Hanvueng: The Goose King and the Ancestral King: An Epic from Guangxi in Southern China [1, 1 ed.] 9789004285613, 9789004290006, 2015001399

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Hanvueng: The Goose King and the Ancestral King

Zhuang Traditional Texts Editors David Holm (National Chengchi University) Meng Yuanyao (Guangxi University for Nationalities)

Editorial Board Anthony Diller (University of Sydney) Li Jinfang (Central Minzu University, Beijing) Liang Tingwang (Central Minzu University, Beijing) Luo Yongxian (University of Melbourne) Somsonge Burusphat (Mahidol University) Barend Terwiel (University of Hamburg) Zhou Guoyan (Central Minzu University, Beijing)

volume 1

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/ztt

Hanvueng: The Goose King and the Ancestral King An Epic from Guangxi in Southern China

Translated and Annotated by

David Holm Meng Yuanyao

leiden | boston

Cover illustration: The photograph on the cover is a bronze drum in the possession of Ling Shudong, formerly Deputy Director of the Museum of Zhuang Ethnology in Jingxi county, Guangxi. The drum is estimated to date from the Warring States period (475–221 bce), and was reportedly collected from the Jingzhou area in Hubei province. In type and design it is very similar to the Guangnan drum from eastern Yunnan (on which see Holm, Killing a Buffalo for the Ancestors, pp. 163–164). (Photograph by Ling Shudong). Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Hanvueng : the Goose King and the Ancestral King : an epic from Guangxi in Southern China / translated and annotated by David Holm, Meng Yuanyao. pages cm. – (Zhuang traditional texts ; Volume 1) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-28561-3 (hardback : acid-free paper) – ISBN 978-90-04-29000-6 (e-book) 1. Epic poetry, Zhuang–Translations into English. 2. Zhuang literature. 3. Guangxi Zhuangzu Zizhiqu (China)–Poetry. I. Holm, David, translator. II. Meng, Yuanyao, translator. PL4251.C47H36 2015 895.9'111–dc23 2015001399

This publication has been typeset in the multilingual “Brill” typeface. With over 5,100 characters covering Latin, ipa, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities. For more information, please see www.brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 2352-6394 isbn 978-90-04-28561-3 (hardback) isbn 978-90-04-29000-6 (e-book) Copyright 2015 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill nv provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, ma 01923, usa. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Contents List of Illustrations vii Preface ix List of Abbreviations xii Conventions xiv Introduction 1 English Translation

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Interlinear Transcription

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Textual and Ethnographic Notes 283 Glossary and Concordance 470 Chinese Character Index 511 Index of Vernacular Characters and Allographs 548 Zhuang Character Index 551 English-Zhuang Index 555 Subject Index 574 Bibliography 597 Photo-Reproduction of Manuscript Pages 616

List of Illustrations Map 1

West central Guangxi

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Plates: Photo-Reproduction of Manuscript Pages Manuscript held in the archives of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region Office of the Leading Group for the Plan to Edit and Publish Old Manuscripts of Minority Nationalities, Nanning. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26

Cover 616 Page 1a, lines 1–16 617 Pages 1b–2a, lines 17–48 617 Pages 2b–3a, lines 49–80 618 Pages 3b–4a, lines 81–112 618 Pages 4b–5a, lines 113–144 619 Pages 5b–6a, lines 145–176 619 Pages 6b–7a, lines 177–208 620 Pages 7b–8a, lines 209–240 620 Pages 8b–9a, lines 241–272 621 Pages 9b–10a, lines 273–304 621 Pages 10b–11a, lines 305–336 622 Pages 11b–12a, lines 337–368 622 Pages 12b–13a, lines 369–400 623 Pages 13b–14a, lines 401–432 623 Pages 14b–15a, lines 433–464 624 Pages 15b–16a, lines 465–496 624 Pages 16b–17a, lines 497–528 625 Pages 17b–18a, lines 529–560 625 Pages 18b–19a, lines 561–592 626 Pages 19b–20a, lines 593–624 626 Pages 20b–21a, lines 625–656 627 Pages 21b–22a, lines 657–688 627 Pages 22b–23a, lines 689–720 628 Pages 23b–24a, lines 721–752 628 Pages 24b–25a, lines 753–784 629

viii 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50

list of illustrations Pages 25b–26a, lines 785–816 629 Pages 26b–27a, lines 817–848 630 Pages 27b–28a, lines 849–880 630 Pages 28b–29a, lines 881–912 631 Pages 29b–30a, lines 913–944 631 Pages 30b–31a, lines 945–976 632 Pages 31b–32a, lines 977–1008 632 Pages 32b–33a, lines 1009–1040 633 Pages 33b–34a, lines 1041–1072 633 Pages 34b–35a, lines 1073–1104 634 Pages 35b–36a, lines 1105–1136 634 Pages 36b–37a, lines 1137–1168 635 Pages 37b–38a, lines 1169–1200 635 Pages 38b–39a, lines 1201–1232 636 Pages 39b–40a, lines 1233–1264 636 Pages 40b–41a, lines 1265–1296 637 Pages 41b–42a, lines 1297–1328 637 Pages 42b–43a, lines 1329–1360 638 Pages 43b–44a, lines 1361–1392 638 Pages 44b–45a, lines 1393–1424 639 Pages 45b–46a, lines 1425–1456 639 Pages 46b–47a, lines 1457–1488 640 Pages 47b–48a, lines 1489–1520 640 Page 48b, lines 1521–1536 641

Preface This work presents an annotated edition of a traditional Zhuang text, a long narrative song that is current in the western part of Guangxi province and contiguous parts of Guizhou and Yunnan. The text itself is in the traditional Zhuang character script. The traditional Zhuang character script is an instance of a sinoxenic script, that is, a script in which the Chinese character script has been borrowed and modified to write a different language, in this case the Tai language now known as Zhuang. The Zhuang have a population of about 17 million and are China’s largest minority. The Zhuang character script presents particular difficulties. Unlike some other sinoxenic scripts, the Zhuang script is a vernacular script rather than a standardised script used at court. It is unstandardised and varies from place to place. The nature of this variation has not yet been fully explored. A first stage in a long-term project to document the old Zhuang script was D. Holm’s Mapping the Old Zhuang Character Script (Brill, 2013). This work was a survey of the representation of sixty common words in Zhuang, Bouyei, and Nùng and Tày manuscripts, encompassing traditional texts from 45 locations in Guangxi, Guizhou, eastern Yunnan, and northern Vietnam. The present work is a further stage in that project, since it will allow readers to explore the ways in which the Zhuang language has been represented in the Chinese script across the whole of the lexicon as employed in poetic and ritual verse. At the same time, the work is intended to make accessible a work of considerable cultural importance in its own right. The Introduction explores some dimensions of the importance of this text in Zhuang and Bouyei culture. This has been a colloborative effort. It started in the early 1990s, when I began a long-term collaboration with the Ancient Manuscripts Editing Office (Guji bangongshi 古籍辦公室) in Nanning. The Gujiban gave me access to all the traditional manuscripts in their archives, and arranged for travel and interviews with participants in the earlier national project to document the written traditions of China’s national minorities. As a direct result of the early visits to the field, I was able to obtain a recording of the entire text of the Hanvueng from Mr. Huang Ziyi 黄子義, a native of the area from which the manuscript came. I owe a special debt to Mr. Huang, and also to Mr. Zhang Shengzhen 張聲震 and Mr. Luo Bin 羅賓. Mr. Zhang, a high-level provincial official who has devoted himself in retirement to promoting scholarship on the Zhuang, arranged funding and interviews for a fieldwork visit to Guangxi in

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April of 1995, and Mr. Luo as deputy director of the Gujiban accompanied me on this visit. My co-author for this volume is Professor Meng Yuanyao 蒙元耀, now of the Department of Minority Languages at the Guangxi University for Nationalities in Nanning. After completing his PhD thesis at the University of Melbourne, Professor Meng spent two years on the project as a post-doctoral researcher, collecting and editing texts for the project and at the same time completing a major study on the funeral and requiem songs of his native Mashan county. Before coming to Melbourne, Professor Meng was for many years Deputy Director in the Research Office of the Guangxi Minority Languages Commission in Nanning. In this position, he had the opportunity to travel widely throughout Guangxi, and gain familiarity with a wide range of Zhuang dialects and other linguistic and cultural environments. He spent his Cultural Revolution years working in villages in Mashan, and has an exceptionally well-grounded operational-level knowledge of material culture and traditional practices, including the use and classification of plants and animals in Zhuang village society. Some years earlier, he participated in the collection of data for Zhuang dictionaries, and in the middle 1990s was one of the editors in charge of the Zhuang-Chinese-English Dictionary project, then being conducted as a collaborative effort between the Languages Commission of Guangxi and the Summer Institute of Linguistics. His knowledge of lexicography has simply been invaluable at all stages of this project. The division of labour for this volume was as follows: Meng Yuanyao undertook the transcription of Huang Ziyi’s recitation and produced preliminary word glosses for all words in the text, and drafted a set of preliminary textual and ethnographic notes in Chinese. The notes became the basis for a prolonged dialogue and follow-up investigations; the end result is a much-expanded set of notes in English. The notes contain background information on word usage, grammar, and pragmatics, as well as cultural and historical information. I was responsible for the grammatological and historical linguistic sections of the notes, for the three indices which accompany the text, and for drafting the final version. Research for this project was funded by the Australian Research Council through a Discovery Grant (‘The Old Zhuang Script’), and by the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation for International Scholarly Understanding through a research grant (‘Spirit Mediumship and Taoism in South China’). A period of sabbatical leave in 2006–2007 at the Research Centre for Linguistic Typology at LaTrobe University in Melbourne enabled me to draw in wider comparisons with Zhuang lexicology and syntax. I was also fortunate to spend six months at the Center for Chinese Studies at the National Central Library, Taipei in

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2008. Most of the first draft and research on broader regional perspectives on writing systems was conducted during a year at the Institute of Anthropology at National Tsinghua University, Hsinchu in 2009–2010, during which I held a research position funded by the National Science Council in Taiwan for a project entitled ‘Writing Systems, Literacy and Orality in Southwest China’. A further grant from the National Science Council in 2010–2011 enabled a followup visit to Guangxi and additional fieldwork. A preliminary report on the Hanvueng text (‘Epic and Enmity in the Guangxi Highlands’) was delivered at the Conference on ‘Imagined Centers and Diverse Peripheries’ held at the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica on 11–13 December, 2006. I am grateful to conference participants for their helpful suggestions. The map was drafted by Chandra Jayasuriya, Cartographer in the Department of Resource Management and Geography in the Melbourne School of Land and Environment at The University of Melbourne. We are grateful to Laurent Sagart and William H. Baxter for access to the latest version of their reconstruction of Old Chinese. We are also grateful for intellectual input and advice from a wide range of people, including Ling Shudong, Luo Yongxian, Fan Honggui, Li Jinfang, Zeng Xiaoyu, Lewis Mayo, Du Liping, Peter Laird, James Anderson, Weera Ostapirat, Wilaiwan Khanittanan, Somsonge Burusphat, Bob Bauer, Jerold Edmondson, Tony Diller, Tim Whitmarsh, James Wilkerson, and Paul Katz. Our families have been understanding and supportive during the long period of writing and editing. Special thanks are due to Sue Jollow, Aidan Holm, Wei Aiying, and Meng Xia. David Holm Taipei, September 2014

List of Abbreviations B

Zhang Shengzhen 張聲震, Bu Luotuo jingshi yizhu 布洛陀經詩譯 注

BYHCD BCETD BYDChBG CT EM EMC E&W Fwen Nganx Gailun

Wu Qilu 呉啟祿 et al., Buyi Han cidian 布依漢詞典 Somsonge Burusphat, Bouyei-Chinese-English-Tai Dictionary Buyiyu diaocha baogao 布依语调查报告 Central Tai Early Mandarin Early Middle Chinese Esquirol et Williatte, Essai de dictionnaire Dioi—Français Zhang Shengzhen 張聲震, Zhuangzu minge guji jicheng: Qingge 壯 族民歌古籍集成: 情歌, vol. 2 Liang Min 梁敏 and Zhang Junru 張均如, Dong-Tai yuzu gailun 侗 台語族概論

GLZS GSR GY HCT HV HYDCD HYFYZh HZCH La-Han-Ying LMC M Mapping the OZS MSC MYY NT OC Pb PH PKT Snd SWM SWT

Ganlu zishu jianzheng 干祿字書箋證 Bernhard Karlgren, Grammata Serica Recensa Zhou Zumo 周祖謨. ed., Guangyun jiaoben 廣韻校本 Li Fang Kuei, Handbook of Comparative Tai Hán Việt Hanyu dacidian 漢語大詞典 Guangxi tongzhi: Hanyu fangyan zhi 廣西通志:漢語方言志 Han-Zhuang cihui (chugao) 漢壯詞彙 (初稿) Xinbian La-Han-Ying zhiwu mingcheng 新編拉漢英植物名稱 Late Middle Chinese Zhang Shengzhen 張聲震, Zhuangzu Mojing Bu Luotuo yingyin yizhu 壯族麽經布洛陀影印譯注 Holm, Mapping the Old Zhuang Character Script Modern Standard Chinese Meng Yuanyao, fieldwork, various dates Northern Tai Old Chinese Pulleyblank, Lexicon of Early Middle Chinese, Late Middle Chinese, and Early Mandarin Pinghua Proto-Kam-Tai Sawndip sawdenj Southwestern Mandarin Southwestern Tai

list of abbreviations YTZZD ZHCH ZhYFYYJ

Jiaoyubu Yitizi zidian 教育部異體字字典 Zhuang-Han cihui 壯漢詞彙 Zhang Junru 張均如 et al., Zhuangyu fangyan yanjiu 壯語方言研 究

Ch. clf mim.suff. vm mw sbdy sthg vi vt Zh.

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Chinese (language) classifier mimetic suffix verbal measure word measure word somebody something intransitive verb transitive verb Zhuang (language)

Conventions In the English translation and English word-glosses in the interlinear text, we have capitalised translations of Han Chinese words which are in parallel relation to native Zhuang concepts. Thus ‘Heaven’ for the Chinese loan dien (for tian 天) when it is in parallel relation with mbwn, which is translated as ‘the sky’. We have only used capitals in this way when we thought the contrast was significant, so this has not been done systematically. There are very large numbers of Han loans in this text, some of which are not recognised as loans, and we have therefore not capitalised any more than a small fraction of them. Han loans that are significant for other reasons are discussed in the Notes. For transcription of Zhuang names in the English translation, we use a ‘reading transcription’ based on Zhuangwen 壯文, the official romanisation of the Zhuang language.1 This is intended to give readers a reasonable basis from which to attempt the pronunciation of Zhuang names, in a form that is more accessible to general readers than Zhuangwen itself. Tone symbols at the ends of syllables (-z, -j, -x, -q, and -h) have been omitted, and the distinction between high and low-tone ‘dead’ syllable endings has been removed, by changing final -b, -d, and -g to -p, -t, and -k respectively. The -b, -d, and -g are pronounced as -p, -t, and -k in any case, so this change gives a better indication of what Zhuang sounds like. Thus Hanqvuengz becomes Hanvueng, and so on. Initial ‘c-’ as in Covueng is pronounced like English ‘sh-’. In the interlinear text on pages 90–282, the first line represents Mr. Huang Ziyi’s recitation of the text in local Tianyang-Bama dialect; the second line is a transcription into Zhuangwen; and the third line is word glosses. On the right-hand margin of the interlinear text, the numbers in italics are the page and line numbers in the original manuscript. Readers may use these reference numbers to locate corresponding lines in the photo-reproduced manuscript pages at the back of the volume. An asterisk at the right-hand margin indicates that this line is discussed in the Textual and Ethnographic Notes. Zhuangwen is used in the second line of the transcription in order to allow cross-referencing to a range of dictionaries and other works on the Zhuang language published in China.

1 A similar method is used by Jeffrey Hopkins for the transcription of Tibetan names, using a system which he calls ‘essay phonetics’. See his Meditation on Emptiness, London: Wisdom Publications, 1983, 19–22.

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With word glosses we have adopted the practice of providing the basic meaning of each morpheme or word. We have tried as much as possible to avoid giving context-dependent glosses, which often have the effect of masking from readers the true meaning of the word. In cases where glossing with the basic meaning has resulted in lack of clarity, usually because a word is being used in an extended sense, we have added a second gloss, separated from the first by a semicolon. By the same token, if a single-word gloss requires clarification, we have added a second gloss, separating the two words with a comma. In any case, readers interested in understanding the entire lexical field of a morpheme or word are advised to consult the definitions in the Glossary and Concordance. The Concordance provides a complete listing of all line numbers in which the item is found, and also a list of the line numbers for which the item is discussed in the Textual and Ethnographic Notes. Thus for example, under bad ‘to arrange in rows’, the line listing ‘96, 1321n, 1334’ indicates that this lexeme is found on lines 96 and 1334 of the text, but is also discussed as a possible reading in the note to line 1321. In the character indices, double line number entries indicate that characters are found twice in the same line. Thus the entry ‘777, 777’ under bǎi 百, read as bak ‘hundred’, indicates that this character 百 is found representing bak twice on line 777. Originally two character indices were compiled for this text, the first an index listing characters alphabetically according to their spelling in Hanyu pinyin, and the second by stroke number and stroke type. It was decided for this print edition to include only the first of these. Making the Character Index by Stroke Number and Type available to readers is under discussion. Readers consulting the pinyin index will find vernacular characters and Zhuang characters listed in two sections in the back of the Character Index, arranged by stroke number and stroke type. William Baxter and Laurent Sagart have very kindly given us permission to consult and cite their most recent reconstruction of Old Chinese. For this system, which is not yet published, we use the tables in ‘Baxter-Sagart Old Chinese Reconstruction, version of 20 February 2011’, which contain 4000 characters found in pre-Qin texts; and also the reconstructions in a number of recent articles by Baxter and Sagart. In these reconstructions, square brackets ‘[]’ are used to indicate that more than one reconstruction is possible on the basis of MC reflexes, while round parentheses ‘()’ are used to indicate that an element may or may not be present, evidence being insufficient to determine the matter one way or another.2 2 Laurent Sagart and William H. Baxter, ‘Reconstructing Old Chinese Uvulars in the BaxterSagart System (Version 0.99)’, Cahiers LAO 38:2 (2009), 227–228.

Introduction This work presents an annotated translation of a Zhuang ritual manuscript. The text presented here is a version of the Hanvueng epic of the Zhuang, Bouyei, and other Tai-speaking groups of the Guangxi, Guizhou, and Yunnan highlands. The epic, a narrative of rivalry and murderous enmity between two royal step-brothers, is recited in cases of feuding between brothers, death by violence, outbreaks of smallpox, and a range of other circumstances. The theme is an important one that resonates deeply in the Tai societies on the periphery of the Chinese empire. The text itself shows signs of oral composition. In this introduction, I review various versions of the Hanvueng epic, discuss the ritual contexts of recitation, and touch briefly on some of the ways in which the text reflects themes of central importance to Tai-style chieftaincy. Finally I provide information about poetic structure, language, and script. I have used the word ‘epic’ in the title of this book, and should briefly explain this. I should emphasise at the outset that a concept corresponding to ‘epic’ is not found in Zhuang language or culture. In Chinese, such literary forms are referred to as shishi 史詩 ‘historical poems’ or changpian shishi 長篇史 詩 ‘long historical poems’. This work however meets the general international criteria for an epic poem. The Princeton Encyclopedia of Poetics gives a lengthy discursive definition of epic, which I will quote in part:1 An epic is a long narrative poem that treats a single heroic figure or group of such figures and concerns an historical event, such as a war or conquest, or an heroic quest of some other significant mythic or legendary achievement that is central to the central to the traditions and belief of its culture. Epic usually develops in the oral culture of a society at a period when the nation is taking stock of its historical, cultural and religious heritage. Epic often focuses on a hero, sometimes semi-divine, who performs difficult and virtuous deeds; it frequently involves the interaction between human beings and gods … Typically long and elaborate in its narrative design, episodic in sequence, and elevated in language, the epic usually begins “in the midst of things” (in medias res) … Recurrent narrative features include formal combat between warriors, …

1 Princeton Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics, ed. Alex Preminger and T.V.F. Brogan, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993, pp. 361–362.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2015 | doi: 10.1163/

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Many of these key characteristics of epic are found in the Hanvueng. The Hanvueng is not just a chiefly chronicle; it involves interactions between human beings and gods; character and incident are sufficiently well developed to invoke emotional involvement in the fate of the hero; there is a fateful struggle between the two protagonists, leading to a war of words and exchange of dire threats; and the themes are of central importance in the Tai-speaking stratified societies in the south of China. Not only this, but at least for Western readers the central theme, enmity ( yuān 冤), will be strongly reminiscent of the theme of wrath (menis) in Homer’s Iliad, announced as such in the opening line of that poem. In the Hanvueng, the demons of enmity are invoked at the beginning of the recitation (lines 39–49), and expelled near the end of it (1403–1424). While little is known about the ritual contexts in which the Homeric epics might have been recited, in the case of the Hanvueng the rituals continue to be performed up till the present day, and so the ritual context can be described in some detail. The Hanvueng epic is found in many areas in the Zhuang and Bouyeispeaking areas of western Guangxi, southwestern Guizhou, and eastern Yunnan. Throughout this region, it is recited by male vernacular priests called mogong 麽公, who in at least some areas double up as Taoist priests (daogong 道公) or as Ritual Masters (shigong 師公). In the more sinified areas further to the east, in the east-central counties in Guangxi, the Hanvueng epic is not found. The distribution seems to correlate with those areas that were under the administration of native chieftaincies (tusi 土司) during the imperial period. The epic, indeed, is concerned with chieftaincy and with political power. Versions of the Hanvueng recitation current in southern Guizhou are transmitted orally as well as in sacred texts, and are said to amount to some 3000 lines. Texts written in the old Zhuang character script from Guangxi are around 1500 lines long. The text presented here comes from the hamlet of Yanya 岩 涯 in the southern part of Bama 巴馬 county, midway between the Hongshui 紅水 River and the Youjiang 右江 river in central western Guangxi. The Hanvueng story also comes in an abbreviated version, some 400–500 lines in length. Examples have been collected from southern Guizhou, from Donglan 東蘭 county to the north of Bama, and from the Wenshan 文山 region in eastern Yunnan. On these other texts, see further below. This particular text of the Hanvueng epic is of middling length (1537 lines), and represents a narrative form that shows signs of Chinese influence as well as many passages referring to the institutions of native chieftaincy—that is, of chieftaincy as franchised and supported by the Chinese state during the last 500 years or so. Each of these chieftaincies was its own little replica of the centre of power in the capital, with its yamen 衙門 buildings around a

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courtyard, its appurtenances of office such as seals and official bonnets, and its mandate to rule from higher authority. However, readers will also find here many traces of an older political order, when the Tai domains were politically independent.

The Priests There are three different kinds of male religious practioner operating in the Tianyang-Bama borderland: mogong (麽公, Zh. bouxmo), Taoist priests (daogong 道公, Zh. bouxdauh), and Ritual Masters (shigong 師公, Zh. bouxsae). All these priests have written texts. While the daogong perform mostly in Chinese, in this area some of them also have some texts written and performed in Zhuang; such Taoists are known locally as dauhdoj, ‘native Taoists’.2 The daogong are usually identified as being Maoshan pai 茅山派, and perform rituals mainly for the dead. The Ritual Masters, by contrast, are identified as Meishan 梅山 Taoists, and perform masked dances for exorcisms, healings, and a range of other household rituals; their rituals take place within a Chinese-language framework, but about a third of their texts are in Zhuang and are recited in Zhuang. Mogong, finally, normally perform rituals only in Zhuang, and their texts also are almost exclusively Zhuang. If the Ritual Masters represent an indigenised form of Taoism, the mogong inherit a set of religious practices which are at heart indigenous.3 While mogong now perform a range of household and communal rituals, sometimes in competition with the daogong and Ritual Masters, historically they were closely linked with chieftaincy and closely allied to the chiefly clan.4 Mogong elsewhere—in Yunnan and in mainland Southeast Asia—until recently were responsible for conducting annual offerings on behalf of the chieftain and his domain.5 In Guangxi the mogong began to lose

2 For a sample daogong text in Zhuang from this area, see D. Holm, ‘Aspects of Funerals among the Zhuang: the Horse Play’, in Ch’iu-kuei Wang, Ying-chang Chuang, and Chung-min Chen, eds., Proceedings of the International Conference on Society, Ethnicity and Cultural Performance, Taipei: Center for Chinese Studies, 2001, pp. 215−260. 3 For further detail see D. Holm, Killing a Buffalo for the Ancestors, DeKalb: University of Northern Illinois Southeast Asian Publications, 2003, pp. 19–32, and D. Holm, Recalling Lost Souls, Bangkok: White Lotus Publishing Co., 2004, pp. 14–45. 4 He Dawei 賀大衛 [D. Holm] and Mo Haiwen 莫海文, ‘Dongnanya, Guangxi xibu de mogong yu tusi zhengquan de guanxi’ 東南亞、 廣西西部的麽公與土司政權的關係, Baise xueyuan xuebao 百色學院學報, 2013 no. 2, 32–40. 5 Georges Condominas, ‘Essay on the Evolution of Tai Political Systems’, in From Lawa to Mon,

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this function with the disbandment of the native chieftaincies and the conversion to direct rule, starting in the 18th century, and mogong now collaborate closely with either daogong or Ritual Masters. The Donglan tradition is one in which the mogong merged with the Ritual Masters, while in the Bama-Tianyang area the mogong collaborate with Maoshan Taoists.6 There are many traces of this collaboration in the present text. There are also female spirit mediums in the area, called locally mehgimq or yahgimq depending on generational status, meh meaning ‘mother’ and yah meaning ‘grandmother’. The female spirit mediums do not have written texts, and their repertoire of religious songs is orally transmitted. As is generally the case in Zhuang rural society, in this area male religious practitioners are dependent on female mediums for direct communication with the spirit world. Thus, for instance, finding out the name of an angry ghost would involve consultation with local female mediums.

The Narrative The story goes that a king who lived in ancient times lost his principal wife, and lived all alone for six years with his son. He had no choice but to patch his own clothes, carry his own firewood, fetch his own water, and do his own cooking. The realm fell into disorder and he was on the point of abandoning the kingship. Elders of the realm gathered to consult, and proposed that he take a second wife. He agreed, and engaged a couple of matchmakers, who, after many comings and goings, managed to persuade a widow woman to marry the king. The king had a son by his first wife, and at first continued to care for him as before. But soon the second wife played upon him, until he began to favour the son that his new wife brought with her. The wife and her son plotted to kill the son by the first wife, and the king said nothing. The son by the first wife had originally been the designated heir (the ‘ancestral king’, Zh. cojvuengz), but they changed this and made the younger step-son the designated heir, and bestowed the title of hanqvuengz (‘goose king’) upon the king’s own son.

from Saa’ to Thai: Historical and anthropological aspects of Southeast Asian social spaces, trans. Stephanie Anderson et al., Canberra: Department of Anthropology, Australian National University, 1990, pp. 46–47. 6 For full discussion see Holm, Killing a Buffalo for the Ancestors, pp. 172–175; and Holm, Recalling Lost Souls, pp. 17–19.

