especially the latter, have left marks of aggrading river. Traveling a long distance in the their old courses or channels (Figs. 2 and 3). These Himalayas, including the chains of Ladakh, it crosses rivers have also been called the Mihran of Sind. The. the mountains of Kohistan and Hazara and finally Indus Plain in Sind is a relatively narrow east-west debouches onto the Punjab plains below Darband. strip about 200 kilometers wide contained by the Thar Thereafter it is met by tributaries, bringing the drainDesert on the east and the Kirthar Range on the west. age of the Hindu Kush (Kabul River), the Sulaiman The Kachi Plain and Lake Manchar are two distinct Range (Kurram, Tochi, Zhob, Gomal Rivers, etc.)

ecological regions which have had great influence and further downstream, at the panchnad, a little on the settlement and subsistence pattern of the north of Mithankot, the accumulated waters of the

region. Punjab rivers. The river does not flow directly northIn the Hakra system (represented by the Naiwal, south but makes a deep S-shaped curve, thus adding Hakra, Wahinda and Sottar) which is now largely to its cultivable land. The contours in the northern dried up, excepting the upper part (then represented tracts run almost north-west/south-east, those in the by the Ghaggar, Sarasvati, Drishadvati) the middle middle, nearly east-west and those in the south and lower part (now converted into the Eastern Nara approximately north-east/south-west. Being fed both Canal), most conspicuous changes have taken place. by snow and monsoons periodic flooding has been an Various theories have been advanced for this. Some important phenomenon of its regimen. The notescholars postulate that at one time the River Yamuna worthy features of the lower reaches of the river in flowed westwards through a channel such as the the Sind region are: (1) its rushing flow through the

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Fig. 6.2. Map of the site of Mehrgarh.

82 , Jean-Francois Jarrige | now have evidence of continuous occupation for lets, geometric microliths, lunates, or a characteristic more than three millennia prior to the Harappan trapeze with a curved back. The microlithic types Civilization. The sequence demonstrates that the represent about four percent of the collection. This Kachi Plain is an area with a long cultural tradition lithic industry shares many common features with

and its own regional characteristics. epipalaeolithic sites in the Near East. ,

At the 1977 meeting of South Asian Archaeo- Nearly 700 square meters of the upper levels of logists in Naples we announced the discovery of an the aceramic community have been exposed. These — aceramic Neolithic site at Mehrgarh (Jarrige and produced large rectangular buildings symmetrically _ Lechevallier 1979). This has been designated Mehr- divided into a number of rooms. Some of the buildgarh Mound Three (Fig. 6.2). A sectiap cut by the —_— ings have small square compartments without doors Bolan River revealed 10 meters of Neolithic deposit. that must have been storehouses (Pl. 6.4). InterThe top levels of this settlement dated to ca. 5000 B.c. spaced among these buildings are large cemeteries (radiocarbon determination with MASCA calibra- (P1. 6.5). Some of the burials contain baskets coated tion factors added). We still have no date for the — with bitumen (Pl. 6.6). They also have ornaments of.

lower layers but we assume that the beginning of the local stone, shell and bone (Pi. 6.7). Beads of. settlement is as early as the seventh millennium. For imported semiprecious stone, such as turquoise (PI. the time being only the upper layers have been exten- 6.8) and lapis lazuli, are also present. Another of the sively excavated, but in a large sounding undertaken interments is associated with a copper bead giving

, during the 1978-79 season, five meters of Neolithic interesting evidence for the use of metal in an | deposits were excavated. It is hoped that virgin soil aceramic context. Red ochre is commonly associated | was reached in this area during the 1979-80 season. with the burials and in one case the traces of a red — The 1978-79 sounding confirmed the fact that the ochre-colored textile were visible on the bones. , deposits are aceramic. Several layers of mud-brick Cakes of red ochre were also found as grave goods architecture have been exposed here showing the along with polished stone axes, stone vessels, flint

sedentary character of the settlement. Sickie cores, blades and microliths. elements and grinding stones were recovered from On the southern edge of the Neolithic settlement | the upper levels along with cereal impressions in a sloping deposit contained about twelve potsherds in lumps of clay (Pl. 6.1) which have been studied by L. a very coarse chaff-tempered ware. This is so far the Costantini. Impressions of two-row hulled barley first evidence of pottery in this part of Mehrgarh and (Hordeum distichum), six-row barley (H. vulgare and it seems to come slightly later than the top level of the

| H, vulgare var. nudum), emcorm wheat (Triticum | Mehrgarh Mound Three Neolithicsettlement. __ monococcum), emmer wheat (T. dicoccum) and South of the Neolithic settlement are the remains , bread wheat (7. durum/aestivum) suggest that agri- of a fifth millennium occupation. A large rectangular 2 culture in Baluchistan was diversified and weil de- building has been exposed with the same type of long : veloped by the end of the sixth millennium. plano-convex bricks used during the earlier Neolithic : The faunal remains from the upper two metersof _—_ phase (PI. 6.9). It is divided into 10 narrow compartthe Neolithic deposit have been studied by Richard ments, symmetrically disposed on each side of a | Meadow. He finds a marked shift over time from an narrow corridor. This building, which is preserved in | assemblage dominated by bones of hunted animals some places to a height of one meter, has no door and | le.g., gazelle (Gazella dorcas, Pi. 6.2), wild sheep _ seems to have, been used asa storeroom, just as were (Ovis orientalis), swamp deer (Cervus duvauceli) and the buildings mentioned in the Neolithic settlement. : cattle (Bos namadicus?)| to one characterized almost Its use as a granary would explain the large number of

, exclusively by domesticated species [e.g., sheep barley and wheat imprints noticed in the compart(Ovis ares), goats and most importantly, cattle (P1. ments. Two very well preserved sickles with three , 6.3)]. The identification of two bones from the water _—_—bladelets hafted slantwise in bitumen have also been - buffalo (Bos bubalis) from these same levels makes it found in one of the compartments. Outside this build-

the earliest evidence for this animal in South Asia. ing, along the western wail, a large fireplace was Flint artifacts are the most numerous find in this found to contain several hundred charred grains. period, with approximately 15,000 pieces. These These are presently being studied by L. Constantini belong to an industry dominated by blades and blade- who has already identified several kinds of wheat

Excavations at Mehrgarh 83 , including Triticum aestivum-compactum and barley. contacts (turquoise, lapis lazuli and sea shells) in Some of the seeds have been identified as cotton (cf. Baluchistan. Further excavations in the deepest NeoGossypium sp.). But these seeds are very carbonized, lithic deposits, so far unexplored, will throw new light often broken and are in such a bad state of preserva- on the part played by the northwestern regions of the tion that it is difficult to know if they belong to the Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent in the cultural processes wild or cultivated species. But their occurrence which led to the development of the earliest farming among the other seeds of cultivated cereals, in a communities. The cultural traditions of the third and fireplace apparently associated with a “granary,” fourth millennia in Baluchistan and the Indus Valley would suggest that their presence is not accidental. It are deeply rooted in local traditions beginning with a

therefore cannot be denied that cotton was cultivated very early Neolithic. oe ,

in the fifth millennium for either its oil or fibrous At the beginning of the fourth millennium s.c. properties. But, a certain amount of caution is called Mehrgarh (Period III) becomes ‘a mass production for in this matter and further information on the center for wheel-turned pottery. The vessels, often of

cotton from Mehrgarh is awaited. a fine fabric, are decorated with geometric motifs of Along the southern wall of the ‘‘granary” are the the Kili Ghul Mohammad ITI style, or with caprid and remains of a steatite cutter’s workshop. This has vari- bird representations of the Togau style (Pl. 6.12). ous stone tools, including a few drills. On the eastern Workshops where lapis lazuli, turquoise, carnelian side of the same building, heaps of bones were mixed and sea shell were worked are also associated with with ashes. About one hundred bone awls were col- this period which marks an important stage in the lected here (PI. 6.10). It seems that a bone industry development of craft activities. The presence of was associated with the garbage resulting from in- several microdrills in green stone (phtanite) found in tense butchering activity. Thus, the awls may have association with stone beads is worthy of note (PI. been used for working animal skins on this very spot. 6.13). This is so far the earliest evidence for these A limited number of sherds in a fine burnishedred — tools of remarkable workmanship. Their ends are ware have also been found in and outside the build- slightly hollow and highly polished, suggesting the Ing. Most of the vessels are pear-shaped jars. It is use of a bow drill. Tools like these are found in later interesting to note that these pots were shaped on a contexts at Shahr-i Sokhta, Shahdad as well as Indus rotating device, probably a wheel, and extended with sites such as Chanhudaro (Mackay 1937). dabber. Two human figurines in clay were also found. This period can be considered a phase of techThey are very stylized; one is in a seated position, the nologicalinnovation, and one within which there was _ Other, which is truncated, is decorated with small a diversification of agriculture. It witnesses the _ discs pasted around its base (Pl. 6.11). Another ter- earliest appearance of oats (Avena sp.) and the addiracotta figurine is of a stylized four-legged animal, tion of Triticum sphaerococcum to the group of

and it comes from the same area within the site. These wheats already present in earlier tithes. , figurines, to which one must add a lower part of a At about 3500 B.c. the main period of occupation _ seated example from the Neolithic levels of Mehrgarh (IV) at Mehrgarh begins. This phase is known in Mound Three, demonstrate that representations of | Baluchistan through the pioneering work of W. A. - humans and animals are to be found in the earliest | Fairservis who designated it “Damb Sadaat I.” - cultural assemblages known in Baluchistan. By the Domestic buildings with small, low doors and open very end of this period (Period II in the general spaces where household activities were carried on, sequence at Mehrgarh), comes the first occurrence of have been exposed (Pl. 6.14). The floors of these painted pottery. This is definitely wheel-thrown, with open spaces, where many fragments of large storage very simple geometric patterns in the Kili Ghul jars were found, are full of barley imprints. In this Mohammad II style. It is associated with a large period there are beautiful examples of polychrome number of handmade sherds, some of them with pottery with geometric decorations in red, white and

basket marks. black. Large, semiconical vessels on small pedestals, The discoveries made at Mehrgarh in the deposits decorated with intricate geometrical patterns in of the fifth and sixth millennia have a deep signi- bright colors are masterpieces (PI. 6.15). Some of the ficance. They reveal the great antiquity of a farming painted pottery is decorated with the geometric economy, of craft specialization and of long distance motifs of the Togau B and D styles. But the painted

84 Jean-Francois Jarrige wares, which represented almost 30 percent of the yellow, reflect the existence of a rather sophisticated sherds in Period III, now account for less than 15 society. The remains of a huge brick platform faced

percent. At the same time there is a remarkable with a plastered wall is probably connected to a development in the range of shapes in plain ware. monumental complex. During this period there are This includes “eggshell” goblets and sturdy storage some indications of urbanization similar to those jars. The first stamp seals of terracotta and bone noted at Rahman Dheri by the team from the Uni-

occur in Period IV. The female figurines, which still versity of Peshawar. |

resemble the early Chalcolithic prototypes, now have The upper levels of Mehrgarh, with a cultural

pendulous breasts. | assemblage corresponding to Damb Sadaat III in the

By about 3200 B.c. a phase is reached which is well Quetta Valley, have an increase in the percentage of known in the Indo-Iranian borderlands. This period micaceous pottery in the Kot Dijian fabric. Triangu-

marks the beginning of Shahr-i Sokhta in Eastern lar terracotta cakes, long parallel-sided blades Iran, of Period III at Mundigak and of Damb Sadaat (reaching a length of 18 centimeters) and several _ IIin the Quetta Valley. This period, which extends other elements which will be found in the Mature from 3200 to 2500 B.c. has already been dealt with, in Harappan cultural assemblage, begin here. | , previous papers on Mehrgarh VI and VII (Jarrige Mehrgarh has produced a long history of man’s 1979: 85-87; Jarrige and Lechevallier 1979: 501-34). adaptation to the Indus Valley. This begins with the During this time Mehrgarh is a part of a large inter- earliest settling by farming peoples, and goes through action zone extending over most of the Indo-Iranian the middle of the third millennium. Just prior to 2500 borderlands. The mass production of pottery and B.C. the site is integrated into the Early Harappan as terracotta figurines is one of the main activities of the defined by Dr. M.R. Mughal (1970). Mehrgarh is site. Some of the finest specimens of the Faiz Moham- then abandoned. But, eight kilometers to the south, mad style Black on Gray Ware have been found close at Nowsharo, there is a Mature Harappan site which to kiln areas. The human figurines, with diversity in indicates that the Kachi Plain was definitely a part of

hairdressing, a variety of ornaments and painted in the Harappan territory. }

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Jarrige, J.F., 1979 Mughal, M.R., 1970

Excavations at Mehrgarh, Pakistan. In South The Early Harappan Period in the Greater Indus Asian Archaeology, 1975. J.E. van Lohuizen-de Valley and Northern Baluchistan (3000-2400

Leeuw, ed. Pp. 76-87. Leiden: E. J. Brill. B.c.). Ph.D. dissertation, Anthropology Depart-

Jarrige, J.F. and M.Lechevallier, 1979 ment, University of Pennsylvania. Excavations at Mehrgarh, Baluchistan: Their Reed, C.A., 1977

significance in the prehistoric context of the Indo- Origin of Agriculture. The Hague: Mouton.

Pakistani borderlands. In South Asian Archaeol- Wheeler, Sir Mortimer, 1968 , ogy, 1977. Maurizio Taddei, ed. Pp. 463-536. The Indus Civilization. 3rd ed. Supplementary Instituto Universitario Orientale, Seminario di Volume to the Cambridge History of India. Cam-

Mackay, E.J.H., 1937 | , Studi Asiatici, Series Minor IV, Naples. bridge: The University Press.

Bead Making in Ancient Sind. Journal of the

American Oriental Society 57: 1-15.

M. RAFIQUE MUGHAL

7. Recent Archaeological Research in the Cholistan Desert

INTRODUCTION project was directed by the author for four seasons

| between 1974 and 1977. Beginning at the Indian bor-

In 1974, the Department of Archaeology and der near Fort Abbas, we covered 110 miles, to Fort Museums, Pakistan launched a major program of Derawar, during the first season. The settlement

field research in the Cholistan Desert of former Baha- pattern that emerged from the first season’s work was

walpur State in the East-Central Indus Valley. The most encouraging in terms of understanding the purpose of this preliminary survey was to locate and character, distribution and location of various sites of identify the full range of archaeological remains in the Harappan Civilization. The highest concentration

this little-known region. The Cholistan Desert, an of sites was found around Fort Derawar and to its area of extreme aridity, was originally watered on its southwest (Figs. 7.1 and 7.2), an area which had not western fringes by a river now called the Hakra in been previously explored. As the work progressed,

Pakistan and the Ghaggar in India. Of particular the pivotal importance of this region began to interest was the now dry bed of this river. emerge. It is now clear that this is a key region for A part of this region was first explored by Sir understanding the developmental stages of the ' Aurel Stein in 1941 (Stein 1942). In 1955 Henry Field Harappan (or Indus) Civilization. (1959) re-examined a part of Stein’s track. On the

Indian side, the dry bed of the Ghaggar River was THE SITES

surveyed by A. Ghosh (1952) and later by B.B. Lal .

and B.K. Thapar, who extensively excavated the A total of 414 sites have been mapped along 300 miles Harappan site of Kalibangan. A zone along the Sutlej of the Hakra River bed (Mughal in press). They range River was explored by K.N. Dikshit and the area near in time from at least the fourth millennium B.c. to the Anupgarh and Nohar on the Ghaggar river reviewed Medieval Period..The protohistoric sites fall into the by Katy F. Dalal (1980). The major work in Haryana various periods of development (Table 7.1). , and the Punjab (east) was carried out by Suraj Bhan The sites cover the long, continuous sequence of (1973 and 1975) which he continued in 1977 with Jim development and change of the Indus Civilization,

G. Shaffer (Suraj Bhan and Shaffer 1978). encompassing the period from the fourth to the beginning of the first millennium B.c. The proto-

RECENT SURVEYS historic: settlement pattern in Cholistan has largely , | remained undisturbed to the present time and it is an Our surveys were concentrated along 300 miles of the important laboratory for the study of prehistory. The

dry bed of the Hakra River, within an approximately main features of each cultural phase are briefly 10 to 15-mile-wide strip (Mughal 1980a. b). The reviewed in the following pages.

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Recent Archaeological Research in the Cholistan Desert 87 Table 7.1

Approximate time range Cultural association | Number of sites

Fourth millennium B.C. Hakra Wares 99 (Jaliipur I related)

Early third millennium B.C. Early Harappan 40

Mid and lateB.C. third Mature Harappan 174 | millennium (Mohenjodaro and Harappan (Kot Diji related)

related) | Early second millennium B.C. Late Harappan 50 and later (Cemetery H related)

End second and early first Post or non-Harappan 14 millennium B.C. (Painted Gray and Black-andRed Wares related) Note: Some sites have more than one cultural phase.

No. No. No. KEY TO THE MAPS OF SITES

Site Name of site Site Name of site Site Name of ste

1. Raowali 27. Gamanwala 34. Wansyal-F 2. Chak 258 HL 28. Ladulai 55. Wantyal-H 3. Ahmadwala Chak 265 HR 29. 30. Gujranwala 56. Waiyal-G 4. Toba Chak 337HR $7. Hamaswala : 5. Channanwala Ther 31. Kandianwali 58. Gaoddal-B 6. Theriwala 32. Chapliwala (West) 59. Gaddal Ther

6A. Bahadrianwaila 33. Chapliwala (East) 60. Guddal-A

7. Phulra Fort 34. Chapuwala 61. Wakkarwala 8. Chak 270 HR 35. Chak341 62. Bokhariyanwala

9. Chak 271 HR 36. Jathewali 63. Bokhanyanwala—A 10. R.D. 66 37. Chak 353 (West) 64. Bazariwala 11. Rajuwaila 38. Mansura 65. Jatorwala—A 12. Sandhanawala 39. Chak323 HR 66. Jatoiwala—B

13. Satkui (East) 40. Satwali 67. Kuchanwala 14. Satkui (West) 41. Gharanwal _ 68. Abmadwala Ther 15. Chak 281 280HR 42. Trillar Jalwali70. 69.‘Tassoolwala Lal Patel , 16. Chak HR 43. 17. Quraish Ther 44. Akhera 7i. Jatonvaia Ther 18. Chak 285 HR 45. Malhalewala Ther 72. Hekim Ali Ther

19. Chak298 HR 46. Bokharaiwala T3. ChakS8 20. Mirgarh Fort 47. Mbojgarh Fort 74. Chak SBA (West) 21. Jamgarh Fort 48. Mojgarh Ther D. Cak@®

22. Chak308 HR 49. Chipwala 76. Kudwala

23. Chak 314HR 50. Kalepar (Bhoot) T]. Wassyal-A 24. Kirarwali 51. Khewtal 78. Warryal-B 25. Chak31SHR 52. Wartyal Ther 79. Warryal-D-

26. Marot Fort 53. Wariyal-E 80. Wariyai—C

88 M. Rafique Mughal

No. No. No.

Site Name of site Site Name of site Site Name of site

81. Gharaiyanwala 127. Bagrauwala Ther 174. Hotewala—II 82. Ali Mohd Wala Ther 128. Bara Fort 175. Hotewala Ther-A

83. Chak 45 129. Bara Ther 176. Hotewala Ther—B 84. Maujhalwala 130. Dingarh Fort 177. Garakwala

85. Chak 45B (North) 131. Dabli (West) 178. Jamuwali-A 86. Chak 45A (South) 132. Dabli (East) 179. Jamuwali-B 87. Chak 44 133. Sullewala 180. Mubarakwala Ther 88. Boharwala Ther 134. Cheelanwali 181. Butewala 89. Chak 51 135. Cheelanwala—B 182. . Lunida-—Il

90. Kaliyar 136. Killianwali-D 183. Lunida-I 91. Rohatwala 137. Jiwaiwali 184. Sanukewala-II 92. Chak 103 138. Waddanwala 185. Sanukewala

93. Chak 107 139. Bahilawala—C 186. Sanukewala—III 94. Chak 61 (East) 140. Bahilawala—B 187. Kalharwala 95. Chak 61 (West) 141. Bahilawala Ther 188. Drigwala

96. Lurewala 142. Nahranwala 189. Kalharwala—B

97. Ratta Ther 143. Turawewali—C 190. Kaiyanwala-II 98. Dunkkian 144. Turawewali Theri 190A. Trekoe 99. Turanwala 145. Turawewali-B 191. Kaiyanwala—I 100. Phukhi Ther 146. Khingarwali 192. Dilwashwala

101. Kuruwala 146A. Naharwali—B 193. Payunewali Bhit—II 102. Shahiwala 147. Khan Kandewala—A 194. Payunewali Bhit—III 103. Sui Vihar 148. Khan Kandewala—E 195. Payuna Bhit

103A. Zahir Pir Tibba 149. Akkanwali Theri 195A. Mehruband Ther 104. Kotla Musa Khan 150. Khan Kandewala—B 196. Qadir Bux Theri 105. Uchh Sharif 151. Khan Kandewala—D 197. Shikarwala Ther

106. Mehmudabad 152. Achharwala 198. Litanwala 107. Sukkarwala 153. Wavriwala 199. Goongal Mar 108. Chak 75 154. Waddanwali 200. Magrejewali 109. Chak 76. 155. Killianwali-C 201. Bazariwali—C

110. Dundkianwali 156. Killianwali-B 202. Bazariwali—B 111. Shaikhanwala Ther 157. Killanwali 203. Bazariwali-A

112. Dabli Theri 158. Bandwali 204. Singharwali 113. Chak 97 159. Lundwali-III 205. Gadiwali 114. Siddhuwali-E 160. Dhedaniwala Ther 206. Mahiwali

(or Lumrywala) 161. Lundewali—IV 207. Thoom Thali ,

115. Siddhuwali-F 162. Lundewali-II 208. Derawar Fort 116. Bulbaliwala 163. Lundewala Ther 209. Derawar Ther 117. Khohi Siddhuwali 164. Jalwali-A 210. Chaudhryanwala

118. Siddhuwala Ther 165. Khan Kandewala—C 211. Jhumtiwala

119. Siddhuwali-B 166. Jalwali-B 212. Charhoyanwala

120. Siddhuwali—C 167. Changalawala—C | 213. Ghumharianwala 121. Siddhuwali-D 168. Changalawala Ther | 214. Marechiwala

122. Khatranwali-II 169. Naharwali 215. Merechi Kanda 123. Khatranwali-I 170. Oinwala Ther 216. Merechi Kanda-II 124. Chak 131 171. Changalawala—B 216A. Garewala

125. Mirana 172. Daiwala 217. MerechiKanda-III

126. Rawewala 173. Gopawala 218. Luppewala—IIl

No. No. No.

Recent Archaeological Research in the Cholistan Desert 89 Site Name of site Site Name of site Site Name of site 219. Lathwala 267. Musafarwali 311. Khiplewali-II

220. Lathwala—Il 268. Gamuwala Ther 312. Khiplewali 221. Luppewala 269. Gamuwala Dahar 313. Khiplewala 222. Luppewala-II 270. Gamuwali 313A. Khiplewala 223. Chiheywali 271. Mehrianwala Ther 314. Jhandewala-Il 224. Baggewali 272. Mehrianwali-Il 315. Jhandewala Ther 225. Gajjuwala—II 273. Adhi—III 316. Burhanewala Ther

226. Gajjuwala Ther 274. Adhi-Il 317. Mashinewala

227. Sadwala Kanda , 275. Adhi-I 318. Develiwala—II

228. Hasilwala Ther 276. Bhootanwala—C 319. Develiwala Ther 229. Niwaniwala Ther (West) 277. Bhootanwala—A & B 320. Mehwali

230. Niwaniwala Ther (East) 277A. Bhootanwali-II 321. Mehwali-II

231. Niwaniwala—II 278. Bhootanwali — 322. Mahawala Ther 232. Niwaniwala—III 279. Noor Shah Ther 323. Barula—Il

233. Azimwala—II 280. Ambrawala Ther 324. Barula-I 234. Azimwali 281. Ambrawali 325. Ganweriwala 235. Azimwali-A 282. Ghaziwala Ther 326. Bilewali 236. Azimwali-B 283. Laluwala Ther 327. Thoriwala 237. Azimwali—C 284. Baghwala Ther 327A. Tharwala 238. Shidiwala—-A 284A. Sanghewala 328. Safuwala—III

239. Batoorwala 285. Sohniwali 329. Safuwala—IV

240. Khanpuri-II 286. Sohniwali-II 330. Safuwala Ther

241. Sauransanda 287. Khiplewala—II 331. Safuwala—Il 242. Khanpuri 288. Jawaiwala-II 332. Valwala—II 243. Kikriwala Ther 289. Jawaiwala Ther 333. Valwali

244. Abduwali 290. Kuppianwala 334. Thakowala

245. Kikri 291. Chorewala 335. Dhuhinwala Ther 246. Kikri-II 292. Lakhman 336. Dhuni 247. Bhagriwala 293. Jhalar 337. Duhienwala Qila

248. Qasaiwala 294. Jafawala—I 338. Dhuni (South) 249. Tharulawala Ther 295. Chandnewala-HI 339. Moniwala

250. Janiwali 295A. Jafewali Theri 340. Gaddawala Ther 251. Dadwala-Il 296. Jafawala 341. Jejalam 252. Dadwala Ther 297. Jafawala—II 342. Rajbai

253. Runwali 298. Rahmanwali 343. Shadiwala Ther 254. Darkhanwala Ther 299. Barriwala Ther 344. Sheikhwali

255. Darkhanwala-Il 300. Rappwala Ther 345. Karowala 257. Sheruwala Ther 301. Badalwala-II 347. Khairgarh Fort 258. Chandnewala Ther 302. Badalwala 348. Khairgarh Ther 259. Chandnewala-II 303. Jangipar 349. Malluwali—-I 260 Sheruwala-—III 304. Badalwala—III 350. Malluwali-II

256. Sheruwala—II 300A. Chakwali 346. Sanasiwala

261. Chikrala 305. Badalwala—IV 351. Onchi Ther 262. Parhara 306. Badalwala—V 351A. Kot Ghunia

263. Parharewala—A 307. Mehrindawala Ther 352. Shah Garh Ther 264. Chore 308. Sheikhri—II 353. Ratta—I

265. Wasuwala Thér 309. Bootewali 353A. Chak 124

266. Musafarwali—II 310. Khiplewali-II] 354. Ratta—III

|

90 M. Rafique Mughal

No. No. No.

Site Name of site Site Name of site Site Name of site

354A. Chak 121 360. Ghatoro 366. Chak 143 P 355. Ratta—II 361. Pattan Minara 367. Kot Murid

356. Baggapura Ther 362. Bhagla Fort 368. Nawan Kot

357. Baggapura—Il 363. Jummewala Tibba 369. Khangarh Fort

358. Chak 112P 364. Chak 139 P 370. Rukanpur 359. Machki Fort 365. Falji Fort

Note: Among 414 sites listed, the map shows 385 sites. In the map, an area about thirty miles long on southwest and entire desert on south containing sites of the Medieval Period are omitted. The sites not shown on the map are: Medieval/Early Historical = 14, Hakra = 5, Mature Harappan = 8, and Late Harappan = 2. The final report on Bahawalpur Survey (in press), however, contains details of all the listed sites.

THE HAKRA WARES PERIOD in Anupgarh Tehsil in Indian territory, has yielded precisely identical black-slipped or burnished pottery The oldest known cultural assemblage in Cholistan is along with Hakra Mud Applique and Incised Pottery represented by 99 sites of varying dimensions. These (Dalal 1980: Figs. 8 and 9). Material comparable to

settlements are generally low mounds in lesser this Hakra black-slipped or burnished pottery is not Cholistan (Bahawalnagar and Bahawalpur Districts) yet known in the Greater Indus Valley at fourth and are located close to, or in, the dahars (mud flats). millennium B.c. sites. However, the exposed levels at

In greater Cholistan (Rahimyar Khan District), they Periano Ghundai in the Zhob Valley of northern also occur on sand dunes. This assemblage has been Baluchistan (west of the Gomal Pass) that have been called “‘Hakra”’ because of the initial area of discov- grouped under the term “‘Periano A”’ (Mughal 1972a:

ery and the great concentration of sites along the 140) yielded black burnished/slipped pottery in

Hakra flood plain. association with a handmade basket-marked ware.

Hakra ceramics are very distinctive. They are The Hakra Wares. assemblage also includes a both wheelmade and handmade red wares with a small percentage of distinctive buff wares. These variety of surface treatments. The most frequent and were wheelmade and painted black in a style that conspicuous pottery types include: (a) those treated recalls the fourth millennium B.c. ceramic tradition of on the external surface with a secondary coating of the Pakistan-Iranian borderlands. mud mixed with bits of pottery called ‘“‘mud appli- It is too early to gay whether or not the combined que” (PI. 7.1); and (b) pottery with a series of incised form and decorative styles of the Hakra Wares indilines on the external surface called Hakra Incised (PI. cate the beginnings of the diagnostic Kot Dijian 7.2). Most of the Hakra Mud Applique Ware consists ceramic assemblage. It is known, however, that such of handmade, thick-bodied vessels tempered with pottery forms overlap the Kot Dijian Wares at Jalilclay. There are also some wheelmade, thin-bodied pur (Mughal 1972b and 1974). pots with a fine fabric. The thin-bodied pottery has an Other finds of the period include: animal figurines everted rim and 1s painted in black on a deep red or with short, joined legs including those of buils and chocolate slip which is confined to the-shoulder just cows; shell and terracotta bangles with triangular and below the rim. The resemblance of the Hakra Mud rectangular sections; fragments of grinding stones; Applique Ware in vessel form and surface treatment bits of copper and a great number of other impleto some of the handmade pottery from the earliest ments. The lithic industry has parallel-sided blades, levels of Amri IA (Casal 1964: Fig. 45) is most strik- most of which have reworked edges; microblades,

ing. At Amri, this pottery occurs in levels which borers, leaf-shaped arrowheads, scrapers and cores would certainly date to earlier than 3500 B.c. by (Pl. 7.3). Typologically it appears to compare well radiocarbon. Also included in the Hakra Wares is red with the lithic materials from Jalilpur I and II, the pottery with a black slip all over the body. The black Neolithic Period I of Sarai Khola (Halim 1972), slip on many specimens appears to be burnished to a Gumla I (Dani 1971) and even Rahman Dheri (Khan glossy finish. A Hakra Wares site called RD 89, — 1979). located just few kilometers east of Pakistan’s border _ The Hakra Wares sites are heavily concentrated

Recent Archaeological Research in the Cholistan Desert 91 around Derawar Fort and to the southwest with a few occupied during the Mature Harappan Period in sites to the east of Derawar. Most of the sites are Cholistan. This is a pattern found elsewhere in the single period settlements with only Hakra Wares; but Greater Indus Valley and Baluchistan.

two (Nos. 67 and 142 on Fig. 7.1) were occupied in the The Early Harappan Period is marked by an succeeding Early Harappan Period and four sites increase in the size and number of functionally (Nos. 184, 233, 327 and 336) have Mature Harappan articulated sites, at least as compared to the preced-

remains. None of the Hakra Period sites was ing Hakra Wares Period. There is a very sharp decline occupied during the Late Harappan Period. Among in the number of camp sites: 7.5 percent of the total 99 sites, 52.5 percent were camp sites; 45.4 percent during the Early Harappan Period against 52.5 perwere settlements; while 2 percent contain kilns within cent during the Hakra Period. There is a slight

the settlement areas. increase (57.5 percent) in the frequency of purely settlement sites. But, the interesting change is an

THE EARLY HARAPPAN PERIOD increase to 35 percent in multifunctional settlements,

, , that is, those combining residential functions with

The cultural phase that follows the Hakra Wares specialized/industrial activities. In the Hakra Wares Period in Cholistan is represented by characteristic Period only two percent of the sites were of this type. Kot Dijian ceramics and associated materials. These This shift seems to be significant in terms of socioare already well known from other sites in the Great- cultural changes that occurred by the beginning of the er Indus Valley and can be assigned by radiocarbon Early Harappan Period in Cholistan.

dating to the early third millennium s.c. Within the About 60 percent of the Early Harappan sites Greater Indus Valley there is a basic similarity of here are smaller than five hectares in overall size. material culture at this time, despite the presence of Twenty-five percent are between five and ten hecsome regional variation. Equally to the point, how- tares. Ones«site, Gamanwala (No. 27 on Fig. 7.1) ever, is the apparent continuity of development in the spreads over an area of 27.3 hectares, while another material culture between this Early Harappan and Early Harappan site, Jalwali (No. 42) is 22.5 hectares the succeeding Mature Period. Thus, Kot Diji and in size. Gamanwala is so far the largest known settleKot Diji-related sites in Pakistan and parts of India ment of the Early Harappan Period. It is larger than together constitute the full Early Harappan Period, Rahman Dheri (21.7 hectares), and also Kalibangan, or the early urban, formative stage of the Harappan where the total area occupied during the Early Civilization. It was during the Early Harappan Period (KLB-I) and Mature (KLB-II) Harappan Period that cultural processes leading to full urbanization measures 22 hectares, excluding the cemetery area.

began (Mughal 1980b). Gamanwala is close to half the size of Harappa (which In terms of material culture, continuity of several is 65 hectares or 160.6 acres without cemeteries) and ceramic forms in the Early Harappan and Mature was certainly not a small town. It is thus evident that Harappan levels of Kot Diji is fully documented. A during the Early Harappan Period, large settlevery recent reanalysis of small finds from the type site ments—towns, if not large cities—emerged amidst a (Kot Diji) also clearly demonstrates this continuity cluster of smaller settlements. This is a distinctive throughout the lower (Early Harappan) and upper feature of Harappan settlement patterns, especially in (Mature Harappan) levels. There are, however, cer- Cholistan, where original cultural patterns have

tain exceptions (Mughal 1980a: 95 and 1980b). remained largely intact. ,

Forty sites of the Early Harappan Period have During the Early Harappan Period the main focus been located in Cholistan. Most of these have a single of occupation appears to have been between Yazman occupation with ceramics related to the Kot Dijian, and Fort Abbas, where there are few settlements of

Kalibangan I, Siswal A (Suraj Bhan 1972) and Binjor the Hakra Wares Period. This pattern seems to 1 and 3 (Dalal 1980) (Pls. 7.4 and 7.5). They are also extend across the border in India past Kalibangan, to comparable in form and surface treatment to pottery Banawali near Fatehbad, and even beyond, along the

trom Jalilpur II, Sarai Khola Hl, Gumla II-IV. ancient course of the Chautang River in Hissar and Rahman Dheri and other contemporary sites in Rohtak districts. The succeeding Mature, or fully Bannu Basin and Taxila Valley (Mughal in press). urbanized stage of the Harappan Civilization, is Only three sites (Nos. 12, 109 and 270) were re- marked by a major shift in the settlement pattern

92 M. Rafique Mughal along the Hakra as regards area of settlement zation outside the primary Indus River Valley occur-

concentration. red in Mature times. After reaching a fully urbanized stage at its core, which may have been the central part

THE MATURE HARAPPAN PERIOD of the Indus Valley, it spread towards the Baluch Hills, and along the Arabian Sea Coast. This This phase of cultural development is. best represen- corresponds in time to intense Harappan long disted at the cities of the Indus Civilization and at 174 tance sea trade or exchange.

sites in Cholistan (Pls. 7.6, 7.7 and 7.8). The most | ,

striking aspects of the Mature Harappan Period in THE LATE HARAPPAN PERIOD Cholistan are: (1) a general shift of sites from the northeast to the southwest, around and beyond By about the middle of the second millennium B.c. Derawar Fort, (2) an increasé in the number (47.7 there are changes in Harappan material culture. percent of the total), size and height of settlement These resulted from readjustments or changes in the sites, among which at least one (No. 325), Ganweri- socioeconomic and political: organization of Harapwala at 81.5 hectares in size, is essentially the same pan society. These may have been caused by: (1) the size as Mohenjodaro, and (3) a profusion of industrial gradual depletion of economic resources resulting sites (45.4 percent) and their clear separation from from the overutilization of land, (2) changes in the habitation areas. However, sites combining both resi-. hydrographic pattern of the Indus Valley, (3) indential and industrial functions (19 percent out of creased population pressures, (4) insecurity created 47.7 percent total settlements) also occur. In the pre- by invading or intruding groups of people, or (5):a ceding Early Harappan Period industrial areas were combination of various causes. But, whatever the located close to, but outside the residential area at reasons, it is certain that the pan-Indus integration of fourteen sites or 35 percent of the total number in that the Greater Indus Valley, which climaxed during the period. Although this feature persists in the Mature Mature Harappan Period, was weakened but not deHarappan Period, some industrial areas at this time stroyed by the mid-second millennium.

were demarcated exclusively for craft activities such The population regrouped and adjusted to the as the firing of pottery, bricks, small terracotta changed situation in the three principal regions. It objects, the glazing of faience objects and the thus managed to survive in a recognizable form for a melting, if not smelting, of copper. Cholistan, it may considerable period of time, but some changes are be pointed out, is located close to the copper sources reflected in the material culture found in each region of Rajasthan.“ The Khetri-Singhana source in Jhun- of Harappan concentration: the Cemetery H Culture

jhunu District was reportedly worked during in the Punjab; the Jhukar Culture in Sind; and the Mauryan and Mughal times; although it is not certain Degenerate, Post or Late Harappan Culture in that these sources were also worked in the proto- Gujarat. Regional differentiations, still within the historic times. It may, however, be. added that Sir Harappan ceramic tradition, can be seen in the Aurel Stein found a copper ingot at the (Late) Harap- pottery of each group. However, the characteristic pan site of Siddhuwala Ther (No. 118 on Fig. 7.1), square steatite seals with script, standard cubical loeated near Derawar. This site also contains numer- weights, ‘“mother-goddess” figurines and most metal

ous kilns. tools disappeared. — The emergence of separate Mature Harappan ‘In the upper Indus Valley, a distinctive body of industrial sites, or production centers, and the ceramics was recovered from the surface of Harappa, increased number of kilns during the Mature Harap- as well as from.,a cemetery designated ‘“‘H”’ at the pan Period are indicative of: €1) marked social strati- same site. Similar material has been reported from fication, (2) the intensification of specialized activities |. two sites found by Stein in Bahawalpur. Indian arresponsible for-making standardized products on a chaeologists have also located and. probed several large scale, and (3) the existence of intersettlement sites with the Cemetery H Ware. These are generally

trade or exchange. | located in the Punjab (east), even to the east of the The maximum expansion of the Harappan Civili- Yamuna River, suggesting a spread of the Harappan

*Editor’s note: See R.C. Agrawala’s paper in this volume for a discussiorrof these sources. ,

Recent Archaeological Research in the Cholistan Desert 93 tradition during the second millennium B.c. Until this Harappa where a complete vessel with similar surface research in Bahawalpur, the Late Harappan Phase treatment was found in association with burial pots of

was virtually unknown in Pakistan. Stratum I (Vats 1940; Pl. LIX, 10).

The recent survey of Bahawalpur has brought to

light 50 sites with Cemetery H-related materials. THE POST OR NON-HARAPPAN PERIOD Cemetery H material is essentially confined to the upper Indus Valley, just as the Jhukar-related mate- Settlements of this period are concentrated in northrials of the Late Harappan Period generally occur in eastern Cholistan where. 14 sites with the well-known

the lower Indus region. Painted Gray Ware (PGW) have been identified.

In Cholistan the sites of the Late Harappan Period This is the first time that PGW has been found in (Cemetery H-related) are large, high settlement Pakistan. It is reported from 320 sites in India. These mounds near the Hakra bed. There are also small are located in northern Rajasthan, Haryana, the sites concentrated around Derawar where the Hakra Punjab and western Uttar Pradesh (Tripathi 1975).

River once formed an inner delta as with the The date of PGW and its cultural association have Helmand River in Seistan. There is an apparent con- provoked a great deal of controversy that has led-to striction of site concentration in Cholistan during the considerable field research in India. It is generally Late Harappan occupation, as compared to that of assigned to the end of the second and the beginning of the Mature Harappan (see Fig. 7.1). But it should be the first millennium B.c. (Lal 1977-78; 1978). emphasized that Late Harappan sites are concen- although differing opinions still exist. Early excavatrated in the very same area where Mature Harappan tions revealed a hiatus between the Late Harappan

sites are located, but where there are few Early and the PGW assemblages, but recent work at

Harappan settlements. Bhagwanpura, Dadheri and a few other sites has led

Exclusively industrial sites account for only 18. to the claim of continuity between the Harappan percent of total of Late Harappan sites. Settlement tradition and the PGW Period (Joshi 1978). Consites, and settlements with kilns or specialized ac- nected to this is the question of the Black and Red tivities areas, represent 28 percent of the total. Camp Wares as regards their association with PGW in west-

sites which decreased to only 5.7 percent in the Ma- ern Uttar Pradesh and eastern Rajasthan and their ture Harappan Period, increase markedly to 26 per- significance in the context of contemporary assem-

cent in the Late Harappan times. blages of East Punjab. , ,

Some sites with classic Cemetery H materials are PGW sites in Cholistan are generally located in high mounds. For example, the highest parts of Lure- the middle of the former Hakra River bed. With the wala (No. 96), Shahiwala (No. 102) and Kudwala exception of one site (Satwali, No. 40), which covers (No. 76) are respectively 41, 42, 46 feet above plain 13.7 hectares, all the settlements are less than four level. Without excavation, it has not been possible to hectares in size. determine how much of the occupation on these high The classic PGW ceramic (Pl. 7.11) never consti-

mounds belongs to the Late Harappan Phase. Some tutes more than five percent of the total surface sites, however, are quite extensive, spreading over collections from any site. The remaining pottery con-

20, even 38 hectares. sists of red wares, often with stamped and relief The beautiful red pottery (Pls. 7.9 and 7.10) is designs on the external surface (Pl. 7.12), few black often treated with a thick glossy slip and painted with and red potsherds and dishes in red ware resembling

black designs. Many vessel forms and other materials the PGW form. ] from the Late Harappan settlements in Cholistan

compare well with what is known from contemporary CONCLUSION

sites in Pakistan and India. New wares of the Late Harappan Period include one with raised knob-like, This survey of Cholistan has yielded a wealth of inforelongated decorations. These form regular patterns +‘ mation on the cultural sequence in the central Indus on the external surface which appear to have been Valley. It has given a new perspective and orientation

made on a thick secondary layer of clay. This type of for planning future research on the Indus Civiliza- i ware has been christened ““Harappan Wet.” Its paral- tion. Sites of various periods, and their concentration lels in the Greater Indus Valley come only from or distribution, provides a reliable basis for recon-

94 , M. Rafique Mughal structing various changes in the course of the Hakra béginning of the first millennium B.c., the entire River, often identified with the Sarasvati of the Vedic course of the Hakra seems to have dried up and a period. The hydrographic history of the Sutlej- physical environment similar to that of present day in Yamuna Divide has often been discussed during the — Cholistan set in. This forced.the people to abandon

last one hundred years. This is summarized by — most of the Hakra flood plain. A few Painted Gray Lambrick (1964) and Wilhelmy (1969). However, the |= Ware settlements, most of them smaller than four most recent reconstruction of the changing courses of hectares in size, are located along the upper part of the Sarasvati, as proposed by Bimal Ghose and his the Hakra River. These were sustained by a meager colleagues (1979 and 1980), will require confirmation water supply reaching there with seasonal regularity

by archaeological or other dateable evidence. from the Ghaggar.

On the Pakistan side, archaeological evidence Though the physical environment of Cholistan

now available overwhelmingly affirms that the Hakra_ —_—shas_ changed since protohistoric times, the original

was a perennial river through all its course in mosaic of the settlement pattern is well preserved. Bahawalpur during the fourth millennium B.c. (Hakra The recent field research reported here has revealed Period) and the early third millennium B.c. (Early —_ functionally differentiated sites within chronologiHarappan Period). About the middle of the third cally defined cultural horizons. This will enable one to millennium B.c., the water supply in the northeastern recognize and reconstruct changes in this region that portion of the Hakra, roughly between Fort Abbas — have not yet been recognized elsewhere in South and Yazman (near Kudwala) was considerably di- Asia. Furthermore, archaeological evidence is a reliminished or cut-off. But, abundant water in the lower able guide for the history of dune formation in (southwestern) part of this stream was still available, Bahawalpur. For example, the presence of Hakra apparently through a channel from the Sutlej; this is Ware sites on top of old, reddish-brown sand, as ob- __ attested by the heavy clustering of sites in that area served on the south and southwest of Derawar, would during the late third and early second millennium B.c. seem to indicate that the Cholistan part of the Thar (Mature and Late Harappan Periods respectively). Desert had already advanced close to Derawar prior to

, NOTE , :

About the end of the second, or not later than the _ the fourth millennium B.c. |

Dr. Mughal was not a participant in the Srinagar conference. His work in Cholistan is so important, however, that this paper was solicited.

Recent Archaeological Research in the Cholistan Desert 95

oe BIBLIOGRAPHY , Casal, J.M., 1964 | Pakistan, Sindhi Adabi Board. Fouilles d’Amri. 2 vols. Paris: Commission des Mughal, M.R., 1972a

Fouilles Archeologiques. , Explorations in Northern Baluchistan. Pakistan

Dalal, Katy Feroze, 1980 , Archaeology 8:137-51.

A Short History of Archaeological Explorations Mughal, M.R., 1972b ,

in Bikaner and Bahawalpur Along the ‘Lost’ Excavations at Jalilpur. Pakistan Archaeology 8:

Sarasvati River. Indica 17(1): 1-40. 117-24. ,

Dani, Ahmad Hasan, 1971 : Mughal, M.R., 1974

Excavations in the Gomal Valley. Ancient - New Evidence of the Early Harappan Culture

Pakistan 5: 1-177. , From Jalilpur. Pakistan Archaeology 27 (2): Field, Henry, 1959 106-13. An Anthropological Reconnaissance in West Mughal, M.R., 1980a , Pakistan. Papers of the Peabody Museum, 52. New Archaeological Evidence From Bahawal-

Cambridge Mass.: Harvard University. pur. Man and Environment 4: 93-98.

Ghose, B., A. Kar and Zahid Hussein, 1979 Mughal, M.R., 1980b ,

The Lost Course of the Sarasvati River in the The Origins of the Indus Civilization. Sindhologi-

Great Indian Desert: New evidence from Landsat cal Studies, Summer: 1-10. — | imagery. The Geographical Journal 145 (3): | Mughal, M.R., in press a

446-51. Archaeological Surveys in Bahawalpur. Pakistan Ghose, B., A. Kar and Zahid Hussein, 1980 Archaeology. Comparative Role of the Aravalli and the Stein, Sir Mark Aurel, 1942

Himalayan River Systems in the Fluvial Sedimen- A survey of ancient sites along the “‘lost’”’ Sarastation of the Rajasthan Desert. Man and Environ- - vati River. 7he Geographical Journal 99: 173-82.

ment 4: 8-12. Suraj Bhan, 1972

Ghosh, A., 1952 Siswal: A Pre-Harappan site in Drishadvati ValThe Rajputana Desert: Its archaeological aspect. ley. Puratattva 5: 44-46. Bulletin of the National Institute of Sciences of | Suraj Bhan, 1973

India 1: 37-42. The Sequence and Spread of Prehistoric Cultures :

Halim, Muhammad Abdul, 1972 | in the Upper Sarasvati Basin. In Radiocarbon Excavations at Sarai Khola (Part 2). Pakistan Ar- and Indian Archaeology. D.P. Agrawal and A.

chaeology 8: 1-112. Ghosh, eds. Pp. 252-63. Bombay: Tata Institute

Joshi, J.P., 1978 , - of Fundamental Research.

Interlocking of Late Harappa Culture and Suraj Bhan, 1975 oe

Painted Grey Ware Culture in Light of Recent Excavations at Mitathal (1968) and Other ExploExcavations. Man and Environment 2: 98-101. rations in the Sutlej-Yamuna Divide. Kuruk-

Khan, Farid, 1979 shetra: Kurukshetra University.

| A Preliminary Report on the Microlithic Blade Suraj Bhan and Jim Shaffer, 1978 Industry from Rahman Dheri. In South Asian New Discoveries in Northern Haryana. Man and _ _ Archaeology 1977, M. Taddei, ed. 1:375—403.Ins- ~ Environment 2: 59-68. _ tituto Universitario Orientale, Seminario di Studi Tripathi, Vibha, 1975

Asiatici, Series Minor VI, Naples. _ The Painted Grey Ware: An Iron Age culture of

Lal, B.B., 1978 northern India. Delhi: Concept Publishers.

The Indo-Aryan Hypothesis vis-a-vis Indian Vats, M.S., 1940 Archaeology. Journal of Central Asia 1: 21-41. Excavations at Harappa. 2 vols. Delhi:. Govern-

Lal, B.B., 1977-78 ment of India. Did the Painted Grey Ware Continue up to the Wilhelmy, H., 1969 | Mauryan Times? Puratattva 9: 64-80. Urstromtal am Ostrand der Indusebene und der

Lambrick, H.T., 1964. | Sarasvati-Problem. Zeitschrift fur GeomorSind: A General Introduction. Vol. 1. Hyderabad, phologie, Supplementband 8: 76-93.

GEORGE F. DALES 8. Mohenjodaro Miscellany: Some Unpublished, Forgotten, or Misinterpreted Features

No site of the ancient Indus Civilization has received day in the records of the Department of Archaeology

more archaeological and scholarly attention than as the DK-B, or Moneer Site. Mohenjodaro. Most widely known are the large-scale If all the results of these years of digging were excavations directed from 1922 to 1927 by Sir John published one would undoubtedly know considerably Marshall (1931) and from 1927 to 1931 by Ernest more about the city. It is probably not too inaccurate Mackay (1938), the publications of which provide the to estimate that between one-third and one-half of basic archaeological data for the study of the site. the excavated data has not been published or at least

Also, well known are the excavations conducted in not in detail. As an offender myself, I can speak 1950 on the so-called Citadel Mound by Sir Mortimer without malice on this topic.

Wheeler (1950, 1968). And finally in 1964-65 the As impressive as is the original three-volume reUniversity of Pennsylvania Museum sponsored exca- port edited by Sir John Marshall, it is not-a complete vations along the western edge of the old HR Area report on the 1922 to 1927 excavations. Reports from (Dales 1965a, 1965b, 1966). These latter excavations some of his field supervisors were never completed | were conducted just prior to the imposition of a total or for various reasons were not included in these moratorium on new work at the site by the Govern- volumes. The most serious losses are the reports on ment of Pakistan, a restriction that will probably con- the work of Mr. Vats in the VS Area in 1922-23 and

tinue indefinitely. ! the reports of Mr. Banerji on his work in the Stupa

Less well known, in fact, virtually unknown, are Area in 1922-23 and at Sites Two and Three. extensive excavations conducted from 1932 to 1934 Mackay’s two-volume report is admirably more by Mr. Q.M. Moneer, Custodian of the Mohenjo- detailed than Marshall’s, nonetheless, subsequent daro Museum and Mr. K.N. Puri, Custodian of the studies of the collections in museums and in the site. The only published reference to their excava- Archaeological Survey of India storerooms have tions is a brief notice in the 1930-34 Annual Report of identified considerable numbers of unpublished arthe Archaeological Survey of India (Government of tifacts from his excavations. India 1930-34: 51). In addition to continuing work in Most lamentable is the absence of a detailed. the immediate vicinity of Mackay’s excavations in the report on the 1950 excavations of Sir Mortimer DK Area, Mr. Moneer opened an extensive new plot Wheeler. The implications of his purported discovery

directly east of the VS Area (Fig. 8.1). The brief of a “State Granary” and of “‘Citadel Fortifications” notice states that “‘As, unfortunately there is no are crucial for any interpretation of the nature and photographer and no draftsman attached to the site function of Mohenjodaro as a city. There is no end to anymore, no illustrations can be given to these latter the speculation these claims have aroused but it is diggings’”’ (Government of India 1930-34: 51). impossible to reach objective conclusions with the Largely forgotten, these excavations are known to- published details. Some of this data has recently been

:

N

YY DK rH .

Y, ty , YY, Ls0UWy fu\ |Y ox Wy WHEELER Ly sungdp Yi

YU iH by !

| REM G VE Dl x Y MUL, UY 4 Yj | H ,

BicesPr>-H wy} oe NEua SITE |e | Sf Bb ; BONTER

yeHR: YG) |

Up, 7 = Ss =Tt S

MOHENJODARO

heel —— |etGFD ot FF eet | 1979 |

9 500 1,000

| 50ace 0 50 300 el ee100 ee Meters

Fig. 8.1. Site plan of Mohenjodaro.

Mohenjodaro Miscellany 99 rediscovered as I will describe later in this paper. in the Mohenjodaro Museum storeroom and that he The lack of any records or reports on the excava- has personally done the best he could to arrange and tions of Moneer and Puri comprises serious loss of catalog the collection. Unfortunately, there are no potentially valuable data. The Moneer Site is exten- records giving specific proveniences for any of it. sive—almost half the area of the HR excavations. It is Mr. Mahadevan informs me that what is probably the

noteworthy that it is not indicated on any of the balance of the excavated artifacts is in Delhi with the published plans of the site or mentioned in any de- Archaeological Survey of India. scriptions of the city. Recently, its very existence was Dr. Jansen and I visited the Moneer Site in rediscovered independently by A. Parpola and I. February 1979 and were astounded at what we saw. Mahadevan during their studies of seals and inscribed The size of this neglected excavation is impressive artifacts in collections in Pakistan and India. Parpola enough in itself but the general appearance of the (1972: 13) studied over 400 unpublished seals, ‘“‘a architecture gave a very different feeling than those special group being the seals from the DK-B and experienced from other parts of the city. The strucDK-I Areas of Mohenjodaro.’’ Mahadevan (1977: 4) tures seem smaller, with thinner walls in general, and

mentions finding photographs of unpublished seals though neatly oriented and arranged along straight from Mohenjodaro in the Photo Library of the Ar- streets and lanes, they seem to be more crowded. This chaeological Survey in New Delhi. He informs me is an impressionistic view only and must be checked

(personal communication) that excavation was also by actual measurements. ,

done sometime between 1935 and 1940. He found no A most peculiar feature of the structures is what mention of the excavator’s name but he thinks the appear to be triangular shaped corbelled holes work area was designated DK-B. Seals and other through most of the walls just above the floor level. antiquities were found by Mahadevan in New Delhi. Dr. Jansen has informed me that some of these are Photographs of these objects as well as a part of the modern creations intended by the conservators of the excavations were found in the Photo Album, Sind, site to promote drainage. But some of them must be Vol. XXVI (1935-40). There is thus some confusion ancient. I have found two published references to as to exactly where the excavations designated DI-1, similar apertures at Mohenjodaro and none at other DI-1, or DK-B or Moneer Site were conducted. I was Harappan sites. The first example is in Room 78 of told directly by the Director of Archaeology in House XIII in VS Area (Marshall 1931: 20-21, 219, Karachi that the area so designated on Figure 8.1 is the Pl. VI and LV, b) where it looks like a crawl-hole

DK-B/Moneer Site. about'a meter high and just wide enough for a man to

Both Parpola’s and Mahadevan’s interests were pass through. It is completely blocked with brickwork only in the inscribed artifacts and it was not until the and Marshall suggests that it belonged to an earlier winter of 1978-79 that the Moneer Site itself attracted building level.* The second example is seen in House serious attention. Dr. Michael Jansen, the archaeo- V, Block 2 of HR Area, Section B, between Rooms logical architect directing a detailed study of the 49 and 54 (Marshall 1931: 190, Pl. LIV, b). It appears Mohenjodaro architecture, came upon a detailed to have been a corbelled doorway, eight feet four plan of the site prepared by a Dutch engineering inches high and two feet five inches wide, but it also is firm in 1968 as part of the preliminary work for completely blocked with brick-work.* It is curious

developing a conservation program for the site that this presumed doorway is almost identical in . (UNESCO 1968). The plan, drawn from aerial pho- construction and dimensions with the famous corbeltographs of the site, clearly shows the Moneer Site led drain associated with the Great Bath (Marshall with an approximation of the architectural plan. The 1931: 134, Pl. XXH-XXIV).° Whether this is a mere plan is important also because it is the only one that coincidence, related somehow to the Harappan’s has detailed contours in metric measurements and limited knowledge of constructing arches or whether shows the locations of all the borings and test drillings there is‘:something fundamental about the functions used in formulating a master plan for preserving the of these two passageways which is not clearly undersite (UNESCO and Government of Pakistan 1968).? stood, requires further investigation.

A former superintendent at Mohenjodaro, Moham- Another peculiar architectural feature at the mad Siddique, has informed me that some of the Moneer Site is an apparent modification of the well pottery and objects from the Moneer excavations are known, ubiquitous bathing (or ablution) floors with

100 George F. Dales their finely constructed brick floor and drains. These SD Area south of the stupa (Marshall 1931: 149, PI. are common at most other parts of Mohenjodaro but XXVIII). Nothing is mentioned in Marshall’s text but at the Moneer Site they have an interesting added the plan of the area shows clearly a set of steps at the feature. Outside one wall of these washrooms there is northwest corner of the wash floor.

usually a small flight of brick steps. They are so In the Lower Town, DK Area, G Section (northern arranged that they could provide an easy means for portion), Block 23, House III, Room 15 (Mackay a servant, or member of the family, to pour water 1939: 155-56, Pl. XIII, XXII, 1) a flight of steps, with on the bather, thus making these more like shower four remaining treads, is seen at the east side of a rooms rather than ordinary washrooms. A perusal of paved wash floor. Mackay describes the room as a Marshall’s and Mackay’s Mohenjodaro reports, and “privy” and suggests that the steps “‘probably led up those of other Indus Civilization sites, turned up very to a privy of the next phase.”’ Marshall describes a few similar arrangements and for none of them have similar situation in House VIII, HR Area, Section A the excavators suggested whether the steps were used (Marshall 1931: 18-19, Pl. IV, V, a) where a bath floor

for any purpose other than gaining access to a pre- has a set of steps leading up directly from it. He sumed second story. At Harappa, for example, only a explains the steps as leading up to a later building few bath floors are reported (Vats 1940: 21, Pl. TI) level and sees no direct connection between them and , and they are located, oddly enough, in the central the wash floor. In House LIII, Block 7, B Section of aisle bisecting the granary. The plan shows clearly the HR Area, Marshall describes another possibly that one of these bathing floors has a small set of steps related bathing complex where in the portico of the

constructed directly next to it. house there is a staircase “‘the tiny chamber under

The Mohenjodaro publications indicate only six which may have done duty as a privy” (Marshall 1931: locations where wash floors and steps are associated. 209, Pl. XX XIX). Three of these are in the Lower Town and three are in It is possible that a careful examination of the the SD Area on the Stupa Mound. The clearest exam- numerous examples of wash floor-steps combinations ples of wash floor with steps combinations are seen in in the Moneer Site may help elucidate this aspect of the remarkable series of eight chambers in Area SD, daily life at Mohenjodaro.

Block 6, north of the Great Bath (Mackay 1938: Thus, it seems, the Moneer Site may provide sig18-20, Pl. III, b and d). These are unique in having the nificant new insights into the living arrangements and flights of steps constructed inside one corner of the practices of the Mohenjodaroans. The apparent difwashroom itself. Mackay interprets the room as ablu- ferences in architectural detail with the other excation chambers above which the priests lived. The vated parts of the city may -be temporal, or more steps were used merely for getting to the second: important if true, they may reflect some degree of story. Without any direct knowledge of the ancient socioeconomic stratification in the population not religious beliefs and practices of the Harappans it is noticed in the other excavated parts of the city.

meaningless to attempt to refute this, or any other Dr. Jansen will make a detailed survey of the interpretation, but the evidence from similar struc- Moneer Site which will be an especially important tures at other parts of Mohenjodaro suggests to me a aspect of his long-range project to document fully the

purpose for the steps more directly related to the architectural remains of Mohenjodaro. With the pre-

function of the bathing floors themselves. sent moratorium on new excavations at the site and In Block 2 of the SD Area, south of the stupa, the ceaseless battle between the forces of natural another exceptionally well-built bathroom is de- deterioration and the efforts to preserve and reconscribed (Marshall 1931: 147, PI. XX VII, XXVIII, b). struct the remains, Jansen’s documentation project The excavator notes that “‘this bath, which is situated takes on special importance. It is, under the present a little below the level of the surrounding rooms, was —_— circumstances, the only way to learn significant new

entered from above by a short stairway in its south- information that was overlooked, unrecorded or un- © eastern corner....” Given the incredible complexity published in the earlier excavations. of the architectural remains at Mohenjodaro, it is just Adjunct to Dr. Jansen’s project is the research of as reasonable to suggest that this bathroom with its Dr. Anna Sarcina of Torino, Italy, who has comsteps belongs to the floor level of an earlier structure. pleted an important study of the domestic architecture The third bathroom is seen in Room 5, Block 5 of the of Mohenjodaro (Sarcina 1979). Her analysis of dif-

Mohenjodaro Miscellany 101 ferent house types will be published in the journal the 1950 excavations. He had in his possession the Mesopotamia. It is hoped that her theoretical scheme drawings and descriptions of the pottery from the can be tested in the field as part of Jansen’s archi- excavations at the so-called Granary and Fortifica-

tectural project. tions. After Sir Mortimer’s personal involvement in

As for other new information and re-evaluations Mohenjodaro had waned, the excavation records of old data, I wish to mention a few of the points were stored and virtually forgotten. Some of them concerning us now as we are preparing the final re- at least, are now being rediscovered and the sad occaports on the University Museum (Philadelphia) exca- sion of Sir Mortimer’s death has rekindled interest

vations along the western edge of HR Area.°® in his important work at Mohenjodaro. Professor The first volume under preparation is devoted to Alcock has generously agreed to collaborate on a the pottery. The ceramics are being classified and joint volume including the pottery from both the described according to the system developed during University of Pennsylvania and Wheeler’s excavaour recent four-year project at Balakot, Pakistan tions. The 25-year-old drawings had to be completely (Dales, 1974, 1979). The approach differs from other redone’ and Professor Alcock has updated and parclassifications and descriptions of Indus ceramics in tially revised the catalog and text. This provides an that we are treating the material holistically as an excellent opportunity to study fairly long sequences integrated industry—a major industry at Mohenjo- of ceramic development from functionally different daro involving complex technological skills and parts of the site. The Wheeler pottery will be preaesthetic preferences not treated in detail in earlier sented in four groupings with the earliest coming reports. A number of distinctive manufacturing tech- from his deep sounding just to the west of the “Graniques, not recognized in earlier studies, set off the nary”’ (his Site REM) and the latest coming from the Harappan industry as something quite different from “Fortifications” (his Site ACC) at the southeastern contemporaneous industries in neighboring regions. corner of the Citadel Mound. The volume will pro- , The more complete and detailed publication of the vide a small but hopefully significant tribute to full range of vessel formis and surface decorations will Wheeler’s own work at Mohenjodaro and to the en-

help abrogate statements about the “unimaginative thusiasm and support he so persuasively offered and unadventurous” character of Indus ceramics. others to continue research on the Indus Civilization. There is no question as to the high degree of stan- One interesting result of our study of the ceramics dardization and the mass production aspect of the from the University Museum excavations is the idenindustry, but a closer look at it gives a better apprecia- tifying of apparently non-Harappan pottery in the ,

tion of its sophistication and variability. upper Harappan levels. Especially significant is the ~ One of the problems that has led to the impression presence of Jhukar-style pottery similar to that of monotony and dull uniformity in the Mohenjodaro described from the earlier excavations at Jhukar ceramic industry is that few of the earlier studies (Majumdar 1934: 5-11), Chanhudaro (Mackay 1943), could treat the material with much temporal perspec- and Amri (Casal 1964). We have at least a dozen tive. As Sir Mortimer Wheeler put it, the so-called examples of stylistically non-Harappan painted potuniformity of the pottery, and of the civilization as a tery from well-stratified Harappan contexts, several whole, is due as much to “archaic methods of re- of which are identical to published examples of the search as to any inherent conservatism in the ancient Shukar-style pottery.® craftsmen” (Wheeler 1968: 94). This problem will be There is corroborative evidence from other sites in dealt with specifically in our Mohenjodaro reports, Pakistan that the usually assumed Post-Harappan thanks partly to the fortuitous discovery of some of position of Jhukar is questionable. To be sure, at the long-forgotten records of Wheeler’s 1950 excava- Chanhudaro, the excavator states that the Jhukar

tions on the Citadel Mound. occupation was separated from the latest Harappan

I was fortunate in 1976, during a sabbatical leave by several centuries, but elsewhere he mentions that | in England, to learn of the location of some of these the Jhukar people sometimes reoccupied Harappan important unpublished records. The British Aca- dwellings. Mackay appears to have been puzzled by demy and Professor Raymond Allchin put me on to the Jhukar presence. On the one hand he stresses the Professor Leslie Alcock at the University of Glasgow radical difference between the Jhukar painted potwho had been Wheeler’s principal assistant during tery and that of the Harappans (Mackay 1943: 25) but

102 George F. Dales on the other hand he emphasizes the continuity be- distinctive vegetable-tempered paste, its thin red

tween the two cultures. matte slips, its painted decorations in purplish-brown

If we were not so well acquainted with the crafts- to black, and its generally crude craftsmanship. And, manship of the peoples of the Harappa culture as with the exception of the dish-on-stand form, the it is exemplified at Mohenjodaro and Harappa, Chanhudaro Jhukar pottery is quite different from

we might have found it difficult to distinguish the Harappan forms. between the products of the Jhukar people and The implication 1s that what one usually calls those of the Harappan people in the Chanhudaro Jhukar is not Post-Harappan and may instead be a

mound (Mackay 1943: ix). manifestation of interaction between the Urban

At Amri, Casal postulated a Period III-D Jhukar, Harappans and a closely allied, but culturally differbut states that no actual archaeological strata of this entiated, group of peoples living locally in northern phase have been found in the excavations. He sees and central Sind. An analogy might be suggested with Jhukar as a late manifestation of Harappan rather the Kulli-Harappan symbiosis wherein one sees a

than as a new cultural successor. geographically peripheral population interacting

At Jhukar itself, new excavations by the Pakistan peacefully with the Harappans, perhaps imitating Department of Archaeology from 1972 through 1974° certain Harappan forms and styles and, at Balakot, discount the interpretation of Jhukar being tempora- Nindowari and other sites having a physical presence rily and culturally distinct from Harappan. The re- in the Harappan settlements, all the while retaining sults of the excavations have not been published but its basic cultural identity. A scenario such as this they were discussed in detail at the International seems reasonable, else one is forced to postulate a Symposium on the Indus Civilization held in Karachi Harappanization of the entire Indus Valley and much in January 1979. There Dr. Mughal firmly stated his of Baluchistan—an unlikely possibility, as unrealistic impression that Jhukar is nothing more than a pottery as talking about the total Indianization of South and style that occurs archaeologically with Mature and Southeast Asia.

Late Harappan and not after it and that it has much in Just how closely, if at all, related the Jhukar common with the Harappan ceramics. This may be phenomenon is to the decline and devolution of the overstated but even so it is based on direct observa- Mature Harappan is unknown in cultural and histion of the excavations at Jhukar and first-hand study torical terms. But temporarily, to judge from the of all the ceramics. At the very least, these new exca- archaeological evidence, Jhukar is not the Postvations corroborate the evidence from Mohenjodaro Harappan development it was once thought to reprethat there is no significant temporal separation be- sent.

tween Jhukar and Harappan. Walter Fairservis in his earlier study (1975: 353)

Part of the dilemma over Jhukar results from the agrees with this general assessment of the chronologiselective manner in which the evidence has been pub- cal, historical and cultural position of Jhukar. The lished with the emphasis on the spectacular and the Allchins, on the other hand (1968: 145-47), see unique, especially with the painted decorations. The Jhukar as a Post-Harappan continuation of local recent excavations at Jhukar provide the opportunity traditions, carried on by the local survivors of the for the study of the complete ceramic industry includ- barbarian invasions (Aryan) that overwhelmed the ing the more numerous examples of unpainted types. Harappans. Now in the face of collective evidence Provisionally it seems clear that Jhukar pottery has from the various sites where Jhukar material is found, some typological and stylistic connections with the this must be regarded as a minority opinion. Any final Harappan but that it definitely was manufactured verdict depends first of all on the full publication of separately, and has its own distinctive repertory of the recently excavated material from Jhukar itself. basic forms (implying a degree of functional differen- The major, and controlling, factor in the Univertiation from Harappan ceramics), and its own level of sity Museum excavations is the stratigraphic and

technological competency. chronological sequence of the architecture and

A recent study of the Chanhudaro pottery in the depositional remains. Any architectural and stratiBoston Museum of Fine Arts by Berkeley graduate graphic discussion of Mohenjodaro is difficult, even student Jonathan Mark Kenoyer makes it clear that under the best of circumstances. The 1964-65 excavathe Jrukar pottery is readily identifiable because of its tions were not conducted under the best of circum-

Mohenjodaro Miscellany 103 stances and the post-excavation work was saddened unrecorded architectural and stratigraphic details as and curtailed by the untimely death of our architect possible. The final plans, elevations, and sections are Aubrey Trik. The preliminary reports described how now being prepared.

the excavations were conducted along the western The opportunity to work again with these edge of the HR Area (Fig. 8.1). One curtailed season long-neglected records allowed for considerable of excavation was-completed before the government reassessment of the nature and significance of the moratorium on new work was imposed. While many architectural features uncovered. Jansen and Philips significant new discoveries were made (Fig. 8.2) it has have provided essential insights into some of the main

been difficult to assess them as fully as would be interpretative problems. One of the principal addesirable. Especially serious is that some crucial de- vances in one’s understanding concerns the massive fired brick wall uncovered at the base of the mound at

eames eee SeCity Nunc tps ange ian

=a

- — 14

4 15

5 0 5 10 cm '! -

18

Fig. 13.3. Kotla Nihang: Harappan pottery. Scale 1:4. |

a

LC se ‘ | . \ 24 ; \ 22 PS __

: 5 0 5: 10 See cm Se ares |

. / \ 27 YS ,

re 26

| 28 )

= 29 = =

Fig. 13.4. Kotla Nihang: Harappan pottery. Scale 1:4.