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Hanvueng was good-hearted, and bore this and other trials without complaint. When Covueng had rice and fish for his breakfast, Hanvueng had millet and grass-stems. Covueng enjoyed the prerogatives of the royal heir, riding a horse around the domain, while Hanvueng followed on foot. Hanvueng was cursed and abused, and made into Covueng’s slave. Other brother and younger brother became enemies, and they started fighting. The property was divided, and the wetfields, young serfs, beautiful women, and the gold and silver were all given to Covueng. Hanvueng fled, first to Wudangshan 武當山 and then to Jiaozhi 交趾 (Vietnam). There he assembled an entourage and prepared to attack his old kingdom. Covueng sent emissaries to beg him to return, but he refused. Finally, when his father was ill and near death, Covueng went and persuaded him to return. He returned to find his domain in disrepair and the prefectural yamen all broken down. He went to see his bedridden father, who complained about not being able to eat and requested muntjac meat. So Hanvueng and Covueng went hunting for muntjac, and while they were hunting, Covueng tried several times to kill Hanvueng, afterwards pretending that he had mistaken his brother for game. They finally caught a muntjac and took it back to their father, who requested water from a deep spring (the ‘cave of the vulva’). The brothers organised men with spades, and proceeded to dig a wellshaft many fathoms deep at the foot of the palisade. Hanvueng was persuaded to go down into the shaft. As he descended, his younger brother dropped earth and sand on top of him, followed by stones and sabres. Finally Hanvueng called on the water python and the thunder god to save him, and they rescued him and brought him up from the bottom of the shaft. Hanvueng then flew up to the sky, from where he sent down drought, plagues and floods on Covueng. After the death of his young son, Covueng finally repented and agreed to make full restitution to Hanvueng. Hanvueng refused this offer, and left his younger brother to govern his kingdom on earth while he ruled in the sky. Each year in the last month of the year and in the spring, however, Covueng was required to pay taxes, making offerings of fruit, wine, tea, fish, and buffalo.

Hanvueng At least according to the narrative in the text of the scripture itself (lines 433– 435), the designations of the protagonists are not personal names, but titles bestowed on the step-brothers by their father. Cojvuengz ‘the Ancestral King’ designates the person who is heir to the domain and the inheritor of his father’s (or step-father’s) political and ritual authority. Hanqvuengz, by contrast, desig-

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nates the son (or sons) who do not inherit the chiefly domain. There has been very little scholarship addressing the relevant issues of inheritance and chiefly titles in Zhuang society. The term Cojvuengz is easily recognisable as a Han loan from Zuwang 祖王 ‘the Ancestral King’, and in almost all manuscripts we have seen, this title is rendered as 祖王.7 By contrast, the name Hanqvuengz is written in various ways in Zhuang texts, and there is no generally accepted explanation for the name. In the BamaTianyang border area, 漢皇 seems to be the preferred variant.8 Elsewhere, the name is written variously as 漢王, 罕王, and 旱黃 (this last is found in Bansheng 板升 in the northwestern corner of Du’an 都安 county); Guizhou Bouyei variants include 安王, 岸王, and 罕溫.9 All these characters are relatively close homophones, when read in Zhuang or Bouyei. It is possible that they represent some Chinese title, but it is also not unlikely that they are used to transliterate what was originally a native Zhuang designation. Titles such as Hanwang, written either 漢王 or 罕王, are not unknown in wider Chinese society and history. The primary referent of Hanwang 漢王 is Liu Bang 劉邦, founder of the Han dynasty, who ruled over Ba 巴, Shu 蜀, and the Hanzhong 漢中 area before he went on to unify the empire.10 References to Hanwang 罕王 are more scattered. For example, there is a Hanwang ling 罕王 嶺 ‘Hanwang Peak’ in the Xishan 西山 mountain range west of Nanchang 南昌, named after a local figure called Hanwang 罕王, who is identified as Liu Huo 劉獲, a great-grandson of Liu Bei 劉備 who lived at the end of the Eastern Jin period (317–420ce). Liu subdued some bandits who were infesting the area but was wounded by an arrow in battle with the bandits and died soon afterwards. Local people erected a temple in his honour.11 No doubt more such examples

7 8

9 10 11

In the northwestern part of Du’an 都安, however, the name is rendered as 左黄 zuǒhuáng. See Holm, Killing a Buffalo for the Ancestors, p. 39. See also the manuscript Mo Hanqvuengz Cojvuengz it go from Tinghuai 亭懷 hamlet in Yufeng 玉鳳 parish, Tianyang, in Zhang Shengzhen 張聲震, ed., Zhuangzu Mojing Bu Luotuo yingyin yizhu 壯族麽經布洛陀影印譯注, Nanning: Guangxi minzu chubanshe, 2004, vol. 7 pp. 1951–2044. Hereinafter cited as the M edition. Tian Bing 田兵 et al., eds.-in-chief, Buyizu wenxue shi 布依族文學史, Nanning: Guangxi minzu chubanshe, 1983, p. 43. Shiji 史記, Gaozu benji 高祖本紀. Xishan zhi lüe 西山志略, redact. Wei Yuankuang 魏元曠, juan 2, pp. 29–30, in Wang Zichen 王咨臣, annot., Xishan zhilüe, Yunju shanzhi, Wugong shanzhi, Huaiyu shanzhi, Huagai shanzhi 西山志略, 雲居山志, 武功山志, 懷玉山志, 華蓋山志, Nanchang: Jiangxi renmin chubanshe, 2002. The Xishan zhilüe in 6 fascicles was compiled in the early Republican period and has a preface postdated 1920.

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West central Guangxi

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could be found. The difficulty is to draw any plausible connection between such instances and the designation Hanqvuengz in Zhuang chiefly domains. A more promising line of exploration begins with Lao Hanwang 老罕王 ‘the old Khan’, one of the names by which Nurhači 努尔哈赤 was known in Manchu narrative songs recounting the deeds of the founders of the Qing dynasty.12 In this context 罕 hǎn is a transcription of the Manchu and Mongol word khan ‘king’.13 This was a fairly common usage during the Qing, but also during the Yuan dynasty, when it was popularised by the Mongols. Some native chieftains in the western part of Guangxi are known to have taken Mongol names during the Yuan. An outstanding instance is the Cen 岑 lineage of Sicheng 泗城, a powerful chieftaincy that encompassed the present-day counties of Lingyun 凌雲, Leye 樂業, Bama, Bose 百色, Tianlin 田林, and Fengshan 鳳山. During the Zhizheng 至正 reign period (1341–1367) the reigning chieftain was Cen Numuhan 岑怒木罕, and his younger brother was called Cen Tiemur 岑鐵木 兒.14 This practice lasted only one generation, but at least it gives us a relevant usage in the right place and around the right time. However, the designation 罕 hǎn was evidently confined to the reigning chieftain, as in the above example, and did not extend to his non-reigning brothers. Still, it may have come to be used as an honorary title.15 In Zhuang and Bouyei, on the other hand, the word hanq (haːn5) has only one primary referent, which is ‘goose’.16 The goose is a bird known for its migratory habits and for flying high in the sky, both attributes which Zhuang people readily equate with Hanvueng in the story. This usage is culturally salient, and pending further information about other possible historical connections, it makes sense provisionally to make use of this folk etymology here. It must 12

13

14 15 16

For a prose version of the Hanwang story in Manchu, see Aixin Jueluo Wulaxichun 愛新覺 羅烏拉希春, Manzu gu shenhua 滿族古神話, Hohhot: Nei Menggu renmin chubanshe, 1987, pp. 26–67, entitled Lɔ χan vaŋ 老罕王. In χan vaŋ, the Manchu word χan is combined with a Chinese loan vaŋ with the same meaning. See ibid., p. 58. See pp. 385–386 in Hu Zengyi 胡增益, ed.-in-chief, Xin Man-Han dacidian 新滿漢大 詞典, Urumqi: Xinjiang renmin chubanshe, 1994. On the massive layer of Mongol loans in Manchu, see Gao Wa 高娃, Manyu Mengguyu bijiao yanjiu 滿語蒙古文比較研究, Beijing: Zhongyang minzu daxue chubanshe, 2005. For χan ‘ruler, emperor, khan’, see p. 285. Taniguchi Fusao 谷口房男 and Bai Yaotian 白耀天, Zhuangzu tuguan zupu jicheng 壯族 土官族譜集成, Nanning: Guangxi minzu chubanshe, 1998, p. 177. The term is not listed in Charles O. Hucker, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985, nor in the Hanyu da cidian 漢語大詞典 (8:1012). ZHCH 418. There is only one other morpheme with the same pronunciation, which is a verb meaning ‘to economise’.

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be frankly admitted that very little research has been done on the internal structure of Zhuang chiefly administration and inheritance, as opposed to the outward-looking aspect of relations with the Chinese court and Chinese officialdom.

Ritual Contexts of Recitation In Guangxi, the Hanvueng scripture seems to be recited mainly in situations where younger and older brothers have quarrelled, and when their quarrels have led to lasting hatred, enmity and violence. Resolution of family quarrels is part of the standard stock in trade of the mogong in Guangxi, and there are specific scriptures to address quarrels between particular family members: between mother-in-law and daughter-in-law, between father and son, and between mother and daughter.17 The ritual procedure in dealing with family discord is fairly standard in all cases. Basically, the mogong arrive at the household, set up a simple altar and offerings-table, invoke the ancestral masters, and then by divination determine what kind of demon has been causing the trouble and where in the house the demon is located. For divination a single egg is used in mild cases, while chicken thigh-bones are used in the case of more violent quarrels. After the identity and location of the demon have been determined, the priest sits down and recites the appropriate scripture. Finally, the demon is exorcised with spells and imprecations, as the priests move from room to room with a pan of burning hot oil (or some other demonifugic substance) in order to dislodge the demon. The demon is finally driven out the front door of the house, and the ritual comes to an end.18 In the Bama-Tianyang area, a different scripture based on a different narrative is recited in cases of unnatural death. This is the Recitation on Wang Cao 王曹.19

17 18 19

Zhang Shengzhen 張聲震, ed., Bu Luotuo jingshi yizhu 布洛陀經詩譯注, Nanning: Guangxi minzu chubanshe, 1991, pp. 898–1080. Hereinafter cited as ‘the B edition’ or B. D. Holm, fieldwork, Bama and Tianyang, April 1995, and Nakang 那康 village, Dahua 大化 county, February 1997. M 7:2634–2635. For a sample text see Mo vuengcau go 麼王曹科 from Yandong xiang 燕洞 鄉 in Bama, M 7:2639–2673 (facsimile 2045–2090). Interestingly, in the secret instructions that accompany this ritual, Hanvueng is the first deity in a long series to be invited down into the microcosm of the mogong’s body. See M 7:2101.

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Further to the north and upstream from the Bama-Tianyang area, the Hanvueng scripture is recited for somewhat different ritual purposes. In Wangmo 望謨 county in south-central Guizhou, the scripture is recited in cases of unnatural death, but also when children in the family come down with smallpox (plagues of smallpox being mentioned several places in the scripture), and when someone in the family has been ill for a long time, and recovery seems slow and difficult. Such afflictions are regarded as household matters, rather than matters which affect the whole village, and the mogong are engaged to come to the house directly to conduct an appropriate ritual and recite the scripture. However, in the Wangmo area the Hanvueng scripture is also recited during the first month of the year, whenever a ‘Sweeping the village’ (saozhai 掃寨) ritual or ‘Offerings to the field’ ( ji tianba 祭田壩) ritual is performed. These are rituals performed on behalf of the entire village. In this case, the function of the recitation is to ensure that the coming year is free from disasters and hardships, that people and livestock both prosper and procreate, and that there is an abundant crop of rice.20 ‘Sweeping the village’ is accompanied by the observance of certain restrictions. After the ritual has been performed, outsiders are not allowed to enter the village or to visit individual families; to allow them to do so would be regarded as highly inauspicious. Normally the ban is in place for three to five days, during which villagers do not go out and even kinsfolk from other villages are not allowed to visit. After a household ritual, people from neighbouring families are usually not allowed to enter the house for a day afterwards.21 In western Guizhou, the Hanvueng scripture is recited at rituals to avert the consequences of unnatural death. The ritual process here is more elaborate. The description that follows comes from an important article by the Bouyei scholar Wei Xingru 韋興如.22 This ritual goes by a number of names, the most common of which is ruhjauc, ‘redeeming a head’.23 Correspondingly, the

20

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22

23

Buyizu guge 布依族古歌, ed. Guizhou sheng Minzu shiwu weiyuanhui Guji zhengli bangongshi 貴州省民族事物委員會古籍整理辦公室 et al., Guiyang: Guizhou minzu chubanshe, 1998, p. 894. Haansweangz riangz Xocweangz—Anwang yu Zuwang 安王與祖王, ed. Wangmo xian minzu shiwu weiyuanhui 望謨縣民族事物委員會, Guiyang: Guizhou minzu chubanshe, 1994, Preface by Huang Rongkun 黄榮昆, p. 2. Wei Xingru 韋興如, ‘ “Haansweangz” yishi, youhun cong qitu zouchu’ 旱王儀式游魂從 歧途走出, Nanfeng 南風 1995, 1, 14; and ‘Zhaohun jingshu, shi shi yibu dashishi’ 招魂經 書實是一部大史詩, Nanfeng 南風 1995, 1, 17. = Zh. rouh gyaeuj. For an explanation of Buyiwen 布依文, the official romanisation system

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Hanvueng scripture is called mol ruhjauc ‘recitation for the redemption of a head’. The ‘head’ referred to is the head of the dead person, and the term ruhjauc implies that the dead man or woman has died a bad death because of some fault or debt, incurred either during this lifetime or in a previous one. Both the ritual and the text are also referred to as zhao hun 招魂, the ‘calling of the soul’. The ritual takes an entire day, and consists of the following segments: reciting the scripture, calling the soul, and conducting the soul back to the realm of ancestral souls. A location is chosen that is at some distance from the village, usually in a remote col or low-lying patch of level ground up in the hills. The entire ritual area is laid out as a pathway leading back out of the realm of wandering souls, and various features in the mythological landscape, as known to local tradition, are given symbolic and material form. Stems of reeds, each with a flower attached to the top, are inserted into the ground, forming a series of regular formations. Viewed from above, some of these formations are round, and some are square; some are eight-sided like the Eight Trigrams diagram, and others are like mazes; all together form part of a convoluted path that leads from the centre of the ritual area to the outside. This represents the path along which the dead soul must be led, leading away from the realm of wandering souls and back to the realm of living souls and ancestral spirits.24 Along the way there are fearful obstacles, such as a ‘river of blood’, a ‘sea of fire’, and a ‘mountain of swords’.25 On the eastern side of the array, a table for the recitation of scriptures (songjingtai 誦經台) is set up, constructed by putting two square tables to-

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for Guizhou Bouyei, see Wang Wei 王偉 and Zhou Guoyan 周國炎, Buyiyu jichu jiaocheng 布依語基礎教程 [A basic course in Bouyei], Beijing: Zhongyang minzu daxue chubanshe, 2005. Arrays of lanterns or other objects are a feature borrowed from Taoist or Buddhist ritual. See Holm, Recalling Lost Souls, pp. 25–26. On lantern arrays in Taoist ritual, see also Holm, ‘The Labyrinth of Lanterns: Taoism and Popular Religion in Northwest China’, in Ruth Lin Chu, ed., Proceedings of the International Conference on Popular Beliefs and Chinese Culture, Taipei: Center for Chinese Studies, 1994, pp. 797–852. These ritual elements found are not Bouyei in origin, but are found all over East Asia and across much of Central Asia. They are undoubtedly Indic in origin, and have been incorporated into a wide variety of rituals, including Buddhist, Taoist, and shamanic. On firewalking see Alf Hiltebeitel, The Cult of Draupadi 2: On Hindu Ritual and the Goddess, Chicago: University of Chicgo Press, 1991, pp. 439–475; for Taoist ritual in Zhejiang, see Xu Hongtu 徐宏圖, Zhejiang sheng Pan’an xian Shenze cun de lianhuo yishi 浙江省 磐安縣深澤村的煉火儀式, Taipei: Shi Hezheng minsu wenhua jijinhui, 1995; and for shamanic initiation rituals among the Tungusic-speaking Xibe in western Xinjiang, see Nala Erxi 納拉二喜 and Yong Zhijian 永志堅, Saman shenge 薩滿神歌, Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1992, pp. 131–133.

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gether. Various offerings are placed on it. During the recitation, the priests are seated at each end of the table. Later on, one group of priests recites ritual texts at this table, while other priests, ritual sabres in hand, lead a procession of mourners into the middle of the maze in order to rescue the dead soul. Apart from the priests, the rescue party is composed of the immediate family and kin of the deceased; other villages participate on a voluntary basis. All wear their best and most elaborate traditional costumes for this ritual.26 Usually there are anywhere from six to twelve mogong officiating. They are dressed in long gowns resembling those of Buddhist priests, and wear ‘Five Buddhas crowns’ (wufomao 五佛帽) on their heads. Their principal implement of ritual authority is a demon-quelling sword. The priests lead the procession of mourners through to the centre of the array, singing and reciting. Through this recitation they provide a description of the features of the landscape through which the procession is passing, and of the miserable fate of the lost souls they find there. As the procession approaches the centre, the priests begin to search assiduously for the soul of the deceased, repeatedly calling him or her by name. By the time the procession has reached the centre, the priests have effectively woven a comprehensive picture of this alternative reality. On the return journey, one of the obstacles that the soul and the procession face is the ‘river of blood’. In physical terms, this is a pit, about five feet square, filled with a mixture of water and red clay (or crushed cinnabar), surmounted by a single plank ‘bridge’. In the lyrics of the priests, this is described as a mighty torrent filled with wave after wave of the gouty blood of hundreds and thousands of people who died violent deaths. The soul of the deceased is urged to follow closely behind the priests, lest it lose its footing, fall into the rushing torrent, and be lost forever. The soul is enjoined not to be afraid, but to put its trust in the mogong, who have the capacity to communicate with all forms of spirit entities, and are emissaries sent by the sky gods to connect the two worlds of the living and the dead. The next obstacle the procession reaches is the ‘sea of fire’. In former times, the mogong constructed this of charcoal made from brushwood, and laid down a bed of charcoal six feet long, and tested it—much to the alarm of onlookers— by tossing a live chicken into the middle of it: if the chicken died instantly the ‘sea of fire’ was ready. The procession of mourners—especially the eldest son of the deceased—would then be led across it barefooted, to the accompaniment of spells and mantras recited by the priests. In more recent times a pan of oil

26

Wei Xingru, ‘ “Haansweangz” yishi, youhun cong qitu zouchu’, Nanfeng 1995, 1, 14.

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would be heated until smoking hot, and the priests and mourners would leap over it in turn. As each person leapt, a handful of buckwheat chaff would be thrown into the oil, and flames would leap up as each person jumped over the pan. In the lyrics of the mogong, this was a boundless sea of fire, in which the souls of the dead and the living could be swallowed up and incinerated, thereby ending their existence utterly and forfeiting any chance of rebirth. The final major obstacle facing the dead soul was the mountain of swords. In the past, this was constructed of twelve large butcher’s knives, tied onto bamboo runners with their edges facing upwards. The mogong would lead the eldest son up each rung of the ladder, reciting mantras as they ascended. In some areas this has now been commuted to three butcher’s knives placed flat on the ground, on which both the mogong and the mourners tread. Once the procession has traversed all obstacles and emerged from the array, the substantive business of the ritual is nearly completed. There is a brief conclusion, calling down blessings on the mourners and participants. At this point, in some areas, the mogong hurl a bamboo chicken-cage—or in some areas a chick with a broken leg—into the middle of the arena. According to the mogong, this practice has to do with fertility. The mantras at this point invoke prosperity for the lineage, and a prayer for human reproduction: “Let women’s pudenda be as big as gongs, and men’s penises be as large as the beams of trip-hammers”.27 At the end of the ritual, the mogong inscribe a spirit tablet for the deceased, which is then taken back home by the family. The soul of the deceased, thus rescued from the ‘realm of wandering souls’, is deemed to qualify for the same treatment accorded to those who have died natural deaths, and can be accorded normal requiem rites. The chief ritual text recited at this ritual is the Hanvueng scripture. In southwestern Guizhou, the longest versions are some three thousand lines long, and the entire recitation takes five or six hours. The entire text is in Bouyei. According to a source from Wangmo county in the far south of Guizhou, chanting of this scripture is accompanied only by a small gong.28 Only the introductory and concluding passages of this text—perhaps some ten per cent of the total—are devoted to a description of the realm of wandering souls, or bear any direct relation to the ritual purpose. In performance, though, the priests call to the soul: “Leave the land of ice and snow, do not wander among the blizzards and loneliness. Your relatives are looking for you, and waiting

27 28

Ibid. p. 14. Buyizu guge, p. 894.

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for you to return to the place of your ancestors.” Priests also interrupt the recitation of the scripture to give acknowledgment in song for each of the offerings presented by the various relations and friends of the deceased; these are all individually noted.29 In all these areas, recitation of the Hanvueng scripture is of central importance in ensuring the efficacy of the ritual. This is just as much the case with simple domestic rituals to expel demons of enmity as it is with the more dramatic descents to the hell realms which characterise the ritual treatment of violent death. The recitation is of crucial importance in at least two senses: first because it is a recitation of a written scripture, which like a sutra or a Taoist text comes freighted with divine or cosmic authority, and second because of the narrative content: the telling of the story serves in effect as a kind of re-enactment and re-invocation at the meta-pragmatic level, harnessing the energies of the past and bringing them into the present.30 In all these areas, too, there are traces of what may be an earlier layer of ritual function, one that has been gradually eclipsed after the end of the native chieftaincies. That is, the scripture is a narrative about chieftaincy and the establishment of a sacrificial order in which the lord of the domain is obliged to render annual ‘rent’ or ‘gifts’ to the lord of the sky realm. In this and in other versions of the text, the terms of this final bargain between Covueng and Hanvueng are spelled out explicitly. In Wangmo, moreover, the scripture takes its place among a series of recitations on the ancient kings, the so-called Lenhweangz ‘Discourses on Kingship’. Other scriptures in this series of chronicles are Weangzxiangl ‘The Spring King’, Weangzxumz Weangzxuah (meaning yet to be determined), and Weangzbeengl ‘The King of the Realm’.31 In the texts recited for the salvation of the dead among the Nung in eastern Yunnan, Hanvueng is the first of the sky gods to be invited down to the ritual arena at the very beginning of the ritual.32 All this suggests that Hanvueng was a deity with wide powers over both the living and the dead. This fits in with a wider pattern among non-Buddhist Tai, in which the lords of the domain have a particular relationship with sky gods, known variously as mangz duz mbwn ‘lords of the sky’ or as ‘Thên’.33 In the royal rituals performed 29 30 31 32 33

Wei Xingru, ‘Zhaohun jingshu, shi shi yibu dashishi’, Nanfeng 1995, 1, 17. D. Holm, Killing a Buffalo for the Ancestors, p. 207, and Webb Keane, ‘Religious Language’, Annual Review of Anthropology 1997, 26:51. Haansweangz riangz Xocweangz, p. 256. Mo he tai 麽荷泰, in M 8:2802. See especially Charles Archaimbault, Le sacrifice du buffle a S’ieng Khwang (Laos), Paris: École Française d’Extrême-Orient, 1991.

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for the kingdom of Xieng Khoang in Laos, a list of thirty-six monarches-Thên are invited down to partake in the offerings.34

Taoists and Mogong I should say something briefly about the collaboration between mogong and Maoshan Taoists in the Bama-Tianyang area. I have conducted fieldwork on two occasions in Nakang 那康, a village some 25 kilometers to the east of the place from which the present manuscript comes.35 Among the 10–12 men in the local Taoist group, there was one priest who did double duty as a mogong. While everyone took part in the recitation of Chinese-language scriptures, this man recited the texts that were in Zhuang. He also took charge of driving ghosts and demons from village houses. In the communal ritual to honour the god of the village (duzbaed), a two-day ‘Sweeping the village’ ritual, a boat of straw was constructed as a receptacle for accumulated bad energies and taken house-to-house, and at each house the mogong entered the house, recited spells and imprecations in Zhuang, then with his helpers went from room to room with a large pan of smoking hot oil, into which bran was thrown in order to create flames and smoke. It was said by this means that any lurking demons would be driven out the front door. I was warned not to stand by the door while this was going on. The Taoists for their part had liturgical texts in Chinese appropriate for conducting a ritual in honour of the duzbaed, addressed to Tudai guanyuan 土代官員, the ‘Hereditary Native Official’. The Hanvueng scripture was not recited for this ritual in this area.

Texts The manuscript used as the basis for the present edition was first published in 1991 in Bu Luotuo jingshi yizhu 布洛陀經詩譯注.36 I inspected and photographed the original text in the Guji bangongshi 古籍辦公室 archives in Nanning in 1993, as part of a collaborative project with the Guji bangongshi to produce an international edition of this work. In this edition, no information 34 35 36

Ibid. pp. 11–28. See especially the invitation list on p. 15. While there may be differences, Nakang is in the same general dialect and cultural area. Nakang used to be part of Bama, but is now part of the new county of Dahua 大化. Zhang Shengzhen 張聲震, ed., Bu Luotuo jingshi yizhu 布洛陀經詩譯注, 1991, i.e. the B edition.

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was provided about the place of origin of the manuscript. That information was first published in Holm (2004).37 The same manuscript has been reprinted in the M edition of 2004.38 In this later edition, some of the readings given are different from those of the 1991 edition; where significant, these differences are discussed in the Textual and Ethnographic Notes. According to the information in the M edition (p. 2382), this manuscript was discovered and collected by Huang Ziyi 黄子義 in June of 1986, when Huang was working in the Ethnic Affairs Commission of the Bose Region (Bose diqu minzu shiwu weiyuanhui 百色地區民族事物委員會). He collected the manuscript from Luo Zixiang 羅子祥, a resident of Yanya 岩涯 hamlet in Yanting 岩廷 village, Yandong 燕洞 parish, Bama. Luo Zixiang was 60 at the time. This manuscript was later taken to Nanning and housed in the Guji bangongshi archives, under the label “Bama 8”. The manuscript itself is 19cm by 15cm in size, and is a threadbound volume containing 48 leaves. Layout of the text is 8 columns per page, with two lines per column. The text is undated, but the cover sheet bears the title and the name Luo Xuanzhen 羅玄真, the name of one of Luo’s forebears in the fifth generation. The editors, calculating on the basis of 30 years per generation, estimate that the manuscript was around 150 years old at the time (i.e. dates from the 1830s or so). My own estimate of the manuscript’s age, based on calligraphic criteria, was that the manuscript dated from the mid- to late Qing period.39 There are a number of other Hanvueng texts available. In the same volume of the M edition, there is a text called Mo Hanhuang Zuwang yi ke 麽漢皇祖 王一科. This text was originally collected by Huang Ziyi in 1986 from Huang Henggui 黃恆貴 of Tinghuai 亭懷 hamlet, Yufeng 玉鳳 village, Yufeng zhen 玉 鳳鎮, in northern Tianyang.40 With a length of 2070 lines, this text is somewhat longer, but it comes from the same locality and is in content and script type closely related to the present text. Another text published in the same collection comes from Eastern Yunnan.41 This shorter version (391 lines) is a ritual segment found in the requiem texts of southern Zhuang speakers in Xichou 西疇 county. The manuscript bears the title Mo he tai 麽荷泰 (mo35 hɔk55 thai11), meaning ‘Recitation on Making a

37 38 39 40 41

Holm, Recalling Lost Souls, p. 9. See also the map on the same page. M 7:2381–2489 (facsimile pages 1853–1950). Holm, ‘Some Variant Characters in a Traditional Zhuang Manuscript: a New Angle on the Chinese Script’, Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 78 (2006), 125–172. M 7:2490–2632 (facsimile pages 1949–2044). M 8:2803–2834 (facsimile pages 2220–2226).

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Transfer’. The word ‘transfer’ in this title refers to the salvation of dead souls by moving them from earth prisons to the heavens, a process which is referred to in Chinese as chaodu 超度, ‘transcendence and ferrying across’. The manuscript was collected by Wang Mingfu 王明富 of the Wenshan zhou Minzu guji zhengli bangongshi 文山州古籍整理辦公室 in 1991 in Guyu 古魚 village, Jijie 雞街 parish, Xichou county.42 The plot of this version is mainly the same, but differs in some important details, such as the parentage of Hanvueng.43 Also, it is Hanvueng who bullies his step-brother, instead of the other way round, until his step-mother intervenes and re-divides the inheritance. Covueng ends up ruling the domain and Hanvueng ends up as a sky-god. Hanvueng is also the first among the deities invited at the beginning of the ritual, probably in his role as a sky-god.44 The scripture itself describes Hanvueng’s journey from the depths of the earth to the sky, a transformation that runs parallel to that of the souls of those who died unnatural deaths and those of ordinary dead who are transported by requiem rituals (chaodu 超度) from earth prisons to the heavenly realms. Upstream from the Bama-Tianyang area, there are two versions of the Hanvueng story from Wangmo 望謨 county in southern Guizhou, both orally transmitted. The longer text is 1765 lines in length,45 while the shorter text is 569 lines long.46 The longer version was collected in June 1986 in Baitoupo 白頭坡 village, Shidun 石砘 parish in what was then Leyuan qu 樂元區 in the western part of Wangmo. This was collected from Wei Wenkun 韋文坤, a man who was 64 at the time. The Hanvueng story circulated in two versions in this area, one recited and transmitted by the mogong (bumo 布摩), and another which circulated among the wider community in the form of a long narrative poem. The text collected and published was of the latter type.47 The shorter text was collected in April 1962 in the outskirts of Wangmo county town.48 A major difference in the narrative content between these texts and those from the Bama-Tianyang area

42 43

44 45 46 47 48

Ibid., p. 2778. In this text Hanvueng is described as the son of po31 tɕɛn11 nɯ55 ‘Grandfather who Chopped the Flesh’ and mɛ31 tɕɛn11 nɯ55 ‘Grandmother who Chopped the Flesh’ (line 5, M 8: 2788). The reference is to chopping up the misshapen embolus that resulted from the union of brother and sister after the great flood. On which, see Holm, Killing a Buffalo, pp. 192–199. This identification connects Hanvueng with the heroes of primordial time. Ibid., p. 2788. Haansweangz riangz Xocweangz. Buyizu guge, pp. 894–975. Haansweangz riangz Xocweangz, p. 256. Buyizu guge, p. 975.

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is that here the narrative begins with the separation of earth and sky, and Hanvueng’s lineage is traced through Huntun 混沌 (Onsdonh) and his parents are identified as Pangu 盤果 (Beanzgoc) and a Clarias fish maiden that Pangu takes to wife.49 By contrast, this version lacks the elaboration of the match-maker story that occupies such a large proportion of the present text (lines 100–400). Local scholars report that this Hanvueng story is current in the counties of Luodian 羅甸, Ceheng 册亨 and Wangmo.50 These are all counties along the southern border with Guangxi in the Hongshui 紅水 River system. As we shall see, there are many traces of a northern, Bouyei connexion in the present text from Bama; such traces are discussed at appropriate places in the Notes.

Recycled Incidents The Hanvueng narrative, for all its appearance of having been composed orally at some time in the past, is not for that reason entirely unconnected to the written culture of the Chinese empire. At least in the form we have it in the texts from the Bama-Tianyang hinterland, the narrative includes a number of episodes which are drawn from Chinese antecedents. These are seamlessly incorporated into the narrative, and there is no consciousness among either vernacular priests or village society that the themes have come from elsewhere. We have space for just one example. One of the most poignant incidents in the whole Hanvueng recitation, and the point at which audiences are not infrequently moved to tears, is when Hanvueng is sent down a well, thus affording his younger step-brother Covueng an opportunity to kill him. The relevant passage, in English translation, starts by describing Hanvueng’s attempts to provide his sick father with nourishing food that he needs for his recovery (lines 750–821): His father ate it and said he wasn’t better. He said straightaway that he was ill. He’d got to eat a muntjac still alive, He’d got to eat a yellow deer entire. 760 He wanted to drink water from the mandarin’s cave, He wanted to eat fruit from the cave of the vulva. 49

50

The story of Huntun and then Pangu and his fish-spirit wife occupy the first 435 lines of the longer version. The name of Pangu, conventionally written 盤古, is given here in the form that appears in the Haansweangz edition, reflecting local tradition. Buyizu guge, p. 975.

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765

770

775

780

785

790

795

800

“Since you speak like this, I’ll go to consult Baeu Roekdo, Go to consult Mo Loekgyap.” Baeu Roekdo then spoke, The Taoist Loekgap then said, “Where three hundred valleys come together, Where four hundred valleys overlap. There you will find there are three watercourses, There you will find there are waters and sand flowing together.” Hanvueng remembered this in his heart, Hanvueng buried this in his belly. The king thereupon returned to his old home, “Summon our troops and horses together, Call to our soldiers everywhere.” Ten men with ten mattocks, A hundred men with a hundred spades. With spades they went and dug at the foot of the wicker fence, With crowbars they went and dug at the foot of the wall. They dug down three fathoms deep, They dug down seven fathoms tall. It was then they saw the waters and sand flowing together, It was then they saw the rocks and gravel. Saw the red-finned carp intertwining, Saw the catfish coming down to lay their eggs. With a bamboo container they couldn’t get the water ladled, They couldn’t carry the water up. They took timber and made the treads of a ladder, They made it three fathoms deep, They made it seven fathoms tall. Elder brother urged his younger brother to go down first, Younger brother urged his elder brother to go down first. “You are his own eldest child, You have received the liver of your own father, You have come into being out of your father’s intestines. You are really of his body and flesh. If you love your father that much, Sacrifice your body and go down first.” The king then was hooked by the mouth, The king then was sealed up in his speech. He sacrificed his body and went down first.

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810

815

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He went down the first tread of the ladder, He noticed it was cold as ice. He went down the second tread of the ladder, He noticed the vapour cold and oppressive. He went down the third tread of the ladder, Mud and sand went down with a swooshing sound. He went down the fourth tread of the ladder, Sabres in a bundle came down. He went down the fifth tread of the ladder, The king turned his face up above. The king called out suddenly in warning, The king called out in alarm. “This once you have tried to kill your elder brother, This once you tried to harm your brother the King, This once you tried to bury your old brother alive, To kill your older brother and seize the realm, To harm your older brother the king and seize the seal of office.” The king called out to heaven and called out to earth. The water serpent came up from below and reached him, Sky gods came down from above and rescued him.

This incident can be related to the story of the sage-king Shun 舜. Shun, while still in the care of his parents, was made to go up and repair a granary, whereupon his parents, who hated him, took away the ladder and set fire to it in an attempt to kill him. They then made him repair a well, and as soon as he was down at the bottom of it, filled it in with earth in a second attempt to kill him. This story was well known in antiquity. Elements of this story are referred to briefly and elusively in the Mencius, the ninth fascicle of which is devoted to the moral dilemmas of Shun.51 The Bamboo Annals provides the following brief but more coherent account: 父母憎舜。 使其塗廪。 自下焚之。 舜服鳥工衣飛去。 又使浚井。 自上 填之以石。舜服龍工衣自旁而出。

Shun’s parents hated him. They made him plaster a granary, and set fire to it beneath—he had on bird’s-work clothes, and flew away. They also

51

This is the ‘Wanzhang shang’ 萬章上 chapter. See Yang Bojun 楊伯峻, Mengzi yizhu 孟 子譯注, Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 1995, pp. 209–210.

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made him deepen a well, and filled it with stones from above:—he had on dragon’s-work clothes, and got out by the side.52 The account in the Mencius is already somewhat different. According to the Mencius, Shun was able to escape from the well by means of a side passage, and was later found by his half-brother Xiang playing the lute in his bedroom. In Tang dynasty bianwen 變文, this episode is already found in a form that is more elaborate and more poignant than the spare mythologised reporting of the annals.53 A more romanticised treatment is given in later prose novels such as the Ming-dynasty Kaipi yanyi tongsu zhizhuan 開闢演義通俗志傳.54 It is beyond the scope of this introduction to attempt even an outline account of the various transformations of the Shun story in Chinese literature. Suffice it to say that this story was certainly very well known in pre-modern China, and elaborations of it are found in any number of literary forms. In Zhuang-speaking areas, the story of Shun takes the form of a ritual text in seven-syllable verse, which circulated among the Ritual Masters. Texts from Shanglin 上林 county in central Guangxi are about 350 lines long.55 In them, the incident of Shun being sent up to whitewash the granary gives way to climbing a plum tree, which his mother and step-brother then surround by thorns and set fire to. Again, the variations are less important that the evidence that the story was well known and was translated into Zhuang, probably sometime during the Ming-Qing period. Luo Hantian has recently investigated a number of themes in Chinese literature that made their way into Zhuang, and has concluded that much of this translation and elaboration took place during the Ming and Qing.56 What remains to be investigated, however, are the actual pathways of literary transmission.

52 53 54

55

56

Zhushu jinian 竹書紀年 fasc. 2, Tr. James Legge, ‘The Annals of the Bamboo Books’, in The Chinese Classics, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1893–1895, Vol. V The Shoo King, p. 114. ‘Shunzi bian’ 舜子變, in Wang Chongmin 王重民, ed., Dunhuang bianwen ji 敦煌變文 集, Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1957, pp. 129–136. See esp. pp. 131–133. Chapter 43 ‘Da Shun gonggeng yu Lishan’ 大舜攻耕於麗山, in (Ming) Zhou You 周遊, Kaipi yanyi tongsu zhizhuan 開闢演義通俗志傳, repr. Beijing: Huaxia chubanshe 1995, pp. 75–76. ‘Chang Shun’er’ 唱舜兒, ed. Lan Duomin 藍多民 and Wei Xinglang 韋星朗, in Zhang Yuansheng 張元生 et al., Gu Zhuangzi wenxian xuanzhu 古壯字文獻選注, Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1992, pp. 271–341. Luo Hantian 羅漢田, Zhongguo nanfang minzu wenxue guanxi shi 南方民族文學關係 史, vol. 3, Beijing: Minzu chubanshe, 2001.

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What we have here, at any rate, is a clear instance of re-contextualisation on the textual and narrative level. As I have argued elsewhere, such translations of Chinese narrative into the Zhuang environment often result in quite radical reconfigurations both of narrative incident and cultural implications.57 Here, a narrative rheme has been borrowed from Chinese literature and remythologised. Hanvueng and Shun have something in common, in that both figures are anointed kings, and both are portrayed as filial sons. In the Hanvueng scripture, the insertion of incidents from the Shun story has been done in a way which is effective in narrative terms, and adds considerably to the narrative tension. Indeed, if we look at other parts of the Hanvueng scripture from Bama, we can see that there are likely to be other such recontextualisations. The entire episode of the matchmaking, which occupies some three hundred lines of text, may well turn out to be based on some Chinese original, even if some of the details have been adapted for Zhuang village society (the matchmaker asking for indigo seeds, for example). As one of my Zhuang colleagues commented, the entire Hanvueng text has been turned into a chuanqi 傳奇 in verse. If we look more closely at the actual text, we also find traces of the text having come from different sources. Because the text is written in a non-standardised script, the same words are written in different ways in different places. In the case of the Bama scripture, the text shows signs of having been patched together, with the introduction, the matchmaking, the quarrel, the flight of Hanvueng up to the sky, the subsequent war of curses and imprecations, and the resolution all showing definite differences on the stylistic and graphic level. What this means is that the text did not take its present form at some reputed oral stage in transmission. Rather, in its present form it was put together from disparate sources which were already at that stage in the form of texts.

Chiefly Domains The Hanvueng text is a major cultural statement. It has to do with one of the central categories in Zhuang (Tai) kinship, which is the relationship between beix elder siblings and nuengx younger siblings—or more broadly between elder and younger people of the same generation. If the flood and incest cycle has to do between beix and nuengx of the opposite sex, the myth here has to

57

Holm, ‘The Exemplar of Filial Piety and the End of the Ape-men: Dong Yong in Guangxi and Guizhou Ritual Performance’, T’oung-pao XC (Sept 2004), 32–64.

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do with beix and nuengx of the same sex, specifically male.58 Whatever the patterns of proto-Tai kinship and inheritance might have been, it seems that the impact of Han Chinese cultural pressure on this system generated considerable ambiguity about the rules of inheritance relating to first-born and last-born brothers. Interestingly, the Bama version of the text goes to some lengths to spell out the prerogatives of elder brothers. The myth is also best understood in the context of Tai political patterns. Tai principalities, both within China and in northern mainland southeast Asia, are characterised by endemic and often bloody internecine feuding within princely families. In these societies, the greatest danger to the power and person of the king came normally from his own family, and elaborate precautions were taken to prevent assassination by close relatives. A famous instance involving succession in a Shan prinicipality was recounted by Edmund Leach in his classic study Political Systems of Highland Burma:59 King Mindon on his decease [in 1878] left some forty living widows, about 110 children and nearly 200 grandchildren, any one of whom might have claimed the throne. Thibaw, who actually succeeded, was, on the face of it, a most unlikely candidate since he was son of a divorced wife. His success was due to the machinations of Mindon’s second wife who planned to marry her daughter Supayalat to Thibaw. As Mindon lay dying most of the rival queens and the majority of Thibaw’s half siblings were placed under arrest. A year later eighty or so of the latter were massacred. Thibaw’s activities in this respect shocked the Western World and received much publicity, but palace murders have always been very much a part of the standard pattern both in Burmese and Shan society. The witness in the Möng Mao case of 1930 took it as a matter of course that the courtiers (amat) should first have urged the saohpa to murder his rivals, and then, when he disdained to do so, encouraged the rivals to murder the saohpa. A striking parallel to the Hanvueng story is found in the Tày areas of northern Vietnam, where violent death and strife between royal brothers was connected with the apotheosis of native chieftains as tutelary deities. In the former chieftaincy of Bảo-lạc 保樂 in the western part of Cao Bằng, ruled over by a Nùng 農 lineage, there was a cult connected with two royal brothers who killed each other over a struggle for power. According to local legend, in ancient times there

58 59

On the flood and incest myths see Holm, Killing a Buffalo for the Ancestors, pp. 183–203. Edmund Leach, Political Systems of Highland Burma, London: Athlone Press, 1954, p. 217.

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were two brothers in the royal clan who struggled with each other over who was to be the lord of Pảo-lạc. The older brother stabbed his younger brother, and then was put to death himself, so both brothers died. Overcome with grief, their mother also took her own life. Subsequently, once every few years local people killed a man with a knife to serve as a sacrificial offering in recompense for the lives of the three royal victims, the mother and her two sons. This ritual took place on the banks of the stream near the Great Temple (Tà-miào) on the main street in Bảo-lạc. Local people were said to believe that using a human sacrificial victim would provoke mothers to recall the two dead brothers, and burst into tears. The tears, turning to rain, would then ensure that the locality obtained abundant rains and a rich harvest that year. People who were to serve as sacrificial victims were often bought as small children and raised to adulthood, to await the time when the ritual was held. This particular sacrifice was discontinued long ago, and transmuted to the sacrifice of a white water buffalo in place of a human being.60 Tai principalities were highly stratified, with princely clans at the top, favoured clans of retainers controlling manorial estates below that, free-born peasants in the middle, and various categories of serf and slave at the bottom. They were also societies that were highly militarised. All of these aspects of Tai chiefly domains are reflected in this text. Also reflected in the text are the Ming-dynasty bureaucratic procedures relating to chiefly succession. During the Ming, the imperial court instituted a system whereby persons inheriting a hereditary native chieftaincy (tusi) were required to present genealogies and other documents to the court, in other words to provide written evidence that they were in the orthodox line of succession (in Chinese terms) and were the person they said they were.61 The inclusion of these details in the text indicates that the text in its present form cannot be earlier than the Ming.

Jiaozhi If the Hanvueng text is about chieftaincy and fraternal strife, it also bears witness to an important but little-recognised dynamic in pre-modern Zhuang 60

61

Lã-văn-Lô, ‘Bước đầu nghiên cứu về chế độ xã hội ở vùng Tày, Nùng, Thái dưới thời Pháp thuộc’ [Notes on the social structure of the Tày, Nùng and Thái areas during the French occupation], Nghiên cứu lịch sử 68, 1964, p. 41. See Wu Yongzhang 吳永章, Zhongguo tusi zhidu yuanyuan yu fazhan shi 中國土司制度 淵源與發展史, Chengdu: Sichuan minzu chubanshe, 1988, pp. 157–178.

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society, namely the role of Jiaozhi 交趾, present-day northern Vietnam, as ‘the other place’, a place of refuge and an alternative abode. Lines 583–647 describe Hanvueng’s sojourn in the land of Gyeu, how he formed a band of companions there (an entourage), and how together they planned ways to gain a living. Admittedly the two place-names mentioned in the text (Kiêu Hoa and Kiêu Hiển) seem rather abstract. We should not imagine, however, that Hanvueng was dealing with the Vietnamese state, or even necessarily the Kinh, now the majority population in the Red River valley. The majority populations in the mountain areas in the north of Vietnam were Tày and Nùng, Tai-speakers like the Zhuang. On the other southern side of the border, also, were mountain valleys suitable for wet-rice agriculture, ruled over by Tày principalities subject in various degrees to Vietnamese suzerainty. It is within these polities, we should imagine, that Hanvueng took refuge. In pre-modern times, Jiaozhi as ‘the other place’ had importance not just for chiefly families, but also for soldiers in the army and commoner families fleeing unrest. Troop movements across the border took place in both directions and were not confined to border skirmishes or raids on border counties. The Ming conquest of Vietnam in the period 1406–1427 resulted in large numbers of Chinese troops in Vietnam. Because of troop losses among the Ming imperial armies due to tropical pestilence, many of the troops in the occupying force and transport contingents were native troops drawn from southern chieftaincies like Sizhou 思州, Taiping 太平, and Tianzhou 田州.62 In the other direction, during the wars between the Tianzhou 田州 and Si’en 思恩 chieftaincies in the late 15th century, the Ming history records that some 200,000 troops from Jiaozhi were ‘borrowed’ by the combatants and took part in the fighting in the Tianzhou area.63 Again, we may guess that the troops were native Tàyspeaking troops from the northern valley-domains, rather than imperial armies despatched by the Annamese court. The lyrics of soldiers’ Campaign Songs (Fwencaeg) sung in Tiandong 田 東 and Pingguo 平果 counties, composed during or after the Tianzhou-Si’en

62

63

Such at least was the proposal by the commanding general in Jiaozhi, Zhang Fu 張輔, and others in his staff. See Ming shilu 明實錄 (Yongle 永樂 6th year, 3rd month), Taizong shilu 太宗實錄 77:3b, repr. Taipei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan Lishi yuyan yanjiusuo 中央研 究院歷史語言研究所, 1962, p. 1046. The seat of Ming-dynasty Taiping was located at present-day Chongzuo 崇左 on the Zuojiang 左江 river; Sizhou was probably Siming 思 明 prefecture, in present-day Ningming 寧明; and the seat of Tianzhou was present-day Tianyang 田陽. Ming shi 明史, ‘Guangxi tusi er’ 廣西土司二, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974, p. 8249.

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disturbances,64 also testify to the appearance locally of troops from Jiaozhi as a sign that the times were out of joint. The marauding armies were said to include also troops from Dazboeg (Dabo 達剝), which according to the song-masters was a small principality in Jiaozhi.65 Jiaozhi was also a destination for refugees, local commoner families fleeing unrest. In the lyrics of the Campaign Songs, Jiaozhi (Gyeu) is mentioned in parallel with Bo’ai 剝隘 (Aiq), an important entrepôt in easternmost Yunnan.66 The lyrics of the Campaign Songs devote an entire section to recounting the process of refugees leaving their homes: casting divination blocks to decide whether to flee to Jiaozhi or to Bo’ai, strapping children onto their backs, putting grain into bags, putting the chickens into bamboo cages, and abandoning their fields and villages and setting out on the road. The songs describe hardships along the way: finding places to stay overnight, sleeping in ditches and potholes, and finding shelter from the rain. They also mention a number of places along the way that served as staging posts, and recount how long the journey would take.67 The annual recitation of these songs at song fairs kept the memory of these times alive, and thereby also rehearsed for local people what they too should do if circumstances arose in which they had no choice but to flee their homes. The connection with Jiaozhi was not confined to refugee families or troop movements. Chieftaincies also were trans-located from one jurisdiction to another, often moving hundreds of kilometers between north and south. A salient example is the powerful Cen 岑 clan of Sicheng zhou 泗城州 in northwestern Guangxi. The Cen chieftains make their first appearance in Chinese historical sources in the Northern Song dynasty as a notable native family in Kangzhou 康州, and then around a century later as the lords of Qiyuan zhou

64

See Chen Ju 陳駒, ‘Zhuangzu “Zeige” de shidai beijing he ta yishu shang de xiaci’ 壯族 《賊歌》 的時代背景和它的藝術上的瑕疵, in Nong Guanpin 農冠品 et al., eds., Lingnan wenhua yu Baiyue minfeng 嶺南文化與百越民風, Nanning: Guangxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 1992, pp. 287–292. 65 Luo Hantian 羅漢田, Pingguo Zhuangzu liaoge: Zeigepian 平果壯族嘹歌: 賊歌篇, Beijing: Minzu chubanshe, 2009, p. 34. 66 West and upstream from Bose 百色 on the Youjiang 右江 river. 67 Luo Hantian, op.cit., pp. 43–47. Places mentioned are Runghsae (Nungxi "西, unidentified), Runghndoeng (Nungdong "檂, probably present-day Xin’anzhen 新安鎮 in Pingguo 平果), Rungz’an (Long’an 隆安), Giuzleih (Qiaoli 喬利 in Mashan 馬山), Bingmax (Pingma 平馬 in Tiandong 田東), Couloeg (Zhoulu 周鹿 in Mashan 馬山), Baksaek (Bose 百色), Hawgiet (Jinjie 進結 in Tiandeng 天等), and Yiengfouz (Xiangfu 香福, presentday Longmingzhen 龍茗鎮 in SW Tiandeng, not far from the border with Cao Bằng).

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七源州 in present-day Lạng Sơn in northern Vietnam.68 In or around 1080, the 3rd year of the Yuanfeng 元豐 reign period, Cen Qingbin 岑慶賓, lord of Qiyuan zhou, moved with his clan and retainers to a location in the northwestern part of present-day Guangxi, where he apparently established a northern Qiyuan zhou. He did this in order to avoid assassination. During this period, the Đại Việt court pursued a policy of ruthlessly exterminating any chieftains in the border areas who declared their fealty to the Song.69 The Song court, by contrast, sought to avoid conflicts along the southern border of the empire.70 The northern Cen later went on to become immensely powerful as the lords of Sicheng zhou, located in present-day Leye 樂業, but they also retained their links with the original Qiyuan zhou in the south, moving personnel from one chieftaincy to another in response to changing circumstances. In other words, there was two-way movement, and the maintenance of a north-south connection linking northwestern Guangxi with domains in northern Vietnam. This example is particularly pertinent because a branch of the Cen lineage took over the chieftaincy of Tianzhou 田州 at the beginning of the Ming, and established subsidiary domains in the area north of Tianzhou, the location of our manuscript tradition. A number of specific points arise from this account. One is that the Cen chiefly lineage may originally have been speakers of a form of central Tai, in other words what would now be called Southern Zhuang. If so, then the priestly families of mogong attached to the Cen courts would also have been likely to have shared this linguistic and cultural background. Secondly and more broadly, the Cen were, as it were, an international chiefly family. Far from confining themselves to any particular original homeland, they established branch domains in a variety of locations, sometimes located at some considerable distance from each other but nevertheless not so far that communication by river

68

69 70

Taniguchi Fusao and Bai Yaotian, Zhuangzu tuguan zupu jicheng, p. 169. Kangzhou is in present-day western Guangdong, just downstream from Wuzhou. Qiyuan zhou (Vn. Thất nguyên châu) was located in the northwestern part of Lạng Sơn, in a place also known as Thất khê (Ch. Qixi 七溪) in the present-day district of Tràng Định (Ch. Changding xian 長定縣), directly to the west of Longzhou 龍州. See Đào Duy Anh, Đất Nước Việt Nam Qua Các Đời: Nghiên Cứu Địa Lý học lịch sử Việt Nam, Hà Nội: Nhà Xuất Bản Khoa học xã hội, 1964, p. 114. See also Taniguchi and Bai, p. 171. Taniguchi and Bai, p. 169. An Guolou 安國樓, Songchao zhoubian minzu zhengce yanjiu 宋朝周邊民族政策研究, Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1997, esp. pp. 14–23 on the de-facto policy of zhong bei qing nan 重北輕南 ‘emphasising the north and slightng the south’.

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or packhorse road was difficult to maintain under normal circumstances. Just how many Zhuang chiefly clans operated in this way is a question that remains to be investigated. At any rate, this background, it seems, is sufficient to explain the traces of southern words and pronunciations that we find in the script of the Hanvueng epic. These southern words and pronunciations are discussed in the Notes. Cultural memory of Jiaozhi as a place of refuge was not confined to the Zhuang in western Guangxi, but extended as far north as the Bouyei in Guizhou. The Haansweangz text from Wangmo also includes the narrative segment about Hanvueng fleeing to Jiaozhi.71 This cultural memory was to play an important role when the conversion from native chieftaincy to direct rule in Guizhou in the early 18th century was followed by widespread pogroms, followed by a mass exodus of non-Han peoples.