4 “wae

(oo en 7, =/ 510 8 | af} \ Ba : eS 2 aan |Pea, Ue ie

i)!-|

/ . ) 18 | / 12 \ Zo |

\14\ .j, ers . 3 ra Se :)

13 | AS —_,

—eEeepo= a? t,— “ 4: | ae (awe, — . so Meaty | . 7 Laas aivan

)>9:N y , , ,/ ‘15 INU |on| 2"Rh —

102 4 6 810cm a IX.w

4 16 \ SS '6 | J RSs setae emg STA ete, ae - _. \ye a tee ey See

Fig. 13.5. Bara: Pottery. Scale 1:5. ,

eSBS 28rea 0,wa eo —_ @N |21 ; ) ——

|

i ee NORE Vet Ty ne SOL MEr Teton A git wt ee cree gav tee he NHN RRL ee the

ps 3 4 o ' eee es ye RP mete META tomer ens meme rete

DP \ = an EE ram Lae>. i ae iy— P NS .. ee Piet rt a ro Ted

|= >: ND 24

3509 " 36 ! = eee = — ———-

ae. figs : | a amy, >! 20 BN |we °° eigen . ae COATT 38 Eee) ERS Ge, 44, ous S ee X } , A 26 ,

_*a enc> OY #\Est 39 —_ | / /oe=a |aemiiccuammannannem ee ; _ —_._ © me

| aeeee} ; yy31 wey, TS, en

rT Aways = : , oe " 30 2 aSoe egee | ; Fn , BS 3 ‘SS ~20Lda” Oop } ey,PRED 10 2 4 6 81012141618 cm 32 S 4 : Fig. 13.6. Bara: Pottery. Scale 1:5.

NU at 50 ; |(RR

4 9 Ye foot “ \\

51 WP Ce 42 52”. ay

~ Fd

iNs

SY- es $s 488 1a

a Ge 44 — SS

98 | 46 56 ) . | \ A 47 | i

10 2 4 6 81012141618 20 cm oy ‘ ” -4,SS - a = ._oe| 4, TTS cae 65 / 67 eee

/ \ L_| \ a A 68 = : | ee . —— : 70 024 6 = 3a : ee me comity } Fig. 13.8. Bara: Pottery. Scale 1:5.

150 , Y.D. Sharma undecorated pots are rare in the Bara assemblage. ‘‘bastions’’ or scrolls at corners, chain and plain wide Even the parallel shapes have certain features which band at the neck. The petaled rosette, a twig with distinguish them from Harappan counterparts. For needle leaves, the frond, an unidentified oval leaf instance, the stem of the Bara dish-on-stand is short with a long, pointed tip (Fig. 13.6, no. 20) and a and wide (Fig. 13.8, nos. 60, 67), and even if long it plantain-like tree provide floral motifs. Fish are comhas a projecting ledge in place of a plain or drum- mon; birds and animals are rare. Most of the painted shaped stem (Fig. 13.8, no. 69). The sloping or droop- designs are absent in the Harappan repertoire, but ing rim of the dish or basin and the internal incised occur on Pre-Harappan pottery (Sharma 1973). Also designs of the basin, and pedestaled base of bowl and absent are typical painted Harappan designs like indish are also distinguishing peculiarities of the Bara. _ tersecting circles, opposed loops enclosing a “‘cross’’Ware (Fig. 13.7, nos. 41-49; Fig. 13.8, nos. 57, 58, shaped motif, pipal leaf, peacock and fish scale. 63). Among the Mature Harappan shapes that are The characteristic.ware described above is present absent in the Bara Culture (not the site of Bara) are at Bara from bottom to top, but in the middle levels the Indus goblet with pointed base, shallow flat dish Harappan contact is clear. There are some distinct with flaring sides (thali), wide-mouthed large storage Mature Harappan forms: the scored Indus goblet, the jar with concave profile above the base, perforated elliptical goblet with footed base, the vase with a jar, “‘S’’-profiled jar and the cup with a perforated button base, the beaker, perforated jar and a sieve handle. Bara Ware also includes some shapes that are with an animal-headed handle (Fig. 13.9). In the common in Pre-Harappan and Harappan pottery, upper levels the repertoire of painted designs is poor such as the carinated dish with flaring and externally and the incisions are shallow. concave sides, a small cylindrical beaker with concave Houses are made of kankar stone and mud bricks sides, the knobbed lid and a lid with an out-turned (44 by 22 by 11 centimeters). Burnt clay lumps with rim, often painted with a single or double arc, or a reed impressions are evidence for wattle and daub

series of strokes (Fig. 13.7, nos. 49-51, 53-56; Fig. huts.

13.8, no. 61). Triangular cakes, bull figurines, bangles and

The Bara painted motifs include the “horn” or © beads are among objects of terracotta. Agate and “bowl’’-like curve crowned by an arrowhead or other carnelian are additionally used for beads. Faience, motif (comparable with Mundigak IV, 3; Casal, 1961: however, is by far the most popular material for Fig. 102, no. 485), opposed triangles or semicircles, bangles, bracelets and certain other knick-knacks. “willow” leaves in vertical or horizontal series, wavy Bronze was evidently in short supply, since only a lines enclosing “eyes” or lozenges, cross-hatched fragmentary bangle, a fish hook and pieces of wire

“nets,” loops with humps surmounted by lines, were recovered. grouped triangles, squares or rectangles with alter- The most puzzling artifact is an unidentified nate hatching in different directions, solid dots en- terracotta object, 10 centimeters square at base and closed by horizontal bands, ‘“‘eyes”’ fringed by vertical 17.5 centimeters high. It has a tapering outline with lines, ‘““wings”’ surmounted by lines, the square with two bifurcated curved terminals at the top and three

n— ;—__y \— 2 rs. \ee/ a } i

N/ OEE \ a LU au 5 6 , its 3 ' f ° 5befit,3k© ’ 2 |}_—_I 4 EN |

10 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 cm 9 | a 8 Fig. 13.9. Bara: Harappan pottery.

Harappan Complex on the Sutlej (India) 151 finger depressions on the front and back (Fig. 13.10). 6-7; 1954—S5b: 9; Sharma 1955-56, 1976). Over the

The object is also reported from Sanghol and southern mound rises the present town, and it could

Chandigarh. be tapped only marginally. The small western mound conceals the Harappan cemetery, largely disturbed

ee a by later occupants. It is the northern mound, 21

om 0 ae —\ meters high, that was excavated at several points. The

f/ : '\ Ga ai y\ \ operations yielded a sequence of six periods; of

RN, , a e M \\ which, one is concerned with the lowest one here. " /} WE, Ly me, , | a i | Ropar I is described as Harappan, but the varia1 | 4 s iif | le Vi ih = tion of contents and/or emphasis in its different levels [| | 4 Wy . ff ot = iM H 2 suggests that its deposits be divided into two phases, " Nf [ie \ ff | E el IA and IB. In an earlier paper I suggested three phases / i | ; 2 Ey, | iy! re il (Sharma 1976), but one of these is a sectoral variation a ()ny" La } \ and it is better notand to give ita separate designation. er pS ;| i1!(Prog, | - E || my Trench RPR-1, its lateral extensions on the

] |, —— \\ A\ if | : | Ved "@'\ northern fringes of the mound, produced the lowest

. I on G oN ie ‘© oe two layers, (numbered 35B and 35A) in a representa-

ie “NANA 0 tive section. These strata yielded Pre-Harappan pot\e tery, particularly examples of Fabrics A, B and D of )

Se Kalibangan I (Figs. 13.12 and 13.13). These levels are

. a . designated IA. A medium-sized vase of matt red Fig. 13.10. Bara: Unidentified terracotta object. ware, with a wide black band painted at its concave neck is the hallmark of these levels (Fig. 13.12, no.

ROPAR (lat. 30°58’ north; long. 76°32’ east) 17). A jar with a grooved middle profile (Fig. 13.12, nos. 9, 12, 19) is infrequent, but has to be taken note The site of Ropar has three mounds: the northern, —_ of because of its Pre-Harappan affiliation. Vases with © southern, and western (Fig. 13.11). The present writer a wide black band at the neck are characteristic of excavated the site from 1953 to 1955 (LAR 1953-54: Predefense Harappa, Amri, Kot Diji I, Sarai Khola

Ur. RPR-5 TT — \\ aa TTL | UN \ CEMETERY a Lo = RPR-21 I— (al RPR -6

— WELL 77 fe

: apt 5 MODERN BUILDING | y , ae ‘ \ “SEs, [| RPR-25 ~s3y WELL Ti oe \\\ rpr-12 471 W§ 2821 ° Zs St RPR-11,,' “SSL NM 99° rear 18 s- TTT R P R-1 en: LL von . SITE PL. AN WELL RPR-20 | oe OF te tm Opp Rom “=~ ROPAR MOUNDS 2 9 25 Meters “. 7 To TOWN Fig. 13.11. Ropar: Plan of mounds.

An i A 3--

J —™ ,

‘, | )| =::

8} - f 9 — \

—) =) x

15 - , * | i

,KO ) 1 — iets 9 ; | , f . \’ - “. 20” Fig. 13.12. Ropar: Pottery trom IA levels. Scale 1:4. |

}ao 22 > ||

_a 25 oN | peeeeeeeereeeme as 29 Nae

| 30 | \ 31

Sas

Naa a oe

wa | — ae) C7 —=" aa) Viva ava 1 r

\os

\\4Ve fet" 4 ‘ el e777Z A, —, 5 “ 6‘ ,4, .

, a0 a! 4— —— 8ee ' = \ \ eee /oN —w nm A-15£

I | \\ 16 > A j \ | | 12 Ee 13 4

Sf, 17 BRR @ 18

:1 JAW 5 a , / 7 a —ae 2 2a Aaa 3 BSSay, | a AN, as NS ty . C 44 esJo v1 VA ee

6, 47

78

Fig.13.14, Ropar: Painted designs from [Bevels. Scale 1:4. A. from RPR-2; B. from RPR-1.

hel, ana?| :, Vga Lipsy mJTY)

PeNe Tis _,—___.__) 3 F

1 4 — :r aw

oH te IM) eS — ‘ WS. Slo 2 4oo'Bt ad ‘-*if ° Yy /me iia NN Se 1B 7 N‘or VSS

yt po.98 iy }: en) ha \ VK sly lh a)s | MESS RTGS ~~ Sy

Caw 2 fp: oy ELE VB AO ee 74 Vet ae

“aia SZ

— — EE eee —_ _ ae =

on | i, . , .= , =

_— _ ; eee ——— 7 ee |__. — ——se oxy

Se

Dir Fig. 13.15. Ropar: Pottery from cemetery. Scale 1:4.

_

Harappan Complex on the Sutlej (India) 157

:

| | 1 14

: iD .

,

7 Cr Fig. 13.16. Ropar: Pottery from cemetery. Scale 1:4.

(personal communication). His IA yielded Bara CHANDIGARH (lat. 30°40’ north; long. 76°50’

Ware without structures; IB has Bara Ware with _ east) ,

structures; and IC has evidence for an overlap of the ,

Bara and Painted Gray Ware Cultures. Particularly In sector 17-C of Chandigarh a Harappan cemetery interesting in the resumed excavation was a potter’s was discovered while the foundations of a building establishment with a kiln and a circular storage pit were being excavated in 1969 (Lalman, 1971). The lined with mud bricks. There was also a furnace or burials were on the same model as those at Ropar; but fireplace, which was used again and again while de- the bodies were oriented north-south, with the head bris continued to pile up around it over a long period to the north. Subsequently, while digging the founda(Pl. 13.9). The kiln contained some unbaked pottery tions for a parking place, the remains of a settlement and terracotta cakes. Three phases of sun-dried brick came to notice at an adjacent site. Salvage operations walls are also reported from the site. The bricks are 40 were carried out here by the Archaeological Survey

by 20 by 10 centimeters. of India in collaboration with the Department of

158 oe , | , | Y.D. Sharma _. Archaeology and Museums of the Government of — 13.18). It suggests that the character of settlement oo Punjab (IAR 1970-71b: 7-8; Ghosh 1971; Pande —_ here may be different from that of Kalibangan I. Pots 1972-73). No clearcut stratification was observed, | of Kalibangan Fabrics A and B are rare. Fabric D, but underlying a thick deposit of clean silt, 1.5 meters. | with large, thick jars and basins with spaced grooving _ thick, was another 1.5 meters of cultural debris, with | or other incised designs on the interior, is the most _. predominantly Bara Wares. Although there were | common. In fact, the thick sectioned forms in Red vessel forms, four inscribed sherds were found. Two and Gray Wares are the most noticeable. A match of of these had full inscriptions, andthe othertwohada the bowl with a flanged rim (Fig. 13.17, no. 8) is single graffito each. All were written in Harappan — reported from Sharpura by K.N. Dikshit (1980). It script. Among other objects that were found are ter- —_— is comparable to one from Kot Diji (Khan 1965: Fig.

; racotta toy cart frames, wheels, bull figurines, beads 24, no. 10). The paucity of thin pottery at Raja Sirkap and bangles, bangles of copper and faience and beads is striking. The site is, however, rich in bowl forms

ofpasteandagate. particularly those with a hollow below the rim (Fig.

- 7 oo — 43,17, nos. 11-17). There is a large number of thick Oo , i Pe ! floral motifs, which are outlined in black and filled in. _ OTHER EXCAVATED SITES © a _ pale red or dusty red sherds painted with leafy or

__ Sarangpur was superficially excavated by Suraj Bhan — With white. White also occurs between black bands

(1967) who has stated it to be a Siswal B site. He — (Fig. 13.18, nos. 40-42). 7 , also excavated Bhudan near Maler Kotla (Bhan and Varieties of terracotta cakes or flinging missiles Shaffer 1978). According to him “Bhudan I is divi- ——_(p)_ 13. 10) resemble those at Kalibangan. These are:

sible into three phases: IA, IB andIC. Phases!Aand — round cakes with a depressed center and lenticular IB are represented by Early and Late Siswal com- _—cection (not illustrated), triangles, small ovals with _ plexes respectively. Bhudan IC is marked by the single or double finger depressions forming a grip on intrusion of a Late Harappan occupation’ within an both surfaces, similar but larger types, and large ovals otherwise continuous Siswal tradition.” (Suraj Bhan with straightened sides and depressions for a grip.

and Shaffer 1978: 67). ,

| An overlap of the Bara and Painted Gray Ware = pasic RLEMENTS OF THE SUTLEJ — Cultures was first laid bare by J.P. Joshiat Bhagwan- ss F7AR APPAN COMPLEX

_ pura on the right bank of the Sarasvati in Kurukshetra , | So

ot District of Haryana. He reported the same sequence The Bara Culture overlaps the Mature Harappan on at Dadheri in Ludhiana District. At Nagar and the one end and PGW on the other. It accordingly has - Katpalon in Jullundur District the overlap phase two distinct phases: Early and Late. The excavated began with the original occupation of the site (Joshi and explored material from the Sutlej breaks up into

_ 1978, in press). / four basic elements: Pre-Harappan, Harappan, Early At present a total of 73 sites with Pre-Harappan, Baran and Late Baran. The Late Baran is succeeded Harappan and/or Baran affinities are recorded in the by the Painted Gray Ware Culture. Each of these Punjab (Madhu Bala 1978). Eleven of these liesouth = elements exists either singly, or in combination with of the Ravi in the Amritsar and Gurdaspur Districts, one of the remaining elements, with the result that a perhaps along an older bed of the Ravi. Eight are variety of cultural complexions are produced. These along the East Bein, a tributary of the Sutlej. Thirty are broadly:

more are along the Sutlej and 34 along the Ghaggar. 1) Pre-Harappan :

Some of the sites that are known are not on the list 2) Pre-Harappan plus Harappan ! referred to above. Exploration is still in progress, and 3) Early Baran new sites still come on to the record from time to 4) Harappan plus Early Baran |

time. 5) Late Baran

Pre-Harappan pottery has been reported from 6) Late Baran plus Painted Gray Ware

Ropar, Sarangpur, Bhudan and Raja Sirkap. Raja ,

Sirkap was first noticed in 1958-59 (IAR 1958-59: PRE-HARAPPAN 73). The surface collection made from the site by G.B. Sharma has been examined by the writer Two facets are present in the Pre-Harappan: genuinethrough the courtesy of the collector (Figs. 13.17 and ly Pre-Harappan, and a mere survival in later times.

_ pj : : i | V 1G | peer ee ] “a oe

10, 24 6 810121416 18 20.cm os \. | 21 | a 5 Be , _ Fig. 13.17. Raja Sirkap: Pottery from surface exploration. Scale 1:5. : oe , ee |

, ST. < , 23 ey| :ot sy . \S

,a 24 ’ a 34 > => a | N25 —— / I a | \

, . , . . oS . . , ’ | “4 36 are 35

| .—— , 37 aT 3 ) = a " A (w\) 06026 @aa - | YT “7

- 40

28 Et Ms 39 | ~ 29 \=~ , i= r 44 ‘4(a=> / oo, (ins ! o> | | ™ pan anseee: i

|| aoo A | 45 0 _ acest emementane | Sea,| .| 42 asirt| \|g |_aque a;|

a P. 31 Lf a> 10 2 4 6 8101214161820cm ; , Oo botititidi iit ias .

Fig. 13.18. Raja Sirkap: Pottery from surface exploration. Scale 1:5.

Harappan Complex on the Sutlej (India) 161 Among the sites so far excavated, Suraj Bhan reports with or without a defense wall. the occurrence of Early and Late Siswal from Budhan A house wall of mud bricks of irregular size, but (Suraj Bhan and Shaffer 1978: 67 n.) and from the uniform thickness of 10 centimeters, conforming Sarangpur (Suraj Bhan 1967). Suraj Bhan and Shaf- to the thickness of Harappan bricks, lends support to fer (1978: 62) have also reported the discovery of the dual character of the first culture at Ropar. Balu in District Jind, Haryana. This site is currently being excavated by a team from Kurukshetra Uni- EARLY BARAN

versity. They have found a continuous Pre-Harappan | | , ; deposit from bottom to top, with some contact with In theory, one would expect that there should cxist

the Mature Harappan in the middle levels and with sites with pure Mature Harappan content in the Sutle) the Baran in the upper levels (personal discussion and region; however, no site of this type has yet been

examination of material with U.V. Singh and his found. Presently the Early Baran, in more or less colleagues). It would appear, therefore, that the Pre- unmixed form, Is known at Bara and Sanghol, where

| oP ; ; ,tradition only limited contactby with Mature Harappan has Harappan exemplified the the Sothi or Kali,

. | have places. exceptional closeness with those such on pottery isolated Sarangpur may also represent a.i; survival. As for BhudanIB. Bhanand Shaffer them- from northern Baluchistan and with certain other

bangan I Culture survived to late times, perhaps in been identified. The painted motifs on the Bara Ware

| ” . Pre-Harappan sites. The middle levels of Bara are 4C

selves suggest concomitance of the Siswal and Mature

Harappan occupations. If that be so, neither Sarang- dated to 1890 ~ 95 B.c. (TF-1205) and the upset ur nor Bhudan IB can be genuinel ‘Pre-Hara an levels to 1645 + 90 B.c. (TF—1207). Another middle

P eemnely ppan. level date reads 1845 + 155 pc. (TF-1204). Adding As already stated, the writer had an opportunity ther t to the middle level dat t

to examine the surface collection from Raja Sirkap another cemlury fo me « © CVEN Gate, 30 as ° in the custody of G.B. Sharma of the Punjab State arrive at a date for the beginning of the occupation, Archaeolosv De artmen t. This is apparently a pro- even a conservative span for Bara site would be 2000: By epar Ppa ya P 1600 B.c. There is a not unreasonable likelihood that

per Pre-Harappan site; but of a genre different from . ; Sothi of Kalibangan I. While Kalibangan I may be the beginnings may be even another century earlier.

typical of the Sarasvatj-Drisha dvati recion. Raia These dates also receive confirmation from the fact Sitka may represent a different movement of the that typical Mature Harappan shapes occur at Bara

Ppans: upward.

Bre Hara ane as an intrusive element only from the middle levels

. The recently announced dates for Sanghol PRE-HARAPPAN PLUS'“C HARAPPAN yg (communication from D.P. Agrawal) range between

This phase has so far been identified only at Ropar 1900 + 160 B.c. (PRL-511) and 1700 + 150 Bo. level IA. The indications are that it is the Pre- (PRL-—510) in one trench, and between 1730 + 160 Harappan habitation on the northern periphery of B.c. (PRL-509) and 1690 + 160 B.c. (PRL-—513) in the site, which has been largely cut away and leveled. another. These lend support to the suggested Bara The pottery has a close resemblance to that of chronology. The excavator informs the writer that the Kalibangan I, but also includes new forms. Thick date of 1690 + 160 B.c. comes from a sample from the sherds with black painted leaf or flower designs filled middle levels of Period I, while the date of 1900 + 160 with white appear to be more popular at Raja Sirkap B.c. is from the lowest level. The reasonable span for

Pp g

than at Kalibangan. The Mature Harappan element the Bara Culture at Sanghol would accordingly be in Ropar IA is provided by pottery, a bronze jar and 1900-1500 B.c. On the whole this means that comcelt, steatite, carnelian and agate beads, terracotta ared with the site of Bara, Sanghol might have had a cakes, bangles and toy cart frames and wheels. As slightly later start and a later finish. mentioned earlier, the Pre-Harappans at Ropar were The origins of Bara Culture are by no means clear probably a rural group, whose need for sophisticated at present. Separate ceramic traits (potting technique

goods was met by urbanized Harappans. and decoration) can be traced to Quetta, the Zhob So far, there is no evidence for a defense work at Valley (particularly Periano Ghundai), Kot Diji, PreRopar. But, with the southern mound still uninvesti- defense Harappa and certain other Pre-Harappan gated, one does not know if it conceals a twin settle- sites. This suggests that there is a substantial subment, as at Kalibangan, Banawali and Rakhigarhi, stratum of the Pre-Harappan tradition in its makeup

162 Y.D. Sharma (Sharma 1973, 1976: 11). Some Baran pottery shapes agricultural producers, if not also suppliers of certain have Mature Harappan analogs. The culture is absent industrial goods (Sharma 1976: 12, in press b). The on the lower Ghaggar, in the Ganganagar area, and is result was a pattern that is exemplified at Kotla apparently characteristic of the Sutlej. On the present Nihang, Ropar IB and Chandigarh. At Kotla Nihang, evidence wherever the Mature Harappan is found on although in the eastern sector Bara Ware has not the Sutlej, Bara pottery 1s found with it in a large or been noticed in the lower levels, it may be that it small percentage. This suggests that the Bara Culture has eluded the excavator on account of limited runs parallel to the Mature Harappan; at least in the operations. In the western sector, it occurs from the Punjab. At the same time let it be admitted that bottom to the top, alongside the Harappan. As shown

nowhere has it been found so far underlying the at Ropar, where the Harappans and Barans lived

Harappan Culture. together, each occupied a different sector of the

It appears to be a rural phenomenon, which is settlement. complementary to the Mature Harappan. This is Even the Mature Harappan manifestation on the

more than confirmed when considering the 73 sites in Sutlej apparently has two forms: one exemplified by the Punjab noted above. If one omits the three with Kotla Nihang and the other by Ropar. The difference only Pre-Harappan affiliation, and another three is not merely one of large and small settlements, or of where Mature Harappan dominates, 67 sites are left village and town aspects, or again, of one being which have possible Bara ranking. One may assume earlier than the other; although these factors also that half of these were Early Baran, and the other half count. The difference is in form. To illustrate, Kotla were Late Baran. This would suggest that against two Nihang has a profusion of scored Indus goblets with a or three towns, there existed more than 33 villages, pointed base and the shallow dish (Fig. 13.3, nos. which contributed to the economy of the former. The 4—5, 11-12). These have a parallel to the type propor-

find at Ropar of a full-fledged sealing with impres- tions of pottery in the Indus cities. At Ropar the sions of three different seals suggests that Ropar was Indus goblet is not present at all, and the shallow dish

certainly a trading center of some importance. Its has. a different form, apart from its negligible persituation suggests that it may have received semi- centage. The Ropar dish is shallower, with sides that precious stones and other minerals from the hills and tend to be vertical instead of flaring. The two sites lie may have participated in trade over a wider area. within two kilometers of each other. Thus, the differOne would be in a position to define the begin- ence may be due to two movements of people being nings of the Bara Culture more accurately if one knew involved. Kotla Nihang may represent an earlier what position Bara holds on the Pakistan side of the movement, perhaps along the Sutlej from its junction border. It is possible that when the cognate Baluchi with the Indus, while Ropar may have been inhabitavillage cultures descended into the Indus plains, some ted by another folk wave from the lower Ghaggar produced the Urban Harappan society, and others region, possibly at a slightly later date.

developed into a complementary rural community. Ropar IB has, however, almost all the objects The latter may have lacked the luxuries of urban life, with which one is familiar at Harappa and Mohenjobut were otherwise a strong element, particularly as daro. If terracotta figurines, including the Mother producers of agricultural commodities. Continuing Goddess are absent at Ropar, this is also true in some down the Indus, this community perhaps turned east measure of other peripheral settlhements. Evidence along the Sutlej from the junction of the Indus and for the layout could not be obtained because of a very the Sutlej. Once it had established itself on the Sutlej, restricted area being available for excavation in the it extended south to the upper Sarasvati-Drishadvati lowest levels of a 21-meter high multiperiod site. area, where it intruded into the Pre-Harappan and _ Chandigarh was not excavated methodically, the Mature Harappan complex, as at Mitathal in ITB — work there being in the nature of salvage operations.

levels. But with a cemetery of the Harappan R-37 type, anda mixed repertoire of Harappan and Bara pottery, it

HARAPPAN PLUS EARLY BARAN apparently represents the Ropar IB phase. It was natural that the Harappans and Early Barans LATE BARANS should occasionally converge. The two could live

together, particularly because the latter were the No site containing only the Late Bara Culture has

Harappan Complex on the Sutlej (India) 163 been excavated so far in the Sutlej area. But some shapes such as small bowls or solid pedestaled cups idea of its form may be obtained from Bhagwanpura, with a concavity in base. These cups are absent at Dadheri, Nagar and Katpalon, where it overlaps with Bara proper, but do occur at Alamgirpur, Hulas and the Painted Gray Ware. In fact at Bhagwanpura and Bargaon in Uttar Pradesh, Dadheri, a preceding phase contains only Late Bara

Ware without the association of the Painted Gray THE TERM LATE HARAPPAN Ware. Daulatpur and Mirzapur in the Kurukshetra region may also represent a Late Baran phase (Singh ‘Late Harappan” is a much misused term today,

1977). since it has been indiscriminately applied to several pottery traditions in the Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent

LATE BARAN PLUS PAINTED GRAY WARE (Thapar 1975-76). The Bara Culture, without respect to its uncertain genetic relationship, and of the At Bhagwanpura on the Sarasvati, a devolved Bara fact that it overlaps both the Mature Harappan and the Ware occurs in Subperiod IA. Mature Harappan pot- Painted Gray Ware Cultures, is often labeled ‘‘Late tery types are totally absent, nor are there any other Harappan.”’ Such a loose application of the term, objects of that category. Terracdtta figurines, includ- without a clearcut definition, creates much confusion. ing a humped bull, beads of faience and semiprecious Early Bara, which overlaps the Mature Harappan, stones, bangles of terracotta and faience, and a few can in no way be Late Harappan. It has accordingly pieces of copper are present. Structural activity is been suggested (Sharma in press a) that Late Bara be evidenced only by platforms erected as protection described as Late Harappan, but the Culture itself be

against floods (Joshi 1978, in press). known as Bara. This will ensure that definite assemThere is smooth transition to Subperiod IB in blage of cultural elements is signified. which both the Barans and the Painted Gray Ware

people seem to have lived together. The houses of CHRONOLOGY this Subperiod can be placed in three phases: round or semicircular huts followed by mud-walled houses, The beginning of Kalibangan I was ca. 2300 B.c.on the. and finally houses built of kiln-burnt bricks of five basis of '*C determinations. It is reasonable to assume different sizes. None of the bricks conform to the that the Pre-Harappans could have reached the Sutlej Harappan size. Like pottery, articles of everyday use region by about 2200 B.c. At the other end, the latest

belong to both the cultures. Baran phase, which may be related to the Harappan

The excavator reports oval structures of burnt Culture, albeit indirectly, overlaps Painted Gray earth, not only from Bhagwanpura, but also from Ware. Thus it cannot be much later than 1100 B.c. All Dadheri, Nagar and Katpalon. To the present wri- the other phases of the Harappan complex on the ter’s mind, these are nothing but small kilns or Sutlej must have flourished within the time bracket furnaces like those at Kotla Nihang, Bara and Tar- 2200-1100 B.c. It is clear that the Early Barans and the khanwala Dera in District Ganganagar, although the ~—= + Harappans in the Sutlej region were contemporary.

kiln is made of mud bricks at the latter site. At some sites, particularly in rural areas, the Barans G.B. Sharma reports-an overlap of Bara and lived alone. At other sites, notably the towns, the Painted Gray Wares from Sanghol. But the Bara Barans and Harappans lived together. The following Culture here evidences some contact with the Mature dates are tentatively suggested for the different Harappans and '*C determinations are fairly early. It phases of Harappan-related cultures on the Sutlej: is therefore reasonable to surmise that the people 1) Pre-Harappan: 2200-2100 B.c. here were Early Barans. If so, it is difficult to imagine 2) Pre-Harappan plus Harappan: 2100-2000 B.c. their overlap with the Painted Gray Ware people. 3) Early Baran: 2000-1400 B.c. The devolution of the Bara Ware at Bhagwanpura 4) Harappan plus Early Baran: 2000-1400 B.c. is apparent from things such as the absence of certain 5) Late Baran: 1400-1200 B.c.

typical early Bara painted motifs, the larger percen- 6) Late Baran plus Painted Gray Ware: 1200-

tage of plain pottery and the introduction of new 1100 B.c. ,

164 ~ Y.D. Sharma , ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Several of my friends in the Archaeological Survey of Except Plates 13.9 and 13.10, which are reproduced India have helped me prepare the illustrations for this here through the courtesy of the Punjab State Arpaper. My grateful thanks to all-of them, particularly chaeology Department, the copyright of other phototo Mr. Sadhu Singh Saar, Mr. Lakshmi Dutt, Mr. L. graphs is that of the Archaeological Survey of India.

K. Jain. Mr. S.K. Sharma and Mr. Baljit Lambda.

, BIBLIOGRAPHY , . Bisht, R.S., 1976 Excavation at Sanghol, District Ludhiana. Transformation of the Harappan Culture in the Pp. 31-32. Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India. Punjab with Special Reference to the Excavations Indian Archaeology: A review (IAR), 1970-71a

at Sanghol and Chandigarh. In Archaeological Excavation at Sanghol, District Ludhiana. Congress and Seminar Papers: 1972. U.V. Singh, Pp. 30-31. Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India. ed. Pp. 16-22. Kurukshetra: Kurukshetra Univer- Indian Archaeology: A review (IAR), 1970-71b

sity Press. Excavation at Chandigarh. Pp. 7-8. Delhi: Bisht, R.S., in press Archaeological Survey of India. , Harappan Cuiture in Punjab: A study in perspec- Indian Archaeology: A review (IAR), 1971-72

tive. In Indus Civilization: Problems and issues. Excavation at Sanghol, District Ludhiana. B.B. Lal and S.C. Malik, eds. Simla: Indian Pp. 39-40. Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.

Institute of Advanced Study. Indian Archaeology: A review (IAR), 1972-73

Casal, Jean-Marie, 1961 Excavation at Sanghol, District Ludhiana. _ Fouilles de Mundigak. 2 vols. Paris: Librarie C. P. 28. Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.

Klincksieck. Joshi, J.P., 1978

Dikshit, K.N., 1980. | , _ Interlocking of Late Harappan and Painted Grey A Critical Review of Pre-Harappan Cultures in Ware Culture in the Light of Recent Excavations.

_ the Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent. Man and Envi- Man and Environment 2: 98-101. oe

ronment 4: 32-43. | Joshi, J.P., in press , | Ghosh, N.C., 1971 Overlap of Late Harappan Culture and Painted Protohistoric Punjab: More evidence and new Grey Ware Culture in the Light of Recent Exca-

theories. Conflux 3: 19-20. vations in Haryana, Punjab and Jammu. In Indus Indian Archaeology: A review (IAR), 1953-54 _ Civilization: Problems and issues. B.B. Lal and Rupar, District Ambala. Pp.6-7, Delhi: Archaeo- S.C. Malik, eds. Simla: Indian Institute. of

logical Survey of India. Advanced Study.

Indian Archaeology: A review (IAR), 1954-55a Khan, F.A., 1965 ,

Bara and Salaura, District Ambala. Pp. 9-11. Excavations at Kot Diji. Pakistan Archaeology

~ Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India. 2: 13-85. ' .

Indian Archaeology: A review (IAR), 1954-55b Lalman, 1971 Rupar, district Ambala. P. 9. Delhi: Archaeo- _ Discovery of Ancient Chandigarh. Vishveshvara-

logical Survey of India. nand Indological Journal 9 (2): 368-73. ,

Indian Archaeology: A review (IAR), 1958-59 Madhu Bala, 1978 | oO Harappan Objects in District Bhatinda. P. 73. A Survey of the Protohistoric Investigation in Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India. Punjab and the Emergent Picture. Indian Anthro-

Indian Archaeology: A review (IAR), 1968-69 | pologist 8 (2): 1-30. a Excavation at Sanghol, District Ludhiana. Mughal, M.R..1973 |

Pp. 25-26. Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India. The Present State of Research on the Indus Valley

Indian Archaeology: A review (IAR), 1969-70 Civilization. Proceedings of the International

Harappan Complex on the Sutlej (India) 165 Symposium on Moenjodaro. Pp. 1-28. Karachi: of the Punjab and Haryana. In Indus Civilization:

National Book Trust. Problems and Issues. B.B. Lal and S.C. Malik, Pande, B.M., 1972-73 eds. Simla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study. Inscribed Harappan Pot Sherds from Chandi- Sharma, Y.D., in press b garh. Puratattva 6: 52-55. The Harappans and the Painted Grey Ware

Prufer, Olaf, 1952 People in the Punjab. Paper read at the XIII Nalagarh 1951: Interim report on the excavations Annual Session of the Punjab History Confercarried out at Dher Majra. Calcutta: Jamia Millia ence.

Islamia Historical Research Foundation. Singh, U.V.., in press

Sharma, Y.D., 1955-56 Late Harappan Culture as Revealed by ExcavaPast Patterns of Living as Unfolded by Excava- tions at Mirzapur and Daulatpur, District Kuruk-

tions at Rupar. Lalit Kala 1-2: 121-29. shetra. In Jndus Civilization: Problems ana

Sharma. Y.D., 1971 issues. B.B. Lal and S.C. Malik, eds. Simla:

Comments in the Seminar on OCP and NBP. Indian Institute of Advanced Study. | Puratattva 5: 21-24. | Suraj Bhan, 1967 Sharma. Y.D., 1973 New Light on the Ochre Colored Ware Culture. Value of Common Ceramic Designs from Dif- Research Bulletin (Arts) Punjab University 57 (3):

ferent Sites as a Guide to Chronology with 1-9.

Special Reference to Pottery from Bara (Pun- Suraj Bhan and J. Shafer, 1978 jab). In Radiocarbon and Indian Archaeology. New Discoveries in Northern Haryana. Man and D.P. Agrawal and A. Ghosh, eds. Pp. 222-30 Environment 2: 59-68. Bombay: Tata Institute of Fundamental Re- Thapar, B.K., 1975-76

search. Editoria!. Puratattva 8:2.

Sharma. Y.D., 1976 Vats, M.S., 1929-30

Transformation of the Harappan Culture in the Kotla Nihang. Annual Report of the ArchaeoPunjab. In Archaeological Congress and Seminar logical Survey of India 1929-30. Pp. 131-32. Papers: 1972. U.V. Singh, ed. Pp. 5-15. Kuruk- Delhi: Government of India.

shetra: Kurukshetra University. Vats, M.S., 1940 Sharma, Y.D., in press a Excavations at Harappa. 2 vols. Delhi: GovernBara and the So-called Late Harappan Cultures ment of India.

R.N. MEHTA

14. Some Rural Harappan Settlements in Gujarat

INDIAN tradition has evidence for a theory and prac- This would lead to more urban settlements.

tice of settlement patterns or organization. A perusal The picture generated from the study of Kauof Kautilya’s Arthashastra is highly instructive in this tilya’s Arthashastra reveals some aspects of a rural matter. The author of this work has instructions for urban dichotomy. This dichotomy was further im-

the construction of a royal residence at Nisanta posed on Indian thinking by following a European Pranadhih in Vinayadhikarana. He discusses popu- model of towns in modern times. An interesting comlating the country, the creation of commercial centers parison is possible if one takes into consideration the in the janapadanivesa, uses of uncultivable land, and separate existence of Sangrahani, Karvatika, Dronathe building of forts for protection. There is mention mukha and Sthaniya. The Indian experience is that of populating these forts and towns in janapadantivesa these were not purely urban. This view is supported and durganivesa. Military operations and camps, that by Kautilya, who notes the presence of agriculturists is the skandhavaras, are considered in sangramikam. near the Durga and other “urban” settlements. These | While discussing settlements in janapadanivesa he references indicate the mixed nature of these settlespecifies that these villages should be established at a ments.

distance of a krosa or two so that they can afford Taking these facts into consideration, the urban mutual protection. These agricultural settlements proportion of the Mauryan Empire would work out to should also have a population between 100 and 500 have been about 10 per cent. This percentage might

families. be made more accurate. It has already been noted Besides these largely agricultural settlements he that there were other human habitats with urban

notes the nonagricultural units appropriate to a terri- functions. Assigning some percentage for the settle-

tory. These units are tabulated as follows: ments of teachers, soldiers, miners, etc., is essential. Villages Nonagricultural establishments If one sets this at about five per cent one may not be

, far wrong, since these functions were carried out by 800 80 S angrahanis only a small fraction of the population. It has been 4 Karvatika observed that some villages had one or two trading 2 Dr onamukhas families, and the same may have been the case with

1 Sthaniya other families of specialists. The other point. is that

a800 a they were not found in all villages. In sum, these ae features suggest that about five percent additional In addition to these regulated villages, Kautilya urban population is called for. These figures indicate notes outposts and forts, as well as habitats in the that the urban population of the Mauryan Period was forest, isolated habitations on bad land, etc. There about 15 percent of the total. They depended on the are also the nonagricultural habitations of students, remaining 85 percent for their necessities. This 85 teachers, soldiers, miners, traders and the like. As percent of the population can be identified as those their number is not specified in the Arthashastra it can who dwelled in villages, forests, etc. be assumed that they were created according to need. This view of settlements within an empire of the

168 R.N. Mehta

Iron Age seems to be instructive on the situation in without a strong rural base. The study of this base has the Chalcolithic times. This period, with its copper received much attention. This lacuna is now slowly technology, was a bit weak in food production, as being filled through the excavations at rural settleheavy iron implements were not available. They ments in different parts of Gujarat. These sites were made use of river banks and light soils for agriculture found in exploration by the staff and students of the which supplemented the natural food supply. Urbani- Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, zation existed in these cultures, but its percentage M.S. University of Baroda as well as the Archaeoneed not be higher than that of the Iron Age Cultures. logical Survey of India and the Department of This technological period is classified as Pre-Harap- Archaeology, Gujarat State (Fig 14.1). pan, Harappan and Post-Harappan. It can be pointed Rural settlements are usually comparatively small out here that a site might appear to be Chalcolithic on with a modest thickness of deposit. For example the the basis of limited excavations. But there is a possi- site of Dhatva in South Gujarat has a radius of about bility of the coexistence of earlier cultures with later 150 meters and Jokha, a nearby site, is not much cultures, either in parts of the same settlement or on larger. Sites like Telod and Mehgam are-also small. In different settlements in a given region. This requires Central Gujarat, the site of Nar is of modest size, as

careful consideration. are the sites of Jafarabad, Vadgam, etc., in the Large Chalcolithic settlements are few in number Bhalbaru area. None of them is more than about 100 as compared to smaller settlements. But the bigger meters square. The picture from Kutch is identical to settlements are usually those that are studied and that from other parts of Gujarat.

the smaller settlements are usually neglected. The Sites around Lothal ard those in Jamnagar Disreasons for this lie both in the sociocultural ethos of trict or central Saurashtra also fall in the same class.

the workers, as well as in the basic availability of In North Gujarat, however, the site of Zekda (PI. undisturbed sites. The former lays down the fashions 14.1) was spread over an area measuring about 700 by

and areas for research. As sociocultural conditions 200 meters. Large parts of the area were, however change, the old data are reworked, new data are bereft of any measurable archaeological deposit. collected and new viewpoints are introduced. Often These features pointed out that the habitation was this change is considered a new parameter in re- scattered. search. Due to the ethos of today more emphasis is A perusal of the thickness of the deposits indigiven to urban studies and the analysis of smaller cates that some of the sites are a mere scatter of settlements is not undertaken on a sufficient scale to material exposed by the farmer’s plough. Such areas

permit a glimpse of the ways of life in these places. often have distinct patches of antiquities. These However, some research undertaken by the Depart- patches are marked by an ashy color and a scatter of ment of Archaeology, M.S. University of Baroda, in ceramics. They suggest the existence of small huts; Gujarat, throws some light on it. The discovery of this based on an analogy of remains from the recent Harappan settlements in this state can be traced to past. The thickness of deposit at these sites ranges the work of M.S. Vats, who in 1927 identified Harap- between 50 and 150 centimeters.

pan elements at the site of Rangpur in Limbdi These sites have two distinctive features: (1) they Taluka. After this initial work, Father Heras noted are really small settlements, and (2) they probably did the site of Somnath; however following this there was not survive for a very long period; at least not long

a lull in the field for about two decades. enough to permit a large accumulation of archaeoIndependence gave an impetus to discovering logical debris. Both these characteristics rule out sites of Indus Culture in India and after 1947 many of the possibility of their being urban centers, which their settlements were discovered in places such are characterized by good planning, a road system, as Jammu, Kashmir, Punjab, Rajasthan, Gujarat, fortifications, brick buildings on raised platforms, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Uttar Pradesh. systematic drainage, etc. Minor antiquities like seals The excavations at a few sites have enriched our and amulets are also indicative of urban functions. In knowledge of the chronology, foreign relations, and the absence of this material content and the presence

the cultural aspects of the urban life of the Indus of ceramics, graffiti, triangular cakes, terracotta

Culture. mushtis, balls, microbeads, and copper objects typiIt is a well-known fact that urban life cannot exist cal of the Harappan Culture they have been classified

— | ¢ , , ¢ @, ~7 ,

Some Rural Harappan Settlements in Gujarat 169

8;;

ts ys

~ @-*, rue _-) : .

w~Xo ; ZEKDA | a ye 50) i @ ‘ ae @ @ v. lef? r)

4y 7 e-” s) . yy ,a2 oS o® e | ee , Sy

DESARPUR yf SURKOTDA YT eee

pm nl ome Tet fs &

e %e KANEWAL—~_@ wv , Gee e ~ e 8& @ e$ ee eo ee e& 6° @ . @ @ 2? e® . ° | LOTHAL~e )

e e°| nad? . e° @ eso”ee ; : ee@ eee..oe a. Na |

| |iat @ 0 e , e — @ ROJADI f° e*eee? ae a a > e,e° , R. Tapi | : *. )DHATVA | . Py @©@® JOKHA | SOMNATH e® e

: | Fig. 14. 1. Chalcolithic sites in Gujarat. as rural. They also outnumbered the so-called urban understanding of the past requires exploration and

centers, and formed the base for their existence. excavation. According to the root meaning of “urban” these were The research done on these sites indicates that “fortified habitations’’ and by an extension of the particular geographical features are associated with notion these places were involved in activities like these habitations. These include the availability of administration, education, industrial production, potable water, a local eminence for relative immunity

trade, and commerce. The small settlements would from monsoon floods, and a convenient vantage have been the “service area” supplying basic neces- point. These settlements are found on‘a variety of sities such as grain, milk and other farm or dairy local soils. In South Gujarat, the site of Malvan is products as well as forest goods. These materials on an infertile tract near the River Tapi. The soil could have been supplied by farmers, cattle breeders, on which the, habitation began was kankari, locally fishermen, hunters and collectors of food, minerals, known as kankaria vago. The sites of Jokha and and stones. But where and how did these groups live? Dhatva, located within 50 kilometers of Malvan, are The answer to this question can be given theoreti- on black cotton soil. The sites at Daheda and Jafaracally: they were the inhabitants of contemporary bad in Khira District are on sand dunes. The site of villages and lived in forests. However, a proper Kanewal (Pl. 14.2) has structures on the dune as well

170 R.N. Mehta

at its base. Sites in bhal are on a flat plain. In North ™ : ccemarcemnn nie

Gujarat, the site of Zekda (Pl. 14.1) is on a small ‘eae eer ey : sandstone outcrop. A rocky base is also seen at | | ener es woo Amra, Lakhabaval and other sites in Saurashtra. | as Bs oe i eh These features indicate that the Harappans, and the ee Se ee aa

people of Chalcolithic Culture, used a variety of local Coppell pe

situations; however some eminence was considered pr Se Nae A Pa Se

useful for these settlements. ey PRX ‘e. be, ee eee coe It appears that natural streams, or tanks were oy Py 4 ee ie ene

used for potable water. Jokha and Dhatva may have , a > ena P po Pe one : depended on local tanks. Malvan might have hada sj © 4 ee) fos oo , es

similar arrangement as it is in the tidal zone. Alter- =| A , pS.aed:, age GAPADHE GAON ww —— ee, , (

d| “sJom ;ae\ Soe svat CNA E SUT ae Oen 4ee ae Ly|Oe tan NY ore RE eR LG Ss AN) SN he shin@ ae . iv NG f >KT)omy:

AECcomb YhNL,+ are eS. ae N vy STN) eeoe th ee OE cll. [a see we 8 SOR a»peak ed a ot a | rebrand VEE ES Stee CN Modern towns

0 Ja Nt oe Pe) S oe) :

SE PS Shs [pint oe ede “aagadgecc ° ae yo |

Fig. 15.1. Daimabad and environs.

one skeleton, was found. Chalcedony blades, carinated bowl, occasionally with a tubular spout, a terracotta beads and semiprecious stones were also handi-type vase with a flaring mouth and tubular

found in this, the first occupation. spout, and a vase with a globular body, high neck and Phase II was represented by the well-defined beaded rim. The painted designs in black were linear Malwa Ware. Of medium fabric, this ceramic Was and geometric, although animal motifs were also pretreated with a thin slip which fired brown, deep red, sent. The Burnished Gray Ware and the handmade light orange or pink. Vessels were painted in, black thick coarse ware of Phase I persisted into this phase.

with geometric designs such as hatched triangles, Microlithics, stone maceheads, pottery spindlesquares and lozenges, hooks, loops, festoons, etc. whorls, beads of semiprecious stones, a gold coil, two The types included in this ware were the subspherical terracotta human figures and a terracotta dog were bowl, sometimes with a tubular spout, shallow cup, also found. short-necked handi, high-necked jar, and vase with a Two types of burial practices were in vogue during

channel spout. A burial in a specially dug pit with a Phase II: the extended inhumation and the urn complete skeleton oriented north-south and without burial. One of the two interred skeletons was comany associated furniture, was found in the levels of pletely despoiled. The second, oriented north-south, this phase. The other finds included a fragmentary rested on a rammed clay floor in the habitation area. -celt, a pinhead and a broken knife all of copper, the It had no grave goods and it was damaged below the head of a dog and also a humped bull in terracotta, knees. The body had not been placed in a pit; but and beads of semiprecious stone, shell and faience. around it were 14 postholes, suggesting the existence Phase III was a Jorwe occupation. Jorwe Ware of a canopy over the interment. This is, therefore. had a fine fabric, was turned on a fast wheel and was probably a case of lying in state prior to burial. In the well fired. The main types included the concave-sided urn burials the urns are a Burnished Gray Ware witha

The Harappans of Daimabad 177 globular body and flared mouth. These were placed Indus symbols on pottery. Most of these signs are mouth-to-mouth, with a north-south orientation, in a identical to the cursive alphabet found during the pit just sufficiently large to accommodate them. The Late Harappan Phase in Gujarat and the Indus skull, ribs and lower extremities were placed in the Valley. vessel. A single urn burial, with the pot’s mouth facing south, was also found. Three urns were placed EXCAVATIONS AT DAIMABAD horizontally for the burial of a mature child. A cari- 1975-76 to 1978-79

nated bowl and a spouted handi-type vase were sub-

sidiary vessels. I have excavated at Daimabad for four seasons In 1974 there was the chance discovery of a cache (1975-76 to 1978-79) and have obtained evidence for

of four solid bronze figures at the site.* This group a succession of five Chalcolithic Cultures. Each of included a chariot yoked to a pair of bulls driven by a these is characterized by a distinct class of painted human, an elephant, a rhinoceros and a buffalo. This pottery:

find necessitated further excavation at the site. In Phase I Savalda Culture 1974-75, S.R. Rao (1978) renewed the excavation of Phase II Late Harappan Culture the site. His main objectives were to reassess the Phase III Buff-and Cream Ware Culture cultural sequence, and determine whether there were Phase IV Malwa Culture cultural contacts with Harappan or Late Harappan Phase V Jorwe Culture settlements. He divided the occupational deposit into |

three periods, I, If and III. People of the Savalda Culture built the first, and Period I (1900-1700 B.c.) was divisible into two smallest, settlement at Daimabad. They occupied a Subperiods, A and B. Subperiod IA was the first three-hectare strip of black cotton soil near the bank Neolithic settlement and had plain, handmade gray of the Pravara. The largest settlement of 30 hectares pottery. Subperiod IB was characterized by pottery was occupied by the last of the Jorwe inhabitants. The made on a slow wheel, painted in red on a grayish or other three settlements, including that of the Late red surface. The three main ceramics of Subperiod IB Harappans, covered not less than 20 hectares. Anwere the Gray Slipped Ware, a dark Gray Burnished cient Daimabad is thus the largest Chalcolithic site to Ware and dull Red Ware. A few vessels were turned have been found in Maharashtra. The salient features on a fast wheel. The painted designs included vertical of each phase are summarized as follows: wavy lines drawn in groups, cross-hatched bands and

ladders, and an antelope. These designs suggested, Phase I according to Rao, contact with the Late Harappans The Savalda Culture is characterized by Savalda who had by now moved to the Tapti and Godavari Ware. Of medium to coarse fabric, the ware was

Valleys. made on a slow wheel and has a thick slip with a Period II (1700-1500 B.c.) was characterized by crackled surface. The color is light brown, chocolate,

Malwa Ware and the Cream Slipped Ware. Rao red and pink. It is chiefly painted in ochre red with thought that designs such as the hatched diamonds occasionally black and white pigments. The designs and dancing figures on Malwa Ware were influenced included arrows, antenae-ended pointed and round-

to a large extent by the Late Harappan. During the ed arrowheads, a harpoon, sword-like designs, Period III (1500-1000 B.c.) Malwa Ware decreased plant, deer and fish motifs as well as linear designs and Jorwe Ware increased. The main types Rao such as horizontal bands, radiating lines, groups of found in the Jorwe Ware were stemmed bowls of short strokes, pointed strokes, wavy lines and oblique Rangpur IIC type, concave-convex bowls, spouted strokes. There are very few types: a vase with an

vessels and globular jars. out-curved rim and squat globular body, a handi-type

Rao claimed to have identified furnaces used for vase and a vase with a short splayed-out rim. The refining copper. He also thought he had found evi- Burnished Gray Ware, the Black Burnished Corrudence for the survival of the Indus Script in Periods II gated Ware and the handmade Thick Coarse Red and III. The evidence he used for the presence of a Ware with incised and applied decorations are the simplified script at Daimabad, is the occurrence of other ceramics of Phase I. *Editor’s note: See M. K. Dhavalikar’s paper in this volume for further discussion of this hoard. |

178 S.A. Sali The mud-walled Savalda houses were at times dog and peacock designs. The dog was a favorite

rounded on one end. Structures of one, two and three animal motif, frequently found on Malwa Ware. One rooms were found. The smallest house, with a single of the examples has a pair of dogs in united position. room, measured 3.4 by 1.6 meters. The largest house Another noteworthy scene on one of the potsherds of was seven by five meters. The floors, which were Malwa Ware is of a man standing in a river with fish occasionally decorated with fresh water shells, were and vegetation around him.

made of alternating layers of yellow silt and black Among the structures exposed in the Malwa levels

soil. the most interesting is a large mud platform with a _ Barley was cultivated along with lentil, the com- channel ending in a soak pit cut into it. This was mon pea, grass pea, black gram, green gram, horse meant to be used for ablution purposes. There are six

gram and hyacinth bean. They also had copper/ types of sacrificial altars including an apsidal, mudbronze rings, beads of carnelian and agate, micro- walled structure, called a sacrificial temple. Another liths, tanged bone arrowheads and stone mullers and altar was made from a series of mud rings. There was

querns. also a heart-shaped altar, an oval-shaped altar with a Phase II will be described later since it is the main sunken floor, an oval-shaped altar with rounded

subject matter of this paper. sides and a rectangular altar. In addition, there were

Phase III . complex.

residential rooms closely connected with the religious

The Buff and Cream Ware which characterized The floors of the Malwa houses were decorated

Phase III was generally made on a slow wheel. Only with potsherds, by either embedding them on edge or an occasional fast wheel example was met with. Of flat. Each house had a low mud step at the entrance,

medium fabric, the clay contained vegetable temper. one of which was semicircular, recalling the This was indicated in the core by the presence of air chandrashila. holes. The core also had a band of gray or ivory color

suggesting that the ware was underfired. It was Phase V treated on the outside with a thin slip which flaked off The Jorwe Ware of Phase V at Daimabad comes in places. The painting was generally black with with all of its characteristic types and painted designs. geometric designs such as cross-hatched elongated In addition, there is the Burnished Gray Ware and triangles, diamonds and squares, horizontal bands, the handmade thick coarse ware. Thé Jorwe types groups of wavy lines, comb-like design, circles and from the earliest Phase V levels are deep red in color

animal motifs with stippled bodies. and have a shiny surface, likened by some to Lustrous Fragments of two graduated terracotta rings sug- Red Ware. But this is the natural outcome of the gested that the people of this phase had their own transition from Malwa to Jorwe. There is neither the

measuring system. true Lustrous Red Ware, nor stemmed bowls of They practised symbolic as well as partial burial. Rangpur IIC type, in this, or any other, phase of Daimabad.

, Phase IV The so-called painted potter’s marks on the Jorwe Phase IV was represented by Malwa Ware. Ex- Ware occur only singly here, and many of them are tensive evidence has now come to light at Daimabad not represented in the list of Indus signs. These marks to show that the Jorwe Culture was mainly derived may have some social or religious significance; but

from the Malwa. For example, types such as the they do not seem to represént a simplified version of

carinated bowl, the handi-type vase with tubular the Indus Script. , spout, the incurved bow] and the Jota, which occurred Structural levels one to five were exposed in this in Malwa Ware, continued to occur in Jorwe Ware. Phase. The houses of structural level four were cirThe same is the case with regard to the so-called black cular huts with a road and a lane. In the other levels painted potter’s marks and the graffiti. Similarly, the of Phase V they were either rectangular or square.

double-urn burials, so characteristic of the Jorwe The important features of structural level one Culture of the Upper Godavari Valley, first occurred included two potter’s kilns, one aspsidal sacrificial in the Malwa context. In a double-urn burial of Phase temple, one crescentic mud structure (perhaps a IV one of the Malwa Ware urns was painted with sun, sacrificial altar), one circular ashpit connected with

The Harappans of Daimabad 179 rituals relating children, and mud-walled houses. with the figure of-a deified sage and his three consorts One interesting house exposed in Sector I was seven united with him. There is also a terracotta cylinder meters long and 3.5 meters broad. The largest of the seal with a scene of a procession moving through the houses was found in structural level two (House No. jungle. There is a horse drawing a cart, followed by a 38). It originally measured nine by five meters, and deer looking majestically to the rear. In front is an had five major floor levels. With each successive level animal, perhaps a camel, with a long neck. the size of the house shrank. One of the fully exposed CHRONOLOGY potter’s kilns measured five meters square. It was made up of a platform, an outer mud-wall (1.4 meters Two lists of Daimabad '*C dates have been received

high and 50 centimeters broad at the base tapering from the Physical Research Laboratory (D.P. upward to 15 centimeters), the central ash packing Agrawal, personal communication). They are given which served as insulation, and the thin inner wall of below as calculated from the 5570 half-life as well as burnt laminar clay. The kiln was filled with fine gravel the 5730 value (in parentheses). The dates Before used to raise the temperature in the kiln. It had two Christ are given as well. | stoke holes. There were two compartments and on The date of ca. 1400 Bc. for the end of the Malwa the floor of one were found 15 crushed pots. All save and the beginning of the Jorwe (samples PRL 411 and one, which was of handmade ware, were Jorwe Ware. PRL 412) appears to be consistent with the '*C deThe various painted graffiti on the Jorwe pots from termination of 1400 B.c. obtained from Inamgaon for the kiln suggest that they cannot be considered pot- the beginning of the Jorwe Culture there (Dhavalikar ter’s marks, as has been generally held. A huge jar of 1977: 46-47). handmade ware found close to the kiln was profusely The sample PRL 420 was collected from a slope. It decorated in applique with arch designs; human and was buried by a patch of sand and silt deposited in a

bull figures as well as reptiles. raingully and so it was suspected to have been ~ Among the important finds from the Jorwe Phase contaminated. Hence the date of a.p. 500 is not.

is a unique terracotta covered by a coat of red ochre Surprising.

Phase Sample number Date

| Overlap between Phases IV and V PRL 411 3230 + 100 (3320 + 100) 1370 B.c.

Topmost layer of Phase [V PRL 412 3250+ 110

(3340 + 120)

Phase III PRL 419 2980 + 110 Phase II : PRL 420 1410+ 140 Phase II PRL 426 3600 + 150 Phase ITI PRL 428 3400 + 110 PhaseI | PRL 429 3390 + 150 1390 B.c.

(3070 + 110) 1120 B.c.

(1450 + 140) 500 A.D.

(3710 + 150) 1760 B.c.

| 1540 B.c.

(3500 + 110) 1550 B.c.

(3490 + 160)

180 S.A. Sali

The date of 1760 B.c. derived from sample PRL was found on the body of a globular pot lacking only 426 is close to what was expected (1800 B.c.) for the the neck and rim. There were three black bands

upper levels of the Late Harappan Phase at painted around the body of this vessel. Above the Daimabad. This estimate is based on stratigraphy as topmost of these bands were two vertical lines well as the date of 1600 B.c. for the beginning of the painted in black, the upper parts of which had been Malwa Phase in Maharashtra which is based on “C curved to resemble a snake. Other types (vessel dates for Inamgaon (Dhavalikar 1977) and the date of forms) included in this ware are the dish-on-stand, 1390 B.c. (or 1400 B.c.) for the topmost layer of the bowl-on-stand, a dish with an internally collared rim, Malwa Phase given by the sample PRL 412 from a vase with a beaded rim, a vase with a clubbed rim, a

Daimabad. cup or bowl, a vase with a flat base and a vase with a The dates from samples PRL 419, PRL 428 and beaked rim.

PRL 429 are inconsistent. The associated wares are Ribbed Bichrome, Fine

DAIMABAD are and Thick Coarse Ware. | The Ribbed Bichrome Ware (PI. 15.2) is re-

PHASE IIL_THE HARAPPANS OF Wee Red, Black and Pale Gray, Burnished Gray As noted above, Phase II at Daimabad represents a presented by only a few sherds. It was made from a Late Harappan occupation. The deposit of this Phase special paste, very dense in texture and without any varies in thickness from a few centimeters at and near tempering material. The core is grayish in color. The the findspot of the bronzes in Sector II to 45 centi- slip on one side of the rib was bright chocolate in meters in Sector [V. In Sector I it was 30 centimeters color, and on the other side it was cream colored. The and in Sector IJ 20 centimeters. In all sectors the soil surface of the latter was painted in black with a loop color was light brown. Laboratory studies by J.N. design. About six sherds were found of the Deep Red Rajaguru (personal communication) show that the Ware (PI. 15.2). This ware is comparable to that of Late Harappan occupational deposit at Daimabad the Ribbed Bichrome Ware in fabric.

underwent weathering, suggesting that the site was A small number of sherds of the Black and Pale unoccupied, although for a short period, after it was Gray Ware were found. Of fine fabric, the ware is thin

deserted by the Harappans and before it was and treated internally and externally with a slip which occupied by the people of the Buff and Cream Ware has turned pale gray on the outside and black on the Culture. This occupational deposit was also eroded inside. Only one type is represented in this ware: a

(Sali in press). conical bowl with a carinated neck and featureless | Phase II has the characteristic fine sturdy Jate rim.

Harappan Red Ware (PI. 15.1). It is made of fine clay The Burnished Gray Ware is of medium fabric. It mixed with fine sand and the powder of lime and/or was treated with a slip and burnished. The surface shell was used as a tempering material. The ware was colors include gray, ivory, black, pink, brown and turned on a fast wheel as indicated by the uniformity their shades. The types met with in this ware are a of the parallel striation marks on the inside. The core vase with a flaring rim, a vase with an outcurved rim, a of the ware is fairly dense and uniformly light red or bowl with an almost vertical profile, an incurved brick red in color suggesting that the pottery was bowl, a carinated vase and a dish with a carination baked under controlled, uniform heat under oxidiz- below a thin rim. A variety of lids were also found. ing conditions. The outside of the ware was treated The rim edge of lids and some of the vases were with a thin slip which is usually red, but occasionally painted with a horizontal band in red ochre. chocolate or light brown, pink and light gray. The _ The Thick Coarse Ware was handmade with a black painted designs include horizontal bands on the coarse gritty fabric, pink and light red in color. The rim, neck, shoulder and body, crosshatched triangles, ware is decorated on the outside with incised and groups of vertical wavy and straight lines between applied fingertip designs. Those included in this ware horizontal bands, a chain pattern, a buchranian or are a jar with an outcurved rim, a deep platter or bowl doublehorn motif, a plant-like motif, interlaced loops with an almost vertical and thickened rtm decorated

painted on the inside of the rim of dish-on-stand, on the top with fingertip designs and platter with loops, spirals, rows of dots above and below a hori- almost vertical sides and a flat rim’tip. Embedded in zontal band and radiating lines. An interesting design the floor of House Number 17 we found the lower half

The Harappans of Daimabad 181 of a Thick Coarse Ware jar which has a flattish base. ments was found in House 16. On the floor of this , The Late Harappan occupants of Daimabad built same house was a terracotta button-shaped seal bearboth mud-brick and simpler mud-walled structures. ing an Indus sign (PI. 15.4). In adjoining House 17 we Mud bricks were used in two ways: for walls and for a found another terracotta button-shaped seal with two grave. Mud bricks in walls were only attested in Indus signs. The lower half of a vase of Thick Coarse fragmentary examples. The size of one of the speci- Ware with a flattish base was also found embedded in men bricks measured 30 centimeters long by eight the floor of this house.

centimeters thick. Two other fragmentary bricks The most important finds which set to rest the were found bonded together with a mortar of black Harappan character of Phase II at Daimabad are the clay. These and other brick fragments were found ina two terracotta button-shaped seals and three potmass which appears to represent the debris from a sherds, all bearing Indus signs or script. The Indus

fallen mud brick wall. signs on two of the potsherds were engraved (PI. 15.5) The grave lined with mud brick had an extended and on one of the potsherds they were painted in human skeleton. This was found in the occupational black (PI. 15.6).

deposit of Sector I (Pl. 15.3). The ovoid pit bottom of Special mention should also be made of a the grave was made in two stages. In the first stage crescent-shaped Red Ware sherd (PI. 15.7), which mud brickbats, occasional pebbles and clayey earth had been ground to its present form. On one side was were rammed. A layer of clayey earth mixed with fine engraved a scene of a tiger attacking a buffalo from gravel and burnt clay lumps was spread and rammed behind. The forceful attack of the tiger and the panic over this surface. The floor was then plastered. Full- of the buffalo have been excellently depicted. On the sized mud bricks and mud brickbats were then placed other side of this sherd (PI. 15.7) is a horizontal row of leaving sufficient space for the corpse tod rest on the six lozenges with oblique lines inside the upper half of plastered floor in an extended position. The head is each shape and an open space between the two lower towards the north but tilted to its left The body was lozenges. The unique engraving on this purposefullycovered with a material like hemp, the fibers of which shaped potsherd leads one to surmise that the object

were found sticking to the skeleton. The grave was represents a cult object. Equally important are the then covered with earth mixed with a number of finds of a wornout oval-shaped terracotta cake (PI. brickbats. This formed tumulus with a stone placed at 15.8, no. 7), heart-shaped potsherd (PI. 15.8, no. 12), the point where the head was resting. The sizes of the the shape being artificial, a ‘‘carrot’’-type clay cone full mud bricks used in the grave were: (1) 32 cm by-16 recovered from House No. 20, a fragmentary tercm by 8cm, and (2) 28cm by 14cm by7cm. Both sizes racotta scale with a division of 11 millimeters marked

have the ratio 1:2:4. Complete mud bricks were by two incised lines, a circular potsherd with a deeply found only around the head, since the rest of the engraved cross mark on both the sides (Pl. 15.8, no.

grave pit was disturbed by later pits. 10), a fragment of a copper/bronze celt and a bead of The evidence for mud-walled houses 1n Sector IT is gold leaf. We also found pottery objects of indetermifragmentary because most of the walls were disturbed nate use, blades of chert and chalcedony, carnelian by later occupants. The walls that we found were beads, and others of agate and shell, a shell bangle made of black earth with foundations in the black soil and a large number of bivalve fresh-water shells. _ which lay below the light brown occupational deposit The author has described (Sali in press) the four of this Phase. The shortest exposed wall measured 45 bronzes, which on circumstantial and stylistic evicentimeters long and 43 centimeters broad. The dence, can be ascribed to the Late Harappan Phase at

longest wall, lying north-south, was traced to a length Daimabad.

of 33 meters, its thickness varying from 30 to-50 centimeters. By using the surviving walls we traced DISCUSSION ,

patches of floor in six structures (House Nos. 16 to pos,

21), although the complete plan of a house could not The pottery types, the Indus script on terracotta seals

be found. Large patches of finely plastered floors and pottery, the mud bricks in the 1:2:4 ratio, the were found tn Houses 16, 17, 18 and 20. A circular grave pattern, the terracotta cake and the “‘carrot’’hearth, 50 centimeters in diameter and 10 centimeters tvpe cone are all undoubtedly Harappan cultural deep, containing ash and charred animal bone frag- traits. The pottery is an inferior quality if compared to

182 S.A. Sali

that of the Mature Harappan Phase in Gujarat, from Kalibangan, Lothal and other Harappan sites. Rajasthan and the Indus Valley as well as the Late Its worn condition need not make it a skin scrubber. Harappan pottery in the Tapti Valley. This may be Whether the artificially shaped triangular, or heartdue to the quality of local material. But, the most shaped, potsherd was meant to be used in place of a important aspect of the ceramics is that the Harappan triangular terracotta cake is not yet understood; potter produced as fine and sturdy a ware as he could although such a possibility cannot be ruled out. and made traditional Harappan types on the fast wheel The deeply engraved plain cross on both the sides to keep up his tradition. He, or she, had not given up of a circular potsherd reminds one of the plain multithe production of Bichrome Ware made. from a fine ple crosses on seals from Mohenjodaro (Marshall paste. The predominant designs were simple geo- 1931: Pl. CXIV, 520 and 528 B). metric patterns painted in black, as was the practice in A majority of the flaked stone blades recovered the Tapti Valley. There is, however, a single example from Phase II are of chalcedony. There are, however, of the snake pattern as found at Lothal (Rao 1963: PI. a few of chert, which is rare in the region. Thus the XLVIII, 5). This indicates a continuity of both the abundant chalcedony was used in large quantity for ceramic tradition as well as that involving the mean- producing blades. Yet the occurrence of the small

ing of particular representations. amount of chert is noteworthy since it was the predo_ The Indus script, on both seals and pottery, has minant material used for producing blades by the the same form as that which occurs during the Mature Harappans during the Mature Phase. Phase elsewhere; although the seal type differs in The bead of gold leaf, a rare and costly metal, may both material and detail. At Daimabad the seals are represent one of the vestiges of their past richness. A of terracotta instead of steatite and the knobs on the piece of slag indicates metal-smelting activities on the back are conical rather than dome-shaped. There is site; although no eviderlce for a copper-smelting also no hole. The absence of steatite in the region furnace has so far been found.

must have been the reason for preparing terracotta The occurrence of Late Harappan remains in an seals. The absence of animal representations on these area measuring about 20 hectares at Daimabad sugseals is also a noteworthy feature. The idea of prepar- gests quite a large settlement of “‘feeble descendants

, ing seals did, however, survive. It is generally held of the Harappans” in the Godavari Basin, several that the Harappan seals were used for commercial hundred kilometers from the Harappan homeland. purposes. Trade at Daimabad is, however, very This is the largest of Chalcolithic sites known in the

unclear. Upper Godavari Basin. The possible population of

As noted above, the mass of mud bricks found by this settlement is an issue which is being studied. If the side of a mud wall in Sector II probably represents however, the data collected from the surrounding fallen debris. Thus the Harappans used mud bricks four villages is a guide it may be tentatively presumed for construction in the early stage of their arrival at that the population of Late Harappan Daimabad was the site. The grave lined in mud brick, with its filling about 7500. So large a settlement should be classed as forming a tumulus above surface level, has a parallel a small town rather than a village. Daimabad was thus at Harappa (Wheeler 1947: 89 and Pl. XXXVIIB). A perhaps the orily town in the region, the rest of the

grave lined with mud brick was also found at Lothal settlements being villages.

(Rao 1973: 147 and Pl. XXX VIII B). The excavations at Daimabad by the author have

Although a complete plan of a Harappan house yielded unequivocal evidence of the Late Harappan has not yet been recovered, the exposed mud walls Phase. This discovery has now paved the way for and their traces, certainly indicate a systematic layout undertaking studies into a set of crucial problems: (1)

for the community. The Harappans of Daimabad had the end of the Harappans, (2) the allied issue of a system of linear measurements, as attested by the Harappan contributions to the Chalcolithic Cultures fragment of a terracotta scale. How this fits with other of the Deccan, (3) the distribution of the Harappan Harappan units of measurement has not yet been. settlements an the Deccan and the extent of the . studied. The “carrot’’-type clay cone recalls other southward movement of the Harappan Culture, and clay cones from Mohenjodaro (Marshall 1931: 475—- (4) the final form of the transformed Harappan

78, Pl. CXXXIV). Culture in South and Central India as a whole.