The North There is also a substantial layer of readings in the text based on Southwestern Mandarin pronunciations that can be linked to either the Bouyei language of Guizhou or the northern part of Guangxi. What set of historical circumstances gave rise to the presence of this northern layer in our text? Here we can point to continuous and ongoing mobility of village communities along the major river systems linking the Guizhou highlands with the central western part of Guangxi: the Beipanjiang 北盤江, the Nanpanjiang 南盤江, and the Hongshui 紅水 River, all of which provided a continuous water transport link between areas as far north as present-day Zhenning 鎮寧 and Anshun 安順 counties in central-western Guizhou and the Cen chieftaincies of Sicheng and Si’en 思恩.72 Not only was there a readily available and well-travelled river transport route, but also political integration of a sort. During the Ming, the domains of the Cen lords extended as far north as Zhenning. This may be a factor that explains the presence of troops from Guizhou in the Tianzhou area during the internecine strife that broke out between Si’en and Tianzhou in the early decades of the Ming dynasty.73 The Ming history does not mention the size of 71 72

73

Haansweangz riangz Xocweangz, p. 132. On this route see esp. Holm, ‘Mobility among the Tai Peoples of South China’, in Huang Ying-kuei, ed.-in-chief., Kongjian yu wenhua changyu: Kongjian zhi yixiang, shijian yu shehui shengchan Space and Cultural Fields: Spatial Images, Practices, and Social Production, Taipei: Center for Chinese Studies, 2009, 11–59. Ming shi 明史, ‘Guangxi tusi 2’ 廣西土司二, p. 8246.

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the contingent of troops from Guizhou, nor does it say how long the Guizhou contingent remained in the Tianzhou area. For that matter, an occupation force from the heartland of Sicheng zhou could also have served as the source of northern readings in the manuscript. The Cen chieftains had allied themselves closely with the Ming court from the very beginning of the dynasty, and at least in some of their domains promoted the new official language in the schools that they founded. This new official language was the forerunner of present-day Southwestern Mandarin. With this official sponsorship would have come new SWM readings in native-language texts.

Poetics The verse form and poetic structure of this poem are Tai rather than Chinese. Characteristic features are waist-rhymes, lack of a mid-line caesura, and a preference for five-syllable lines of verse. Waist-rhymes ( yaoyun 腰韻) are rhymes in which the last syllable in the first line of a stanza rhymes with one of the first few syllables in the following line. Thus the opening lines (1–5) of the Hanvueng text are (rhyming syllables are underlined): 三

盖

三

王

至。

ɬaːmA sam Three

kaːi@ gaiq Worlds

ɬaːmA sam Three

βuǝŋb vuengz Kings

ɕiː@ ciq Establish

四

盖

四

王

造。

ɬɤiː@ seiq Four

kaːi@ gaiq Worlds

ɬɤiː@ seiq Four

βuǝŋb vuengz Kings

ɕaːu\ caux Create

王

造

立

造

連。

βuǝŋb vuengz Kings

ɕaːu\ caux Create

lɐpe laep darkness

ɕaːu\ caux Create

liːǝn b lienz light

王

造

天

造

地。

βuǝŋb vuengz Kings

ɕaːu\ caux Create

tiɛnA dien Heaven

ɕaːu\ caux Create

tiː f deih Earth

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已

盖

王

已

造。

kiːI gij Several

kaːi@ gaiq Worlds

βuǝŋb vuengz Kings

kiːe gij Several

ɕaːu\ caux Create

Here ciq at the end of the first line rhymes with the first syllable seiq in the second line, and so on. In most verse forms, the rhyme in the second line can fall on any syllable except the last. In some passages in the present text there is a combination of waist- and end-rhymes. Like longer narrative poems and ritual texts generally, this text is cast in a poetic form called fwen baiz (Ch. 排歌, paige), a term which literally means ‘songs in a row’. For this form, there is no strict stanza structure and no fixed length. This form is found throughout the western half of Guangxi, along the Youjiang, Zuojiang and Hongshui river systems. In line length, fwen baiz tends to be more flexible than other verse forms. In Bama, as in neighbouring counties, the basic line is five syllables, but lines of three syllables are also found, and lines of seven syllables, usually arranged in couplets, are fairly frequent. Couplets of nine syllables are also found, but they are much less frequent. Some latitude in rhymes is permitted in Zhuang verse. While the final of each rhyming syllable will often be identical in vowel quality and final consonant, syllables with a final -t are permitted to rhyme with those with a final -k. Also permitted are rhymes between syllables with the differing nasal finals -m, -n and -ng. Some latitude is permitted among short vowels as well. In a fwen baiz example cited by Huang Yongsha 黄永刹, the following syllables are made to rhyme: soeng, fwn, vunz, hwnz, laeng, roengz, mwngz.74 It will be noted that all the words in the above example are first or second tone. Zhuang versification tends in practice to evince three tonal categories, as opposed to the Han Chinese binary distinction between ping 平 (level) and ze 仄 (deflected) tone-categories. For Zhuang versification the three categories are: 1. syllables with Tones 1 and 2 2. syllables with Tones 3, 4, 5 and 6 3. syllables with Tones 7 and 8 (the ‘entering tone’ or ‘dead syllables’)

74

Huang Yongsha 黄永刹, Zhuangzu geyao gailun 壯族歌謠概論, Nanning: Guangxi minzu chubanshe, 1983, pp. 75–76.

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These categories are related to proto-Tai tone categories. In relation to protoTai, as reconstructed by Li Fang Kuei, A tone syllables (Tones 1 and 2) form one category, B and C (Tones 5–6 and 3–4 respectively) another category, and D (Tones 7–8) the third.75 The usual expectation is that rhyming syllables will belong to the same tonal category. In the Hanvueng text, at least, dead syllable rhymes are not common. In addition to these formal conventions, the salient feature of these ritual verses is a pervasive parallelism. Such parallelism has long been recognised as a common feature of elevated religious verse, and is often referred to as canonical parallelism.76 Its main features have been summarised as follows: 1. the ritual language is organized as a series of couplets; 2. within each couplet each word in the first line is matched to the corresponding word in the second line by metre and word class (noun, verb, etc.); 3. each line contains a concrete statement such that the two statements of the couplet metaphorically represent a single intended meaning for the couplet as a whole. Canonical parallelism is found in many cultures as a framing device for the oral performance of mythic narrative in a sacred ritual context, as opposed to the orally-based prose delivery that tends to be characteristic of mythic narrative in non-sacred contexts. This distinction is also true for the Zhuang. The Hanvueng text presents all three of the above features. We frequently find that the grammatical pattern of one line will be repeated in the second, and sometimes the third. It should be added that this stylistic feature is often an aid to reading, or deciphering, the text—for the priest as well as the ethnographer. An adjective in third place in the first of two parallel lines, for example, can be expected to match another adjective in the same place in the following line. For the performers, this pervasive parallelism also serves as a mnemonic device. The present text also shows indications of having been composed in a formulaic fashion, with conventional epithets transferred from one context to another. While the texts are written artefacts, transmitted by copying, they show signs of oral composition. On the other hand, the fact that they were written down helped make them ritually powerful, given the pervasiveness of Buddhist and Taoist notions of the efficacy of texts and the enormous prestige of the Chinese script. 75 76

Fang Kuei Li, Handbook of Comparative Tai, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1977, p. 25. On which see James Fox, To Speak in Pairs: Essays on the ritual languages of eastern Indonesia, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988, ‘Introduction’.

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A particularly interesting feature of the parallelism in these texts is the way in which indigenous Zhuang concepts are frequently brought into parallel relation with terms borrowed from Han Chinese. Thus the Han terms dien deih ‘Heaven and Earth’ in one line are followed in the next line by the Zhuang terms mbwn ndaen ‘heaven and earth’; the Han borrowing bek singq ‘the Hundred Surnames’ (i.e. the common people) is followed by bouxminz ‘the people’, nienz ‘year’ (from Ch. 年 nián) is used in parallel with the indigenous word bi ‘year’, gangj ‘to speak’ (from Ch. 講 jiǎng) matches naeuz ‘to say’, loh ‘road’ (from Ch. 路 lù) matches roen ‘path’, and so on. The incorporation of Han borrowings into the Zhuang lexicon—and the incorporation of Taoist concepts into the lexicon of the mogong—affords a poetically useful wealth of synonyms, but also reflects the kind of cultural code-switching at which the Zhuang are so adept in other cultural contexts. At the meta-level, it expresses an inter-ethnic dimension of local people’s conception of their own culture and identity. It is significant that this interethnic parallelism is found embedded in the highly charged context of rituals to abate family strife or rescue the souls of those who have died violent deaths.

Methodology This work presents a transcription and interpretation of the traditional Zhuang manuscript reproduced in the back of the present volume. This text presents considerable difficulties of interpretation, and the aim of this work is to make this document publicly accessible, and more particularly, address points of difficulty and provide a coherent account of the text, its readings, and its meaning at both the literal and discursive levels. Much of this work involves working backwards from textual phenomena or from recited pronunciations based on a sound recording of the text as recited. A third source of information is the edition of the text published in the Bu Luotuo jingshi yizhu (the ‘B edition’). Many of the notes take the form of comments on the viability or otherwise of various interpretations. This may seem like a strange way to proceed, so I will recount briefly the history of the project. As previously mentioned, the manuscript itself was collected by Huang Ziyi 黄子義 from the descendant of a local priestly family in Yanya hamlet, Bama county in 1986. This was part of a national-level project to collect and edit ancient manuscripts of China’s minority peoples.77 When the decision

77

On this policy see D. Holm, Recalling Lost Souls, pp. 34–37.

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33

was made by the Guangxi Autonomous Region to collect mogong manuscripts from the Bama-Tianyang-Bose area for this national project, Taoist priests from the Bama-Tianyang-Bose area were invited to the Tianyang 田陽 county seat, where they were asked to provide recited readings, word glosses and sentencelevel translations for a selection of liturgical texts from nine manuscripts. The process reportedly took many days, and resulted in preliminary readings that formed the basis for the first draft of the B edition.78 The Hanvueng text was among those selected. One would of course wish to have more information about the priests, the method of elicitation, and so on. No information about such matters is provided in the B edition itself. When I began work on this project in the early 1990s, I naturally tried to find out more about the editing and elicitation process, and interviewed a number of people who played key roles in the project. One of these local scholars was Huang Ziyi, who had collected and translated the Hanvueng text. It seems fair to say that the Guji bangongshi scholars saw their task as providing a a faithful rendering of the texts as recited by the priests, but then they were required to present this information in the medium of Standard Zhuang. Zhuangwen 壯文 was used for the transcription of the priests’ recitations, and the IPA transcription was later added on the basis of the Zhuangwen text. That is to say, the IPA also reflected the pronunciation of Standard Zhuang. Thus no effort was made to record or reflect local dialect pronunciation; nor was it ever considered at that time that this would be a worthwhile thing to do. On the other hand, it seems that no particular effort was made to twist the readings or interpretations of the priests in any particular ideological direction. This impression is corroborated by the recited pronunciations (viewed through the prism of standardisation) and word glosses. Perhaps the most vexing problem is that there are many instances where both the priests and the Zhuang scholars were forced to fall back on context-dependent glosses, that is, glosses that fit the particular context but do not necessarily relate to the basic meaning of morphemes. Given working conditions at the time, and the then limited state of knowledge about the Zhuang lexicon, this is understandable.79

78 79

D. Holm, interviews with Huang Ziyi and Zhang Shengzhen 張聲震, April, 1993. This judgment is based partly on an overall assessment of the minority manuscripts project, and close work with this particular text. I was also able to have free access to all of the manuscripts held at the Guji bangongshi archives in Nanning, including many unpublished manuscripts from the same area and early drafts of what later became published texts.

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Oddly enough, this made the B edition a reasonably good basis for taking the enquiry to a further stage. Two additional things were needed: one was a recitation of the text that reflected local pronunciation, and the other was a range of dictionaries, other texts, and other resources necessary for an exercise in ‘morpheme-tracking’, and follow-up fieldwork. The recitation of the text was made by Huang Ziyi. I made this recording in Bose in April, 1995. Circumstances at the time did not permit going back to the village of Yanya and recording a recitation of the text by the traditional owner, but Huang was a good substitute. A native of the village of Shuowan 朔晚 in the far northwestern corner of Tiandong county, as a boy Huang had followed the local Taoist priests around, and had absorbed and effectively memorised a good part of the liturgical repertoire. On this occasion Huang began his recitation very laboriously, trying to pronounce the text in standard Zhuang (i.e. the dialect of Wuming 武鳴, several counties away to the east), but at my suggestion he readily agreed to change and to pronounce the text as he would in his own locality. However, as agreed beforehand with Zhang Shengzhen, he used the B edition rather than the original manuscript as the basis for his recitation. The B edition rendered the manuscript characters in a ‘standardised’ version of the Zhuang traditional script developed by the Guji bangongshi and presented first in the Sawndip sawdenj (Dictionary of Zhuang Characters) (1989).80 Fortunately Huang was not always able to read the ‘standardised Zhuang character script’, and his readings were most often reliant on his memory and the Zhuangwen line in the B text. Still, where the ‘standardised script’ and the manuscript text diverge, Huang’s recitation sometimes follows the former. This is less than ideal as a recitation, but nevertheless provided us a base for proceeding, since these instances are easy to identify. In order to dispel any possible confusion arising from Huang’s recitation, I have pointed out these instances in the Textual and Ethnographic Notes.

Sound System of the Bama-Tianyang Area Informants and investigations confirm that the language spoken in the Yandong 燕洞-Yufeng 玉鳳-Yixu 義墟 triangle shows a high degree of homogeneity,

80

Guangxi Zhuangzu zizhiqu shaoshu minzu guji zhengli chuban guihua lingdao xiaozu 廣 西壯族自治區少數民族古籍整理出版規劃領導小組, ed., Sawndip sawdenj 古壯字 字典 Gu Zhuang zi zidian, Nanning: Guangxi minzu chubanshe, 1989. Hereinafter cited as Snd.

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and can be regarded as a single lect.81 My account of the ‘sound system’ is somewhat provisional. I undertook this study in the first instance as a work of ethnography and philology, and recorded the recitation of a single speaker. The main objective of the study was to provide a record of the recitation of the text in local pronunciation, and relate this recording to the text as a written artefact. I found that Huang Ziyi’s pronunciation was variable. This is understandable, given that for most of his adult life he had been working in the regional capital, Bose. Huang’s main working language, apart from Chinese, has been the Youjiang dialect of Zhuang—that is, the language of Bose and the populous towns along the banks of the Youjiang river. There is therefore some evidence of dialect mixing in his speech. It has not always been possible to determine which variant pronunciation was most broadly representative of his native speech community. On the other hand, Huang’s variations in pronunciation are interesting in their own right. Dialect mixing is a widespread phenomenon in Guangxi, and variation in pronunciation may be common to some degree even in isolated communities of speakers. It is evident from the material I have collected, for example, that certain initials and rhymes are remarkably stable and invariable, while others show considerable variation. This is interesting in itself. In any case I have by and large refrained from standardising the IPA transcription in the direction of any postulated dialect standard for the locality, and have retained a more narrow transcription that reflects the variability of Huang’s speech, including occasional acts of mis-speaking and − more frequently − misreadings of the text. This has the advantage of conveying to the reader a more immediate impression of what this particular speaker actually sounds like. Provided these considerations are borne in mind, we can proceed to discuss features of the sound system of the Yandong-Yufeng-Yixu lect, which for convenience I call the Yandong-Yufeng lect or the Bama-Tianyang border dialect. Tones For open syllables, Yandong-Yufeng Zhuang has six tones. The tone values are:

81

The area designated is defined by the parishes (xiang 鄉) of Yandong in southern Bama, Yufeng in northeastern Tianyang, and Yixu in northern Tiandong. This section is based on a document of the same title on the Companion CD accompanying Holm, Recalling Lost Souls, Bangkok: White Lotus Press, 2004. Originally written to explain the language of the texts in that collection, it is equally applicable to the present text, which is from the same area. It is reproduced here with minor revisions.

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Tone 1 Tone 2 Tone 3 Tone 4 Tone 5 Tone 6

low falling and rising, 213 low falling, 21 medium level, 33 falling, from mid-high to low, 41 rising, medium to high, 35 mid-low level, 22

Checked or ‘dead’ syllables (those ending in p, t, k or Ɂ) have the following possible tones: Tone 7 short Tone 7 long Tone 8 short Tone 8 long

mid-high level, 44 rising, medium to high, 35 medium level, 33 medium level, 33

Examples: Tone 1 Tone 2 Tone 3 Tone 4 Tone 5 Tone 6 Tone 7 short Tone 7 long Tone 8 short Tone 8 long

ɬaːmA ‘three’; peiA ‘to go’; ɁdɐɯA ‘inside’ miːB ‘to have’; naːB ‘wet-field’; laːnB ‘house’ hɐɯC ‘to give’; naːC ‘face’; lɐuI ‘wine, spirits’ tʊŋD ‘stomach’; maːD ‘horse’; nuɵŋD ‘younger sibling’ tɕjei@ ‘egg’; ko̞ ːn@ ‘before’; kaːi@ ‘realm’ taːf ‘river’; xɐmf ‘evening’ lɐpg ‘dark’; Ɂɪtg ‘one’ kuǝkH ‘hoe’; paːkH ‘mouth’ lɵkI ‘bird’; lɯkI ‘child’ loːkI ‘outside’; laːpJ ‘last month of the year’

There is some variation in the realisation of these tones. These variations are summarised in the following table:82

82

The system of tone symbols used here and in for transcription of the texts is the same as used by Li Fang Kuei and other scholars. It indicates pitch through time, in accordance with Chao Yuen-jen’s division of the voice register into five pitch-levels. Note that citation tone symbols have left-hand flags, and variants (actual tones) are indicated with righthand flags. In the transcriptions, the right-hand flag after a left-hand flag indicates the actual pitch contour in recitation.

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Numerical notation Citation form Variants Tone 1 Tone 2 Tone 3 Tone 4 Tone 5 Tone 6 Tone 7 short Tone 7 long Tone 8 short Tone 8 long

213 21 33 41 35 22 44 35 33 33

A B C D @ i G H I J

Q q 5 v : _ 4 } q 1

k O t | | v

x 6 | X Z |

^ _ V N W : q 1 X r * 2

v | : :

Notes: 1. The actual pitch values of the recitation have been recorded in the transcription, along with the citation tone. At this stage no attempt has been made to elaborate rules of tone sandhi. Only some of these variant tones correspond to the values of other tones; others are truncated versions of base tones, others are tone values raised or lowered contextually, in response to height of surrounding syllable tones, and others are emphatic variants of basic tones. Some of the above variants are found chiefly at the ends of lines of verse, where syllables are often elongated and tone contours exaggerated or distorted. 2. Tone 1 and Tone 2 are remarkably stable, even in rapid recitation. The pitch contour of Tone 1 is sometimes simplified, leaving only the upward ‘tail’. At the end of a line of verse, the entire pitch contour of Tone 1 is often exaggerated and articulation prolonged. 3. Especially at the ends of lines of verse, Tone 3 syllables are frequently glottalised. That is, the syllable ends in a final glottal stop or glottal constriction. Other tones, such as Tone 2, are occasionally glottalised, sometimes as a result of assimilation with the initial of the following syllable. 4. The pitch contour of Tone 4, which descends rapidly from pitch level 4 to pitch level 1 in isolation, is usually abbreviated in connected recitation, becoming 53, 42, 31, or 21.

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5. Tone 5 is a high rising tone. The pitch contour in isolation, 35, is often abbreviated to 34, and occasionally realised as a high falling tone, 53. 6. Tone 6 syllables in connected recitation very frequently show the same pitch and dynamic contours as Tone 4 syllables. Occasionally the original low level contour (22) is raised to 33. 7. Some words beginning with a pre-glottalised initial (Ɂb, Ɂd) which have either Tone 3 or Tone 5 in Standard Zhuang are pronounced in this dialect in Tone 4. For example, ndaij ‘ramie’ (Ɂdaːi_ rather than ɁdaːiC), mbanj ‘village’ (Ɂbaːn_ rather than ɁbaːnC), youq ‘to be at’ (Ɂuːv rather than ɁuːE), and mbaq ‘shoulder’ (Ɂbaːv rather than ɁbaːE). In cases like this, I have marked tone 4 as the citation tone in the transcription, Thus, in the above examples: ɁdaːiD, ɁbaːnD, ɁuːD, and ɁbaːD. Initials

Stops Affricates Fricatives Nasals Laterals Palatalised Labialised bilabial labiodental alveolar prepalatal palatal velar glottal

p, Ɂb t, Ɂd

ts tɕ

k Ɂ

β, Ɂβ f ɬ ɕ

h

Initials with examples: p Ɂb f β Ɂβ m mj k t

peiA ‘to go’ ɁbaːE ‘shoulder’ faːŋB ‘ghost, spirit’ βaːiB ‘water-buffalo’ ɁβaːD ‘stupid’ miːb ‘to have’ mjaːB ‘to rot’ kaːŋC ‘to speak’ taːuE ‘time, occasion’

m n ȵ ɲ ŋ

mj l

tw j kw, kv Ɂj

introduction

Ɂd ɬ ɕ tɕ n l j ŋ h ȵ ɲ Ɂj kw kβ ŋβ Ɂ

39

ɁdɐɯA ‘inside’ ɬaːmA ‘three’ ɕoːF ‘name’ tɕɐuC ‘head’ nɐub ‘to say’ laːɁC ‘below’ jaːf ‘grandmother, elderly woman’ ŋɵnB ‘day’ hɐɯC ‘to give’ ȵiːɐA ‘to listen’ ɲiːF ‘two; second’ ɁjamD ‘to look at, view’ kwiːE ‘honours’ kβaːi; ‘clever’ ŋβiːF ‘kernel’ ɁuŋA ‘to heap up; cultivate’

Notes: 1. / Ɂb Ɂd / (mb- and nd- in Zhuangwen) are pre-glottalised initials, quite different from the voiced or ‘creaky-voice’ bilabial and alveolar initials characteristic of some other dialects of Zhuang. Here, these initials sound somewhat like implosives (ɓ and ɗ), though the actual mode of production is different from true implosives. For both initials, the sound is produced by first closing off the flow of air both at the glottis and at the point of articulation (bilabial or alveolar), creating a partial vacuum in the oral chamber by lowering the tongue, and finally, simultaneously opening both the glottis and the articulation point a fraction of a second after the onset of voicing. In this dialect, pre-glottalisation begins on average about 0.1 seconds before release. Realisation varies somewhat: in connected speech and unstressed positions these sounds may be realised simply as voiced initials [b] or [d]. 2. /β/ is normally a voiced bilabial fricative (β), frequently realised as a voiced bilabial approximant [w], but without lip rounding. 3. [θ] is the usual realisation of the sound represented by initial ‘s’ in Zhuangwen, but [ɬ] is the normal sound for ‘s’ in this dialect and in the Youjiang lingua franca. [s] appears unsystematically as a variant.

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4. /l/: initial ‘r’ sounds are particularly variable in Zhuang dialects. In this dialect, there is no initial ‘r’, and all words that in other dialects have initial ‘r’ have initial ‘l’ in the Youjiang dialect and in the Yandong-Yufeng lect. There is a small number of irregularities. The verb raen ‘to see’, is hɐnA in the Yandong-Yufeng lect. The word for ‘human being’, written vunz in Zhuangwen, is here pronounced hɵn2. 5. / kw / and / tw / are confined to Han loan words. 6. A tell-tale feature of this lect, and the Youjiang dialect in general, is the reduction of palatalised initials / kj / and / pj / to [tɕ]. Thus tɕaː1 rather than pjaː1 for ‘fish’, and tɕɐu3 rather than kjɐu3 for ‘head’. Finals I indicate here the common correspondences between the finals of the Standard Zhuang of Wuming, on which Zhuangwen is based, and Bama-Tianyang Zhuang. Finals for which no example is listed below are simply finals for which no examples happened to occur in the texts, but which we would expect to occur on the basis of their incidence in the Zhuang dialects of contiguous counties.83

Zhuangwen Wuming Bama-Tianyang

Examples

a ai

aː aːi

ae

ai

au

aːu

aeu

au

aw

aɯ

faː1 ‘fence’; paː2 ‘wife’ paːi6 ‘place, side’ taː6 ordinal prefix pei1 ‘to go’ Ɂdæi4 ‘to get, obtain’ taːu5 ‘time, occasion’; ɕaːu6 ‘to create’ lɐu3 ‘wine’; tɐu2 ‘head’ tæu3 ‘to come’ Ɂdɐɯ1 ‘inside’ tɯː2 ‘to take, pick up’; pɵɯ4 ‘daughter-in-law’

83

aː aːi aː ei æi aːu ɐu æu ɐɯ ɯː, ɵɯ

For this I have consulted Zhuangyu fangyan tuyu yinxi 壯語方言土語音系, ed. Guangxi qu Yuwei yanjiushi 廣西區語委研究室, for Bama and Tiandong, Tianyang and Bose.

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Zhuangwen Wuming Bama-Tianyang

Examples

am aem

aːm am

aːm ɐm

an aen ang aeng ap, ab aep, aeb at, ad aet, aed ak, ag

aːn an aːŋ aŋ aːp ap aːt at aːk

aek, aeg e

ak e

ei eu

ei eːu

em en eng ep, eb et, ed

eːm eːn eːŋ eːp eːt

ek, ed i

eːk i

iu

iu

aːn ɐn aːŋ ɐŋ aːp ɐp aːt ɐt aːk aː ɐk eː ɤː ɛː iː eːu ɪːu iːu eu e ǝm eːn e ǝŋ e ǝp ɛ ǝt eǝt ɛːk iː iːɐ ɯːɐ iou ieu eːo

ɬaːm1 ‘three’ Ɂdɐm1 ‘to plant’; ɕɐm2 ‘fun, amusement’ laːn2 ‘house’ pɐn2 ‘to become’; Ɂdɐn1 ‘the earth’ kaːŋ3 ‘to speak’ lɐŋ1 ‘behind, later’; nɐŋ6 ‘to sit’ haːp8 ‘to close, meet’ lɐp7 ‘dark’ faːt8 ‘to whip’ ɕɐt7 ‘seven’ paːk7 ‘hundred’ paː7 ‘mouth’ jɐk7 ‘about to’ heː6 ‘to cut with a knife, analyse’ tɤː1 ‘he, she, it’ ɕɛː6 ‘to soak’ tiː6 ‘earth’; piː4 ‘elder sibling’ leːu4 ‘again, but’ hɪːu1 ‘green’ tiːu1 ‘bundle’ Ɂdeu1 ‘one’ leǝm3 ‘to burn’ ɕeːn2 ‘money’ teǝŋ1 ‘to hit, strike’ ɬeǝp7 ‘fish-hook’ pɛǝt7 ‘eight’ keǝt7 ‘pain; to be hurt’ pɛːk7 ‘hundred’ wiː6 ‘because’ ȵiːɐ1 ‘to hear’ ɬɯːɐ4 ‘tutelary spirit’ liou1 ‘mountain reeds’ ɕieu6 ‘generation’ meːo6 ‘temple’

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introduction (cont.)

Zhuangwen Wuming Bama-Tianyang iem im ien in ieng

iːǝm ɪm iːǝn ɪn iːǝŋ

ing iep, ieb ip, ib iet, ied it, id iek, ieg

ɪŋ iːǝp ɪp iːǝt ɪt iːǝk

ik, ig o oi ou

ɪk o oi ou

om oem on

oːm om oːn

oen ong

on oːŋ, ɵːŋ

oeng op, ob oep, oeb ot, od oet, oed ok, og

oŋ oːp op oːt ot oːk

oek, oeg u

ok u

iɛm ɪm iːɛn ɪn iːɛŋ ɨǝŋ ɪŋ iːɛp ɪp iːǝt ɪr iːɛk ɨːǝk ɪk o oi, øi ou uː oːm ɵm oːǝn ɵn ɵn oːŋ ɵŋ ɵŋ oːp ɵp oːt ɵt oːk oːɁ ɵk uː ɨːɐ

Examples niɛm6 ‘to recite’ Ɂɪm5 ‘full’ piːɛn5 ‘to be transformed into’ Ɂɪn5 ‘seal of office’ ɕiːɛŋ1 ‘springtime’ pɨǝŋ2 ‘realm’ ɕɪŋ3 ‘to invite’ Ɂdiːɛp7 ‘to be preoccupied, worry’ ɕɪp8 ‘ten’ Ɂiːǝt7 ‘to stretch out’ Ɂɪt7 ‘one’ liːɛk7 ‘tin’ ŋɨːǝk8 ‘serpent, python’ pɪk7 ‘blue-green, splendid’ poː6 ‘father’ hoi5 ‘slave; I, me’ Ɂbou3 ‘not’ kuː3 ‘nine’ loːm3 ‘indigo’ ɬɵm1 ‘sharp, pointed’ koːǝn5 ‘before’ ɬɵn1 ‘to teach’ lɵn1 ‘road’ toːŋ1 ‘bronze drum’ ɬɵŋ1 ‘two’ tɵŋ2 ‘together with’ hoːp7 ‘cycle’ kɵp8 ‘to cover’ hoːt7 ‘knot’ ɬoːk7 ‘inlet’ ɁoːɁ7 ‘to come out, go out’ lɵk7 ‘six’ Ɂduː3 ‘primordial, ancient’ pɨːɐ6 ‘clothing’

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introduction

Zhuangwen Wuming Bama-Tianyang ui uem um uen un ueng ung uep, ueb up, ub uet, ued ut, ud uek, ueg uk, ug w

ui uːǝm um uːǝn un uːǝŋ uŋ uːǝp up uːǝt ut uːǝk uk ɯ

wi wen

ɯi ɯːǝn

wn

ɯn

wng wet, wed wt, wd wk

ɯŋ ɯːǝt ɯt ɯk

Examples

ʊm u ǝn ʊn uǝŋ ʊŋ

lʊm2 ‘wind’ kuǝn3 ‘to govern’ xʊn2 ‘person, human being’ vuǝŋ2 ‘king, headman’ tʊŋ4 ‘belly’

ʊp uǝt ʊt uǝk ʊk ɯː ɯːǝ ɯei ɯǝn ɨɐn ɯn ǝn ɯŋ ɯǝt ɯt ɯk

tʊp8 ‘to beat (with a club)’ muǝt8 ‘to die off’ kʊt8 ‘to dig’ kuǝk7 ‘Kingdom’ fʊk7 ‘Good Luck’; ɬʊk7 ‘to shift’ ɬɯː1 ‘to be responsible for’ ɕɯːǝ2 ‘ox’ ɬɯei4 ‘left side’ lɯǝn6 ‘to shake back and forth’ Ɂdɨɐn1 ‘moon’ kɯn2 ‘above’ lǝn2 ‘to tell, narrate’ mɯŋ2 ‘you’ lɯǝt8 ‘blood’ fɯt8, ‘to strike’ Ɂbɯk7 ‘big’

Notes: 1. Short vowels in general tend to be centralised, that is, realised in a way that involves less articulatory effort. Variation in the realisation of vowels is often a result of differences in the speed of articulation, which in turn depends partly on whether a syllable is stressed or unstressed. Words which are fully or partly grammaticised tend to be unstressed. Thus common words which are partly grammaticised like daeuj ‘to come’ and daengz ‘to arrive’ are frequently unstressed, and the short ‘a’ realised as ǝ.

44

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Commonest value Variations a o u ɯ

ɐ ɵ ʊ ɨ

a, æ, ǝ, o (in final aeu = ou) o, ɔ, u, ǝ ʌ ɘ, ǝ, ɨ

[ɐ] is a ‘not quite fully open, central unrounded vowel’, exemplified by the unstressed short open syllable in the British English word sofa, pronounced [sǝʊfɐ].84 [ɵ] is ‘a rounded close-mid central vowel, midway between [o] and [ø]’,85 or, to put it another way, roughly the equivalent of ǝ (the short ‘u’ sound as in the English word ‘nut’) with added lip rounding. [ɘ] is a central vowel, mid-way between ǝ and ɨ. To put it another way, it sounds like a vowel halfway between the ‘u’ in ‘but’ and ‘i’ in ‘bit’. 2. In connected speech, long vowels tend to be articulated as short vowels in words which are partly grammaticised, e.g. ɬɵŋ1 ‘two’ instead of ɬoːŋ1 and Ɂdeu1 ‘one’ instead of Ɂdeːu1. 3. Some words which are articulated with a long vowel in Standard Zhuang are consistently pronounced with a short vowel in this dialect. Examples are ɬɵn1 ‘to teach’, and tɕat7 ‘to trip and fall’. 4. Long vowels except for [aː] tend to have an offglide, realised either as [ǝ] or less commonly as [ɐ]. 5. The values of some of the long vowels require further explanation, as follows: [aː] a front unrounded vowel, occasionally raised and fronted to the level of [æ], more frequently articulated further back, between [ɐ] and [ɑ], especially in association with back vowels such as [u], as in the rhyme -aːu. 84 85

Geoffrey Pullum and William Ladislaw, Phonetic Symbol Guide, Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1996, p. 6. Ibid., p. 134.

introduction

45

[eː] The Youjiang dialect, unlike Standard Zhuang, has two series of rhymes with ‘e’, one long and one short. The value of the ‘e’ in the short series is [ɛ], while that in the long series is [eː], frequently realised as [ɪːǝ] or [ɪːɛ]. The Zhuangyu fangyan tuyu yinxi pp. 259–260 gives a list of such rhymes, along with a small number of examples. The Yandong-Yufeng lect does not have such a systematic contrast, but rather evinces two long ‘e’ sounds: ɛː an open mid front unrounded vowel, similar to short ‘e’ as in English ‘bet’. This is found consistently in words such as pɛǝt7 ‘eight’ and tɛː1 ‘he, she, it’. eː a close mid front unrounded vowel, similar to the long ‘a’ in ‘mate’ but without the dipthongisation ([meːt] rather than [meit]). In the Yandong-Yufeng area, this sound usually has a centralising offglide (eːǝ), and not infrequently has a value closer to [ɪː] than to [eː]. [oː] There is no phonemic distinction between [o] and [ɔ] in this dialect. The value of [oː] in open syllables, and in syllables with nasal or stop codas, is somewhat variable. It usually lies between [o] and [ɔ], and I have usually transcribed this sound as [o̞ ], an [o] that has been lowered in the direction of [ɔ], i.e. as a sound that lies between the long ‘o’ in English ‘wrote’ and the short ‘o’ in ‘hot’. In addition, [oː] in this dialect is often slightly fronted, sometimes to the point where it sounds like [ɵː]. 6. Some variation in the realisation of finals is found in Han loan-words. In some cases, there is continuing influence from Han Chinese, especially from the Guangxi vernacular, Gui-Liu hua 桂柳話, a form of Southwestern Mandarin. E.g. yaemyiengz, ‘Yin and Yang’, is now pronounced jɪnA$ jaːŋbX, reflecting both the rhymes and tones of Gui-Liu hua. 7. In the recitation of verse final nasal consonants -m, -n and -ng are frequently given prolonged resonance after a short vowel, especially at the end of a line. This phenomenon is indicated in the transcription by attaching a small superscript letter at the end of the syllable. Thus pɐnnB (baenz) ‘to become, make’. 8. Final stop consonants (p, t, k) are occasionally elided or articulated as a glottal stop after a long vowel, as in ɁoːɁ7 ‘to come out, go out’ (Standard Zhuang ok7) and paː7 ‘mouth’ (Standard Zhuang bak7). Syllables so affected retain the tonal contour of the ‘original’ word. This phenomenon is also found in Guizhou Bouyei.

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9. Both median vowels and syllable-final consonants are subject to assimilation. Thus Ɂbǝn1 Ɂdǝn1 ‘heaven and earth’ rather than Ɂbɯn1 Ɂdɐn1, Standard Zhuang mbwn ndaen; and paːm4 ptsaːt7 ‘accompany ritual’ rather than paːn4 tsaːt7, Standard Zhuang buenx byat. I retain the actual pronunciation in the IPA transcription, complete with assimilated finals, rather than removing traces of this phenomenon in the interests of phonemic standardisation. The Zhuangwen gloss will in any case provide readers with an indication of which vowels and final consonants have been assimilated. 10. Pronunciation of the common verb guh ‘to do, to make’ is variable. The basic form is kʊǝk8 or kuǝ6 (cf. the standard Bouyei transcription gueh, which entails much the same pronunciation). Variants include kuː6 and kʊk8. In addition to the above sound system for native words, the recitation also bears witness to a partially separate system for Han loans of relatively recent import. This is found mainly in Taoist terminology and would seem to be based on Southwestern Mandarin (SWM). There are four tones. Tone values are: 1st tone 2nd tone 3rd tone 4th tone

213 21 55 42

A B g \

Tone values for tones 1, 2 and 4 are the same as those for native words, and only the high (55) third tone (shangsheng 上聲) is really distinctive.86 There are too few of such items in the text to allow us to establish complete tables of initials and finals. However, typical examples are yieng (jɨ:ǝŋA) ‘incense’ 香 (cf. Liuzhou hiɑŋ44), fouzsaej (fuːB ɕiːg) ‘tally emissary’ 符使, and siuxcaiz (ɬiːu\ ɕaːiB) ‘outstanding talent’ 秀才. In some cases the rimes of these loans are distinctive. Thus tiɛnA (dien) ‘Heaven’ and ɬiɛnA (sien) ‘immortal; sky god’ rather than tiːǝnA and ɬiːǝnA.

86

By comparison, the tone values for the Liuzhou dialect are 44, 21, 54, and 24. See Liu Cunhan 劉村漢, ed., Liuzhou fangyan cidian 柳州方言詞典, Nanjing: Jiangsu jiaoyu chubanshe, 1995, p. 7.

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Comparisons with Tianyang and Bama Dialects The Yandong-Yufeng lect is best described as a variant of the Youjiang dialect current in Tianyang, Tiandong and Bose, rather than as a variant of the Bama dialect. Tone values, for example, are as follows:

Tone

1

2

3

4

5

6

7 Long 7 Short 8 Long 8 Short

Youjiang 214 31 55 33 35 22 35 Yandong 213 21 33 41 35 22 35 Bama 35 23 55 11 213 11 213

55 44 45

33 33 11

31 33 34

Source: Guangxi qu yuwei yanjiushi, ed., Zhuangyu fangyan tuyu yinxi, pp. 258, 415, and D. Holm, fieldwork.

It can be readily seen that for the tone values of Tones 1, 2, 5, 6, 7 and 8 (Tai tone categories A, B, and D), the Yandong-Yufeng lect follows the same pattern as the Youjiang dialects further south. Only for Tone 3 is the tone value the same as for Bama. Bama tone values are based on the county town, some 30 kilometers to the north.

Script The script of the Hanvueng text is of a kind typical of Tianzhou and the west-central area of Guangxi. The characteristics of this script are: – primary reliance on phonetic representation of Zhuang words by existing Chinese graphs; – readings of Chinese characters based primarily on Pinghua pronunciation, often remaining very close to EMC pronunciation, and a minority of characters read according to Southwestern Mandarin pronunciation; – relatively low percentages of semantic readings of Chinese characters and Zhuang invented characters; – relatively large numbers of vernacular characters, of a kind found widely in manuscript writing throughout the Chinese empire in late traditional times. The Tianzhou regional system is relatively coherent, and in its representation of common words the Hanvueng text shares 78% with Yandong 燕洞 in southern

48

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Bama.87 This is significant because Yandong was the seat of the Cen family satellite chieftaincy of Shanglong 上隆 during the Yuan and Ming.88 The Tianzhou script seems to have taken form during the Tang dynasty, and most readings in this and other manuscripts from the area date from the Middle Chinese period. In this text, there is a also much smaller layer of readings which date back to the period of Old Chinese or correspond to Old Chinese, in other words the Chinese of the Warring States period (475–221 bce) or the early Qin-Han period (221–112bce).89 These readings are discussed in the notes. Readings from Southwestern Mandarin are the most recent layer, dating from no earlier than the beginning of the Ming dynasty. SWM readings are characterised by lack of correspondence in final consonants -m, -p, -t and -k, lack of any distinction between long and short vowels, and frequently also changes in the initial consonants.90 These phenomena are also discussed in the notes. The Hanvueng text differs from other mogong texts from the same area in its preference for graphs with a smaller number of brush-strokes. Thus: table 1

Comparison of representations of common words in the Hanvueng text and Yandong

Example aeu bae gangj gou guh haeux mbwn naeuz ranz

87 88 89 90

Hanvueng Bama Yandong ‘to take’ ‘to go’ ‘to speak’ ‘I, me’ ‘to do, make’ ‘rice’ ‘the sky’ ‘to say’ ‘house’

偶 比 罡 古 ¼ 厚 们 吽 N

歐 批 講 故 郭 ï m ¤ 蘭

D. Holm, Mapping the Old Zhuang Character Script, Leiden: Brill, 2013, pp. 746–747. For the Yandong texts, see Holm, Recalling Lost Souls (2004), Texts 2–4, 10–12. Taniguchi Fusao and Bai Yaotian, Zhuangzu tuguan zupu jicheng, p. 206. See Holm, ‘A Layer of Old Chinese Readings in the Old Zhuang Script’, BMFEA 79 (2014). See Holm, Mapping the Old Zhuang Character Script, passim. For an annotated edition of a text from Donglan based mainly on SWM readings, see Holm, Killing a Buffalo (2003).

introduction

49

Characters with fewer brushstrokes are easier and faster to write. This preference is possibly a side-effect of the Hanvueng text being a relatively long scripture, by Zhuang standards, and also with the text being connected with narrative song traditions of recent centuries. This text, like other mogong texts from the same area, exhibits a wide variety of ways of reading Chinese characters and other graphs. These include direct phonetic and semantic borrowings, but readings are also based on a variety of serial borrowing processes and other mechanisms. I have written about the typology of these phenomena elsewhere.91 For convenience, I provide a list of these types of readings below: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.

Straight semantic readings Straight phonetic readings Semantic/phonetic approximates Semantic readings borrowed phonetically (Homophonic substitution) Phonetic readings borrowed semantically (Synonym substitution) Semantic readings borrowed semantically Three-stage borrowings Part phonetic (catalytic readings) Substitution within graphic-phonetic (xiesheng 諧聲) series92 Reanalysed compound graphs Readings based on a graphically similar character Modified phonetic readings (characters with diacritics)

An additional category can now be added: standard orthographic characters modified so as to incorporate a semantic component. An example would be r, read as miz ‘there is, there are’. This is an allograph of 眉 méi ‘eyebrow’ incorporating the bottom graphic component of Ch. 有 yǒu ‘there is, there are’. Such characters are typically formed by the addition or omission of one or two brushstrokes. With the exception of Types 1 and 2 above, which are commonplace and may not require comment, examples of these types of readings are frequently discussed in the Textual and Ethnographic Notes. They are also listed in the Subject Index. Vernacular characters and allographs of standard characters are particularly numerous in this manuscript. The great majority of these variants are part of

91 92

Ibid., pp. 51–60. For reasons of space frequently abbreviated hereinafter to ‘XS series’.

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the Chinese calligraphic mainstream and can be shown to have antecedents going back many centuries. I have dealt with this issue elsewhere.93 Careful analysis of the graphic pedigree of sixteen of the variant graphs found in the Hanvueng manuscript revealed that, apart from one variant which may be a hapax graphomena, vernacular variants had antecedents dating back to the Eastern Jin, the Northern Wei, or even earlier, to the time of conversion to clerical script (libian 隸變), the Warring States period, or the Western Zhou.94 The Appendix to the same article listed 260 vernacular and variant graphs found in this manuscript, and even that list was not exhaustive.95 Providing an adequate and systematic account of all of the graphic variants in the Hanvueng manuscript is well beyond the scope of the present work, which is devoted primarily to broader issues. Here we concentrate our analysis of graphic phenomena on points of exceptional interest, and more particularly where it is necessary for the elucidation of the text. 93 94 95

Holm, ‘Some Variant Characters in a Traditional Zhuang Manuscript’, BMFEA 78 (2006), 125–172. See esp. ibid., 131–151. Some characters appear in a number of forms. Some of the variation entails minor changes such as changing a dot into a short horizontal stroke, or straight horizontals into hooked horizontals, and so on, partly as a reflection of varying degrees of cursiveness, but others entail modular substitution of graphic components, graphic simplification, and other mechanisms.

English Translation Recitation on Hanvueng

5

10

15

20

25

30

The Three Realms were established by the Three Kings, The Four Realms were created by the Four Kings. The Kings made the darkness and the light, The Kings made Heaven and Earth. Each one the Kings created severally. The Kings created oxen to sell, The Kings created buffaloes to kill. The Kings created horses to ride, The Kings created slaves to serve. They created Mo Loekgap, Grandfather Loekgap created recitation, Grandfather Roekdo created the Plea. Grandmother Pangu created Enmity, She governed the sky gods and created the gods below. There came into being the well-renowned Langhan, Langhan was spoken of in later generations, Down to those of the present generation, Down to Langhan who knew how to soar. We will speak about Enemies in former times, Of older and younger brothers, and of step-mothers. We will speak of the bitterness that struck the son of the father. When the wet-field is soaked the field-borders also get soaked, When the mother is a step-mother the father too becomes a step-father. We speak of the bitterness that struck the son of the father, That struck Langhan who knew how to soar. They became Enemies who grind each other in hardship. Enmity came from the father and mother speaking bitter words, Enmity came from the wife’s family speaking evil words. This came and struck following generations, It came to us in the present generation. Either we do an offerings-table for severance, Or we put together an offerings-table for release from Enmity. We conduct a severance ritual in the presence of the bodhisattvas and sky-gods, We chop off Enmity in the presence of the Old Mother.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2015 | doi: 10.1163/

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english translation

35

We, the generation of children, likewise Redeem the Vow, We, the generation of grandchildren, likewise present our Plea. Together we plead about the Enmity of the primordial generation, Together we tell of the people of generations before. Let the Enmity of the Eastern Quarter come down, The Enmity of elder and younger siblings striking each other. Let the Enmity of the Southern Quarter come down, The Enmity of father and son who beat each other with clubs. Let the Enmity of the Western Quarter come down, The Enmity of husband and wife who curse each other. Let the Enmity of the Northern Quarter come down, The enmity of mother-in-law and daughter-in-law who quarrel with each other. Let the Enmity of the Central Quarter come down, The Enmity of father-in-law and mother-in-law on the husband’s side, The Enmity of the wife’s younger siblings and their spouses on the wife’s side. With Enmity there are children who don’t come back, With Enmity there are flowers who don’t stay at home. Originally there was no Enmity at all, The buffalo trod on the rice-seedlings and created Enmity, The horse got into the wet-field and created Enmity. The goat barged through the wicker-fence and likewise created Enmity. Breaking off bamboo-shoots also creates Enmity, Wiggling loose the shoots of sweet bamboo also creates Enmity. Too many words also create Enmity, Bringing suit against your elder or younger sibling also creates Enmity, Stealing fish from the pond also creates Enmity. Being a village elder may also create Enmity, Acting as a go-between also creates Enmity, Wives going to their lovers also create Enmity. Peddling buffalo calves creates Enmity, Selling other people’s children creates Enmity. Selling things with a balance that weighs light creates Enmity, Buying things with a balance that weighs heavy creates Enmity. Stealing rice from a granary creates Enmity, Putting forth wordy arguments creates Enmity. Monkeys quarreling over fruit create Enmity, Otters quarreling over fish create Enmity, Crows quarreling over chickens create Enmity.

40

45

50

55

60

65

70

english translation

Chieftains quarreling over domains create Enmity, Kings quarreling over Seals of Office create Enmity. 75 From such things emerges Enmity here, Enemies this come into being here. Invite the evil genie and it also comes, Invite the families in Enmity and they also come. Invite the evil genies to come all together, 80 Call to the Enmities to come and face each other. Together turn their faces and take their seats at the offerings-table, Together moving sideways take their seats and set things to rights. Turn their faces and take their places at the banquet table. Let the master of the house memorialise, 85 Let the Taoist priests come harmonise. Harmonise the enemies of the time of yore, Harmonise the Enmity of the people of generations before. For a wicker fence ten spans long or nine, One takes a piece of wood to serve as a post. 90 In a realm with ten men or nine, One takes one man to serve as the chieftain. The kings of generations before knew their letters, But the Almanac the king did not understand clearly. Because the king did not know how to use it, 95 The documents of the king were also not firmly set. He chopped down trees to go and build a dam, This led to the death of the king’s senior wife. He chopped down trees to go and make a water-wheel, He was widowed by the death of his principal wife. 100 The king was a widower all alone, The king was a widower for six years. When his clothes were worn out there was no one to mend them, When they were dirty there was no one to wash them, When they were wet there was no one to dry them, 105 When they were filthy there was no one to rinse them. He collected his own firewood to burn, He carried his own water to drink, He rolled up his sleeves and cooked for himself. When one hand claps it does not make a sound, 110 A widower on his own does not make a family. The king was about to avoid his duties and flee his desk, The king was about to plan to flee the domain.

53

54

115

120

125

130

135

140

145

150

english translation

If his desk was about to be messy then let it be messy, If the domain was about to be disordered then let it be disordered. He said immediately that his Fate was not good. If the king spoke words like this, The village elders would come and deliberate, The elders of the domain would then come and plan. They went down by the granary to discuss it together, They came down by the river to plan together. “Where is there a widow woman? In what place is there a girl not married? Let us plan together for the king, Let us think up something to say.” There was one man who then spoke, There was one youth who then told them. “Over there there is a widow woman, Over there there is a girl not married.” “Is there anyone who knows how to speak crafty words? Is there any woman who knows how to speak enticingly? To take phrases and weave them back and forth, To draw out phrases and to answer them?” There was one man who then spoke, There was one youth who then told them. “In the stockade above there is an old woman called Yang, In the stockade in the middle there is an old woman called Nyaw. Old Mrs. Nyaw knows how to speak stubbornly, Old Mrs. Yang knows how to speak enticingly. Taking phrases and weaving them back and forth, Drawing out phrases and matching them.” “Have two ladies go and tell them, Have two men go and call out to them. Invite the old women to come for a meal, Tell the old women to come for a dinner. Put the meat of some partridges down in the pan to fry, Pour some wine from the wine-jar to toast them with. Give the matchmakers a lot of rice to eat, Give the matchmakers enough rice to eat their fill.” “Go and ask for their horoscope on behalf of the king. Go having combed your beautiful hair, Go with your slender body like a long braid, Go relying on your command of phrases.”

english translation

155

160

165

170

175

180

185

190

55

She traversed the broad fields in a hurry, She traversed the wetfields in haste. In her hair on the left outside she inserted a hairpin, On her body the matchmaker wore new clothes. In her hair on the left outside she pinned a flower, With her arms swinging wide back and forth. She opened a cloth umbrella to cross the wetfields, She opened a paper umbrella to traverse the fields. The matchmaker arrived at the foot of the palisade, The go-between arrived outside the gate. “Open the door and let me enter, Lift up the door for me to come through.” The old woman spoke deliberately, The old woman answered emphatically. “Early this morning before daybreak, After breakfast I came to ask what the news was. I’ve come looking for rice for seed, I’ve come looking for seed for rice-seedlings. I’ve planted the rice-seeds but they haven’t come up, I’ve planted the seed rice but it isn’t enough. I’ve come to ask you for some rice for seed, If I sow it and it doesn’t come up I’ll leave the land fallow.” The old woman she spoke deliberately, The old woman she answered emphatically. “For other people it’s already time to cut the glutinous rice with scissors, For other people it’s time to dry the short-grain rice in the sun. It’s time to take in the miscellaneous grains. So now you say you are looking for rice-seedlings, What kind of laughable nonsense is this?” The matchmaker returned completely in vain, The go-between returned entirely empty-handed. The matchmaker returned and said to the king, “If I go just once how can I get the pig’s head? If I act as go-between only once how can I get someone else’s child? Let us return again anew.” The matchmaker went for a second time. To the left of her head outside she stuck in a hairpin, On her two feet she put on her embroidered shoes. She went in a hurry across the open fields, She went in haste across the wetfields.

56

195

200

205

210

215

220

225

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english translation

The matchmaker arrived at the foot of the palisade, The go-between arrived outside the gate. The bitch barked raucously, The dog barked noisily. “Are they barking at someone else or barking at us? If it’s someone else then send the dogs out to bite them, If it’s us then drive them back again.” The matchmaker spoke deliberately: “I am a person who goes visiting from house to house, I am a lady who visits from village to village. So I have come here to seek something to eat. My family is old, poor, and scattered all around. If there is anything I can do for others I go walking, As I walk I have pretty phrases come to me. I make lye-water for dyeing but it doesn’t work, I make indigo dye but it doesn’t go black. I’ve taken the mosquito net and stretched it tight, I’ve come to ask about the cloth I’m dyeing early tomorrow morning.” The widow spoke deliberately, The widow replied emphatically. “Lye-water if left too long will not work, Indigo dye if left too long will not take. Cover up the jar early and place it at the foot of the wall, As time passes it will turn red and turn shiney.” “I’ve come to look for indigo seed, I’ve come to ask for small-leaf indigo seed. If you still have some small-leaf seed then give me half a pound, If you still have indigo seed then give me a small bamboo container full.” “Other people’s small-leaf indigo has grown level with their bodies, Other people’s indigo has grown as high as their waists. So now you come and ask for it, You are speaking cross-wise and not straight ahead.” The matchmaker returned completely in vain, The go-between came back entirely empty-handed. “Others who act as matchmakers know how to succeed, When I act as matchmaker I do not succeed. When others open up a path the path is wide, When I open up a road the road is not wide. Even if I know how to say anything, Today I forgot it all completely.”

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The king then spoke deliberately, The king then replied emphatically. “Others spread rumours on and on, They pile up like mountains and fall over. By responding to another in speech the phrases are formed, Start with several phrases and several exchanges.” The matchmaker returned completely in vain, The go-between returned entirely empty-handed. The matchmaker went for a third time. The matchmaker arrived at the entrance to the palisade, The go-between arrived outside the gate. The lady this time came and closed up the stockade, The woman alone came and barred the gate. “Don’t come back again, old woman.” Her mother-in-law thought it wasn’t right, So she grabbed her arm and took her child back again. “The words she speaks are not right, Don’t blame me if this child makes mistakes.” The old woman then spoke deliberately, The old woman then responded emphatically. “I have not transgressed in any way, Within a short time I have come back three times, Within a short time I have wasted three journeys. My face relaxed and open, I know how to come visiting, I know how to visit and find a meal. By walking about one becomes a matchmaker, The old go-between has a lot of crafty tricks. I will not deceive you with my speech, I will not go back empty-handed. The king is a widower all alone, The king has been a widower for six years. If his clothes are worn out there is no one to mend them, If his clothes are grey with dirt there is no one to wash them. If his clothes are damp there is no one to dry them.” The [king’s intended] mother-in-law spoke deliberately, The [king’s intended] father-in-law responded emphatically. “[Only] the wife of a king can be the wife of a king, How can a subject of the realm usurp it? Only a green bamboo carp returns to a green bamboo carp, How can a pond-corner fish usurp its place?”