The terracotta cake from Daimabad recalls those - There is no evidence at Daimabad which indicates

The Harappans of Daimabad 183 the transformation of the Late Harappan Culture into _ barley, lentils, common peas, and horse gram. But the

a Post-Harappan Culture similar to that at Rangpur total picture of the agricultural activities of these in Gujarat. So far the evidence clearly indicates that, people is still very sketchy. The seals with Indus signs

the Harappans at Daimabad abandoned the site for have posed.a problem concerning the nature of the unknown reasons. Perhaps the desertion was sudden trade or commerce at Daimabad; that is, if the seals So as not to allow them to carry away the four large were really meant to be used for commercial purbronzes. These were cult objects which they seem to poses. The lump of slag clearly indicates metallurgical have carried with them from their homeland in the activities by the Harappans; but we must know more

Indus basin as they moved to the Deccan through about these activities in view of the cache of the Gujarat and settled at. Daimabad after crossing the bronzes mentioned earlier. Although I feel strongly Tapti basin. Further movement is clearly implied by that these bronzes were, as mentioned, brought by | this evidence, and coupled with the fact that the the Harappans. from their homeland, I also feel it Harappans were already in an improverished state necessary to investigate the possibility that they were when they reached the site we may also surmise that manufactured at Daimabad itself. The crescentin the course of further movements their cultural shaped potsherd engraved with a scene of a tiger equipment was not unlikely to have undergone attacking a buffalo, the oval-shaped terracotta cake further change, thus, transforming it into a cultural and the triangular potsherd speak of the religious assemblage quite different from that of the Late beliefs of the Harappans of Daimabad, but more Phase with only remote connections to it as a result evidence in this regard is called for. At Harappa,

of changing circumstances and environment. Kalibangan and Lothal the dead were buried in a As the evidence from Daimabad stands there cemetery, away from the town. At Daimabad the remains much to be studied about the Late Harap- coffin burial was found inside the settlement. Why, pans of this place. We need to expose the complete and how, did this change in custom come into being? plan of several Harappan houses and better under- All these. together with other issues will have to be stand the layout of this town. The evidence has shown studied in detail. that the Harappans of Daimabad cultivated wheat,

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am extremely grateful to my guru Shri M.N. Shri M.B.N. Krishna Rao, at present Assistant Deshpande, former Director General, Archaeologi- Superintending Archaeologist, Konarak, and Sarvacal Survey of India, for his encouragement, discus- shri D.R. Patil, D.M. Kulkarni, G.L. Gaikwad, R.S. sion and guidance during the four seasons:of excava- Trambake and R.D. Ingle, all of the South Western tion at Daimabad. I am also grateful to Shri B.K. Circle of the Archaeological Survey of India. Thanks

Thapar, Director General, Archaeological Survey of are also due to Sarvashri G.K. Mane, G.L. India for guidance and discussions on the various Dharurkar and L.S. Rao who participated in the exaspects of the evidence. Grateful thanks are due to cavation as trainees, and to Shri G.L. Gaikwad for Dr. D.P. Agrawal of the Physical Research Labora- the photographs. tory, Ahmedabad for the !4C dates, to my colleagues

184 S.A. Sali BIBLIOGRAPHY

Dhavalikar, M.K., 1977 Rao, S.R., 1978 Inamgaon: The pattern of settlement. Man and Late Harappan Daimabad. [llustrated London Environment 1: 46-47. News April: 74-75. Indian Archaeology: A review, 1958-59 Sali, S.A., 1970

Excavation at Daimabad, District Ahmednagar. The Harappa Culture as Revealed Through Pp. 15-18. Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India. Surface Exploration in the Central Tapti Basin.

Marshall, Sir John, editor, 1931 Journal of the Oriental Institute, University of Mohenjodaro and the Indus Civilization. 3 vols. Baroda 20 (2): 93-101.

London: Arthur Probsthain. Sali, S.A., in press

Rao, S.R., 1962 The Harappan Contacts in the Deccan. In Indus Further Excavations at Lothal. Lalit Kala 11: 14- Civilization: Problems and issues. B.B. Lal and

30. S.C. Malik, eds. Simla: Indian Institute of AdvanRao, S.R., 1963 ced Study. : Excavations at Rangpur and other exploration in Wheeler, Sir Mortimer, 1947

Gujarat. Ancient India 18-19: 5-207. Harappa 1946: The Defenses and Cemetery R-37. Rao, S.R., 1973 Ancient India 3: 59-130. Lothal and the Indus Civilization. Bombay: Asia Publishers.

JAGAT PATI JOSHI and MADHU BALA

16. Manda: A Harappan Site in Jammu and Kashmir

THE SITE AND ITS LOCATION 1975, the pottery of various levels was again carefully examined and it was found that fragments of perforat-

THE ancient site at Manda, Akhnoor (lat. 36°54’ ed jars, goblets and beakers, dish-on-stand in Harapnorth; long. 74°48’ east) lies on the right bank of the pan Red Ware was also found in the collection. River Chenab, a tributary of the Indus, on the foot- Accordingly, in December, 1976 the site was further hills of Pir Panjal Range. It is about 28 kilometers explored and examined by a team from the Exploranorthwest of Jammu. One has to climb about one tion Branch of Archaeological Survey of India led by kilometer from the local bus stand to reach the site the senior author. This team had already excavated at

(Fig. 16.1) Bhagwanpura (District Kurukshetra; Haryana), Dadheri (District Ludhiana), and Katpalon and

ENVIRONMENT Nagar (District Jullundur). It had also explored a

large region in the Punjab and brought to light the Most of the ancient site is inside the ruined fort of overlap phase of Late Harappan and Painted Gray Manda, which was constructed in the 18th century Ware (Appendix A). Besides Pe-eXa TDI the site at A.D. The area of the fort is about 500 by 500 meters, Manda in terms of its Harappan atfiliation, the team the northern side of which is occupied by the Tehsil- was also in search of a further possible extension of dar’s office, police station and other government resi- the Gray Ware, or overlap period in this area. The dential quarters. The rest of the area is covered by the exploration revealed the existence of Harappan, Late remains of the palace, popularly known as Sheesh Harappan Red Ware, Gray Ware, and Black Slipped Mahal. The eastern area is covered by thorny bushes, Ware as well as Kushan Wares’ at Manda. wild vegetation and babul trees. The elevated mound

gives a commanding view. EXCAVATION

PREVIOUS WORK In order to determine the sequence of cultures at Manda, a 20 by six meter trench was laid on 15 April,

In 1973, consequent upon a request made by the 1977 at the highest available point in the mound. The military authorities who accidentally found some trench had a north-south orientation between the ancient pottery and coins at Manda Fort, the North overhead water reservoir and Sheesh Mahal. Deep Western Circle (then known as the Frontier Circle) of digging was only done in the northern, central and the Archaeological Survey of India put in three trial southern sectors of the trench since intervening trenches. These excavations mostly revealed antiqui- Kushan structures had to be preserved. The excavaties and remains of the Kushan Period. However, in tions revealed a threefold sequence in a cultural

ws , | | Lag :

ah i} Mando , ye SE: YY ye NN \ , PA MMe hepa Wy, |IRAN , ang: gs wafyyf Siswal e/hi Ep A, “e susben ipde

| ff P| affinities (Piggott 1948). There are also bone arrow

5 ; a i a i potsherds with Harappan graffiti, chert blades, an un3 finished seal (three by three centimeters) and a few

/ cae sn(Af Nae) be! gy ra" iW

NABHA y pATIALA, f Za/f (SF Me Od CEa7 1 LOA ad | Poe MKS | KS 7-7 SHAHABAD-/y/ J. r€ 1! \\ Yo bLAro 7 i . 3 \5c \\ 74Se Pe e |

ro ° . 7“777 (}

Oo Se Ae LAGI" IEA THANESAR, 8

« / a ” [ | oo 7 KAITHAL le : woos , ‘KARNAL © f/ «4 oo. ‘ 0):

/ |/ 74 jooifJ7710" -—— Paleodrainage ~— " ; SHATRANA Markanda R

| | GANGANAGAR Lope i

,A¢ \SURATGARH re , NEW DELHIA, , A ",—~ J— ANUPGARH MAROT ° . 7 ¢ W, [ a oy BERIWALA | OA | fT ‘th MATHURA | fs? “ KHARA * “BHARATPUR 4

0’ e 6 .

IY Be , een, ° 24 -ola/. 70°\0" *| a% Mute my DS | aa2a L JI Ws 2A |

when Bed of Sarasvati , | —— Old channels 7 0 200 KM sas Y] channel a Liiiil | -—-— Y2 channel — — — Y3 channel

2>— Present drainage

: | @. Reservoirs and lakes Fig. 19.4. The Indus, the Ghaggar and the Yamuna basins with paleochannels. Note the old courses, Y1, Y2 and

| , Y3 of the paleo- Yamuna.

Another possible disturbance caused by tectonics (1977: 251) tries to answer some of the criticisms, was the alleged impounding of the Indus and the though not very convincingly. consequent engulfing of Mohenjodaro under a lake of The formation of a dam like that proposed by mud and water (Raikes 1964: 284). Very serious Raikes and Dales may be possible and there is a objections have been raised against it by Lambrick historical case of the Allahbund caused by the 1819 (1967), Possehl (1967) and one of the authors earthquake. But it was breached by the very first (Agrawal 1971). But a lake around Mohenjodaro flood of the Nara in 1926. How this bund could have would have been a calamity since it would have killed lasted for hundreds of years on the Indus is difficult to

the gallery forests, forced animals to migrate, denied understand especially with 500,000 cubic feet per any agriculture over a vast area, and made even local second of water pushing at it on a narrow front travel virtually impossible. It would have also created (Lambrick 1967). Of course, such phenomena are havoc with sanitation and the disposal of urban refuse possible in the upper courses of rivers, particularly in (Agrawal 1971). A recent paper of Raikes and Dales the mountainous regions. In fact there are lake

Ecological Factors and the Harappan Civilization 229 remains on the upper reaches of the Indus and the (Chakrabarti 1979: 207). Between the Satluj and the Satluj, some of which have been examined by geolo- Yamuna, he finds only smaller settlements. In gists. These appear to be of Pleistocene date. Gujarat, only Kutch seems to have a concentration of larger sites.

SOME ARCHAEOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS What are the factors responsible for the concentration of larger settlements: agricultural land, raw It is obvious from this discussion that ecological stres- materials, minerals, or communication/transport ses, caused both climatically and tectonically, played facilities? One thing, however, stands out: there is a an important role in the life and decay of the Harap- dearth of village-level settlements, as even the smal-

pan Civilization. ler Harappan settlements appear to have an urban Recent studies have tried to build theories using character. Towns are known to cater to the industrial subsistence, population pressure, etc., by assuming and technical requirements, but they do not produce

that both technology and ecology were constant their own food. This is the responsibility of the factors (Flam 1976: 76). Even technological changes village. To us it appears that the extreme vagrancy of need to be better documented (for example, there is the rivers in the Indus and the Ghaggar Valleys did evidence of a higher percentage of artifacts made of not allow traditional villages to grow. Agriculture was

alloyed copper in the later levels than in the earlier probably based on the cover and meander flood ones), but to categorically declare, “‘there was no plains, which were changing most of the time and major climatic change in the Indus Valley during the therefore required the speed of urban management third millennium s.c.” (Flam 1976: 81) seems a bit and resources, like the present day capitalist farming, premature. Archaeological theorizing may become to cope with the situation. easier by keeping several important factors constant, If Lothal had a dockyard, what determined its yet one cannot ignore the complexities of the situa- location? Was it the timber trade from the hinterland tion. Before building models, one needs to look for, which justified the location of Lothal where it was? and examine, the paleo-environmental data. Did Lothal become defunct only because of floods, or An interesting analysis of the archaeological data tectonic uplift, or was it eustatic change that put it out has been recently attempted by Chakrabarti. He has of the reach of the sea?

calculated and compared the sizes of the various Through this paper we have tried to focus attenHarappan settlements and finds “‘a greater concentra- tion on the ecological studies which should form an tion of the large sites in the central Indus system, integral part of archaeological fieldwork. Only such broadly in and around a rough triangle with Mohen- an approach will allow us a deeper understanding of jodaro, Harappa and Kalibangan as three points’’ the Harappan phenomenon.

230 D.P. Agrawal and R.K. Sood BIBLIOGRAPHY |

Agrawal, D.P., 1971 Indus Valley Civilization. In Ecological BackThe Copper Bronze Age in India. New Delhi: grounds of South Asian Prehistory. K.A.R.

Munshiram Manoharlal. Kennedy and G.L. Possehl, eds. Pp. 76-93. OccaAgrawal, D.P. etal., in press a sional Papers and Theses of the South Asia ProgQuarternary Studies in Rajasthan: Preliminary ram of Cornell University 4. Ithaca: Cornell Results. National Seminar on Quarternary Envi- University.

ronment 1977, Baroda. Ghosh, A., 1952 |

Agrawal, D.P., etal., in press b , The Rajputana Desert: Its archaeological aspects. Multiple Evidence for Climatic Change in Rajas- The Bulletin of the National Institute of Science 1:

than. Paper at the International Symposium on 37-42. Arid Zone Research, 1978, Jodhpur. Gupta, S.P., S. Asthana and Amrendranath, 1977 Agrawal, D.P. and B.M. Pande, eds., 1977 PGW Sites in Relation to Old River Beds in RaEcology and Archaeology of Western India. jasthan. In Ecology and Archaeology of Western

Delhi: Concept Publishers. India. D.P. Agrawal and B.M. Pande, eds. Pp.

Allchin, B., K.T.M. Hegde and A. Goudie, 1972 79-92. Delhi: Concept Publishers. Prehistory and Environmental Change in West- Indras, 1967

ern India. Man 7(4): 541-64. | Lost Sarasvati. Vallabh Vidyanagar: Sardar Patel

Australian Academy of Science, 1976 _ University.

Report of a Climatic Committee. Canberra: Lamb, H.H., 1977

Australian Academy of Science. Climate: Past, Present and Future. London:

Banerjee, S. and S. Chakrabarti, 1973 Methuen.

Remains of the Great One-horned Rhinoceros Lambrick, H.T., 1967 from Rajasthan. Science and Culture 1973: 430. The Indus Flood Plain and the “Indus’’ Civiliza-

Beltzner, K., 1976 tion. The Geographical Journal 133 (4): 483. Living with Climatic Change. Ottawa: Scientific Marshall, J., editor, 1931

Council of Canada. Mohenjodaro and the Indus Civilization. 3 vols.

Chakrabarti, D.K., 1979 London: Arthur Probsthain. , Size of the Harappan Settlements. In Essays in Misra, V.N., 1977

Indian Protohistory. D.P: Agrawal and D. Prehistory and Paleoenvironment of Rajasthan. Chakrabarti, eds. Pp. 205-15. Delhi: B.R. Pub- In Ecology and Archaeology of Western India.

lishing Corp. D.P. Agrawal and B.M. Pande, eds. Pp. 31-34.

Chowdhury, K.A. and S.S. Ghosh, 1951 Delhi: Concept Publishers.

Plant Remains from Harappa. Ancient India 7: National Academy of Science, 1975

3-19. Understanding Climatic Change. Washington: Dikshit, K.N., 1977 National Academy of Scierce.

Distribution and Relationship of Protohistoric Oldham, C.F., 1874

Sites Along the Old River Channels of the Ghag- Notes on the Lost River of the Indian Desert. gar System. In Ecology and Archaeology of West- Calcutta Review 59: 1-27.

ern India. D.P. Agrawal and B.M. Pande, eds. Pande, B.M., 1977

Pp. 61-66. Delhi: Concept Publishers. Archaeological Remains on the Ancient Saras-

Fairservis, W.A., 1967 vati. In Ecology and Archaeology of Western The Origin, Character and Decline of an Early India. D.P. Agrawal and B.M. Pande, eds. Pp. Civilization. Novitates 2302. New York: American 55-60. Delhi: Concept Publishers.

Museum of Natural History. Piggott, S., 1950

Flam, L., 1976 Prehistoric India. Harmondsworth: Penguin.

Settlement Subsistence and Population: A Possehl, G.L., 1967 dynamic approach to the development of the The Mohenjodaro-floods. A reply. American

Ecological Factors and the Harappan Civilization 231 Anthropologist 69 (1): 32-40. ern India and Southeastern Iran. London: Raikes, R.L., 1964 Macmillan.

The End of the Ancient Cities of the Indus. Suraj Bhan, 1973 American Anthropologist 66: 284-89. The sequence and spread of prehistoric cultures in

Raikes, R.L., 1968 the upper Saraswati basin. In Radiocarbon and Kalibangan: Death from Natural Causes. Anti- Indian Archaeology. D.P. Agrawal and A.

quity 42 (108): 286-91. Ghosh, eds. Pp. 252-63. Bombay: Tata Institute Raikes, R. and G.F. Dales, 1977 of Fundamental Research. The Mohenjodaro Floods Reconsidered. Journal Thapar, B.K., 1977 of the Palaeontological Society of India 20: 251-60. Climate During the Period of the Indus Civiliza-

Raikes, R.L. and R.H. Dyson, 1961 tion: Evidence from Kalibangan. In Ecology and The Prehistoric Climate of Baluchistan and the Archaeology in Western India. D.P. Agrawal and

265-81. Publishers.

Indus Valley. American Anthropologist 63 (2): B.M. Pande, eds. Pp. 67-74. Delhi: Concept

Singh, G., R.D. Joshi. S.K. Chopra and A.B. Singh, Verstappan, H.T., 1970

1974 Aeolian Geomorphology of the Thar Desert and Late Quaternary History of Vegetation and Cli- Palaeoclimates. Annals of Geomorphology 10:

mate of the Rajasthan Desert. Philosophical 104-20.

Transactions of the Royal Society 267(889): 467- Wendland, M.W. and R.A. Bryson, 1974

SOT. Dating climatic episodes of the Holocene. Quater-

Singh, S. and B. Ghose, 1977 nary Research 4: 9-24.

Geomorphology of the Luni Basin and _ its Wheeler, R.E.M., 1959 Palaeoclimatic Inferences. In Ecology and Early India and Pakistan. London: Thames and Archaeology in Western India. D.P. Agrawal and Hudson. B.M. Pande, eds. Pp. 135-46. Delhi: Concept Yashpal, B.S. et al., in press.

Publishers. | Palaeochannels in North-west India. Paper read

Stein, A., 1937 at the National Quaternary Seminar, 1979, An Archaeological Reconnaissance in Northwest- Baroda.

BRIDGET ALLCHIN

20. Substitute Stones

THERE has always been a strong tendency on the part indeed of all cultures prior to the fairly extensive of archaeologists of South, Central and Western Asia introduction of iron for everyday purposes. Although to draw a fairly sharp demarkation line between those the basic importance and usefulness of stone artifacts who concern themselves primarily with paleolithic was always accepted, as the terms Neolithic and studies, and deal with stones, and others who concen- Chalcolithic clearly show, they once tended to be trate upon settlements from the Neolithic onwards. taken for granted, and were consequently dismissed These latter scholars devote themselves to the study without detailed consideration. The ceramophiles of pottery, and sometimes also architecture, objects turned their attention to pottery and other objects of d’art, ancient languages and other more specialized more “‘cultural significance.”

fields. This division is understandable when one re- Increasing interest in the beginnings of agricognizes that these two species of archaeology sprang culture, both the domestication of animals and crop on the one hand from the sciences, via geology and raising, and in ecological questions generally, has other field sciences, and on the other from the arts, brought with it the need for a better understanding of via art history and ancient languages and literature. the processes involved in the Neolithic transformaFrom quite an early stage the Stone People, or litho- tion. Following from this is a renewed interest in the philes, included microlithic industries within their tools associated with these practices, and the ways in field, and they began to recognize as time went on which they differ, if indeed they do differ, from those that these were often associated with Mesolithic used by hunter-gatherers. This has lifted the study of Cultures which overlapped, in terms of time, other stone artifacts onto a new, and somewhat more real-

settled cultures in the world as a whole, or in the istic plain. Instead of studying their shapes and the region in which they themselves worked. The Pottery methods used to make them in a vacuum as old style People or ceramophiles, steadily worked their way paleolithic archaeologists or lithophiles were wont to back in time, delving deeper and deeper into the do, it is now easier to see them as important parts of — mounds formed by the continuous rebuilding of early prehistoric man’s life. They were tools largely used towns and cities until they arrived at the preceramic for making other tools, weapons and objects of wood

levels. This situation raised, for both parties, a or bone. They were component parts of composite number of problems of terminology, and necessitated tools such as arrows, spears, sickles, adzes, hammers, some careful thinking, and rethinking, about a vari- clubs, bolas, digging sticks, querns, mortars, whet-

ety of questions. oe | stones, and so on. Thus the stone tools begin to come

One outcome of the mutual re-evaluation on the into focus as part of the processes involved in the part of both species of archaeologists is that some subsistence and cultural activities of daily life. attention is now beginning to be paid to stone artifacts In order to further understand the forces that

of many kinds that form an important part of all drove some human groups to specialize in new premetal-using cultures. This includes those asso- activities, and live in new environments—in the case ciated with urban sites and large settlements, and of the early stages of the Indus Civilization, to live on

234 Bridget Allchin the strange, flat, unstable and stoneless but highly industries, which show a remarkable uniformity productive Indus Plain—it is helpful to try to recon- throughout the whole region, there are grinding struct the part played by some of these artifacts and stones and hammer stones of various types, as well as analyze the changes in the processes of food produc- occasional stone axes, and very often the so-called tion and economic development that they reflect. In mace heads or ring stones. Examination of the ring doing this it is important to try to project one’s mind stones shows them all to have been made in a similar back to a time and a state of things before the intro- manner, that is by choosing a suitable stone and trimduction of iron—when mankind as a whole was con- ming it until it is more or less symmetrical. These are ditioned to think of stone as serving many of the basic then laboriously pierced by working from each side functions of daily life. Today one thinks of iron and until the two depressions meet, or almost meet. The steel as serving these functions in the form of knives surface is further dressed by hammering, and/or and other household tools, axes, hammers, spades, grinding and occasionally polishing. Spherical or near and all sorts of carpentering and gardening tools, and spherical stones, evidently worked into shape by a so on. The main difference is that by the Harappan similar process of hammer dressing and grinding are Period stone had been in use for tens of thousands of frequently recorded alongside ring stones, and someyears, man had grown up with it, and he must have times described as hammer stones. A factory site near been profoundly conditioned to thinking in terms of Bannu in the N.W.F.P. where both types of stones stone. After all, iron has been in use for only three to were produced in considerable numbers during the

four thousand years. Kot Dijian times (as well as earlier and probably The immediate ancestors of the Harappan Civili- later) was recently excavated by the Cambridgezation, as one understands the term today, are to be Peshawar team as a part of the Bannu Basin Project. sought in regions around the Indus plains, and espe- The often repeated hypothesis that ring stones were

cially to the northwest, where stone was, and is, used both as mace heads and weights for digging plentiful. They were conditioned to using it for tools sticks is supported by rock paintings in parts of India; and weapons, in a manner inherited from their paleo- but there is virtually no other direct evidence within lithic forebears. In many other cases, such as the Kot the Subcontinent for either function. In western Asia Dijians, they were also in the habit of employing they occur at sites of various periods and are referred stone for building house walls and footings, as well as to as mace heads, an identification followed by massive town walls. Others used it for building irriga- Marshall with respect to those found at Mohenjodaro tion bunds and channels. The inhabitants of the west- and elsewhere, and now widely accepted. In southern ern borderlands today, even in this age of metals, Africa they are known to have been made and used as plastic and high technology, continue to use stone for weights for digging sticks, and there is a certain all these purposes, and many more. Boys, too young amount of ethnographic evidence from India that or too poor to possess fire arms, use stones as ammu- points in the same direction; but so far as one knows nition for small catapults, or throw them with great this has never been fully investigated. force and accuracy when hunting small birds and In view of the present day tendency to use selected animals. They also attach them toacord,asminiature stones as projectiles, it seems highly probable that bolas, to capture alive long-legged cranes and other ring stones, and spherical stones of various sizes were

birds. used in antiquity both as sling missiles and for throw-

Anyone who has taken part in, or read about, the ing. Further, many worked stones, including the exploration and excavation of early settlements in smaller ring stones may have served as bolas stones. stonier regions surrounding the Indus plains, whether The bolas stone (or stones), being attached to a long in the valleys of the northwestern borderlands, the cord, is recoverable and therefore can be used again foothills and valleys of the northern Punjab and west- and again. In recent times, in Latin America, it has ern Himalayas, the lowlands of Rajasthan, or the hills been recorded that it was held in a small leather bag _ of western Central India with their numerous caves attached to the end of the cord. This kind of repeated and rock shelters, will have seen or noted many stone use would explain the very battered state of many objects among the recorded finds. In some cases these spherical, or near spherical stones, found in this type are all that has survived, or at any rate been put on of assemblage. Smaller ring stones, which do not record. In addition to blade- and flake-based stone appear to be large enough to serve as mace heads or

Substitute Stones 235 digging stick weights, could have been attached to a and stone used for very limited building and construccord and served as light bolas stones for capturing tional purposes (e.g. door sockets, drain covers, and birds, etc., as in the case of the cranes noted above. certain other categories) were also imported, but all Spherical and ovoid stones identified as sling pellets, in strictly limited quantities. The difficulty of obtain-

on the basis of western Asiatic parallels, were ing building stones may well have been one of the recorded at Mohenjodaro by Marshall (1931: 35-36), incentives behind the extensive manufacture and use but these appear to be greatly outnumbered by baked of baked brick.

clay counterparts which will be discussed now. Pottery, itself once a substitute for leather and It has been suggested that the discovery of copper, wooden vessels, appears at times to have been used as or the wider application of its use than hitherto, was a substitute for stone. An obvious example of this is to

one of the causes of the move into the plains, or at be seen in the grooved pottery which, like Roman least one of the circumstances that made it possible. mortaria, must have taken the place of stone mortars But how far this was the case, and how far the search for certain purposes. As is sometimes the case, the for sources of copper may have been the result rather imitation, once developed, seems to have proved than the cause is questionable, and must remain so more adaptable and more convenient for certain until a good deal of more detailed research has been purposes than the original. Other examples of ceramdone on the early phases of settlement on the plains ics being used as substitutes for stone can be recog-

_and elsewhere. nized if one looks at, and thinks about, objects ex- , Copper tools and utensils are a fairly important. cavated from the major Mature Harappan sites.

element in the material equipment of the Mature There is one particular group of objects that I wish : Indus Culture; but stone continued to be used to consider rather more carefully for the purposes of throughout. Marshall remarked, as have many others this paper. These are the so-called terracotta sling following him, that Harappan copper weapons, un- pellets, terracotta cakes and other related groups of like those of contemporary western Asiatic cultures, terracotta objects found very widely at Mature were rather ineffective in some respects. He goes on Harappan settlements, large and small. They are in the same passage to note the absence of arrow found rarely, or not at all, at earlier or later sites, nor heads of stone or bone, “‘a fact that suggests the bow for that matter in earlier or later levels at the same and arrow could not have been a favorite weapon” sites, nor with certain exceptions in contemporary

(Marshall 1931: 35-36). cultures of adjacent regions. The almost universal In assemblages from urban sites at the beginning and particular association of the triangular terracotta

of the Mature Phase the range of types of stone cakes with the Mature Harappan Culture has led artifacts, based upon a flake and blade technology, some scholars, like the late Colonel Gordon and becomes rather abruptly limited almost exclusively to others, to conclude that they had a special signiplain unretouched blades. At contemporary, non- ficance in connection with ritual bathing or other urban sites an extensive range of artifacts went on ablutions (Gordon 1958). While I do not deny this being made. Throughout the Mature Indus Phase a may have been among their uses, I feel that this is considerable quantity of very fine stone blades con- altogether too narrow a view of their role especially tinued to be made and used; although only a very when considered as part of a whole range of baked small proportion were trimmed or reworked in any clay objects produced in large quantities. way. There is fairly conclusive evidence at Mohen- In addition to their association with bathrooms, jodaro, and probably at other sites also, that they, or terracotta cakes are recorded as having been used as the cores from which they were struck, were trans- infilling, with and without charcoal, beneath brickported to the cities from workshop sites located at the paved floors, as hard core for road building (Lal 1979) sources of supply many miles distant (Allchin 1976). as well as a whole range of other situations, all of Thus, there must have been a genuine need for them. which suggest diversity rather than specialization.

Stone objects of many other kinds were also Their presence in hearths at Kalibangan (Thapar imported. These include utilitarian objects such as 1973: 101) may be noted in this connection as having

querns, bead grinding stones, pallet stones, etc. possible religious significance. They also occur in Other stone objects of artistic and probably religious large numbers at Allahdino and in smaller numbers at significance such as lingas or rare pieces of sculpture, sites in Gujarat as mentioned in the papers (in this

236 Bridget Allchin volume) by Professor W. Fairservis and R.N. Mehta averaging 2.5 inches long by 1.6 inches in diame-

respectively. It appears reasonable therefore, to re- ter.... This type occurs in all levels. Both types gard them, together with other terracotta nodules In made by hand with varying degrees of finish. produced in fairly large quantities, as substitutes for may have been propelled by a sling of ordinary

are ae ; n all cases they were baked. The round pellets

stone. It is from this basis that certain other, more type or by means of a bow such as is used in Sind in

specific uses of terracotta cakes, pellets, etc., can be the present day for killing small birds.... Both

considered. ovoid and round sling pellets have been found in Effective arrow and spear heads of either metal or early Sumer and Turkestan sites as well as India ; (Marshall 1931: 466-67). stone are absent from Mature Harappan sites, but stone sling pellets have been recorded at both Early Marshall’s identification of a main group, consist-

Indus (or Pre-Harappan) and Mature Indus (or ing of two types of terracotta sling pellets, was Harappan) sites by Marshall (1931: 173), Mackay followed by Mackay and Wheeler. Both of the latter (1943 : 168), Wheeler (1968 : 76-77) and others. More briefly refer to evidence for their use in the defense of

recently their presence has been noted at a consider- cities. Wheeler further mentions finding in 1950 a able number of sites of both periods widely distri- concentration of 98 pellets at Mohenjodaro at the buted in the alluvial plains of the Punjab (personal foot of the citadel mound, in the vicinity of the “‘great communication from Dr. Rafique Mughal of the granary’ (Wheeler 1968: 76). Another concentration Pakistan Government Department of Archaeology). is said to have been found near one of the gateways of This suggests that to a certain extent stone for these Kalibangan (B.K. Thapar, personal communicapurposes, or more probably finished stone artifacts, tion). None of these excavators, however, considers were carried in the course of trade onto the stoneless the further implications of these deductions, nor disalluvial plains. Their weight must have made this a cusses the questions in much detail. Only Marshall, laborious and expensive process—much more so with his extraordinary gift for seizing upon the sigthan in the case of stone blades which are individually nificant detail among the mass of material he had to small and light. This in turn suggests that a substitute deal with, notes a little further on in the same passage for stone must have been sought by the plain dwel- as the one quoted above:

lers. As already pointed out there is no evidence that a the substitution was done through the extensive use The sling probably originated in stony country o. . = Lo ; where ammunition would be plentiful. When its of spears or arrows of any kind; although it is possible use extended to alluvial countries the pellets

that sharpened hard woods were used for light arrows would naturally have been made of pottery. It is and spears. Since no wood has been found surviving essentially a weapon for open country, and in the

from Early or Mature Harappan sites, this must hands ofa skilled man it is a formidable weapon remain an open question. But the emphasis upon (Marshall 1931: 467). stones used with catapults, and for throwing, in adja- More recently the question has been briefly discent regions at the present time strongly suggests that cussed by Sankalia in New Archaeology: Its scope and the substitutes came from among the several kinds of application to India. Here he points to the mention terracotta cakes, pellets, etc., that were apparently and identification of these objects as sling pellets by used by the Harappans for many purposes, and pro- Marshall and others. He also sees a need for further

duced in large quantities. Three quite independent research and experimentation as well as consideraobservations combine to suggest this hypothesis. tion of the implications these finds provide regarding 1) There is Marshall’s brief, but quite positive Harappan warfare (Sankalia 1977: 68-69). discussion of ovoid and spherical terracotta cakes. He 2) There is also the much more general observaidentifies these as sling pellets upon the grounds that tion which can be made in the light of all the dissimilar objects are used in contemporary western coveries made since Marshall’s, and even perhaps Asiatic cultures, and the situation in which one con- since Wheeler’s time. This is the present day situation centration of fifty or more was found in a large jar on which allows one to stand back a little and view the

the citadel at Mohenjodaro: , Indus Civilization in a rather wider focus, in relation

Two types of sling-pellets are found at Mohenjo- to its own geographical setting, and to the contempordaro: one round and about the size of a marble, ary cultures to north and northwest. When viewed in the other, which is more rare, ovoid in shape and this way it is impossible to conceive of the vast area

Substitute Stones 237 spanned by sites of the Mature Indus Phase achieving passed through three phases of unbroken urban occusuch a level of uniformity of urban culture without pation which ended somewhat mysteriously around some effective political and administrative control of the beginning of the Mature Harappan Phase in the the central region and the military power to maintain adjacent Indus plains. It may also be recalled that a it and defend it from incursions from without. The small site, Hisham Dheri, several hundred meters to manner in which Mature Indus Culture takes over the northeast appeared to belong exclusively to the from earlier cultures at certain peripheral sites, such Mature Harappan Period. A small-scale excavation as Kalibangan and others, tends to support this hypo- at Hisham Dheri confirmed this, and showed that it thesis. Therefore it follows that an Harappan army of was apparently an industrial site, largely given over to some size could be raised and armed when necessary. the production of triangular terracotta cakes and terThe only armaments that have been found in suffi- racotta sling pellets of the kind identified by Marshall

cient numbers to meet the case are sling pellets. and Wheeler. As the main occupation levels at Moderate quantities of these are made of stone, and Rahman Dheri yielded a number of fine stone arrow more liberal quantities of hard-baked clay. As heads, but few if any terracotta sling pellets or cakes, Marshall observed, a sling with a supply of stones (or the relationship of these two sites is highly probsubstitute stones) is ‘“‘a formidable weapon in the lematic at first sight. The topmost levels of Rahman

hands of skilled man.”’ Dher1 which might have provided further, more preFurther information supplied by R.N. Mehta and cise information have eroded away. But, examined in D.K. Chakrabarti supports Marshall’s observations the light of the earlier observations brought together on the use of the sling for killing in Sind. Both recalled here, there seems to be one explanation which fits this

as young boys having used pellets made of clay, witha situation: the town was besieged by an Harappan double stringed bow for hunting birds: one lived in army and its inhabitants were finally overcome; and Gujarat and the other in Bengal. Both say that the that during the seige the Harappan army camped and pellets were baked in an open fire, not fired in a kiln made its ammunition at Hisham Dheri. This would like pottery or bricks—an observation that might have been a convenient situation, just out of range of provide an alternative interpretation for those found the archers within the city. It is possible that a similar in hearths at Kalibangan and elsewhere mentioned raison d'etre may account for isolated Harappan above. These recollections, and R.N. Mehta’s further industrial sites elsewhere in Pakistan.

observation that both stone and baked pellets were If this hypothesis is accepted, it must lead to a , used to chase predatory animals such as jackals away further interesting development of the argument— from grazing flocks and herds, suggest that they were the Harappans, far from being a nonviolent people, part of a herdsman’s equipment and personal posses- or being without any syster.. of military organization sions in the Harappan times, as in the less remote other than that needed to defend their major cities, as past. This in turn provides a possible interpretation of has sometimes been suggested, must have had an their presence in graves, along with other small effective army. How they raised their army is beyond objects, that was noted by Gordon (1958: 87). the scope of this paper. It could have come primarily 3) The final observation, which caused me to con- from the population of the cities and surrounding sider these questions anew, I was able to make in the areas of intensive cultivation, or from other commu-

field thanks to the kindness of Professors F.A. nities, such as the seminomadic peoples who must Durrani and Farid Khan of the Department of have formed an integral part of the wider Indus Archaeology University of Peshawar. In the course of Culture, supplying draught animals for cultivation the last two seasons fieldwork they took me, and and local transport, and providing the means of long other members of the British Archaeological distance transport and trade both inside and outside Mission, to visit the two sites they excavated near the confines of the Harappan Empire, as such people Dera Ismail Khan in the Dera Jat. Although only did until recently and to some extent still do. But the brief accounts have so far been published, many scho- probability that they had a highly organized, and

lars are familiar, through Professor Durrani’s therefore disciplined, army is inescapable. Indeed, lectures, with the impressive Chalcolithic settlement when viewed from without it is in keeping with the ~ of Rahman Dheri. This site is laid out on a grid plan, character of the Culture as a whole. Further, this

surrounded by a substantial defensive wall, and hypothesis would agree with the ‘expansionist’

238 Bridget Allchin tendencies in several directions noted by a number of implications, may have some impact upon the view of excavators. This is where I shall stop with the sugges- the nature and structure of Harappan society.

tion that the concept of substitute stones, and its

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This paper puts forward observations made over a of major Harappan sites in Sind. My thanks to the number of years when visiting Harappan and other present Director General of the Archaeological early settlements, and traveling in the course of my Survey of India, and other officers of the Survey for own research and field work in western India and opportunities I have had over past years to visit Pakistan. My gratitude to the Director and officers of Kalibangan and other sites, and to learn about their the Department of Archaeology, Government of excavations. Finally, I am grateful to Professors F.A. Pakistan for their help and courtesy in making this Durrani and Farid Khan for showing us the sites of possible, and in particular for giving me, together Rahman Dheri and Hisham Dheri and allowing us to with other members of the British Archaeological see the materials in Peshawar. Mission to Pakistan, the opportunity to visit anumber

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Allchin, B., 1976 Marshall, Sir John, editor, 1931

Paleolithic Sites in the Plains of Sind and Their Mohenjodaro and the Indus Civilization. 3 vols. Geographical Implications. The Geographical London: Arthur Probsthain.

Journal 142 (3): 471-89. Sankalia, H.D., 1977 Gordon, D.H., 1958 New Archaeology: Its scope and application to The Prehistoric Background of Indian Culture. {India. Lucknow: Ethnographic and Folk Culture

Bombay: Bhulabhai Memorial Institute. Society.

Lal, B.B., 1979 Thapar, B.K., 1973

Kalibangan and the Indus Civilization. In Essays New Traits of the Indus Civilization at Kaliin Indian Protohistory. D.P. Agrawal and D.K. bangan: An appraisal. In South Asian ArchaeolChakrabarti, eds. Pp. 65-97. Delhi: D.K. Pubh- ogy. Norman Hammond, ed. pp. 85-104. Park

shers. Ridge: Noyes Press.

Mackay, E.J.H., 1943 Wheeler, Sir Mortimer, 1968

Chanhudaro Excavations 1935-36. American The Indus Civilization. 3rd ed. Supplementary

Oriental Series 20. New Haven: American Orien- volume to the Cambridge History of India. Cam-

tal Society. bridge: The University Press.

else SS SS K.T.M. HEGDE, R.V. KARANTH and S.P. SYCHANTHAVONG

21. On the Composition and Technology of Harappan Microbeads

HarappAns loved ornaments. Their stone and As relics, these tiny beads (PI. 21.1) are of unique terracotta figurines and the human figures carved value to students of Harappan technology. They are intaglio on their seals (Marshall 1931: Pl. XXI; very small, measuring one to three millimeters in Mackay 1938: Pl. LXXV, LXXXVII, XCIV; Rao length and one millimeter in external diameter. The 1973: Pl. XXXIII) amply demonstrate how much diameter of the circular perforation at the center is they enjoyed adorning themselves with headbands, one-half millimeter. Noting their minute form, earrings, necklaces, bracelets, bangles and waist- Mackay observed (1937: 10) that they indicated bands. Apparently, both men and women wore craftsmanship of the highest quality, combined with jewelry, an important part of which consisted of extraordinarily good eyesight. They are hard: six to beads: a wide variety of beautiful beads. Almost all seven on the Moh Scale. When cleaned in dilute Harappan sites have yielded large quantities of these hydrochloric acid they become spotless white, immatrinkets. Indian women who follow Sanatana Dharma culate and beautiful to behold. To the naked eye, wear black glass beads as a symbol of Suasti in their they all look alike, uniform and regular in their Mangalsutra. Abundance of beads at nearly all cylindrical shape. Twisted strands of several strings of Harappan sites makes one wonder if the tradition of these fine beads would undoubtedly make, ‘a la wearing beads as a symbol of Suasti originated in the Ajanta” (Ghosh 1967: Pl. XXII, XXIII, XXIV,

Harappan Civilization. XXXI, LXXXI), extremely attractive necklaces, Harappan beads are varied in their shape and bracelets, bangles or waistbands. No wonder the

material. Some are cylindrical, globular, spheroidal, Harappans prized these beads so highly. The minute biconical, segmented or wafer-like. Many a time, form, hardness and attractiveness of the microbeads they are decorated with trefoil or circular designs. are a witness to an advanced level of technology that Materials including gold, silver, copper, carnelian, the craftsmen used in their production. However, not agate, chalcedony, steatite, shell and clay were used. much is known of that technology. Therefore carryThe occurrence of these beads in abundance and in ing out a detailed examination of the beads was con-

many varieties at nearly all Harappan sites, clearly sidered as a small but essential first step towards shows how much they were appreciated. Some of the understanding that technology.

beads are very elegant and reveal skilled workman- White microbeads have been recovered in the ship. They are an index to the sophisticated taste of excavations at Harappa, Chanhudaro, Kalibangan, the Harappans. They also demonstrate deftness, Lothal, Rojdi and Zekda (Fig. 21.1). However, so skill, patience and painstaking labor on the part of the far, only the excavator of Chanhudaro has described craftsmen who made them. Among these fine quality them in some detail (Mackay 1937: 11, 12). The pre-

Ornaments are Harappan microbeads. sent study of these beads is based on the examination

j Y ../ a) ) (iSen if? _ — . aid / | 0ar 100 200km / , aoe HARAPPA 7 f @ eel del ne 7 KALIBANGAN an f7 ~, ~ qe? | ay aa cs

240 K.T.M. Hegde, R.V. Karanth and S.P. Sychanthavong

/

= MOHENJODARO J

@CHANHUDARO

se

\

4

/

, eee ar re @ ZEKDA a 2p

MAP SHOWING oTHAL THE HARAPPAN SITES ° THAT HAVE YIELDED eo anerne®

STEATITE MICROBEADS ne a Fig. 21.1. Map showing sites that have yielded steatite microbeads.

of the specimens recovered in the excavation of the with the sherds of White Painted Black and Red Ware

Harappan site at Zekda. which is often referred to as ‘“‘Ahar Ware.” This

Zekda (lat. 23°53’ north; long. 71°26’ east) is an Harappan settlement is, therefore, one of the relaimportant Harappan site, located in Banaskanta Dis- tively late Indus settlements, where the material trict in the northern part of Gujarat State. Zekda was remains of the Harappans merged, without any clear discovered by Parikh (1978: 188-90) and was excava- break, into that of the Post-Harappan Cultures. ted by the M.S. University of Baroda, during the field Among other important discoveries made in the excaseason of 1977-78, under the direction of Professor vation of the site are two hoards of microbeads.

R.N. Mehta. The beads were found carefully preserved in two

The excavation revealed a Harappan habitation small pots. One of them (PI. 21.2) was covered with a of considerable duration. It yielded many charac- well-fitting, hollow, cork-like pottery stopper. The teristic types of Harappan pottery with some of the other pot (Pl. 21.3) was carefully placed inside distinctive decorative motifs, perforated vases, ter- another vessel and the outer pot covered with a solid, racotta cakes, chert blades, chert cores with crested fitted, baked clay lump. Both the pots were found ridge flaking, fragments of copper objects, together buried.underneath house floors. They were recovered

On the Composition and Technology of Harappan Microbeads 241 from layer two of Trench B, cut near the central beads were immersed in water. part of the mound. The great care with which they _ A 100 milligram sample of the beads was taken preserved the beads at Zekda clearly shows how from each of the two pots. These were fused and used highly the Harappans valued them. At Chanhudaro a for quantitative chemical analysis. The results of the hoard of white microbeads was also found in a small analysis is given in Table 21.1. This shows that the

pot (Mackay 1937: 12). , | bead material is nearly 60 percent silica, 30 percent

The stoppers covering the pots containing the magnesia, six percent alumina, less than two percent beads recovered in the excavation at Zekda were lime and less than one percent of iron oxide. This found to be firmly sealed in the pots because of a composition is interesting. superficial accumulation of calcium carbonate. Much _ The chemical test shows that the beads were not care was therefore necessary when loosening the made from pure talc (4 MgO 5 SiO, H,O) which is a stoppers. In order to ensure that the solvent used to hydrated silicate of magnesium. If the beads had been dissolve the carbonate accumulation near the mouth made of talc, they would not have contained six perof the pots did not seep into the vessel, whose con- cent alumina. The presence of alumina suggests the tents were then not known, the space between the lip presence of Kaolinite in the composition of the origi-

and the stopper was covered with a layer of cotton nal material used in the production of the beads. wool. This was kept moist with drops of dilute hydro- Kaolinite (Al,O, 2 SiO, 2H,O) is a hydrated silicate chloric acid, added at regular intervals (Pl. 21.4). The of aluminium. It is one of the pure forms of clay. acid slowly dissolved the carbonate accumulation. From the percentage composition of the beads, the When the evolution of carbon dioxide ceased, the initial inferrence was that the Harappan beadmakers used cotton wool was replaced with a fresh layer and deliberately mixed talc and Kaolinite in the ratio of the experiment was repeated until the stoppers be- five to one. However, we soon found out that such a

came loose and could be easily detached. material occurred naturally with the metamorphosed When the contents of the pots were emptied on ultrabasic rocks. The material is known as talcose plateglass, thousands of microbeads were found care- steatite. Heron (1953: 371-72, 389) records the fully embedded in fine ash. There were also two gold occurrence of a long discontinuous schistbelt, rich in beads, probably to be used at the center of the strings. various forms of steatite, including talcose steatite, The microbeads were separated from the ash using a withm the Aravalli Hills. This starts from Ambaji in

set of sieves. The two pots together yielded 109.48 = Sabarkanta District, near Zekda, and extends grams of beads and 206.53 grams of ash. Bead-ash towards the Punjab through Sehore, Ajmer and ratio was nearly one to two. This was probably delib- Jaipur Districts in Rajasthan. We therefore believe

erate. Ash had apparently been put into the pots that the Harappan beadmakers used the naturally along with the beads to ensure that the tiny objects occurring, locally available, talcose steatite as their would not be completely scattered if the pots broke. raw material for producing white microbeads.

In a one gram sample there were 310 beads. The To obtain a proof for the above observation, an XZekda pots therefore had approximately 34,000 ray diffraction analysis of a powdered sample of the

beads. beads was carried out. The X-ray diffraction patterns (P1. 21.5) revealed the presence of silica in the form of

EXAMINATION OF THE BEADS cristobalite and anhydrous magnesium silicate in the form of enstatite. Both were faintly marked on the The beads were first washed in dilute hydrochloric X-ray plate due to their poor crystallinity. Alumina acid. Several washings in the acid and distilled water appeared to be represented by extremely faint lines made them clean, even inside the perforation. The because of its poor crystallinity coupled with the very clean beads are stark white. They were dried in an small proportion in the sample. Nevertheless, the oven at 110°C for 24 hours. After drying their hard- results are of tremendous value. ness was determined. All the heads that were examin- _ When talc is heated below 800°C no appreciable ed ranged between six and seven on the Moh Scale. change should be noted by microscopic examination. Their specific gravity could not be determined accu- The first noticeable change occurs in the neighborrately since it was impossible to drive out all the air hood of 850°C, where talc decomposes, giving off its bubbles trapped within the perforation when the water of crystallization and forms cristobalite and

242 K.T.M. Hegde, R.V. Karanth and S.P. Sychanthavong enstatite and becomes hard in the process (Insley and ufactured by extruding the forming material through

Frechetté 1955: 80). We have found that steatite an aperture(s). The beads are faceted because the when heated at 900°C for two hours improves its nearly circular apertures through which they were hardness from one to seven on the Moh Scale. extruded were also faceted. They are striated along Steatite is a soft stone with a soapy feel. It is their length because the apertures were corrugated. therefore known as soapstone. Talc, the chief compo- The striations have a twist because the composition nent mineral of steatite has a hardness of one on the forming the beads appears to have passed through the Moh Scale. It can be easily carved. Harappans used it aperture under some pressure. F.A. Bannister and to make many objects which included some of their G.F. Claringbull, the other two scientists to whom seals and larger beads. The above analysis shows that Mackay referred the Chanhudaro beads for their exthey used talcose steatite for making microbeads. amination in 1936, also considered their manufacture Now the question is: how were these minute beads by extrusion. But they did not think it possible bemade? Mackay submitted the white microbeads re- cause they were not able to visualize how tubes rather covered from Chanhudaro to Beck for their examina- than solid rods were produced by such an extrusion tion in 1936, and commented on the technique of their process (Mackay 1937: 11). manutacture: “‘After carefully examining a modern watchmaker’s drill which is capable of drilling holes Table 21.1. Percentage composition of Harappan microbeads

of 0.01 inch (0.25 millimeters) diameter, it is difficult recovered from Zekda to believe that either the drill or the bead could have Sample been held by the hand, so I suggest that some form of No. SiOz MgO ALO; CaO H203_ Total

lathe or jig must have been used” (Mackay 1937: 10). we However, it is difficult to visualize the possibility of 1 60.80 30.76 5.95 1.58 0.60 99.69 such fine and precise lathes or jigs within the frame- 2 99.75 31.42 5.80 1.88 0.77 99.62

work of known Harappan technical infrastructure. NN The instruments used in the manufacture of the beads CONCLUSION necessarily had to be much simpler.

The hardness of the beads (six to seven on the From the foregoing discussion it has been seen that Moh Scale) shows that they were baked at high tem- the beads were made from talcose steatite. They were

perature. The cut edges of the beads on examination cut before they were hardened by baking. Their at 15 power magnification were found to be even, faceted surfaces and the striation marks along their almost smooth and slightly oblique (Pl. 21.6). If the length indicate that they were produced by squeezing beads were cut after they were baked, the hard brittle a compound under pressure through apertures. This material would have produced rough, uneven, cor- compound appears to have been in a paste form. If it rugated edges. It therefore appears that the beads was in a solid form the pressure needed to extrude it were cut before they were hardened by baking. through very small openings would have been very The sides of the beads when examined under the high. There is no evidence to believe that the Harapmicroscope, were found to be furrowed along their pans had the technology necessary to produce such length (Pl. 21.7). These striation marks appear to be high pressures. slightly twisted. When we examined a few joined We therefore suggest, keeping in view the known beads, that is, two or three beads joined together, cut Harappan technological infrastructure, the following but not separated, we noticed that the striation marks simple process as a plausible method for the ran continuously from one bead to the other. Though manufacture of these microbeads. All that is needed the beads appeared to the naked eye to be regular in is a circular copper or bronze disc with a few onetheir cylindrical shape, under the microscope they millimeter diameter perforations near the center. were clearly faceted. Their perforations were also Each perforation must have a copper or bronze wire faceted. These observations are most interesting. of 0.5 millimeter diameter with one end soldered or For, where two beads are found almost joined, with riveted near the perforation and the other end bent their striation marks coinciding, it appears that they and positioned to be at the center of the perforation must have followed one another through an aperture. as shown in figure 21.2. The disc has fine holes at its In other words, it appears that the beads were man- periphery which allow it to be stitched all around to a

On the Composition and Technology of Harappan Microbeads 243 ry? ; Three skillful persons are necessary to do the job: one | ao for squeezing paste, the second the soft x miee| |tubes and the thirdthefor collecting the for softcutting microbeads, FA - N over a layer of fine ash on a dish, to avoid damaging - n them. The beads can then be baked at 900 to 1000°C o J Jk, ys in a kiln to harden them. We have adequate evidence 7 | A to believe that Harappans had the necessary infra- .

aR structure toand attempt such a process. . || |;|a|They had copper bronze discs. There is even , evidence of perforated examples (Mackay 1938: PI.

| | , ' If | CXXI). They knew both soldering and rivetting. | | | They sometimes soldered the rivet by pouring molten | \ copper or bronze around its base for additional firm> Ve ness (Marshall 1931: 489). They had cloth (Marshall , 1931: 585-86). The soft tubes appear to have been cut by a thin, sharp device to convert them into microbeads. A simple device to serve this purpose is a horse

: \ hair. Harappans had horses (Marshall 1931: 653-54; \ Joshi 1972: 135). The fact that they could melt copper

| at 1080°C, clearly shows that they had suitable kilns or open fires with a forced draught to raise the tempera- _ | A ture of the fire to 1200°C so as to bake the beads at 1000°C. It appears probable therefore, that the Harappan _. Fig. 21.2. A plausible device that could have been used by the microbead makers produced these beautiful, tiny

Harappans to manufacture steatite microbeads. beads by means of a simple process. But it was, nevertheless, a laborious, painstaking, unhurried well-knit piece of cloth. If into this device a paste of job. Like the other ancient Indian craftsmen who

finely ground talcose steatite is put and the cloth produced good quality metal objects or ceramics gathered together and squeezed by hand, talcose (Hegde 1973: 416-21; 1975: 187-90; 1979: 141-55), the steatite paste emerges through the perforations as Harappan microbead makers also spared no pains in. tubes. These soft tubes can be cut as they emerge, at their efforts to achieve a high level of excellence in

quick intervals, to convert them into microbeads. their work.

244 K.T.M. Hegde, R.V. Karanth and S.P. Sychanthavong _

ACKNOWLEDGMENT , The authors wish to thank Professor R.N. Mehtaand Professor S.S. Merh for useful discussions.

BIBLIOGRAPHY | Ghosh, A., editor, 1967 Surkotada and New Light on Harappan MigraIndia.K.T.M., versity, 12:Mackay, 98-144. Hegde, 1973 E.J.H., 1937 Oe Ajanta Murals. Delhi: Archaeological Survey of tion. Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda Uni-

A model for Understanding Ancient Indian Iron Bead Making in Ancient Sind. Journal of the

Metallurgy. Man 8: 416-21. , American Oriental Society 57:1-15.

Hegde, K.T.M., 1975 Mackay, E.J.H., 1938 | | The Painted Grey Ware of India. Antiquity 49: Further Excavations at Mohenjodaro. 2 vols. 187-90. , Delhi: Government of India. —

Hegde, K.T.M., 1979 Marshall, Sir John, editor, 1931 a Analysis of Ancient Indian Delux Wares. Mohenjodaro and the Indus Civilization. 3 vols. Archaeo-Physika 10: 141-55. London: Arthur Probsthain. |

Heron, A.M., 1953 Parikh, R.T., 1978 , Geology of Central Rajasthan. Geological Survey Archaeology of Banaskantha District. Ph.D. of India Memoir 79 (1). Calcutta: Government of dissertation, Department of Archaeology and

India. , Ancient History, M.S. University of Baroda.

Insley, H. and Frechette van Derck, 1955 Rao, S.R., 1973

Microscopy of Ceramics and Cements. New York: Lothal and the Indus Civilization. Bombay: Asia

Academic Press. Publishing House. |

Joshi, J.P., 1972

Exploration in Kutch and Excavations at

MARCIA FENTRESS

22. From Jhelum to Yamuna: City and Settlement in the Second and Third Millennium B.C.

SETTLEMENT patterns around Harappa are unique in sert and the dry and bare Aravalli rock ridges to the

the ancient Near East and Indus Valley. On maps of south. Harappa’s greater hinterland showing site distribu- The only two sites in the immediate vicinity of —

tion from the Pre-Harappan to the Painted Gray Harappa which can be thought of as contemporary to , Ware Period, the northern Indus City appears to exist it are the Mature Indus site of Chak Purbane Syal in a near vacuum. In an area which has been sub- (Vats 1940), 15 miles to the southeast and Jalilpur jected to much field work and archaeological atten- (Mughal 1972), an Early Harappan site 30 miles to tion, this is a very unusual settlement situation. Other the southwest. Far away to the west and-northwest early urban cities, Mohenjodaro, Kish, Nippur, and beyond the Indus are a few Harappan and Early Susa all have closely connected networks of towns Harappan sites in the Gomal and Taxila areas. Settleand villages around them. The questions I explore ments well to the east of Harappa number about 50 here are: Why does this settlement pattern exist and Harappan and 36 Pre-Harappan.' These appear to be

what does it tell about the interaction and support concentrated in three areas (Fig. 22.1): along the networks necessary for the existence of a major city? Ghaggar River system through Ganganagar, Hissar,

Further, what can it tell about Harappa’s function in Sangrur, Karnal and Patiala Districts, as well as up ,

the greater Indus Civilization? the Drishadvati River Valley through Hissar, Jind

Harappa is central to a large, well-watered plain and Karnal Districts, and along the upper Sutlej | surrounded on three sides by mountain ranges bear- River through Amritsar, Jullundur, Ludhiana and ing varied and fabulous resources (Figs. 22.1 to 22.3). Ropar Districts (Bisht 1976, 1978, in press; Dikshit At a distance of only 300 to 400 kilometers to the’ 1968, 1977, 1979; Ghosh 1952; Pande 1977). About west, north and east lie the Sulaiman Range and the 200 kilometers south and west of Harappa along the , Himalayas. The great plains which stretch from the old Hakra River on the Pakistan side are 32 Pre-

Jhelum to the Yamuna are of one piece, environmen- Harappan, 41 Early Harappan and 166 Mature : tally speaking. Endowed with six major rivers—the Harappan sites between Fort Abbas and Derawar

Jhelum, the Chenab, the Ravi, the Sutlej, the Beas (Mughal 1980). , and the Yamuna—the plains also have predictable Late Harappan sites in the east number about 90 rainfall ranging between 20 and 70 centimeters per (Fig. 22.2) concentrated along the upper Sutlej,

year. To the west of the Jhelum.rise the Potwar Drishadvati and Ghaggar-Sarasvati. In no case are , Plateau, the Salt Range and the Thal desert—very they found further south or west of Hissar Districtin _ different areas from Harappa’s immediate hinter- Haryana, and some are found in the direction of the __ land. To the east of the Yamuna, begins the Gangetic upper Beas in Amritsar and Gurdaspur Districts. On Basin, subtly but clearly different from the Great the Hakra side, Late Harappan sites—defined as Punjab Plain, which is heavily influenced by the de- Cemetery H—are concentrated to the southwest of

%3:

. . . qi | . ; . +f 7 r 3 1 . “8 i¢ .5é: x | | , *27ayv:v7.gt iN g \ G G ar 5 ; £) . alg. va) z a~aa -_ St o b x b ct ‘ | ¢ oe rN i On . ” | : aN A N SAeJVS| fel¥ * \+oe4Saoi8 fo | RT Te Ow Aa o . 3 zo |iS v wy ‘= aN . ae Tk 5 Z

t | 5 > @ Se? 9 yy? be) hand Lv az 3 SS 9 tI $y uw = tn st ! : z . ‘ b U vO

, N55 ee es ; & e . z cal wi. 09 » . = Ov < < g2 I es eo vi y >< 2 a a) os « we ay 0 2 is Wi < ® = »9=a.” fs 4 Pp ry) VP) ae] > wi « . : es se o 4 M4 ° @ P 2 x7) by x & 3 \ w wo a Ua 2. oe : 2oa+opaS ze Za=S=

r) Rg@4 S

2 . “ i : ho “ ..4 5S > 2 v ) at < A) z a * Pu WN 4 5° < S BS oO s¥ ¢ < C

°: b& ¥Jo“uVs, ” ew 4 ; tI < | rid Veg 4 \\ 2 \. SN Ss : e a sy @ 5 «6 \ ») " fe . , 4 o\ H , a4\ =q,) it iY Y ‘ . (H|

< = < 9 b» a

iN | ;.y= \ v E : ~ a i | PS \ , , % = Sy e | = > 3 F;

248 Marcia Fentress Harappa in the Derawar area, and number about 72 its own geographic region. On the other hand, — (Sharma 1973, 1976, in press; Suraj Bhan 1969, 1973, Mohenjodaro could take advantage of three major

1976, in press). trade routes to the west: the Arabian Sea, southern

Painted Gray Ware is most numerous in the east Baluchistan and the Bolan Pass. Thus it seems very (Fig. 22.3) with about 180 sites, heavily concentrated possible that Harappa functioned primarily as a trade along the upper reaches of the Sarasvati-Drishadvati center for the collection of hard-to-get resources from in Patiala, Ambala and Kurukshetra districts. Some its diverse hinterland and for transhipment of these

are found in Ludhiana-Jullundur along the upper resources down the river to the capital and premier

Sutlej and some in the lower Ghaggar from foreign trade center of Mohenjodaro. Hanumangarh to Anupgarh. Only 10 are found in the A further observation bearing on an explanation

Hakra region and these west of Fort Abbas. for the settlement patterns around Harappa concerns _ Altogether some 650 sites have been found between the greater diversity in type, motif, and style of the Jhelum and Yamuna spanning some two millenia artifacts at Harappa as compared to Mohenjodaro.

(Stein 1942; Tripathi 1975; Joshi 1977). Previous work describes in detail these differences Outside the plains area, on the upper Chenab in (Fentress 1976, 1978) so several significant traits are

Jammu, a Late Harappan site—Manda has been only summarized here: found which also has Gray Ware of the kind asso- Harappa does not conform to the pattern of the ciated elsewhere with PGW. Because of yet another two mounds, with the high mound or citadel isolated Gray Ware (thick burnished) found at this site, it has on the west and totally separated from the lower city. been suggested that there were links with the Swat On the contrary, its layout is in a rough “L” shape and Kashmir Valleys. Ties to the Gandhara Grave with the small F mound at the top of the ““L,”’ the high Culture and Burzahom II may be confirmed with AB mound in the middle and the G mound forming further field work (Khazanchi and Dikshit 1980).? the base. In looking at its artifacts, much more interPrime agricultural land around Harappa is found nal variation is apparent in several ways at Harappa

immediately northeast of the site between an old bed than at Mohenjodaro. For instance, among the of the Ravi and the present Ravi. The area is lowlying human figurines the percentage of male to female is land and could have been irrigated by flow irrigation much more balanced at Harappa, while at Mohenjothrough old bundhs of the river. The Kamalia Plain daro the figurines are predominantly female. The immediately across the Ravi is well watered by a large seals of Harappa include types not found at Mohenhill nai flowing down from the high ground of the jodaro and the variety of motifs and designs is also Rechna doab and by lowlying jhils or dhands which greater. Harappa, on the seal impressions and miniaretain water much of the year. These two areas taken tures, shows many diverse small animals which do not together provide almost 6600 square kilometers of appear at Mohenjodaro at all. Vats, the excavator, immediately available farm land for Harappa thus states quite clearly that Harappa has all of the pottery precluding any necessity for dependence on a wide types found at Mohenjodaro in addition to several ranging network of agricultural villages for its food other unique types and shapes. Two types of animal

needs (Fentress 1976). figurines not present at Mohenjodaro but found at

That the two major cities had distinctly different Harappa are the crude humped bull, and the seated access to stone, mineral and exotic resources is clear. elongated figures having Gomal Valley parallels. Elsewhere I have put forth a dynamic model for inter- Further, burial practices seem to be quite different nal and external trade based on resource access and between the two sites. Leaving aside the cemetery exchange systems in the central Indus (Fentress evidence which has not been found at Mohenjodaro, 1978). Harappa’s natural hinterland, comprising the the post-cremation urns are quite interesting. Only Sulaiman Range, the outer Himalayas, the eastern twelve of these have been found at Mohenjodaro. At Doab and northern Rajasthan was a much richer and Harappa some 238 were found in all excavated areas more diverse area than the hinterland to which of the site in many contexts and depths and in situ. In

Mohenjodaro was central. Mohenjodaro had to addition, different cemeteries were found at extend its procurement systems well beyond its own Harappa. These minor but significant variations may region for metal and mineral resources. But Harappa reflect the diversity of the regions, ethnic groups and had access to diverse and rich resources almost within cultures with which Harappa was interacting for its

en yt '

ty . 2 %, & e|a a Dd oo ~ ™N . =< % e 1 ad . ~ “ if { r \ aun

at op Y ( ~ | )\ ake \ Bete here 9 < >! “Se gee

5 =o 2 u ¥ i eX , ' 3%. 6 bh Q ets % u( | « $ = Oe ze ~ 2 s ao) ao a o > 3 oO -_* . aN w @ x 5 _ 22 o2 3 2 ont rs) g Q A i= ¥< « SN ' w Le] mA zr 9 rw %e a L 3 3 318 ~ < ol S ,ty Sa o cy, . 9 9 Z . a sf > ez — cr; i WAR 5as) | SW”Sg re “ oy & N tN 4 ° 2 fy 2 . u z eAS @ XN < ~ 2 3 ® Sy > . ene 2 2 9 ¢$ y . ‘ ¢ 4 ~4:t}} SS a: > SG . ~*) az 4 z < : is S $ = x Na, 5 ¢ van’, > 0 5 arr s P ° i) 3 en! b " < \. < 3 Fa ! s a “ z ey Q ) 7 ¥ < % er cs. @ e 4£ +)@ =| « \ z < & | s-OF | tes 2zi° 30 y: tah ? (=h HT 7 s%y e \ Sd ce . ;ers 4 sh ( 315° ; 2 ofa" So Py

: ol 3 > = ; Z fae} .20:

NG i1¢; Nx7ARs;ze 2oP .Fal K = \ 8. \ 2 «4 ~~ & z toraa t % ¢ (| 4 | S) ( . S : . :. mM) 8 2“ r)‘

|meee ~2 % d a ~~ g

?

250 Marcia Fentress nonagricultural resources. These include the Jammu 4) Presence in Harappa’s greater hinterland of foothills, possibly Kashmir, northern Rajasthan, the unique and diverse essential raw materials.

eastern Doab and other areas of the outer Himalayas Given these points, what kind of settlement where the six rivers have their headwaters. Moreover pattern would one expect to find? What one actually

it is very probable that the northern part of the does find is a dendritic type of pattern which follows Jhelum-Yamuna Plain which today receives 50 to 70 the rivers, without much settlement in between. centimeters of dependable annual rainfall was under There is evidence of some contact with different thick forest cover in Harappan times, and could only cultures in the highlands and resource areas. If addihave been inhabited by mobile pastoral groups. tional field work confirms and maintains this pattern, These may have provided a link between the rich Harappa is best viewed in the Indus urban network as mountain areas, and Harappan and southern Indus the main northern supply center to Mohenjodaro. It

areas. was a city essentially isolated in a large plain without To summarize the points regarding Harappa and permanent settlement except along the rivers. As

the settlement patterns of its hinterland: such it presents a rather unique early urban network 1) The presence of prime agricultural land pattern. This fragile settlement pattern spread thin

immediately adjoining Harappa. along river valleys is very different from the wide2) Presumed thick forest cover between Harappa spread, interlocking support systems of other early

and essential resource areas. urban settlement patterns. Clues for understanding

3) A multi-river system fanning out north and the decline of the Indus Civilization will lie in further east and west of Harappa, leading into resource areas exploration and confirmation of this settlement and to the south converging into one large river lead- pattern. ing to market areas.