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The old matchmaker then spoke, “Water poured from a small container becomes water in a big container, If you sit with the king you become one with the king. Don’t say three and then say four, He might have been widowed two times or three.” “I have only one child in hand, She is sharp-tempered, clumsy, and bad, When she scolds you for being stupid it chills you to the bone. As a person she’s clumsy, and her tongue is sharp.” The old matchmaker spoke deliberately, “As with a person who plants millet, So with a person who raises daughters. When daughters are married off they leave the house, When millet is sown it falls on the wild slope. When daughters are married off they go out into the wider world, If you do not give her to the king, How can a subject of the realm possess her? If the cloth is fit to be cut then cut it, If the sash is fit to be starched then starch it. If the clothes are fit to be cut out then cut them out, If the shoes are fit to be made then make them. Don’t be so quick to say anything new, Much walking does not make a plea succeed. Today is said to be the day of Essential Peace, Respond today to this humble slave, Respond today to me. It only counts when we’re ready to eat pig-meat.” The mother-in-law spoke deliberately, The father-in-law replied emphatically. “We would prefer not to reply but it is better to reply. This child of ours is clumsy and stupid, This child of ours speaks contrary and mischievous words. She declares the sky does not fit the earth. What kind of family teaching is this?” The old matchmaker was clever oh so clever, “The king himself is still more stupid. He weaves a crooked fence and doesn’t know it, In places it collapses and falls over and he doesn’t know it. He doesn’t know how to split bamboo splints, When he splits reeds he hurts his hands.

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These two people are two of a kind.” The father-in-law smiled broadly, The mother-in-law smiled with pleasure. They opened the fresh wine and the distilled wine, They caught a fish from the pond for the matchmaker. They took the flesh of partridges and put them down in the pan to fry, They poured wine from the jar to serve. “What if we respond positively about this child? She doesn’t know the first thing about weaving and carding, She doesn’t know how to ask after her parents-in-law. She doesn’t know the second thing about weaving and carding, She doesn’t know how to mend the shoulder of a garment. She doesn’t know the third thing about weaving and carding, She doesn’t know how to plan for her aged parents. She doesn’t know the fourth thing about weaving and carding, She doesn’t know how to embroider the head of a pillow. She doesn’t know the fifth thing about weaving and carding, She doesn’t know how to ask after her sisters-in-law.” The old matchmaker declared deliberately, “If you’re not going to give her to this house, Then which house are you about to give her to?” The father-in-law considered carefully, The mother-in-law considered cautiously. “We’ll still ask her father’s younger brother’s wife in the house below, We’ll still ask her father’s older brother’s wife in the house above.” The younger brother’s wife in the house below then declared, The older brother’s wife in the house above then said: “If we do not give her to the king, Who among the people of the realm will get to occupy it?” When the old matchmaker hear this phrase, Her mouth didn’t smile but her nose smiled. When the knot is tied happy noise erupts like waves on a river bank. They killed a rooster to accompany the cooked rice, They opened the wine in the small-mouthed jar for the Horoscope. They invited a Taoist to come and write the documents, They invited a Ritual Master to come and write the Horoscope. They handed over the Horoscope into her hand. [They] called out “This is truly up to you, o matchmakers, In the morning and evening it was you who instructed us. Thanks to you we are eating large packets of rice with the old lady,

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She knows how to do things and knows how to eat.” [They] called out “This is truly due to you, Grandmother, The flesh of the ox is found at the hump, Phrases are found at the ear of the matchmaker. She knows how to eat and knows how to speak. I as her mother have taken charge of what to eat, I hand her over to you now, o matchmaker.” The matchmaker spoke these phrases in reply: “When a child is with her mother she is a child of the house, When a child goes to her husband she is the child of another. As when water pours from the small bamboo container into the large one, When you sit with the king you become a king. Who teaches ducks to swim in the river? Who teaches women to go to their husbands? When she has a house she will know herself what to do.” The matchmaker drank wine till drunk, She spoke in a drunken fashion. The matchmaker got the Horoscope and came back, The matchmaker got the paper and then returned. Shifting her left foot the matchmaker came back, Shifting her right foot the matchmaker returned. Crossing the wide fields she came in a hurry, Crossing the wetfields she came in haste. Each time she stepped forward three paces or jumped, She got the Horoscope document back home. The king thereupon smiled broadly, The king thereupon was mightily pleased. “They said that as a matchmaker you wouldn’t succeed, This time as a matchmaker you have finally succeeded. They said when you hack out a path it’s not wide, This time when you hacked out a path it was finally wide. Grab a chicken and bring it back to kill, Seize a pig and bring it back to kill. Invite a Taoist to come and match up the documents, Invite a Ritual Master to come and put together the Horoscopes.” The documents indeed strung through, The columns of text indeed followed on. They didn’t impede or vanquish each other. Pair them together as man and wife,

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Put her there as principal wife. The king then spoke deliberately, The king then answered emphatically. “On a good day let the Taoist go and call out to her, On a good day let the Ritual Master go receive her. Get the king’s wife back home, Let all the house ghosts eat their fill.” The king got to make offerings to his ancestors. They stayed thus for three years in front, They stayed thus for five years behind. Speak hateful words and they enter the belly, When the king ate greens he remembered the sprouts, When the king lost his wife he remembered the child. In the evening he spoke in a low voice murmuring, In the morning he taught him this thing and that. When the field margin is inundated the wetfield is also inundated, When the mother is a step-mother the father is also a step-father. Take the back of the knife and go use it as the edge, The phrases [she] spoke were protective of the later child. The phrases she spoke were hateful towards his former child. The phrases she spoke were destructive of his child by his first wife. She was about to plan harm to his earlier child, She was about to plan to kill the child of which he was father. The king then suddenly did not speak. The mother and the king’s child ate rice [at the same table], The king then was dumb and did not speak. In that year when the king took a wife, [It was like] releasing murky water into the wetfields. In that year when the king took a wife, She cherished the child who came along with his mother. [When] the king takes many wives, He inherits Family and Property. When the king’s wife goes to many husbands, [She] gives birth to one male and two females, [He] takes in the children who follow the mother. [He] inherits the thorny bamboo and the sweet bamboo, [He] inherits the buffalo cow and the granary. [He] inherits the thorny bamboo and the little bamboo, [He] inherits the golden ponds and the fertile wet-fields. As night falls and they go in to sleep,

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She speaks hateful words attacking the father’s child. The father’s child was the Ancestral King, They changed this and made him the Goose King. Nothing would he eat of the domain of his father’s forebears. They wrote his name and went to the Capital, They wrote a petition and took it to the official. The Six Ministries composed a document and it arrived, In the Capital they dispatched a document and it came. The domain with its valleys and glens was still in disorder. The father’s child was made the Goose King, Nothing would he hold of the domain or hold of its lands. Those who are straight of heart the buddhas do not cheat, Those who have good Fate the sky-gods still rescue. Each struggles to pass his life-span among the world of men. Call out and heaven will respond, If it is Fate to become a proper person, Go to the realm of the sky and you will still be rescued. The mother’s child rode a horse and held a bow in hand, One day he would yet rue his fate. It was foreordained that waters flood the sky, One day his line would still die out. They made the mother’s child reside well-off, While they spoke bullying words to the father’s child. Hanvueng was the son of the king’s first wife, Millet and stems of cogon-grass were his fare. Covueng was the son of the king’s later wife, Wet-field rice and river fish were his fare, When he ate fish he didn’t eat the bones. He spoke resentful words attacking his elder brother, He spoke sarcastically attacking his elder brother the king. He spoke bullying words deceiving his elder brother by the former wife, He said his elder brother could be cheated. Hanvueng was the son of the king’s first wife, He ate his grain soaked in tears, He ate his wild greens stewed in vinegar. His wild greens were stewed in water from preserved bamboo shoots, Any greens left over or put up in the cupboard, The cat licked them back and licked them forth. Covueng was the son of the king’s later wife, He ate the meat of old ducks in piles,

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The meat of capons also followed on. He rode a big-framed horse and didn’t lead it himself, Clever girls surrounded him in droves. Hanvueng wore old clothes even during the First Month, He wore thin garments even through the winter La month. He wore worn-out clothes through the years, He wore filthy garments to pass his days on earth. He wore trousers but they didn’t have legs, He wore clothes that were indescribably ugly. Covueng was the son of the king’s later wife, Each day he changed clothes two or three times. Covueng in his mouth drank wine, As he thought how to take his elder brother and make him a slave. Hanvueng went in to go to sleep, At night he moaned of cold til daybreak. His knees curled up under his jaw, He moaned with cold but they said he was singing. In the La month the cold snow falls, In the first month the frost forms on the eaves. They had Covueng huddle by the fire, They pushed Hanvueng outside out of doors. Covueng was the son of the king’s later wife, He got to ride a horse sitting on the saddle. They made Hanvueng shoulder a carrying-pole, Heavy loads Hanvueng carried on a pole. When they went anywhere by boat Hanvueng rowed, If they went out on excursion Hanvueng went along as a servant. The elder brother became a serf and a household slave. The feelings in his heart and throat were not easy to stifle, At any rate he was left with nothing. When everyone divided the property of his father, When allocating the granaries they gave him those that were deserted. When dividing the storehouses they gave him the storehouses that were empty. When dividing the knives they gave him those that were worn dull, When dividing the spades they gave him those that were worn down. When dividing the ploughs they gave him those that were broken, When dividing the wet-fields they gave him those that were high on the slope, They gave him the sloping hillsides and the terraced wet-fields.

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When dividing the cooking pans they gave him those that were mended, When dividing the pot-stands they gave him those that were damaged. They gave all these to Hanvueng. Thereupon they scolded each other with harsh voices, Thereupon they told each other off with evil words, The elder brother and younger brother became a hateful sight. Hanvueng went to make a pond, And Covueng went to eat the fish. Hanvueng went to make wet-fields, Covueng went to eat the rice. Hanvueng went to make the wine, Covueng went to drink the fresh distillate. Hanvueng went to plant the fruit, And Covueng went to eat them one by one. Hanvueng went to plant the root-crops, While Covueng went to eat the tubers. Hanvueng went to plant the greens, And Covueng then went out to eat the leaves. Hanvueng went to raise buffaloes, And Covueng went to eat the meat. Hanvueng went to build the house, While Covueng went and stayed inside. Thus it was that they came to blows and tried to kill each other. They took large pieces of wood and struck each other, The king’s wife called out a warning, The king’s wife called out in alarm. “What are you doing, you two young men? What are you saying, you two young lords? Both of you are alike sons of the king, Yet you struggle over the realm to grasp the seal. You struggle over the seal with the lark-shaped handle, You struggle over the money of your father’s forebears. You struggle over the springs with their spotted murrel, You struggle over the silver of your father’s forebears. You struggle over the springs of silver and pearls, You struggle over the fishnets three turns in size. You struggle over the slaves with their flat-topped hair, You struggle over the royal bonnet with its crown of red jasper. You struggle over the cooking pot with its four handles, You struggle over the boats with their ten oars.

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You struggle over the smart young men, You struggle over the stone on which to grind the knives. You struggle over the young ladies with their hair that sways, You struggle over the women with their hair like soaring dragons. You struggle over the people who are quick and capable, You struggle over the salt by the pound. You struggle over the silver by the hundred. Thus it is that evil and hatred arise.” The elders of the village came to decide, “Bring the gold here and let us divide it, Bring the silver here and let us weigh it.” The watery wet-fields that can be planted with three crops, All these they gave to Covueng. They divided the serfs and gave him those that were youthful, They divided the ladies and gave him those that were good-looking. All these they gave to Covueng. They divided the serfs and gave him the ones who were white-haired, They divided the cooking pots and gave him the ones that were cracked. They divided the pot-stands and give him the ones that were broken, All these they gave to Hanvueng. The chickens eat grain under the drying platform, Each chicken calls out to its own chicks. Each child is cherished by its own. Severance came forth from this, Enmity arose from this. They pushed Hanvueng out the door, They drove Hanvueng and made him flee. “Now we can be free and at our ease, All the villages upstream and down, We can enjoy Happiness, Riches and Honour.” Hanvueng fled to the outside world, He went to Wudang Mountain, Where he had a house of ten rooms and nine families in them. He went to Kiêu Hoa in the land of Jiaozhi, He went to the region of Kiêu Hiến. He went to Jiaozhi to make bosom friends, He stayed and joined up with the men of Jiaozhi. His plan was to earn a living with the Jiaozhi men, And not harbour resentment about the domain of his father’s ancestors. They made sabres with hilts of bone,

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They made knives with handles of copper. He was going to come and fight for his old domain. To get buffaloes to take and slaughter, To get horses to ride, To get men to take as slaves. The king’s wife cried inside her bedroom, The king’s child cried in his bed. “If you eat greens you should eat greens together, If you ladle out rice you should ladle it out equally. Of rice you should eat rice of the same colour, Of greens you should eat from the same plate. If the salt of one person is sweet-tasting but that of another is not, All day they will fight on the platform, All day they will harm each other on the floor, When they eat rice they will choke on it in their hearts.” Thus they recounted how the king did not abstain from speaking harshly. “You drove your elder brother out, You should call to him to come back.” The next day early when the light was glimmering, They sent two children to go and welcome him back, They sent two men to go and call to him. They went to Wudang Mountain, Where he had a house with ten rooms and nine families in them. They went to Kiêu Hoa in the land of Jiaozhi, They went to the region of Kiêu Hiến. “Where has the king moved his official residence? Where has Hanvueng put his stockade?” The men of Jiaozhi then spoke in their foreign voices, The men of Jiaozhi then said without pausing. “The King has moved his residence into the fields and wet-fields, The orphan king resides below the village.” The youths then spoke emphatically, The youths then responded deliberately. “The tooth of the mole should be returned to the mole, The scales of the pangolin should be returned to the pangolin. The seal of the king should be returned to the king, The domain of the elder brother should be returned to the elder brother. My house is still as it was before, You should return to your own domain.

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Eat from the ponds and wetfields of your father’s forebears.” Hanvueng thereupon spoke, “I will not return to my own domain, I do not covet the domain of my father.” The two youths returned empty-handed. The father then spoke emphatically, “Did you go to see him or not?” The two youths recounted in a chatter, “We saw Hanvueng in the midst of the fields, His mouth was as pink as a hornet’s. He truly was the image of a king entirely. He is not returning to this domain of ours, He is not taking in hand the domain of his father.” The mother came over and said to Covueng, “You go and beseech your elder brother to return.” Covueng thereupon went to call out to him. He rode a large-framed horse along the track, He rode a spotted horse along the road. He went to Kiêu Hoa in the land of Jiaozhi, The big horse he tied to the post by the gate, The saddle and bridle he put on the drying platform. Covueng stepped slowly up into the house, His brother’s wife saw him and greeted him. “What special day is it this morning? What brings younger brother here on excursion?” Covueng spoke deliberately, “Where has elder brother gone wandering? I have something to say to him.” His brother’s wife then spoke, “Your elder brother has gone wandering far away, I don’t know on which day he will return. He’s been gone already four or five days.” Covueng said discursively, “Elder brother has been here several years, Our father is ill and not recovering, Our father is sick and not coming round, Our father is ill and not getting well. Our father drinks water from a small bamboo cup, Our father sips water through a rolled-up leaf. Our father even if supported cannot stand up.”

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Hanvueng was asleep inside the bedroom, Hanvueng at this point got up. Hanvueng was a man who was straight of heart, Hanvueng was someone whose temper was good. “Since, younger brother, you say these things, Send orders to thirty-thousand men and horses. Send orders to fifty-thousand troops. Tomorrow morning early we’ll make breakfast in the dark, Tomorrow morning early we’ll put together a meal at daybreak. We’ll ride large-framed horses along the path, Ride spotted horses along the road.” They came for three days at a trot, They came for seven days at a gallop. The king arrived in his domain of old, Arrived on the bank of the river where the king had gone bathing, Arrived at the ford where the king had gone swimming. He saw the palisade of the king in disrepair, He saw the prefecture of the king in ruins. The tears of Hanvueng fell down, The tears of the young king overflowed. Hanvueng arrived at the gate of the settlement, Hanvueng arrived outside the door. The foot of the king trod on the house in bad repair, His hand went to feel his father’s forehead, “Is your illness any better, my father? Have the pain from your illness stopped or not? Is your illness any better or not?” His father then spoke deliberately, His father then responded emphatically. “Child, you have been gone for several years, I straightaway got ill and have not got better. I have had one disease after another without letup. Ducks and chickens your younger brother has got to kill, Buffaloes and horses your younger brother has got to carve up. The duck feathers are piled up like a dam, The buffalo bones are piled up like a cliff. Each time I get ill it does not cease, Each time I get sick I don’t recover. When I eat duck meat I want to vomit, When I eat buffalo meat I want to throw up.

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I want to eat muntjac still alive, I want to eat a living yellow deer entire.” Hanvueng heard these words, The next morning early at first light, He cooked breakfast and went out hunting. He called to his thirty ink-black hounds, His seventy male hunting dogs. He struck into a valley and a second valley. He pursued game on one wooded mountain and then another. Hanvueng passed by in the defile below, Covueng passed by in the defile above, He stealthily raised his hand to strike his elder brother. Hanvueng called out suddenly in warning, Hanvueng called out in alarm. “This once you have tried to kill your elder brother, This once you have tried to harm your brother the king.” Covueng spoke deliberately, Covueng responded emphatically. “I thought it was game passing by below, I thought it was a deer passing by above. I didn’t know it was you, elder brother. Let’s return and hunt this valley here, Let’s return and stake out a new valley.” They struck into a valley and a second valley. They pursued game on one wooded mountain and then another. Hanvueng passed by in the defile below, Covueng passed by in the defile above, He stealthily raised his hand to strike his elder brother. Hanvueng called out suddenly in warning, Hanvueng called out in alarm. “This once you have tried to kill your elder brother, This once you have tried to harm your brother the King.” Covueng spoke emphatically, “I thought it was game passing by below, I thought it was a deer passing by above. Fortunately for you, my elder brother.” Hanvueng shrank back and did not speak. “Let’s return and hunt this valley here, Let’s return and stake out a new valley.” They struck into a valley and a second valley.

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They pursued game on one wooded mountain and then another. They finally got a muntjac still alive, They finally got a yellow deer entire. Hanvueng smiled broadly, Hanvueng smiled with pleasure. He was finally able to bring a yellow deer back home. He ladled it out and served it on a platter to his father, His father ate it and said he wasn’t better. He said straightaway that he was ill. He’d got to eat a muntjac still alive, He’d got to eat a yellow deer entire. He wanted to drink water from the mandarin’s cave, He wanted to eat fruit from the cave of the vulva. “Since you speak like this, I’ll go to consult Baeu Roekdo, I’ll go to consult Mo Loekgap.” Baeu Roekdo then spoke, The Taoist Loekgap then said, “Where three hundred valleys come together, Where four hundred valleys overlap. There you will find there are three watercourses, There you will find there are waters and sand flowing together.” Hanvueng remembered this in his heart, Hanvueng buried this in his belly. The king thereupon returned to his old home, “Summon our troops and horses together, Call to our soldiers everywhere.” Ten men with ten crowbars, A hundred men with a hundred spades. With spades they went and dug at the foot of the wicker fence, With crowbars they went and dug at the foot of the wall. They dug down three fathoms deep, They dug down seven fathoms tall. It was then they saw the waters and sand flowing together, It was then they saw the rocks and gravel. Saw the red-finned carp intertwining, Saw the catfish coming down to lay their eggs. With a bamboo container they couldn’t get the water ladled, They couldn’t carry the water up. They took timber and made the treads of a ladder,

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They made it three fathoms deep, They made it seven fathoms tall. Elder brother urged his younger brother to go down first, Younger brother urged his elder brother to go down first. “You are his own eldest child, You have received the liver of your own father, You have come into being out of your father’s intestines. You are really of his body and flesh. If you love your father that much, Sacrifice your body and go down first.” The king then was hooked by the mouth, The king then was sealed up in his speech. He sacrificed his body and went down first. He went down the first tread of the ladder, He noticed it was cold as ice. He went down the second tread of the ladder, He noticed the vapour cold and oppressive. He went down the third tread of the ladder, Mud and sand went down with a swooshing sound. He went down the fourth tread of the ladder, Sabres in a bundle came down. He went down the fifth tread of the ladder, The king turned his face up above. The king called out suddenly in warning, The king called out in alarm. “This once you have tried to kill your elder brother, This once you have tried to harm your brother the king, This once you have tried to bury your old brother alive, Kill your older brother and seize the realm, Harm your older brother the king and seize the seal of office.” The king called out to heaven and called out to earth. The water serpent came up from below and reached him, Sky gods came down from above and rescued him. “Younger brother says he is going to seize the realm, Kings up in the sky will not accede to this. His fate does not allow him to become king, [If he does] the realm on earth below will suffer. It is I who am the true son of the king, We have struggled for control of the realm and the seal.” Ten dragons guarded the way in front,

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Five dragons guarded the way behind. They stayed in a body to protect his Life-force. It was foreordained that he go up on dry land, They deposited Hanvueng back on the river bank. He stayed under the wing of the god of thunder, He stayed under the foot of the god of Lightning. He came up above and filed suit, He came up above and pleaded his wrong. “To file suit I’m going away for three years, To plead my wrong I’m going off for three generations. For three years it will be dry as a bone, For four years it will be searingly hot.” “Since you speak like this, [I’ll take] three thousand acres of wetfields irrigated with water-wheels, Six thousand acres of well-watered wetfields. I’ll pump water in and make them wet, Of the old rice I’ll have plenty left to eat. I’m not worried by you, elder brother, I’m not exhausted by you, elder brother, I won’t make obeisance to you, elder brother, as king. I won’t beseech you, elder brother.” “If you speak like this, I still have another thing behind, I still will get to something else. I will make the waters inundate the sky, I will make the people die out entirely. On earth below there will be no happiness, People beneath the sky will die out entirely.” “If elder brother you speak like this, I’ll get thirty boats with oars, Hundreds of boats for ferrying. With the common people I’ll fill them full, I’ll have enough for everyone to board. When the water rises the boats will also rise, When the water goes down the boats will also go down. If the water surrounds us with raging waves, I’ll row the boats to shore. I’m not worried by you, uncle, I’m not exhausted by you, elder brother.” “If you speak in words like this,

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I still have something else. I’ll have rats attack the rice plant stems, I’ll have birds attack the rice plant tops. I’ll make your rice plants die at the stem, I’ll make your rice plants die out at the shoot.” “If, elder brother, you speak words like this, Three thousand traps I’ll have, A hundred thousand crossbow bolts I’ll have. In the middle of the night I’ll go in pursuit, In the middle of the morning I’ll make the rounds. The females will die caught in the traps, The males will die struck by the crossbow bolts. They’ll shred their flesh and stew it, They’ll shred their skin and roast it.” “However you speak in words like this, I still have something else. I still have one way to pay back your enmity, Paying it back over a thousand years and ten thousand generations. I’ll have a wild boar enter the wetfields, I’ll have a wild goat enter the dryfields. The sparrows will attack the rice plants at the top, Apes and monkeys will attack the millet plants.” “If you speak in words like this, I’ll make a scarecrow and set it up in the wetfields, I’ll make a straw-man and set it up in the dryfields. The sparrows will have nowhere to land, The apes and monkeys will see them and climb back up. I’m not afraid of those things, I’m afraid you’ll have some other trick.” “I’ll have the wild boars enter the wetfields high up, Let the muntjac enter the wetfields in the valleys.” “If you speak in words like these, Thirty sabres I’ll make into sheafs, Forty knives with their hilts of copper. On the high slope I’ll go tread carefully, On the lower slope I’ll go to stand guard. When the wild boars arrive then strike them hard, When the muntjac arrive then hit them. They’ll shred their flesh and bring it back to stew, They’ll shred their skins and bring them back to roast.

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I’m not afraid of these things, I’m afraid you’ll have some other trick.” “[Tip out] twelve vats of faeces red with blood, Twelve jars of faeces bloody. Before the blood-red faeces are wiped up, The bloody faeces will arrive. They’ll make you die of diarrhoea, They’ll tie up your intestines like heatstroke. Countless will be those who die in the long-grass.” “Since, elder brother you say these words, I’ll offer ducks and chickens to the Great King, I’ll offer pigs and sheep to the Venerable Mother. Everybody will beseech Heaven and Earth. So how can my commoners die, How will my multitudes be exterminated? [For this] I will not beseech you, elder brother, What fear I, Hanvueng, of aught that you might do?” “Since you speak these words, I will produce measles and smallpox. I’ll make measles and your only son will die, I’ll make smallpox and your little baby will die. People will die in all the valleys under Heaven, People will die in the seventy valley-kingdoms. I’ll make them die of measles and smallpox.” “If, elder brother, you say these words, I’ll kill ducks and chickens to make a vow to the sky, I’ll kill a large pig to Redeem my Vow. I’ll offer ducks and chickens to the Great King, I’ll offer pigs and sheep to the Venerable Mother. They will be able to protect us throughout the years, There won’t be anything at all [to touch us]. So how could my only son die? How could my multitudes be exterminated?” “Since you do not fear these things, I still have something else. I will produce thirty thousand moths, I will produce seventy thousand snout-moth larvae. I will produce seventy thousand rice-bugs. The snout-moth larvae will come and attack the old rice plants, The rice-bugs will come and attack the tender young rice.

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I’ll cause your old rice to die, I’ll make your large glutinous rice die out.” “If elder brother you say these words, I’ll get thirty thousand roosters, Ninety thousand big chickens. I’ll set the roosters down onto the paddy, I’ll set the big chickens down onto the fields. Roosters of mine will know how to seek, Big chickens of mine will know how to peck. They’ll peck and eat the rice-bugs in the middle of the wetfields, They’ll find and eat the snout-moth larvae in the fields. I’m not afraid of you, my uncle, I’m not worried about you, big brother, Elder brother, I won’t submit to you, What fear I, Hanvueng, of aught that you might do?” “Since you speak these words, I still have something different to say. I’ll make three years of darkness, I’ll make seven years of evening. Three years of darkness black as pitch, Four years of evening black as night. When the buffalo go down they’ll bump into things below, When the horses go up they’ll bump into things above. On earth below all together will blame the sky, People will all blame their Fate.” “If you say these words, I’ll make a hundred thousand torches of oil-fir, Ten hundred thousand torches of pine-wood. In the evening I’ll light a thousand seven, In early morn I’ll light a thousand eight. I’ll light them so the whole realm is bright and clear. I’ll brighten the twelve valley places, I’ll brighten the seventy valley kingdoms. All under Heaven I’ll brighten equally, The whole realm I’ll make bright and clear.” “If you say these words, In the evening you’ll light up a span or two, Take a wrong turn and you’ll not get back. As for me, my kindred is not broadly based, As for me, my band of followers is not large.

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As for me, I haven’t done any wrong. I’ll call out and let heaven take the decision, What wrong have I done, younger brother the king? Go up to heaven and deceive the Jade Emperor, Then he will make a great storm of wind, Then he will make a whirlwind that winds up chickens.” Hanvueng transformed himself and went up into the sky, He ascended on high to enter his plea, He ascended on high to plead his wrong. Entering his plea he was gone for three years, Pleading his wrong he was gone for three generations. He built a wooden trunk to put the stars in, He built a cupboard to put the sun in. The realm on earth below was as black as pitch, It came upon the people to suffer hardship. On earth below there were three years darkness, On earth below there were seven years evening. People on earth below died in silence, People on the land below were dying out. When buffalo went down below they bumped into things below, When horses went up they bumped into things above. The multitudes all sighed in resentment. Ducks shared nests with chickens, Uncles shared beds with nephew’s wives. Elsholtzia grass grew in front of the gate, Sword grass grew in the middle of the road. When walking you couldn’t go up or go down, By day it was completely dark and black. People went to the dry-fields and didn’t return, People went to the wet-fields and didn’t come back. People out wandering didn’t arrive. Tending the buffalo they died amongst the bracken, Tending the ducks they died in the fields. However they did things it didn’t work right, However they repaired things through ritual it didn’t work right. They called the village elders to come and consider, They called the elders of the realm to come and plan. They went below the granary to deliberate, They went below the storehouse to plan. “Who is able to go and submit to his elder brother?

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Who is able to go and make obeisance to the elder brother the king? So that the realm on earth below will finally be bright.” “Since we are speaking these words,” There was a man who spoke, There was a youth who said. “The eagle is able to go and come back, The crow is able to go and return.” They went to the field to call the crow, They went to the karst peak to call the eagle. The eagle came with a flapping of wings, The crow came down in a rush. Covueng spoke to them at length, Covueng went on and on. “Go and submit to my elder brother, Go and bow down to my elder brother the king. So the realm on earth below can finally be bright.” The eagle spoke [to him] at length, The crow went on and on. “What will you give us to serve as a bag? What do we get to serve as clothing?” “Ramie by the entire catty will I give you, Silver by the entire lump will I give you.” The crow spoke deliberately, “For generations we have lived under the sky, We search for our food on the earth below. Ramie we do not know how to plait, Silver we do not know how to recognise. In the world under heaven there is meat at midday, In the Capital there is meat in the evening. Meat in the evening we do not eat, Meat at midday we do not take, But we definitely eat it for breakfast, We have to eat a lot and eat our fill.” “Since you say these words, When the second and third months have gone before, Ducklings will I give you to take away, Chicks will I give you to seize. Tell this to the twelve valley places, Tell this to the seventeen valley kingdoms. Tell everyone among the multitudes,

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At the time when they’re incubating eggs by the nestful, At the time when they’re hatching out one by one, Only then are the two of you allowed to take them away.” The crow then laughed with pleasure, The eagle then was mightily pleased. “Take from each village a crate or two crates, Take from each field a fowl or two. You may take the one at the foot of the palisade, You may take the one outside the door. The ones inside the crate you may not take, I have now told the two of you.” The crow then smiled contentedly, The eagle then was mightily pleased. They made wings of black for the crow, They made wings of grey for the eagle. The eagle took them and fastened them to his legs, The crow took them and attached them to his knees. The eagle went up in a rush, The crow went up with a flapping of wings. Went up to where the clouds are dark and green, Went up to where there are strands of dark mist. If you do not strive your utmost you won’t reach the world above, They went until their wing feathers fell out. The eagle went to perch in a liquidambar tree, The crow went to tell them the news. In his mouth he spoke like a man, With his feathered body he looked like a ghost. The doorkeeper came out and arrived, He gave them the lookover and straightaway went back. Hanvueng spoke deliberately, “What have you come for, crow? What have you come for, eagle? What have the two of you come to say? Perhaps that it’s I who inherited the fish-pond, Perhaps that it’s I who contended over the top-quality wet-field. So you then have ascended up to the sky, Ascended on high to say what?” The eagle knelt down all a-tremble, The crow then spoke these phrases. “When the Goose King lived on the earth below,

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He saw the home of the eagle and crow, How they stayed up in trees and preened their feathers. Searching for things to eat on the earth below, Fire burns the mountainside and we eat locusts. The sky turns dark so he looked for the two of us. Your younger brother the king made us come, To come up and beseech his elder brother, To come up on high and bow to his elder brother the king. He bade us submit to his elder brother by the former wife.” Hanvueng spoke derisively, Hanvueng spoke sarcastically. “On earth below you are fortunate, On earth below you are contented. People on the earth below are at peace, The realm on earth below is happy. Every day killing a chicken to eat with the rice, Every day killing a buffalo to eat with the wine. Each day drinking wine until dark, Each day playing dice into the night. Platters of meat are stacked on platters of fish, They eat and do not look for their elder brother.” “But let us tell you, o king, On earth below they have had three years of pain, On earth below eight years of hardship. The common people are not fortunate, They kill a chicken to turn their back on a son, They kill a buffalo to turn their back on an eldest son.” Hanvueng thereupon spoke, “This is because you cheat your ancestors, It is because you forget your elder brother of old. On earth below you then perish in silence, On earth below you then die out. You die in the twelve valley places, You die in the seventeen valley kingdoms. Each day you die in your thousands and ten thousands. You look for someone to bury them but do not find one. The flesh abandoned stinks up to heaven. And you come on high to beseech me with what kind of talk? I’ve come up above to enter my plea, I’ve come up above to plead my wrong.

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When the stars come up I hit them, When the morning star rises I whip it. So that the earth shall know darkness but know not light. Both of you go down now, crow, Do not come back again, o eagle. If you are intent on coming back up, I’ll grab your legs and whip them straightaway.” The eagle came down with a rushing of wings, The crow came down with a flapping of wings. The eagle went and perched in the liquidambar tree, The crow went and said these words. “We went to submit to your elder brother, Your elder brother the king spoke these words: ‘Since I know how to be a proper person, The realm would be as prosperous as of old. But now I’ve gone up to the sky, On the earth below there is extinction. The common people are resentful as a consequence, Only thus has it become like this. The wrong you have committed is as big as the sky, A wrong like this is as bad as they get. So let them die with their bellies in pain, Let them be tied up with their guts aflow. Not counting those who die amongst the long grass tussocks, There’ll be those who go to the river and die of drowning. Those who go out raiding and die with their heads chopped off, Those who go to the fields and die being eaten by a tiger, Those who go to the prefecture and are put to death by a chieftain.’ ” The Ancestral King finally said, “Did you actually bow down and beseech him?” The crow and eagle thereupon said, “We really did beseech your elder brother, We really got to bow to your elder brother the king. Below we gave the realm to your elder brother to govern, [You as] younger brother would not always want to plot. We beseeched [him to] make the sky bright and clear. Hanvueng spoke deliberately, ‘Since I know how to be a proper person, I do not covet living off my realm of old. It’s just because my younger brother does not know how to bow his head,

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Takes his body and makes of it a cheap abode. To repent today is leaving it too late. The earth below I give my younger brother to live off. The earth below I give my younger brother to manage. I let my younger brother manage the earth below, I let my younger brother hold the realm of old.’ ” The Ancestral King finally said, “Since you speak these words, [How will I] bestow this on my son’s and my grandson’s generations? Go back, the two of you, up on high, And this matter will finally be accomplished. The realm on earth below will finally be settled, The people on earth below will be at Peace. And he will make the earth below bright and clear. You know how to speak clever words, To speak in a serious and conscientious manner.” The eagle went up with a flapping of wings, The crow went up with a rushing of wings. If you do not strive your utmost you won’t reach the world above, They went until their wing feathers fell out. The eagle went to perch in the liquidambar tree, The crow went to speak and knelt down. Hanvueng thereupon spoke, “What are you kneeling for, o crow? What have you come back for, o eagle?” “Your younger brother the king made us come back and beseech [you], Made us come back and beseech his elder brother, Made us come back and bow down to his elder brother the king. Made us come back and submit to his elder brother by the former wife. Submit so he makes the sky bright and clear.” Hanvueng thereupon spoke, “I said I would not let you come back, But now you wilfully return. I’ll grab your legs and beat you, I’ll whip you and fry you with bitter melon, I’ll chop you up fine to make a raw meat salad.” The eagle heard this and became full of fear, He fled back behind and lurked inside. “Come back here and let us deliberate, Wait for the temper of the king to subside.

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The two of us will then go and kneel [before him] again. If the king however holds to his words, How can the world on the earth below get bright [again]? On earth below they won’t give us anything anymore, On earth below they won’t let us carry anything off. The realm will still be chaotic and disordered. The two of us will not have accomplished anything at all. Let us go back and enter into his presence face-to-face, Ten thousand things are there for us to say. Let us beseech him that the common people are dying. After three hours have gone by before, After five hours have come after, Let us again go in and kneel, This is a matter of life and death. The king will chop us into bits, Let’s return and plead our case in front of Hanvueng. There’s no need to marshall the same old phrases, If the king still clings to his words of hate, The realm on earth below will still be disordered.” The eagle went outside again, He called to the crow to come and plead. The crow came back and went down on his knees, He came back and pleaded his case in front of Hanvueng. There was no need to marshall the same old phrases, To say the same old words would be hateful. He made the temper of the king recede, He went in and spoke quite deliberately down below. So that the earth below should be given a moon, So that the earth below should be given water. So that the earth below should be happy, So that the earth below should be fortunate. “The teeth of the bamboo rat should be returned to the bamboo rat, The scales of the pangolin returned to the pangolin. The seal of the king should be returned to the king, The realm of the elder brother returned to the elder brother. So that my realm shall still be its old likeness. Divide the rivers into two channels, Divide the realm into two corners. Whichever channel is better the elder brother shall get, Whichever corner is better the elder brother shall live off,

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Whichever realm is bigger the elder brother shall govern. Let the elder brother hold the entire realm, Let the elder brother the king hold the seal. Let the elder brother return to the earth below, [We] beseech the elder brother to descend to the earth below.” Hanvueng spoke deliberately, “Since you speak these words, The pangolin does not enter the hole of the rat, I will not return to my realm of old. If I return to my own realm I may find it rotten, If I return to my realm of old I will die, Die and become a ghost a second time. As evening approaches one goes into sleep, In the middle of the night one has dreams. Since you speak these words, Have my younger brother come up to the sky, Come up on high and plead his case.” “Since, o king, you speak these words, Which places should your younger brother pass through in coming here? What should he do to be able to arrive on high, To see the face of his elder brother in his present generation?” “Since you speak these words, Stick on wings like the wings of a crow, Stick in legs like the legs of an eagle. Just as the eagle returns he will be able to go and come back, Just as the crow returns he will be able to go and return.” “Since, o king, you say these words, His flesh is not like the flesh of a crow, His legs do not resemble the legs of an eagle. The bones and blood of your younger brother are not up to it, Your feelings of hatred you should consider of no avail.” Hanvueng thereupon spoke, “You say my younger brother wants to come and plead, With a buffalo of two faces let him come and plead, With a horse with two saddles let him come and plead. With an axe with two blades let him come and plead, With a sabre with two handles let him come and plead. With a fishtrap with two necks let him come and plead, With a spade with two forks let him come and plead.

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If he gets these and pleads his case it will be good. Also a hundred and twenty big ships, Four thousand ferry boats. Three hundred newborn babes still red from the womb. Seventy cooking pots full of tears, Forty jars of mothers’ milk. Three hundred black female dogs, Seventy male hunting dogs. Seventy large-framed horses. A hundred and twenty geese to set the watch at night, Four hundred hens to put in nests. Four hundred men to walk the roads. Get these things then let him plead. Have younger brother set out offerings in an evening ritual of Repentance, Have younger brother lay out an evening Taoist ritual.” The eagle then came in haste, The crow then descended with a flapping of wings. The eagle came and stayed in the liquidambar tree, The crow came and spoke in words. The Ancestral King spoke deliberately, “You two went to submit to my elder brother, You went to bow to my elder brother the king. Did Hanvueng say he would allow a plea?” “We two slaves bowed down to your elder brother the king, Hanvueng said this to the two of us. He’ll have his younger brother the king go and plead. He’ll have us offer an evening ritual of Repentance, He’ll have us lay out an evening Taoist ritual. Set in place a despatch box and Redeem our Vows, Ten thousand things are to be sent up above. Go up to the sky and plead before your great elder brother.” “If my elder brother speaks words like these, Call the elders of the realm down to deliberate, Call the elders of the realm to come and plan.” There was one man who spoke, There was one youth who said: “If you’re going to beseech him have them go back up anew.” The eagle went up in haste, The crow went up with a flapping of wings.

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The eagle went and stayed in a liquidambar tree, The crow went and spoke in words. “What are you saying, o crow? Why have you come back, o eagle?” “Covueng had us come and plead. Two buffaloes also can do as buffalo, So they can also be deemed buffalo with two faces, [It’s just that] in the byre below one cannot fit them. Two horses also can do as horses, [Even though] the stables cannot accommodate them all. Two axes can also do as axes, So they can be deemed axes with two edges. In the other realm there are no trees, So of what use would taking these things be? A pair of sabres also count as sabres, So they can be taken as sabres with two hilts. Two spades also count as spades, So they can be taken as spades with two hafts. Elder brother still resides in the other realm, Of what use would taking these things be? A hundred and twenty big ships, Four thousand ferry boats, Rivers would not be able to hold them all. The realm in the sky above is not wide, When the ferry boats arrived it would be full to overflowing, When the ships were conveyed there it would be crowded. The three hundred newborn babies still red from the womb, There would be no one there with milk enough. Forty jars of mothers’ milk, If not drunk up they would turn sour. Of what use would taking these things be? Seventy cooking pots full of tears, Elder brother still resides in the other realm, Of what use would taking these things be? Elder brother still resides in the realm of the sky-gods, For the body of elder brother one burns incense of cypress wood, For the mouth of elder brother one burns incense a hand-span long. He governs the commoners in the sky above. Three hundred large-framed horses, One hundred and twenty breeding stallions,

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One would not be able to cut grass enough, One would not be able to put grass in front of all of them. The breeding mares would die in the manger, The breeding stallions would die in a sweat. You would not be able to work out a way of handling it. Forty geese who set the watches of the night, You would not have baskets enough to put them in, You would not have fencing to fence them all in. Thirty black hunting bitches, Seventy hunting dogs. Elder brother though resides in the other realm, The bitches would not be able to pursue game, The dogs would not be able to bark. Thirty maids with hair hanging down, Forty women with their hair in plaits, Ten of them would need ten beds.” Covueng made offerings at an evening Retreat, Covueng made obeisances at an evening Taoist ritual. He put in place the Water Prefecture and the Kingly Crown, Welcomed the Ten Kings of Heaven and Earth. Despatched the Emissary of Talismans and sent off the Officers of Merit. He welcomed them by lighting incense and lamps of ramie, Recited the sweet dew and recited the scriptures, Broke Open Hell so red and Released the dead souls. Making Offerings, he came and received them in front of the spirit tablets, Recited the Case in writing to Save the dead souls, Recited the Plea and Announced the Merit, Held firmly the spirit tablets and conveyed the Interdictions. A senior Taoist came to conduct the Retreat, A Scholar of Talent came to Convey the Intention. Writing the document to go to Heaven and Earth, Conveying the Intention to the Jade Emperor. They presented the case to the Emperor. Covueng held a ritual to dissolve Enmity, Conducted a ritual of severance in front of the earth gods and sky gods, Cut off [the demons of] Enmity in front of the Sagely Mother. The Taoist read from the book of scripture, Wrote the one name and two personal names, Not knowing proper conduct or how to bow the head,

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Commit an Offense and you will not know Peace. Truly younger brother in person had committed an offense, Covueng made Supplications one after the other, Covueng prayed in submission without stopping, Begged for the sky to be made light again. The eagle and crow again went to beg, They went in front of Hanvueng to plead. “Your younger brother will be the elder under the sky, Controlling the army and soldiers on the earth below, Controlling the twelve ancestral kingdoms, When he was still little he did not know how to treat his kin, When he was still newborn he did not know how to behave. He parodied his elder brother and treated him as someone else, Parodied his elder brother and treated him like an outsider. Still small, he didn’t know how to bow his head, Still a lad, he didn’t know proper behaviour. Now younger brother has grown up big and tall, Now younger brother finally knows how to bow his head, He comes up above to redeem his debt to his elder brother, Younger brother comes to supplicate his elder brother the king, To submit so that the sky may turn bright again. The bamboo carp is still the bamboo carp of his elder brother, The cavern dace is still the cavern dace of his elder brother, We are still the people of his elder brother, The kindred is still the kindred of his elder brother, The entourage is still the entourage of his elder brother, The kinfolk are still the kinfolk of his elder brother, The offspring are still the offspring of his elder brother. The bitterness is the bitterness that belongs to us, We should not have designs on what belongs to others. On whatever days there is wine or tea, We will search for elder brother to drink first. If we do not search for him to drink first, May it be a day of disaster and dismay. In those days he paid no attention to others, But now an older younger brother has learned to bow his head. Younger brother has come to submit to his elder brother, Younger brother has come to supplicate his elder brother the king, Submit to him to have the sky bright and clear again.” “Since younger brother you speak these words,

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Let younger brother return the seal with the skylark handle, Let younger brother return the spring of silver and pearls. Return the wealth of our father’s generation, Return the horses along with the buffaloes. Return the fishnets of three gatherings, Return the slaves with their flat-topped hair. Return the bonnet with its bead of red agate, Return the cooking vessel with four handles. Return the boats with ten oars, Return the youths who are clever. Return the houses with their houseposts solid. Return the seal to the Officer of Merit, Hand over the Seal to the Emissary of the Talisman. Each one of these shall you return to the sky, Take them back on high to your elder brother.” Hanvueng smiled contentedly, Elder brother was mightily pleased. “Since younger brother you speak these words, I will reside above and govern here, Younger brother shall reside below and govern there. I as elder brother shall govern the sky above, You as younger brother govern the domain on the earth below. When smoke from fires blackens the mountainsides, Then shall you make gifts to the king. In the first month send baskets of fruit, In the last month send meat and fish. In this way make gifts to the king, Urge the dogs to go and hunt, And thus I make gifts to the king. In the third month kill a black chicken, And thus make gifts to the king. In the fifth month plough and harrow the wetfields, And thus make gifts to the king. When a tiger seizes a buffalo on the edge of the wild, Then make gifts to the king. When the first day of the first month comes, When an eagle seizes a duck below the drying platform, When a tiger seizes a buffalo don’t cut them off. When fire burns the hillslope and the mountainside, Then make gifts to the king.

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Ten thousand things you should send up above, The entire realm should come and bow to the sky. Everyone should submit to your elder brother, The realm on earth bow to your elder brother the king. Beg him to let the sky be bright and clear, Let the light reach the mountainsides and hillslopes. Brighten the twelve valley places, Brighten the seventeen valley kingdoms. Brighten the twelve valleys with common surnames. Brighten the whole domain of heaven and earth. Tell this to the generations before and the generations after, When they see their elder brother do not cheat him. If they do cheat their elder brother their uncle, The sky will then turn dark as before. In this case we enter a plea with your elder brother your uncle.” Elder brother thereupon spoke deliberately, Elder brother thereupon responded emphatically. “Whatever you think about, keep the ancestors in mind, When you’re fearful think of the locality and the land. Whatever you think about bear Hanvueng in mind, When you’re fearful think of the realm and the locale. The world below the sky we’ll then make bright. We’ll set it down like this thereafter. Take it into your hearts and remember. Do not mistreat the Ancestors, Do not abuse the kindness of your elder brother. Abusing your elder brother will not succeed, Afterwards quite possibly there will be hardship.” This morning we will recite as much as this, Of this section we will tell as much as this, To chop off the Enmity of generations before.

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Interlinear Transcription Title 汉

皇

一

科

haːnh Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

Ɂɪtg it one, whole

ko̞ ːA go ritual

ms 9:cover *

Text 三

盖

三

王

至。

ɬaːmA sam Three

kaːiE gaiq Worlds

ɬaːmA sam Three

βuǝŋb vuengz Kings

ɕiːE ciq establish

四

盖

四

王

造。

seiq Four

kaːiE gaiq Worlds

ɬɤiːE seiq Four

βuǝŋb vuengz Kings

ɕaːufX caux create

王

造

立

造

連。

liːǝnb

ɬɤiːE

βuǝŋb vuengz kings

ɕaːufX caux create

lɐpI laep darkness

ɕaːufX caux create

lienz light

王

造

天

造

地。

βuǝŋb vuengz kings

ɕaːufX caux create

tiɛnA dien heaven

ɕaːufX caux create

tiːf_ deih earth

已

盖

王

已

造。

kiːI gij several

kaːiE gaiq worlds

βuǝŋb vuengz kings

kiːI gij several

ɕaːufX caux create

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2015 | doi: 10.11

9:1a:1 *

*

1a:2

5 1a:3 *

91

interlinear transcription 王

造

M

造

S。

βuǝŋb vuengz kings

ɕaːufX caux create

ɕɯɐb cwz ox

ɕaːufX caux create

kaːiA gai sell

王

造

U

造

卡。

βuǝŋb vuengz kings

ɕaːufX caux create

βaːib vaiz buffalo

ɕaːufX caux create

kaːI gaj kill

王

造

馬

造

V。

βuǝŋb vuengz kings

ɕaːufX caux create

maːDN max horse

ɕaːufX caux create

kɯǝif gwih ride

王

造

W

造

奴。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɕaːufX caux create

ho̞ iE hoiq slave

ɕaːufX caux create

noːb noz bondservant

造

甫

X

六

甲。

ɕaːufX caux create

puːDN boux clf

mo̞ ːA mo Mo

lɵkI loeg Loekgap

kaːpEZ gap

布

六

甲

造

X。

pɐuE baeuq elder

lɵkI loeg Loekgap

kaːpEZ gap

ɕaːufX caux create

mo̞ ːA mo recitation

布

六

!

造

所。

pɐuE baeuq elder

lɵkI loeg Roekdo

toːf doh

ɕaːufX caux create

ɬo̞ ːE soq plea

$

盆

»

造

Z。

jaːf yah old.lady

puːǝnb buenz Pangu

kuːg guj

ɕaːufX caux create

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

1a:4

1a:5

10 *

1a:6 *

*

1a:7 *

92

interlinear transcription

a

仙

吜

造

佛。

kwaːnI guenj govern

ɬiɛnA sien sky.gods

nɐub naeuz say

ɕaːufX caux create

pɐtI baed bodhisattvas

*

失

盖

甫

郎

漢。

15

ɕɨtg cwt produce

kaːiE gaiq that

puːDN boux clf

laːŋb Langz Langhan

haːnE hanq

1a:8 *

郎

漢

吜

召

"。

laːŋb langz Langhan

haːnE hanq

nɐub naeuz say

ɕieuf ciuh generation

lɐŋA laeng after

V

盖

甫

召

你。

tɐŋb daengz arrive

kaːiE gaiq those

puːDN boux clf

ɕieuf ciuh generation

niːDN neix this

V

郎

漢

楽

浮。

tɐŋb daengz arrive

laːŋb Langz Langhan

haːnE hanq

lo̞ ːDN rox know.how

fuːb# fouz float

吽

Z

家

召

b。

nɐub naeuz say

ɁiːǝnA ien enemies

tɕaːA gya

ɕieuf ciuh generation

ko̞ ːǝnE gonq before

皮

徃

吽

妹

"。

20

piːDN beix siblings

nuɵŋDN nuengx

nɐub naeuz say

meːf meh stepmother

lɐŋA laeng

*

1b:3

講

Õ

h

H

d。

kaːŋI gangj speak

hɐmb haemz hatred

tɨkg dwk hit, attack

lɨkI lwg son

poːf boh father

*

1b:1

*

1b:2

93

interlinear transcription 那

U

忻

同

U。

naːb naz wet-field

ɕeːf ceh soak

hɐnb haenz field-margin

tɵŋb doengz likewise

ɕeːf ceh soak

妹

"

d

同

"。

meːf meh mother

lɐŋA laeng after, step-

poːf boh father

tɵŋb doengz likewise

lɐŋA laeng after, step-

1b:4

講

Õ

h

H

d。

kaːŋI gangj speak

hɐmb haemz hatred

tɨkg dwk hit, attack

lɨkI lwg son

poːf boh father

h

郎

漢

e

浮。

25

tɨkg dwk hit, so.that

laːŋb Langz Langhan

haːnE hanq

lo̞ ːDN rox know, learn.to

fuːb fouz float

1b:5

貧

Z

家

磨

难。

pɐnb baenz become

ɁiːǝnA ien enemies

tɕaːA gya

muːb muz grind

naːnfr nanh hardship

Z

d

妹

講

Õ。

ɁiːǝnA ien enmity

poːf boh father

meːf meh mother

kaːŋI gangj speak

hɐmmb haemz bitterness

Z

郎

"