APPENDIX List of sites on maps”

PAINTED GRAY WARE SITES

No. Site name District Source 1. Aharwan Gurgaon IAR 1966-67

2. Akarpur-Baroth Karnal-Rohtak IAR 1960-61

3. Alipur Amin Karnal AI, no.Bala 10 4. Patiala Madhu 5. Apra Jullundur TAR 1963-64

6. Arnauli Ropar IAR 1962-63, 1964-65 (H, LH)

7. AsandhJullundur Karnal IAR 8. Ashaur IAR 1960-61 1963-64 9. Astipur Thanesar TAR 1964-65 10. Astipur Gurgaon Tripathi 11. Autha Gurgaon IAR 1964-65

12. Badhauli Ambala IARTripathi 1963-64 13. Badli-ki-sarai Delhi 14. BaholaAmbala KarnalIAR IAR 1960-61 15. Balana 1963-64 (LH) 16. Bara Ropar [AR 1963-64 17. Basantaur Ambala IAR 1963-64

From Jhelum to Yamuna 251 No. Sitename District Source 18. Baterla Basrai Gurdaspur Madhu Bala 19. Ambala AR 1964-65 20. Baundal Ludhiana Madhu Bala 21.Bhiwani Bhasaur Sangrur Bala 22. Khera HissarMadhu TAR 1966-67 23. Bibipur-Kalan Karnal IAR 1964-65

24. Bir Basiem Jullundur Tripathi 25. Brass Patiala Madhu Bala 26. Burj Hissar IAR 1966-67 27. Chadiala Khanpur Ambala [AR 1962-63

28. Chajja Chak Ganganagar Tripathi 29. Hoshiarpur Tripathi 30. Chamkaur Ambala Tripathi 31. Chandigarh Chandigarh IAR 1970-71 (H, KLB, B) 32. Chandpur Ambala Tripathi Tripathi 33. Charan Jullundur

34. Chaunkair Ropar TAR 1953-54 35. Chini-Kanjri-da-Theh Jullundur Madhu Bala 36. Chitorgarh Gurdaspur Tripathi 37. Chudiala Ambala IAR 1964-65 38. Chhai Patiala Tripathi

39. Chhichhariwal Amritsar [AR 1966-67 40. Chhina AmritsarTAR Madhu Bala 41. Damla Ambala 1963-64 42. DadheraLudhiana Patiala Madhu 43. Dadheri Madhu Bala Bala

44. Daulatpur Karnal IAR 1960-61, 68, 69 (LH) 45. Deen Ambala IAR 1963-64 46. Dhammo Majra Patiala Madhu Bala

47. Dhangeri Patiala Madhu Bala 48. Dher Majra Sangrur Madhu Bala 49. Dhuleta Jullundur IAR 1963-64 50. Dhuderi Jullundur Madhu Bala 51. Dodwan Gurdaspur Tripathi 52. Dotheri Bikaner Tripathi 53. Dudhan Patiala Madhu Bala 54. Dugri Ambala Tripathi

)

55. Durd Patiala Madhu Bala 56. Fattupur Dher Gurdaspur Tripathi 57. Patiala | AI, Madhu 58. Gajju-Khera Ghanauli Ambala no. Bala 10

59. Gharan Patiala 60. Gharinda AmritsarMadhu MadhuBala Bala

61. Ghaswa2 Hissar IAR IAR 1966-67 1966-67 62. Gheoria Patiala 63.Gudana Gohana Gurgaon Tripathi 64. Karnal IAR 1964-65 65. Gumad Karnal Tripathi

66. Gumad Rohtak Tripathi

252 | Marcia Fentress No. Sitename — District Source 67. Hamirpur Karnal Tripathi 68. Hansi Hissar IAR 1963-64 69. Hardo-Rawal-Khurd Gurdaspur Tripathi

70. Haripur Gurdaspur Tripathi 71. Haripur Jullundur [AR 1961-62 72. Hasali Patiala Madhu Bala 73. Humayan Khera Hissar IAR 1967-68

74. Indrapat Delhi Tripathi 75. Isar Hol Patiala Madhu Bala

76. Jalkhedi Karnal [AR 1964-65 77, Jhansla Patiala Madhu Bala 78. Jorasi Khurd Karnal Tripathi 79. Kalon Ambala 80. Kardhan AmbalaIAR TAR1963-64 1963-64

81. Kartarpur Jullundur Madhu Bala 82. Katpalon Jullundur TAR 1963-64 83.Khanpur Kauli Patiala Madhu Bala 84. Ambala [AR 1964-65 85. Khannwala Gurdaspur Tripathi 86. Khera Ambala TAR 1964-65

,

87. Khijrabad Patiala Madhu Bala 88. Khera-Kalan Delhi Tripathi 89. Kheri Karnal Tripathi 90. Kheri Nand Singh Ludhiana Madhu Bala 91. Kotla Nihang Ropar Tripathi 92. Kumbra Patiala Madhu Bala 93. Kurukshetra Karnal Tripathi 94. AmbalaMadhu IAR 1964-65 95. Ladhora Lataur Patiala Bala

96. Lukhi Karnal TAR 1964-65

97. Jorasi Khurd Karnal [AR 1960-61 98. Jind IAR 1966-67 (Pre-H, H) 99. Kalayat Kal Khera Ambala IAR 1963-64

100. Kariwali 1 (Dharampur) Hissar [AR 1967-68 101. Kariwali2 (Majjal Ther) Hissar IAR 1967-68

102. Kaulgarh Kariwali3Hissar HissarTAR IAR 1966-67 1967-68 103. 104. Kauli Patiala TAR 1968-69

105. Kheri Karnal IAR 1960-61

106. Lakhnaur Sahib Ambala IAR 1963-64

107. Madhopur Jullundur TAR 1956-57

108. Méallaur MahoranaAmbala Sangrur[AR Madhu Bala 109. 1963-64 110. Marari Khuro Amritsar IAR 1962-63

111. Mehawa Kheri Karnal TAR 1964-65 112. Mehbubpur Ambala TAR 1964-65

113. Mirzapur Merhanwal RoparIAR Madhu Bala 114. Ambala 1963-64 115. Moonak Sangrur IAR 1968-69

,

From Jhelum to Yamuna 253 No. Site name District Source 116. Morthali Karnal IAR 1960-61 117. Monhali Karnal Tripathi 118. Miurthala Karnal TAR 1964-65

119. Murarikhurd Amritsar Madhu Bala 120. Mustafabad Ambala IAR1963-64 1966-67 121. Nagar Jullundur TAR 122. Nagiari Ambala IAR 1962-63, 64-65

123. Hissar IAR 1967-68 124.Nakora Nao Jullundur Tripathi

125. Nandpur-Kesho Patiala Madhu Bala

126. Natthurpur Toda | Anritsar IAR 1965-66

127. Palwal Gurgaon Tripathi 128. Panirt , Karnal Tripathi 129. Panjola Ropar Madhu Bala 130. Pathorheri Ambala Tripathi

131. Patharheri Choti Ropar [AR 1962-63, 64-65 132. Pehowa Karnal Tripathi — 133. Raja Karna-ka-Qila Karnal IAR 1970-71 134. Rajgarh Patiala Madhu Bala 135. Ramsaran Majra Karnal TAR 1964-65 136. Raniya (Lahoronwali Theri) Hissar IAR 1967-68

137. Ratta Tibba Hissar IAR 1966-67

138. Rohan Ambala TAR 1964-65 139. Rupan Wali Hissar TAR 1966-67 140. Rupan Wali 2 Hissar IAR 1966-67 141. Rupar Ambala RoparIAR Tripathi 142. Sadhaura 1963-64 143. Sakala Gurdaspur Tripathi

144. Salaha SalauraPatiala Ambala Tripathi 145. Madhu Bala 146. Samdu Patiala Madhu Bala 147. Sanghol 3 Ludhiana IAR 1969-70, 70-71

,

148. Saprota Jullundur TAR 1963-64

149. Sardargarh Ganganagar Tripathi 150. Sarsa Bhor Karnal ? 151. Sasa Talhedi Karnal TAR 1964-65

152.Seal Satanj Sangrur Madhu Bala | , 153. — Patiala IAR 1964-65 154. Secta Ambala IAR 1963-64 155. Shebbupura Patiala MadhuBala Bala 156. Sialu Patiala Madhu 157. Gurgaon IAR 1969-70 — 158.Sihi Singh Ropar [AR 1962-63, 64-65,

159. Suga Ambala IAR 1963-64 160. Such Ambala IAR 1965-66 161. Sunam Sangrur Madhu Bala on 162. Surawalli Bikaner , Tripathi 163. Talapur Ambala a Tripathi 164. Tandiwal Ambala IAR 1963-64

254 Marcia Fentress No. Sitename District Source 165. Ambala IAR 1964-65 166.Tandiwal Teora Karnal Tripathi

167. Thal Karnal LAR 1968-69

168. Thanesar City Mound Karnal IAR 1964-65

169. Theh Polar Karnal IAR 1963-64 170. Tilpat Delhi Tripathi

171. Timarpur Delhi Tripathi , 172. Topra Kala Karnal [AR 1968-69 173. Uehha-Lutera Jullundur , Madhu Bala

174. Urnai Karnal IAR 1960-61 _ 175. Vedala Garanthian Sahar Gurdaspur Tripathi

176. Vadala (Granthian) Amritsar Madhu Bala . LATE HARAPPAN

No. Sitename District Source 1. Aechal Sahib Gurudaspur 2. Jullundur 1977 3. Apara Badala (2) LudhianaJoshi Madhu Bala 4. Badhauli Ambala TAR 1963-64 5. Bahwa Ambala Sangrur IAR Madhu Bala 6. Balana 1963-64 7. Banawali Hissar ME 8. Banehra Karnal IAR 1966-67 9. Banrai Ludhiana Madhu Bala

10. Bara Ropar Madhu Bala

—12. 11.Bassigujaran Barwali Ludhiana Madhu Bala Bala Ropar Madhu 13. BathlanaLudhiana Ropar Madhu 14. Baundal Madhu Bala Bala 15. Kurukshetra 16. Bhagwanpura Bhasaur Sangrur MadhuPTBala

17. Bhasmara (Burj) Patiala Madhu Bala

18. Bhudan SangrurIAR Madhu Bala 19. Bodha Karnal 1966-67 20. Brass Patiala Madhu Bala

21. Burj Hissar IAR 1966-67 22. Chandigarh Chandigarh Madhu Bala

23. Chandiala Ludhiana Madhu Bala 24. Chever-thal-Kalal Patiala Madhu Bala

25. Chini-Kanjri-da-Theh Jullundur Madhu Bala

26. Chaina Amritsar Madhu Bala 27. Dadhera Patiala Madhu 28. Dadheri Ludhiana Madhu Bala Bala 29. Karnal TAR 1968-69 30. Daulatpur Daheru Ludhiana Madhu Bala 31. Dhammo Majra Patiala Prufer 1951

From Jhelum to Yamuna 255 No. Site name District Source , 32. Dher Majra Ropar Prufer Prufer 1952 1952 33. Doraha Ludhiana 34. Dodwan Gurudaspur Madhu Bala

35. Dure Patiala Madhu Bala 36. Gayjju-Khera Patiala Madhu Bala

37. Galoraddi Patiala Madhu Bala 39. Gharinda Amritsar Joshi 1977 40. Gurdasnangal-da-Theh Gurdaspur Joshi 1977 41. Hardo-Rawal-Khurd Gurdaspur Joshi 1977 42. Joshi 1977 1977 43. Haripur Haripur Gurdaspur Jullundur Joshi 38. Garhi Radan Kurukshetra Joshi 1977

44. Hasali Patiala Joshi 1977 45. HerHol Amritsar 46. Isar PatialaJoshi Joshi 1977 1977

47. Jagvia Gurdaspur Madhu Bala 48. Jatheri Karnal TAR 1966-67 49. Kanwa Gurdaspur Madhu Bala

50. Karalan Jullundur Madhu Bala 51. Kartarpur Jullundur Madhu Bala 52. JullundurMadhu Madhu Bala Bala 53. Katpalon Khera Ludhiana

54. Kheri Nand Singh Ludhiana Madhu Bala 55. KhokariSangrur 1 Sangrur 1966-67 , 56. Khokari2 IAR IAR 1966-67

57. Kohada Ludhiana Madhu Bala 58. Kotmandial Ludhiana Madhu Bala

59. RoparMadhu Madhu Bala Bala 60. Kubhrai Kurari Ropar

60A. Kurdi Chandigarh Suraj Bhan 1973 61. Gurdaspur Madhu Bala Bala 62. Lohgarh Mahorana Sangrur Madhu

63. Mayjiri Patiala Madhu Bala Bala 64. Manala Ropar Madhu 65. Malsian Jullundur Madhu Bala

66. Manupur Ludhiana Madhu Bala 67. Manoharpur Sangrur IAR 1966-67 : 68. Mathan Ludhiana TAr 1965-66 68A. Mitathal IIB Hissar Suraj Bhan 1969 69. Mohanpur Karnal IAR1977-67 1966-67 70. Mohna Karnal TAR

71. Nagar Jullundur Madhu Madhu Bala Bala 72. Nauli Jullundur 73. Neesamg Nagwan 2Patiala Madhu Bala 74. Karnal [AR 1966-67 75. Panandian PatialaMadhu Madhu Bala Bala 76. Pallanpur Ropar 77. Pilana Karnal [AR 1966-67

256 Marcia Fentress No. Site name , District Source TTA. Pipli Kurukshetra Joshi 1977 78. Rahon Jullundur Madhu Bala

78A. Raja-Karna-ka-Qila

79. Rajgarh ,_Patiala Madhu Bala 80. Rampur Ropar Madhu Bala 81. Rohira Sangrur Madhu Bala 82. SandhaiLudhiana AmbalaIAR IAR 1965-66 83. Sanghol 1966-67, 70-71 83A. Siswal II B , 84. Somavi Ludhiana Madhu Bala 84A.Seel Sosan Amritsar Joshi 1977 85. Patiala Madhu Bala

86. Suni Arkheri Patiala Patiala Madhu Madhu Bala Bala 87. Uccha-Gaon 88, Uchcha-Khera Patiala Madhu Bala 89. Vadlan Amritsar Madhu Bala

HARAPPAN , No. Site name District Source 1. Arnauli Ropar TAR 1962-63, 64-65 (LH) 2. Baola Karnal TAR 1966-67 3. Bara-Samana Ropar TAR 1962-63. 64-65 (LH) 4. Bikkun Ropar IAR 1953-54 5. Chandigarh Chandigarh IAR 1970-71 (Pre-H, KLB, B)

6. Chaunkair Ropar TARIAR 1953-54 7. Chimur Hissar 1966-67 | 8. Daheru Ludhiana IAR 1961-62

9. Dharmheri Patiala — TAR 1966-67 10. Dhogri Jullundur TAR 1956-57 11. Dukheri Ambala TAR 1963-64 (LH)

12. Fategarh-Neuan Ludhiana : [AR 1963-64 13. Gheora| Patiala TAR1953-54 1966-67 14. Hawara Ropar TAR ©

15. Jind Bir Bada Ban Sangrur IAR 1966-67 (Pre-H)

16. Ka-inor Ropar TAR 1962-63, 64-65 (LH) 17. Kalayat Sangrur IAR 1966-67 (Pre-H, PGW) 18. Kalibangan Ganganagar IAR 1967-68 (Pre-H, KLB) 19 Katpalon — Jullundur TAR 1963-64 (PGW) ,

20. Kheri Nand Singh Ludhiana | IAR 1961-62

21. Khirka , Hissar IAR 1966-67 (Pre-H)

22. Koth Ropar TAR 1953-54

23. Kotla Nihang Khan Ropar Madhu Bala

24. MKurrara-Kurrari Ambala IAR 1962-63, 64-65 (LH)

25. Madhopur Jullundur TAR 1956-57 26. Madiala-Kalan Ludhiana ' TAR 1965-66

27. Manda J&K

From Jhelum to Yamuna 257 No. Site name District Source

28. Manikpur-Sharif Ludhiana TAR 1962-63 (LH)

29. Manupur Ludhiana LAR 1961-62 30. Mitathal Hissar Suraj Bhan 1973 31. Nagar Jullundur IAR 1963-64 (PGW) 32. Pali2 Hissar IAR 1966-67 (Pre-H) 33. Pauli Sangrur (Jind) TAR 1968-69

34. Pujam Karnal IAR 1966-67 35. Raja Sirkap Bhatinda TAR 1958-59 36. Rahina Sangrur Madhu Bala 37. Rakhigarhi Hissar IAR 1966-67 (Pre-H)

38. Ratta Khera Karnal TAR 1966-67 39. RattaTheh HissarIAR IAR 1966-67 (Pre-H) 40. Ritoli Jind 1966-67

41. RuparJagadhari Ropar TAR LK 1963-64 (LH) 42. Sandeh

43. Sangat Pura Jind IAR1966-67 1966-67 44. Sasi Patiala [AR 45. Sisai Hissar IAR 1966-67 (Pre-H)

46. Siswal Hissar IAR 1966-67 (Pre-H) 47. Tar Khanwala Dera Ganganagar Ghosh 1952

48. Vanawali (Banswali) Hissar IAR 1966-67 (Pre-H)

49. Wazir Bhullar Amritsar IAR 1964-65 50. Chak Purbane Syal Sahiwal Vats 1940

PRE-HARAPPAN SITES

No. Site name District _ Source 1. Alipur Kharar, 1 Hissar IAR 1966-67 2. Alipur Kharar, 2 Hissar [AR 1966-67 3. Alipur Kharar, 3 Hissar IAR 1966-67

4. Balhian Rohtak SurajBhan Bhan1973 1973 5. Bani Hissar Suraj 6. Farmana Barsana,Karnal 2 JindSuraj [AR Bhan 1966-67 7. 1973 8. Dachar Karnal [AR 1966-67 9. Ghaswa Hissar [AR 10. Jalilpur1 Sahiwal PA1966-67 1967

11. Jind Bir Badaban Jind [AR 1966-67 12. Kalayat Jind IAR 1966-67 13. Kalibangan Ganganagar IAR 1966-67 14. Kirka Hissar IAR 1966-67 15. Manak Majra Karnal Suraj Bhan 1973

16. Mata Shyam Hissar [AR 1966-67 17. 3 Hissar IAR1966-67 1966-67 18.Milakpur Pah2 Hissar IAR

19.A. Paoli Hissar SurajPande Bhan1977 1973 20. Nohar Ganganagar

258 Marcia Fentress | No. Site name District Source

21. Rakhigarhi Patani Hissar [AR 1966-67 22. Hissar [AR 1966-67 23. Rakhi Shahpur Hissar IAR 1966-67 24. Rattan Theh Hissar - TAR 1966-67 25. Saleem Garh Hissar IAR 1966-67 26. Sanghol Ludhiana IAR 1966-67 27. Sarangpur Chandigarh Suraj Bhan 1973 28. Satrod Khurd 1 Hissar [AR 1966-67 , 29. Satrod Khurd 2Hissar Hissar IAR IAR 1966-67 1966-67 30. Shahpur

31. Sisail Hissar IAR IAR 1966-67 32. Sisai3 Hissar 1966-67 33. Siswal Hissar [AR 1966-67

34. Sothi Ganganagar Pande 1977 | 35. Talwara Hissar IAR 1966-67 36. Tigrana Hissar Suraj Bhan 1973

37. (Chakko) IAR 1966-67 38. Theraj Vanawali HissarHissar IAR 1966-67 NOTES

, 'A word about the preparation of the distribution coordinates or direction and distance from a town site maps is necessary. The site lists attached as the (estimated 10 percent of the list). Therefore the sites Appendix were compiled from Indian Archaeology: whose location is given only by district have been A review—1953 to 1972, Ancient India, Pakistan placed in linear order under the district town name. Archaeology, Ancient Pakistan, various site reports This of course causes considerable distortion to the mentioned in the bibliography and numerous journal true picture, and limits the map and its interpretation articles also cited in the bibliography. No new field to certain general uses. Still, it was felt that preparawork was conducted to prepare the lists, nor was any tion of the map was worthwhile for some purposes, field checking done for the published sites. Two and it may inspire the publication of greater locapublications which were very useful for the Painted tional detail for the listed sites. Gray Ware and Late Harappan sites were Tripathi ?Painted Gray Ware has been reported from a site

(1975) and Madhu Bala (1978). near Srinagar by Converse (1978).

A very real difficulty lies in terminology. The As yet this find has not been confirmed either by publications consulted spread over almost 30 years, an archaeologist or the Archaeological Survey. and definitions have changed during this time. Thus >Abbreviations used in the Appendix:

what one excavator may call Late Harappan may not Sources:

be what another excavator calls Late Harappan. Bara

sites have been included in Late Harappan because of IAR Indian Archaeology: A review (by year)

the available “C dates, although the excavator has Al Ancient India (by number) proposed earlier dating. New evidence will give us a Madhu Bala Madhu Bala, 1978

clearer picture. Mature Harappan sites are listed as Tripathi Tripathi, 1975 about 50, but they may in fact be much less if carefully ME Man and Environment, Vol. 2

looked at, with some of these falling into the Late PT Puratattva, no. 8

Harappan category. Only a small percentage of the sites LK Lalit Kala 1-2, 1955 were published with exact locational data, either geo- PA Pakistan Archaeology, 1967

From Jhelum to Yamuna 259 Abbreviations following the source: These abbreviations are used to indicate that the

Pre-H Pre-Harappan site is. a multiperiod site and includes pottery from

H Harappan other periods.

LH Late Harappan Indian Archaeology: A review was used as a KLB Kalibangan source for all the published issues from 1953 on.

B Bara Other journals cited above were searched for sites

PGW Painted Gray Ware from the beginning of publication. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bisht, R.S., 1976 Chakrabarti, eds. Pp. 123-33. Delhi: B.R. PubTransformation of the Harappa Culture in Punjab lishing Corp. with Special Reference to the Excavations at Fentress, Marcia, 1976 Sanghol and Chandigarh. In Archaeological Con- Resource Access, Exchange Systems, and gress and Seminar 1972.U.V. Singh, ed. Pp. 16- Regional Interaction in the Indus Valley: A study

22. Kurukshetra: Kurukshetra University. of archaeological variability at Harappa and

Bisht, R.S., 1978 Mohenjodaro. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Banawali: A new Harappan site in Haryana. Man Oriental Studies, University of Pennsylvania.

and Environment 2: 86-88. Fentress, Marcia, 1978

Bisht, R.S., in press Regional Interaction in Indus Valley UrbanizaHarappa Culture in Punjab: A study in perspec- tion: The key factors of resource access and extive. In Indus Civilization: Problems and issues. change. In American Studies in the Anthropology B.B. Lal and S.C. Malik, eds. Simla: Indian Insti- of India. Sylvia Vatuk, ed. Pp. 399-424. Delhi:

tute of Advanced Study. Manohar.

Converse, Hyla Stuntz, 1978 Ghosh, A., 1952 Similarities in Certain Pottery Fabrics Found at The Rajputana Desert: Its archaeological aspect. Hastinapura, an Unexcavated Site in Kashmir, Bulletin of the National Institute of Sciences in and Shahi Tump. Journal of the American Orien- India. 1: 37-42.

tal Society 98 (4): 478-82. , Joshi, J.P., 1977 Dales, George, 1973 Excavations at Bhagwanpura. Puratattva 8: 178Recent Pre- and Protohistoric Researches in 79.

Pakistan and Afghanistan. In Radiocarbon and Khazanchi, T.N. and K.N. Dikshit, 1980

Indian Archaeology. D.P. Agrawal and A. The Grey Ware Cultures of Northern Pakistan, Ghosh, eds. Pp. 118-30. Bombay: Tata Institute Jammu and Kashmir, and Punjab. Puratattva 9: of Fundamental Research. 47-51. Dikshit, K.N., 1968 Madhu Bala , 1978

Nature of Harappan Wares in Sutlej Valley. In A Survey of the Protohistoric Investigation in Potteries in Ancient India. B.P. Sinha, ed. Pp. Punjab and the Emergent Picture. Indian Anthro-

56-66. Patna: Patna University. pology 8: 89-118.

Dikshit, K.N., 1977 Mughal, M.R., 1972

Distribution and Relationship of Protohistoric A Summary of Excavations and Explorations in Sites along Old River Channels of the Ghaggar Pakistan. Pakistan Archaeology 8: 113-58. system. In Ecology and Environment in Western Mughal, M.R., 1980 India. D.P. Agrawal and B.M. Pande, eds. Pp. New Archaeological Evidence from Bahawalpur.

61-66, Delhi: Concept Publishing. Man and Environment Vol. 4: 93-98.

Dikshit, K.N., 1979 Pande, B.M., 1977

Late Harappan Cultures in India. In Essays in Archaeological Remains on the Ancient SarasIndian Protohistory. D.P. Agrawal and D.K. wati. In Ecology and Archaeology of Western

260 _ Marcia Fentress India. B,M. Pande and D.P. Agrawal, eds. Haryana Studies 1 (1): 1-15.

~ Pp. 55-59. Delhi: Concept Publishers. Suraj Bhan, 1973 ,

Prufer, Olaf, 1952 The sequence and spread of prehistoric cultures in Nalagarh 1951: Interim report on the excavations the upper Saraswati Basin. In Radiocarbon and

carried out at Dher Majra. Calcutta: Jamia Millia Indian Archaeology. D.P. Agrawal and A. Islamia -Historical Research Foundation. Ghosh, eds. Pp. 252-63. Bombay: Tata Institute

Sharma, G.B., 1978 for Fundamental Research. Excavations at Sanghol. ‘Times of India. October Suraj Bhan, 1976

23: 11. Transformation of Harappa Culture in Haryana.

Sharma, Y.D., 1973 In Archaeological Congress and Seminar 1972. Value of Common Painted Ceramics from Differ- U.V. Singh, ed. Pp. 23-30. Kurukshetra: ent Sites as a Guide to Chronology with Special Kurukshetra University.

reference to D.P. Bara. In Radiocarbon and Indian Suraj settlement Bhan, in pattern press ,in Haryana. In rchaeology. Agrawal and B.M. Pande, Protohistoric eds. Pp. 222-30. Bombay: Tata Institute of Funda- Indus Civilization: Problems and issues. B.B. Lal

mental Research. and S.C. Malik, eds. Simla: Indian Institute of

Sharma, Y.D., 1976 Advanced Study. : Transformation of Harappa Culture in the Pun- Stein, Sir A., 1942 |

jab. In Archaeological Congress and Seminar A Survey of Ancient Sites Along the ‘Lost’ 1972. U.V. Singh, ed. Pp. 5-15. Kurukshetra: Saraswati River. Geographical Journal 99 (4):

Kurukshetra University. 174-82.

Sharma, Y.D., in press Thapar, B.K., 1978

Bara and the so-called Late Harappa cultures of The Mosaic of Indus Civilization beyond the

the Punjab. In Indus Civilization: Problems and ~—~—_—_—_—siIndus Valley. Unpublished paper presented at the

issues. B.B. Lal and S.C. Malik, eds. Simla: International Symposium on the Indus Valley

Singh, U.V., in press Copy. ,

Indian Institute of Advanced Study. Civilization. Karachi, December 30. Cyclostyled

Late Harappan Culture as Revealed by the Exca- Tripathi, Vibha, 1975

vations et Mirzapur and Aulatpur, District The Painted Grey Ware: An Iron Age culture of Kurukshetra. In Indus Civilization: Problems and northern India. Delhi: Concept Publishers.

issues. B.B. Lal and S.C. Malik, eds. Simla: Vats, M.S., 1940

Indian Institute of Advanced Study. Excavations at Harappa. 2 vols. Delhi: GovernSuraj Bhan, 1969 ment of India. Excavations at Mitathal (Hissar), 1968. Journal of ,

SHEREEN RATNAGAR | 23. The Location of Harappa

MOHENJODARO and Harappa (Fig. 23.1) are the and other more southerly passes, were major factors largest known Harappan settlements. The artifactual in the location of Mohenjodaro:' remains at these sites indicate that a significant pro- Where Harappa is concerned, the eccentricity of portion of their inhabitants were engaged in activities location appears to be even more marked. Aside other than food production: that, in fact, they were from Chak Purbane Syal and Vainiwal, the nearest truly urban in character. Reference here is to the known cluster of settlements lies in Cholistan, some

public buildings including public stores, the evidence 150 kilometers to the south. , for manufacturing, the exceptionally large number of Vats (1940: 1) believed that in the Harappan times

seals, and the wide range of materials excavated at Montgomery District was watered by several

the two sites. streams: two branches of the Ravi, an old course of

These two cities seem to have been headquarters the Beas, two minor streams, as well as the Sutlej. for administration, collection points for tax or tri- There is no evidence, of course, for necessarily dating bute, production centers for particular goods and the these old channels to the third millennium. But there loci of exchanges. They are also located in river is no reason to doubt that, at the regional level, land valleys with a fairly uniform distribution of resources utilization in Sind during the third millennium would and where there are no barriers to communication. have presented a contrast to that in southwestern Given these situations one would expect both cities to Punjab, just as it does today. The Indus in Sind is be located within easy access to rural Harappan agegrading its bed and flows on a ridge higher than the settlements; in other words, to be centrally located surrounding plain. Thus, flood waters flow out to an with smaller settlements surrounding them on all appreciable distance from both banks of the river. In — sides. But this is not so, especially in the case of the lower Punjab, however, the rivers are entrenched

Harappa. and the strip of new alluvium available along their

Data on Harappan site location in the greater banks for farming is significantly narrower than in.

Indus Valley reveal two regions with relatively dense Sind. Nineteenth century reports on Montgomery settlements: the lower Sarasvati Valley, and lower District describe vast tracts of land between the annuSind. Mohenjodaro is not located at the center of a _ ally flooded tracts of the Ravi and Sutlej. These could polygonal or circular field. There are few sites to its. not be cultivated but only put to seasonal pasture north or west. Jhukar does lie on the Larkana plains § (Gazetteer of the Montgomery District 1884). Thus but Judeirjodaro, near Jacobabad, and Pathiani Kot _ village communities, as such, did not exist in the arid at the mouth of the Mula Pass, appear to be outposts “bars” of the southern Punjab until the introduction rather than satellites of Mohenjodaro. Mohenjodaro of canal irrigation during the British rule. Compact was located in the northern part of the Harappan- villages with joint claims over land only developed in occupied area of Sind. Historically, Larkana has been the fertile riverine tracts which benefited from annual the most productive region of Sind. Thus local fertil- flooding. Nomadic herding was the dominant occupa-

ity, as well as access to trade routes over the Bolan tion in the harsh environment of the “bars”

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Pe - Fig. 23. 1. Sketch map of the Indus Plains.

The Location of Harappa 263 (Bharadwaj 1961: 157).2 Harappa appears to have plains. Traffic between the mountains to the west and

been located to the north of the zone of high the upper plains ‘has traditionally flowed through agricultural productivity, and near the southern limits Dera Ismail Khan and Dera Ghazi Khan. Multan, a

of the pastoral region. ° frontier city of the medieval period, is connected to What could have been the factors which influenc- both places by good routes; the Chenab being forded the location of Harappa? It is not surprising that able in its vicinity. Routes move up the Ravi from the central place theory does not explain spatial rela- Multan to Harappa, and thence some 60 kilometers tionships in the Harappan Period since it is predicated southeast to Pakpattan. This has been the traditional on the predominance of rural marketing in situations ferry point on the Sutlej for centuries, and is an where demand is diffused uniformly over the region important stage on routes connecting the Punjab with and where perfect competition is assumed. An the Sarasvati Valley. Alternately, a winter caravan alternative model is the “‘gateway city.” This is a part route has traditionally moved from Dera Ismail Khan of a settlement system characterized not by centrality to Jhang, Kamalia, Harappa, Pakpattan and thence and the interstitial placing of sites, but by dendritic to Delhi (Gazetteer of Montgomery District 1884: networks where lower level centers are tributary to 147-48, 184-85). only one higher level center—not to more than one as Thus, Harappa is in a situation of maximum in central place systems. With primate cities function- advantage for procuring goods from the mountain ing as ““gateways”’ the networks connecting the settle- zones west, northwest and northeast of the upper ment points are like elongated fans radiating from the Indus plains. Consider also the existence of Harapprimate city. The points are linked to the latter, pan settlements in the Gomal Valley, at Manda near rather than to each other except along routes. Such Akhnoor, where the Chenab becomes navigable, and systems are connected with long distance trade and at Ropar (Rupar) on the Sutlej at the foot of the bulk shipment rather than with local exchange or Siwaliks, just a few miles below the point where that retail networks. This is especially true in regions river becomes navigable. One may thus imagine a where the economy has a strong external orientation. dendritic fan with its apex at Harappa. This fan The primate city sees the convergence of commodity spreads out from northwest to northeast, and in turn flows, and functions as a redistributive or wholesaling feeds the core Harappan regions in the lower center as the case may be. In such a system the pri- Sarasvati and Sind. mate city is located at a point where it can control the The materials known at the Harappan sites that movements of goods: at a break of bulk point, at an could have been procured along this network would important river crossing, or at the junction of several include lapis lazuli from Badakhshan (via the Gomal natural routes. It forms the major link between the Valley), deodar wood from the Himalayan temperate core territory and the peripheral region or external forests, pine wood from the Himalayan ranges east of world. (See Burghardt 1971; Smith 1976; Kelley Kashmir, elm wood from the subtropical Himalayas

1976; Hirth 1978.) east of Dehra Dun, copper and steatite from the

If Harappa functioned as a gateway city, rather Zhob Valley (Mughal 1970: 194), placer gold from ,

than as a central place, one would expect that trans- the upper reaches of the Chenab, and perhaps copper portation functions and facilities would outweigh the from scattered deposits in the Simla and Kangra importance of manufactures there. It is very difficult regions. to glean information from the excavation report re- More detailed work is necessary for the substantigarding manufacturing at Harappa—other than the ation of this hypothesis, and it should be noted that presence of sixteen furnaces on Mound F. In contrast, the paucity of sites in the vicinity of Harappa may be.a ~ Mohenjodaro has evidence for the manufacture of factor of chance survival or discovery. If, however, pottery, copper/bronze, gold ornaments, and agate this hypothesis is correct it will indicate that at least at beads. Ivory carving, shell working and possibly tex- Harappa, the processes of urban growth were related

tile dyeing are also attested. less to increasing rural productivity and the prolifera-

It is significant that several routes of historical uon of local exchange systems than to redistributional importance converge on Harappa. The rivers of the mechanisms and an external trade orientation. That Indus system provide natural waterways and routes of the Harappans exported several kinds of goods to communication from the Himalayan region to the Mesopotamia is well known. What needs greater

264 _. Shereen Ratnagar emphasis is the fact that many of these goods were not that Judeirjodaro and Rakhigarhi, relatively large local products in the strictest sense, but were pro- Harappan settlements located near the peripheries of cured from regions outside the Indus plains. the settled plains, also functioned as ‘“‘gateway cities”’ Harappa is an obvious case, but if this hypothesis though on a smaller scale.

is to stand one will need to consider the possibility _ NOTES |

'The location of Shikarpur, an important town of (Naqvi and Rahamatullah 1962; Almad 1963) which Sind in the historical period, perhaps provides an crosses lower Punjab approximately west to east. It

analogy to the location of Mohenjodaro. would be useful to know what that isohyet signifies in To the best of my knowledge southwestern terms of the original forest cover and the problems of Punjab to the west of the Sutlej was not settled by the land clearance. I am grateful to Marcia Fentress for

Painted Gray Ware producing people either. bringing this fact to my attention. 3Harappa lies near the 25 centimeter isohyet

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Ahmad, K.S., 1963 Regional Organization of Navajo Trading-Posts. Land Use in the Semi-arid Zone of West Pakistan. In Regional Analysis. C. Smith, ed. pp. 214-19.

Pakistan Geographical Review 18: 1-18. New York: Academic Press.

Bharadwaj, O.P., 1961 Mughal, M.R., 1970

The Arid Zone of India and Pakistan. In A His- The Early Harappan Period in the Greater Indus tory of Land Use in Arid Regions. L. Dudley Valley and Northern Baluchistan (3000-2400 B.c.).

Stamp, ed. Pp. 143-74. Paris: UNESCO. Ph.D. dissertation. Anthropology Department,

Burdhardt, A.F., 1971 University of Pennsylvania.

A Hypothesis about Gateway Cities. Annals of Naqvi, S.N. and M. Rahamatullah, 1962 the Association of American Geographers. 61: Weather and Climate of Pakistan. Pakistan Geo-

269-85. graphical Review 17: 1-18.

Gazetteer of the Montgomery District, 1884 Smith, C., 1976

Punjab Government Gazetteer of the Montgomery Regional Economic Systems: Linking Geographi-

District 1883/84. Lahore: Government of India. cal Models and Socioeconomic Problems. In

Hirth, K., 1978 Regional Analysis. C. Smith, ed. Pp. 3-61. New Interregional Trade and the Formation of York: Academic Press.

Prehistoric Gateway Communities. American Vats, M.S., 1940

Antiquity 43: 35-45. Excavations at Harappa. 2 vols. Delhi: GovernKelley, L., 1976 ment of India. Dendritic Central-Place Systems and _ the

, |¢ . )

DILIP K. CHAKRABARTI

24. “Long Barrel-Cylinder’ Beads and the Issue of Pre-Sargonic Contact between the Harappan Civilization and Mesopotamia

Ernest Mackay has discussed and illustrated long beads. And unlike the latter, which are also known to barrel-cylinder beads from both Mohenjodaro and occur in later Indian historic contexts, this bead type

Chanhudaro (see Table 24.1, Fig. 24.1 and Pl. 24.2). died with the Indus Civilization. , There is also a mention of these beads in H.C. Beck’s This type has been found in various stages of report (1940) on selected beads from Harappa. manufacture at Chanhudaro. Apart from carnelian it Because of the lack of suitable publications it is is also known in pottery, often with a red slip. The difficult to locate this bead type at other excavated specimens in pottery are obviously poor men’s imitaHarappan sites. But even on the basis of its occur- tion of the carnelian variety. There is also at least one rence at Mohenjodaro, Chanhudaro and Harappa it specimen from Mohenjodaro in a dark green chalcemay be said that this is a distinct Indus bead type, as dony called plasma. Similar specimens have not been distinctive in its own way as the etched carnelian reported from Chanhudaro or Harappa. Table 24.1. Long barrel-cylinder beads at Harappan sites

Mohenjodaro

Mackay 1931: 511-12 Pl. CXLV, 24-32 Pl. CLI, b

Mackay 1938: 512-13 Pl. LXXXII, 9-10

Pl. 32, 40 Sa Pl. CXI, CXXXVI, 9,Rete 17 | tata ee ten Pl. CXXXIX, 65, 72, 78 (see |

. Fig.Pl. 1) 9 REESE aE CXXXVIII, 2047 alana Pl.24. CXXXVII, (see |

Fig. 24.1) . |

Chanhudaro

Mackay 1943: of 203-204 Pl.36.1507 XCHI,and 1436.1564 (Cin wrnee Boston Museum Fine Arts (see aonee nn nen a= Pl. 24.1)

Harappa Fig. 24.1. Long barrel-cylinder beads from Mohenjodaro. From Beck 1940: 400 Pl. CXXXI, 2a, b top to bottom: Mackay 1938: Pl. CXXXIX, nos. 65. 72, 78 and PI. CXXXVII, no. 47. Scale: ca. 1:1.

266 Dilip K. Chakrabarti The carnelian variety is discussed in the present in the Indus Valley Civilization”? (Mackay 1931: 511,

context. These beads are long, being anything from note 2).

about two to three inches. Ernest Mackay aptly It may be noted that this carnelian bead type christened the type as “long barrel-cylinder.’’ The occurs along with etched carnelian beads at Kish. distinctive feature is a barrel-like swelling in the Regarding these etched beads a recent researcher is middle. The west Asiatic significance of this bead- of the opinion that they are found in Cemetery A and

type was first noticed by Mackay himself. do not seem to have been imported after Early This type of bead is of unusual interest, as similar Dynastic IIB (During Caspers 1971: 88).' Obviously beads found at Kish have been dated to the pre- this chronological range should apply as well to the Sargonic period. As, however, beads of this type long barrel-cylinder carnelian beads at this site and were uncommon in early Mesopotamia and fairly —_—sthere is seemingly no doubt about Mackay’s Preplentiful at Mohenjodaro, in both the Late and Sar gonic dating of this bead type there.

Intermediate periods, there is reason to think that The Pre-S ‘och locv for this Indus bead they were made in India and exported to Meso- ne Fre-sargonie Chronology tor t Is indus dea

potamia. They have apparently not been found in type is also confirmed by its presence in the Royal

Elam (Mackay 1931: 511-12). Graves at Ur. It is clear from Beck’s statement cited It was Beck (1940: 400) who drew. attention to thisItcarlies found “a very few similar beads ; rom Ur.” has that notWoolley been possible to locate them in

after Mackay. In the publications Harappa collection ; “yee ,, “ ot . 4, oolley’s on Ur, he butnoticed a studyWw of the Beck

two “very interesting’ exceptionally long barrel lection in the Haddon Museum. Cambridge leaves

beads of carnelian. He wrote:no comecnon ih na _) B doubt of their occurrence in the Royal Graves.

These beads are exactly similar in shape to some There are four unmistakably Indus long barrelfrom Mesopotamia; but the latter are shorter, = cylinder carnelian beads in that collection. The 129 from Harappa must have been over three- museum record on them is not detailed but is clear and-a-half inches long and some from Mohenjo- enough for one’s purpose: daro are over five inches long. Sir Leonard No. 47.2215 B: one specimen. There is no detailed

rarely exceeding two inches in length, whilst no. ; . ; ,

Woolley, however, states that a very few similar record except that it is from the Royal Graves at Ur.

beads from Ur are nearly four inches long. 1933-34 is noted as the excavation season. It is somewhat curious that the significance of this No. 47.2116: two specimens. There is no specific bead-type as a possible item in the Indus-West Asia record except that they are from Ur. The year

contact has been subsequently ignored. mentioned is 1927-28.

The Kish analogies of this bead-type suggested by No. 48.2411: one specimen. It is supposed to be Mackay were reported in his own report in 1929. from the “Early Sumerian” Period at Ur. The year

A favourite shape for carnelian beads is the long noted 1s 1928-29. :;

one shown on either side of the decorated bead in In the University Museum, Philadelphia, there Pl. XLIII, no. 9. These beads, 5.50 and 4.90cm in are at least four carnelian beads of this type, apart length, are beautifully made and finished. The from three more similar beads of an unidentified boring of their holes, which was performed from material (Pl. 24.2). both ends, 1S extremely well cone. Similar beads Museum no. 30-12-566: three specimens. The necklaces from other burials, but the longer ones author could not identify the very dark green stone are on the whole rather rare, and are only to be used for these beads (PI. 24.2a). found in the more important graves (Mackay Museum no. 30-12-567: one specimen. Carnelian

1929: 184). (Pl. 24.2b).

At Kish the same bead form was also found made Museum no. 32-40-227: two specimens; one com-

of lapis lazuli. plete, one broken. Carnelian (PI. 24.2c).

Regarding this type in carnelian, Mackay went to Expedition no. U 17745: one specimen. Carthe extent of asserting that he regarded these carne- nelian. , lian beads as important from the point of view of The Museum records for these beads indicate that dating Mohenjodaro. ““They seem not to have been they belong to the Akkadian graves at Ur. Those with worn in Babylonia later than ca. 27008.c. and are also museum numbers 30-12-566 and 30-12-567 are from unknown in India, as far as one can ascertain, except private grave 1422 which has been dated by Buchanan

Pre-Sargonic Contact between the Harappan Civilization and Mesopotamia 267 (1954) to the Post-Akkadian Period. Maxwell- for Pre-Sargonic contact between the Harappan CiviHyslop (1974: 67, Pl. 48a, c) in her study of West lization and Mesopotamia. The purpose of this exerAsian jewelry has illustrated four of these specimens cise will be directed toward corroborating the (University Museum nos. 30-12-566, 567) and she has evidence furnished by the etched and iong barrelput them under “the Guti-Gudea period, Third cylinder carnelian beads for Pre-Sargonic interaction. Dynasty of Ur to the Isin-Larsa Dynasties, 2250-1894 A piece of evidence which immediately comes to B.c.”’ (Maxwell-Hyslop 1974: 67). In any case, if our mind is the steatite/chlorite vessel-fragment from the

study is correct, the carnelian long barrel-cylinder lower levels of Mohenjodaro. This belongs to an beads were known at Ur from the Pre-Sargonic intercultural style of vessels which, as P. Kohl has Period to the Akkadian or even the Isin-Larsa demonstrated, are ‘“‘best dated to the end of Early

Period. Dynastic II-Early Dynastic IIIA” (Kohl 1974: 271).

There are two additional sites of interest outside There are two more steatite/chlorite pieces which Mesopotamia: Susa and Jalalabad. The occurrence of were reported from Tell Agrab in the Diyala region long barrel-cylinder carnelian beads at these sites has Mesopotamia by Henry Frankfort in 1936 and 1937 been reported (Chakrabarti and Moghadam 1977). (Frankfort 1936, 1937). These have been generally The specimens are housed in the Tehran Museum. ignored in the recent literature on the subject. For

There is only one specimen from Susa (Tehran instance, none of the three recent bibliographies of Museum necklace no. 11726). There are three comp- the Indus Civilization even mentions these publicalete specimens and two broken ones from Jalalabad tions by Frankfort (Pande and Ramachandran 1971; (Tehran Museum necklace nos. 26040 and 26036). Brunswig 1973; Possehl 1979). In his first report on The museum record only mentions the sites from Tell Agrab in 1936 Frankfort published two frag-

where. these specimens came. The material from ments of a steatite vase belonging to the Early Jalalabad, which also contains etched carnelian Dynastic Period. Frankfort writes: beads, is a part of the surface collection. As far as one While the human figure on the one fragment is could ascertain, there is only one published reference purely Mesopotamian, the scene on the other to a site called Jalalabad in Iran. It is near Persepolis hand is as certainly alien to Sumerian art and and is shown as number 32 on Paul Gotch’s survey of religion. This shows the building in front of which Bakun AS sites on the Fars Plain (Gotch 1971: Fig. 1). the figure is seated. The facade is mostly lost, but

, just connects the two sherds. Inside the building

Bakun A5 Ware is supposed to continue up to the we see a large humped bull standing in front of a middle of the third millennium s.c., and thus the manger. Now, the wild ox and the water buffalo Harappan contact at the site is not surprising. Inci- were indigenous toMesopotamia: the humped dentally, this evidence of interaction, in the form of bull was not. Moreover, no scene which could be two types of Indus beads (etched carnelian and long iInterpretec as a rendering of animal worship is barrel-cylinder carnelian) at Jalalabad is particularly Mesopotamian setting the rendering of an Indian

; ; f . nown in Mesopotamia. We find in an entirely

significant because the route between Tepe Yahya cult.

and Susa, two well-known points of Indus contact in Gordon Childe (1964: 170) subsequently wrote southern Iran, must have passed along the Fars Plain. that the style of the vase could be used to date it to It would be well worth a visit for those interested in Early Dynastic III. He also accepted the Indus signithe Indus-West Asia relationships to explore this site. ficance suggested by Frankfort. Another authority There are thus four sites in West Asia with Indus who agrees with Frankfort’s conclusion on this point

long barrel-cylinder carnelian beads: Kish, Ur, is Max Mallowan (1965: 22). Jalalabad and Susa. Each of these sites has also pro- In 1937 Frankfort reported a painted pot from duced etched carnelian beads. At both Ur and Kish Tell Agrab which also belonged to the Early Dynastic the earliest occurrence of this bead type is Pre- period and confirmed, according to him, the evidence

Sargonic which is the earliest context for etched of the stone vase found in the previous season. The carnelian beads. The long barrel-cylinder carnelian painted frieze on the pot shows: pean’ are thus one of the earliest pieces of evidence A bull tethered inside a building, and it is difficult or Indus-Mesopotamia contact, and Mackay’s origi not to connect the three female figures, who seem

nal postulate seems to be amply vindicated. to be beating cymbals or tambourines with some

At this point I want to recount the basic evidence ceremony of worship, the central feature of which

268 Dilip K. Chakrabarti is the bull.... Neither the texts nor other monu- note is the Pre-Sargonic character of the signs along ments have so far supplied us with evidence about with the rectangular shape of the seal which is alien to this curious feature, which is shown, by the seals the Mesopotamian repertoire. There is another

from Mohenjodaro and Harappa, to have been . ; quite usual in India. rectangular seal (bearing only a scorpion and a sign of

writing) from Private Grave no. 791 in the Royal It is possible to argue that the evidence cited by Cemetery at Ur (Woolley 1934: 568, Pl. 192). This Frankfort is not conclusive; but when viewed in the grave, according to Woolley, is ‘“‘clearly dated by

total context of the Pre-Sargonic occurrence of external evidence to the time of Shub-ad’’ (1934:

etched and long barrel-cylinder carnelian beads and 568). ,

the intercultural style vessel fragment from the lower To sum up, with the long barrel-cylinder carnelian levels of Mohenjodaro, this evidence from Tell beads as a starting point the present paper has tried to Agrab makes good sense. Incidentally, the design ofa underline different pieces of the evidence for Prebull seated in front of a temple facade is a common Sargonic Indus-Mesopotamia contact. The primary

enough motif on ritual metal vessels sold in Hindu data, as noted, belong to three categories: long

pilgrim centers even today. barrel-cylinder and etched carnelian beads and the

Another piece of evidence may be interesting in steatite/chlorite vessel fragment with mat or basket the present context. This was published by Charles weave from the lower levels of Mohenjodaro. AttenFabri (1937). He reported a short (only three signs) tion has also been drawn to Frankfort’s, Childe’s and inscription on a vessel from Mohenjodaro. These Mallowan’s opinions on the Indus character of the signs do not obviously resemble any of the signs of the Early Dynastic vase from Agrab. This vase has how-

Indus script. Fabri did, however, find them in ever been treated by Kohl as a part of the interMercer’s Sumero-Babylonian Sign List. The identi- cultural style vessels with “figure” motifs. He is fications (and Fabri’s translation) were sent to, and doubtful of the Indian characterization of the endorsed by, Franz M. Th. Bohl who is mentioned by humped bull: ‘“Today the bulls of the Soghun valley Fabri as “‘the world-famous Assyriologist of Lyden are humped, and it may be possible to prove that they University.” Fabri’s translation need not concern one existed at Tepe Yahya as carly as its initial occupa-

here, but what is significant in the present context Is tion” (Kohl 1974: 168). However, as has been Fabri’s suggestion that the shape of characters indi- emphasized, what makes this vase (and the Tell cates that they ‘“‘cannot be older than 2800 (s.c.) by Agrab painted pot) interesting is not merely the any means, and that it is much more likely that it humped bull but also the general composition with belongs to a period not far removed from 2500 B.c.”’ the suggestion of a religious association which recalls

As far as one can determine, this publication and India. , scrutiny.” , ‘““Sumero-Babylonian”’ inscription from the Mohenopinion of Fabri have not been subject to close No inference can yet be made from Fabri’s

Finally, in view of all this evidence the so-called jodaro jar; but surely this publication deserves far Pre-Sargonic rectangular seal with a buil and an in- more careful scrutiny than it has been accorded so far. scription in three or four signs, found virtually on the Finally, two rectangular seals in Pre-Sargonic context surface at Ur (Gadd 1932: 3) merits some attention. | have been discussed for the simple reason that the

According to Gadd the signs “are in any case rectangular shape in itself suggests the Harappan

pre-Sargonic’”’ (Gadd 1932: 4). There is, however, Civilization. ,

nothing specifically Indus about the seal except the One may note in conclusion that the basic theoretbull and the distinctive rectangular shape. It 1s possi- ical significance of Pre-Sargonic contact between the ble to agree with Gadd that this may be an adaptation Harappan Civilization and Mesopotamia is that it from the Harappan type either at Ur or at a place makes it possible to visualize the growth of urbaniza“under the influence both of the Indus and of the tion in India at virtually the same time as Sumer. Sumerian civilization” (Gadd 1932: 5). The point to

Pre-Sargonic Contact between the Harappan Civilization and Mesopotamia 269 NOTES

‘During Caspers’ comparison of a small stone eral knowledge of Baluchistan at this time.

head from a presumably Harappan level of Dabar *The present author sought the opinion of J.V. Kot with an Early Dynastic Sumerian sculpture from Kinnier-Wilson in this matter. He disagreed with the Diyala Valley (During Caspers 1963) is suggestive Fabri’s suggestion of ‘“‘Sumero-Babylonian”’ affinity of a Pre-Sargonic contact between the Indus Valley for these signs. But, the signs do not seem to be purely and Mesopotamia. This stylistic argument is interest- Harappan and considering that Fabri had the backing _

ing, but cannot be treated as conclusive given the of a professional Assyriologist the issue is perhaps nature of the evidence from Dabar Kot and our gen- deserving of a review from both sides at this time.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Beck, H.C., 1940 chariot and art relics from an Early Dynastic temReport on Selected Beads from Harappa. In ple with indications of bull worship and communiExcavations at Harappa. M.S. Vats, Vol. 1. Pp. cations with ancient India. J/lustrated London

392-412. Delhi: Government of India. News. November 6: 792-95.

Brunswig, Robert H., 1973 Gadd, C.J., 1932

A Comprehensive Bibliography of the Indus Seals of Ancient Indian Style Found at Ur. Pro- — Civilization. Asian Perspectives 16: 75-111. ceedings of the British Academy 18: 1-22.

Buchanan, B. 1954 Gotch, P., 1971

The date of the so-called ‘Second dynasty”’ graves _ Bakun AS5 Pottery. Bulletin of the Asia Institute of of the Royal Cemetry at Ur. Journal of the Ameri- Pahlavi University, Shiraz 2: 73-90.

can Oriental Society 74. Kohl, P., 1974

Chakrabarti, Dilip K. and Parveen Moghadm, 1977 Seeds of Upheaval: The production of chlorite at Some Unpublished Indus Beads from Iran. [ran Tepe Yahya and an analysis of commodity produc-

15: 166-68. tion and trade in southwest Asia in the third millenChilde, V.G., 1964 nium. Ph.D. dissertation, Anthropology DepartNew Light on the Most Ancient East. Revised ment, Harvard University.

edition. New York: Praeger. Mackay, E.J.H., 1929

During Caspers, E.C.L., 1963 A Sumerian Palace and the ‘A’ Cemetery at Kish, A Male Head Found at Dabar Kot. Antiquity 37: Mesopotamia. Anthropology Memoirs, I (2).

294. Chicago: Field Museum of Natural History.

During Caspers, E.C.L., 1971 Mackay, E.J.H., 1931

' Etched Carnelian Beads. Bulletin of the Institute Personal Ornaments. In Mohenjodaro and the of Archaeology 10. London: London University. Indus Civilization. J. Marshall, ed. Vol. 2, Pp.

Fabri, C.L., 1937 , 509-48. London: Arthur Probsthain. A Sumero-Babylonian Inscription Discovered at Mackay, E.J.H., 1938

Mohenjodaro. /ndian Culture 3: 662-73. | Further Excavations at Mohenjodaro. 2 vols.

Frankfort, H., 1936 Delhi: Government of India.

A New Site in Mesopotamia: Tell Agrab, temples Mackay, E.J.H., 1943 |

deserted 5000 years ago and a wealth of art relics, Chanhudaro Excavations, 1935-36. American including fresh proof of Indo-Sumerian cultural Oriental Series 20. New Haven: American Orien-

associations. Illustrated London News. tal Society. oO September 12: 432-36. Mallowan, M., 1965 Frankfort, H., 1937 Early Mesopotamia and Iran. London: Thames Revelations of Early Mesopotamian Culture. and Hudson. : New Discoveries at Tell Agrab: An ass-drawn

270 | : Dilip K. Chakrabarti Maxwell-Hyslop, K.R., 1974 tion. In Ancient Cities of the Indus. G.L. Possehl, Western Asiatic Jewellery. Reprinted edition. ed. Pp. 363-422. Delhi: Vikas.

London: Metheun. Woolley, L., 1934

Pande, B.M. and K.S. Ramchandran, 1971 Ur Excavations Il. The Royal Cemetery. London Bibliography of the Harappan Culture. Florida: and Philadelphia: The British Museum and the

Field Research Projects. , University Museum. .

Possehl, G.L., 1979 An Extensive Bibliography of the Indus Civiliza-

SHASHI ASTHANA

25. Harappan Trade in Metals and Minerals:

A Regional Approach |

THE Harappans, like the Sumerians, made many arti- duction unit, which procured raw materials from | cles fashioned from a variety of metals and minerals neighboring areas or distant places, worked for the including semiprecious stones. The area most closely distribution unit which serviced outside markets.

identified with the Harappan Civilization is, how- There is a frustrating paucity of published geologiever, nearly devoid of these products which seem to cal and mineralogical information on Iran, Afghanihave been so essential to the functioning of this urban stan, Pakistan, and neighboring countries. Neverthe-

system. Thus the Harappans, once again like the less, the known source areas for the metals and Sumerians, were involved in a complex trading semiprecious stones which have been found at Harap_ system which allowed them access to these metals and pan sites, (e.g., lapis lazuli, turquoise, steatite/chlominerals and the means for their internal distribution. rite, carnelian, gold, silver, lead, copper and tin) have

The primary sources for the products under discus- been plotted. In the process it has been shown that sion appear to have been Baluchistan, Afghanistan, the exploitation pattern was essentially regional. The Iran, Soviet Central Asia, the lands bordering the distribution pattern of rare minerals and metals was Persian Gulf as well as interior, peninsular India centralized, however, since their procurement could (Fig. 25.1). Products such as lapis lazuli, chlorite/ not be diffused.

steatite and turquoise have already been discussed in

detail as individual components of this commerce SEMIPRECIOUS STONE : (e.g., Herrmann 1966, 1968; Kohl 1975, 1976; Tosi

1974). But to the best of my knowledge no integrated Lapis Lazuli ,

picture of the Harappan exploitation and trade in Lapis lazuli was in great demand in Mesopotamia metals and minerals has yet been attempted. It is where it was used for personal adornment and for the hoped that this paper will make some progress in this decoration of temples. It was also prized by the direction by highlighting two important aspects: (1) Harappans. This stone is first documented during the the extent to which the Harappans exploited these Pre- and Early Harappan times and it continued to be

resources directly and/or indirectly, and (2) the used through the Late Harappan Period. Beads of extent to which archaeological remains outside the lapis lazuli have been found in Baluchistan at Harappan Culture area help in visualizing the pattern Nal (Hargraves 1929: 34, 43), Kulli (Stein 1931: 123),

of natural resource exploitation and trade. Mehi (Stein 1931: 158) and Shahi Tump (Stein 1931: These aspects are dealt with in the framework 96). In the greater Indus Valley, Rahman Dheri developed elsewhere (Asthana 1979a: 31-47). There (Durrani 1977), Sarai Khola (Halim 1972a, 1972), it has been shown that two major units of trade'— Jalilpur (Mughal 1974: 112), Gumla (Dani 1970-71:

production and distribution—were used by the 86), Amri (Casal 1964: 154-55), Pandi Wahi Harappans to strengthen their commerce. The pro- (Majumdar 1934: 13), Jnukar (Majumdar 1934: 13),

| Neg | | a

XXX _

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e Ge ,

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aa Ul FULLOL @- / 3 “* e a va 7 % ( ( MUNDIGAK | HARAPPA |e Cy Hat @ OJALILPUR N SOKHTA @° @

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X TURQUOISE BN A | ¥ | TURQUOISE [Historical Period) / eh | ,

_ . | a DAIMABAD | M GoLD on re) * SILVER oN LEE a@(LEAD © ae \ a» for compen \ a was AM +| “\TIN” -reieYS, a as | KOLAR ie: yoo Fig. 25. 1. Harappan sources of metals and minerals.

Harappan Trade in Metals and Minerals 273 Mohenjodaro (Marshall 1931: 542-43, 571), Chanhu- It is a reasonably established fact that Badakshan daro (Mackay 1943: 203, 207, 209; Majumdar, 1934: was supplying lapis lazuli to the whole of West and 40), Harappa (Vats 1940: 59, 403, 413, 441) and South Asia. Discovery of the Harappan trading posts Balakot (Dales 1979b: 50) have yielded the lapis at Shortugai, near Ai-Khanum in Afghanistan (Lyonlazuli beads. Lapis beads and pendants were found in net 1977) indicates that the Harappans were present limited. quantities at Kalibangan (Chakrabarti 1978: in this region and were familiar with this source. Still, 53) in Rajasthan, Lothal in Gujarat (Rao 1973: 102), the limited quantity of lapis objects at Harappan Surkotada in Kutch (Joshi unpublished) and Bana- settlements poses a peculiar problem. If the Harap-

wali (Bisht 1978: 88) in Haryana. The trading impor- pans were exploiting this source why aren’t there | tance of lapis lazuli cannot be denied since it has been more lapis objects at their settlements? It appears found on all the important excavated Harappan sites, that during the Pre-Harappan times the lapis trade

beginning from the Pre-Harappan times. was in other hands, possibly the people of Shahr-i The source areas for this semiprecious stone are Sokhta, and when the Harappans came, they took eastern Siberia—the Pamirs and an area near Lake over (Gupta 1979). Archaeological evidence at Baikal (Webster, 1975: 219-22); Afghanistan— Sokhta also shows that by 2300 B.c. the trade in lapis Badakshan (Herrmann 1968) and a few hypothetical had declined considerably there. This is possibly a Iranian and Indian sources (Chakrabarti 1978). The reflection of Harappan activity. Cuneiform texts from eastern Siberian sources do not produce as fine a Mesopotamia (Leemans 1960), which list lapis as one

quality of stone as the one used by the Harappans. of the commodities coming from Meluhha, further : Further, these sources were probably beyond the affirm the contention that the Harappans were fully practical reach of the Harappans due to the great involved in the lapis trade. They may even have been distances. The Iranian and Indian sources are known the main suppliers. They probably brought this mateto us only from literary documents and have not been rial up the Makran Coast to Sutkagendor and shipped confirmed by geological survey. Thus, while the it from there to Mesopotamia, and places like Shah-

Iranian literary sources locate lapis mines in dad in Kirman (Asthana 1979b). To reach Shahdad Mazanderan and Dizmar in Azerbaijan as well as they may have used the Bampur Valley and the Kirman (Hamd-Allah Mustawfi of Qazvin 1919: 197), Kirman gap. Thus, the Harappans appear to have the geological survey reports are absolutely silent on been the primary exporters, and not the consumers, the subject. The well-known mines of Afghanistan of lapis and lapis objects, and this is the reason that are thus the most likely sources. These are located in Harappan towns have yielded the stone, but not in an the Kerano Munjan District of Badakshan Province appreciable quantity. This view is somewhat at variin the Hindu Kush (Herrmann 1968: 21-57). This is an ance with that held by Chakrabarti (1978) and others.

inhospitable country of bare mountains and deep

ravines. A group of four mines is situated in the Turquoise Kerano Munjan Valley, altitudes ranging between Only a few Harappan sites have yielded tur2000 and 5500 meters (Herrmann 1968: 22): quoise, and it does not appear to have been a very.

1) Chilmak popular item with them. It is not found in India

2) Shaga-Darra-i-Robat-i-Paskaran though there are literary sources of the historical

3) Stormy period which state that it could be found in the Ajmer 4) Sar-i-Sang Hills of Rajputana. Mohenjodaro (Marshall 1931: In 1964 an Oxford University expedition examin- 523, 525) Rahman Dheri (Durrani 1977) and Mehr-

ed these ancient works (Herrmann 1968: 24) and garh (Jarrige and Lechevallier 1979) are so far the found that Sar-i-Sang is the only mine which is in use only sites to have yielded turquoise and these were today. Unfortunately no remains of the Protohistoric just a few in the form of beads. This may indicate that Period were found during this visit. These settlements the Harappans obtained the finished beads and not were perhaps washed away by the eroding river just the raw material. In other words, turquoise may not as happened to a recently abandoned village called have figured as an item in organized trade. Lajvar Shui. In any case the lapis from these mines Turquoise comes from the mountainous territory could easily have been taken on tracks to the north or of the inner Kyzyl Kum and the mountains of Hak

south, following the course of the Kokcha River. (Karamazar) in ancient Khodjent (Leninabad),

274 Shashi Asthana located along the upper reaches of the Syr Darya in 116) however, suggests that Karnataka might have Soviet Central Asia (Tosi 1974). According to Hole supplied this material to the Indus people via the and Flannery (1968: 179) and Wright (1969: 55) contemporary Neolithic people of the Deccan. In during prehistoric times turquoise came from the return they may have obtained copper tools and steawell-known sources near Nishapur in Iran. Several tite disc beads. To support his theory he uses two deposits have also been reported between Kirman points: (1) the disc beads of burnt steatite found at the and Yazd and there is evidence of early working at Chalcolithic/Neolithic sites of the Karnataka/Andhra these sites (Pogue 1915: 40). Literary sources also region are identical to Harappan wafer beads, and (2) attest this. According to Pliny (Book XXXVII, Chap. the occurrence of parallel-sided stone blades and 33) Carmania was a source of callaina (turquoise). evolved Harappan ceramic types in a form of Black Marco Polo also mentions the presence of turquoise and Red Ware at Singanapalli, Pusalapadu, etc., in in Kirman (Sykes 1902: 265). It is thus somewhat Kurnool District may indicate interaction. puzzling that with turquoise so amply available in Another promising steatite source is in northern Iran the Harappan towns did not make more exten- Baluchistan and the adjoining areas. The Zhob

sive use of it. District has two localities, the largest of which occurs

As the evidence stands to date Mehrgarh VI has about 50 kilometers north of Fort Sandeman (Pithayielded a few turquoise beads (Jarrige and Lecheval- wala 1952: 202). There is evidence that these were lier 1979) along with those of lapis lazuli. The beads mined in the ancient past. Chlorite is available in the appear to have come to the site in finished form. Kirman region of Iran, near the Soghun Valley (Kohl Shahr-i Sokhta II (Tosi 1974: 147-62) has evidence for 1976: 74) and also in western Saudi Arabia (Golda workshop for lapis and turquoise as does Mundigak smith 1971: 54). III (Jarrige and Lechevallier 1979). It is thus possible The most important objects made of steatite/chlothat Mehrgarh got its turquoise beads from Shahr-i rite are stone vases like those found from Mari to the Sokhta or Mundigak. The turquoise beads at Mohen- Indus. The exact places of production of these objects jodaro could have come from either of these sources, and the sources of raw material are imperfectly but Mundigak is possibly the more likely since it was known; however there is at least one major workshop in regular contact with the Harappans as is evident at Tepe Yahya in the Soghun Valley which is very rich from several objects of Harappan type that were in this raw material. From this evidence it is clear that found there. Sokhta may also have been the source some chlorite was mined in the southern part of Iran for at least some of the turquoise beads but unfortu- and vases of this material were made at Yahya and nately nothing tangible has yet come from this site Supplied to areas both east and west. But the typologwhich could establish Sokhta-Harappan interaction. ical studies of these vases and scientific analysis of the raw material made by Philip Kohl (1975: 30) indicate

Steatite/Chlorite the existence of workshops other than Yahya and Alabaster, carnelian and steatite/chlorite are not sources other than the Kirman mines. The two frag-

very useful commodities for the study of trade ments of four-compartmented vessels showing a because they are relatively widely found in Iran, zigzag pattern, which were found at Mohenjodaro Pakistan, India and Saudi Arabia. The extensive use (Marshall 1931: 36-37, Pl. CKXXXI) have no parallels of steatite for making vases, seals, beads, figurines at Yahya but they do have at Shahdad (Hakemi 1972: and decorative objects found on almost all Indus sites Pl. XIVa, b). The latter site may have been the worksuggests that there was a regular supply of this mate- shop which can only be confirmed by further excavarial to Harappan cities. It also indicates that the stone tion there. Scientific analysis (Kohl 1975: 30) further

was readily available in the neighboring regions. A Shows that the stone was obtained from several number of sources have been reported in North sources and not from Kirman alone. It has been Gujarat (Rao 1973: 116) at Devni Mori, Kundol, proved beyond doubt that the Sumerian chlorite is Lokha and Mora; although there is no proof of their different from that at Yahya. The former is closer to being in use during prehistoric times. Marshall (1931: the material coming from farther east and there is 678) reported a number of sources in Rajasthan, such some possibility that the Sumerians obtained their as at Dogetha, Gisgarh and Morra and he suggested steatite/chlorite via trade from the sources in Baluchithat these were the Harappan sources. Rao (1973: stan. But at the same time the Harappans appear to

Harappan Trade in Metals and Minerals 275 have been very much aware of the Kirman sources wali, Rahman Dheri, etc. Gold is widely distributed and the workshops at Yahya and Shahdad. This is in India. A majority of Indian rivers have gold in their

evident from the two compartmented vessels at sands, although only in very small amounts when Mohenjodaro and etched carnelian beads at Shahdad washed (Marshall 1931: 674). South India is, how(Kohl, personal examination) and Yahya as well as ever, very rich in gold with mines located in Anantthe Harappan characters on a potsherd from Yahya pur, Coimbatore, (Hadabanatta, Kavudahalli and (Lamberg-Karlovsky 1970; Lamberg-Karlovsky and near Porsegaundanpalayan) and Wynaad (Marshall

Tosi 1973; Asthana 1979b). 1931: 674). In Karnataka old mining areas are numer-

ous and the Kolar mines are still famous for their

Carnelian gold. According to Marshall, the Kolar mines may

The use of carnelian for beads and pendants was have supplied gold to the Harappans (Marshall, 1931: fairly common amongst the Harappans. Almost all 674). This view is also held by Rao (1973: 116). Indus sites have yielded carnelian beads in a variety of Iran, Afghanistan and Soviet Central Asia also forms. Of them, those of etched carnelian are worth have several important gold sources which may have particular note since they crossed the borders of India supplied Harappan demand. Literary sources give — to reach Mesopotamia and Iran (Susa, Shahdad, some clues to these ancient deposits. Strabo refers to Yahya). This stone is widely available in India. There the River Hyktanis in Carmania as a source of gold ©

are a number of sources in Madhya Pradesh, and an Assyrian inscription indicates the presence of Rajasthan, etc., but the main deposit for the Harap- gold in Kawend (Media) (Forbes 1971: 165). The pans appears to be in Kathiawad at Rajpipla near the other important deposits which do not have reference village of Ratanpur (Marshall 1931: 681). There are in the texts (Forbes 1971: 166), are the one near also Harappan sites near this place. The only well- Damghan; another between Nishapur and Meshad; a known Iranian carnelian source is in the dry branches third, about three kilometers east of Meshad in the of the Helmand River in Seistan near Shahr-i Sokhta Tiran mountains; a fourth, west of Isphan near

(Tosi 1969: 374). The absence of any Harappan Hamadan; a fifth, in the region of southeast of remains in the Seistan area (of course only at the Tehran; and finally, the one in the northwest of the present showing) makes it difficult to assess the possi- Takht-i Suleiman. But Afghanistan may also have

ble Harappan knowledge of this source. , provided some gold to the Harappans. It is found in

A cylinder seal of Gudea of Lagash refers to small quantities near Kandahar. So also does it come bright carnelian, copper, tin and lapis lazuli coming from the north side of the Hindu Kush. The other from Meluhha (Leemans 1960). If Meluhha can be sources are the streams draining the Kuh-i-Baba, the taken as the area of the Harappan Civilization, then it streams in Kohistan and above Laghman and Kunar was exporting carnelian, probably by exploiting (Marshall 1931: 674). However, the richer sources lie

Indian sources. But other mines may have been in Soviet Central Asia. South of the Caucasus, in involved as well. The discovery of etched carnelian Armenia, the famous metal workers, the Chalybes, beads at Mesopotamian and Iranian sites (Susa, are credited with rich mines. This probably means the Shahdad and Tepe Yahya) demonstrates, however, deposits near the Taldjen River, close to Artwin.

that carnelian beads were in demand in the West Other traditional gold bearing areas are the Urals, | | Asian markets (During Caspers 1971: 205-76; Siberia and the Far East. Gold is washed’ in many

Asthana 1979a, 1979b). places in the Karakoram and in the beds of a number

of rivers of Central Asia. The Muruntau mountains in

METALS the Kyzyl Kum desert has the largest deposit of gold (Forbes 1971: 166; Kalesnik and Pavlenko 1976: 202).

By Harappan times metallurgy was a refined tech- Today the Soviet Union is a major supplier of gold nique. Gold, silver, copper, tin and lead were all to the world market and it probably played the same

available to Harappan smiths. role in the remote past. The discovery of the famous Fullol Hoard in the Hindu Kush of northern Afghani-

Gold stan (Tosi and Waradak 1972: 9-17) contained a Gold objects and ornaments have been found at number of gold objects with Mesopotamian and Mohenjodaro, Harappa, Lothal, Kalibangan, Bana- South Turkmenian motifs. This proves that the

276 Shashi Asthana region (the Oxus basin—northern Hindu Kush) was and in the vicinity of Herat. as important to the Middle East for gold as it was for The Persian sources are located in the southeast at lapis lazuli. Incidentally, the Harappan trading posts Khu-i Nugre and between Fasa and Zahedan. at Shortugai are also in the same region (Francfort Armenia also had silver mines at Gumush Khaneh. and Potter 1978: 29). Harappan contacts with Central These were exceptionally rich and known in ancient Asia are now beyond doubt especially after the dis- times. Indus-Caucasus interaction, however, has still

covery of: (1) a few Harappan pottery types in not been proved. The finds of silver in appreciable Namazga V sites, (2) a Harappan inscribed seal at quantities at Mohenjodaro and Harappa coupled Altin Depe, (3) comparable ivory objects at Altin with the fact that there is little at either Lothal or Depe, and (4) a close similarity in a few copper Kalibangan indicates that the source was probably on artifacts (Gupta 1979: Vol. 2). Thus, the role of the western borderlands. Afghanistan is the most Shortugai as transit camp is made self evident. The likely source area at this time. Harappans were evidently supplying ivory to Central The source of lead may also be investigated. As Asians, either as raw material or in the form of noted above, lead ores were mined during the Harapfinished goods. What is important to infer is what the pan period. This metal was added to copper to

Harappans got in return. It may have been gold. increase the feasibility of molding and has been extensively reported in Harappan artifacts (Agrawal

Silver and Lead 1971: 156). It was rarely used for making utensils and Silver was another important metal known to the ornaments. Large finds of lead at Harappa (Vats Harappans. It was apparently quite popular with the 1940: 58) and Mohenjodaro include only a lead vase Harappans living at Mohenjodaro and Harappa, but and a lead dish (Mackay 1938: 450). Besides the dish,

those at Lothal and Kalibangan rarely used it. Silver Mohenjodaro has produced the following lead was used for making vases and ornaments, such as objects: a small lead ornament with faience disc, a bracelets, bangles and beads. The source of this metal hook (Mackay 1938: 472) a round lead ball with a is difficult to ascertain as far as the Harappans were copper or bronze staple attached to it (Mackay 1938: concerned; however small quantities of silver are fre- 476) and a lump which may be the net sinker quently found in conjunction with lead at a few places (Marshall 1931: 30). Balakot had produced a flat, in India. Lead is plentiful at Mohenjodaro (Marshall semicircular piece of native lead (Dales 1979a). 1931: 524) and it is to be noted that traces of lead have Lead might have been used mainly as a smelting

been found in a sample of silver from the site flux. This is evident because of the discovery of (Marshall 1931: 524). This makes it probable that it copper ore together with a small piece of lead in a was extracted from lead ores. Rajasthan (Rao 1973: bricklined pit in a house at Mohenjodaro (Mackay 116), Bihar and Orissa (Marshall 1931: 675) contain 1938: 41). That lead was available in India has been several silver-bearing lead deposits; but these are noted above. Afghanistani and Irani sources were, small. Since Bihar and Orissa are so far from the however, also quite important for the Indus, as has Indus, the Ajmer and Jawar mines in Rajasthan are also been mentioned. Along the road, between the likely sources for these metals as far as the Harappans mines at Nakhlak and Bayazeh one can see numerous are concerned. But the case is not proved. Gold _ heaps of lead slag (Wertime 1968: 930-31). The mines mines at Kolar and Anantpur also yield silver with of Nakhlak represent the easternmost extension of gold, but not in quantity enough for commercial the Anarak Zone of ores. Kazakhstan is also very rich

PuUrpOSses. in lead, especially the western part of the Altai mounAnother silver source, possibly the most promis- tains and the Karatau range (Kalesnik and Pavlenko ing for Mohenjodaro and Harappa, is in Afghanistan 1976: 199). The best mines, however, occur around and Iran (Marshall 1931: 675-77). Lead mines, which Ispahan, Kirman and in the Elburz mountains. Concould have been a source for silver as well, are clusively, it seems very likely that the Harappans ob-

situated in Faranjal in the Ghorband Valley of tained their lead from the same place they procured Afghanistan and are common in southern Afghani- their silver—Afghanistan. stan, especially at Hazara Jat. Well-known silver mines are also known to have existed near the head of Copper the Panjsher Valley in the southeastern Hindu Kush Copper ts not too useful for the study of trade as it

Harappan Trade in Metals and Minerals 277 is widely distributed in both Iran and India. It was 13). Shah Magsud also contains rich veins of copper very popular with the Harappans and they used it for ore and it is said that Nadir Shah exploited them many purposes. In fact, there is not a single site which (Forbes 1972: 13). Rich ores are also said to occur at has not yielded copper objects. This indicates that it Nesh, 100 kilometers from Kandahar. Other localiwas readily available and abundant, and, therefore, ties are Tezin, east of Kabul, Musai in the Shadkani

was not a precious or rare item. Pass and the Silwatu Pass (Forbes 1972: 13). , The wide distribution of copper ores in India, Iran is rich in copper, and metallurgy has a long Baluchistan, Afghanistan, Central Asia, Iran and tradition there going back to the fifth millennium B.c. Oman poses a serious archaeological problem: which at Tal-i Iblis in Kirman (Caldwell 1967). The best

area(s) were actually used by the Harappans? It is mines are in Kirman as well as Kal-seb Zarre, obvious that the whole Harappan area is not likely to Sabzwar and Cahr Daud near Meshad, Kaleh near have obtained copper from a single source, and the Astrabad and in the Elburz mountain districts of pattern of impurities in copper attests this. For exam- Kashan Kohund and Isfahan and Anarak (Wertime

ple, the copper at Mohenjodaro and Harappa con- 1968). tained nickel and arsenic (Agrawal 1971) while There are also rich deposits with signs of ancient Lothal copper is arsenic free (Rao 1973: 80). Several working in the Altai mountains at Ridder and other copper sources are known in India: Rajasthan, Bihar, places. In Kazakhstan there are rich ore deposits in Andhra and Kumaon. The Rajasthan mines are at Makain, Boschtschekul, Kounrad and Dscheskagan.

Khetri, Singhana, Kho-Dariba (Alwar), Delwara It is only certain that these were worked in recent ‘Kirovli (Udaipur) and Debari (Udaipur) (Seth times. Kyzyl Kum desert has a copper industry at 1956). Of these, Khetri is the most important for two Temba Bulach but this is of uncertain antiquity reasons. First, a close comparison of the impurity (Kalesnik and Pavlenko 1976). The eastern Iranian patterns derived from the spectroscopic analysis of border also has a long belt of copper deposits. the Harappan artifacts and various ores shows that It is difficult to say which of these deposits were there is a close correspondence with the Khetri mines definitely exploited by the Harappans. It should not (Agrawal 1971: 175). Second, there are copper celts, be difficult to comprehend, however, that people as Indus arrowheads and pottery of the third millennium adventurous as the Harappans, who crossed the seas __ B.c. (Agrawala 1978, 1979) from Ganeshwar (Sikar to Mesopotamia and ventured to Soviet Central Asia District). This suggests that Khetri-Ganeshwar for trade, could have exploited several of them, some copper mines were exploited as the source for this possibly indirectly through intermediaries. In short, it , metal since Khetri is only 60 kilometers from Ganesh- can be said that both Indian sources and those on the

war. The copper at Mohenjodaro and Harappa may western borderlands are most likely to have veen

also have come from the Khetri area (or from directly exploited by the Harappans. Those in the Afghanistan as discussed later) while Lothal copper more remote areas of Iran or Central Asia may have probably came from another source, possibly Oman served as ‘“‘markets” from which Harappans obtained

in Saudi Arabia (Rao 1973: 80). this metal in return for finished goods or raw mateIt is almost impossible to believe that the Khetri rials. Oman may have played an especially important mines were supplying copper to all Harappan sites. role in this context; but nothing precise can be said Alternate sources, probably exploited by the Harap- about this at the present stage of knowledge.

pans, are on the western frontiers in Baluchistan, , Afghanistan and Iran. There are copper deposits in Tin Zhob District (Mughal 1970: 194), Robat (Hunting Copper was in extensive use during Harappan Survey Corporation 1961) and Shah Bellaul (Forbes times. But tin was also known and they used it to 1972) area of Baluchistan. This metal has also been make tin-based bronze. Nothing definite is known located between Ziarat (Quetta District) and Sohan about tin in the Pre-Harappan tool assemblage; how(Sarawan Subdistrict) but it is not known that they ever Stein’s findings in Baluchistan throw some light were mined during Harappan times (Mughal 1970: on it (Marshall 1931: 488). He collected a few bronzes 194). Huan Tsang mentions copper mines in Afghani- from Shahi Tump, Mehi, Siah Damb and Segak stan and ancient workings have been located near the Mound, all of which have a high tin percentage. This Safed-Kuh between Kabul and Kurram (Forbes 1972: suggests an awareness during the Pre-Harappan

278 Shashi Asthana times regarding the hardening property of tin. During (Leemans 1970; Muhly 1976: 306-307). The scarcity

the Harappan Period tin was frequently used; but of this metal in India has led some scholars to doubt even at this time it was a precious commodity as is that Meluhha, if it was Indus, was exporting tin . evident from the finding of bronze scraps, stored (Chakrabarti 1979: 70-71). The identification of along with other valuables in copper vessels at both Meluhha as the Harappan Culture area has also been

Harappa and Mohenjodaro (Vats 1940: 381). doubted (Chakrabarti 1979: 70-71). However, it is According to Agrawal (1971: 168) only 14 percent of possible that tin was basically a trading item which the Harappan tools were alloyed in the optimum range of Harappans were obtaining from Khorasan and Cent-

8-12 percent tin. Furthermore tin bronze is more ral Asia for export to Mesopotamia, just as they abundant (23 percent of the tools) in the upper levels of obtained lapis lazuli from Badakshan for export Mohenjodaro than in the lower levels (6 percent). It there. shows quite clearly that the availability of good quality bronze was somewhat slow to come to this site. It TRADE MECHANISMS is possible that the same was true of other places as

well. The procurement of raw materials is the first stage in

Since the data on bronze are very limited, few trade. This may involve long distance travel as seems conclusions can be drawn. Still one more observation to have been the case during the Harappan Period can be made. The Harappans used tin-based bronzes when traders used to undertake substantial journeys in preference to those of arsenic or other compounds. to obtain the raw materials as well as to carry the In this respect their preference differed from that of finished goods to local and foreign markets. Howtheir successors, the Copper Hoard people. These ever, the controlling authority of the Harappan trade folk used arsenic when they produced the few bronze is still not fully known. Whether the trade was state tools known of from their sites. In fact, in Post- organized or private enterprise has yet to be ascerHarappan contexts tin is very scarce for more than a tained. But one thing is clear: a number of groups

millennium. must have been actively engaged in the business Does the scarcity of tin-based bronze objects even operations. This may have been a very complex affair in Harappan contexts indicate. that it was not readily involving not only the procurement of raw materials available? The tin deposits known in India are located from distant areas but also large-scale production and in the Palampur region of Maharashtra, Dharwar distribution of manufactured goods. These are operaDistrict in Karnataka and Hazari Bagh District of tions which must have involved a number of different Bihar (Marshall 1931: 682). snilwara in Rajasthan commercial towns doing different things.

and Hosainpura in Gujarat are also known to have a 1) Towns connected with production. A few limited quantity of tin (Chakrabarti 1979: 70). Out- Harappan groups specialized in the procurement of side, India, on the western frontier, tin is known to raw materials while others produced various goods at occur in Kuh Banan, Karadagh and Khorasan specialized centers. Harappa may have specialized in (Marshall 1931: 483-84; Vats 1940: 378-82) between making metal tools while Mohenjodaro took on other Astrabad and Shah Rud in Iran (Gowland 1912) and metal objects, textiles, and the like. Chanhudaro between Bukhara and Samarkand in Soviet Central specialized in bead making and seal engraving, while Asia (Crawford 1974; Masson and Sarianidi 1972: Lothal was also involved in bead making (Gupta in

128). , press).

Of the Indian sources, those in Rajasthan and 2) Towns connected with distribution. Ports like

Gujarat are the most significant, though the quantity Sutkagendor, Sotka Koh, Balakot and Lothal came of tin is very small in these areas. The main supply of under this category. They were mainly established to tin, may therefore, have come from the western send consignments in various directions, particularly

regions: Khorasan and the area between Bukhara to West Asia. and Samarkand (Chakrabarti 1979: 70) through sites Raw materials would have been the main concern

like Shortugai. of production centers if trade was to be carried out Here again a passing reference to Sumerian im- only in finished items. However, this was not the case port of tin is essential. This metal was one of the with the Harappans since they are likely to have been commodities which the Sumerians got from Meluhha involved in exporting both raw materials, including

Harappan Trade in Metals and Minerals 279 timber for boat making, as well as finished goods, have been significantly different from those living in such as etched carnelian beads. After obtaining mate- the Punjab as they are even today. These differences rials from their source areas they may have taken are mainly due to environmental factors like the prethem directly to the port for shipment to foreign sence of the Arabian Sea and near-desert conditions markets. For example, lapis lazuli from Badakshan in southeastern and southwestern Sind. These feamay have been taken to Sutkagendor in its raw form. tures still play a major role in the socioeconomic This appears to have been the case because on the one pattern of the people of Sind, while these factors were hand finished items of lapis are very rare at Harappan totally absent around Harappa and other cities of the

sites, and on the other, there is circumstantial Punjab. Similarly, those living in Gujarat and those evidence from the location of Shortugai sites (near living in Rajasthan must have had their own socioBadakshan) and the absence of lapis lazuli working at economic characteristics. There were also marked

Shahr-i Sokhta from about 2000 B.c. cultural differences. For example, Black and Red Ware, Micaceous Red Ware and stud-handled bowls

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS characterize only the Gujarati Harappan complex, while the Baluchi painted pottery finds its way only

The purpose of this paper is twofold: first, to attempt into Sind and the Punjab. It is therefore a viable to locate the source areas which the Harappans are working hypothesis to suggest that each regional likely to have exploited, either directly or indirectly, group exploited its own metal and mineral resources. for metals and minerals; and second, to search for a Studies also show that the sources for the metals and pattern in the exploitation of natural resources. minerals used by the Harappans were located not These points have been raised here because many only in India (Mysore, Gujarat, Kathiawad and statements made in these areas, even those by very Rajasthan) but also in Baluchistan, Afghanistan, Iran senior authors, are often vague and very general and Soviet Central Asia.

(e.g., “the Harappans got their copper from the Looking at these resource areas in terms of locaKhetri and Debari mines of Rajasthan” or “the tional proximity to the Harappan Culture area it can Harappans got their supply of gold from the Kolar be suggested that the Harappans living in Sind were mines in Mysore” or “‘the Harappans got the much exploiting sources on the southwestern frontiers needed steatite from either Rajasthan or Baluchi- (Baluchistan and southern Afghanistan). Northern stan’’). But when one uses the term “‘Harappans”’ and Iran and Soviet Central Asia were then exploited does not specify which Harappans, those living in the mainly by the Harappans of the Punjab. Those in Punjab or those living in Rajasthan or those living in Gujarat and Saurashtra were apparently getting their Gujarat, one lacks essential precision. Such general raw materials from the more than adequate sources in usage takes the entire Harappan area as a single unit, their own area, as well as from the South, including both culturally and commercially. That is why while Mysore. Northern Rajasthan and Haryana must have authors like Marshall (1931) and Rao (1973: 115) talk taken most of their raw materials from central and in terms of the total Harappan economy as though it southern Rajasthan.

was based largely on western borderlands trade, For certain materials, like lapis lazuli or turscholars like Shaffer (in press) can question the credi- quoise, there was no other choice except to go to bility of this formulation. In fact Shaffer (in press) Afghanistan (Badakshan), Iran (Nishapur) or Soviet offers an alternate model in which the Indus indust- Central Asia (Kyzyl Kum area). These resources

rial economy was based primarily on its internal must have been the monopoly of a few selected ,

resources. groups, either privately sponsored or sponsored by I disagree with both views. A culture area of a half the state.

million square miles, covering a vast variety of en- Since only a few sites have yielded turquoise it vironmental zones, could not develop a “‘‘unilinear’”’ appears that it was not a very popular item with the economy, save under a unified empire administered Harappans. Whatever may have been the reasons for by a supreme ruler, for which there is no definite this, one thing is certain, the Harappans did get the archaeological proof. On the other hand, there are turquoise from their western frontier regions. They reasons to believe that there was a variety of Harap- had no source of their own. The mountain territory of pan socioeconomic groups. Those living in Sind must the inner Kyzyl Kum and the mountains of [lak

280 Shashi Asthana (Karamazar) in ancient Khodjent (Leninabad), and Mysore was the source. This is, of course, excepting along the upper reaches of the Syr Darya in Central those objects which are made of electrum, an alloy of Asia all had good turquoise deposits. Deposits with gold and silver. A valid objection to this hypothesis

the evidence of early work are also located near may lie in the absence of Harappan sites between Nishapur and between Kirman and Yazd. The Gujarat and the Andhra/Mysore region. By and large Harappans may have obtained this stone from Soviet it is true, but the discovery at Daimabad of a terCentral Asia but the Iranian sources cannot be ruled racotta seal with a Harappan sign, and a sherd with out completely. But there is another likely possibility. three signs, as discussed in S.A. Sali’s contribution to There are very few turquoise items in the Indus: a few this volume, speaks for links between the Harappan beads from Mohenjodaro, Rahman Dheri and Mehr- and Neolithic-Calcolithic culture zones. There is also

garh. Since Mundigak and Shahr-i Sokhta had tur- some force to Rao’s argument for Indus-Neolithic quoise production centers, these places may have trade based on the occurrence of thin paste ‘“‘Harapbeen the sources for the sites, particularly when there pan’ beads in the Neolithic sites. Unfortunately, is definite archaeological evidence of Harappan con- silver is also present in Soviet Central Asian gold

tact, at least with Mundigak. (Kalesnike and Pavlenko 1976: 202). One of the

The sources of minerals and metals in Afghani- largest mother lodes of gold has been discovered in stan, Iran and Soviet Central Asia may have been the Murunatau Mountains, in the Kyzyl Kum desert. more or less monopolized by one or another of the (It may be recalled that turquoise is also found in Harappan groups: those in the West Punjab. The Kyzyl Kum.) It is, therefore, quite possible that this other groups may have been getting their items gold came to the Indus; but there is no way of ascer-

through them. taining which objects were made of the MysoreThe seven Harappan settlements at Shortugai on Maski metal and which of the Kyzyl Kum.

the confluence of the Oxus and Kokcha in the Hindu Tin in western India is reported from Bhilwara Kush area 1s evidence which seems to indicate that the (Rajasthan) and Hosainpura (Gujarat); however Harappans of the northern region established trading there is very little of it. The other sources for tin are posts to monopolize trade in raw materials from Khorasan, Kara Dagh and the area between Bukhara northeast Iran and Soviet Central Asia. In the ab- and Samarkand. It thus appears that this scarce metal sence of detailed reports on the Shortugai excavation could only be obtained and used in some significant one is unsure about the raw materials traded by the quantity when regular trade was established between people of these sites. But the location to the north of the Indus and Central Asia. This is precisely why the lapis mines, and at a crucial point on the trade tin-based bronze objects at Mohenjodaro came in route connecting northern Iran and Central Asia with larger numbers from the upper levels (Agrawal 1969India, suggests that they were controlling items other 70: 16). The tin that went from Meluhha to Mesothan lapis. Gold and tin, which also came from Cent- potamia also probably originated in Central Asia (in-

ral Asja and northern Iran, may have been involved cluding northern Iran and northern Afghanistan). as well. If these items were not under state monopoly, The same may be true of silver and lead. As noted the people living in Gujarat and Rajasthan must have earlier, only Iran and Afghanistan could supply silver

taken their lapis lazuli from the Harappans of the and lead to the Indus. This is also evident from the Punjab and not directly from the Badakshan region. frequent use of silver at Mohenjodaro and Harappa. Gold and tin were also coming to the Punjab from However, Rajasthan and Gujarat may have obtained Central Asia but Gujarat and Sind may have been their silver from the Ajmer and Zawar mines of getting their supply of gold from Mysore. The Mysore Rajasthan. The quantities may have been limited as fields, and the possible ties between the Harappans the people there used it sparingly. ,

and the Southern Neolithic, have already been dis- Copper has a very wide distribution in India, cussed. Two further points need to be added. First, Baluchistan, Afghanistan, Central Asia, Iran and the gold at Neolithic sites like Piklihal, Kodekal and Oman. It thus poses a serious problem to the arMaski almost has to come from the Mysore sources chaeologists who want to know which areas were

which were thus worked during the third millennium. actually used by the Harappans. . Second, some gold from Mohenjodaro has silver as a A number of scholars, including Desch (1931), trace element and this is what would be expected if Ullah (1940: 378-79), Ray (1956) and Agrawal (1971)

Harappan Trade in Metals and Minerals 281 have tried to establish the sources of copper exploited arsenic free. Rao supports this hypothesis by further by the Harappans. Their approach has been a com- observing that Oman was apparently supplying copparative study of the nature of impurities present in per to the Sumerian cities since their copper tools artifacts and copper ores from different areas. On the were also free of arsenic. But this does not appear to basis of the presence of lead in the Harappan tools be the case. Agrawal’s Table 11 (1971) shows that at (Agrawal 1971: Table 13-14) Desch proposed that the Khafaje and Ur, 88 percent of the artifacts contain Baluchi ores were exploited by the Harappans. But arsenic. So this difference is ruled out. One is not sure the Baluchistan copper ores do not show any lead. about the Oman sources and their pattern of impuriBased on the presence of arsenic, nickel and lead ties or any correspondence to the Lothal/Rangpur

in artifacts from Mohenjodaro and Harappa, Ullah copper. More data are needed before one can arrive | (1940) determined the sources of their copper to have at a sound conclusion.

been Khetri, Alwar, Singhbhum and Afghanistan The frequent use of steatite for making various mines where nickel and arsenic both are supposed to objects leads one to believe that there was a regular be present in the copper ores. He held that the Sume- flow of this mineral to the Harappan cities. A number

rian ores could be distinguished from Indian ores of steatite sources are reported in North Gujarat since the former are virtually free from arsenic (Ullah (Devni Mori, Kundol, Lokha and Mora) and in

1940). Rajasthan (at Dogetha, Gisgarh and Morra).

Agrawal (1971) has made spectrographic analy- Marshall thought that Rajasthan was giving steatite ses of Harappan artifacts and of various ores. He took to the Harappans while Rao suggests that Mysore twenty elements into consideration and found that might have supplied this material to the Indus people the metallic composition of Harappan artifacts is through the contemporary Neolithic folk of the Decclose to the composition of the Khetri ores. He thus can. But with steatite locally available in Gujarat and holds that Khetri is the area which the Harappans of Rajasthan why would the Harappans have gone all | the Punjab and Sind exploited. He further observes the way to Mysore? that the Khetri sources alone could justify the Meso- The most promising source for steatite is northern potamian imports of copper from Melubha. The dis- Baluchistan and the area around Fort Sandeman. covery of several copper celts, an 'ndus arrowhead This zone might have supplied steatite to the Sindand the Ochre Colored Pottery of the late third mil- Punjab area. Another piece of evidence which adds lennium B.c. by R.C. Agrawala (1978) at Ganeshwar to the credibility of the Baluchi sources is the scialso gives weight to this theory. Khetri is only 60 entific analysis of the stone vases from sites in Syria,

kilometers from Ganeshwar.* Mesopotamia, Iran and the Indus (Kohl 1975, 1976).

All these analyses show that Harappan copper It shows that the stone for these objects came from objects have arsenic, nickel and lead. The Khetri belt several different sources. It has also been proved was very well situated for the Harappans to get beyond doubt that the Sumerian chlorite is different copper; but did it provide everything? Possibly not. from the Yahya chlorite and that the former is much As one knows, the Afghanistan sources also contain more like that coming from the east of Yahya. arsenic, nickel and lead and, therefore, it may be Baluchi sources might thus have been exploited by possible that these sources were used. After all Indus- the traders to fulfill Mesopotamian demand.

Afghan contacts were regular. The Harappans of The sources for chlorite in Kirman, were also Sind and Punjab, therefore, are likely to have ex- known to the Sind Harappans. They exploited these ploited the mines of Afghanistan in addition to the for raw material and/or finished steatite vases. Khetri source. The Baluchistan ores—Robat and As far as carnelian is concerned, its use was fairly Shah Bellual—should be analyzed more carefully. common amongst the Harappans. Etched carnelian But there were certainly more sources than those of beads are important because they crossed the Indus the Khetri belt and Afghanistan. The Lothal and borders to reach Iran and Mesopotamia. This stone Rangpur copper tends to prove it beyond doubt, since was readily available over a vast area of India. A it is arsenic free (Rao 1973). This fact points to Oman number of sources are located in Madhya Pradesh, aS a source since copper there is supposed to be Rajasthan and Gujarat. It was probably supplied to “Editor’s note: See R.C. Agrawala’s paper in this volume for a discussion of recent copper finds in Rajasthan.

282 Shashi Asthana the Harappans of Kathiawad, Kutch and other south- the copper is arsenic free while in the Punjab and ern areas from the Rajpipla mines of Ratanpur. The Rajasthan it has arsenic). Obviously, two different

Harappans, themselves, then traded this stone to copper sources were exploited by two different

other parts of the civilization. groups of people. There is also the evidence of steat-

The Iranian source for carnelian lies in the diied ite and chlorite which shows that while Baluchi up branches of the river Helmand in Seistan near sources were exploited by those in the Punjab and Shahr-i Sokhta. But in the absence of archaeological Sind, the Rajasthan and Gujarati sources were exremains one cannot be sure that the Harappans knew ploited by the Rajasthani and Gujarati Harappans. of this source. Carnelian is also on the list of There is also similar evidence for tin, silver and lead. Mesopotamian imports from Meluhha. If Meluhha The case for gold is not as clear since gold from both can be equated with the area of Harappan Culture it Mysore and Central Asia contains a small percentage was then exporting carnelian, probably from Indian of silver. On grounds of geographical proximity and

sources. the location of Shortugai it is suggested that while If the above analysis is correct, even approxi- Gujarat may have taken this precious metal from mately, one then has every reason to believe that the South India, the Punjab sites may have obtained it exploitation of different metal and mineral sources from Soviet Central Asia. Lapis was certainly a

was more a matter of regional organization than a monopoly item with one of the North Harappan business of centralized agencies like the state. This | groups. The Gujarati Harappans monopolized trade , observation is applicable even to those items (e.g., in etched carnelian beads. Turquoise at Indus sites is lapis lazuli) which may have been the monopoly of extremely limited, (only to a few beads at Mohenjoone regional group or the other. The Indus area daro, Rahman Dheri and Mehrgarh), therefore, it covers too much territory and could not be traversed may have come to the Indus in its finished form from

without a large network of well-maintained roads and sites like Mundigak. | fast-moving vehicles, for which, so far, there is no The situation can be summed up by reiterating the

definitive proof. basic stand: the natural resources used by the HarapIf the pattern of exploitation of natural resources pans were widespread, with enormous choice in was regional, and not centralized, can this be seen in source areas. These facts determined the exploitation the archaeological records? I have already mentioned pattern which was, by and large, regional.

the evidence of copper-bronze tools (in Gujarat sites 7

NOTE | | | 'These two major units were further subdivided into smaller organizations as well. For the moment I will only

focus on the production and distribution units. : _ . ,

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Asthana, S., 1979b Naples. Bisht, R.S., 1978 E.J. Brill. Banawali: A new Harappan site in Haryana. Man Forbes, R.J., 1972

and Environment 2: 86-88. Studies in Ancient Technology. Vol. IX. Leiden:

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1931 Francfort, H.P. and M.H. Potter, 1978

Reports. London: British Association for the Sondage Preliminair Sur L’Etablissement Proto-

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Caldwell, Joseph, 1967 Shortugai (Afghanistan du N.E.). Arts Asiatiques Investigations at Tal-i [blis. Illinois State Museum 34: 29-79.

Preliminary Report No. 9: Springfield. Goldsmith, R., 1971

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Chakrabarti, D.K., 1978 Bulletin 5: Jiddah. Lapis Lazuli in Early India. Man and Environ- Gowland, H., 1912

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Crawford, H.E.W., 1974 Indian Borderlands. 2 vols. Delhi: B.R. PublishThe Problem of Tin in Mesopotamian Bronzes. ing Corp.

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STEVEN A. WEBER

26. Changes in Plant Use at Rojdi: Implications for Early South Asian Subsistence Systems

INTRODUCTION results of the Rojdi palaeoethnobotanical investiga- —

tion, in particular, bear out the perception that A growing tendency in South Asian Archaeology is changes in plant use were occurring during the to associate changes in agricultural practices and third millennium B.c. The results also reveal both plant-use strategies with the ‘‘deurbanization”’ of significant shifts in the plants used, and their distrithe Indus Valley and more local styles of material butions, as well as the introduction of new taxa. Findculture (Meadow 1989:1). It has been suggested ings at Rojdi further demonstrate how many aspects

that these subsistence changes occurred at the of plant use remained unchanged, how dietary pracbeginning of the second millennium B.C., and are tices may have been unstable, and how common thought to have involved crops and animals not pre- elements of Harappan subsistence, namely the viously used in the region (Meadow 1989; Possehl early establishment of a sophisticated cultivation 1986; Jarrige 1985; Shaffer 1986). The purpose of Strategy and diversification and intensification of this paper is to examine this proposition in the light subsistence strategies over time, existed alongside of data from the site of Rojdi. The archaeobotani- distinctive regional variation both in the types of cal data base used to construct theories of South plants used and in the particular expression of

Asian subsistence, and specifically plant use, has in these trends. , general been limited to noting the presence of a This is a brief account of the botanical findings plant at particular time periods. Of the 80 or so at Rojdi, demonstrating how subsistence appears to sites from South Asia dating to earlier than 1000 be changing, and how this information tends to sup' B.C. that have yielded plant remains of some form, port some hypotheses concerning Harappan subsisfew contain more than a single taxon and most con- tence as a whole, while challenging others. After a tain only accidental finds (Weber 1989b). This data Short description of the site, two sections on the base not only represents a vast geographical region shared and the differing elements of Rojdi subsistcharacterized by a variety of climates, soils and ence over time will be presented. moisture patterns, but also a temporal range of nearly six thousand years and is based on a variety ROJDI of sites showing different levels of complexity.

However, while the limitations of this data base Rojdi is a Harappan, or Sorath-Harappan site may be skewing some of our interpretations regard- (Possehl and Herman 1989), in central Saurashtra, ing plant-use patterns. The identification of major with three consecutive occupations dating from the changes in subsistence strategies during the third middle of the third millennium B.C. to the beginmillennium B.C. does seem to be accurate. The ning of the second millennium B.C. (described as

288 Steven A. Weber Phases A: 2500-2300 B.c.; B: 2300—2000 B.c. and raised. Meanwhile, in the plant portion of the subC: 2000-1800 B.c.). Artifactual material recovered sistence system, a single group of recurring taxa at the site includes both characteristic Harappan make up the bulk of the archaeobotanical record in

and regional variants (Possehl and Raval 1989). all phases of occupation. Analysis of findings from excavation, collection Thirteen plant taxa, or plant categories (Chenoand identification of plant remains, and the study of podium album, Dactyloctenium aegyptium, Digera the distribution of these remains throughout the muricata, Eleusine coracana, Euphorbia sp., Ficus site and in association with other archaeological sp., Indigofera sp., Melilotus sp., Panicum miliare, features, has led to the reconstruction of Rojdi sub- Panicum sp., Setaria sp., Trianthema sp.), were

sistence for all phases of occupation. observed in all periods of Rojdi occupation. Car-

Three quantitative methods were used in the bonized remains of these plants from secure proanalysis (namely, ubiquity, density and percentage’) veniences account for over 70 percent of the to ameliorate the biases in the data caused by diffe- archaeobotanical material from Rojdi A, B and C.

rential methods of deposition and preservation. Moreover, at least one of these 13 taxa are repAlthough over 80 taxa were found at the site, only resented in nearly every sample from the site, and those species thought to be crucial to subsistence they add up to an average density of greater than 19 will be discussed here. For a more complete review seeds per 10 liters of soil (Table 26.1 and Fig. 26. 1) of the palaeoethnobotanical study performed at

Rojdi, see Weber 1989a. 100 ROJDI PLANT-USE: THE COMMON of GY... tj fy

ELEMENTS ty ZY tj

A general subsistence appears atAlthough Rojdi 200fnGH . it |ZY Ze throughout all phasespattern of occupation. GZa GY proportions and numbers of the faunal remains at A °° °

; , ; BME Density %2 Percent of total

the site are lacking, the animal portion of the sub- periods of occupation

sistence presently suggests that this was a site where animal husbandry and hunting were going on, and Fig. 26.1. The common plant-based subsistence at Rojdi, com-

where cattle and some sheep and goats were being prising 13 recurring taxa. Table 26.1. Comparisons of percentage (P), ubiquity (U) and density (D) of archaeobotanical material only found in Rojdi A, B C.

TAXAROJDI P UADROJDI P UBDROJDI P UCD

Cheno-Ango 0.3 4 0.01 0.1 3 0.005 0.3 3 0.01

Chenonodium

allum 3.4 17 0.21 57.0 32 2.8 3.0 8 0.06 asgyetium 0.4 7 0.03 0.3 6 0.013.0 1.0116 0.07 0.03 Digera 0.2 1 0.01 0.1 3 0.005 Eleusine 62.0 31 3.86 5.0 58 0.29 3.0 10 0.09 Datylogtantium

Euphorbia 5 0.02 0.16 30.01 0.005 1.0150.02 0.03 -Indigofers Firus 0.6 0.4 5 0.03 0.3 0.5 0.4 5 0.02 0.3 6 0.01 0.6 3 0.02

Melilotus 0.2 73 0.05 0.011.0 0.2930.06 0.013.0 0.519 1 0.02 Panitum 0.08 0.03 P. Miliare 12.0 32 0.77 — 21.0 57 1.02 3.0 11 0.07

Setaria 1.6 1.2 18 0.09 1.02.0 25230.06 Trienthenia 18 0.08 0.0933.0 18.056 28 1.00 0.50 Total/avg. 83.4 — 5.16 88.4 — 4.33 70 — 1.96

Changes in Plant Use at Rojdi 289 At a finer level of analysis, four common food percentage is corroborated by the calculations for plant taxa (Eleusine coracana, Panicum miliare, density and ubiquity. Setaria sp., and Chenopodium album) emerge from In summary, Rojdi is best viewed as a foodthis list of 13 and account for’a significant portion of producing settlement occupied throughout the , the archaeobotanical material from each occupation. year, where cultivation and various pastoral activiNot only are these four taxa represented in high ties were being performed locally and were supplepercentages, densities and ubiquities (Fig. 26.2) in mented by plant gathering and hunting. The bulk of

Rojdi A, B and C, but as a group of food plants cultivation centered on plants producing small they probably represent the core of the plant por- seeds from compacted heads and a summer mon-

tion of the subsistence system at Rojdi. soon-based weather system, although plants that

100 - | flourish in other seasons were also used. Finally, 20 PeHTLEEEE the plants being exploited did not need intensive Bo i ——————_ human involvement and were all hardy, drought60 t~— ffye Hitt] cs resistant species, implying a climate and habitat not

od Z C3 -—-Q _ that different from what is found in the region 0 , Ze Z| 22 around Rojdi today. 0 All Gi Zi Rojdi Plant-use: The Differing Elements . mes Density on a BE P ° While certain plant and animal species are coma Moiquity ercent mon throughout all phases of Rojdi, the subsistence

Fig. 26.2. Density, ubiquity and percent of four main recurring system is not without variation and change. Altaxa (C. album, E. coracana, Setaria and P. miliare) though little faunal data are presently available for

Probably used for food in Rojdi A, B and ©. the elicitation of patterns over time, plant use Three of these four most commonly recurring seems to. have undergone significant change during taxa can also be classified as millets (LE. coracana or the multi-phase occupation. This change is less a finger millet, P. miliare or little millet, and Setaria shift to new species than to altered dependence on italica or Italian millet). These three species are existing ones. While the number of species being well suited to a variety of soils and to hot, dry con- exploited does increase, the majority of remains ditions. They are all considered drought resistant, from each occupation period are the same, recurneeding an annual rainfall of between 30 and 70 cm. ring species. They. need little water to grow, and can produce In an effort to compare Rojdi A, B and C plant some seeds in years of minimal rainfall. Their grow- remains to show above-average occurrence of any ing season 1s.associated with the summer monsoon. given species, a method was devised which would

Once planted, they take between two and four incorporate all three quantitative methods of months to mature and provide nutritional seeds and analysis (percentage or proportion, density, and fodder. Cultivated C. album also fits most of these ubiquity). Cut-off points were calculated for each criteria, with the exception of cropping season, of these quantitative methods, above which only since it is generally found growing in the spring the above-average plant occurrences would register.

time. For percentage, this would mean that a plant Cultivation seems to have been important at species would have to account for above four perevery phase of occupation at Rojdi. If the number cent of the recovered material deposited during a of seeds representing species which were probably given occupation in order to register. For density, being cultivated are added together for each period all species which had an average rate of one seed of occupation, nearly 80 percent of archaeologically per three liters of soil from a given occupation

deposited seeds represent cultivated plants. Not would register. And finally, an ubiquity rate of only is there little change in this percentage from greater than 18 percent of the samples from a given one occupation to another, but it suggests a rela- occupation at Rojdi would also register. Based on tively high dependence on cultivated plants or these criteria, six taxa registered above average in species which were intensively managed. This high at least one category during either Rojdi A, B, or C

290 : Steven A. Weber

TAXA A B C Chenopodium 2,3 1,2,3 Eleusene 1,2,3 1,3 00 Table 26.2. Rojdi archaeobotanical remains with above average occurrence.

Panicum 1,2,3 1,2,3 0 Setaria | 0 3 1,2,3 Trianthema 0 3 1,2,3

Zizyphus 1 0 0

1—Greater than 4 percent of material from occupation. 2—Greater than 1 seed per 3 liters of soil. 3—Recovered in more than 20 percent of the samples from an occupation.

(Table 26.2). Four of these taxa (C. album, E. ing strategy of use of these taxa emerges (Fig. 26.3,

coracana, P. miliare and Setaria) are the same 26.4 and 26.5).

recurring food plants found throughout Rojdi, one «0 ___ Percent of samples

is a common weed (Trianthema sp.), and the fimal (Tg

taxon represents a probable food plant (Zizyphus ns ees N tage) andsixintaxa onlyaccount one occupation (Rojdi A).ME ‘ot:ZENE Zi I wish to acknowledge the support and assis- not corrected for articulating specimens. The protance rendered by the French Archaeological Mis- portions of goat (Capra) and sheep (Ovis) reflect sion in Pakistan and by the Department of Arch- the ratio of goat to sheep among those elements aeology and Museums, Government of Pakistan for which could be identified to the genus level (see my work at Mehrgarh. Particular thanks are due Table 27.2 for specimen counts). Because of difficuJean-Francois and Catherine Jarrige, Blanche ties in distinguishing fragmented remains of water Barthelemy de Saizieu, Lorenzo Costantini, Moni- buffalo from cattle and blackbuck from gazelle, que Lechevallier, Gonzague Quivron, Anaick those pairs of taxa are tabulated together. It is clear Samzun, and Pascal Sellier of the French Mission from those skeletal parts that can be distinguished, and M. Istiaq Khan, former Director, and Dr. however, that cattle (Bos) and gazelle (Gaczella) Ahmed Nabi Khan, current Director of Archaeo- remains greatly outnumber those of buffalo (Bubalogy and Museums of Pakistan. I have profited lus) and blackbuck (Antilope), respectively. greatly from discussions with Jean-Francois Jarrige °Because of the small size of the collection, the on the chronology and interpretation of Mehrgarh remains from the section cutting in MR3D could materials and from Lorenzo Costantini on palaeo- not be broken down in as detailed a fashion as for ethnobotany. A good deal of what is written here 3T and 3S. Thus 1A.3D.1-5 and 6-10 represent the reflects their ideas freely expressed. During the first half and second half of the Period 1A respec1981 and 1982 field seasons, Nerissa Russell assisted tively. Even with this limitation, the trends shown

in the analysis of the faunal remains. Her diligent in 3D of decreasing representation of wild fauna and dedicated work permitted a much greater and increasing proportion of sheep relative to goats

number of specimens to be examined than other- parallels than in 3T and 3S. ,

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PART IV |

HARAPPAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE GULF

DANIEL T. POTTS

28. Tell Abrag and the Harappan Tradition in Southeastern Arabia

‘‘ According to all descriptions, including the earlier which covers roughly 1.76 hectares and rises to a ones, Oman must be a veritable paradise; and if maximum height of 10 meters above sea level, had ever there existed closer relations between ancient never been the object of any extensive research Arabia and India, the principal rendezvous must until 1989 when a team from the Carsten Niebuhr have been in this region, which as yet is far from Institute of the University of Copenhagen opened a being fully explored”? (Hommel 1903: 719). 5 X 40 m step trench during five weeks of excavation (11 January-15 February). Despite the fact that

INTRODUCTION Tell Abraq is today situated several kilometers from the coast of Umm al-Qaiwain, the site is less NOWADAYS one does not normally delve into the than 100 meters south of an ancient shoreline of works of Fritz Hommel for inspiration on the sub- middle Holocene date (5th-4th millennia B.C.), and ject of Harappan-Arabian contacts during the late Only about 200-300 meters south of the presumed third and early second millennia B.C. Nevertheless, location of the coast during the third millennium long before any archaeological evidence had been B.C. (R. Dalongeville, pers. comm.). Thus, Tell found to confirm his views, the great German Abraq is without any question a coastal settlement. Orientalist had recognized the inherent potential of The appeal of Tell Abraq lies principally in the the Oman peninsula for shedding light on early ties fact that it is a habitation site with at least 5 meters

between Arabia and the Indian subcontinent. of stratified deposit. Although archaeoiogical Thanks to the study published in this volume by research on the Oman peninsula has been expandC. Edens, I am relieved of the task of bringing the ing steadily since the soundings at Sohar in 1958 reader up to date on Harappan or Indus Valley- (Cleveland 1959:11), there can be little doubt that related archaeological finds made in the, Arabian an imbalance has arisen in the amount of attention Gulf during the past three decades. Therefore, I devoted to burials versus settlements, and this has shall concentrate solely on recent discoveries at hampered attempts to reconstruct the culture history Tell Abrag which are relevant to the subject of this of the region. The information to be gained from

volume. burials is, to be sure, far from insignificant, but as tombs in southeastern Arabia were frequently

TELL ABRAQ reused and therefore mixed, and commonly robbed as well, the finds which they contain often cannot Tell Abraq is located in the United Arab Emirates be dated and understood except with reference to

on the border of Sharjah and Umm al-Qaiwain habitation sites. On the other hand, most of the (Fig. 28.1). Although sounded briefly in 1973 by an excavated settlements in the Oman peninsula are Iraqi expedition (Salman 1974:m), the mound, single-period sites, and this is generally true whether

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Excavations at Ghazi 461 Pir Ghazi Shah to the archaeological site indicates _ Excavation Area 2 was adjacent to Area 1, and that the spring’s flow followed a path directly to was separated from it by a one meter wide baulk.

Gahzi Shah in the past. Area 2 was six meters wide; its kength began at the In the arid/semi-arid environment of western juncture of the flat and sloping. aspects of the

Sindh, Ghazi Shah was in a unique position. With mound and descended ten meters down the incline

mean annual rainfall 100 millimeter or less, a of the mound. The first three meters, the upper winter crop (rabi) could be grown with spring water portion of Area 2 (Loci I, II, HI, 1V, V, VI, VI) on the very rich alluvial soils of the Naing Nai, and revealed a series of walls comprising two clearly summer floods provided the opportunity to double- delieneated loci, or rooms. The first, designated crop the land. The spring also supplies a perennial Locus II, was only partially exposed within the source of water for human purposes and for animal excavation area. Finds from Locus II were sparse watering and washing. The Bhit Range is also an but included typical Harappan pottery, shell and excellent source of stone construction materials for discoid steatite beads, a fine terracotta triangular the foundations and walls of buildings. Just five ‘‘cake,”’ and the body sherd illustrated in Figure kilometers to the north, at Tando Rahim Khan 38.4 (Number 1). Two radiocarbon samples provivillage, an east-west passage through the Kirthar ded calibrated dates for this locus of the site: 29 15Mountains into Baluchistan can be achieved via the 2635 B.C. (Beta 33358), and 2425-2160 B.c. (Beta

Angai Nai torrent channel. 33357).

Proceeding down the slope of the mound in

NEW EXCAVATIONS -_ Area 2, the subsequent four meters excavation uncovered a number (nine) of stone wall founda-

Mayjumdar’s excavations at Ghazi Shah were con- tions (cf. Kot Diji, Khan 1965) none of which ducted on the northern portion of the mound. The turned a corner, nor were connected. This part of new excavations were placed on the northwestern the mound descends quickly at a sharp angle and portion of the mound, with one objective to inte- was probably subject to a great amount of erosion grate the former finds into the new research at the and damage to the structures. The foundations site. It was intended that excavations begin on the varied from one to four courses of stone, oftenflat, topmost part of the site and proceed down the times with a single course of mud-brick, or the Slope of the mound beyond the skirt and into the remnant of such, on top of the stone. The finds alluvial plain. Time and funding were depleted from the strata in this sub-area were interesting. after two and one-half excavation areas were comp- Stone, shell, and steatite beads were found as well

leted and work had to cease. The three excavation as a lapis lazuli bead with small steatite beads > areas descended to the middle portion of the pushed inside the perforation holes on either side,

mound’s slope. , probably from a necklace of alternating lapis lazuli

Area 1 measured six by five meters and was and steatite beads. Also found were several perlocated on the flat, top-most portion of the mound. forated terracotta disks, large sized incised clay It was excavated to a depth of 50 centimeters and beads (Casal 1964: Fig. 122, 1-3; Khan 1965: Plate revealed cultural materials of the Islamic period. XXIXb, 15, 16, 18), a large number of chert blades Structurally, only a thin, narrow remnant of what and tools, and a number of stone balls (Casal 1964: was Once a mud (pise?) wall was uncovered. The Plate XXVIIIA; Khan 1965: Plate XXXI, 1-4). finds included several copper coins of the Mughal Notable pottery from this sub-area (Loci VIII, IX, Period (the author is grateful to Pakistan’s leading X, XI) included a small Kulli cup and ‘‘corrugated”’ numismatist, Abdullah Waryah, for their identifi- bowls (Casal 1964: Fig. 62, 201; Khan 1965: Fig. cation), Islamic glazed pottery, iron rings and un- 22, 7). A single radiocarbon sample from Locus identifiable iron pieces, a copper arrowhead, and VIII, Unit 2 (the Kulli cup cited above came from shell, stone, and glass beads. Local tradition holds Locus VIII, Unit 3) yielded a calibrated date of that Pir Ghazi Shah lived on the prehistoric mound, 3365-2925 B.C. (Beta 32804).

and that after the saint’s death his friends and In the lower three meters of Area 2 the mound followers continued to inhabit the site (Pyar Ali?; cf. slopes much more gently. Excavations (Loci XII,

Majumdar 1934: 79-80). XIII, XIV, XV, XVI XVII) revealed seven mud-

GHAZI SHAH

, NS ——

1

COM Ras

0 5 cm 2

Excavations at Ghazi , 463 brick walls on stone foundations enclosing two loci, small perforations. Possibly these. were used to or rooms (Locus XIII and Locus XVI). Finds counter-drill, or ‘“‘begin” the holes of the bead prior included chert blades, beads of stone, steatite, and to employing the rod-like dril] bit and a bow drill. lapis lazuli. Pottery was plentiful in this sub-area The green stone drills are similar to those pre-

(Fig. 39.4, Number 2). viously reported from Chanhu Daro (Mackay 1943:

Excavation Area 3 was separated from Area 2 210-213; Plate XCIII, 6, 7, 8; Plate LXXXVIb, 8 by a one-half meter baulk. Excavations were carried a-h), Shahr-i Sokhta II-III (Piperno 1973), and out in the first six meters (Loci I-Xa) down the Mehrgarh III 3 (Jarrige 1982: 83 and Plate 6. 13; Slope of the mound. Clearly delineated rooms were Lechevallier 1984: 46 and Fig. 7.3, 3). A further encountered with walls of mud-brick and founda- example from Amri (Casal 1964: 152, and Fig. 121, tions of stone. Soil analysis (carried out at Colo- 6) can possibly be added to the finds of the green rado State University) showed that local clays were stone drills. The examples from Amri came from

used to manufacture the bricks. One room had a Periods IC and ID, radiocarbon dated (calibrated) niche (Locus Xa), in which were found a stone ball to 3375-3020 B.c. (TF 863). At Ghazi Shah two and two “‘grinding-stones.”’ Finds in this area of the radiocarbon samples resulted in calibrated dates of. site are too numerous to detail in this brief report. 3375-3145 B.c. (Beta 18536) and 3370-2970 B.C. A few examples of pottery are illustrated in Figures (Beta 18537). With the bead drills were found un39.5, 39.6 and 39.7 (Numbers 3-9). Other exam- worked pieces of lapis lazuli and agate, along with

ples show clear parallels with Amri IB, IC, and ID, the debitage from working the agate into beads. , Anjira III, Togau types, Nal pottery, and “Kot Agate, barrel-shaped beads were recovered in variDijian” corrugated bowls. Several vessels showed ous stages of production: roughly shaped; shaped ‘“‘potter’s marks”’ or inscribed signs. Area 3 also out not smoothed; shaped and smoothed but not

yielded the following: perforated terracotta disks, ‘drilled; shaped and smoothed and partially drilled , four bull figurines, bone awls, numerous chert or broken during drilling; shaped, smoothed, and blades and a chert core (as well as unworked chert drilled through (the completed hole was achieved pieces), stone grinding stones, and stone balls by perforating the bead from both ends towards the

(already noted from Area 2). middle). A small polishing stone was also found in |

By far the most surprising and interesting finds the area.

in Area 3 were the number of beads. Beads made of

copper, shell, terracotta, steatite, agate, carnelian, CONCLUSION

and lapis lazuli were found. The number of beads ,

recovered can be attributed to the practice of sifting Majumdar’s excavations at Ghazi Shah brought to all excavated matrices (soil) through 3 millimeter light the importance of the site both for its Amrian

mesh. This procedure produced spectacular results and Harappan cultural remains. Casal’s (1964) ex- , , in Locus VIII and Locus [X. Not only did many cavation at the type-site of Amri was a tremendous beads come from this area but numerous whole and contribution toward defining Amri culture, its relabroken greenstone (phtanite?) and chert bead drills tionship to the subsequent. Harappan culture, and were discovered. Also retrieved were pieces of tracking its distribution throughout western Sindh unworked (‘“‘raw’’) stone used. to manufacture the and Baluchistan. With a broader perspective,

green as well as the chert drills, debitage (tiny Flam’s. (1981a, 1981b, 1986) reconnaissance in 1-4mm size chips) from making the drills, as well as western Sindh focused not only on the material evi-

partially finished drills: One portion of the drills | dence for establishing settlement patterns for the was retouched and the opposite end was finished to Amri culture but also adding an ecological dimena narrow, smooth-tipped rod. Near the rod’s glossy sion to the understanding of Amri culture. The tip are regular, circular striations, and the working Sindh Archaeological Project’s excavations at axis or tip is concave. In addition to these rod-like Ghazi Shah has as objectives a clearer definition of drills, conical-tipped chert drills with broad shoul- Amrian and Harappan cultural adaptations (resders made from flint blades or retouched flakes pectively) in the mountainous, western portion of were recovered. The small working part of the the Greater Indus Valley, establishing a more accu-

chert drills indicate they were used for making rate and finer chronological framework for these :

GHAZI SHAH |

/| 4i | 3

a eee

pum ena nn ie] Gee ie

: 0a ae5a cm oe .

, Fig. 39.5. Amri pottery, Ghazi Shah

GHAZI SHAH

| a= wy 6 BA 5

70 5 |cm ,

/ ‘ ys ; +44¢Pru MAAR &7.0900 e¢ 0.04" a a ae ee ee

Fig. 39.6. Amri pottery, Ghazi Shah

|

ISI NS

OTT TTT

Excavations at Ghazi 467 cultural developments, and an investigation into other geographic areas (e.g., Balochistan and the contributive factors for the emergence of comp- Cholistan) and sites (e.g., Allahdino, Amri, Balalex society (civilization) in the lower Indus valley. kot, Kot Diji, Merhgarh, and Rahman Dheri) will Ghazi Shah is a rich site and the state of preserva- have a bearing on a fuller understanding of prehistion of excavated remains is excellent. Continued toric cultural developments in South Asia.

research at the site and comparison of results with , ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ,

The author wishes to gratefully acknowledge and Pakistan. Many thanks are extended to M. Ishtiaq sincerely thank the many inividuals whose assis- Khan (Former Director General), Dr. M. Rafique tance and encouragement made the Sindh Arch- Mughal, and Mazhar Ali. The Project’s research aeological Project and particularly the excavations was funded by the Fulbright Program (CIES and at Ghazi Shah a success: Dr. M.H. Rizvi, Shabir USIA), the American Institute of Pakistan Studies, Ahmed Khan Chandio, Dr. Ghulam Ali Allana, the Smithsonian Institution (Office of Fellowships

Mahtab Rashdi, Zawar Jamali, Dr. Rashid Shah, and Grants), and the U.S. National Science Mukhtiar Kazi, Muhammad Lund, Taj Sahrai, Foundation. Abdullah Waryah, Babar Soomro, Raymond The author would like to thank Professor Gregory Woodhead, Dr. William C. and Cecilie Jones, L. Possehl for the invitation to contribute this Larry Grahl, Stanley A. Schumm, and Michael report to the present volume, and especially for his D. Harvey. The Project also benefitted greatly continued support for the Sindh Archaeological from cooperation and assistance provided by the Project. Department of Archaeology, Government of BIBLIOGRAPHY

Casal, J.M., 1964 temporary Perspective (1st Ed.), G.L. Possehl, ed. Fouilles a’ Amri. Paris: Libraire C. Klincksieck. Pp. 79-84. New Delhi: Oxford & IBH Publishing

Fairservis, W.A., Jr., 1971 Co. Pvt. Ltd.

The Roots of Ancient India. New York: Macmillan. Khan, F.A. 1965

Flam, Louis, 1981a Excavations at Kot Diji. Pakistan Archaeclogy Toward an Ecological Analysis of Prehistoric 2: 13-85.

Settlement Pattern in Sind, Pakistan. Man and Lechevallier, Monique. 1984

Environment 5: 52-58. The Flint Industry of Mehrgarh. Jn South Asian

Flam, Louis, 1981b Archaeology 1981. B. Allchin, ed. Pp. 41-51. The Paleogeography and Prehistoric Settlement Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Patterns in Sind. Pakistan (ca. 4000-2000 B.C.). Majumdar, N.G. 1934 Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania. Explorations in Sind. Memoirs of the Archaeo-

Flam, Louis, 1986 logical Survey of India, Number 48. New Delhi: Recent Explorations in Sind: Paleogeography, Government of India. Regional Ecology and Prehistoric Settlement Mackay, E.J.H. 1943 Patterns. In Studies in the Archaeology of India Chanhu Daro Excavations, 1935-36. New and Pakistan. J. Jacobson, ed. Pp. 65-89. New Haven: American Oriental Society. Delhi: Oxford & IBH Publishing Co. Pvt. Ltd. Piperno, Marcello; 1973

Jarrige, Jean-Francois, 1982 Micro-drilling at Shahr-i Sokhta; the making Excavations at Mehrgarh: Their Significance for and use of the lithic drill-heads. In South Asian Understanding the Background of the Harappan Archaeology. N. Hammond, ed. Pp. 119-129.

Civilization. In Harappan Civilization: A Con- London: Duckworth.

GEORGE F. DALES AND J. MARK KENOYER

40. The Harappa Project 1986-1989: New Investigation at an Ancient Indus City

with Contributions by oe

K.A.R. KENNEDY, J.R. LUKACS, N. LOVELL, B. HEMPHILL, R. MEADOW, E. PENDALL, R. AMUNDSON, V. PIGOTT AND C. JENKINS

, I. EXCAVATION AND OVERVIEW INTRODUCTION during the past twenty years and new techniques allow more sensitive recovery and recording of the HARAPPA has a special place in Indus studies. It was — remains than were possible in the earlier years.

there, a century and a half ago, that Charles Following negotiations in 1984 with the then Masson made the first references to Harappa and Director-General of Archaeology, Mhd Ishtiaq _ the Indus Civilization (1842: 452). Subsequent Khan, a three-year license was issued for the years random discoveries, mostly of inscribed seals, 1986-1988. This was renewed for a second three

eventually attracted the attention of the Indian years to 1991 by the current Dirctor-General, Government but it was not until 1920 that the Dr. Ahmed Nabi Khan who has been providing Archaeological Survey of India officially protected generous support and encouragement for this the site and opened a systematic program of exca- cooperative venture of the University of California vations, (for reports on the preliminary work see at Berkeley and the Pakistan Department of

Annual Reports of the ASI for 1920-21, 1923-24, Archaeology. , 1924-25 and Sahni 1922). The most extensive exca-

vations were conducted by M.S. Vats between 1926 OVERALL RESEARCH OBJECTIVES and 1934-1940. A major event accurred in 1937 when K.N. Shastri discovered Cemetery R. 37 The long-term objectives of the research focus on

(1965). R.E.M. Wheeler conducted important developing a better understanding of the cuitural, excavations in the cemetery and on the Citadel economic and social history of Harappa as a disMound AB in 1946 (1947) and Dr. Mhd. Rafique crete urban phenomenon and also its role in the Mughal expanded excavations in the Harappan development and life of the Indus Civilization as a

period cemetery in 1966-1968. (Fig. 40.1). whole. These investigations provided important clues In the context of the mid-third millennium B.c., to the research potentials at Harappa in spite of its a site of this size was not born fully formed, but one major drawback, namely, during the mid- 19th must have grown out of a smaller, pre-urban settlecentury, the site was severely damaged by railroad ment. Wheeler’s excavations in 1946 had, in fact, contractors who mined bricks for construction of turned up Early Harappan (Kot Diji related) sherds the Lahore-Multan tracks. This disturbance had beneath massive structures along the western edge always posed an obstacle to new excavations but of the Citadel Mound E (Wheeler 1947). A major archaeology as a science has advanced dramatically objective of the Harappa project has been to locate

“°

= 7 g : 2 z 2 2 = 3 f-> i,.Ww eS & «2 uw Y 7 , § 3 @ & c Orn, é > . @ . 2 Oo Y @ 2 c Q S g os 8 a a: .$=5- b=4 a || & = hon na~@ =z , o

|/| —_—_— oO OOOO "O88

(é | z Cc © x Na = wo) \we = 3& g Ww o >3pgm ro oO c wy} .13 3s ~ 3 o\ : o = ‘ o' 23 S 3 N a =s/=y = rs uw n “an x @{ ¥ ® G-] ™ } s ar r od & ;. @ 3 s £°°.9 . 3 \\ < £ o rT} be | ; [5] Bask ESE /s En 7 \ a @ £8 EA S gee Fg. 2\O% 20 @ e ||‘o. & 3 F.-Y Or? Le AO OF S| g er \ FOL? teios Sl| 6 °WwW -7" geo einai 1 diet er ; =F li © ) Sa Sv phy ! (wa OB a a~--S ha Se, pn pote ‘ ane ] 3

)ome 7 ; vs : 3 Som

J ORG TOR. ~ ots 8 Le = Pa ' A. te mee O2ae g Oo . r~-oe car tt, ar. ae i a mae §o% 3 % i------piPore N\ S. weet og o 5% © §S, on ee 1 = = % oh ns yn" > — 8 ‘7 3 & ae f :Leo c? ' ~s ~~ 2= en ~~ ~aa— a.~a. “~~ ad ree etn . \ 3 x & ~ t ' ‘-20>7 a“ a, (oe) mi an 53! @ il Q °tw wn Os" ~ 2 3 °~ya=1presen CS ... = a o if @ bam | > | a @ 6 = fo] Ww : iian'Mow? Co" 4 oO O,, fu. 2 @ { L----.4 , £ 0) bad an ; =

i SA xA 24 ee Aan mu ry brick , { a |stilt = platforms + pentonitiy *mj + { yree +N 1315— "SoutAii} . ty 4 gh: - (Mis-2142 \ BAKEO BRICK WALL {51} | \ N

MUO BRICK WALL (107) “\ZENL wh | & S34 Nc Eroded

QL-4380 Hearthx==@ a— hip oN

BAKED BRICK WALL [33] , ey SS WIS-2145 Floor |

, PR | eee ee wis } \

Beta-33673 Hearth \\eaw | pincer pee WIS-2074 Hearth

a 125 Someta CID, ae — + + voit +t” +$N 1310 ‘‘ + E 2075 E2080 ‘\. €62085' E 2090 E 2095 » \ Whee | Wee EAP" yWIS-2143 / / Ps)

Fig. 40.4. Harappa, Mound E, northwestern corner; location of carbon sample. .

oo

The Harappa Project 1986-1989 477

Mound AB RADIOCARBON DATES

Surface surveys in 1987 and 1988 revealed a :

considerable quantity of Period V (Cemetery H) At the present time a total of 21 carbon samples pottery in the uppermost surface of the Mound. from the recent excavations at Harappa have been Both sides of the large gully we selected for deep dated (Table 40.1). Additional samples from the exca-

excavations in 1987-88 were covered with these vations are still being processed. Twenty of the sherds. During the 1989 season a long north-south dated samples were processed using the conventrench was excavated at the top of the western edge tional radiocarbon method and one sample was of the gully in hopes of finding im situ architectural dated with Accelerator Mass Spectrometer in or other habitational features. Unfortunately, the Zurich (Beta-33873, ETH-5949). uppermost levels were found to be badly disturbed These various samples come from two different by brick robbing activities and modern burials that mounds. Four of the dates are from Period III, were not apparent on the surface. Because of the Mature Harappan floor levels and fill below the burials it was not possible to fully expose the area, floors on Mound AB, while the remaining samples but it appears from the vertical sections on the gully come from the northwestern corner of Mound E side of this area that the mud brick structures we (Figure 40.5). The samples from Mound E span the

had expected to belong to Period V actually date to total occupation of this portion of the mound,

Period II or IV. beginning with the earliest hearth on natural soil

The earlier excavators also found fragmentary (Period I) and ending with the uppermost undisevidence for several subsequent occupations that turbed habitation levels of the Period III, Mature can be attributed to the Early Historic/Buddhist, Harappan occupation. Medieval, Islamic and British Periods. We have not In the table and graphs given, the dates have yet encountered significant stratigraphic evidence been arranged in their relative stratigraphic posifor these occupations and they will not be discussed tion on Mound AB and Mound E. The earliest date

in this report. is obtained by using AMS technique and comes | from a hearth of the Period I, Early Harappan

SURFACE SURVEYS AND TEST PITS occupation on Mound E. This hearth was situated just above the natural soil.

During each season, systematic surface surveys Period II, dates are from upper stratigraphic have been made of the mounded area and the levels, between one and two meters higher than the immediate environs in order to locate undisturbed hearth of Period I, Although these dates are very areas and areas of specialized activities and to help close to the dates of the following Period III, the in selecting locations for excavations. For a discus- dates from in situ hearths indicate a slightly earlier sion of the survey methodology and sampling range (Figure 40.3a). strategies see Dales and Kenoyer (1989) (Pakistan One sample of carbon (QL-4377) was obtained

Archaeology 1990). from a foundation trench between a large mudbrick

The physical limits of the site have not yet been wall of Period 2 and a smaller mudbrick wall of defined by extensive excavations, but it is evident Period III. The objective of this sample was to from the surface surveys, test pits, and systematic determine the latest possible time frame for the corings made during 1987-1988, that the site is construction of these structures. The piece of charmuch larger than previously supposed, possibly as coal that was dated indicates that the latest struclarge as 150 hectares instead of the 45 hectares ture could not have been built after 2198 B.c., 2151 which Vats refers to for the higher mounded area. B.C. or 2149 B.c. (based on CALIB program). This

On the evidence derived from the surface date falls quite well within the chronological framesurveys and subsequent test pits, several areas were work of the Harappan Phase. selected for more extensive excavations. The results For Mound E, the Period III, dates show a wide of these excavations are discussed below within the range of variation and although every effort was framework of the period designations that we have made to take samples from what appeared to be

defined above (Fig. 40.1). undisturbed primary contexts, it is possible that

3000 | oe Se ato a ee ee pot} P soo rs ee ee ee of reff} | ae ee ee Re Le ee | if i | | =|

478 George F. Dales and J Mark Kenoyer 1500

-«200 : af | | if a)ee ee eee a ee ee eee ee ee | eeeL__of sooo sol | < < 2°2 Q az az za oO vars fae, (et, a ff) vane oft Pt

Se TR SOSBSESIIseRPSERFERSENSRKKS TR © MOP ZSErondeers © NNM MOF OM

ES 9 = 3=3=53zg5==2

SECETESLISSSLEUCELELEEEEL SESESSSRELETESSSSSE SERS ESS

TASA2StAA¢AAAAHA As ges 22 GhdhdhddbaataQGdeaddaes WESSSUsSESEETP EeASaEdeaAa B° RO eeFr-PESSSS og ssoeg oo ul o f&F Ww uyoF© ur o PSPs ?®dor wW ur =

Fig. 40.5a. Harappa dates: 5568 B.P. Arranged stratigraphically. Fig. 40.5b. Harappa dates: 5730 B.C. Arranged stratigraphically.

3400 0) iJ pf 1500 ee eee 1900 4000 roof / |. ee = |i s+ ‘70 ee ee ee a| pfceBSE of |Geoeosa ae7 250 a fp ty) sso

3500 © 7 ul ui ur a oa uiQ ao Cf ww ujz© < Q fa) aLe) Zz z = 2 > > =) oe)=oO=Oo =

3300 ch dgbdhbsn fet dt ade BP 4800

| S22 ES 88 8 8a 8

On NN FF O Ff F FT FT CO OM

us 5 Fs Ow COG Cw Ss

SPSL STSRESLISKETRSENRRESSS SSERSBESRBSESASSSESSSSSE SSSfe)2zS)9= Q9s cAdAATAADAADAAAAPAGDAT AAA SY BSSSSHUSESSSSSSEOCOPCSECPCOCOCOTE = = = =

Fig. 40.5c. Harappa dates: Calibrated arranged stratigraphically. Fig. 40.6a. Harappa dates: 5568 B.P. Charcoal from inside hearths and kilns arranged stratigraphically.

a

iam OT a 3z5gg2

130 oof of 1s pop eS a a eS es a ae wp tp st ee a woof tt ET gp ed SS eee2500 200 ee ee nee ee es ee — ve “00 ee ee _— — . +} —a a ee ve The Harappa Project 1986-1989 479

2a= =a = f°oO @ Ff 9° = 9 fo GF ui> ui ui ul ui ules 9 i) 9 > 9=fe) = le) = bp be be PERIOD 3 . | 2147, 2146 3300

o@ nan wv iy) o N N5 wn§ fe) 28 So - oO 900 SOR ER BER s #e 33s 6 8 § &§ &§ &§ § § § § = 8 8 8B e 2 ¢ % 36 ¢ ¢ @ dé

- & & & ow & 2 2 3S 3S = 2a 2 = = S° @ FS 9 9 FS @ &

Fig. 40.6b. Harappa dates: calibrated charcoal from inside Fig. 40.6c. Harappa dates: calibrated charcoal from inside

hearths and kilns arranged stratigraphically. hearths and kilns arranged stratigraphically. Table 40.1. Harappa dates arranged stratigraphically*

PROVENIENCE 5568 5730 CALIB

MOUND AB,

WIS-2043 3770 + 70 1930 + 70 2268, 2263, 2203,

WIS-2 144 3720 ++100 1880 ++ 105 2138 WIS-2075 3830 60 1995 60 2299 WIS-2 140 4290 + 70 2470 + 70 2913 Mound E PERIOD 3

WIS-2 139* * 3820 60 +1985 60 2288 : WIS-2053 3920 + 210 + 2090 215 + 2469 WIS-2074** 3700 + 60+1861 + 60 2133, 2067, 2047 WIS-2 143** 3825 60 1990 + 60 2293 WIS-2 145 4135 4020 ++ 65 60 2410 2190 ++ 65 60 2863, 2573, 2812, 2535,2742, 2506 WIS-2 142

WIS-2141 3920++50 702015 2090 ++ 50 70 2334 2462 QL-4378 3850 QL-4374 3800 . ++50 1965 ++50 2278, 2234, 2209 BETA-33874 4540 180 2725 185 3338, 3213, 3203 QL-4376* 3810 + 50 1975 + 50 2283 MOUND E | PERIOD 2/3 QL-4377 3770 + 100 1935 + 105 2198, 2151, 2149 . QL-4372** 3890 + 40+2055 + 40 2455, 2416, 2405 QL-4375* * 3920 40 2090 + 40 2462 QL-4373* QL-4380* ** 3960 3950 + + 30 80 2130 2120 + + 30 80 2470 2468 2726, 2696, 2677, 2666

MOUND E . .

MOUND E

PERIOD 2

PERIOD 1

BETA-33873* * 4530 + 8 2725 + 90 3338, 3213, 3203

* The dates Arranged According to the Specific Stratigraphy in each Area of the site. Mound AB dated can only correlated with Mound E dates on the basis of General Ceramic

Comparisons, but they are approximately Equal to the period 3 dates from Mound E. . ** These dates are from Charcoal Inside Hearths Or Kilns.

(Acknowledgement: Radiocarbon dates From the Radiocarbon Lab of the Center for Climatic Research, University of Wisconsin-Madison, were supported by the Climate

Dynamics Program, National Science Foundation under grant ATM86-03295.) .

480 George F. Dales and J Mark Kenoyer some fragments of earlier carbon from platform fill mounded portions of the site and is generally refer-

may have contaminated these samples, producing red to as the ‘‘citadel’’ mound (Fig. 40.1). The anomolous dates. The most aberrant date is Beta entire periphery of the mound is comprised of deep 33874 and it is obtained from a small sample of gullies that cut through eroding massive mud brick charcoal from a pit filled with charcoal in front of platforms, baked brick structures and thick accuthe Mature Harappan Kiln [100]. A second sample mulations of stratified occupation debris. The deep from this pit (QL 4374) was dated by a different gullies appear to have been the result of excavation laboratory, and this date falls in the expected and tunneling for the removal of baked bricks, durchronological and stratigraphic sequence. The dif- ing the 19th century. Although parts of the mound ference between these two dates could be due to are presently covered with vegetation (tamarisk the sample size, since the BETA sample was quite and thorny underbrush) and are relatively stable, small and has a large error factor. Another possible the brick robbing operations and continued tunnelexplanation is that the BETA sample was indeed a ing by animals (rabbits, jackals and porcupines) small fragment of earlier charcoal derived from the contribute to major erosion during the annual

platform fill and not from the cleaning of the monsoons. Mound AB stands some eight meters

Mature Harappan kilns. above the surrounding plain and has an absolute The remaining dates available for Period 3 come maximum elevation of 175 meters AMSL.

from Stratigraphic units that begin with the earliest The major objectives for excavation on Mound deposits containing Mature Harappan ceramics and AB were to reach the lowest levels of the site in

continue to the latest undisturbed levels of the order to document the structural history of the Mature Harappan phase. On both Mound AB and mound and to locate the Early Harappan (Period I) Mound E, there are between one and two meters of settlement. The first location selected for excavadisturbed Mature Harappan occupation levels tions was in the southwestern corner, just south of above the uppermost dated levels (WIS-2139 and Wheeler’s main trench, where an erosional gully WIS-2043). Consequently the latest dates can not provided easy access to the lower levels of the site.

be taken to represent the end of Period 3. In 1986 a test pit beginning with an area of three by For Period III, (Mature Harappan) the dated five meters was excavated down to natural soil. samples range from 2913 B.C. to 2047 B.c. (based on With the exception of a single stratum, just beneath CALIB program). Since 2900 B.c. is much earlier the eroded surface of the gully, with in situ features

than dates reported at any other Harappan site, it is of Period III, the deposits were all debris and possible that the earliest dates (WIS-2 140 and WIS- secondary in nature. Several small sherds of Early 2142) are based on charcoal from the proceeding pottery were found in the lowest debris layer.

phase that has been mixed in with the fill on the A second excavation area is in the east-central

floors of the Mature Harappan occupation. portion of the mound. Here again, a deep gully By using only the dated from undisturbed provided access to undisturbed occupation layers in hearths and kilns, which come from the middle of the center of the ancient mound and also the possi-

the stratigraphic sequence, the mid-range for bility of reaching the earliest occupation levels. In Period 3 falls between 2293 B.c. and 2047 B.C. 1987 and 1988, excavations were conducted along (based on CALIB program). It should be pointed the slopes and in the lower portion of this gully Out that even when he samples of carbon are taken (Fig. 40.1, Pl. 40.17), and in 1989 the uppermost from the same hearth (WIS-2074 and WIS-2143), levels of the gully slopes were investigated in hopes there is possibility of a wide range in the counted of locating undisturbed contexts of Period V

date. However, given the + 60 years for a one- (Cemetery H). sigma standard deviation, the two sigma deviation

these dates are identical. Mound E would be 120 years. For all practical purposes,

Mound E is the large mound that dominates the

EXCAVATIONS: General Descriptions of Areas southeastern quarter of the site. (Fig. 40.1). The maximum height of the mound, at the northwest

Mound AB corner, is 172.8 meters AMSL, slightly lower than Mound AB dominates the western half of the Mound AB. The central and eastern parts of the

The Harappa Project 1986-1989 481 mound are heavily eroded along what appear to be south of the step trench to expose architectural

either major streets or collapsed brick robbing features and special activity areas. The total

tunnels. excavated area on the slope at the end of the 1989 The 1986-1987 surface surveys revealed that the season was 181.5 square meters, with the depths of eroding perimeter of the mound provides a wealth the excavations ranging from 50 centimeters to 6 of information. For example, on the easternmost meters. During the 1990 season the horizontally portion. known as the Old Police Station, craft exposure uppermost Period I and Period II levels activities such as shell working and chert processing was expanded to an area of 225 square meters.

were identified. The southern perimeter of the Also during the 1990 season extensive excavamound revealed numerous traces of baked brick tions were conducted along the southern periphery architecture and massive mud brick structures that of the mound with unexpected results.

appeared to be the remains of platforms (but see

Notes on the 1991 Season). The Cemetery Area

In 1987 the northwestern corner of the mound The cemetery area—originally designated

was selected for excavation (Fig. 40.5). There were Cemetery R37—is located to the south of Mound traces of massive mud brick platforms, brick walls, AB and is known to extend from irrigated fields to

a ceramic production area, and pottery from both the west of the mounded area to the Harappa the Mature (Period III) and the late Harappan Museum grounds in the east (Figs. 40.1 and 40.8,

(Period V) occupations. Pl. 40.1).

The initial excavations in 1987 were limited to The modern topography of the cemetery area

test pits on the top of the mound to determine the before excavations was an undulating surface com-

degree of disturbance by brick robbers and to prised debris derived from the ancient mound. identify the cultural association of rectangular After 1946 much of the area was leveled and features observed on the surface. Rectangular cleared of underbrush and several buildings were shaped surface features are found scattered across constructed over portions of the cemetery. Beginthe entire length of Mound E and they are oriented ning in 1986, we excavated test pits to determine in many different directions. Some of these resem- the extent of the cemetery, and in the course of ble eroded mud brick walls but excavations in 1987 subsequent seasons, 25 one by two meter pits were revealed that at least one group of these features dug. Where there was evidence for burials, or conconsists of shallow rectangular pits probably dug by centrations of bones or pottery, the pits were exbrick robbers. The dirt and brick bats from the pits panded and the areas were excavated horizontally. were piled along the edges giving the impression of

walls. , SUMMARY OF FINDINGS Additional excavations in this area in 1988 confirmed that the uppermost layers of architecture Period I had been robbed of bricks, and an East India Com- Wheeler had reported early sherds from the pany two anna coin dated to 1843, Victoria Queen, lowest levels of his large trench on the western edge

provides dated evidence for tne brick robbing © of the citadel mound (AB), but our discovery of activities. Fortunately, beneath the disturbed layer, similar sherds on the tops of his other dumps indiPeriod III (Mature Harappan) architectural units cates that the early settlement might have extended are preserved in association with streets, drains and virtually the entire north-south length of the Period

sump pits. III ‘‘citadel.”’

_ In 1988, more extensive excavations were begun Our 1986 test pit within the southwestern corner on the northwestern slope of Mound E. These con- of Mound AB confirmed the presence of early sisted of a five-meter wide step trench oriented sherds in secondary deposits just above natural soil. east-west and extending from the crest to the base The slope and direction of waterborne sediments in of the mound (Figs. 40.5, 40.6 and 40.7). Horizontal ex- the lowest levels from east to west suggested that posures were made in five by five meter areas. In 1989, the earliest settlement itself was further east under

additional areas were exposed to the north and Mound AB or even further under Mound E.

482 George F. Dales and J Mark Kenoyer And, in fact, our excavations of the northwes- human and animal figurines, triangular terracotta tern corner of Mound E have revealed the presence cakes, terracotta toy tops, and red fired terracotta of the Period I (Early Harappan) mound. And dur- bangles were found. These categories of artifacts,

ing the 1990 season, more Early deposits were along with certain ceramic types, continue into found along the southern slope of Mound E. Period IIJ (Mature Harappan). The detailed study Associated with the walls and occupational levels of these artifacts will help clarify some of the ques-

are distmetive early pottery (Figs. 40.9, 40.10, tions about change and continuity between the 40.11) and figurines (Figs. 40. 13 to 40.17). Early and Mature Harappan periods.

, | , One very important II is Period II small round kiln, discovery 50 X 60 cmininPeriod diameter anda Period II is defined primarily by the construc- approximately 40 cm high containing early pottery tion of massive walls discovered along the north- (Pl. 40.14). This kiln has a unique firing structure western periphery of Mound E (Fig. 40.5). The made by placing the upper half of a large pot in the walls are made with large mudbricks that measure center of the kiln. The fuel appears to have been 10 x 20 x 40 centimeters. The orientation of these placed on the outside of the broken pot as well as mud brick walls is approximately 10° west of true on the inside. The interior of the pot is vitrified and north. They, as well as the later baked brick walls |. reduced while the exterior is oxidized. This sugof Period III have approximately the same orienta- gests that the objects being fired may have been tion as the so called ‘‘defense walls” identified by placed inside the pot for a high temperature reducWheeler on Mound AB (12° west of magnetic tion that would have resulted in dark gray or black North). It is possible that Wheeler’s earliest walls color. Possibly this structure was for firing the thin

actually belong to this period. grayish-black bangles that are common in Periods I

Five, possibly six, superimposed walls are made and II, but no bangles were found inside the kiln. of the large mud bricks. The most complete wall The presence of this technology in the Early Harap[164] extends north-south for over 15 meters (Fig. pan levels at Harappa may have some relationship 40.5). It is two meters wide and has a surviving to the development of the stoneware bangle pro-

height of approximately two meters. A possible duction of Period III that has been documented northwestern corner of this wall has been identified recently at Mohenjodaro by Halim and Vidale

later construction. ,

but its eastern extension has been obliterated by (1984). ,

Wall [235] was built after wall [164]. It is 2.5 Period III |

meters wide and has a well defined corner and eas- New evidence relating to the transition from tern extension that continues for about four meters. Period II to Period HI has been documented so far

The north-south portion of this wall has been only on Mound E. This transition is defined on the obliterated by later Period III (Mature Harappan) basis of architecture and changes in artifact types.

construction. _ , Although there is an architectural continuity in

The precise function of the walls is not clear, but terms of orientation and brick bonding, a major Since the exterior faces are invariably eroded and development is seen in the introduction of baked the interior faces are not eroded, they may have brick combined with mud brick, construction in

functioned as retaining or revetment walls. Period III. | , Due to the disturbance by Period III structures, Many artifacts and ceramic forms demonstrate the precise stratigraphic relationship between the significant continuities between Periods I-II and III

perimeter walls and the large section of early but the overall stylistic features of ceramics, figudeposits exposed at the edge of Mound E is still not rines, stone tools, ornaments, etc. during Period ITI

clear. In the section (Figs. 40.6 and 40.7) we can see are distinctive. ,

that the Period I and II deposits make up a mound a that is 2.5 to 3 meters high at its exposed western edge. Period III: Peripheral Walls and Platforms (Fig. Specific types of artifacts found in the Period I 40.5)

deposits were found also in Period II. In addition, At the northwest corner of Mound E the masnumerous stone beads, a stone celt, distinctive sive mud brick perimeter walls of Period II appear

Period Ill + + + + N1360

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508 George F. Dales and J Mark Kenoyer | , In addition to the Mature Harappan figurines,

7 — > the 1989 excavations on Mound E yielded several a —— my fragmentary examples of earlier period figurines

fp Pe (Fig. 40.18) closely related in form and style to oe | , | a figurines from Sheri Khan Tarakai in Bannu

| | fl la x. District (Khan, Knox and Thomas 1988), and — yor oc important for our identification of the Pre-urban

SS J ae as Mae Gumla (Dani 1971). These examples are extremely deposits at Harappa and for questions relating to

im contacts and interactions with other early sites.

eS INSCRIPTIONS 7) George F. Dales ja The number of new seals, tokens, and inscriptions en fog ee or. found during the first four seasons was surprisingly 7a ™~ Fas r small considering the richness of the inscribed vinta ed AB > 3 materials published in Vats’s report on the initial excavations at Harappa. This can most probably be

Dat —~ pres — pr —§ 5 explained by the fact that our excavations had con-

manufacturing detals. ; . ;

Fic. 40.20. T hropoid fiourines: female. show; centrated in areas quite different functionally than

Be ara anthropoid tpurines. female. Snowing those exposed by Vats. The situation changed drastically during the 1990 season when a rich col-

manufacturing of female figurines. The basic torso lection of contextually related seals, tokens and is almost flat on the front side with a pinched waist other inscriptions was discovered in and near a and short pointed stubs projecting horizontally house along the southern edge of Mound E (see

from the shoulders. This same basic female rep- Addendum). ,

resentation can be traced back in time and sapce to the All the new inscriptions from the first four Neolithic, and even earlier, figurines in the Near seasons are included in the pictorial corpus of East and the Mediterranean region (Dales, 1960, Indus inscriptions prepared by Dr. Asko Parpola 1963, 1974). What is different, and new is that in (1991).

the Indus region, during the Mature Harappan Important to note is the variety of uses of the period, this basic stylized female figurine is added script. In addition to the well-known square steatite

on to and embellished. Thick strips Of clay were seals with animal representations (Fig. 40.19), attached to the top of the arm stubs to produce there are rectangular steatite seals with only script; prominent shoulders and the arms—made separa- Steatite “tokens” with script on both sides; molded tely—were stuck on to the end of the stubs creating faience “tokens” with script on one side and an what resembles a ball joint (Fig. 40.17). Again, the animal on the reverse (Figs. 40.19 and 40.20); explanation for this manufacturing procedure inscriptions on bone, terracotta, metal objects, and

eludes us. , on stoneware bangles, and inscriptions on pottery.

} COGN Enewn Be RS: -a las ee weet ry A" en A a OUSEE sag on Ns

\, Gyr 2

] Uy, f , w) a pe ; m, . i LF “A WD- 4.0

YL WN 7a} SAE “oya . wa ee ' qi?7jaAS \ roe ane) a fae oy NN AL | | OS Sage | | ene A

fGS) Pra €{\¥ ‘a j\ ff: A : .

TR Ee

Ltvg-Ws 4:wie er:o 4‘ei it i i =om, F- j ,

7 . ; tn, 13 a. ‘Y .) hae A a> Ip [7ae Meee ) . | SAR NO ANY ‘Pe. “a :,woh 4 rez ort ¢ ) :> XH : ME) WA fd .’ . a o~ Rae ya . mn Pf RELL fete ee . we YY doo (AN aN f Soa ip Hf \ ‘ gts 4oR iadafe-. oe 4 % ; A ESfgFstMe GAD.

i ar ae

9 7. Biel LG. 7fsNd w yy 07x> \»,WD-— HT -—2.6 2.65 d ee V3 ORT PS yy eT ; : ve AY ag

7ER ( aSRW | PsN Be eee FES. aay aS ~ ee’rye oe . :- “Y: ' fey \Df{4 ey:egH. ie AGars. idl f=.) | ge oo4te‘yBAN obey: oe . Si ey ae “acy had POs. if SEP OBE ‘fire

metal x a d c \ >) "iS. )fiuz (SS ioe Fi ! oA \ Va , ak Hav he

_—i rae Lek EN pe DOSED

3 4 arabe 4h) , \ —— mee woe & ¢ B QO 1 5 PR an é } N We yy Ls \ A\ te ee FAS

b--~ a eee oa

Fig. 40.21. Inscribed Objects: (1), (2), (3) are steatitie seals. (4) and (5) are faience ‘“‘tokens’’.

oe

a am D Tow : vo-

5

von) () [MY | —— 7

.t.;

The Harappa Project 1986-1989 511 IV TECHNICAL STUDIES AND CONSERVATION

CERAMIC ANALYSIS activation analysis at the reactor facilities of the

. . National Institute of Technology and Standards

Rita P. Wrigh Gaithersburg, MD. This analysis revealed that the Archaeometric analysis of the pottery is being clays used at Mohenjodaro are easi'y distinguish-

La ablecontinuities from those used Harappa, primarily on the conducted to understand andat dis4: : The oe . ; basis of their the higher calcium content. samples

; gy —atae clay Harappa ; types that fall into two major categories: bang-

continuities ceramic technology between Periods M ; homogene; I. IL and III. Thein ceramic technolo from Mohenjodaro appear to be fairly is being compared with other contemporaneous ous. while the Harappa samples show a range of

sites. The analysis involves characterization of the ; _

; . ; lesused madethe from clay thatand is chemically similar to raw materials clays, the region slip paints, and ; ; - claysinfound in the today, bangles that

the manufacturing and the tempera.;; . are chemically identical to the: ;bangles produced at tures used totechniques, fire the ceramics. , Mohenjodaro. This suggests .that some of the stoneShe rds from Harappa as being analyzed petro- ware bangles were probably made in Mohenjodaro

graphically using both qualitative and quantitative and carried to Harappa, either by traders or techniques. Initial petrographic analysis conducted through the movement of people wearing the by Sherman Banker of the University of Wisconsin bangles. The chemical and spatial analyses of indicate that there is a substantial amount of qua- additional samples from Harappa will help us to litative and quantitative variation in the sherds understand more clearly the significance of these studied. This variation could be due to temporal, remarkable bangles in Harappan society

functional, technological or other unknown factors. , The continued petrographic analysis of these Faience Analysis

ceramics will help in understanding the develop- Research on the faience production at Harappa ment of specialized ceramic production and ex- is being done by Pamela Vandiver and her student change, as well as chronological questions relating Blythe McCarthy at the Smithsonian’s Conservato the posed chalcolithic and urban periods (Harap- tion Analytical Laboratory. Various archaeometric

pan) in Pakistan. techniques are being used to understand the comA ; position, firing temperatures, colorants formStoneware Bangle Analysis ing processes of the different types of and faience obThirty specimens of terracotta and stoneware jects. Experimental faience produced by J.M. bangles from surface and excavation contexts have Kenoyer and also by B. McCarthy is being combeen studied by MJ. Blackman (Smithsonian pared with archaeological materials from Harappa. Institution) and Massimo Vidale (Is.M.E.O., Preliminary results of the analyses show clearly that —

Rome). This set of samples was studied together the Harappan faience is more refined and of with a larger group of bangles and other ceramic superior quality to that known from Egypt and the

artifacts from Mohenjodaro. eastern Mediterranean (McCarthy 1990). The goals of the research are: 1) To reconstruct the very sophisticated techno-

logy of Harappan stoneware bangles. Metallurgical Analysis 2) To determine if Harappa was a manufactur- Vincent C. Pigott

ing center for this unique ceramic product.

3) To study the pattern of distribution and ex- Many examples of copper/bronze objects have change of stoneware bangles between Mohenjodaro been recovered in the excavations of the domestic

and Harappa. areas on Mound E and Mound AB. The complete 4) To see if it is possible to understand the type tools include Period III (Mature Harappan) arrow of social structures involved in their production and points, chisels, a spear and several blades. Much

consumption. of the copper was probably recycled to make new Tests include the use of instrumental neutron tools and in one case several small pieces of broken

512 | George F. Dales and J Mark Kenoyer tools were found wrapped together with fiber pos- STONE BEAD MANUFACTURE

Period III burials. sibly collected for reprocessing or remelting. Small

circular mirrors were also found associated with the J. Mark Kenoyer The analysis of the copper/bronze artifacts from Harappa has produced a wide variety of stone Harappa is being conducted at MASCA (Univer- beads made from a range of different raw materials. sity Museum, Philadelphia) by Vincent C. Pigott None of these materials are available in the alluvial and Stuart J. Fleming. At the present time eleven plains and therefore all of the stone beads represent

artifacts have been studied to determine the trade contacts with distant source regions. Some of

elemental composition of the metals, the the raw materials, for example carnelian, banded microstructural features of the metal and the tech- agate and amazonite appear to derive from the nology involved in the production of each specific region of modern Gujarat, India. Lapis lazuli was object. Preliminary findings indicate the presence probably obtained from the Chagai Hills region of of relatively pure copper artifacts, objects made Baluchistan or the mines near Badakshan in from arsenical copper and one object made from Afghanistan. Various colors of steatite could have tin-bronze (see Fig. 40.21) for the elemental been brought from Baluchistan to the west or from (PIXE) analyses of four samples). The techniques the Rajasthan ranges to the east. Variegated of manufacture and metal processing include cast- jaspers and limestones could have been acquired in

ing, cold hammering, annealing and possibly the Kohistan or Baluchistan region as well as from

drawing. Rajasthan, Kutch or Saurashtra. The identification

Precious metal (gold, silver) is also found. Pre- of specific source areas is being done through the liminary analysis of samples is being done by J.M. collection of modern examples of raw materials for Kenoyer and Jim Burton using the Electron Micro- comparative studies using petrographic characteriprobe at the Department of Geology, University of zation and trace element analysis.

Wisconsin-Madison. Studies of bead manufacturing techniques are also under way. Some of the raw materials are

microcrystalline silicates and can be easily flaked,

LITHIC STUDIES while other crystalline materials were fashioned by grooving and splitting, sawing, or simply grinding.

J. Mark Kenoyer Fach type of raw material requires a different manufacturing process. Special attention is focused

Another area of archaeometric analysis is the on the technique used in the manufacturing of

study of raw materials used to manufacture pecked micro-beads (PI. 40.22). |

and ground stone implements and chipped stone Every bead from the current excavations at

tools. A large sample of raw materials has been Harappa is being studied to determine the type of collected from Harappa for characterization and drilling technique used. Silicone impressions of the comparative analysis with rock samples from known drill holes are made and these casts are then studied

source areas. These samples are being studied by under the scanning electron microscope at the J. Mark Kenoyer and Jim Burton at the University Department of Geology, U.W. Madison. No eviof Wisconsin—Madison using x-ray defraction and dence for the use of abrasive has been found in the

electron microprobe. hard stone beads studied so far. The softer stone

Also, Kenoyer has been conducting experiments beads, made from steatite, sandstone, lapis lazuli with modern replicas of some of the tools, specifi- etc. appear to have been drilled with a rough drill, cally the drills. These experiments are necessarily _ probably made from chert or chipped jasper (pthato develop a comparative collection of wear and use ~ nite). Some of the short biconical beads made from

surfaces. rock crystal and carnelian were drilled using a

The Harappa Project 1986-1989 513 ;

unique technique that has not yet been replicated. ;

The interior rae is very rough and chipped, sug- a number of lots from E Mound were examined and

gesting a pecking technique. documented, and other materials from that area

An exquisite example of the jewellers skills is were selected for future study. During the 1990 seen in the teardrop shaped carnelian gem set in season, vast amounts of faunal materials were

_ 7 excavated from the southern side of E Mound in gold (PI.OO40.23). street. occunat; . ; pational, and trash deposits. A large 7s proportion of the remains from a north-south street FAUNAL STUDIES | Was analyzed in the field and material from comp-

, a - lementary loci was selected for future analysis.

Richard H. Meadow Even. without final tabulations, it is already clear

' Os that the nature of the faunal remains varied considerably depending upon the intensity of occupation

Richard Meadow, assisted by James Knight in 1989 in the area. During periods of apparent abandon-

and Tonya Largy in 1990, continued his work on ment or diminished use, the remains of whole the faunal remains from Harappa as part of a larger animals or large parts thereof were dumped in the study of animal exploitation during the Harappan area while during periods of intensive use, material Period in Pakistan funded in part by the National was highly fragmented and dominated by both

Science Foundation and in part by the Harappa smaller bones and the bones of smaller animals.

Project. , Furthermore, the high proportion of bones from The purpose of carrying out the analysis of wild ungulate taxa noted in the 1986 sample was not animal bones from archaeological sites is to learn duplicated, but large numbers of fish bones were

about the relationships between humans and recovered both through dry screening and water animals in the past. Such study is particularly sieving. These findings have important implications important at an urban site like Harappa where the for the interpretation of animal exploitation pracpopulation probably depended upon domestic tices at Harappa in particular and at urban sites in animals for traction (plowing, pulling carts, carry- general. They once again underline the need to ing people and goods) and other secondary pro- carefully collect large samples from a wide variety

ducts (such as wool, hair, and milk), as well as for of deposits.

meat and hide. In addition, it was clear after the In addition to the questions noted above, the analysis of a small collection excavated trom AB- analysis by George Dales of the figurines from mound during the 1986 season at Harappa that wild Harappa has posed interesting problems. Water animals including deer, blackbuck and gazelle, fish, buffalo and non-humped cattle figurines are very turtles, and birds were important to at least part of common, yet there is little evidence so far for these

the population during the period of the Indus forms in the animal bones. A problem faces the Civilization. This unexpected finding required con- person who analyzes animal bones, however, and firmation from other parts of the site since the use that is the difficulty of distinguishing between many of different animals for food could have’ varied of the skeletal parts of water buffalo and cattle and through the ancient city according to what sections of humped cattle and non-humped cattle. With this

of the population had access to different kinds of in mind, a major effort was made during both animal resources. Furthermore, with the discovery seasons to make a collection of bones of modern

of the extensive Early Harappan deposits in the animals and especially cattle and water buffalo area of E Mound, the question arose as to whether from the ‘“‘bonepits’” outside of Harappa town. the nature of the exploitation of animals changed Specimens from nearly 75 animals were collected during the period that saw the development of the and prepared by simmering in laundry detergent,

Harappan urban complex. — , including the bones. of water buffalo, zebu cattle,

Study of the animal bones from different parts horse, donkey, mule, dog, and fish. Comparative of Harappa site has begun to provide insights into osteological analyses are currently underway to these areas of enquiry. During the 1989 season, all define osteological differences between morpholopreviously excavated faunal materials were cleaned gically similar taxa. A complete collection of these as a necessary preliminary to analysis. In addition, modern specimens is stored at Harappa in order to

of , .

| H88-346-27 14 Cu 85.3% | /90

12 10

8 6

1. 2 0

As Sn Zn Pb Ag Ni Sb Co Fe § Cl

H86 A %e 2.4 Cu| 96.4% |

1.4 .

2.2

2 1.8 1.6

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0.8

0.4 |

0.6

|0,

1.2 | | | 0.40.6 0.2 , 0.2

As Sn Zn Pb Ag Ni Sb Co Fe S Cl

%o

H88-761-1A 2 Cu 97.4% 1.8 1.6

1.4 . 1.

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As Sn Zn Pb Ag Ni Sb Co Fe S Cl

%

H88-325-08D ‘2 Cu 97.0%

1.2 |

. 0.2 1.8 1.6 1.4 1

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o UZ... | ,

| As So a ‘= NO A i Z , \. i=) , \ : , OC m | ce . i

. et € x ‘ my 1 : > Nad $4 33" wd ie | A\"\. el) 6g. OD. PY\

A 6 Vi LAA We AF en _ Y _ _| 7

= es S C7” y, . LP 8

\ E | s277 9 _ { | _

om = SY | Qe 7 11 Le cms Fig. 41.13 Lewan surface collection: Stone artefacts from the bead making area Nos. 1 to 5. General Nos. 6-11, 1&3 AW 1/Scrapers: 2Bead working hammer: 5 scraper 4-6 to 11 burins.

Lewan—A Stone Tool Factory 543 THE BEADWORKING AREA the exception of axes (see Table 41.4, and Pl. 41.14).

Their absence from this small collection is not In the course of the survey we noted an area surprising as they form only 2.43 percent of the approximately ten meters square, on the western much larger surface collection: it is rather the preside of the site, in which there was a high concent- sence of all the other types among the excavated ration of brightly colored fragments of stone of | material that should be regarded as significant from various kinds, most of which were to be found else- the archaeological point of view. The proportion of where on the site in, but in smaller quantities. hammers is interesting, (seven out of a total of 18 There was also an extremely small hammerstone pieces), and so is the fact that four of the seven are battered at both ends and somewhat broken (Fig. stone dressing hammers which demonstrates as 41.13, No. 2). The microlithic artefacts from this area clearly as anything can that the manufacture of were kept separate. and are classified in Table 41.2 heavy stone tools was an integral part of the life of col. 3. Apart from the unusually high proportion of the occupants of the huts and the users of the pits pieces of brightly colored stone, notable features of excavated. The high proportion of hammers is also the collection from this area were a fine unfinished commensurate with the surface collection, of which bead, shaped but not pierced, of striped pink and they form 34.41 percent. The only other group cream quartzite (Pl. 41.13); the unique small hammer which comes near this in the surface collection is stone which compares in size to the buffalo horn the ringstones (34 percent). These by contrast are hammers currently used by the Cambay bead mak- represented by only one fragment in the excavaers; and the considerably higher proportion of drills tion. With such a small sample, however, this does in this collection are in contrast to the other two not mean much, except perhaps that they are used (17.15 as opposed to 1.80 and 1.98).The drills range and lost outdoors, while the hammers employed in from small awls or borers made on flakes, with making them were kept in doors. short strong points of the kind that appear to have In contest to that from the surface, the material been used to make the initial indentations when from the excavation is quite free of desert varnish, piercing beads, to those with long, slender points and weathering in general. As a result the pockworked on microlithic blades (PI. 41.13). All the latter marked surface produced by hammer dressing can

were broken at the working end, and one must be clearly seen, as can the different type of surface assume that they were used to deepen the indenta- resulting from the stone being broken. This is of tions and complete the piercing process. Thus the interest as in the case of the surface material these manufacture of beads is seen to be closely similar to features tend to be veiled by varnish and weathering. that of ringstones in miniature form. No rod-like drill heads, like those found at Mature Indus urban B. The Surface Collection

sites, and associated with the production of barrel Almost every stone on the surface of the site beads up to five inches long, were found at Lewan, had been broken prior to becoming varnished or nor were any beads of this size. In other respects weathered or both, but it was not always possible to the collection generally parallels the main surface Say positively that this had been done by a human

collection, except that the size of the artefacts, agency. At the other end of the spectrum there particularly the blades, is markedly smaller. were a number of complete classifiable tools. In between there were many pieces that appeared to | THE HEAVY OR GROUND, PECKED AND be incomplete or broken tools, fragments of tools , POLISHED STONE ARTEFACTS FROM THE or debitage from their manufacture. Closer inspec-

EXCAVATION AND THE SURFACE tion showed that many were not really artefacts,

COLLECTION but utilized stones. It gradually became clear that while some of the tools were artefacts in the true

A. Excavated Material sense of the word, having been completely fashio-

The small number of artifacts of this general ned by flaking, hammer dressing or grinding, or a category recovered from the excavation show that combination of these processes, so that little or all the main artefact types identified in the surface none of the original outer surface of the cobble collection are represented in the excavation, with remained, others were stones that had been selec-

544 Bridget Allchin and Raymond Allchin ted because they came near to the required shape purposes, or adapted following breakage or heavy for a particular purpose, and had been slightly trim- wear. Stone balls although plentiful on the site, med by one of these processes to shape them just proved to be absolutely unclassifiable for these

enough to be useful reasons. Figures give some idea of the character of

We attempted to classify the assemblage on the the tools that were the end products of this craft, basis of function, wherever this could be reasonably and the stone jigs or tools for making tools used in inferred, and form. Certain types such as axes and their production. The various classes of artefacts

ringstones were fairly well defined, but clear are individually discussed in Table 41.4. demarcation lines between groups proved singu-

larly hard to achieve. It soon became apparent that Axes (6) the reason for this was that they had probably never (See Pls. 41.15; Figs. 41.14, Nos. 5 and 6; 41.15, existed in the minds of the tool makers, an obser- No. 8). In outline the Lewan axes resemble elongated

vation that had been made by both Foote (1916: triangles with slighty convex sides. They are 17-18) and F.R. Allchin (1957: 322) with rounded or oval in section, taper towards the but regard to South Indian material of this kind. Table end and thin towards the other end to a blade that is

4 represents an attempt at classification but, as will more or less lenticular in section with slightly be demonstrated shortly, this really breaks down curved cutting edge. All six appear to be made from with regard to various kinds of hammers and upper carefully selected stones approximating to the size

and lower grinding stones, which tend to overlap and shape of the finished tool. Five have been and show evidence of having been used for several pecked or hammer dressed to some extent to bring them closer to the “norm’’, and then ground to

form the blades: the sixth has only the blade Table 41.4. Lewan heavy stone artifacts. _ ground. None are completely symmetrical, so it might be argued that any or all of them are technically not axes, but adzes. in the present context this

Artefact Type Surface Excavated does not seem to be a question of great importance.

Collection Material In some cases there are slight signs of wear around

o_O the centre of balance which suggests that they may

No % No 9% have been inserted into wooden shafts, or bound Axes(oradves)——“‘S!tOUW!UCUM! onto them in some way, but this is somewhat

Axe-hammers 11 4.45 1 , ; . Hammers 85 34.4l 7 Why so few axes and axe fragments were found obscured by weathering, and no more specific evidence is available on this question at present.

Palette Stones 22 «8.91 2 on the site is not clear. Grinding an axe blade is

Grinding Stones i «©6405 4 obviously a long and tedious business, and an axe Rubbing Stones 2B 5.26 2 once made may well have been regularly carried by

Saddle Querns 16 6.48 1 its owner when away from the settlement, as axes

Total 247 18 . . .

- 400 1 frequently werestill in recent and Ringstones ne sometimes are, in historical many partstimes, of the subcontinent. They are used for many purposes such as

cutting wood, lopping branches to feed animals,

ST and as weapons of defence and offence against wild

, animals and human enemies. If this was the practice

in the fourth to third millennium, they would tend + Percentage are not given, as they would be meaningless with . away from such small numbers. to become lost or broken and discarded

* In addition there were a number of roughly spherical stones the settlement.

whic are not separately enumerated because they sppes" ‘© Axe-Hammers(11) principal use it was probably as Sling Stones, which are briefly (See Pls. 41.15, 41.16; Figs. 41.14, Nos. 1 and 4; and

discussed here. 41.15, No. 8). Axe-hammers are made by the same

Lewan—A Stone Tool Factory 545 techniques as axes, except that they are not ground to a rounded corners; there is a steady gradation in this sharp working edge. Three of the eleven were obviously respect. Some tend towards pointed hammers, and

axes that had suffered heavy wear or breakage to others grade into lateral grinding tones, as which the blade, and been utilized as hammers. Others they may well also have served. All show signs of may have been intended for use as axes, but never heavy percussion on one or both ends, and some finished, or were axe-shaped stones that were sim- appear to have been much reduced in length by ply used as hammers. It is possible that some were having their ends worn down and broken in use. used as wedges for splitting wood. There is really The indicates that they were used to hammer subsno clear demarcation line between this group and tances as hard, or nearly so, as themselves, that is

certain other types of hammers. to say other stones. Possibly these were the tools

used to break the pebbles and cobbles on the site,

Hammers (85) and for the initialLike trimming of certain artefacts. the axes some seem to be worn around the Hammers form the largest group of tools at Lewan. point of balance in a manner that suggests hafting,

As a group they are hard to define, although it is and two have a small pit worked on one side, easy to recognize a stone that has been used for perhaps to enable a wedge to be used to hold them

heavy percussion work. At Lewan any suitable in a socket or binding.

stone that came to hand appears to have been used

for hammering, grinding, polishing, etc., and in Pointed Stone Dressing Hammers (38) many cases the same stone has obviously been used (See Figs. 41.14, No. 9; 41.15, Nos.1—4, 6, 7; 41.16, for more than one purpose. However, as we studied Nos. 14, Pls. 41.17 and 41.18). Virtually all this group ©

the surface material it became increasingly clear are made from selected stones, shaped by minimal that hammers of various kinds played many roles in grinding or none at all. They all show marked bat-

stone artefact production, and served other pur- tering and chipping at one or both ends, and most poses as well. Therefore an attempt was made to of them also show a distinctive kind of splitting or classify them, and to work out what some of the splintering, especially at the pointed end. At purposes were that they served, which left such one end of the spectrum they come close in shape clear signs of hard and heavy use. More can to the more slender, minimally worked cylindriperhaps be learnt from the illustrations than from cal hammers: at the other they resemble long, verbai descriptions. The following four types of slightly asymmetrical cigars. They show no visistone hammers were recognised, but all tend to ble signs of hafting, and the majority rest easily

grade into one another: in the hand. Their probable association with the production of ring stones is discussed below. It seems probable also that they were used to dress

Hammer Type No other artefacts as well, and their pointed shape is

ICylindrical compatible with the finely pitted surfaces of almost 28 all the more finished tools on the site, including Pointed 38 querns. The battering on both ends suggests that

Discoidal 6 they may sometimes have been used in conjunction

Cuboid or Sperical B with larger hammers as punches or cold chisels. Discoidal Hammers (6)

Cylindrical Hammers (See Pl. 41.16 and Fig. 41.14, No. 3). These are made from flat stones, sometimes shaped by trimming the (See (PI. 41.16 and 41.20). These tools range from edges, where they also show signs of heavy batter-

selected stones minimally worked to define the ing, probably due to use. They show no signs of Shape to those that are carefully hammer dressed, hafting, but can be conveniently gripped with the ground or polished all over. By definition they are finger and thumb. As a class they grade into pallet round in section, but some pieces included might stones, and into the infinity of pebbles with signs of more accurately be described as being square with battering which are to be found on the site.

| ,|

\|\||

° > ee fo rN ~N oa (i _ —-y a/5“YS N a“ / . a Seer — we O \ 7 A \ ‘ A }] . ”q \| :\ ){oe ‘\ J] i .,. |i — _— od | ~ . \ . Nor Ne , Af 4 ; “=z gy o ’ | ;| i. ; ; | i|A . HK \

|\\|jj_‘ \.ff/ :2\

: . —. "‘'f \a\4H ; Fe BR " ‘ / Wy of \ " rose ( Joe | ’ ; = J \’ wh, 7 a , 4 . a . . I; :—| 7\ q:,~~. rn. .:,:4.32:_ i: |. 1yo| - .773 .: :.

\f|:|..7 a fp fo \ -_ ’ | ‘ . ‘ ‘ ia ° \ C = | " i fi ft : \ // A , ‘ “ 1 ' ren : (| \ , y la I a a f , ar é . [* \ c" \ | . . y vf / » I \ \4 ’|\.\So \ . y \ 4\ a ~— \ :\ |.|8i |—.. .\: F.|u\,}|7tT . ty .4 (. \; a‘f| an] 4 i : 3 a a

_ \ ' * ree - 1, | a, ne q

~S 0 6 YL Y \ a ee J 7 Luu si ij cms 9

Fig. 41.14. Ground and pecked stone artefacts. | & 4+ Axe-hammers; 2, 3 and 8 Hammer stones/throwing stones Or sling stones; 5 Blade end of broken hammer dressed axe; 6 Hammer dressed axe with ground blade: 7 Palette stone (broken); 9 Pointed stone dress hammer.

Lewan—A Stone Tool Factory 547 Cuboid and Spherical Hammers (13) grinding, in as far as this could be discerned by eye (See Pls. 41.16, Nos. 2 and 8: and 41.20). These and by feel, both indicate that these tools were used

range from cubes carefully ground on all faces, and tor f erindin " d po shing axe blades, and the battered or rounded at the corners, to approxi- surfaces of the better finished hammers, ringstones,

mately stones battered over all or part of the ete. A tion to th f surface. They grade into the class of sling stones, full - ex hey ton , 7 e ttone. th was 3 Cane”

and this may indeed have been their primary func- uny linishec rectangular stone with one concave tion. They include many colored stones, presum- lace that complemented the curve of th © axe blades ably carefully selected. One found in the excava- Pl he same manner as the other grinding stones did

tion was an almost perfect sphere, very carefully (PI. 41.19). This appeared to have doubled as a

worked. rectangular rubbing stone.

Palette Stones and “Anvils”’ (22) Rubbing Stones (13) «pe: ; (See Fig. 41.14, No. 7; and Pl. 41.19. Palettestones —,__ [MS 18 @ particularly difficult group to isolate, as

were made from approximately round or oval, flat- it grades into and overlaps with almost every other tish pebbles, sometimes minimally shaped by grind- group, and particularly with cylindrical hammers ing. They are usually made of hard sandstone which with which they seem to have been more or less provides an abrasive surface, and are recognized by interchangeable. Thes e tools are made of a wide Striations on one or both sides, apparently due to variety of raw materials, and range from suitably

grinding hard gritty substances, and/or irregular shaped selected stone to stone bars, “a refully pitting which suggest that they were used as hammerdressed and ground, regular m thickness, ‘anvils’ for some purpose—perhaps resting a blade and square or rectangular aaenenta with rounded core when striking off blades. They grade into the COPIETS- They are recognized by wear striation on

class of discoidal hammers and, like them, into the one oF more sides of the long axis. , | multitude of used and battered pebbles on the site. ; This group of tools appear to be suited for use Palette stones have a wide distribution in space with saddle querns, as sum lar tools are today mn and time. They have been found with the worn many parts of the sub-continent chiefly tor grindsurfaces stained with red ochre at Upper Palaeo- ME vegetabl “Ss, herbs and spices. In as far as they lithic sites on the eastern margins of the Thar desert were used in this way, they appear to have been

(Allchin, Hegde & Goudie, 1978). domestic tools rather than jigs for the production of

other stone tools, but many individual examples

Grinding Stones (10) appear to have had a double role in this respect. (See Pls. 41.13, 41.21). Grinding stones are made

from selected pebbles or cobbles of hard sandstone Saddle Querns (16) Or meta-igneous rock with one face ground to pro- (See Pl. 41.13). This is an easily defined group of vide a concave surface, which in all cases appears to tools, and conforms to the saddle querns widely have been heavily used for grinding. Seen from distributed in space and time throughout the Indian above, the grinding surface is approximately Sub-Continent and beyond, and still in use for cerSquare, and seen from the side the stone is roughly tain purposes in villages. They are made from

triangular in section. This gave the impression selected coarse grained stone, with the grinding initially that one was looking at a worn and rather surface rendered more abrasive by pecking or pitformless saddle quern, particularly as all those in ting, and are carefully shaped to the traditional the surface collection (with one exception men- “‘saddle”’ form (PI. 41.14). All those found at Lewan tioned below) were broken at the ‘‘thin end” of the were broken, presumably in the course of manufactriangle. An unbroken specimen found in the exca- ture, as they showed no obvious signs of wear on vation, however, had the same shape in side eleva- the grinding surface. These observations show that tion as the rest, simply tapering to a point were they saddle querns were probably end products of the were broken, and showing that this shape must processes of manufacture at Lewan. They probably have been deliberately chosen for certain grinding also indicate that most finished saddle querns were

processes. The shape of concavity and direction of exported from the site. -

548 Bridget Allchin and Raymond Allchin Ringstones (84) to have been following the terminology then India used ; throughout the Ancient World. In Central (See Figs. 41.15, Nos. 5 and 6; 41.16). Ring Stones ; ae they are shown in rock paintings apparently serving form the second largest artefact group at Lewan, . . are records | ; : as weights for digging sticks, and there exceeding hammers by one. The feature that makes ; .;

. arrelatively we of theireasy beingtomade by is women of the Kung; or the group thethis perforation . , Southern Bushmen, anddefine used for purpose in deliberately made through the centre ofSouthern the stone. .; the last century. Smaller Africa ;during

Some selected, naturally shaped flat stones, ; for .similar ring toare stones might well have served as weights a small palette; ooms, stonespindles with a and carefully loonFisherman / 1s fishing nets. the worked hole through the centre. Most ringstones of are ) onpotLae oo, Manchar Lake in Sind today use perforated this kind are of are similar, but . , ; — ;sandstone. sherd to weightOthers their nets. Some of the intermediate have been shaped grinding theas outside edge; a ; ones mayby have served weights for, }bolases (see

Others again, usually those made of; below), harder rock,and

the larger ones could have been have beeneither made hammer followed , ; used : of ar , Lae as by mace meads,dressing or as weights for a by variety

grinding and sometimes polishing purposes. also. The most _ purpose of any of But what precise

elaborately are those workedthere from is nodules ; } , Lewancreated ringstones served at present

no | (probably large cobbles) of hardThis meta-igneous . oe,problem , means of knowing. is an interesting

, for future research. , |

rock. They have been chipped and hammer dressed to the approximate shape, then ground and some-

times polished either before or after the perforation , was made. The result is a fine spherical ringstone, Sling Stones

resembling a gigantic bead with an hour glass This group covers a whole range of approxishaped perforation, which must have required mately spherical and cuboid stones, ranging from

many of skillful workwere to produce. samme sub-group so described battered Thehours 84 ringstones at Lewan in varyingthe pebbles of roughly the same shape andto size. Many stages of completion, which allowed us to recon- are clearly made from the worm down or broken Struct something of the way they were made. The remnants of artefacts of all kind, but especially processes involved were the same as those emplo- hammers. We abandoned the attempt to enumerate yed in making other tools, except for the performa- them partly on this account, and partly because, if tion. This had evidently been done by first making our interpretation of their use set out below is cortwo depressions in the stone, opposite each other rect, natural pebbles must constantly have been On opposing faces, and deepening them until they used for this purpose, as they are today. This makes met. The perforation, once made, must have been the problem similar to that of identifying pointed

enlarged to the required size and to a regular stone-dressing hammers, for example, but infinitely shape. For this operation the pointed stone dres- more uncertain, because almost any pebble will sing hammers already described would be ideally Serve as a sling stone, and there are no characterissuited, and there can be little doubt that the ring tic signs of wear. stone were made by using them. It must have been Slings and sling stones are used widely throughdifficult and tedious work, and many broke before out the subcontinent today, chiefly by boys for they were completed. There appears to have been hunting birds and small animals. Bannu is no excepno established order for the various processes, tion to this, and in addition stones of the same kind some being perforated at an early stage, and others are used in small bags attached to long cords as

only after shaping and polishing were complete. bolas for capturing cranes and other large birds Ring stones have been made in antiquity in alive. Stones are also thrown at animals and birds many parts of the world, but as far as the Indian when hunting. It seems a reasonable assumption subcontinent 1s concerned they have been recor- that our stones served these purposes in the past as ded in large numbers only in the Bannu region, they do today, and were also used in defence and although they occur in small numbers in a number war. Some of those used may well have been of other contexts. In Mature Indus urban contexts specially prepared for particular purposes. Both they have generally been referred to as mace heads, Marshall and Wheeler identified sling balls at following Marshall (1931, pp. 459-461), who seems Mohenjodaro and Harappa, where they also found

i F i { | | : ! y , 1| :| :|' .|\ |' | a . AOE Ss a "

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| 9J}8 ,Fi icms 10,

oe \ \! SoF ‘ ’ 1 | ' = —_- \ — . _

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fo

SF ON Lead |

Fig. 41.15. Ground and pecked stone artefacts, stone dressing hammer and blade core from excavation. 1-4, 6-8 & 10

. Surface collection; -1-4, 6, 7 & 10 Pointed stone dresing hammers (1 & 7 show typical battering and 2 shows shattering characteristic of this group of artefacts); 5 Cyclindrical blade core from excavations; 8 Axehammer which appears to be a damaged stone dressed axe, re-used as a hammer; 9 Burin from excavation.

!f ._. f-° _iS , . aes Ganay 4 1 . | !l aaea |Q \ ‘ &2 ‘A |t

oe oF ’ Or, ’ \ : ’ \.

';\

. 6 _ \ a.4 8, or

ARDY

ee 9 (a06

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ell 7 Le CMS

Fig. 41.16.Ground and pecked stone artefacts and bone point. 1-7 Surface collection: 1 Cyclindrical hammer stone made from a natural pebble; 2-4 Pointed stone dressing hammers, all show shattering characteristic of the group; 5 & 6 Broken ring stones, 5 ground smooth in the outside and hammered in both depressions which had met before it broke, but the perforation had not been smoothed or enlarged, 6 has had both the outer

surface and perforation ground smooth, and appears to have broken in use. 7 Natural pebble lightly

| hammer-dressed in parts and with traces of red ochre on the surface; 8 fragment of pink and ochre coloured mottled rock from excavation; 9 bone point from excavation.

Lewan—A Stone Tool Factory 551 piles of sling balls of regular sizes made of clay miles to the south, beyond the Pezu gap, lies (Marshall, 19: Wheeler, 19: Allchin, B., 19). another, larger group of somewhat more substan-

tial sites, of which two, Gumla and Rehman Dheri

INTERPRETATION have been excavated, and which, from the nature of

their finds span the whole range of time repreWhat can this analysis and examination of surface sented at Lewan. Here, Rehman Dheri was notably collections of stone artefacts, and materials and the largest of the cluster, with an area of approxiother information from the excavations, all done in mately 19 h. Thus when one thinks of trade and the course of one brief season’s field work, tell us other connections Lewan is not at all isolated, in a about this unusual site? The information consi- local sense, but appears to be part of a network of dered is certainly not sufficient to reconstruct any- sites and site clusters in this part of the western thing like a complete history of the site, nor to give borders of the Indus valley. a comprehensive account of the life of the commu- Lewan’s input to local, and perhaps regional, nity who lived there during the late fourth to third trade must have been chiefly in the form of stone millennium B.C. However it does allow us to make tools. With regard to the heavy stone industry we certain statements about the site at that period, and can Say that it can be divided into two major classes the activities that went on there then, and perhaps of artefacts. The first includes those that form fairly also in earlier and later times. From these observa- well defined tool types, that is to say axes, ring tions a number of tentative deductions can be made stones, saddle querns and rubbing stones for use regarding the relationship of the Lewan community with the querns. To these might perhaps be added to the surrounding region, and to the wider web of the better finished cylindrical hammers, and the economic and cultural relationship that had already most regular spherical and cuboid hammer/sling

bound together the greater Indus region, and es- balls, although here it is impossible to arrive at tablished links with regions beyond its borders. clear distinctions. These finished tools would have Lewan is not an isolated site: in the Bannu constituted a major element in the export trade. Basin there is a small cluster of other settlements The second group includes primarily jigs for which more or less span the same period of time. making stone tools, the better defined types being Within one mile of Lewan is Mirzali Khan Dherai, stone dressing hammers, including both heavy a small mound producing evidence of regular settle- cylindrical hammers and lighter weight pointed ment, with mud brick housing, pottery and other hammers (which, as we have seen may have been

artefacts equivalent to the late period (i.e. to used in a similar manner to punches or cold Rehman Dheri, period III). Within a ten-mile | chisels), and grinding stones. The quantity of radius of Lewan at least six other settlements are utilized stone on the site shows clearly that most of known, Tarakai Qila, a substantial settlement also the specific tasks for which these artefacts were of the later period and occupying approximately 12 used were also regularly performed with the aid of hectares; Islam Chawki, a small, much damage any suitable stone that happened to be avilable ,—a mound with occupation of at least the middle the situation that makes nonsense of any attempt at late periods of Lewan; Laklargai Dherai, a substan- numerical analysis. tial site with a thin. deposit, also probably dating Palette stones, which have been included in the from the late period; and Dad Kala Kach Dherai, a table, are similarly little more than an extension of small and very damaged site on the bank of the the utilization of suitable pebbles. Their relationLohra river, which also probably belongs the late ship to heavy stone artefact production is unclear. period. Two sites have recently been discovered On balance it seems more likely that they were

(Farid Khan, Knox and Thomas, 1988) within the associated with the production of microlithic Same area, but showing ceramic evidence of a con- blades, etc., and/or used for other processes such as

siderably earlier period of occupation than any of grinding up small quantities of substances for the former, these are Sheri Khan Tarakai and domestic or industrial purposes. Barrai Khuarra 1. Thus by Early Harappan times The sheer quantity of material, the marked disthese sites formed a cluster around Tarakai Qila,— tinction between specific end products and jigs, the largest settlement of the group. Some thirty | together with other factors pointed out above,

552 Bridget Allchin and Raymond Allchin make a strong case for Lewan being a factory site The quantity of material alone strongly supports from which stone tools were exported. Whether the thesis that Lewan is a factory site serving other they went to other sites in the vicinity, or were communities, even if we assume that it was in use passed by trade and exchange to more distant over a period of some centuries. What we do not places, or both, is an interesting question. The lack know is what actual communities it served. So far as of stone of any kind in adjacent alluvial plains of we have no positive identification of artefacts from the Indus, certainly indicates a potential market for Lewan at any of the contemporary settlements in

stone tools. Since the fourth millennium profound the region. Microlithic sites associated with the changes are thought have taken place in the catch- dunes in the western sector of the basin remain to ment (and consequently in the volume of water car- be investigated, and there is the same lack of eviried and perhaps the yearly inundation pattern), dence from the Indus plains as in the case of the and also in the course of the Indus. It seems highly heavy stone tools. probable that much material, including many early Looked at from a more general point of view, settlement sites, has been swept away in the main there are a number of factors pointing towards wide valley, and much alluvium deposited which may ranging trade in stone artefacts. The indications are have covered others up. A thorough survey of sites that between the early and late periods at Lewan in the Indus valley from this point of view might important development took place, so that by the provide some clues, but the problem is a difficult Early Harappan period the presence of a more

one to address. highly organised trade network, with evidence of

The relationship of the heavy stone industry to seals, carts, and perhaps also more permanent mud the community at Lewan who, in the late fourth to brick houses on the site, and of imported luxury third millennium B.C., lived in the huts and made materials, such as lapis lazuli, is clearly indicated. and used the pits appears to have been a fairly close During the mature Indus period this development one. The fresh, unweathered heavy stone artefacts of trade networks reaches a new level. There is found in the excavation, which we have seen ample evidence of specialized production at certain include all the types identified in the surface collec- centres. A classic example of this is of Chanhution except one (axes), seem to be an integral part daro, where beads and jewellery, made from imof the culture. We have also seen that this appears ported materials, were produced on a considerable to be quite a rich culture in terms of the range of scale. Stone blades were imported in large quantidomestic animals and variety of objects it included ties to the major cities of the Indus civilization, and and the quality of its pottery. Whether these were produced at the source of supply in the Rohri

objects were made at Lewan or obtained by hills in Upper Sind, and perhaps elsewhere. As exchange and barter is a matter for discussion, but already pointed out stone sling balls were found the available evidence seems to point partly to the stacked near the outside walls at both Harappa and former and party to the latter. Whether the people Mohenjodaro. There is evidence for trade in luxury whose homes we excavated, and those who posses- goods such as turquoise and lapis lazuli from much sed the fine painted pottery vessels found in one of earlier times, at Mehrgarh (Jarrige, 1981: 97). the pits actually made the stone artefacts; whether Many more examples could be. cited, but these are they organized the production of heavy stone tools sufficient to make the point that the stone artefacts such as querns, and their distribution and ex- produced at Lewan in such quantity, certainly durchange; whether they allowed others to use the site ing the late fourth and third millennia B.C., and on certain terms—on the lines for example of the perhaps for a considerable time before and after sort of agreements made between farmers and this, were in all probability traded both locally and nomads today—are questions that future research to the Indus plains beyond the southeastern hills. may be able to go some way to answer. At present The most important unanswered questions with we can only pose these questions, and repeat that regard to the history of Lewan as a factory site are on present showing there appears to be little doubt those of chronology and dating. The occupation that finished tools of certain types were exported. period brought to light by our excavations is the A similar set of arguments apply to the micro- only evidence we have to go on at present. As we lithic blade industry as to the heavy stone industry. have seen to shows that the heavy stone industry

Lewan—aA Stone Tool Factory 553 and the microlithic industry were flourishing at that how long before and after this period either of time (late fourth to third millennium B.C. The these techniques was practised at the site. Surface inhabitants were using artefacts made in both tradi- collections like these cannot demonstrate progrestions, employing the same raw materials and tech- sion and development through time, let alone proniques, and producing a similar range of artefact vide dates. It is perfectly possible that more extentypes those found in the surface collection, with Sive excavations would have revealed similarly slenonly minor differences. As we have already pointed der evidence of occupation both before and after out, these differences might well be no more than that which we discovered. Only further and much those occurring between the domestic aspect of the more extensive excavation could determine this, craft of the one hand, and its totality (including and the amount of deflation at the site makes even

domestic, agricultural, hunting and _ industrial this uncertain. aspects) on the other. What it does not tell us is for

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Allchin, F.R., B. Allchin, F.A. Durrani and Durrani, F.A., 1988

M. Farid Khan (Eds.), 1986 (Ancient Pakistan Vol. VI) Excavation in the Lewan and the Bannu Basin, B.A.R. Interna- Gomal Valley, Rehman Dheri Excavations,

tional Series 310, Oxford. Report No. 1, Dept. of Archaeology, University Allchin, B., 1979 of Peshawar. South Asian Archaeology 1975, J.E. Van. Foote, R.B., 1916 In The Agate and Carnelian Industry of Western Indian Prehistoric and Protohistoric Antiquities,

India and Pakistan. Lohuizen-de Leeuw, Ed. Madras Government Museum.

pp. 91-105. Jarrige, J-F., 1981

Allchin, B., 1982 In South Asian Archaeology 1979, Economy Substitute Stones, In Harappan Civilization—a and Society in the Early Chalcolithic/Broze Age

Contemporary Perspective. G.L. Possehl, ed. of Baluchistan. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer. H.

New Delhi, Oxford & IBH. Hartel Ed., pp. 93-114.

Allchin, B., A. Goudie and K.T.M. Hegde 1978 Khan, F., J.R. Knox and K.D. Thomas, 1988 ,

The Prehistory and Palaeogeography of the Prehistoric and Protohistoric Settlement in Great India Desert, London. Academic Press. Bannu District Pakistan Archaeology 23: 99-148.

Allchin, B. and F.R. Allchin, 1982, [Reprinted Marshall, J., 1931

1988] Mohenjodaro and the Indus Civilization, 3 vols.

The. Rise of Civilization in India and Pakistan, London: Arthur Probsthain

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Masson, V.N., 1988

Allchin, F.R., 1975 Altyn-depe, Leningrad, Nauka, 1981; translated The Neolithic Stone Industry of North Karna- into English, Philadephia: The University taka region. Bulletin of the School of Oriental Museum.

and African Studies 19, 321-35. Possehl, G., 1981

Allchin, F.R., 1962 | Cambay Beadmaking: An Ancient Craft in The Neolithic Stone Industry of the Santal Modern India, Expedition, 23: 39-47.

Parganas. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and Wheeler, M., 1968 ,

African Studies 25, 306-30. The Indus Civilization., 3rd ed., Cambridge: The University Press.

M.K. DHAVALIKAR

42. Harappans in Saurashtra: The Mercantile Enterprise as Seen from Recent Excavation of Kuntasi

INTRODUCTION of data with its dockyard, warehouse and kilns and |

furnaces, pointing to its being an industrial center THE Harappan expansion into Gujarat from the (Possehl 1979). Similarly, the recent excavations at

north is now fairly well established. Scores of Nageshwar clearly establish it as a shell cutting Harappan settlements have so far been discovered center (Hegde 1985). Dholavira, the most extenin Kutch and Saurashtra (Fig. 42.1) some of which have sive Harappan settlement in Gujarat, was doubtless

also been excavated which allow us to study the a trading emporium and also a sea port. The availprocess of migration of the Harappans from Sind able evidence, though not very substantial, leads us into Gujarat (Possehl 1980). More evidence has led: to hypothesize that the Harappans came to Saurashto the identification of more problems. First and tra primarily for acquiring raw materials for the foremost among these is the conspicuous absence of purpose of trade, and in course of time spread into the Early Harappan phase (which is also known as Gujarat and established their control over the Kalibangan I or Kot Diji) in Gujarat which clearly region. This has a very close parallel later in the indicates that the Harappan civilization was planted historical period. The British came to India first in on the soil of Gujarat from outside. Secondly, as a the 17th century solely for trade and in course of corollary of the first, although the beginning of the time established political control over the subcon-

Harappan culture in Gujarat has to be placed on tinent (Kulkarni 1964). We can only say that the basis of radiocarbon determinations (uncali- history repeats. brated) to about 2300 B.C. many of the settlements After the discovery of the sea route to India appear to have been established later in circa 2200 from Europe by Vasco da Gama in 1498. the Portu-

B.C. last but not least important is the fact that guese, the British, the Dutch and the French were almost all settlements, save a couple of them such attracted towards this fabled land, for they had as Lothal and Dholavira which were urban metro- heard since long the stories of its undreamt of politan centers, can be classed as large villages, prosperity and its untold wealth, the fertility of the albeit well protected with fortification or enclosure land and so on so forth. They established com-

walls as at Rojdi. In fact some of them, more panies solely for the purpose of exploiting the particularly in Kutch, such as those at Surkotada, abundant raw material and the cheap labor avail-

almost look like forts. It would, therefore, be able in India. The British formed the East India

necessary to examine what exactly was the function Company in 1630, deputed their ambassador to the

of these settlements and other related problems. Mughal Court and secured concessions from Emperor Shah Jahan for carrying on trade. The

The Model Portuguese had reached India even earlier in 1597 The excavation at Lothal has yielded a vast mass with the same objective.

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‘“Rae ~~. ‘ sien CE

Harappans in Saurashtra 557 The British established what are called ‘facto- was a quadrangle surrounded by cloisters or ries’ for the purpose of trade. The ‘factory’ was a verandahs. The ground floor was used of Comstructure, which was enclosed within a wall, and pany’s trade, the rooms opening on to it, utilserved as residence of the few British officers, who lized as stores and godowns, presented a busy were in the employ of the East India Company. It scene in the shipping season”’ (Rawlinson 1920:

was not one building but a complex of buildings 121): | containing godowns or warehouses and residential There was also a Dutch and a French factory at

quarters for officers and even their servants. One of Surat |

the earliest and the most important of the British The story of Harappan expansion into Gujarat century, S., . t at erat " f oe seenost prosperous may not be very different from that of the British in Cities an d was perhaps the largest industrial and India. As a matter of fact it explains the process of

. ; . , the spread of Harappan civilization in Gujarat and

trading center in India. It played a very important enables us to place all the different pieces in the role in India’s foreign trade and was also known for ‘iesaw puzzle in their prover place. This mercanits domestic manufacture. In a word, Surat was the nn odel explains why ig he Harappans in the nied the same position as that of Bombay hoday first place came to Saurashtra through Kutch, built (Gokhale 1979; Singh 1977). Among the articles i their habitations in a particular fashion and in

_” a, . course of time occupied the different parts of this

trade, mention should be made of indigo, spices, t fertil on j tern Indi

cloth and many other commodities which were MOST BOTS Tepion int Western Mnaia-

exported from Surat. Hence, the English and the Kuntasi

Dutch established their factories here in the first quarter of the 17th century. There is an excellent It was with this model that we began our search contemporary description of the English factory at for a modest Harapppan site which would throw

Surat: some light on the issues outlined above. A nagging « ; roblem one has to face in this connection is that a ; The English factory at Surat was as little vast majority of Harappan sites in Gujarat are prelike the Industrial Building that we Know by the sently under intensive cultivation, and as a consesame name as It Is possible to COnESIVE- It was quence are considerably disturbed making a sciennot a single structure but a congeries of buidings tific excavation with due regard to stratigraphy irregularly placed with godowns in one part and almost impossible. Fortunately, we could come the apartments of company's factors and writers across a site which is intact, at least in its major part.

in another. Besides the personal quarters of the The site was earlier reported as Hajnali (Taluk company’s servants, there were several big. Morvi, District Rajkot, Gujarat), but was later handsome and roomy chambers. There was.also found to have been situated in the revenue limits of an oratory. The entire factory was closed by a the village Kuntasi (Taluk Maliya, District Rajkot). wall. The admission into the lactory from out- It was first reported by the late P.P.Pandya, an side was through massive gates at which a guard archaeologist of the former State Department of

was constantly posted” (Wright 1918 : 78). Archaeology of Saurashtra and was later thoroThe English lactory at Surat was a Mughal ughly explored by Y.M. Chitalwala when he was a government building and the emperor allotted it to research scholar at Deccan College, Poona in 1972. the company on a rent of 60 pounds a year but the We very much wanted to excavate the site then, but Company seldom paid the rent and the arrears of the we could not do so because we were busy with the

rent were adjusted towards the repairs of the Inamgaon excavations. Hence after a successful factory building (Anderson 1854 » 121). HG. twelve seasons’ work at Inamgaon we decided to Rawlinson writes about the English factories at undertake excavations at Kuntasi. The two seasons’ Surat: work at the site has thrown welcome light on “This was one of the best houses at Surat. It some of the problems of the Harappan civilization

was a solid two stories building, opening, in in Gujarat. The present paper discusses, the evimuhammadan fashion, inwards ...... Inside dence from the excavation and its contribution to

558 , M.K. Dhavalikar the understanding of the Harappan problem in a the fortified area and the habitation outside it. The

proper perspective. fortification wall could be made out at places disThe ancient site at Kuntasi (Lat. 22°, 45° N tinctly as it is built of large stones which however

Long. 70°, 76’ E) is located about 2.5 km southeast are undressed. Kuntasi was a very small settlement, of the present village. It is represented by a pro- which by no stretch of imagination can be called an minent mound which rises to a height of about 7 m urban center; it can at best be classed as a small from the surrounding plain. It is locally known as village. As a matter of fact, there is no lower town; Bibi-no-Timbo. According to the local legend, a the habitation outside the citadel is very small and pious woman used to live here and provide succor flimsy, spread over an area of hardly one ha. But and shelter to the passerby. But once a traveller this is precisely the nature of most of the Harappan tried to molest her and then she vanished. Her settlements in Kutch as is evident from such sites as

shrine has been erected at the top of the mound Surkotada, Pabumath and others. These are all which is in the form of a wall running north-south relatively small settllements which consist only of a having a niche in the center containing a stone, citadel and some habitation outside it. The ancient which is the aniconic representation of the pious site at Kuntasi thus conforms to the plan of Harapwoman. It is this shrine which has prevented people pan settlement in Kutch, because when we come from destroying the ancient site and it is therefore | down to the heartland of Saurashtra, the Harappan one of the very few Harappan sites in Saurashtra sites are of a different nature; they are quite extenwhich has remained intact to a considerable extent. sive and look more like agricultural settlements. The site is spread over an area of about 2 ha. of Our decision to excavate at Kuntasi was gover-

which the citadel mound is more or less intact ned by that fact that the site belonged to the Kutch whereas the remaining part on the north is pre- complex, and that it is intact to a considerable sently under cultivation. It is located on the right extent. But far more important was the fact that bank of river Phulki, the source of which is in the although the site is situated on the bank of Phulki, nearby hills, about 25 km from the site, and joins which though small is a perennial stream, the water the Arabian sea after traversing some 8 km. As the of the river is brackish and the nearest fresh water crow flies, the sea today is just 4 km from the site. is available today in the village about 2.5 km, from

When we explored the site thoroughly we decided the site. It is undoubtedly enigmatic that the to excavate it horizontally, for we thought that it Harappans should have located their settlement far

might provide clues to resolve some of the pro- away from the source of sweet water. Even the blems connected with the Harappans in Gujarat, wells in the vicinity of the site today contain bracmore particularly those we have enunciated earlier kish water. All this would show that it was not an and we are glad to record that the evidence from agricultural settkement. More than potable water, our excavations is extremely interesting from this the people wanted to be on the bank of the river. It point of view. The excavation was carried out in the therefore follows that the total number of people winter of 1987-88, 1988-89 and 1989-90. The work occupying the site must have been very small, and was jointly done by Deccan College Postgraduate engaged in occupations other than agriculture. The Research Institute, Pune, in colloboration with the discovery of an anchor stone in the course of Department of Archaeology, Government of surface explorations was indeed very significant in Gujarat, which is represented by M.R. Raval and as much as it allowed us to identify the main funcY.M. Chitalwala, respectively the Director and tion of the site as a port. The maximum cultural Superintendent of the State Department of Archa- deposit at the site is about 7 m of which the lower

eology at Rajkot. 5.50 m represents Period I (the Mature Harappan The site was selected for excavation not only phase) to be dated to circa 2200-1900 B.c., the

because it was considerably intact but also because remaining belonging to Period II, Late Harappan, it was relatively small and hence manageable. But assigned to circa 1900-1700 B.C. it appears that far more important was the fact that even from some people lived on the site in the late medieval surface exploration, it was possible to make out period in the 17th-18th century as evident from the

that the settlement was divided into two parts, viz. late pottery and tiles. During this period the

Harappans in Saurashtra 559 Muslims are said to be sailing for Haj from here. spiral-headed pin which has been reported from That explains the name of the village Hajnali, on Harappan sites (Piggott 1947-48). The spiral as a

the other bank of the river. motif is of rare occurrence in the Harappan context , and its presence at Kuntasi cannot be without signifi-

Period I cance. The structure in which it was found was a

The Harappans probably entered Saurashtras large squarish room with a verandah on the north. about 2500 B.c. as the early radio-carbon dates for It was located on the north near the entrance gateLothal would show. During this phase 2500-2200 B.c. way. It is highly likely that the occupant of this only a few sites like Lothal Rojdi, and Dholavira were structure was in charge of the security arrangeoccupiéd but a vast majority of Harappan sites in ments at the site. His house was located adjacent to Saurashtra were inhabited only during the second that which has been identified as that of the chief phase datable to 2200-1900 B.c. The beginning of priest, across the road (Fig. 42.2).

the Harappan settlement at Kuntasi also can be Yet another important find is that of a squarish dated to circa 2200 B.c. This is evident from the seal of faience incised with a linear pattern and havoccurrence of many mature forms in the painted ing a boss at back (PI. 42.2). It was found in the red ware such as the S-shaped jars, pointed based industrial area on the west in the room which conjars, highly decorated step-sided dishes, short tained a large pit silo (ST26 (2)) and which there-stemmed stud-handled bowls and ledge-necked jars fore can be identified as the granary. It must also be etc. The design repertoire consists of a range of stated that the structure to the north of it was the geometric patterns as also a variety of floral motifs. largest room in the entire complex and it must Besides, there is also a bichrome ware having red therefore have belonged to the most important and buff surface painted with black or brown. person in the settlement (Fig. 42.2). This therefore Among other finds of Period I mention should was the seal of the chief of the industrial complex at be made of the typical cubical chert weights and the site. The seal has as almost exact parallel at terracotta toy cart frames. A few bone tools, mostly | Harappa where it occurs in the early levels (Vats

points, were found in one of the rooms in the 1940: I, P1. XCV, No. 395). industrial area on the west. It may be noted that pottery kilns were also found in the western comp-

lex. The bone tools therefore may have been used Structures (Fig. 42.2) for executing incised designs on pottery. In sharp A large number of structures have been exposed contrast to this, the blade tool industry is conspicu- in the course of excavations. They have been ously absent; a few chert blades, however, occurred divided, on grounds of stratigraphy, into four in one of the rooms in the industrial area which is structural phases of which the first three (A, B, C) quite significant. A quantity of beads of semi- belong to Period I (Mature Harappan) and the last precious stones such as carnelian, agate etc. were (Phase D) to Period II (Late Harappan).

found. The most noteworthy among these are the During the structural phase A, which can be long, tubular carnelian beads which were expoted dated to 2200-2100 B.C., it appears that the Harapto West Asia (Chakrabarty 1982). Besides numer- pans, who came probably from Kutch solely for ous faience and steatite beads were also recovered. acquiring raw marerials, built a few structures.

They were in all probability made at the site. They were all stone built and none of them have A most noteworthy discovery is that of a copper been fully exposed. In all probability they were hoard in a small pot from one of the structures on residential structures. the north (ST 50). There were a few copper bang- The second structural phase (B) was the most les, over a thousand microbeads of steatite and two important phase (c. 2100-1900 B.C.) in as much as it finger rings which are unique as they have no paral- was the most flourishing in the history of the site. lel at any other Harappan site. Of the two rings, Most of the structures encountered in the course of one is broken, but the other is intact (PI. 42.1). It has a excavation belong to this phase. After settling at large double spiral. [t may be stated that we had the site the Harappan must have decided, in view of found a couple of fragments of such spirals earlier, the abundance of raw materials in the neighbourbut they were taken to be the parts of the typical hood of the site, that it was more profitable to pro-

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Fig. 42.2.

Harappans in Saurashtra 561 duce finished goods at the site itself instead of send- for their security because there were small rooms

ing the raw materials to other industrial settle- between the two defence walls on the north which ments. The entire site came to be occupied by may have been for security guards or watchmen. A Structures during this phase. They are all built of very imposing structure was located in the eastern stone rubble set in mud masonry and in some cases end of the northern part. It was very spacious the walls were built of mud brick with stone founda- (13.20 x 7.80 m) and divided into two rooms by a tion. The mud bricks measure 38 X 19 X 9.5 cm and partition wall. The road leading from the entrance thus conform to the Harappan standard. They were gateway towards the west takes a northerly turn laid in the headers and stretchers fashion. In some and ends at this house. But the most noteworthy

places, it was observed that stone walls were feature is the stone platform emanating from this covered with mud plaster. The stone used is the house and running north-south (20.30 x 3.80 m). brittle miliolite limestone which is plentifully avail- This platform is semi-circular in the middle able in the nearby stream. There is evidence to reminding that at Mohenjodaro which has been show that sometimes the stones were roughly hewn numbered 15 in L area (Atre 1987: 121-22) and it is

and made flattish. Although most of the stones therefore tempting to identify it as a ritual strucused are sub-angular, huge boulders were also used ture. Equally interesting is the fact that it faces especially in the construction of the watch tower towards the open quadrangle in the center of the and the approach road of the entrance gateway and settlement. [his cannot certainly be without signi-

the fortification wall. ficance, and we may not be far off the mark if we The entire settlement during the structural infer that the congregation was held in the open

phase B seems to have been built on the typical quadrangle with the priest-chief addressing it from chatuhsala plan, that is, with structures on all the the platform. four sides and having an open area in the center Entrance to the workshop area (PI.IV) was also (Fig. 42.2). It had a double fortification wall enclosing provided from this side through a long, wide pasan area roughly 125 m. sq. The width of both the sage (23 X 5 m) leading from the fortification wall walls varies from 1 m to 1.5 m. The entrance gate- and passing through the house of the chief of the way (3 m wide) was provided on the east (PI. 42.3). It workshop. This latter structure is the most impos-

was flanked by rectangular bastions. The inner ing at Kuntasi, consisting as it does of multiple fortification wall had offsets on the south of the rooms, of which the front one was very spacious. entrance gateway and its angular projections may Adjoining it on the south was the granary contain-

have served as wave breakers. This is a novel ing five large pit silos. It also had an attached feature which has no parallel at any Harappan site. kitchen which yielded a squarish faience seal identi-

In the southwest corner was a roughly squarish cal with that from the earlier levels at Harappan watch tower (10.558.50 m) from which emanates which has already been referred to (PI.V). There

the inner wall. should be little doubt that the person occupying this A narrow road leads westwards from the house was perhaps the most important, may be the

entrance gateway. It is flanked by spacious cham- chief of the workshop and the granary. bers which are interconnected. The rooms on the The structure complex on the west consisted of north side are inordinately large (8 X 4.20 m) and several small and large rooms, some of them conhad a verandah at the front. The road then takes a taining kilns and furnaces, storage areas and so

northerly turn. The structures on the north, which on, clearly indicating that it was meant for have been fully exposed, may have served as resi- manufacturing pottery, a variety of beads and dences of security guards and artisans etc. There is possibly also copper artefacts. The structure comp-

no evidence of any hearth or ash or charcoal in lex had a long platform (12.50 x 3.20 m) along its them, and it therefore appears that they had a com- western margin for loading and unloading. The

mon kitchen in ST 15. Structures on the south have been much damaged

On the north were spacious houses which were by the river floods, but the ramp leading to the undoubtedly independent units. They seem to be river has survived in the southeast corner (Fig. 2). very carefully planned and built. Some of them are During the structural Phase C (circa 1900-1800) multi-roomed. It appears that extra care was taken some of the earlier buildings of Phase B were

562 M.K. Dhavalikar repaired and reused. No new structure seems to an industrial center for acquiring raw materials

have been added during this Phase. from the hinterland and producing finished goods

, ostensibly for exporting them to West Asia.

Period II (c. 1900-1700) Kuntasi obviously was not an agricultural settleThe Harappan activity begins to decline around ment because “ven th e water in the river at present 1900 B.C. probably because of decrease in the long is brackish and not fit for human consumption. The distance trade with West Asia. Kuntasi was an question that then naturally arises is: Why was this

industrial center and naturally therefore it received site Se Oe the Harapp i . lor locating, their a setback. The Late Harappan settlement at the site aa itlement A © P ossipie exp nation seems 1 be

is represented by structures mostly on the south. ns Othe « y in d ea 80 b 7 : r kK ou i use oi :

They are single or double roomed structures with at th © sea 10 vols al am “ Kone. h es

their walls having single stone courses. The Late “ | ‘ etme have bi woe Ba tee o

_ Harappan occupation at the site was rather short “hone © : at it may have hot “hs t y kon aw or

lived considering the thickness of the cultural Thie sai y he se bite a K t am am hich

. . . tide port or an estuarine port. This observation,

debris of about 1 to 1.5 m. A small furnace of clay JUS TAISES TNE POSSIONEY OF NUnrAst OEM Ne

of this period was exposed. It is circular on plan and oupled with the evidence of kilns and furnaces in

has a narrow suggesting the use voupicd Ww ° . ar oeopening the fortified area lead us of tobellows. conclude that Kuntasi

In that case it might have been used for fashioning 1 t and an industrial cent

copper artefacts. was primarily a port an center.

The ceramic evidence also corroborates the short duration of the Late Harappan phase at the Resources site. Many of the Mature Harappan forms continue There should be little doubt that the Harappans to occur but the bowls now have developed everted came to Saurashtra for exploiting the wealth of raw rims, the stud of the handled bowls becomes longer materials available there. Among these mention

and so on. There is a large proportion of plain should be made of semiprecious stones such as pottery whereas the painted black-on-red has only carnelian, chert, agate etc. which were useful for linear designs. Black and Red ware of the Ahar making beads, chank shell and ivory for bangles

culture too occurs though rarely. and other ornaments. Another important raw

The ‘site remained unoccupied for over three material available around Kuntasi today is the exand a half milennia and only a few huts were built cellent clay which was used by the Harappans for on it in the late medieval period as is evident from making faience beads and for making excellent potthe coarse gray pottery and fragments of roof tiles. tery. Among the exquisite ceramic wares from This was the time when Muslims sailed for the Haj Kuntasi the most remarkable is the bichrome ware

in small country craft from here. This would which, though sporadic at other sites, is abundant suggest that even in the late medieval period a at Kuntasi. It is highly likely that this pottery was

riverine or creek port was located here. exported along with other finished products.

It is clear that the Harappan settlement at Another significant discovery at Kuntasi is of lapiz Kuntasi had no lower town worth the name, and lazuli beads. It is significant that they should be so this site therefore appears like a fort as is the case rare at other Harappan sites and should occur in with many other Harappan settlements such as Sur- good number at Kuntasi. In all probability the raw kotada, Pabumath, Desalpur and so on which can material may have come from Gujarat itself as sugbetter be described as military outposts of the gested by Romila Thapar (1975: 10-11). Harappans whereas Rojdi nearby was probably an Kuntasi is thus as excellent illustration of Imanagro-pastoral settlement (Possehl and Raval 1989). nuel Wallerstein’s world systems theory which, as But Kuntasi cannot be classed as a military station applied to modern capitalist societies, in which for the simple reason that we have what can be peripheries supply core areas with raw materials, identified as workshops and storage facilities, that cores are politically and economically domiwhich are conspicuously absent at Surkotada and nant and that the social and economic development other places. Kuntasi therefore appears more to be of all regions is constrained by the changing roles

Harappans in Saurashtra 563 they played in the system (Kohl 1979). This would in Saurashtra indicates that the urbanized Harapshow that Saurashtra contributed considerably to pans were gradually being reduced to the rural

the prosperity of the Harappan civilization. statue. The Harappans then became village folk, The structures exposed at Kuntasi no doubt sug- merely the poor successors of the once flourishing

gest that it was an industrial center if the kilns, urbanites. The region was then dotted by chalcofurnaces and storage facilities are any indication. It lithic farming communities, but Kuntasi was cermust have been a flourishing industrial center and tainly not an ideal place for farmers for the simple hence the need for a massive double defence wall. reason that even potable water was not available at The Harappans may have brought a few of their the site. The Harappans obviously must have master craftsmen with them from Sind and Punjab; shifted to some neighbouring area. It may be noted

they were in all probability provided accommoda- that a Harappan village has been discovered at tion inside the fortified area. The autochthons were Panchasar near Morvi and even at Kuntasi itself probably employed as unskilled labor to work there is a small Harappan site, about 2 km north of under the guidance of these master craftsmen. they the village. were allowed to live outside the fortification wall where we have found traces of habitation on the Evidence from Other Sites

north. It is likely that these autochthons got It j I tablished fact that

acculturated in course of time. The raw materials h Hoe now @ "Fine OF mess “Ga ase BBE 5300 were probably supplied by the hunter-gatherers the Marappans first came to \sujarat in circa ¢

fFORT | di SUTTOURENIB B.C., if the akeasevidence from Lothal is any indication, but the radiometric assays for other sites would suggest that a majority of Harappan settlements in

Decline Saurashtra are later, beginning from ca. 2200 B.C. Sometime in the beginning of the second millen- The Harappan civilization in Saurashtra can by no nium the decline appears to have set in as is evident means be said to be the local development (Rao from other sites in Saurashtra. The reasons put 1979: 28-29). Once planted, it flourished there for forth are manifold: ecological, economic and so on. some five centuries with great vigour and the It has been observed that the Harappan trade with decline set in around 1900 B.C. as was the case in West Asia began to dwindle from the Isin-Larsa the original home of the Harappans in Punjab, Sind period around 1900 B.c. ( Ratnagar 1981). The and Rajasthan. The decline continued for a couple prosperity of the Harappans which was so much of centuries and the Late Harappans, as have been

dependent on this long distance trade, naturally aptly described (Ghosh 1965: 123) were mere began to wane and the period from c. 1900-1700 jejune shadows of their prosperous forebears.

marks the Late Harappan phase at Kuntasi. During When we consider the Harappan problem in this period the importance of the settlement as an Gujarat, the first and foremost question that arises industrial center was coming to a close. The work- is: why did the Harappans come to Gujarat in the

shop areas were abandoned. Smaller houses of first place? The pre-Harappans and the Early stone rubble were built, albeit within the fortified Harappans were flourishing in the north-western area particularly on the south. The ceramic wares parts of the subcontinent for several centuries in do not appear to have undergone any significant the third millennium and even earlier, but these change, but it is likely that among many crafts it is were mostly self-sufficient communities, some of only the potter’s that seems to have survived at them autonomous and some probably organized Kuntasi if the highly specialized kiln of the late into chiefdoms; they do not seem to have spread Harappan period is any indication (PI.VI). The beyond the Indus, its tributaries and the Saraswatiexquisite bichrome ware, which was the speciality Drishadvati valley. Centers like Dholavira and of Kuntasi, continued to be made on a larger scale Lothal were among the first to be established in during this phase. Perhaps it was meant for the Gujarat. Later, during the time of Sargon of Akkad

regional trading network. there was a tremendous spurt in the demand for

The settlement was abandoned probably by c. oriental luxuries in ca. 2300 B.c. (Ratnagar 1981: 1700 B.c. The evidence from other Harappan sites 202). This was the time when a vast majority of

564 M.K. Dhavalikar Harappan settlements in Saurashtra were establis- 1977). A few sites in Kutch like Surkotada, hed. Hence the most prosperous period of the Desalpur, Pabumath and Khirasra, which were Harappan occupation in Gujarat, as in the original strongly fortified, were undoubtedly military outhome, was from 2200-1900 B.c. There was a great posts for affording shelter and protection to the movement of men and materials during this period Harappan merchants and traders on their way to and it therefore became necessary for the authori- Saurashtra.

ties to build military outposts like that at Sur- Some of these settlements such as Kuntasi and kotada. What is more, even smaller settlements Nageshwar have proved on excavation to be industsuch as Kuntasi had to be fortified properity to pro- rial centers specially meant for procuring raw matetect the merchant—traders and the master crafts- rials from the hinterland and for producing finished men from the autochthons hunter-gatherers and articles. Nageshwar was an important center of

incipient agriculturists. chank shell industry (Hegde 1985; Kennoyer 1984)

The Mesopotamian documents testify to the and Kuntasi for making pottery and faience and trade with Meluhha which has been rightly identi- other beads of semi-precious stones. The former fied with India, more particularly Gujarat for the settlement was situated on the coast obviously for simple reason that the articles imported from procuring chank shell. Around Kuntasi today there Meluhha are available mostly in Gujarat. The are over 150 factories manufacturing tiles and quite beginning of this trade in Mesopotamia goes back a few ceramic industries. This, in the main, is due to about 2600 B.c. (Ratnagar 1981: 200). We have to the availability of clay of extremely fine quality already seen that the radiocarbon dates show that which, as at present, must have attracted the atten-

the antiquity of the Harappan Civilization in tion of the Harappans. It was obviously this clay Gujarat has to be assigned to circa 2200 B.c.. This which was used by the Harappans for making their date, however, is uncalibrated and we may not exquisite red ware as also the bichrome ware which therefore be far off the mark if we push back the occurs sporadically at other sites in Saurashtra but initial date of Harappan entry into Gujarat to 2500 in profusion at Kuntasi. Moreover, it is this clay B.C. The Harappans were traders par excellence and which was used for making beads of faience, The when they realized that there was a growing market addition of cobalt lends a lovely bluish tinge to the in Mesopotamia for Indian luxuries such as carne- bead. These beads have been found in good lian and lapis beads, shell, ivory, etc., they soon quantity in the course of excavations at Kuntasi Started coming to Gujarat around 2200 B.c. for along with kilns and furnaces. acquiring these raw materials, processing them into When we examine the evidence from the excafinished goods and exporting them to West Asia by vations of Harappan sites in Saurashtra we are dissea. The calibrated dates for this phase are in the appointed to a considerable extent for the simple range of c. 2500-2300 B.c. (Possehl and Raval 1989: reason that almost all the sites, with the solitary

10-11). exception of Lothal and Rojdi, were excavated ona

A casual glance at the distribution of Mature small scale. And what is more, all of them except Harappan settlements in Kutch and Saurashtra will Lothal and Rojdi, have remained unpublished. The show that they are not only far and few between but only saving grace is brief reports that have appeain a way mark the route of the Harappan migration red annually in the Indian Archaeology—A Review,

into western India (Fig. 42.1). They were mostly and a few articles. However, it is these scraps of located on the coast and among these mention evidence which enable us to a certain extent to should be made of Lothal, Dholavira, Pabumath, visualize the nature of Harappan settlements in Desalpur, Khirasra, Kuntasi, Shikarpur, Nagesh- Saurashtra. They present an altogether different war and Nagwada. Even the Ranns—the great and picture than that in other areas of the Harappan the small—are said to be forming an arm of the sea civilization. It is the functional aspect of the sites in the latter half of the third millennium when the that is most noteworthy. Of the sites excavated in Harappans flourished in western India. This obser- Kutch, Pabumath and Desalpur were small digs vation is further strengthened by the hydrological conducted just to ascertain their potentiality studies which suggest that the Ranns were under a 4 whereas Surkotada was excavated for two succes-

m sheet of water during the Harappan times (Gupta sive seasons in the course of which a massive

Harappans in Saurashtra 565 structure complex was uncovered. In Saurashtra, Nagawada is also in Kutch, and the excavator has Rojdi is the only site which was excavated horizon- reported even pre-Harappan occupation of which tally (Possehl and Raval 1989). Lothal, of course, only a single burial has been encountered (Hegde: still remains the most important Harappan settle- pers. comm.). Here also the structures are of ment in Western India (Rao 1979, 1985). Our own mudbrick. But the work at both these Kutch sites is excavation at Kuntasi is of crucial importance from in progress and nothing more can be said.

the standpoint of the present study. Just as the Kutch sites were military outposts, The excavations at Surkotada, though limited to some of the Saurashtra sites were industrial centers two seasons, have laid bare a major part of the and their main function undoubtedly was acquiring settlement (Joshi 1972). The settlement was noth- raw materials and turning them into finished goods ing but a strong citadel built of stone rubble. It is for export to West Asia and also to Sind, Punjab divided into two parts, one of which was the citadel and Rajasthan. The evidence from Kuntasi bears and the other, the residential area, both of 60 sq. m. this out in ample measure. each, with square bastions at the corner and in the Lothal was the most important industrial center center of the longer sides. It is a typical Kutch of the Harappans in Saurashtra. It was very careHarappan settlement which looks like a garrison fully planned and the excavation has yielded a wide settlement for providing shelter and security to the variety of raw materials, finished products and Harappan traders coming from Sind and Punjab on objects in various stages of manufacture as also

their way to Saurashtra. industrial waste. All these, coupled with evidence

Desalpur too is one of the key sites and though of kilns and furnaces, tools and implements, point

excavated on a small scale, it must have been a to the site being a manufacturing center. This military outpost like Surkotada. The excavation together with their warehouse and dockyard, bring revealed a fortified complex with a residential sub- into sharp focus the role of Lothal in Harappan part but there was no city complex in the lower trade (Rao 1979, 1985). The township was plantown. The rectangular pattern of the citadel comp- ned with great care with an eye on economy of lex, which has been compared with that at Sutkagen— space. This may perhaps be due to the small area of

dor in Baluchistan (Soundararajan 1984: 219), is 7.5 ha in which it was located. Gregory L. Possehl

built of rubble or partly chiselled stones. K.V. observes: Soundararajan rightly observes : “Desalpur and Sur- ‘There appear to have been areas for a kotada are not typical Harappan villages or town rather wide range of specialized and semisites, but more in the category of depots or canton- specialized activities each of which was perments or outposts where no regular village com- formed in its own place. The haphazardness munity exists but only men on duty with a specific associated with settlements which grow by

role to fulfill” (Soundararajan 1984:222). accretion is, if judged by the excavated areas,

Yet another site is Pabumath which was exca- not part of this plan. The order which comes vated on asmall scale by Y.M. Chitalwala (1982). It from the application of the maxim “a place is located on the margin of the Rann, 20 km from for everything and everything in its place”’ is Dholavira. The structure complex unearthed in the far truer for Lothal than anything else.” (Possehl course of excavation is built of stone rubble and the 1980: 72). existence of a fortified settlement cannot be ruled Lothal was undoubtedly a manufacturing cen-

out. The occurrence of marine fish at the site is ter, but does not seem to have the necessary

significant. resources in its environs which had to be brought

Shikarpur is very strategically located at the from distances. It was thus at the hub of a complex junction of Kutch and Saurashtra on the coast. It is exchange network (Possehl 1980 : 72-73).

a ‘U’ shaped mound, spread over an area of 240 — The Harappan settlements in Saurashtra and 210 m; but appears to be very poor as the excava- Kutch do not directly conform to the Harappan pattion would show (Raval : pers. comm.). A few mud tern so far as town planning is concerned. First and

and mudbrick structures have turned up and the foremost is the fact that almost all the sites, save pottery is extremely coarse. It is not unlikely that it Lothal and Dholavira, were rural settlements. was a small port, and moreover, a fishing village. Even Kuntasi was only a village, although fortified.

566 M.K. Dhavalikar Settlements in Kutch were military outposts. It is it occupied an area almost equal to that of the ridiculous to call the habitation at these sites outside citadel (about 1 ha). Here it was almost impossible

the fortified area as “lower town” for the simple to trace houses; there were no floors, nor even reason that it is confined to a very small area; it is post-holes making a sensible plan; the people hardly 2 hectares in the case of Surkotada and probably lived in small, temporary huts. They used Kuntasi whereas Rojdi has no habitation outside the typical Harappan pottery, but there were the fortification wall. These places remind us of the hardly any other artefacts worth the name. This forts that were established by the British in the clearly demonstrates the economic conditions of northwestern parts of the subcontinent which were the occupants and we may not therefore be far off just military outposts; their main function was to the mark if we infer that they provided the labor maintain law and order and facilitate communica- that the Harappans living in the citadel required.

tion in a very difficult terrain. We may not be far off the mark if we infer that perhaps the same func: CONCLUSION tion was performed by these fortified Harappan

settlements. One can very well understand that The foregoing analysis of the evidence from large, prosperous settlements should be fortified Kuntasi and a re-examination of that from other but it is not known why even smaller ones were Harappan sites in Saurashtra and Kutch brings into fortified and were provided with a watch tower as in sharp focus the nature of Harappan activity in the case of Kuntasi. Using the same historical anal- western India in the latter half of the third millenogy, we can aver that it was to protect the Harap- nium. There is evidence to suggest that Early pans from the hostile population of hunter-gatherers Harappans had some trading contact with West in the area surrounding these habitations. They were Asia in the first half of the third millennium which obviously far less numerically, if the number and was probably mainly confined to agricultural proaverage size of Harappan settlements in Saurashtra ducts (Asthana 1985). But sometime about 2300 is any indication. Much of the country at that time B.C., the enterprising Harappans found that there was occupied by Mesolithic, microlith-using hunter was also a sizable demand for other luxury items -gatherers (Leshnik 1968). The Harappans had to such as carnelian beads, ivory, copper, lapis lazuli,

live among these hostile groups, but they had to Shell, and so on. Most of this raw material was befriend them and muster their services for acquir- abundant in western India. The obvious course for

ing raw materials and forest produce. They lived the Harappan entrepreneurs was to travel to with the local people in a symbiotic relationship Saurashtra to procure the raw material and process and in the process the latter were acculturated in it into finished products for export. The west coast

course of time. also offered harboring facilities which gave a The Harappans in all likelihood brought their fillip to sea trade.

craftsmen with them for serving them and also for The Harappan migration into Saurashtra training the local people. The astonishing unifor- through Kutch began around 2400 B.C., on a small

mity in the typology of artefact assemblages scale and increased after 2200 B.c., Perhaps the between those from the homeland and the once earliest settlements in Kutch were Desalpur in the produced in Saurashtra points out in this direction. northwest and Surkotada in the northeast. Both The fossil forms in pottery, the beads and chert have yielded Mature Harappan material and the weights are all unmistakably Harappan. The occurrence of ‘Reserve Slip’ ware is an indication of Harappan craftsmen lived in the citadel and worked the early date. Dholavira, the largest settlement in there. This is suggested by the location of kilns and Kutch, is now being subjected to scientific excavafurnaces inside the fortified area at Kuntasi. The tion, but there is every possibility of its being a local people who were trained in different arts and port, and considering its size (1 sq km), there is crafts were probably living outside the fortified very little doubt that it must have been the entrepot area. They may have been hired by the Harappans, for Harappan traders and craftsmen coming from but being extremely poor their living conditions Sind. Its citadel and massive fortification walls are must have been miserable. The habitation outside very impressive. So is the case with Surkotada the fortified area at Kuntasi was very flimsy though which looks almost like a fort. The Harappans lived

Harappans in Saurashtra 567 in well protected settlements whereas the local the latter acquired finished goods from Indians labor lived outside. In consequence the local whereas the Harappans had to acquire raw matepeople were acculturated and became Harappan rials and process them into finished articles. Both gradually. The industral activity was carried out needed protection from the local people and hence inside the citadel area. In a word, the Harappans built fortified settlements. It is these settlements resemble the Europeans who came to India in the —the citadels—which we see in Kutch and Saurashtra. 17th century for trade. The only difference was that

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Surat and Its Trade in the Second Half of the | !7th Century, Delhi: University of Delhi.

PART VII

CONCLUSION

PUSS ROBERT H. DYSON, Jr.

43. Paradigm Changes in the Study of the Indus Civilization

THE papers included in this volume, and the extended I. THE STATE OF TRADITIONAL discussions which surrounded them at the seminar, PARADIGMS provided a rich and rewarding experience to a scholar

of Iranian archaeology looking in from the perspec- The specific paradigms which defined the study of tive of that distant country. As an outsider, it may, Indus Civilization in the earlier years, and which must then, be of some use to record here some impressions now be abandoned, include the concepts of: (a) a drawn from the papers presented and from notes on sudden and late origin, (b) a long period of widethe conference relating to major changes taxing place spread and static cultural uniformity, (c) a sudden in the paradigms governing the subject. I hope I may and uniform collapse (Piggott 1950) caused by (d) an be excused for the brevity of my remarks, but I also invasion of the Indo-Aryans (with an assumed 2nd hope that they may serve to focus further discussion millennium date). These paradigms were built ini-

on the issues raised. tially on a limited data base which lacked a detailed

The foregoing papers point to four major conclu- Stratigraphic or quantitative analysis of material at

sions: key sites. Little information on the variation in ecolo-

1) That until recently progress in the interpreta- gical setting was available and almost no data on the tion of new data and the formulation of research Pre- and Post-Harappan occupations were in hand. strategies has been seriously handicapped by the Furthermore, the geographic area explored was then persistence of certain traditional paradigms of limited largely to Sind and the Punjab and chronothought which can and must now be set aside; logical control was lacking for much of the material in 2) That the entire process surrounding the rise and the border area (e.g. Dales 1965). Thus the superdecline of the Indus Civilization involves vastly more structure of interpretation was necessarily one which

complex cultural dynamics than anyone suspected was largely speculative. even a short while ago; | Recent field work and new laboratory studies as 3) That the lack of agreed-upon criteria for basic reflected in the papers show a vast chronological and terminology in this area has led to considerable con- geographic expansion of the available data base. This fusion in the use of terms due to the fact that the same new work and the shift in paradigms which it entails term is sometimes employed as a cultural or ethnic must be seen also in the light of a larger intellectual label and at other times as a period designation; and shift (J.G. Shaffer in this volume) which has taken

4) That there is great need for coordinated re- place at mid-century. The philosophical approach search employing new methods and standardized based on the type-fossil classificatory concepts of the concepts over larger geographic areas with the co- seventeenth-through-nineteenth centuries as applied operation of a variety of disciplines in the natural in archaeology (as type artifacts, type sites, type

sciences. Let us examine these points further. cultures, etc.) and which used qualitative presence/

572 Robert H. Dyson, Jr. absence measurements as a primary methodological tion. Kenneth Kennedy points out that the available approach has largely been replaced by concepts evo- human skeletal evidence suggests a stable population Ived in the first half of the present century based on in the northwest continent for several millennia prior population genetics (biology) and statistical probabil- to the Harappan period. Already in the sixth and fifth ity (physics). In particular, these fields have introduced millennia craft specialization and the beginnings of

the concept of ranges of variability and the appli- long distance trade are indicated (turquoise, lapis, cation of quantitative methods to the analysis of data. _— sea shells). The needs of agriculture are seen as and the description of cultural dynamics (Adams — causing the movement of people as their numbers 1968). This major shift, greatly facilitated by the in- increased into alluvial areas where a base of wealth stitutionalization of archaeology in universities, has —_ (surplus grain) was gradually built up leading to exled to an interest in variability in site content and change networks reaching out to people in neighborartifact classification, systems of settlements and the ing areas and beyond. By the fourth millennium at variability in their ecological setting, and degree, Mehrgarh mass production already is in evidence for direction and rate of change in cultural phenomena. pottery and objects of lapis, turquoise, steatite, shell, The members of the conference represented a wide and copper. By about 3300 B.c. mass production of range of generations and experience and found them- terracotta figurines was underway. Thus the basic selves on different sides of these larger and smaller pattern of craft specialization precedes the “Harapparadigms. Given the rich mix of personal back- pan’”’ periods. The future focus of attention, theregrounds combined with the wide range of problem fore, must shift from the concept of sudden origins to orientation, the complexity of the data, and the range a study of a long and complex background and to an

of methods of excavation and recording, the partici- examination of the degree of regional variation pants showed a remarkable tolerance for divergent evidenced in the process of cultural adaptation to new views with their sometimes pointed exchanges, which environments as these cultural patterns spread

were nevertheless, marked by a sense of humor. through the area. Their papers, as presented in this volume, represent an extraordinary documentation for this transitional b) A Long Period of Widespread and Static Cultural

stage of changing paradigms. Uniformity in the Mature Harappan ,

/ Although the majority of the papers deal with the

a) A Sudden and Late Origin problems of the Post-Urban Phase of the Harappan

One of the first of the older paradigms to disinte- Culture, these discussions repeatedly underline the grate under the impact of recent research is the con- difficulty of discussing the nature of the devolution

cept of a relatively late introduction of agriculture and adaptations of the “Late Harappan” in the into the Indus Valley and hence of a rather short absence of a fundamental agreement on, and adeperiod for the development of the autochthonous quate analytical description of, the Mature Harappan cultures from which the classic Harappan arose. of the Urban Phase itself. Here we run first into basic M.R. Mughal (1970) had already proposed that in the problems of description and, thereafter, into prob“Early Harappan”’ that “‘widespread cultural pheno- lems of inference and interpretation. In this respect mena had already set a permanent and uniform pat- another paradigm of earlier thinking is clearly seen to tern of essential elements.” Shaffer, however, points be in a state of collapse: the concept of cultural out that even so, the exact relation of the Amri, Kot uniformity through the Mature Harappan Period. Diji, and Sothi Cultures to the crystallization of the The introduction of quantitative data gives differ-

classic Harappan remains to be explained. ent weight to evidence formerly described only on a Jean-Francois Jarrige’s presentation of the dis- present/absent basis in support of the assumed uncoveries at Mehrgarh, which document the introduc- changing nature of the Harappan Culture. Within tion of a subsistence economy to the valley well Mohenjodaro itself G. F. Dales has re-examined the before 5000 B.c., dramatically lengthens the time ceramic sequence in the light of the stratified sample involved in this process and casts the whole problem produced by his recent field work and the proposition . of Indus origins in a new light. Jarrige suggests that of a static culture does not stand up. Similarly, quantithe foundations of the later development go back to tative differences between the ceramics of different the Neolithic and the appearance of cereal cultiva- sites suggest the inadequacy of the homogeneous

Paradigm Changes in the Study of the Indus Civilization : 573 mode. This is particularly true, as pointed out by (D.K. Chakrabarti). This long-distance commerce Shaffer, when the total ceramic inventory is exam- now appears to be quite different for areas involved in ined as opposed to the painted pottery only. Shaffer sea trade (southwest Sind and the western Gulf) and points out at Allahdino that the distinctive Harappan overland trade (Baluchistan, Punjab, etc.) as discusBlack-on-Red Ware was restricted to specific vessel sed by B.K. Thapar and Shashi Asthana. It is also shapes and sizes and constituted less than one percent reflected in detail in the differences between material of all pottery found. He suggests that factors govern- present at Harappa and Mohenjodaro as discussed by

ing the use of such pottery and its distribution were Fentress at the conference and in 1976. Shereen distinct from those affecting other types. A study of Ratnagar suggests that woods such as deodar, pine regional patterns of this kind would no doubt be most and elm may well have been important trade items at instructive in ways not yet considered. That similar Harappa which, in view of its relative isolation from results might be obtained for other artifact categories any adjacent clustering of village sites, may have

has already been indicated by Marcia Fentress’s functioned as a “‘gateway city” inrelation totrade. _

(1976) comparative study of Mohenjodaro and The non-homogeneous nature of the Mature Harappa. Shaffer hypothesizes that the similarities Harappan Period is indicated by cultural elements were maintained by an internal trading network. other than ceramics. Fentress’ study of artifact groups Some testing of these aspects of trading activities at Mohenjodaro and Harappa indicate important difthrough the use of trace element analysis would be ferences as do the major architectural elements. For most valuable. Y. D. Sharma, working with pottery example, altars appear to be absent at these two sites ; at Ropar and Kotla Nihang also argues that the while present at Lothal (S. R. Rao) and Kalibangan Mature Harappan has different forms representing (B. B. Lal). The ritual bathing evidenced at Mohen-

regional groupings. , jodaro and.to a lesser extent at Lothal may well be The geographical location of sites of the Mature absent at Harappa and Kalibangan. In A. Ghosh’s

Period in terms of key ecological factors is also under- opinion “‘a uniform set of Harappan religious beliefs mining this paradigm, as reflected by changes in and practices is, therefore, difficult to envisage.’’ It is agricultural crops and subsistence patterns. As the noted that even the way in which baked bricks were limits of known Harappan settlements have been used varied from site to site, a fact which indicates the

defined over an ever wider area, very distinctive need to look beneath the simple presence or absence environments have been included. The significance of _ of traits to their functional context.

this variation is now beginning to be intensively Variations within and between sites of the Mature studied in terms of cereal crops (Vishnu-Mittre and = Harappan is also indicated by some of the available R. Savithri) which reflect basic differences in the evidence on funerary practices. Kennedy points out subsistence patterns between the major sites: wheat that the Harappan skeletal series is aberrant when

and barley at Mohenjodaro, Chanhudaro and compared with other such series for which archaeoHarappa; barley at Kalibangan; and rice and millet at logical data suggest a significant development of so-

Rangpur, and Surkotada. cial stratification. He raises the question of whether , That these crops played a major role in cultural or not social control was exercised by the Harappan dynamics is indicated by the fact that the number of elite in such a way so as not to evoke the usual dietary , sites in Saurashtra increased from 18 to 120 in the stress on ordinary people often imposed elsewhere. early second millennium B.c. during Rangpur II B In respect to this question it is interesting to recall the and C times and the subsistence base changed from fact that metal tools, which were mainly utilized for rabi to kharif crops; although for some reason this daily activities, were found widely distributed in both : increase in the number of settlements did not con- the large urban centers and the small sites like Al-

tinue into the Rangpur III period. lahdino (Shaffer) and were not concentrated in speA second key factor influenced by geographical cial situations and rarely occurred in graves. This location which undermines the paradigm of homo- distribution pattern indicates that metal was widely genity is the nature of trading activities which are available to the inhabitants and was not a monopoly reflected primarily by imported raw materials and of any one group or institution, a fact which Shaffer occasionally by exported items such as the long-barrel points out and which indicates that we are dealing cylindrical carnelian beads found in Mesopotamia with a qualitatively different social organization when

574 Robert H. Dyson, Jr. compared to the Mesopotamian urban-centers of the were probably towns rather than villages and did not

same period. produce their own food. He points out that agri-

At Kalibangan the cemetery yields abundant culture was based largely on cover and meander flood evidence for heterogeneous funerary practices with plains of the Indus. These shifted frequently, making mutually exclusive areas devoted to extended inhu- fixed village life difficult. The full discussion of this mation burials (with very poor furnishings) and pot question suffers from the general lack of horizontal burials in circular pits (A. K. Sharma). In both cases excavation at small sites; an exception is Allahdino the burial may have been associated with offering pits which sheds important light on one such smaller

containing pottery which were gradually filled with settlement. Shaffer points out that almost every silt. Social differentiation or even ethnic differences major artifact category of the Mature Harappan is may be indicated by this evidence. The variance in present at this small site but there is virtually no funerary practice is compounded further through the evidence for their manufacture there. This situation presence of a plaster-lined brick tomb containing indicates the importance of working out distribution over 70 pots and a body placed on a layer of platters. networks by plotting out controlled isotopic or other Elsewhere in the cemetery a grave with a lidded spatial distribution analyses of items with identifiable earthen casket containing the deciduous molars of a characteristics. Quantitative data on their occurrence child was accompanied by three skulls and finger can do much to demonstrate centers of manufactur-

bones. The contrast between the Kalibangan evi- ing and related trading zones. dence, indicating as it does important status differ- At the core of the discussion of the homogeneous ences within the community, and the dietary evidence nature of the settlements is the speculation and argureflected in the skeletons at Harappa, which suggest ment over the nature and role of Mohenjodaro itself. Just the opposite insofar as food consumption is con- Since the site may be five times larger than Harappa cerned, opens up a whole field for future study and and has its own unique features, it is not representa-

analysis. tive of more numerous small sites. The very size of

With increasing survey activity, the overall geo- Mohehjodaro demonstrates its power of attraction graphic extent of the Mature Harappan has been for the population while the scale of the structures expanded. This has important implications for the there reflects the availability of sufficient wealth for

paradigm of homogeneity. It is now recognized that investment in the labor and materials to build them. It several types of sites exist which include a hierarchy is the presence of such wealth, and its management, of size as well as differential functions in relation to which essentially sets off the major cities from the social organization, trade and colonization. It has, at small towns and villages. S.P. Gupta argues that such

long last, also been recognized that these sites form urbanism ‘‘is the product of material prosperity systems and subsystems which must be understood as regulated by political authority through its control

such, rather than being studied in isolation. over economic channels and organs of corporate life, The types of sites clearly differ—some are indi- such as guilds of professionals and municipalities.”

genous metropolitan centers with a surrounding W. A. Fairservis suggests that Mohenjodaro was hinterland of smaller towns and villages, some have almost purely a ceremonial center without trade as an

specialized functions as port towns or trading out- important influence in its location and upkeep. posts, and still others represent colonial settlements Ghosh disagrees. D. V. Soundara Rajan argues that in new areas. Most of these specialized sites seem to the organization of the city with a citadel reflects the have a commercial orientation and lie along trade presence not of a civic or community administration routes.- Ratnagar, as already mentioned, has suggest- of the people, but rather the presence of a center of ed that Harappa functioned as a gateway city for management and control (the ‘‘Citadel’’) for the bentrade from the northeast, while Asthana points out efit of the “‘Citadel people’’. The latter are described that some towns seem to be production centers and as ‘“‘a stringent centralized oligarchy; which had others are distribution points. Y. D. Sharma believes invented a disciplined civil model, with a consumer that many of the smaller sites were villages which policy for drawing the agricultural surplus of the vilsupported the urban Harappan centers while other lages. The so-called standardization of the structures, _ groups formed separate rural areas. Agrawal takes a pottery, and antiquities of the Harappan culture may different view when he argues that most of the sites essentially be an index of the vogues created by craft —

Paradigm Changes in the Study of the Indus Civilization 575 guilds of the city states.’ Shaffer argues that the of the Hakra River settlement system, had a profound functional division of the city, including its walled impact on the whole Harappan world. The undercitadel, is probably a key to understanding its organi- standing of the resulting changes in the balance of the zation. Both he and Jansen (1979) question the de- whole system, the chronology of these events, and the gree of reality of the so-called “‘grid system”’ of streets rate and nature of the cultural changes induced, prealthough they accept the fact that the streets which sent a major challenge to future scholarship. existed in this period were broad and open, which was

not the case during later phases of the city’s occu- c) A Sudden and Uniform Collapse

pation. Another major paradigm that has been destroyed Thus, although the study and analysis of the is the theory of an abrupt and catastrophic destruc-

hinterland with its many small sites is essential to a tion of the civilization. The field evidence now shows full clarification of how Harappan civilization func- that the decline was irregular, covered a long period tioned, by itself it is not sufficient to that explanation. of time, and was caused by different factors in differMohenjodaro is so unique that it cannot be ignored in ent areas. These factors included changes in coastany real explanation of the mechanism that created lines, the drying up of river beds, the mismanagement and maintained that degree of cultural homogeneity of resources (salinity of fields, deforestation, etc.), which did exist in Harappan sites, any more than the and possibly malaria and disease (Vishnu-Mittre, existence of Delhi can be ignored in understanding Fairservis, Kennedy). Thus the causes can be seen as

modern India. due to climate, tectonics, and man (D. P. Agrawal).

Two additional elements have now been made Climatic shifts were probably important as major visible, and they change the traditional concept of a factors only in the local, marginal areas. The major static and homogeneous mature phase. The first is the shift of population due to the drying of the Hakra addition of an exceptionally large and previously (Mughal) is certainly of crucial importance. unknown settlement area on the Hakra River, as To these explanations may be added evidence for revealed by Mughal’s survey. The second is the the decay of administrative structures (R. N. Mehta) identification of colonial sites where Mature Harap- or the appearance of social disunity (Gupta). It was pan control was superimposed over a variety of local generally agreed that if the administrative structure indigenous, non-Harappan cultures (as at Kali- was disrupted for whatever reason—social or ecolobangan, Kot Diji, Gumla, Bala Kot, etc.). Two gical—the surplus wealth supporting the network of fortified sites, Surkotada and Sutkagendor appear to long distance trade would have declined, and esoteric be military outposts. If this identification is correct, imported materials would have disappeared. This efthey imply (1) The existence of a military organiza- fect would also have occurred if effective police safety tion of some kind, and (2) that expansion into the along the trade routes had ended due to administraborder areas was not necessarily peaceful. B. Allchin, tive failure. The rate of such change could have been senses something like this when she notes the sudden very rapid—easily within two generations (50 years) control of other sites, and the presence of walled as may be seen historically in the abandonment of compounds; she argues that the extent of the area and many capital cities (Mehta). When such events occur the degree of homogeneity present in the Mature (as Gupta points out) oral traditions are apt to carry Harappan Period required effective administrative through the following ‘“‘dark age.” political control with military authority to maintain The general thesis expressed by the papers apand defend it. Sankalia (1977) has already questioned pears to endorse the concept that the basic subsis-

the implications of the presence of quantities of tence skills and crafts, which had been present all baked clay sling pellets in the large and small sites of along at the village level and in both central and the Mature Harappan in comparison to their rare peripheral areas, simply once again became the norm occurrence in earlier or later contexts. It would ap- while luxury items, civic amenities and administrative pear that the careful study of the border areas may structures gradually disappeared. B. Allchin suggestprovide more useful data on the question of military ed that religious practitioners probably survived practices than the nuclear area. Certainly the colonial along with popular traditions involving sacred places, expansion already underway in the later stages of the myths, and symbols much like Europe in the Middle Mature Harappan, combined with the abandonment Ages. In some areas these surviving patterns are the

576 Robert H. Dyson, Jr. peasant aspect of former urban systems; in others the decline was neither uniform nor simultaneous. they are the coexisting non-urban and non-Harappan Some traditions were retained, some modified, and cultures some of which began in the Pre-Harappan many abandoned owing to their non-utility in new Period and which persisted well into the Post- contexts. Many things lost were replaced by new fea-

Harappan Period. tures related to new needs. The question arose as to

Although it is true, as Dales has noted, that in the why the urban aspect of the civilization declined so final levels of Mohenjodaro that city had become an quickly—a fact which again raised the possibility of

urban slum, it is now apparent that a process of elite control rather than basic civic organization. cultural transformation or readjustment was taking Gupta points out the radical effect of the population place which involved the shifting of the settlement shifts on the urban centers with Mohenjodaro dropareas and adaptation to new ecological conditions. In ping from 850,000 m? to 30,000 m? or so, Lothal from general this movement seems to have been toward 47,500 m? to 20,000 m? or so. Soundara Rajan bethe east and south. Border sites which flourished in lieves that “economic disintegration” was one of the Baluchistan and Afghanistan ceased to exist. In the vital reasons for the disappearance of what could be Punjab-Haryana area there was a gradual resettle- termed the “high life style’ of the Mature Harappan ment toward the east (J.P. Joshi and Madhu Bala; Culture. In this process oral tradition and crafts per-K.N. Dikshit). Rao discovered new Harappan sites sisted (e.g., in stone, wood, clay, some metalurgy and without antecedents in western central India east of faience making). The basic subsistence techniques the nuclear area, indicating a population shift. Y.M. present in the hinterland continued. In all probability Chitawala (1977) has pointed out that with the degen- the Harappan Culture declined without any outside eration of the cultural pattern in Lothal II and Rang- political or military influence as a devolution related pur II B people seem to have moved into Saurashtra to a variety of causes both social and ecological. to smaller sites, some on higher ground. This popula- Gupta summed up the new processual paradigm by tion was small in numbers and may be refugee settlers stating that this was “not an haphazard process.” rather than colonial conquerors since there is no evi- There was a conscious effort on the part of people to dence that they imposed themselves on other local re-adjust their life to the changed hydrological and people. This situation is thus different from that socio-economic conditions which the second millendescribed by Lamberg-Karlovsky for Central Iran. nium presented. In the end the ‘““Harappan” graduGhosh refers to an “impoverished” Harappan in the ally merged into the existing local cultures. In many Godavari Valley. In the Punjab, Haryana and west- instances this meant true cultural regression as illus-

ern Uttar Pradesh some old settlements continued trated by the burning of Surkotada at the end of but there were also new sites and shifts in settlement Period IB and its occupation by food gatherer new-

areas (Bhan and Shaffer 1978). comers (as evidenced by thousands of wild seeds) and A significant population may have moved east the introduction of the Black and Red Ware related from the Hakra area into Haryana and Uttar Pradesn to the Ahar Culture (Vishnu-Mittre and Savithri). since the number of sites in this region goes up from

two or three in the Mature Harappan to sixty or more d) An Invasion of Indo-Aryans as the Major afterwards. While Harappa and Kalibangan were Cause of Collapse abandoned (Gupta suggests perhaps due to overgraz- The abandonment of the catastrophe paradigm ing in the area), some sites in the lower Indus for the demise of Harappan Civilization has led to the continued in spite of the so-called floods (e-g., realization that we are dealing with a complex process

Chanhudaro, Amri). of cultural change which took place over a prolonged

| In all these areas regional assemblages arise period of time, and which manifested itself in differ-

combining some cultural continuity with considerable ent ways in different areas. Thus, the invasion thesis changé (Dikshit). Each peripheral region had a dis- also becomes a paradigm of limited usefulness. By tinctive pattern of change due to different factors and freeing themselves from this hypothesis drawn from

different rates of change. This was clearly a process earlier linguistic studies, archaeologists may now and not a single event. Ghosh pointed out that the focus their attention on the archaeological evidence diffusion going on in this period “‘cannot be regarded in its own terms. There is a continuing lack of agreeas a homogeneous one.” Vishnu-Mittre agrees that ment over the criteria by which the presence of the

Paradigm Changes in the Study of the Indus Civilization 577 Indo-Aryans can be demonstrated and, even more of later Indian culture. surprisingly, an absence of a rigorous analysis of avail- In relation to the so-called “‘massacre” at Mohenable archaeological evidence against the cultural con- jodaro, traditionally cited to demonstrate the intent of traditional Vedic literature. Thus, there must vasion thesis, Kennedy points out that there is no be a change of concern from trying to identify the date evidence of injury to the bones of the so-called vic-

and direction of movement of an “event” like an tims at the time of death. In some cases, however, invasion to the complexities of the processes of cul- there are partially healed cranial lesions which indi-

tural change and adaptation. cate wounds several months old. He argues on the Even so, the subject of the history of the Indo- basis of the available skeletal evidence that a biologiAryans cannot help but continue to haunt the study of cal continuum exists with many of the Harappan this period of subcontinent archaeology and sooner morphometric variables continuing in the modern or later it must be better understood. It is interesting population of the Sind and Punjab, thus supporting a in this regard to note the tendency among Iranian and concept of population continuity rather than dis-

Central Asian scholars to accept the growing evi- placement. dence for the continuity of population in the Turanian The disagreements as to the attributes suitable to area from Neolithic times onward—from the painted the identification of Indo-Aryans spilled over to a pottery through the gray pottery of the Bronze Age discussion of Cemetery H at Harappa. Allchin felt (e.g. Deshayes 1969) and probably onward through that the birds on the jars represented the sun and fire the Iron Age and Parthian Periods (Hlopina 1972: combined, but Gupta objected that the manner of 213-14). The suggestion of an indigenous Indo- disposing of the dead in Cemetery H was wrong for Aryan population going far back into pre-history in the Vedic literature. Deo agreed that basic concepts | Northeastern Iran and nearby Turkmenia is now drawn from the Indo-Aryans were already present in taken quite seriously. With this trend in mind it is the Indus Civilization. Fairservis expressed his opininteresting that the discussion between present con- ion that Indo-Aryans could have been in the Indus tributors indicated a paraHel trend. Both Lal and Valley a thousand years before we traditionally think B.P. Sinha commented on the need to trace the con- so. Jarrige’s discoveries at Mehrgarh of direct link- . tinuity of elements back through the Harappan into ages between the site and Namazga V and VI in Turkthe Pre-Harappan and to relate these elements to the menia in Pre-Harappan times provides an important Vedic literature. Carl Lamberg-Karlovsky also sug- piece of new evidence for culture contact between gested that Indo-Aryan elements were already pre- these regions which will have to be taken into consent in the Harappan Culture. I. Mahadevan sug- sideration in any further speculation on this subject. gested that Indo-Aryan priests married into the local

population and that a long period of bilingualism and Il. COLTURAL DYNAMICS WERE MORE

racial fusion ensued. The hearth at Kalibangan COMPLEX THAN EXPECTED

identified as a fire altar was suggested by B. Allchin as |

indicating the presence of the Indo-Aryans. Thapar The major problem for those seeking a deeper (1973: 101) describes this as a ritual hearth with a clay understanding of Harappan Civilization is to conor brick pillar at the center. This feature immediately struct interpretative models for their data.. First in brings to mind a hearth of this type in room seven of this process must be an effort to provide close chronothe Burned Building at Tepe Hissar (not indicated in logical control for the data, clear definitions of the the plan in the site report) and a group of three other terms used, and the application of methods consistent such hearths on the Main Mound dated by radio- in both their qualitative and quantitative aspects. carbon to the mid-third millennium B.c. (Schmidt Interpretation must then begin with some defined 1937; Fig. 162, Fig. 84 square DG 20; Dyson and guiding concept—in this instance the central concept Remsen, in press). If these were ritual hearths then of a functional archaeological “‘culture”’ or a “cultural B.B. Lal’s point that Aryans were present at the very system” including its ecological setting, could provide beginning of the site is a good one. This is so because an integrating device for the description of all the there is a close association between such features and available material in a meaningful functional context. Indo-Aryans in India. F.R. Allchin agrees with this The: comparison of isolated artifacts or patterned correlation; however Lal notes that it is not a feature groups of artifacts in terms of style or function, or

578 Robert H. Dyson, Jr. selected ceramic wares does not suffice for this task. sequence. Thus, a major problem underlying this set of papers 1s Much of the work done over the past 10 years has that there is as yet no agreed upon definition of what been site specific, but spread over large areas. Since constitutes such an integrating mechanism, so that these sites were not isolated, and since it is now clear comparative statements are not presently based on that a variety of mechanisms were at work at different comparable criteria from paper to paper. Instead, the times—trade networks, colonization, acculturation, discussion proceeds piecemeal, based now on 1so- cultural regression, etc.—the need for a broader conlated artifacts, now on pottery types, now on radio- ceptualization of cultural contact is apparent. Ghosh carbon dates. What is called for is an approach stres- encouraged us to look at parallel processes in search sing elements such as overall settlement organization, of historic causes. Lamberg-Karlovsky agreed that subsistence activities and architectural traditions (as we could not deny historical models and also pointed opposed to simple brick size for example. Masonry out that the whole subject of population growth as a represents, after all, a craft tradition in its own right factor in social change was absent from the discus-

involving far more than brick sizes). An holistic sions. Robert Sharer, another non-Indus observer, approach to internal patterns of social behavior as pointed out the complexity of cultural change in a indicated by the arrangement of houses and settle- whole region using the Maya area as an example and ments, features and artifacts, burial customs and the emphasizing the importance of studying differential like is essentiai to a full understanding of the process rates in types of change, and the rates of change at under study. It is the totality of the evidence that different sites, in order to identify the variation in speaks to the life style of the Harappan—and it is that causal factors. He concluded that the term “Indus style, reflecting their cultural values, that is the sub- Civilization” is an artificial concept masking the realject of the kind of comparisons we must use to under- ity of great variation and that the whole approach to stand the nature of the culture and the changes it the area to date had been too simplistic to deal with underwent. We must take the total urban pattern of the reality of the phenomena involved. the Mature Harappan Period as the descriptive base Much theoretical discussion centered on the role (i.e., including the urban center and its satellite towns of agriculture as a causal factor in change. Mehta and villages). This should be studied as a cultural suggested that the early settlement pattern was based system in its own terms. The pattern of organization on agricultural needs but that in the last stage it was changes, but the population is probably essentially the water supply and sources of raw materials which continuous, even if resettled in new locations. As became major factors in determining locations of Deshpande pointed out, cultures do not as a rule die sites. He also suggested that agricultural practice abruptly, more usually they are transformed into new leads to conflict which in turn induces control strucforms. As our knowledge grows it is necessary to tures which create favorable conditions and support continually reassess the published and unpublished urban populations. Such centers decline when condievidence in terms of changed paradigms and perspec- tions become unfavorable, but are capable of retives. This is especially true as previously un- generation if conditions change. Lamberg-Karlovsky associated materials come to be identified with newly suggested another model drawn from Sumer and

defined cultural units (e.g. floating material in Elam and sites in Iran which include major centers Baluchistan which can now be seen to be Namazga and colonized locations. Yahya and Sialk in the V-VI material). In this process there is also a need to Proto-Elamite levels suggest, he said, direct colonizadistinguish clearly those aspects of culture and culture tion of a foreign area probably for resource control change most dependent on environmental determi- and to facilitate trade into the primary area. Beyond

nants from those dependent on cultural and social these sites lay a more distant ‘secondary area’”’ in

traditions. which isolated finds indicate only limited contact.

The vast array of new data shows the need for the This was a pattern which lasted only two to three use of broad concepts of cultural process in under- centuries and then collapsed abruptly with the restanding the Harappan culture. These concepts must emergerice of indigenous cultures. He suggested that be applicable to a variety of dynamic processes rather the concept of primary and secondary areas could than to the simple biological analogy implied by the apply to the Indus area with Shortugai and Lothal birth, maturity and death (Early, Middle and Late) representing colonies and Turkmenistan a secondary

Paradigm Changes in the Study of the Indus Civilization 579 area (with isolated “‘Indus seals.’ etc.). Jarrige’s pre- chronological assessments based on the assumptions sentation dealing with Namazga V-VI artifacts and underlying the terms. Lal argued for ‘‘Late Harapburials at Mehrgarh however, shows that such a pan’’ as a chronological term applying to a general model is incomplete and dramatically underlines the stage ensuing immediately from the Mature true complexity of what is taking place in the Harap- Harappan.

pan area. Much of the difficulty in developing separate terms for cultural interpretation arises from the lack

Il. TERMINOLOGICAL CONFUSION of horizontal excavation at sites chronologically of , the Late Harappan Period in each geographic region. A principle cause for the terminological confusion in Such work would establish definitive, full descripthe scholarship on Harappan Civilization arises from tions of the cultural patterns involved. F.R. Allchin the use of the same term to designate three different also commented on this lack. ‘Late Harappan’’ as concepts: a chronological period, a cultural stage, used by a majority of speakers simply meant the

and an ethnic group. presence af some combination of ‘‘Harappan”’

The basic chronological terminology of Pre- artifact types (whether 1, 10 or 100) sites in various Harappan, Early, Middle and Late Harappan rests areas with no weighing of the evidence, and without primarily on the stratigraphic evidence from Mohen- consideration of the overall functional aspects of each jodaro, Harappa, and neighboring sites in the nuclear site as an operative community. Possehl stressed the area. In this scheme “Pre-Harappan” means those need to add aspects like ecological setting, subsisassemblages of varying character which lie strati- tence pattern, etc., for a reliable system of cultural graphically below the Harappan; “‘Late Harappan”’ is classification. Instead, at present any sites containing defined by materials in the impoverished terminal artifacts already known in the classic Harappan are levels of Mohenjodaro itself. ‘‘Post-Harappan”’ automatically classified ““Harappan”’ when found in a should logically be what follows but in most papers later period. Dikshit used the term ‘‘Post-Harappan”’ the term “Late Harappan” is extended to cover this for Cemetery H since it is later than the main site, and next time period as well. Thus, the term “Late Harap- stated that later but contemporary non-Harappan pan’’ as presently used is especially confusing in that it cultures should not be called ‘“‘Late Harappan.”’ This

sometimes stands for the time period between the suggestion, however, would leave us without a period abandonment of Harappa and Mohenjodaro and the designation. appearance of the Painted Gray Ware and sometimes The third usage as pointed out by Vishnu-Mittre, only for the period of the terminal manifestations of -. limksdee terminolegy to ethnic groups by assuming the major Mature Harappan sites in the nuclear area. that each pottery ware represents a separate ethnic A confusion is introduced by the shift to a cultural group. In this situation, by definition, every indiframe of reference in which ‘“‘Harappan”’ is equated vidual site with two or more pottery traditions autowith ‘“‘urban.”’ Later assemblages are then called matically becomes a mixed community of separate **Post-Urban.”’ The reason for this double usage is the ethnic groups living together. Y.D. Sharma pointed need which has arisen to describe the non-urban out that three types of pottery (‘‘Pre-Harappan,”’ settlements in non-nuclear areas which represent a ‘Mature Harappan” and ‘“Baran’’) may occur at different organizational system following upon the ‘‘Mature Harappan” sites but in varying percentages. demise of the classic centers. Thisusage introducesan —-— He suggests that “Late Harappan’”’ is a misused term

internal contradiction in that ‘“‘Late Harappan’’ at (thinking of Harappan as a certain type of pottery) Mohenjodaro is still “urban” while elsewhere it is since it is applied to several pottery traditions. In the ‘‘post-urban.”’ Such treatment warps any attempt at absence of extensive data on the distribution of the interpretation of cultural dynamics since by shapes and functions among such wares, and loci of definition it logically precludes any prosperous settle-. ~ their discovery in the context of the settlement, the ment with “urban”’ characteristics from being clas- validity of this ethnic approach remains undemonsified as ‘‘Late Harappan,”’ though such centers could strated.

well have existed. Fentress pointed out how such : Another extremely confusing practice involves terminology affects the plotting of sites since the use of “‘Pre-Harappan”’ as an identifying cultural excavators using differing terms make different term for the later stage of a non-Harappan pottery

580 Robert H. Dyson, Jr. tradition in the chronological context of the Late sequential deposits. At the same time, a greater emHarappan Period! To make matters worse the usage phasis is needed not on artifacts as individual types but sometimes indicates an ethnic identity as well. Thus as groups with functional meaning in relation to one artifacts become people, and ‘‘Pre-Harappans”’ live another and to associated features and structures. side by side with “Late Harappans”’ as Mehta pointed A cooperative strategy for sampling several sites out. As an alternative to this approach cultural overlap for the purpose of comparative settlement study within single communities has been indicated in some could yield dramatic results. Shaffer points out that cases by the use of the percentages of wares present as two key sites were the sole basis for the reconstrucshown by Joshi in his treatment of ceramics. To add tion of a civilization with several hundred known further confusion the term “‘Pre-Late Harappan’”’ has settlements. The most common site, the small settle-

also been introduced (Rao). ment, 1s understood virtually not at all and yet cer-

Clearly a major task for archaeologists in this part tainly represents the common basis of ancient life. of the world is to agree on some general system of The enlargement of the number of accurately dechronological period names, and then to select some scribed and studied sites to create an adequate specific criteria for naming cultural complexes as an sample for interpretation is thus an important task. independent exercise. Until this effort is made the Deshpande pointed out in discussion that horizontal organization of the data and the construction of in- excavation aimed at understanding all aspects of the terpretive models will be seriously handicapped. structure and function of the communities in quesIV. THE PROSPECTS FOR COORDINATED tion, rather than a focus on the origin and diffusion of

RESEARCH single items, is greatly needed. Thapar made the important point that regional generalizations must rest

A number of papers show a significant trend toward on an adequate understanding of local material. interdisciplinary research through the inclusion of Local settlement patterns should thus be studied on natural scientists. Encouraging progress has been their own terms as the nuclear Indus Sequence cannot made in mineral analysis, geology, paleobotany and be assumed to be useful over long distances. Within paleozoology. A wider use of flotation techniques for the local studies, concepts of locational geography the elaboration of data on the ecological setting and such as central place theory, site size hierarchies and agricultural production of sites promised to add a sig- distances may provide new perceptions of cultural nificant dimension to the data available for analysis. organization (Thapar). Possehl argued for the use of team research to study all Finally, a cooperative effort for the systematic aspects of cultural life and to collect comparable data study of the Indus symbol systems—not just the from place to place. Progress in such research requires “script”? but also the iconography of seals, figurines

) an agreed upon problem orientation and methodol- and other items—would almost certainly be a

ogy. A good beginning has been made along those rewarding venture. , ,

lines in the trade studies of Fentress and Asthana and The foregoing comments perhaps sound overthe botanical and ecological studies of Vishnu-Mittre critical. In fact they reflect a situation brought about

and Savithri as well as Agrawal and Sood. by colleagues. The net effect of this work is to vastly One area where immediate and much needed enrich the data base available for study. It is an ineviprogress could be made by a cooperative effort is in table effect of progress that paradigms which were the construction of an absolute chronology through once useful should be replaced and that the generathe systematic collection and evaluation of Carbon-14 tion of new knowledge should cause conceptual con- — (*C) samples for each area. Only through such a _fusion until it has been reviewed systematically and chronological structure can a controlled pattern of thus synthesized. That is a challenge and the next the rate and direction of cultural change be estab- step. I have no doubt whatsoever of the ability of lished (as pointed out by Vishnu-Mittre). — So Indus scholars to deal with this challenge effectively The comparative study of artifact assemblages and imaginatively. Clearly the problems of the Harapneeds to move from a presence/absence approach to pan Civilization will continue. to be one of the. most the inclusion of quantitative information which is exciting subjects of current archaeology and all of us will

essential in dealing with slow transitions across be watching for further developments with great

geographical zones and vertical change in continuous interest.

Paradigm Changes in the Study of the Indus Civilization 581 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Adams, Robert McC., 1968 East and West 22 (3-4): 199-214. : ‘Archaeological Research Strategies: Past and Jansen, Michael, 1979

Present.” Science 160: 1187-92. ‘Architectural Problems of the Harappan Cul-

Allchin, Bridgett and Raymond Allchin, 1968 ture.”’ 4th International Conference of South The Birth of Indian Civilization. Baltimore: Pen- Asian Archaeology; Naples 1977. ,

guin Books. _ Mughal, M. Rafique, 1970

Bhan, Suraj and Jim G. Shaffer, 1978 The Early Harappan Period in the Greater Indus New Discoveries inNorthern Haryana. Man and Valley and Northern Baluchistan. Ph.D. disserta-

Environment 2: 59-68. tion, University of Pennsylvania.

Dales, George F., 1965 Piggott, Stuart, 1950

“A Suggested Chronology for Afghanistan, Balu- Prehistoric India. Baltimore: Penguin Books.

chistan, and the Indus Valley.” In Chronologies in Sankalia, H.D., 1977 |

Old World Archaeology, Robert W. Ehrich, ed. New Archaeology: Its Scope and Application to Chicago: Pp. 257-84. University of Chicago Press. India. Lucknow: Ethnographic and Folklore Cul-

Deshayes, Jean, 1969 tural Society. , “New Evidence for the Indo-Europeans from Schmidt, Erich F., 1937

Tureng Tepe, Iran,” Archaeology 22 (1): 10-17. Excavations at Tepe Hissar. Philadelphia: UniverDyson, Robert H. Jr. and William C.S. Remsen (in sity Museum.

press) - Thapar, B.K., 1973 “Observations on Stratigraphy and Architecture New Traits of the Indus Civilization at Kali-

at Tappeh Hesar.” In Dyson, Robert H., Jr. and bangan: An appraisal. South Asian Archaeology. Susan M. Howard, eds. Preliminary Reports of the Normal Hammond, ed. Pp. 85-104. Park Ridge:

Tappeh Hesar . Restudy Project, 1976. Meso- Noyes Press. potamia Supplementary Volume, University of Thapar, B.K., 1977

Torino. Harappan and _ Post-Harappan Settlement

Fentress, Marcia, 1976 Patterns in Saurashtra. Ecology and Archaeology Resource Access, Exchange Systems, and Regio- of Western India. D.P. Agrawal and B.M. Pande,

nal Interaction in the Indus Valley. Ph.D. disserta- eds. Pp. 93-98. Delhi: Concept Publishing

tion, University of Pennsylvania Company.

Hlopina, L.I., 1972 ‘Southern Turkmenia in the Late Bronze Age.”’ ,

Index

Abaj, 429 Allchin, B., 225, 521 341, 342, 344, 347, 348, 349, 352, 353,

Abbas, Fort, 5, 85, 91, 94, 245, 248 Allchin, F.R., 450, 538, 544 354; southern, 352

Abgaig, 344, 350 Allchin, Raymond, 521 Arabians, 373

Aceramic neolithic, 301, 303, 304, 309 Allen, C.H., 331 Arabian Sea, 9, 12, 17, 107, 113, 199,

Adi Badri, 114 Alor, 129 248, 279, 367, 372, 373, 448, 558;

Aegilops squarrosa, 301 Altai mountains, 276, 277 Coast, 92, 111

Afghan/Baluch area, 199 Alter de Sacrificios, 429, 430, 434, 436, Aravalli Hills, 11, 241

Afghanistan, 9, 11, 17, 48, 54, 56, 113, 437, 438 Aravallis, 9, 19, 113, 114, 120 | 271, 273, 275, 276, 279, 280, 295, 299, Altin Culture cycle, 51 Armenia, 275, 276

301, 350, 351, 373, 374, 512, 576; Altin Depe, 51, 61, 63, 65, 66, 276 Arrow Heads, 126; Banawali, 132;

Northeastern, 373; South, 116 Altin people, 52 bone, 189; copper, 132; Indus, 281

Africa, eastern, 352; southern, 234, 548 Altyn depe, 373, 533 Artemisia, 34

African population, 292 Amarnath, 452 Arthashastra, 167

Agate, 111, 150, 154, 178, 181, 239, Ambaji, 241 Arvavat Sea, 130

448, 463, 491, 559, 562; beads, 138, Ambakhedi, 53, 56 Aryans, 37, 52, 102, 389, 391, 392,

263, 399 Ambala District, 248 452,577; Vedic, 57, 391 Agra, 35 Ambika River, 9 Aryan invasion, 366 Agrawal, D.P., 46, 278, 421, 445 Ambkheri, 26, 135, 136, 383, 408 Aryavarta, 69

Ahar, 129, 130, 136, 171, 417; Culture, America, Central, 428, 429, 430, 431, Asia 523; Central, 22, 56, 57, 61, 63, 65,

214, 218, 397, 562, 576; ware, 240 434; South, 434 79, 275, 276, 277, 278, 280, 282, 301,

Ahichchhatra, 396 Amiet, Pierre, 62 . 348, 367, 373, 374, 386; East, 295 Ahirwala, 128 Amiliano, 107, 108, 109 South, 42, 82, 215, 273, 292, 295,

Ahmednagar District, 175, 214 Amlah, 325, 342, 344 352, 387, 495; Southeast, 377;

Ajmer, 36: hill, 273; mines, 276, 280; Amra, 170, 413, 417 Southwest, 366; West, 72, 79, 267,

District, 127, 131, 241 Amreli District, 417 273, 278, 406, 424, 562, 563, 564;

Akhnoor, 185, 263 Amri, 33, 42, 43, 46, 53, 65, 70, 90, 102, Western, 218, 234, 301 Akkadian grave, 266; writing, 62 116, 136, 151, 271, 386, 388, 407, 445, Asima, 338, 341, 347 Akkadian period, 327, 347, 354, 370, 457, 463, 467, 576; culture, 463, 572; Asphalt, 352

376 pottery, 462, 464-66 Astrabad, 277, 278

Al Ain, 325 Amritsar, 190; District, 158, 245 Atkot, 198, 201, 413, 417

Al Hasa, 336 Amundson, Ronald, 515 Atranjikhera, 26, 125, 136, 138, 191, 398, 399, 406, 407, 408, 409, 413 Anarak, 277 Avanti, 57

Alamgirpur, 23, 135, 136, 138, 163, 397, Anantpur, 275, 276 218, 395, 396, 397, 398, 409

Alamgirpur I, 121 Anatolia, 313 | Axes, 544-545, 549

Alamgirpura, 396 Anayzch, 328 | Ayodhya, 396 Alcock, Professor Leslie, 101 Andam, 338 Azerbaijan, 273 Alexander, 7 | Andhra, 277

Ali Murad, 11, 12 Andropogon, 214 Baat, 338, 344 |

Alibandar, 35 Animal domestication, 295, 312 Babarkot, 413

Allaha Bund, 197 Anjira, 463 Babylonia, 266 Allahdino, 11, 12, 44, 45, 46, 47, 107, Antilope cervicapra, 311 Babylonian lowlands, 371

108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 200, 235, 416, Anupgarh, 90, 226, 248 Bactria, 56, 57, 348 |

467, 573, 574; architecture, 109-110; Apaya, 114 Bactrian pottery, 57

artifacts, 111; excavations, 47; Arabia, 367, 382; eastern, 349, 376; Badakshan, 11, 263, 273, 278, 350, 374, 512

trade, 111-112 | ,

Irrigation, 110-111; lithics, 47; southeastern, 323, 331, 335, 336, 338, Badrinath, 452

584 Index

Bagor, 24, 126, 128, 131 modern cultivated, 211; naked, 211, 299 Blade industry, 538-41, 552, 559

Bahadar, 9 Barley grain, carbonized, 212; hulled, Black Plague, 434

Bahadarabad, 53, 56, 136, 191, 397, 418 212; naked, 213 Black Wares, 93, 125, 136, 171 Bahar, 114 Barli River, 131 Bokonyi, S, 296, 297 Bahawalnagar District, 90 Rarmer, 36 Bolan Passes, 3, 11, 79, 248, 261

Bahawalpur, 5, 51, 53, 92, 93, 94; Barrai Khuarra, 551 : Bolan River, 5, 57, 298, 299

District, 96, 414; Domain, 20 Bars, 17 . Bopardikar, B.P., 175 Bahpur, 408 Basalt, 9 | Boschtschekul, 277 : Bahrain, 325, 328, 330, 335, 336, 341, Batin, 338 | Bos indicus, 295, 310, 311, 313, 502; 344, 346-50,.353, 354, 371 Baudhayana Dharma Sutra, 114 B. taurus, 311

Baikal Lake, 273 Bay of Bengal, 113 Bovids, 297, 304, 310 Bairat, 125 Bayazeh, 276 Brachiaria, 214 Bajos, 434, 435 Bazaar Nadi, 107, 108 Brahmagiri I, 175

Bajra, 199, 215, 219, 457 Bear, 304 Brahmavarta, 69

Bakun, AS site, 267; ware, 267 Beas, 7, 141, 245, 261 Brassica juncea, 208 __ Balakot, 65, 102, 273, 276, 305, 312, Beck, H.C., 265, 266 | Bread Wheat, 82, 301

467, 575 Behar, 128 British Empire, 366

Baleshwar, 128 Belize, 427 Bronze, 150, 277, 278, 329, 347, 348, Baleshwar-Dariba copper hills, 128 Belize River Valley, 433 416, 421, 423, 424, 425,512,514

Balu, 12, 24, 53, 161 Bengal see West Bengal _ Bronze Age, 335, 336, 346, 349, 351,

Balu II, 24 | Beriwala, 226 354, 577; civilization, 365, 371; | Baluch Hills, 92, 114 Berry, A.C., 500 inscription, 374; sites, 47

Baluchistan, 9, 11, 19, 54, 57, 79, 82, Berry, R.J., 500 Buddhism, 70, 391 83, 109, 116, 205, 206, 215, 216, 271, Bespura, 131 Budha Pushkar, 127, 131 277, 279, 280, 298, 313, 335, 336, 343, | Beyt Dwarka, 413 a Budhi Ganga, 399 344, 366, 367, 370, 373, 376, 377, 445, Bhadar, 198 Budki Madi, 143

461, 463, 467, 512, 565, 576; Central, Bhadar Valley, 201 | Buff and Cream Ware Culture, 177, 178,

298; dry plateau of, 3; North, 66; Bhadra, 125 180, 382

northern, 17, 161, 274, 281; southern, Bhagalpur District, 137 | Buff Ware, 171 248, 373 Bhagatrav, 413, 417 Buffalo, 173, 181, 451

Bampur Valley, 273 Bhagwanpura, 37, 55, 56, 93, 114, 122, Bukhara, 278, 280

Banas, 7,9 158, 162, 163, 185, 189, 190, 191, 193, Bukkur gap, 7

Banaskantha, II; District, 240 396, 397, 399, 407, 417, 418 Bulandshahr District, 409 Banawali, 12, 33, 52,53, 91, 113, 114, Bhagwanpura IA, 121, 397, 407 Bulsar, 7 115, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 126, 161, Bhagwanpura IB, 190, 192, 398 Buraimi oasis, 335 205, 206, 215, 273, 275, 406, 407, 409, 413 Bhagwanpura Culture complex, 398 Burayda, 328

Banawali-Bara Culture, 115, 121; Post- Bhalbaru, 168 Burial goods, 493, 494 Indus, 120-122; Ware, 121, 122 Bhan, Suraj, 26, 52, 114, 128, 158, 387, 417 Burnished Gray Ware, 176, 177, 178, 180

Banerjee, S., 223 Bharatpur, 218, 226 Burnished Thick Gray Ware, 189, 190

Bannister, F.A., 242 : Bharuch, 170 — Burton, Jim, 512

Bannu, 14, 234, 472, 521, 522, 525,540,548 Bhatpur, 409 Burzahom, 3 |

Bannu Basin, 521, 522, 523, 525, 551; Bhedi, 198 Burzahom II, 248

sites in, 91 Bhela, 413 Burzhom, 189

Bannu District, 508 Bhilwara, 11, 278, 280; District, 131

Banswara, Raange, 461printing, Cahr Daud, Banti Sama,36 174Bhit Bhiwani, 129457, Calico 34 277 |

Bara, 23, 25, 33, 54, 122, 130, 135, 136, Bhoj Raja, 174 | Cambay, 7, 9, 35 143, 191, 397, 406, 407, 413; pottery Bhudan, 158 Cambay bead makers, 543

of, 143, 191; Culture, 157, 158, 161, Bhudan IB, 161 Camel, 376 162, 163, 407, 409; Ware, 23, 25, 118, Bhuj, 35, 198 Caprines, 313

141, 150, 154, 157, 158, 161, 162, Bhura, 408 Carbon, 325, 477, 480 Baragaon, 136, 163, 383 _ Bibi-no-Timbo, 557 Caribbean Coasts, 438

163, 188, 409, 417 Bhyana, 413 Cardi, B. de, 79, 330

Barasingha, 173 Bihar, 11, 56, 135, 137, 218, 276, 277, 278 Carmania, 274, 275

Barber Temple, 347-351 Bikaner, 34, 36, 217; District, 131 Carnelian, 83, 111, 142, 150, 178, 181,

Bargaon, 402, 406, 407, 408 Bird Jaguar, 431 193, 266, 271, 274, 275, 282; beads,

Barley, 82, 83, 111, 178, 183, 206, 207, Bisht, R.S., 154 265, 266, 267, 268, 281, 282, 348-350, 208, 209, 211, 213, 215, 216, 217, 218, Bitumen, 9, 352 371, 399, 491, 493, 559, 562, 566 295, 376, 450, 573; cultivated, 210; Biackbuck, 304, 311 Cattle, 304, 305, 307, 309-311, 502, 533,

hulled, 82, 211, 299; Indian, 211: Blackman, M.J., 511 445, 502, 513

Index 585 Caucasus, 275, 301 Chong Depe, 63 Date, 301, 376 Celts, 128 Chowdhury, K.A., 223 Daulatabad, 352

Cemetery A, 136, 266 Churu, 36 Daulatpur, 163, 191, 215, 397, 407 Cemetery H, 33, 245, 406, 407, 408, 471, Cicer arietinum (chickpea), 213 Debari, 277; mines; 417 472, 477, 577, 579; Culture, 92, 142, Citadel Mound, 97, 103, 469, 481 DeCardi, B., 341

451; materials, 93; people, 51; Phase, Claringbull, G.F., 242 Deccan, 19, 70, 122, 175, 182, 274, 383, 388, 390; potteries, 54, 121, 122, 191; Classic Maya, 429, 432, 434, 438, 439 422, 424, 425; lower, 72; northern, sites, 53; Ware, 154, 188, 417 Classic Maya Civilization, 437, 438, 439; 413, 423; southeast, 423

Ceramophiles, 233 Culture, 439 . Deccan Trap, 197 Ceremic neolithic, 305, 312 Cleland, J., 46 ° Deer, 298, 445

Cerros, 430 Cleuzion, S., 336 Degenerate Siswal Wares, 26 Chabbuwala Ther, 12 Cobalt, 564 Deh Morasi Ghaundai, 48

Chah Bahar, 311 Coffin, 493, 494 Dehra Dun, 263

Chak Purbane Syal, 245, 261 Coimbatore, 275 Delhi, 263, 575 Chakar nais, 5 Common pea, 183 Delwara Kirovali, 277 Chakrabarti, Dalip K., 237 Constantini, 377 Deodar (Cedrus deodar), 11 Chakrabarti, S., 223, 229 Copan, 429, 431 Dera Ghazi Khan, 263 Chalcedony, 239, 350 Copper, 9, 17, 92, 111, 114, 116, 121, Dera Ismail Khan, 263

Chalchuapa, 429 129, 135, 163, 171, 235, 239, 243, 263, Derawar, 12, 53, 91, 93, 94, 245, 248; Chalcolithic Cultures, 9, 69, 121, 135¢ 271, 275, 276-277, 280, 329, 344, 347, Fort, 85, 91, 92 137, 177, 182, 396, 421, 424, 425, 451; 348, 351, 354, 416, 424, 448, 449, 512, Desalpar, 198, 201 settlement, 168, 226, 237; sites, 47, 514, 533, 566; coins, 189; mines, 128; Desalpur, 72, 413, 562, 564, 565

114, 182, 417, 421, 424 objects, 126, 128, 130, 192, 193, 200 Desch, C.M., 281

Chambal, 226 Cooper-bronze, 46, 178; tool, 282 Deshpande, M.N., 175 Champa, 137 Copper Hoard Culture, 130, 132, 218 Devaliyo, 413

Champaner, 172 Costantini, L., 82 Devni Mori, 274

Chanda, Ramaprasad, 366 Cotton, 216 Dhalewan, 12

Chandaravati, 171 Cozumel Island, 437 Dharan, 344, 348, 349, 350 Chandigarh, 54, 118, 121, 151, 157, 162 Cream Slipped Ware, 177 Dharwar District, 278

Chandrashila, 178 Cretaceous-Eocene Age, 175 Dhatva, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172 Chanhudaro, 32, 33, 51, 53, 83, 101, Culbert, T.P., 437 Dhavalikar, M.K., 555 127, 137, 205, 207, 208, 215, 218, 239, Cuneiform Akkodo-Sumerian inscrip- Dher Majra, 141, 142

241, 242, 265, 273, 278, 327, 338, 346, tion, 369 Dholavira, 413, 448-450, 555, 559, 563, 564 351, 382, 414, 422, 423, 463, 573, 576 Cylinder seals, 22 Dhule District, 175, 382

Charcoal, 477-479 Digera muricata, 288

Charr-Marr-da Theh, 190 Dabar Kot, 54, 374 Digitaria, 214

Chatalwala, Y.M., 557, 558, 565 Dactyloctenium aegyptium 288 Dikshit, K.N., 85, 396

Chautang, 5, 91, 226, 227 Dad Kala Kach Dheri, 551 Dilmun, 336, 351, 354, 371; culture, Cheetah, 173 Dadhar, 298 335, 347; seal, 372 Chenab, 7, 141, 185, 245, 248, 263 Dadheri, 37, 54, 55, 93, 122, 158, 163, Dilmun shekal, 348

Cheno-amaranths, 214 185, 189, 192, 397, 398, 407, 413 Diraz, 347

Cheno-Ams, 291 Dadheri IA, 121 Dish-on-stand, 135, 136, 137, 143, 150,

Chenopodium album, 288-291 Dahars, 90 171, 180, 187, 191, 218, 396, 397, 402, 405 Chert, 9, 11, 327, 348, 463, 526, 537, Daheda, 169 Diyala valley, 370

538, 562 Dailatpur, I, 121 Dizmar, 273

Chichen Itza, 436 Daimabad, 9, 175, 177, 178, 179, 180, Djeitun, 301 Childe, V. Gordon, 41, 267, 381, 313, 181, 182, 183, 205, 214, 280, 382, 383, Doab, 25, 53, 391, 405, 408, 409, 450, 423, 451 413, 415, 416, 417, 421, 422, 424, 425, 426 451; Central, 26, 130, 409; Eastern, Chilhera, 399 Dales, George F., 372, 469, 477, 501, 248, 250; Ganga-Yamuna, 131, 132,

Chilmak, 273 502, 513, 572 387, 396, 399, 424; Northern, 26; Chiplata, 128 Damb Bhuti, 11, 12 Ravi-Beas, 141; Rechna, 248;

Chirand, 135, 136, 137, 138, 218 Damb Sadaat I, 83 Sabarmati-Mahi, 9; Sind-Sagar, 114;

Chirawa, 129 Damb Sadaat II, 33, 84 Sutlej and the Yamuna between, 141;

Chital, 173 Damb Sadaat H-III, 64 Sutlej-Ghaggar, 141

Chittor District, 130 Damb Sadaat ITI, 84 Dog, 173

Chlorite, 274-275, 281, 344 Damghan, 275 Dogavari Valley, 382 Cholistan 53, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 261, Damlotti, 107, 110 Dogetha, 274 448-450, 467; greater, 90; lesser, 90 Dani, A.H., 15, 17 Dohan River, 128, 130 Cholistan Desert, 85 Dariba, 128 Dolichos lablab, 216

Chomu Tehsil, 34 Dasht River valley, 349 Drishadvati, 5,9, 12, 37, 114, 128, 130

586 : Index Drshaduati valley, 52, 218, 245, 387 English factory, 557 Gandhara Grave Culture I, 192

Dronamukhas, 167 - Equus cabalius linn. , 192 Ganeshwar, 9, 19, 24, 125, 126, 127,

Dscheskagan, 277 Equus hemionus, 305 | 128, 129, 130, 132, 409

Dur Khan, 298 Eragrostis, 214 Ganeshwar-Jodhpura Culture, 130;

Durani, Prof., 521 Eshnunna, 370; seal, 370 routes of communications, 128-129 Durganivesa, 167 Etawah, 34 Ganeshwar-Khetri Region, 130 Durum wheat, 301 Etched beads, 22, 348-350 Ganga civilization, 452

Dutch factory, 557 Ethiopia, 377 Ganganagar, 36, 161; District, 125, Dvaitvana Lake, 130 Euphorbia, sp.. 288, 291 131, 245

Dwarka, 34, 174, 482 Euphorbia pycnostegia, 214 Ganga system see Gangetic system Dyson, R.H. Jr., 296, 297 Euphrates, 22, 64, 366 Ganges, 23, 25, 137, 138, 226

Dyson, R.H., 223 Euphorbia spp., 214 Ganga Valley see Gangetic Valley Europe, 295, 297; eastern, 343; Ganges Civilization, 395, 397

Early Baran Culture, 158, 161-162, 163 southern, 218 | Ganges Valley, 69, 70, 72, 113, 114,

Early Classic Period, 429, 437 , | 122, 391, 392, 397, 406, 408, 409; Early Dynastic Period, 267 Faience, 142, 150, 154, 163, 472, 494, middle, 396 Early Dynastic Pottery, 336 504-511, 559; bangles, 191, 192; Ganges-Yamuna Valley, 397

Early Dynastic II, 267 beads, 191, 192, 399, 418 Gangetic Basiu, 245; system, 5, 12, 24; Early Dyanstic III, 267 Failaka, 335, 341, 344, 348, 349, 353, Valley, 135, 395, 396

Early Harappan, 23, 472; cultural 371; seal, 346; sequence, 347 Ganweriwala, 19, 92, 448, 449 development, 42, 449, 471; elements, Fairservis, W.A., 79, 83, 102, 116, 223, Gara Depe, 63

25, 65; Period, 91, 92, 94; Phase, 37, 236, 381, 457 Garden Reg, 9 448, 450, 482, 492, 495, 533, 551, 552; Falaj al Qaba, 349 Gaur, R.C., 136 settlement, 53, 93, 469, 471; sites, 66, Far East, 275 Gaya District, 137

91, 109, 245 Faranjal, 276 Gazella, 304; G. benetti, 311, G.

Early Harappans, 24, 448, 563 Farghana, 11 subgutturosa, 311

Early Indus, Civilization, 392; culture, Fars plain, 267 Gedrosia Domain, 20 471; settlement, 471 Fasa, 276 Geoksyur I, 63 Early Iron Age, cities, 56; sites, 114 Fatehbad, 91 Geokshurian Culture complexes, 63

Early Iron Age Urban Cultures, 69 Faunal remains, 303 Ghaggar, 5, 7, 52, 85, 94, 114, 158,

Early Iron Phase, 56 Fentress, Marcia, 44 161, 226, 248

Early (Kot Diji/Sothi) Harappan Fertile Crescent, 295, 313, 365 Ghaggar-Hakra Basin, 52

pottery, 25 Ficus, sp., 288 Ghaggar/Hakra (Sarasvati), 24

East Bein, 141, 158 Field, Henry, 85 Ghaggar-Hakra system, 52 East India Company, 555, 557 Figurines, 248, 418, 472, 513, 580; Ghaggar (Hakra) Valley, 129

Eastern Domain, 20, 25 animal, 119, 143, 193, 248, 399, Ghaggar-Hakra-Wahinda system, 12 Eastern Province, 335 503-505, 534; anthrophomorphic, 191; Ghaggar-Nara flow channel, 12

Ebla archives, 351 anathrophomorphic ceramic, 44; Ghaggar Valley, 29, 396, 404 Echinochola, 214 animal 505-505, 534; anthropoid, 502, Ghaligai, 57

Edens, Christopher, 323, 335 506-508; femaie 502, 507; human, 119, Ghannada, 374 Egypt, 66, 352, 376, 382, 511 143; Indus, 119; male, 44, 502, 507; | Ghazi Shah, 457, 459, 460, 461, 463 Egyptian Civilization, 3 terracotta, 119, 162, 163, 239, 503-507, Ghorband Valley, 276

Einocorn Wheat, 82, 299, 301 528, 533, 539; zoomorphic, 44 Ghosh, A., 23, 85, 226, 396

Ekalasingha, 131 Fine Deep Red Ware, 180 Ghosh, S.S., 223 EI Salvador, 427; Central, 269 Finger millet, 214 Ghotaru, 129

Elam, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 266, Fish hooks, 127 Gisgarh, 274 : 346, 578 Flakes, 538—540 Glyptics, 344-347, 353 Elamites, 62 Fleming, Stuart J., 512 Goats, 173, 174, 298, 304, 305, 308,

Elana, 131 Flint, 11, 111 309, 311, 445, 502

Elbreez mountains, 276 Foote, Bruce, 538, 544 Godavari, 7, 175, 421

Elburz, 311 Frankfort, Henry, 267, 370 Godavari Basin, 175, 182 Electrum, 46 French factory, 557 Godavari Valley, 177, 178, 417, 576

Elephant, 423 Frifelt, K., 341 Godin Tepe, 62 | Eleusine coracana, 214, 215,216, 217, Fujairah, 325 Gold, 46, 119, 239, 263, 271, 275-276,

288-292, 450 Fullol Hoard, 66, 275 280, 282, 383, 493; beads, 351; leaf, Elm, 11 182; ornament, 263 Emerald, 142 Gabarbands, 233 Gomal, area, 245; basin, 525; Passes,

Emirats, 338 Gadd, C.J., 371 11;Plain 17; River, 5; Valley, 263 Emmer Wheat, 82, 299, 3u1 Gamanwala, 91 Gomti River, 131 Enchinochloa colonum, 291 Gandhara Grave Culture, 57, 248 Gop, 413

Index 587 Goudie, A., 225 Harappa, 12, 15, 17, 19, 20, 22, 32, 43, Harike, 7

Gram, 216, 218, 219 44, 45, 46, 47, 51, 52, 61, 65, 71, 72, Harlan, J.R., 295 Granary, 45, 83, 216, 218, 219 91, 93, 100, 115, 127, 129, 136, 137, Harrison, P.D. 435

Granite, 9 141, 162, 182, 183, 187, 198, 205, 206, Haryana, 5, 12, 20, 23, 25, 26, 51, 52, Grass pea, 292 215, 223, 229, 239, 245, 248, 250, 261, 53, 56, 93, 113, 114, 118, 128, 129,

Gray Slipped Ware, 177 263, 264, 265, 268, 273, 275, 276, 277, 130, 135, 158, 161, 188, 191, 206, 215, Gray Ware, 185, 187, 188, 189, 190, 278, 279, 280, 281, 287, 288, 371, 375, 216, 218, 273, 279, 383, 404, 406, 407, 192, 193; Harappan variety of, 187; 381, 382, 386, 388, 389, 395, 397, 413, 408, 409, 413, 414, 417, 418, 576;

thick coarse, 175 414, 424, 426, 449, 450, 469, 471, 472, central, 114; eastern, 53; north, 114;

Great Bath, 99, 100, 395, 452 477, 490, 491, 495, 496, 498, 500, 501, southern, 24

Great Rann, 34, 198 508, 511-513, 515, 516, 533, 548, 552, Hasan Wali, 107, 109, 111

Green gram, 292 562, 563, 573, 574, 576, 577, 579 Hasan Wali II, 109

Green millet, 214 Harappa/Ghaggar/Mohanjodaro axis, Hastinapur, 395, 398, 399

Grinding stones, 547 24; ‘“Harappan”’, 579 Hastinapura, 23, 25 Guatemala, 427, 432, 434 ' Harappan architectural feature, 45; Hazara, 5 Gudea, 275 artifacts, 330; Black-on-Red Ware, Hazara Jat, 276

Gudea inscription, 351 573; burial practices 492-494; burials, Hazari Bagh District, 278 Gujarat, 7,9, 11, 12, 34, 36, 52, 53, 49, 157; Civilization, 70, 71, 79, 197, Hegde, K.T.M., 225

56, 70, 92, 122, 168, 170, 171, 173, 200, 218, 223, 225, 229, 239, 267, 268, Helmand River, 93, 275, 282 174, 175, 177, 183, 199, 200, 206, 365, 381, 382, 383, 416, 438, 445, 469, Hematitie, 491 207, 217, 223, 229, 235, 237, 273, 496, 497, 500, 563, 564, 575, 576, 577; Hemmy’s Indus Weight Unit, 119

278, 279, 280, 292, 330, 338, 372, communication, 199-201; Cultural Herman, 287 382, 387, 406, 408, 413, 414, 417, Complex, 37, 38; Culture, 31, 32, 33, Hili, 8, 325, 336, 342, 344, 350-352, 376; 448, 512, 555, 563, 564; central. 168; 35, 41, 42, 43, 45, 49, 70, 71, 135, 136, settlements, 374

coastal southern, 174; north, 168, 199, 205, 209, 279, 374, 396, 397, 399, Hilmand Civilization, 66 . 170, 274, 281, 413, 417; northern, 406, 407, 409, 445, 451, 453, 457, 463, Himalayas, 37, 113, 120, 245, 248, 250,

34; south, 168, 169,-170, 413 555, 572, 576, 577, 580; Culture Cycle | 263, 447

Gulf of Cambay, 7, 9 51; Empire, 37, 38, 41, 201, 205, 215, Hindon, 396, 397, 399

Gulf of Kutch, 198, 200, 201 217, 218, 237; food economy, 206-2 14; Hindu Kush, 5, 11, 17, 19, 273, 275, 374 Gumla, i1, 12, 46, 54, 65, 271, 386, 388, inscription, 346; occupation, 292; Hingoni Budrukh, 382, 413

508, 533, 551, 575 Phase, 33, 209, 471; plus Early Baran Hisham Dheri, 11, 237

Gumla I, 90 | Culture, 158, 162, 163; Red Ware 187, Hissar, 63, 91, 129, 373 Gumla II, 64 188, 399; script, 47, 158, 328, 491, Hissar District, 113, 114, 245, 383 Gumush Kaneh, 276 494; seals, 344, 346, 353, 369, 372; Hog deer, 173 Gupta Molded Ware, 399 settlements, 198, 201, 229, 240, 261, Hommel, Fritz, 323 Gupta, S.K., 200 263, 273, 280, 372, 374, 383, 387, 403, Honduras, 427 Gurdaspur, 190; District, 158 404, 409, 414, 417, 495, 555, 558, 559, Horat, Unga, 344 Gurnikalan, 12 561, 563, 566, 573; sites, 7, 37, 46, 54, Hordeum, agriocrithon, 210

Guti-Gudea Period, 267 107, 108, 136, 141, 198, 201, 208, 217, Hordeum, agriocrithon Aberg, 210

Gypsum, 217, 218 239, 240, 245, 256-257, 263, 273, 275, Hordeum distichon, 215

277, 406, 417, 438, 448, 557-559, 563, Hordeum distichon Linn., 210

Hab Chauki, 107, 109 565, 575, 576; technological period, Hordeum spontancum, 210, 215 Hab River, 5, 11, 107, 109 168; trade, 565; trading network, 45; Hordeum spontancum Koch, 209 Hab River Valley, 111 Urbanization, 22, 72, 73, 447, 448; Hordeum vulgare, 206, 210, 215, 295, 299

Habuba Kabira, 62, 64, 366 Ware, 33, 189, 399, 407, 417; Wares, Hordeum vulgare, L., 209

Hafit, 349; burial, 353 338-344, 354, 374, 559, 566; Weight Horsegram, 183, 215 :

Hayjjar, burial, 344 | system, 327, 328, 452 Hosainpura, 278,280

Hajnali, 198, 200, 201, 557, 559 Harappans, 33, 36, 37, 102, 136, 154, Hoshiarpur, 190

Hakra, 5, 12, 37, 85, 90, 91, 93, 94, 245, 162, 170, 175, 180, 182, 183, 187, 189, Hulas, 135, 136, 163, 191, 397, 398, 399,

248, 575 | 276, 277, 279, 280, 281, 282, 367, 372, 402, 406, 407, 408, 409, 413 , Hakra Ban, 114 373, 382, 383, 396, 397, 398, 403, 406, Hunting, 304 Hakra Ghaggar system, 7 | 409, 448, 451, 452, 490, 495, 500, 558, Hyene, 505

Hakra-Wahinda, 5 566, 567; cemetery of, 154, 451, 471, Hyktanis River, 275

Hakra Ware sites, 94 486-489, 492, 500; in Gujarat, 557; in Hyrcania, 57 :

Hakra Wares, 90, 91, 449 Saurashtra, 555, 559, 562, 564-566; Hystera, 34

Halim, M., 482 plant economy 408 of, 32 Hamadan, 275 Hardakheri, Ice Age, 224 | Hammers, 544-549 Hardwar, 399 Ilak, mountains of, 273, 279 a,

Hanumangarh, Hard 299 180, llopango, 429 © Harali, 351 Hari248 Rud, 11 wheat, Inamgaon, 423, 557

588 . Index Incised Ware, 171, 191 Iron Age Urbanization, 73 Jujube, 206, 301

India, 51, 53, 56, 57, 72, 93, 197, 206, Isfahan see Ispahan Jullundur, 190, 248; District, 158, 193, 245 234, 266, 268, 274, 275, 276, 277, 279, Isin-Larsa Dynasties, 267

280, 323, 328, 331, 366, 451, 453, 512, Isin-Larsa period, 267, 347, 348, 372, Kabul River, 5

523, 548; central, 70, 114, 122, 182, 382, 563 Kachi, 5, 57

216; culture, 445; north, 218, 219, 385, Islam Chawki, 551 Kachi District, 298 386, 392; northern, 336, 540; north- Ispahan, 276, 277 Kachi plain, 5, 12, 79, 80, 82, 84, 298, western, 216, 219, 540; south, 182, Italian millet, 214, 215, 218 377; north, 312

275, 383, 544; western, 79, 201, 223 Ivory, 338, 350-351, 353, 566 Kahpuz Depe, 63 Indian Ocean, 369, 374-376 Kakadbhit, 198 Indian population, 328, 331, 369 Jacobabad, 261 Kakoria, 396, 397

Indian subcontinent, 365, 547, 548 Jade, 9, 11 Kalaheti, 408

Indigo, 35 Jafarabad, 168, 169,199 170Kalepar, Kaleh, 277 Indigofera sp., 288 Jagdusha, 12 Indo-Aryan Cultural tradition, 390, 392 Jaguar lineage, 431 Kal-Seb Zarre, 277

Indo-Aryan Culture, 391 Jainism, 70, 391 Kalibangan, 12, 20, 23, 32, 33, 37, 43,

Indo-Aryan language, 451 Jaipur District, 34, 125, 131, 241 45,51, 52, 65, 66, 70, 72, 85, 91, 115,

Indo-Aryans, 571, 577 Jaisalmer, 35, 36, 129 120, 125, 127, 128, 130, 131, 136, 161, Indo-Iranian borderlands, 330 Jalalabad, 267 182, 183, 189, 205, 206, 208, 211, 213, Indus, 5, 7, 12, 22, 66, 67, 141, 162, 197, Jalilpur, 65, 90, 245, 271, 305, 312, 472 215, 216, 217, 223, 229, 235, 237, 239,

217, 228, 229, 261, 274, 280, 281, 282, Jalilpur I, 90 273, 275, 276, 375, 381, 382, 386, 387, 295, 298, 331, 372, 386, 389, 406, 531, Jalilpur I, 90 388, 389, 397, 398, 414, 422, 448, 452, 552, 563, 571, 576; Arabian interaction, Jalore, 36, District, 131 455, 573, 574, 575, 576, 577; burials,

335; Basin, 11, 12, 54, 183; lower, 52; Jalwali, 91 450; Culture, 115-116; Fabric D, 158; northern, 245; Civilization, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, Jamdet Nasr, 366 Ware, 118

10, 11, 12, 65, 70, 79, 85, 92, 113, 233- Jarriage, J.-F., 376, 377, 572 Kalibangan I, 24, 52, 115, 130, 136, 151, 236, 250, 265, 268, 290, 349, 365, 366, Jammu, 168, 185, 189, 190; 248, 383, 154, 163, 187, 407; Fabric B, 187;

370, 371, 373, 374, 376, 377, 385, 386, foothill, 250 Fabric D, 187; Pre-Harappan, 136 387, 388, 389, 390, 392, 577, 578; Jammu and Kashmir, 23, 413, 418 Kalibangan II Ware, 26 Culture, 70, 115, 120, 168, 237, 381, Jamnagar District, 35, 168, 174 Kamalia, 263

388, 471, 525; Delta, 7; Gulf contact, Janapadanivesa, 167 Kamalia Plain, 248

338; inscription, 341, 344, 508; Plain, Jansen, Dr. Michael, 15, 100 Kaminabjuju, 429, 430 5, 64, 234, 237, 262, 263, 264; Plains, Jasper, 111, 138, 327, 493, 537, 538 Kama Sutaria, 413

445,521, 522; Plant-use strategy in, Jenkins, Chris, 501 Kanahan Nadi, 142

287; Red Ware, 118; script, 174, 177, Jatakas, 56 Kandahar, 11, 275, 277 178, 181, 182, 472; seal, 367, 371; Jawai River, 131 Kandla, 200

seals, 65; system, 5, 229, 388; Central, Jawar mines, 276 Kanewal, 169, 170, 171, 172, 174, 413

12; Valley, 3, 17, 22, 41, 42, 43, 48, Jhadol, 131 | Kangra, 263

49, 54, 79, 92, 113, 114, 130, 177, 182, Jhalawar, 36 | Kanakaria vago, 169 199, 229, 245, 328, 330, 382, 386, 387, Shang, 17, 263 Kantali River, 128, 130 390, 406, 413, 414, 418, 438, 449, 572, Jhangar Culture, 33 Kapalmochan, 114 577; Greater, 91, 92, 93, 261, 271, 312, Jhelum, 7, 245, 248 Kara Depe, 63

335, 336, 341, 346, 463, 471, 472, 521, Jhelum-Yamuna Plain, 250 Karachi, 107, 108, 109, 200

536, 540; lower, 463; upper, 92; Jhoka, 367 . Karadagh, 278, 280 Wares, 118; weight system, 119 Jhukar, 53,55, 101, 102, 261, 271, 373, Karakoram, 275

Intaglio stamp seals, 44 382, 451; Culture, 33, 92, 102, 122, Karatau range, 276

Iran, 9, 11, 52, 113, 267, 271, 274, 275, 451; people, 51; pottery, 102; settle- Karnal District, 245

276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 338, ments, 53; sites, 53 | | Karnataka, 11, 274, 275, 278, 417 349-35 1, 367, 373, 578; Central, 576; Jhunjhunu, 36, 92; District, 130 Karbatika, 167 dry plateau of, 3; eastern, 22, 84, 295, Jind, 52; District of, 114, 161, 245 | Karun, 366

372; north eastern 577; northern, 279; Jodhpur, 34, 35, 36 Kasaunti, 128, 130

plateau, 301, 313, 373, 350, 354; Jodhpura, 24, 125, 129, 409; Culture, Kashan Kohund, 277

south-eastern, 299; southern, 61, 62, 125; mound, 125 | | Kashmir, 168, 189, 218, 250, 263

370, Wares, 341 Jokha, 168, 169, 170, 172 Kashmir Valley, 189, 248

Iraq, 370, 371; southern, 367 Jorwe, 135; 179; Culture, 177, 178, 382; Kasi, 57 , Iranian highlands, 3 Occupation, 176; Ware, 176, 178, Kassite parallels, 330

Iranian Plateau, 3, 48, 62, 63 179, 382 Kathiawad 7, 9, 282, 417; plateaus of, 7 Iron, 114, 135 Joshi, J.P., 158 Kathiawar, 275 Iron Age, 325, 330, 351, 538, 577; . Jowar, 215, 216, 292, 457 Katpalon, 54, 158, 163, 185, 193, 407, 413

Empire of, 168 Judverjodaro, 12, 261, 264 Katun, 436

Index 589 Katun Cycle, 436, 438 Kot Diji, 23, 32, 33, 42, 43, 46, 65, 66, Lakhmirwala, 12

Kausambi, 138, 395, 396, 397 70, 91, 116, 129, 136, 158, 161, 171, Lakhpat, 35, 217

Kausambi IA, 136 386, 388, 407, 461, 467, 472, 533, 555, Lal, B.B., 25, 85

Kautilya, 167 575; Pre-Harappan, 136 Lamberg-Karlovsky, C.C., 424

Kawend, 275 Kot Diji Culture, 572 Lambrick, H.T., 217, 228, 382 Kayatha, 128, 413, 417; culture, 451 Kot-Diji-Jalilpur-Sarai Khola tradition, Langhanaj, 171 Kazakhstan, II, 276, 277 501 Lapis lazuli, 9, 11, 22, 48, 82, 83, 119, Kennedy, Kenneth, A.R., 496, 572 Kot Dijil, 151 142, 174, 193, 263, 266, 271-273, 275, Kenoyer, J. Mark, 352, 469, 477, 494, Kot Dijjan Ware, 90 276, 278, 279, 280, 311, 338, 350, 463,

501,511, 512 Kot Dijians, 234, 445, 463 493, 512, 533, 552, 556 Kerano Munjan Valley, 273 Kota-Maholi, 131 Largy, Tonya, 513 Kerasi, 201 Kotada-Bhadli, 413 Larkana, 19, 261 Kerman, 352 Kotada Dholavira, 198, 199, 200, 201 Larsa, 347 Kesarising’s Khetar mound, 170 Kothara, 198 - Larsen, C, 335 Khadir, 198, 199, 200, 201 Kotla Nihang, 24, 141, 162, 573 Las, plain of, 5 Khafaje, 281 Kotla Nihang Khan, 23, 141, 190, 383, 407 Las Bela, 107, 313

Khairpur, 129 Kotputli, Tehsil, 125 Late Baran Culture, 158, 162—163

Khandesh, 174 | Kotri, 7 Late Baran plus Painted Gray Ware Khan, Ahmed, Nabi, 469 Kounrad, 277 Culture, 158, 163 Khan, Farid, 521 Kramer, S.N., 366 Late Bronze Age Cities, 56

Khaparda, 170 Kuba, 171 500

Khan, Mhd-Ishtiagq, 469 Krishni, 399 Late Bronze/Early Iron Age settlements,

Khari, 131 Kundwala, 12, 93, 94 Late Chalcolithic Culture, 63

Khatt, 325 Kuh Banan, 278 Late Classic Maya Society, 431 Khetri, 9, 129, 277, 281, 351 Kuh-i Baba, 275 Late Classic Period, 435, 437

Khetri Belt, 24, 129, 130, 281 Kulhade-Ka-Johad, 128 Late Harappan, 23, 163, 336, 338, 563, 579; Khetri-Singhana source, 92 Kulli, 271, 461; culture, 373 ceramics, 49; Civilization 414; cultural

Khira District, 169 Kulli-Harappan symbiosis, 102 development 42; Culture, 9, 49, 56,

Khirasara, 198, 201, 564 Kumaon, 277 177, 182, 193, 194, 382, 398, 414, 417,

Khlopin, I.N., 63 Kumar, 275 418, 449, 471; Degenerate, 92; Period, Kho-Dariba, 277 Kundol, 274 92-93, 94, 199, 426, 492, 558, 579, 580; Khodjent, 273, 280 Kung, 548 Phase, 37, 38, 49, 93, 180, 181, 185,

Khorasan, 11, 278, 280 Kuntasi, 555, 557-566 205, 414, 415, 416, 417, 418, 448; Red

Khu-i Nugre, 276 Kurada, 129, 131 ware, 180, 185, 189, 193; settlements, Khuzistan, 62 Kurnool District, 417 53, 93, 175, 413; sites, 52, 53, 190, Kidder, A.V., 435 Kurram Gap, 525 198, 227, 245, 254256, 408, 415, 417, Kili Ghul Mohammed, 299 Kurram River, 5, 521, 523, 525 418, 563; Ware, 190, 193, 417

Kili Ghul Mohammad II Style, 83 Kurukshetra, 163, 407; District, 158, Late Harappans, 51, 52, 189, 190, 191,

Kili Ghul Mohammad III Style, 83 191, 215, 248 192, 217, 383, 415, 417, 418, 580; food

Kim, 7 Kushan, Period, 185, 189; pottery, 189; economy of, 214-215

Kinderkhera, 413 Ware, 185 Late Pleistocene Period, 175

Kirnam, 273, 274, 276, 277, 280, 281 Kutch, 7, 9, 35, 36, 168, 174, 197, 198, Late Siswal Ware, 118

Kirthars, 3, 11, 374, 445 199, 200, 201, 229, 273, 282, 331, 413, Late Stone Age Culture, 172: Microlithic Kirthar Ranges, 5, 20, 113, 461 417, 418, 512, 555, 558, 559, 564, 566, Culture, 70; site, 171 Kish, 136, 245, 266, 267, 367, 370 567; Central 198; District of, 34; Later Chalcolithic Culture, 135

Knight, James, 513 Harappan settlements, 565; sites, 565 Lathyrus odoratus, 135

Knobbed Ware, 138 Kutch-Kathiawad coasts, 12 Latin America, 234

Knossos, 301 Kutchis, 331 Latyayana Srauta Sutra, 114

Kodekal, 280 Kyzyl Kum, 273, 275, 277, 279, 280 Leachman, Capt. G., 328

Kodo millet, 291 Kyzyl Kum desert, 280 Lead, 46, 271, 275, 276, 281 Kohistan, 5, 7, 11, 107, 111, 275, 445 Lebanon, 500 Kokcha River, 273, 280, 374 Ladakh, 5, 34 Lecromina croix, 174

Kolar mines, 275, 276 Ladgaon, Leiah, Koldihwa, 219 Lagash, 275, 346 175 Lentil, 183,17215

Kopet Dagh mountains, 63 Laghman, 275 Lewan, 521, 525, 533, 545, 547, 548;

Kopet Dagh rivers, 56 Lahore-Multan railway, 469 artefacts, 536~—537, 539-544; bead-

Koppal 417 Lak Phusi, 11 working area, 453; community, 551; Kori Creek, 35, 197 Lakhabaval, 170, 413, 417 culture, 552; sites, 525-528; wares,

Kosal, 57 Lakhapar, 201 529, 531, 532, 533 Kosala, 57 Lakhlargai Dherai, 551 Limboli, Taluka, 168

590 Index Lingas, 235 Malhar Rann, 225 Mazyad, 347 511 Linseed, 292 Malhera, 409 McCarthy, Blythe, Lithic artifacts, 46 Malir Basin, 111 Meadow, Richard, 82, 295, 502 Lithic assemblege, 299 Malir River, 5, 107, 110 Medieval Historic site, 49

Lithophiles, 233 Malir system, 110 Mediterranean, 511; Region, 72 | Little Ice Age, 244 Mallinath, 199 Meerut, 398; District, 136, 406, 409 Little Rann, 9, 34, 200, 201 Malvan, 169, 170, 174 Meggers, B.J., 435 Lohra, 145 Malwa, 179; Culture, 177, 382, 397; Mehgam, 168, 413, 417

Lokha, 274 Ware, 176, 177, 178, 425 Mehi, 271, 277, 348

Long barrel-cylinder beads, 265, 266, Manava Dharma Sastra, 114 Mehrgarh, 57, 79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 273,

267, 268 Manchar Lake, 5, 7, 12, 548 274, 280, 298-303, 376, 445, 463, 467, :

Long cylindrical lapis beads, 349 Manda, 11, 23, 24, 34, 141, 185, 189, 500, 532, 537, 552, 572, 577, 579; Lothal, 7. 11, 12, 19, 32, 33, 36, 43, 51, 190, 248, 263, 407, 413, 417 cultural development of, 298; faunal

53, 71, 72, 117, 127, 136, 168, 171, Maner, 137 data of, 295

172, 182, 183, 198, 200, 201, 205, 206, Mangalasutra, 239 Mehrgarh Mound Three, 82, 83

207, 215, 217, 227, 229, 239, 273, 275, Manjhi, 137 Mehrgarh VI, 274

276, 277, 278, 330, 341, 347, 351, 372, 381, Manot, 12 Mehta, R.N., 236, 237 382, 413, 414, 415, 417, 448, 450, 452, Manpur, 409 Melechha, 17, 65, 273, 275, 278, 280,

555, 559, 563-565, 573, 576, 578 Margiana, 57 281, 282, 382, 424

Lothal B., 55, 122, 415, 416, 417 Mari, 274 Melilotus sp., 288

Lothal Domain, 20 Markanda, 7 Meluhha, 354, 369, 371, 372, 564;

Lothal I, 576 Marot, 226 copper, 351 Louvre, 367 Marshall, Sir John, 97, 129, 235, 236, Meluhhans, 370 Lovell, Nancy C., 496, 497 237, 281, 365, 366, 367, 387, 425, 548 Mery, S., 374

Lower Town, 100, 103 Marwar, 171 Meshad, 275, 277 Lowland Classic Period, 429 Mashkai-Jhalwan area, 223 Meso-America, 429, 433, 436, 437 Lubaantum, 429 Maski, 280, 417 Mesolithic Culture, 233 Ludhiana, 190, 248; District, 154, 158, Masson Charles, 31, 469 Mesolithic site, 538 192, 245 Mathooka, 128 Mesopotamia, 3, 22, 23, 41, 43, 48, 61, Lukacs, John, 498 Matsya Desa, 125 62, 65, 66, 67, 79, 263, 266, 267, 268, Luna, 413 Matsyanyaya, 174 271, 273, 278, 280, 281, 313, 335, 336, Luni, 7, 131, 200 ‘Mature Harappan’’, 336, 448, 562, 579 338, 346, 347, 349, 352, 367, 371, 372,

Lurewala, 93 Mature Harappan ceramics, 44; cultural 373, 386, 450, 573; Greater, 301;

Lustrous Red Ware, 56 development, 42; cultural complex, northern, 349; southern, 62, 354; seal,

Lustrous Red Ware Culture, 414 42, 43; culture, 235, 414, 449, 450, 471, 367, 369-37 1

Lyari hills, 111 576; gridiron layout, 45; material 24; Mesopotamians, 367, 382 material culture, 43, 44, 45, 46; period Mesopotamian seal, 65

Mackay, E.J.H., 327 92, 93, 94, 189, 237, 347, 482, 492, Mexican Gulf Coast, 429, 430 Mackay, Ernest, 97, 236, 239, 242, 265, 495, 508, 572, 573, 575, 578; phase, 38, Mexico, 427, 429, 430; Central, 428

266 49, 338, 415, 416, 417, 558; settlements, Micaceous Red Ware, 201, 279, 417

Madhya Pradesh, 168, 275, 281, 417 45, 201, 235, 407, 413, 477, 480; sites, Microlithic material, 526

Madhyadesh, 57, 395. 7, 15, 43, 44, 46, 48, 53, 54, 84, 93, Middle Classic hiatus, 436, 437

Madow, R.H., 295, 297 198, 235, 236, 245, 408, 417, 573, 579; Middle East, 295, 296, 297, 299, 310,

Magadha, 57 urban sites, 43; ware, 491 312, 313, 367; animal domestication, Magan, 335, 336, 351, 354, 372 Mature Harappans, 24, 414, 451 295

Mahabharata, 56, 114, 226 Mature Indus, civilization, 65, 290, 392, Middle Elamite period, 330

Mahadaha, 500 472; culture, 116-120, 235, 237, 522, Middle Harappan Phase, 37

Mahadevan, I., 99 539; settlements, 471; site, 245; urban Middle Pre-Classic Period, 429 Mahajanapadas, 56, 57, 69 period, 537, 548; urban sites, 543 Mihran of Sind, 5 Maharashtra, 168, 175, 180, 199, 219, 278 Mature Urban Culture, 387 Miliolote limestone, 561

| Maheswere, 172 Mauryan Empire, 167 Miller, Heather, 515

Mahi, 7, 9 Maya, 428, 431, 432, 433, 435, 436, 438, Millet, 291, 295, 376, 573

Maize, 215 439, 578; low land, 428, 429, 430, 432, Mirador, 430 . Majumdar, N.G., 457, 461, 463 433, 434, 436, 437, 438; southern, 429 Mirzali Khan Dheri, 551

Makain, 277 Maya Civilization, 427, 428, 429, 432, Mirzapur, 118, 163, 407, 413

Makran, 9, 12, 352, 372, 373 438, 434 Mitathal, 12, 25, 33, 52, 115, 116, 122, Makran Baluchistan, 11 Maya Classic, 428 129, 135, 407, 409, 413

Makran coast, 199, 200, 273, 382 Maysar, 325, 328, 330, 338, 339, 344, Mitathal I, 24 : Malaria, 434 346, 347 Mitathal IIA, 407 © Maler Kotla, 158 Mazanderan, 273 Mitathal IIB, 26, 52, 54, 121, 162, 397, 407

Index 591 Mithankot, 5 Nagwada, 564 Ochre Colored Pottery (OCP), 25, 26,

Mithrau, 129 Nahli, 409 33, 125, 129-130, 281, 408, 409;

Moh Scale, 239, 241, 242 Nai, 114, 130 complex, 56; food economy of, 218;

Mohammad of Gazni, 35 Naing Nai, 457, 461 sites, 53, 136, 218; Ware culture, 218,

Mohenjodaro, 12, 15, 17, 19, 22, 32, 33, Naitandava, 37 219

43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 51, 53, 54, 71, 72, Naiwal, 5 Ochre Colored Ware, 191, 383, 405, 406 92,97, 100, 102, 104, 111, 115, 127, Najafgarh Lake, 130 Okhamandel, 35 129, 136, 137, 141, 162, 171, 182, 198, Nakhatrana Taluka, 198 Old Police Station, 481

205, 207, 208, 215, 218, 223, 228, 229, Nakhlak, 276 Olinec, 429

235, 236, 245, 248, 250, 261, 263, 265, Nal, 271, 463 Oman, 9, 277, 281, 323, 328, 329, 336, 266, 268, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, Namazga Depem, 51, 63 338, 351, 352, 372, 373-376; penin-

280, 281, 327, 328, 338, 344, 349, 351, Namazga III, 63 sula, 325, 331, 336, 370 365, 366, 371, 381, 382, 387, 388, 389, Namazga III/Geoksyurian Cultural Onaur, 396

390, 392, 395, 397, 413, 414, 417, 422, Complex, 64 Onager, 304

425, 448-451, 471, 472, 482, 501, 511, Namazga V, 63, 276, 577 Oppenheim, L., 371, 372

533, 548, 552, 561, 572, 573, 574, 575, Namazga V-VI, 579 Orangi, 109 575, 576, 577, 579; axes from, 328-329; Namazga VI, 56, 577 Orissa, 276 DK Area of, 44, 100, 103; DK-B Area Namazga VI pottery, 57 Oxus Basin, 11 of, 99; DK-I Area of, 99; HR Area of, Namazga VI times, 52 Oxus River, 48, 65, 280, 382

99, 100, 102, 103; VS Area of, 99, 103 Nandlalpura, 131 Oxus system, 56

Mohenjodaro Domain, 20 Nar, 168

Mohenjodaro excavation, 46 Nara, 228; eastern, 226 Pabumath, 198, 200, 201, 413, 558,

Moneer, Q.M., 97 Nari, 5 562, 564, 565 Moneer site, 15, 97, 99, 100 Nari River, 298 Padhegaon, 175

Montogomery District, 206, 261 Narmada, 7, 9, 10 Painted Black on Red Ware, 562

Mora, 35, 217, 274 Narmini, 37 Painted Gray Ware (PGW), 25, 33, 93, Mohra, 274 Narnaul, 129 122, 125, 130, 163, 188, 189, 190, 192, Motagua fault, 434 Narwana, 52 193, 248, 396, 399, 407, 417, 579;

Motagua, River, 438; Valley, 431 Nausharo, 298 complex, 56; culture, 38, 157, 158, Mount Abu, 37 Navadatoli, 57, 128, 135, 136, 396 163, 194, 395, 397, 398, 407; people, Mughai, M. Rafique, 15, 20, 65, 102, Navinal, 198, 201 191, 383, 402, 403, 406; phase, 185;

119, 448, 451, 469, 472, 469, 572 Nayabans, 399 settlements, 94, 344; sites, 130, 190, Mula, 3 Near East, 365 249, 250-254 Mula Pass, 11, 261 Neem-ka-Thana, 129; Sub Treasury at, Painted Gray Ware/NBP occupation, 26

Multan, 7, 263 125; Tehsil, 128 Pakistan, 79, 85, 92, 93, 94, 101, 128,

Mundan, 35 Neolithic, 303, 312; culture, 445, 450; 162, 192, 197, 206, 223, 226, 237, 245,

Mundan, 217 deposits, 299; period, 373 271, 274, 295, 304, 310, 328, 371, 373,

Mundigak, 48, 54, 63, 84, 206, 215, 280, Neolithic Brzahomians, 218 374, 386, 414, 445, 448, 457, 490, 495,

282 Neolithic Chirand, 138; culture, 135, 513,521; Western 301 |

Mundigak II, 205 218; deposits, 82, 83; food economy, Palampur, 278 Mundigak III, 274 218; people 189, 219, 274, 383; Period Palestine, 500

Mundore Fort,200 35 Nesh, I, 90 Palette stones, 546, 547 Mundra, 198, 277 Pasepattan, 263 Mung, 215 Netra Khirsara,9,413 Pamirs, 273 Munigak, 346 Nickel, 281 Panchasar, 563 a Murgab Valley, 52 Nilgai, 173, 174 Panchavisma Brahman, 114 — Muruntau mountains, 275, 280 Nindowarl, 102 Panchinad, 5, 17, 19

Musa Khel, Nippur, 245, 371 167 Pande, B.M., 45111, 12, 54 Musai, 277 17 Nisanta Pranadhih, Pandi Wahi,

Muscat, 328, 331, 376 Nishapur, 274, 275, 279, 280 Pandu Rajar Dhibi, 137 Mushkat, 3 Noh, 125, 409 Pandya, P.P., 557 Muzaffarnagar, 53; District, 406 Norhtern Black Polished Ware, 395, Panicum, 214, 450

Mysore, 279, 280, 281, 282 396, 399; period, 396 Panicum miliaceum, 215

Northern Polished ware, 451 Panicum sp., 288; P. miliare, 288-291

Nadi, 114 Northern Tropical Thorn Forest, 34 Panicum sumatrense, 215

Nagar, 54, 158, 163, 185, 193, 407; North West Frontier Province (NWFP), Panipat, 52

District, 225 234, 521, 522 Panjsher Valley, 276

Nagara, 172 Northwest Frontier, 17, 19 Par River, 9

Nagaur, 129; District, 131 Nowshahro, 374 Parbatsar-Kurada, 129 Nageshwar, 555, 564 Nowsharo, 11, 12, 84 Parpola A., 99, 508

; Nudziba, 325

592 _ Index Parthia, 57 Prabhas, 198, 413 Qurum, 348

Parthian Period, 577 Prabhas Ware, 33, 56 Quttarah, 351 Paspalum scrobiculatum, 215,291 Prakash, 215

Pathani Damb, 374 Pravara, 175, 177, 382, 421 Ragi, 215, 216, 218 Pathiani Kot, 261 Pre-Classic Period, 428, 429 Rahimar Khan District, 90

Patiala, 190, 226; District, 245, 248 Pre-Columbian Mesoamerica, 365 Rahman Dheri, 11, 12, 54, 66, 84, 90,

Patialvi, 7 Pre-Defense Harappa, 151, 154, 161, 91, 237, 271, 273, 275, 280, 467, 472, Pea (Pisum arvense L.), 206, 215 187, 407; Ware, 121 529, 532, 533,551

Pehoa, 114 ‘“Pre-Harappan’’, 579 Raichur District, 417

Peloponnesian Wars, 436 Pre-Harappan Bara pottery, 54 Raikes, Robert L., 104, 223, 226, 382 Pendali, Elise, 515 Pre-Harappan, 563; Culture, 33, 71, 79, Raja Karam-ka-Qila, 141, 397 Pennisetum typhoides, 216 130, 158, 161, 163, 397, 406, 471; food Raja Sirkap, 158, 161

Periano, A. 90 economy, 206; genre, sites of, 12; Rajasthan, 5, 11, 19, 24, 26, 35, 36, 52, Periano Ghundai, 90 phase, 38, 209; pottery, 158, 187, 189; 70, 92, 122, 128, 130, 132, 168, 171, Persepolis, 267 Red Ware, 187; settlements, 32, 387; 200, 208, 216, 223, 224, 225, 226, 241,

Persian Gulf, 17, 113, 200, 201, 271, sites, 7, 12,51, 129, 245, 257-258; 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 280, 281, 335, 386; seal, 344, 377; trade, 354; technological period, 168; Ware, 190 351, 382, 413, 418, 448, 450, 451, 512, weights, 353; central, 344, 346 Pre-Harappans, 33, 189, 205, 398, 580 522, 565; eastern, 219, 407; northern,

Peten Central, 432 Pre-historic sites, 17 23, 24, 25, 93, 114, 120, 218, 227, 244, Pezu gap, 551 Pre-Indus Culture, 115-116 248, 250, 279; southern, 214; West, 34

Phalodi, 36, 129 ‘“Pre-Late Harappan’’, 580 Western, 227 Phoenix dactylifera, 301 Pre-Sargonic Period, 267 | Rajasthan desert, 35, 37, 215, 216, 218, Phragmites Karka, 214 Pre-urban Harappan, 472 387 Phulki River, 558 Pre-Urban Harappan phenomenon, 24 Rajgarh, 129

Pidaria, 170 Proto-Elamite material inventory, 62 Rajghat, 396

Piedras Negras, 435 Proto-Elamites, 64 Rajkot district, 53, 56, 557

Piggott, Stuart, 135, 223, 424 Proto-historic Culture, Chalcolithic Rajpipla, 275, 282

Pigott, Vincent C., 511, 512 stage of, 70 Rakhigarhi, 35, 115, 161, 264, 383,

Pigs, 173,408 174,Pulki 297, river, 451 Pugal, 131 448-450417 Pikhami, 558 Ramavaram,

Piklihal, 280 Punjab, 5, 7, 11, 12, 15, 17, 23, 25, 52, Ramayana, 56 Pind Padliya, 130 54, 56, 57, 70, 92, 93, 113, 118, 128, Rameshwaran, 452 : Pindi Wahi, 271 129, 130, 135, 158, 162, 168, 185, 188, Rang Mahal People, 53

Pine (Pinus roxburghii), 11 189, 190, 192, 208, 215, 216, 218, 223, Rangoi, 114

Pirak, 298, 346, 352, 377 236, 241, 263, 279, 282, 312, 366, 383, Rangpur, 32, 33, 36, 72, 135, 136, 168, Pir Panjal Range, 185 389, 390, 391, 392, 396, 406, 407, 408, 183, 198, 201, 207, 215, 217, 241, 330, Pir Shah Jurio, 107, 109 409, 413, 414, 418, 500, 522, 563, 565, 413, 414, 415, 416, 417, 450, 451, 573

Pisum, 218 566, 576, 577; East, 20, 92, 387; low- Rangpur IIA, 199

Pisum arvense, 208, 213 lands, 17; rural, 118; southern, 216; Rangpur IIB, 415, 516, 573, 576 Plain Gray Ware, 192 south-western , 261; West, 17, 20, 280 Rangpur IIB-C, 55, 199

Pokaran, 129 Punt, 376 Rangpur IC, 122, 199, 415, 416, 573 Pokurna, 35. Puran, 35 Rangpur III, 122,573 Polygonum spp., 214 Pranas, 56 Rangpur Period IIA see Rangpur ITA Porabander, 9 Puras, 37 Rangpur Period 564, IIC see565 Rangpur IIC Porali Basin, 111 Puri, 452 Rann, Porali River, 5 Puri, K.N., 97 Rann of Kutch, 7, 113, 131, 197, 198, Possehl, Gregory, 228, 408, 448, 450, Purna River, 9 199, 200, 226, 331

472, 565 Pusalapadu, 274 Rao, S.R., 177, 372, 424

Post-Akkadian Period, 267 Pushkar, 225 Ras al Hadd, 338 ‘*Post-Harappan’”’, 579 Putun Maya, 437 Ras al Junayz, 338, 347, 374-376 Post-Harappan, Chalcolithic Culture, Ras al-Khaimah, 325, 338 136; Chalcolithic sites, 57; Culture, Qadirabad, 515 Ras al-Qalat, 325

33, 34, 70, 135, 183, 240, 406, 449, Qala’at al-Bahrain, 327, 336, 341, 372,. Ratanpur, 282

471; Period, 93, 386, 576; technological 350, 351, 353 Rathji, W.L., 435, 437

period, 168 Qasimi, 328 Ratnagar, Dr. S.,288 19 Post-Indus culture, 115 Qatar, 335 Raval, M.H., “‘Post-Urban’’, 579 Qishm, 352 Raval, M.R. 558

Post-Urban Phase, 25 Quetta, 161, 299 Ravi, 7, 17, 52, 141, 158, 245, 248, 261,

Potts, Daniel T., 323, 338 Quetta Valley, 84 263

Potwar Plateau, 245 Quirigua, 429, 431, 434, 436, 438 Ravi River, 515, 516

Index 593 Reade, J., 371 Salt Range, 245 | Shah Jahan, Emperor, 555

Reddy, Seetha, 515 Samad, 351 Shah Magsud, 277 Red Ochrewashed Ware, 396 _ Samarangana Sutradhara, 174 Shah Rud, 278

Red Ware, 93, 125, 136, 171, 189, 191, Samarkand, 278, 280 — Shahdad, 83, 274, 275

192, 193, 382, 417; dull 177; Sambhar Lake, 37, 52 Shahi Sokhta, 351

site, 130 Sandhanawala, 12 Shahiwala, 93 | Reed, C.A., 79 Sanghol, 24, 54, 122, 151, 154, 161, 163, 84, 273, 274, 275; 279, 280, 282, 346, Reserved Slip Ware, 171 409 , 463. Rewari, 129 Sanghol IA, 118, i21 Shahr-i-Sokhta II, 274 handmade, 121; non-Harappan, 399; Sanduman, Fort, 274, 281 Shahi Tump, 271, 277

Redfied, Robert, 386 Sandstone, 9 ] Shahr-i-Sokhta, 48, 51, 52, 63, 64, 83, Rhinoceros, 173, 174, 423, 502, 505 Sanghol IB, 54, 120, 121 Shakra, 328

Ribbed Bichrome Ware, 180 Sangrahamis, 167 Shamlaji, 172 ,

Rice, 207, 208, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, Sangramikam, 167 Sharer, Robert, 578

295, 377, 451, 573 | Sangrar, 129, 190 Sharjah, 323, 325 , Ridder, 277 | Sangrur, 245 Sharma, G-B., 163 | Rigveda, 37, 114, 390, 392 Sankalia, Prof. H.D., 57, 236 Sharma, G.R., 395, 396 | Ringstones, 543, 544, 547, 548 Sappali-Dashly, pottery, 57; sites, 56 Sharma, Y.D., 54, 120, 407, 573

Riyadh, 328 Sarai Khola, 12, 17, 46, 65, 90, 271, 386, Sharjah, 323, 325

Robat, 281 407, 472, 500 Shargiyah, 325 Rohri, 7, 11, 328, 388; hills, 552 Sarai Khola II, 151, 154 Shastri, K.N., 469, 492 Rohtak, 91 Saran District, 135 Shatrana, 226

Rojadi, 9 Sarangpur, 158, 161 , Sheep, 173, 298, 304, 305, 308-311, 445,

~—- Rojdi, 198, 201, 239, 413, 416, 417, 450, Sarasvati, 5, 7, 9, 23, 24, 25, 37, 93, 94, 502, 505 451, 555, 562, 566; occupation, 287- 113, 114, 158, 163, 191, 226, 263, 451; Shell, 352

288; plant-use, 287-292 Basin, upper, 72; Valley, 12, 52, 114, Sheri Khan Tarakai, 508, 551

Roman trade, 371 218, 261, 263, 383, 387 Shikarpur, 564, 565

Roopnagar I, 118 563 347, 348, 350

Roopnagar, 115, 121 Sarasvati-Drishadvati, 248; Valley, 383, Shimal, 327, 328, 330, 338, 341; burial,

Ropar, 7, 11, 23, 54, 118, 141, 142, 143, Sargon the Great, 369 Shortugai, 11, 48, 65, 66, 273, 276, 278,

151, 158, 161, 162, 190, 226, 245, 263, Sar el-Jisr, 348, 350 328, 373, 374, 578; sites, 17

383, 399, 406, 407, 408, 413, 417, 450, Sari-i-Sang, 273 Shri Ganganagar, 34

573 Satapatha Brahmana, 130 Shrirampur Taluka, 175

Ropar I, 151, 407. - Satterthwaite, L., 435 Siah Damb, 277

Ropar IA, 24, 151, 161 | Saudi Arabia, 274, 277, 335, 336, 344, Sialk see Tepe Silk

Ropar IB, 24, 151, 162 | 353; western, 274 — Siberia, 275; eastern, 273

Royal Grave, 266 Sauer, Carl O., 376 - Sibri, 298 | Rubbing stones, 547 Saurashtra, 9, 35, 122, 170, 171, 174, Siddhuwala Ther, 92 Rudra-Siva, 392 197, 198, 200, 201, 279, 382, 387, 406, Sikar-Jhunjhunu, area, 129; District,

Rufayah, 341, 350 408, 413, 417, 418, 451, 512, 558, 563, 130

Rupen, 9 | | 417 | Simashki, 62

Rumeilah, 325 | 564, 567, 573, 576; Central, 168, 287, Silver, 46, 239, 271, 276, 351 Ru’us al-Jibal, 325 : Savalda, 9; Culture, 177; Ware, 177, 382 Simla, 263

| Sawa millet, 291, 292 Sind Kohistan, 3, 457, 458

Sabania, 131 _ Sawai Madhopur, District, 131 _ Sindh, 5, 7, 9, 11, 12, 35, 49, 52, 92,

Sabarkanta District, 241 7 Scrapers, 539 | 109, 122, 136, 174, 197, 198, 199, 200,

Sabarmati, 7, 9 | Sea shells, 83 | 201, 206, 207, 208, 215, 216, 237, 261, Sabi River, 125, 130 , | Sedges, 214 | 279, 280, 282, 338, 366, 373, 376, 377, Sabi Valley, 52 Segak Mound, 277 382, 383, 386, 406, 457, 463, 522, 548, Sabloff, J.A., 437 Sehore, 241. | 555, 563, 565, 571, 577; Upper, 552

Sabzwar, 277 - Seibal, 429, 430, 437, 438 - Sindhi Bhattias, 328, 331 Saddle Querns, 547 oo Seistan, 11, 64, 93, 275, 282 Sindri, 35 : Sahara, 35 Serahs, 63 | Singanapalli, 274 Saharanpur, 138; District, 53, 136, 399, Sesame (Sesamum indicum), 206,216 Singhana, 277

406 Setaria sp., 214, 215, 217, 288-291, 450 Sinha, K.K., 396 Sahera, 217 Setaria italica, 214, 216, 289, 291 — - Sirhind, Nadi, 7

Said Qala Tepe, 48, 64 , Setaria glauca, 216 ; Sirhind, 226 .

Sai-no-tekro, 170, 172 — Shaffer, Jim, 111, 279, 573 : Sirsa, 142; District of, 114 Saipai, 26, 409 Shaga-Darra-i-Robat-i-Paskaran, 273 Siswal, 12, 24, 25, 52, 116, 130, 135, 154,

Sali, S.A, 382 Shah Bellual, 281 407, 413; Complex, 23, 26; Ware, 26

594 Index Siswal A, 24 Sulaiman-Kirthar ranges, 111 Tell Ahaimir, 367 Siswal B, 24, 158 Sulemanki, Weir, 5 Tell Asmar, 370 | Siswal IIB, 191 Sumer, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 268, 578 Tell Ramadh, 336, 344, 350, 353 , Siswal LLB, 397 Sumerian antiquities, Civilization, 268; Telloh, 367

Siva-Mahadeva, 392, 418 economic documents, 17; groups, 23; Telod, 168

Siva-Pasupati, 392 society, 369 Temba Bulach, 277 | Sivirights, Robert, 199 Suktagendor, 372, 565 Teotihuacan, 429, 430, 431, 437

Siwaliks, 5, 7, 114, 263 Suleiman plateau, 374 Tepe Faukhabad, 330 , Siwalik deposits, 523 Sumerians, 62, 64, 271, 274, 278 Tepe Hissar, 577 : Siwalik ridge, 525 Sunga-Kushan Ware, 399 Tepe Sialk, 62, 63, 578 Skandhavaras, 167 Sur, Sher Shah, 114 Tepe Yahya, 22, 48, 62, 64, 65, 66, 267,

Sling Stones, 544, 548 Surat, 557 268, 274, 275, 346, 349, 352, 578

Smallpox, 434 Suratgarh, 226 Tezin, 277

Smriti code, 72 Surkotada, 32, 33, 37, 44, 71, 72, 172, Thal Desert, 245 Soghun Valley, 274 198, 199, 201, 205, 214, 215, 217, 218, Thanesar-Kurukshetra, 114 Sohar, 323 | 388, 406, 413, 450, 555, 558, 562 Thano Bulla Khan Road, 107

Sokta Koh, 372 564, 565, 566, 573, 575, 576; Thapar, B.K., 85, 223, 396

Somnath, 33, 168, 416 Susa, 61, 62, 63, 245, 267, 327, 328, Thapar, Romila, 562 Sonari-Jodhpur, 130 347-349, 351, 367, 415; susiana plain, Thar Desert, 3, 5, 20, 24,94, 113

Sonepur, 137 Thar Sorath culture, 450336 Susiana, 62, Parker, 79 Thatta,174 7

Sorath-Harappan site, 287 Sutkagendor, 11, 12, 72, 201, 273, 278, Thick Burnished Gray Ware, 188, 248

| Sorghum, 216, 219, 295, 352, 376, 377, 575 Thick Coarse Red Ware, 177

450; S. bicolor, 292 Sutlej, 5, 7, 23, 24, 25, 85, 94, 141, 142, Thick Coarse Ware, 180, 181 Sota River, 128, 130 154, 158, 161, 163, 226, 229, 245, 248, Thick Gray Ware, 399, 402

Sothi, 23, 42, 43, 52, 130, 161, 447; 261, 263 Thompson, Sir Eric, 435, 437

Culture, 572 Sutlej Basin, 54, 383 Tidi, 131

Sothi-Bhadra, i129 Sutlej Valley, 129, 404, 406, 408, 409, Tigris, 22, 64, 366

Sotkakoh, 201, 278 417 Tikal, 429, 430, 431, 432, 434, 435, 436, Sottar, 5 Sutlej-Harappan Complex, 158 437, 438 Sottar Valley, 114 Sutluj see Sutlej Tikrial, 17 Soundararajan, K.V., 565 Swat Valley, 248 Timber, 448 . South Asian population, 301, 500; non-, Syr Darya, 274, 280 Tin, 9, 11, 48, 271, 275, 277-278, 280,

292 Syria, 281, 347, 349, 351 338, 350, 351, 353

South Asian subsistence systems, 287 Tintini, 417

Soviet Central Asia, 51, 52, 53, 56, 63, Tadjikistan, 57 Tiran mountains, 275 271, 274, 275, 277, 278, 279, 280 Taittiriya Brahmana, 37 Tiz-Lasbela, 11

Soviet Union see USSR Takalik, 429 Tochi, 523, 526 Spear heads, 127 Takht-i-Suleiman, 275 Tochi River, 5 Spiral-headed Pins, 128 Tal-i-Ghazir, 62 Todio, 413 Squat ribbed bead, 349 Tal-i-Iblis, 277 Togau, 463, Sravasti, 396 | Tal-i-Malyan, 62 Togau style, 83 Sri Lanka, 290 , Taldjen River, 275 Togau B style, 83

Sringaverpura, 396 Tamarindus indicus, 35 Togau D style, 83 Steatite, 11, 142, 159, 174, 239, 241, Tapi, River, 169,170, 174; Basin, 175, Toltec, 436 242, 263, 271, 274, 275, 279, 344, 367, 183 Tosi, Maurizio, 365 383; beads, 138, 418, 491, 494, 559; Tapti, 7,9; Valley, 175, 176, 182, 382, Traghda, 198

seals, 118, 371, 509; source, 281; 383; lower, 9 Transition Phase, 414, 415, 417

telcose, 241, 243; taken, 510 Tapti-Godavari Valley, 413 Trench RPR-1, 151, 154 Stein, Aurel, 15, 85, 92, 223 Tarakai Qila, settlements, 551 Trianthema, sp., 288, 290, 291

Stone tools, 551, 552 Tarut, 336, 344, 349 Tripathi, Dr. K.K., 127

Strahan, Donna, 493 Tatarpur kalan, 408 Tripuri, 172

Sthaniya, 167 Taxila, 57, 245, 386 | 301 | Suasti, 239 | Taxila Valley, 91 — Triticum aestivum L., 207

Stupa Mound, 103; SD Area of, 100 Tawi Silaim, 349, 351; burial, 353 ’ Triticum aestivum, 206, 208, 215, 295,

Subbarao, 538 Tedzen Delta, 63, 64 . | Triticum compactum, 206, 207 Sukhar Rohri, 129 Tel Asmar seals, 65 . Triticum compactum Host, 207 Sukkur, 7, 11 Tell Abraq, 331, 338, 347, 348; blade Triticum durum, 301

Sukkur Barrage, 52 ; axes, 328-329; tradition, 322-330 Triticum mone coccum, 299

Sulaiman ranges, 3, 5, 19, 113, 245, 248 Tell Agrale, 267, 268 7 . Triticum sphaerococcum, 206, 207,

Index 595 208, 213, 215, 216, 217 23, 25, 53, 93, 125, 128, 130, 215, 218, White microbeads, 239, 241, 242

Triticum sphaerococcum Perc., 208 383, 396, 407, 408, 409, 413, 418, 450, 576 White Painted Black and Red Ware,

Triticum turgidum, 299, 301 214, 218, 240 Triticum vulgare, 206, 207 Vadgam, 168 Wild boar, 304 Turan, 66, 67 Vaged, 261 198 Willey, Wild Grass, 214 Tukris, 351 Vainiwal, G.R., 437 Turkey, southern, 500 Vaishnavism, 391 Wolley, Sir Leonard, 266, 365, 372 Turkistan 22, 367; eastern, 11 Vandiver, Pamela, 511 Woshm, 328

63, 64 Varanus, 173 Wynaad, 275

Turkmenia, 51, 57, 577; South, 56, 57, Vanprasthas, 174 Wright, Rita, 501,511 Turquoise, 9, 11, 82, 83, 271, 273-274, Vasco da Gama, 555

282, 311, 350 Vats, Pandit Madho Swarup, 15, 55, Xunantunich, 434

Turkmenistan, 578; southern, 301 141, 168, 469, 472, 508

Vatsa, 57 Yaha see Tepe Yaya

USSR, 113, 275 Venivadar, 417 Yamuna, 5, 12, 93, 114, 130, 226, 229,

Uaxactum, 429 Verstappan, H.T., 225 245, 248, 397, 417 Udaipur, 11; District, 130, 131 — Vidale, Massimo, 482, 511 Yamuna Nagar, 52

Ulug Depe, 63 Vigna mungo, 215 Yamuna Valley, 52, 406, 407, 408, 409

Umma, 369 Vinayadhikarana, 167 Yaxchilan, 431

Umm al-Qaiwain, 323 Vindhyas, 113 Yazd, 274, 280

Umm an-Nar, 327, 328, 330, 335, 336, Vrijii, 57 Yazman, 91, 94 338, 344, 347, 349, 350, 351, 353; Vyarna, 37 Yellow Fever, 434

burials, 342;325 deposits, 331; period, Yemen, 352336 325; tomb, Wadi Jizzi, 344 Yucatan, 432,

Unchadih, 396 Wadi Sugq, 330, 336; period, 325, 330; Yucatan Peninsula, 427, 430, 432, 437

Unchravriti, 174 tradition, 330

United Arab Emirates, 323, 325 Wahinda, 5 Zagros, 311, 352 Unslipped Ware, 409 Waryah, Abdullah, 461 Zahedan, 276, 311 Ur, 65, 66, 266, 267, 268, 281, 347, 348, Water buffalo, 423, 502, 504, 513 Zawar mines, 280

349, 351, 354, 365, 370-372; Third Webb, M.C., 435 Zebu, 311, 312, 352, 503, 513 Dynasty of, 267, 382 Weber, S.A., 287, 292, 450 Zekda, 168, 170, 171, 172, 174, 239,

Ural, 275 Weisgerber, G., 328, 346, 352 240, 241, 413, 417

“Urban”, 579 West Bengal, 137, 237 : Zhob, District, 274; River, 5; Valley, Urban Harappan society, 162 Western Ghats, 20 90, 161, 263 Urban Harappans, 24, 563 Western highlands, 3 Zizyphus, 290, 301 Urd,215 Wheat, 111, 183, 206, 207, 213, 215, Zupadi parnakuti, 170 Uruk, 61, 62 216, 217, 218, 295, 299, 301, 303, 376, 573 ~ Zurich, 477 Utpuria, 131 Wheat grain, modern, 207 Zyzyphus jujuba Mill, 206 Uttar Pradesh, 12, 20, 26, 34, 53, 56, 57, Wheeler, Sir Mortimer, 22, 64, 79, 97, Zyzyphus mauritiana Lam, 206 129, 135, 163, 168, 216, 218: Western, 101, 223, 236, 366, 469, 472, 481, 482, Zyzyphus nummularia, 206 490, 492, 548

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