講

蕚。

ɁiːǝnA ien enmity

naːŋb nangz affines

lɐŋA laeng

kaːŋI gangj speak

jaːkEZ yak bad

他

f

h

召

"。

tɛːA de it

maːA ma come

tɨkg dwk hit

ɕieuf ciuh generation

lɐŋA laeng following

*

1b:6

*

1b:7

94

interlinear transcription

他

f

V

召

你。

tɛːA de it

maːA ma come

tɐŋb daengz arrive

ɕieuf ciuh generation

niːDN neix this

e

娄

行

床

叺。

lo̞ ːDN rox perhaps

lɐub raeuz we

heːŋb hengz carry.out

ɕɵŋb congz table

tɕaːtEZ byat severance

e

娄

合

床

Z。

lo̞ ːDt rox perhaps

lɐub raeuz we

haːpI hab put.together

ɕɵŋb congz table

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

¼

叺

那

佛

仙。

kʊkI guh do, make

tɕaːtEZ byat severance

naːI naj face

pɐtI baed gods

ɬiɛnA sien sky.gods

j

Z

那

妹

老。

fɐnb faenz chop.down

ɁiːǝnA

naːI naj face

meːf meh Mother

laːuDN laux Old

ien enmity

召

H

娄

同

还。

ɕieuf ciuh generation

lɨkI lwg children

lɐub raeuz we

tɵŋb doengz likewise

βaːnb vanz redeem

召

藍

娄

同

所。

ɕieuf ciuh generation

laːnA lan grandchild

lɐub raeuz we

tɵŋb doengz likewise

ɬo̞ ːE soq plead

同

所

Z

召

k。

tɵŋb doengz together

ɬo̞ ːE soq tell

ɁiːǝnA ien enmity

ɕieufN ciuh generation

ɁduːeK nduj primordial

30

1b:8 *

2a:1

*

35 2a:2

2a:3 *

95

interlinear transcription 同

所

甫

召

b。

tɵŋb doengz together

ɬo̞ ːE soq tell

puːDN boux clf

ɕieufN ciuh generation

ko̞ ːǝnE gonq before

東

方

Z

隆

斗。

tʊŋAZ doeng Eastern

faːŋAZ fueng Quarter

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

lɵŋb roengz descend

tɐuI daeuj come

2a:4 *

Z

皮

徃

度

h。

40

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

piːDN beix siblings

nuɵŋDN nuengx

tɵDN dox each.other

tɨkG dwk hit

*

南

方

Z

隆

斗。

2a:5

naːnBX namz Southern

faːŋAQ fueng Quarter

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

lɵŋb roengz descend

tɐuI daeuj come

Z

d

H

m

n。

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

po̞ ːfY boh father

lɘkI lwg child

tɵDN dox each.other

Ɂdo̝ ːi@K ndoiq beat

西

方

Z

隆

斗。

ɬɤi:A" sae Western

faːŋAo fueng Quarter

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

lɵŋb roengz descend

tɐuI daeuj come

Z

#

妑

m

逻。

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

kβaːnA gvan husband

paːbq baz wife

tɵDO dox each.other

Ɂdaː@_ ndaq curse

北

方

Z

隆

斗。

45

pǝaO baek Northern

faːŋAQ fueng Quarter

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

lɵŋb roengz descend

tɐuI daeuj come

2a:7

*

2a:6

96

interlinear transcription

Z

$

葆

m

%。

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

jaːf yah grandmother

pɐɯDN bawx daughterin-law

tɵDN dox each.other

ɕeːǝŋA ceng argue

中

央

Z

隆

斗。

tɕʊŋI cungh Central

jaːŋI yangh

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

lɵŋb roengz descend

tɐuI daeuj come

Z

大

泰

敗

那。

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

taːA da father-in-law

taːiE daiq mother-in-law

paːifr baih place

naːI naj before

Z

徃

那

敗

"。

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

nuːǝŋDX naːDX nuengx nax wife’s.younger.siblings

paːifr baih place

lɐŋA laeng behind

Z

r

H

不

f。

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

miːb miz have

lɨkI lwg child

ɁbouI mbouj not

maːA ma return

Z

r

花

不

%。

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

miːb miz have

βaːA va flower

ɁbouI mbouj not

ɁjɯːD1 youq stay

冇

不

r

麻

Z。

ɁdɯǝiA ndwi empty

ɁbouI mbouj not

miːb miz have

maːb maz any

ɁiːǝnA ien enmity

U

當

加

貧

Z。

βaːib vaiz buffalo

taːŋf dangh trample

tɕaːI gyaj rice-sprouts

pɐnb baenz become

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

2a:8

2b:1 *

50 *

2b:2

2b:3 *

97

interlinear transcription t

后

那

貧

Z。

maːDN max horse

hɐuI haeuj enter

naːb naz wet-field

pɐnb baenz become

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

&

淋

落

可

Z。

juǝŋb yiengz goat

lɵmDN roemx barge.into

laːkI lag fence

koI goj also

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

奥

狼

á

可

Z。

ɁeːuJ1 euj snap.off

laːŋb rangz shoot

ɁdɵkG ndoek bamboo

koI goj also

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

莪

狼

埋

可

Z。

ɁiːǝnA

ŋɵkI ngoeg wiggle.loose

laːŋb rangz shoot

faːib faiz sweet.bamboo

koI goj also

ien Enmity

3

N

耗

可

Z。

laːiA lai much

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

haːuE hauq talk

koI goj also

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

告

皮

徃

可

Z。

kaːuE gauq file.suit

piːDN nuɵŋDN beix nuengx older.&.younger.siblings

koI goj also

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

勒

岜

W

可

Z。

lɐkI laeg steal

tɕaːA bya fish

tɐmb daemz pond

koI goj also

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

¼

老

伝

故

Z。

kʊkI guh do, serve.as

laːuDN laux old, elder

hʊnb vunz man

koI goj also

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

55 2b:4 *

*

2b:5 *

2b:6

60 *

2b:7

98

interlinear transcription

造

¼

暑

故

Z。

ɕaːufX caux create

kʊkI guh do

ɬɯːE swq go-between

koːI goj also

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

妑

ù

酉

故

Z。

paːb baz wife

peiA bae go.to

juːDN youx lover

koI goj also

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

判

H

U

故

Z。

puǝnE buenq peddle

lɨkI lwg calf

βaːib vaiz buffalo

koI goj also

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

盖

H

伝

故

Z。

65

ɁiːǝnA

3a:1

kaːiA gai sell

lɨkI lwg child

hʊnb vunz person

koI goj also

ien Enmity

放

秤

茂

故

Z。

ɕuǝŋE cuengq put.out

ɕɐŋf caengh steelyard

ɁbɐuA mbaeu light

koI goj also

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

偶

秤

ä

故

Z。

ɁɐuA aeu take.in

ɕɐŋf caengh steelyard

nɐkg naek heavy

koI goj also

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

勒

ï

杳

故

Z。

lɐkI laeg steal

hɐuDN haeux grain

ɁjiːuDK yiu granary

koI goj also

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

'

咟

î

故

Z。

teif daeh move

paːkEZ bak mouth

laːiA lai much

pɐnb goj also

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

2b:8 *

3a:2 *

3a:3 *

99

interlinear transcription 灵

星

模

故

Z。

lɪŋb lingz apes

ɬɪŋA sing contend.over

maːkEZ mak fruit

pɐnb goj also

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

ä

净

岜

可

Z。

naːkI nag otters

ɬɪŋA sing contend.over

tɕaːA bya fish

pɐnb goj also

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

y

净

z

可

Z。

ɁaːA a crows

ɬɪŋA sing contend.over

keiE gaeq chicken

pɐnb goj also

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

使

净

傍

故

Z。

ɁiːǝnA

70

3a:4

*

3a:5

ɬeiE saeq chieftain

ɬɪŋA sing contend.over

pɨǝŋb biengz realm

koI goj also

ien Enmity

王

净

Ä

故

Z。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɬɪŋA sing contend.over

ɁjɪnEK inq seal

koI goj also

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

貧

Z

Å

你

f。

75

pɐnb baenz become

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

ɁoːkEr ok emerge

neiːDN neix here

maːA ma come

3a:6

Z

家

Å

你

斗。

ɁiɛnA ien enemy

tɕaːA gya family

ɁoːEZ ok emerge

neiːDN neix here

tɐuI daeuj come

請

叺

也

可

f。

ɕɪŋI cingj invite

tɕaːth1 jɛːDN byat yex spirits.of. enmity also

koI goj also

maːA ma come

3a:7

100

interlinear transcription

請

Z

家

也

斗。

ɕɪŋI cingj invite

ɁiːǝnA ien enemy

tɕaːA gya family

jɛːDN yex also

tɐuI daeuj come

請

叺

斗

m

齐。

ɕɪŋI cingj invite

tɕaːth1 tɐuI byat daeuj spirits.of.enmity come

tɵDN dox each.other

ɕæib caez together

黎

Z

斗

m

斈。

leib raez call.to

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

tɐuI daeuj come

tɵDN dox each.other

ɕɵːfN coh towards

同

先

那

后

床。

tɵŋb doengz together

ɕiːǝnE cienq turn

naːI naj face

hɐuI haeuj enter

ɕoːŋb congz table

同

旺

当

后

罪。

tɵŋb doengz together

βaːŋA vang put.sideways

ɁdaːŋA ndang body

hɐuI haeuj enter

ɕoif1 coih put.right

先

那

后

床

Ç。

ɕiɛnE cienq turn.around

naːI naj face

hɐuI haeuj enter

ɕɵŋb congz table

paːŋA bang spirits

之

守

N

他

所。

ɕiːfY cih let

ɬuːI suj lord, owner

laːnb ranz house

tɛːA de he

ɬo̞ ːE soq tell

之

甫

道

他

和。

ɕiːfY cih let

puːDN boux clf

taːuf dauh Taoist

tɛːA de he

hɔːb hoz harmonise

3a:8

80 *

3b:1 *

*

3b:2 *

*

85 3b:3 *

101

interlinear transcription 和

Z

家

召

k。

hɔːb huz harmonise

ɁiːǝnA ien enemies

tɕaːA gya

ɕieuf ciuh generation

ɁduːI1 nduj primordial

和

Z

甫

召

b。

hɔːb huz harmonise

ɁiːǝnA ien enemies

puːDN boux

ɕieuf ciuh generation

ko̞ ːǝnE gonq before

落

十

心

九

心。

laːkI lag fence

ɕɪpIN cib ten

ɬɵmA soem spans

kuːI gouj nine

ɬɵmA soem spans

偶

条

了

¼

憧。

ɁɐuA aeu take

teub diuz clf

ɁdeːuA ndeu one

kʊkI guh make, as

toːŋf dongh post

傍

十

甫

九

甫。

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

ɕɪpIN cib ten

puːDN boux people

kuːI gouj nine

puːDN boux people

偶

甫

了

¼

使。

ɁɐuA aeu take

puːDN boux person

ɁdeːuA ndeu one

kʊkI guh make, be

ɬeiE saeq chieftain

王

召

b

e

字。

βuǝŋb vuengz kings

ɕieub ciuh generations

ko̞ ːǝnE gonq before

lo̞ ːDN rox knew

ɬɯːA saw script, books

通

書

王

不

例。

tɵŋA doeng almanac

ɬɯːA saw

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɁbouI mbouj not

lɛːf raeh sharp

3b:4

3b:5 *

90

3b:6 *

3b:7 *

102

interlinear transcription

位

王

不

e

提。

βiːfN vih because

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɁbouI mbouj not

lo̞ ːDN rox know.how

tɯːb dawz take, use

書

王

也

不

定。

ɬɯːA saw writing

βuǝŋb vuengz king

jɛːDN yex also

ɁbouI mbouj not

tɪŋfy dingh establish, set

*

95 3b:8 *

禁

迷

ù

Ñ

埋。

lɐmI raemj cut.down

mɐiDN maex tree

peiA bae go

paːtI bad construct

faːiA fai dam

Ü

妑

大

王

ù。

taːiA dai die

paːb baz wife

taːify daih big

βuǝŋb vuengz king

peiAN bae go

禁

木

ù

横

á。

lɐmI raemj cut.down

mɐiDN maex tree

peiA bae go

βaːŋA vang place.athwart

lɵkG loek water-wheel

買

妑

谷

王

ù。

maːiE maiq bewidowed

paːb baz wife

kɵkG goek base.of.trunk

βuǝŋb vuengz king

peiA bae go

王

¼

買

à

辱。

100

βuǝŋb vuengz king

kʊkI guh do, act.as

maːiEr maiq widow

kaːb gaz all.alone

liːǝuD youx

*

王

¼

買

六

悲。

4a:3

βuǝŋb vuengz king

kʊkI guh do, be

maːiE maiq widow

lɵkG roek six

piːA bi year

*

4a:1

*

4a:2 *

103

interlinear transcription â

不

r

甫

仿。

leːŋE lengq worn.out

ɁbouI mbouj not

miːb miz have

puːDN boux clf

foːŋA fong mend

亡

不

r

甫

色。

moːŋA mong gray, dirty

ɁbouI mbouj not

miːb miz have

puːDN boux clf

ɬɐkI saeg wash

畓

不

r

甫

托。

tʊmb ndaek wet, damp

ɁbouI mbouj not

miːb miz have

puːDN boux clf

taːkEZ dak dry.in.sun

ä

不

r

甫

å。

105

ɬaːtEZ nwk filthy

ɁbouI mbouj not

miːb miz have

puːDN boux clf

ɕaːf sah rinse.clean. in.water

4a:5 *

各

偶

ç

各

)。

kaːkI gag self

ɁɐuA aeu take

fɘnb fwnz firewood

kaːkI gag self

ɁdɐŋJ1 ndaengj burn

各

*

淋

各

Ã。

kaːkI gag self

laːmA rap carry.on.pole

lɐmDN raemx water

kaːkI gag self

kɘnA gwn eat, drink

各

é

現

¼

灶。

kaːkI gag self

hɪtI haed roll.up

keːnA gen arm, sleeve

kʊkI guh make

ɕaːuE cauq deep-fry

+

答

î

不

貧。

f󰀯ŋb fwngz hand

toːpEZ dop clap

laːif laih however

ɁbouI mbouj not

pɐnb baenz succeed

*

4a:4 *

*

4a:6 *

*

4a:7 *

104

interlinear transcription

買

造

N

不

貧。

maːiE maiq widow

caːufX caux create

laːnb ranz household

ɁbouI mbouj not

pɐnb baenz succeed

王

亦

失

条

案。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

jɐkg yaek about.to

ɬɐtg saet leap

teub deuz flee

ɁaːnE anq desk

王

亦

散

条

傍。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

jɐkg yaek about.to

ɬaːnEr suenq calculate; plan

teub deuz flee

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

案

亦

仰

之

仰。

ɁaːnE anq desk

jɐkg yaek about.to

ȵɯːǝŋb nyweng scattered

ɕifY cix then

ȵɯːǝŋb nyweng scattered

傍

亦

-

之

-。

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

jɐkG yaek about.to

ȵʊŋE nyungq chaotic

ɕifY cix then

ȵʊŋE nyungq chaotic

í

咟

命

不

貧。

115

toːE doq immediately

paːkE5 bak mouth

mɪŋf mingh Fate

ɁbouI mbouj not

pɐnb baenz succeed, good

4b:2 *

ì

王

耗

N

你。

ɕaːI caj if, since

βuǝŋb vuengz king

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

neiːD neix this

老

ï

造

斗

相。

laːuDN laux elder

ɁbaːnI1 mbanj village

ɕaːufX caux thereupon

tɐuI daeuj come

ɬɨːǝŋI siengj deliberate

110

4a:8 *

*

4b:1 *

*

4b:3

105

interlinear transcription 老

傍

造

斗

散。

laːuDN laux elder

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

ɕaːufX caux thereupon

tɐuI daeuj come

ɬaːnE suenq calculate, plan

隆

忑

杳

同

議。

lɵŋb roengz descend

laːI laj under

ɁjiːuI1 yiuj granary

tɵŋb doengz together

ŋiːDN ngeix discuss

斗

忑

,

同

散。

tɐuI daeuj come

laːI laj under

ȵiǝA ni great.river

tɵŋb doengz together

ɬaːnE suenq calculate, plan

茄

黎

r

$

買。

kiːb giz where

lɐɯb lawz

miːb miz there.is

jaːf yah widow

maːiE maiq

ö

黎

里

娋

有。

ɁdɯǝiA

4b:4 *

120 *

4b:5

*

paːif baih whereabouts

lɐɯb lawz

miːb lij there.is

ɬaːuA sau girl

ndwi empty, unmarried

娄

同

散

盖

王。

lɐub raeuz we

tɵŋb doengz together

ɬaːnE suenq calculate, plan

kaːiE gaiq clf; for

βuǝŋb vuengz king

娄

同

相

N

耗。

lɐub raeuz we

tɵŋb doengz together

ɬɨːǝŋI siengj deliberate

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

haːuE hauq speech

r

甫

了

造

耗。

125

miːb miz there.is

puːDN boux clf; person

ɁdeːuA ndeu one

ɕaufX caux thereupon

haːuE hauq speak

4b:7

4b:6 *

106

interlinear transcription

r

貌

了

造

吽

miːb miz there.is

ɁbaːuE mbauq young.man

ɁdeːuA ndeu one

ɕaufX caux thereupon

nɐub naeuz say

õ

氏

r

$

買。

nuːAA nu look.here

ɕiːfY cih then

miːb miz there.is

jaːf yah widow

maːiE maiq

敗

氏

r

娋

冇。

paːif baih quarter

ɕiːfY cih then

miːb miz there.is

ɬaːuAr sau girl

ɁdɯǝiA ndwi empty, unmarried

甫

黎

e

講

強。

puːDN boux who

lɐɯb lawz

lo̞ ːDN kaːŋI rox gangj know, know.how speak

tɕaːŋb gyangz stubborn

G

黎

e

ú。

naːŋb nangz lady

lɐɯb lawz which

lo̞ ːDN kaːŋI rox gangj know, know.how speak

jɐuf yaeuh enticing

N

髙

比

髙

f。

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

kʷeuI geuj weave

peiA bae go

kʷeuI geuj weave

maːA ma come.back

N

m

大

m

答。

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

tɵDN dox mutually

taːA daz pull

tɵDN dox mutually

taːpEZ dap correspond, match

r

甫

了

造

耗。

miːb miz there.is

puːDN boux clf; person

ɁdeːuA ndeu one

ɕaufX caux thereupon

haːuE hauq speak

講

4b:8 *

*

5a:1 *

130

5a:2

5a:3

107

interlinear transcription r

冐

了

造

吽。

miːb miz there.is

ɁbaːuE mbauq young.man

ɁdeːuA ndeu one

ɕaufX caux thereupon

nɐub naeuz say

脚

忐

r

$

陽。

135

tɕoːkEZ gyok lane

kɘnb gwnz above

miːb miz there.is

jaːf yah old.lady

jaːŋb yiengz Yang

5a:4 *

脚

降

r

$

玉。

tɕoːkEZ gyok lane

tɕaːŋA gyang middle

miːb miz there.is

jaːf yah old.lady

jɯːf| nyawh Nyaw

$

玉

e

講

強。

jaːf yah old.lady

jɯːf| nyawh Nyaw

lo̞ ːDN rox know.how

kaːŋI gangj speak

tɕaːŋb gyangz stubborn

$

陽

e

講

ú。

jaːf yah old.lady

jaːŋb yiengz Yang

lo̞ ːDN rox know.how

kaːŋI gangj speak

jɐufN yaeuh enticing

N

髙

比

髙

f。

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

kʷeuI geuj weave

peiA bae go

kʷeuI geuj weave

maːA ma come.back

N

m

大

度

答。

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

tɵDN dox mutually

taːA daz pull

tɵDN dox mutually

taːpEZ dap correspond, match

許

双

G

ù

吜。

hɐɯI hawj give, have

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

naːŋb nangz lady

peiA bae go

nɐub naeuz say

5a:5

5a:6

140

5a:7

108

interlinear transcription

許

双

甫

ù

黎。

hɐɯI hawj give, have

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

puːDN boux clf; person

peiA bae go

læib raez call.out

請

$

斗

Ã

呆。

ɕɪŋI cingj invite

jaːf yah old.lady

tɐuI daeuj come

kɘnA gwn eat

ŋaːib ngaiz breakfast

5a:8

乃

$

斗

Ã

酒。

naːiA nai bid

jaːf yah old.lady

tɐuI daeuj come

kɘnA gwn eat, drink

lɐuI laeuj wine

æ

.

迫

隆

ü。

145

nɔːf noh meat

lɵkI roeg partridge

feːkEZ fek

lɵŋb roengz descend

ɕiɛnA cien fry

5b:1 *

酒

h

彭

斗

ø。

*

lɐuI laeuj wine

tɨkG dwk strike, pour

peːŋA boengh jar

tɐuI daeuj come

ɕɵːf coh towards

ï

許

暑

Ã

î。

hɐuDN haeux rice

hɐɯI hawj give

ɬɯːE swq go-between

kɘnA gwn eat

laːiA lai much

呆

許

暑

À

Ä。

ŋaːib ngaiz breakfast

hɐɯI hawj give

ɬɯːE swq go-between

kɘnA gwn eat

ɁjɪmE imq full, sated

ù

叁

命

盖

王。

peiA bae go

ɕaːmA cam consult

mɪŋf mingh Fate

kaːiEY gaiq clf; for

βuǝŋb vuengz king

*

5b:2

5b:3 *

109

interlinear transcription Ã

久

₣

明

ù。

150

loiA roi comb

tɕɐuI gyaeuj head

laːkI5 lag beautiful

mɯŋb mwngz your

peiA bae go

*

洛

Ÿ

黎

明

ù。

loiA rag drag

lɯːǝŋA rieng tail, pigtail

lɐib raez long

mɯŋb mwngz your

peiA bae go

5b:4 *

Œ

N

耗

明

ù。

ɁaːiA ai rely.on

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

haːuJ hauq speech

mɯŋb mwngz your

peiA bae go

卦

峝

ù

里

羅。

kβaːE gvaq traverse

tɵŋf doengh field

peiA bae go

liːiY lih in.a.hurry

laːb laz

卦

那

ù

里

狼。

kβaːE gvaq traverse

naːb naz wet-field

peiA bae go

liːiY lih in.haste

laːŋf langh

久

左

œ

北

/。

155

tɕɐuI gyaeuj head

ɬɯǝiD swix left

loːkI rog outside

pɐkG baek insert

ɁdaːiDN ndaix hairpin

5b:6 *

当

暑

ÿ

倍

莫。

ɁdaːŋA ndang body

ɬɯːE swq go-between

tɐnI daenj wear, put.on

puǝf buh clothes

mo̞ ːE moq new

久

左

œ

/

花。

tɕɐuI gyaeuj head

ɬɯǝiDN swix left

loːkI rog outside

ɕaːmA ndaix pin

βaːA va flower

5b:5

*

5b:7 *

110

interlinear transcription

現

勿

化

勿

狂。

keːnA gen arms

fʊtI fid swinging.wide

faːb faz

fʊtI fid swinging.wide

faːŋf fangh

罡

良

散

卦

那。

kaːŋA gang open.out

lɨːǝŋI liengj umbrella

ɬaːnA san woven

kβaːE gvaq traverse

naːb naz wet-field

罡

良

沙

卦

峝。

kaːŋA gang open.out

lɨːǝŋI liengj umbrella

ɬaːA sa paper

kβaːE gvaq traverse

tɵŋf doengh field

$

暑

V

Â

脚。

jaːf yah go-between

ɬɯːE swq

tɐŋb daengz arrive

tɪnA din foot

tɕoːkEZ gyok lane

暑

Á

V

渌

圡。

ɬɯːE swq go-between

peiA bae go

tɐŋb daengz arrive

loːkI rog outside

tuːA dou door

c

圡

盖

W

后。

haːiA hai open

tuːA dou door

kaːiE gaiq clf; for

ho̞ iE hoiq I, me

hɐuI haeuj enter

*

5b:8 *

160

6a:1

6a:2

有

圡

盖

W

卦。

ɁjɐuJ5 yaeuj lift.up

tuːA dou door

kaːiE gaiq clf; for

ho̞ iE hoiq I, me

kβaːE gvaq traverse

$

他

耗

地

0。

165

jaːf yah old.lady

tɛːA de she, her

haːuE hauq speak

tiːfY dih deliberately

taːnb danz

6a:3 *

*

111

interlinear transcription $

他

刊

地

逹。

jaːf yah old.lady

tɛːA de she, her

haːnA han answer

tiːfY dih emphatically

taːtI dad

È

你

1

怕

Í。

hɐtG haet morning

niːDN neix this

loːmf romh early

paːDN bax glimmering

jaːiA yai

卦

呆

斗

麻

耗。

kβaːE gvaq go.past

ŋaːib ngaiz breakfast

tɐuI daeuj come

maːb maz what

haːuE hauq talk, news

W

斗

Î

ï

分。

ho̞ iE hoiq I

tɐuI daeuj come

laːA ra seek

hɐuDN haeux rice

fɐnnA faen seed

W

斗

羅

分

加。

ho̞ iE hoiq I

tɐuI daeuj come

laːA ra seek

fɐnA faen seed

tɕaːI gyaj rice.seedlings

瀆

ï

加

不

V。

tɵkG doek drop, sow

hɐuDN haeux rice

tɕaːI gyaj rice-seedlings

ɁbouI mbouj not

tɐŋb daengz arrive

瀆

ï

分

不

度。

tɵkG doek drop, sow

hɐuDN haeux rice

fɐnA faen seed

ɁbouI mbouj not

toːf doh enough

斗

斈

偶

ï

分

tɐuI daeuj come

ɕɵf coh toward

ɁɐuA aeu take

hɐuDN haeux rice

fɐnnA faen seed

6a:4

*

6a:5 *

170 *

6a:6

6a:7 *

112

interlinear transcription

瀆

不

V

舍

2。

tɵkG doek drop, sow

ɁbouI mbouj not

tɐŋb daengz arrive

ɕeːA ce leave.aside

tɨːǝkI dieg land

$

他

耗

地

0。

175

jaːf yah old.lady

tɛːA# de she, her

haːuJ hauq speak

tiːfY dih deliberately

taːnb danz

6a:8

$

他

刊

地

Ò。

jaːf yah old.lady

tɛːA# de she, her

haːnA han answer

tiːfY dih emphatically

taːtI dad

ï

Ï

娬

貧

旦。

hɐuDN haeux glutinous.rice

ɕɨtI cid

fɯǝDN fwx other.people

pɐnb baenz become

taːnA dan cut.with.scissors

ï

三

娬

貧

3。

hɐuDN haeux japonica.rice

ɬaːnA san

fɯǝDN fwx other.people

pɐnb baenz succeed

taːkEZ dak dry.in.sun

厚

4

雜

貧

偶。

hɐuDN haeux grain

lɐpI lab miscellaneous

ɕaːpI cab

pɐnb baenz become

ɁɐuA aeu take

墨

宜

吽

羅

加。

mɯːfk mwh time

neiːDN neix this

nɐub naeuz say

laːA ra seek

tɕaːI gyaj rice seedlings

罡

麻

Ô

h

廖。

kaːŋI gangj speak

maːb maz what

lɵŋf tɨkI loengh dwg play, fiddle.with laughable

lieuA riu

*

6b:1 *

*

6b:2 *

180

6b:3 *

113

interlinear transcription 暑

到

冇

大

ý。

ɬɯːE swq go-between

taːuE dauq return

ɁdɯǝiA ndwi empty

taːb daz vastly

ljuːf luh

暑

到

Ž

大

劳。

ɬɯːE swq go-between

taːuE dauq return

tɕuːE byouq empty-handed

taːb daz cavernously

laːub lauz

暑

倒

吽

盖

王。

ɬɯːE swq go-between

taːuE dauq return

nɐub naeuz say

kaːiE gaiq clf; to, for

βuǝŋb vuengz king

6b:4 *

途

黎

礼

久

墓。

185

pɐib tɕaːiIt baez byaij time, once walk, go

toːf doh time, occasion

lɐɯb lawz which

ɁdæiI1 ndaej get

tɕɐuI gyaeuj head

muːA mou pig

6b:5 *

倍

暑

了

黎

礼

力

伝。

pɐib baez time

ɬɯːE ɁdeːuA swq ndeu go-between one

lɐɯb lawz which

ɁdæiI1 lɨkI ndaej lwg get, obtain child

倍

觧

hʊnnb vunz person, another

娄

到

ù

倍

莫。

lɐub raeuz we

taːuE dauq return

peiA bae go

pɐib baez time, occasion

mo̞ ːE moq new

暑

ù

m

大

二。

ɬɯːE swq go-between

peiA bae go

pɐib doh time, occasion

taːif daih number

ɲiːf ngeih two

久

左

œ

北

参。

tɕɐuI gyaeuj head

ɬɯǝiDN swix left

loːkI rog outside

pɐkG baek insert

ɕaːmA cam hairpin

6b:6

*

6b:7 *

114

interlinear transcription 190

双

吞

戌

咳

綉。

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

tɪnA din feet

ɬɨtG swt put.on

haːib haiz shoes

ɬeuE siu embroidered

卦

峝

ù

里

Î。

kβaːE gvaq traverse

tɵŋf doengh field

peiA bae go

liːfr lih in.a.hurry

laːb laz

卦

那

ù

里

狼。

kβaːE gvaq traverse

naːb naz wet-field

peiA bae go

liːfr lih in.haste

laːŋf langh

$

暑

V

吞

却。

jaːf yah go-between

ɬɯːE swq

tɐŋb daengz arrive

tɪnA din foot

tɕoːkEZ gyok palisade

暑

ù

V

洛

圡。

ɬɯːE swq go-between

peiA bae go

tɐŋb daengz arrive

loːkI rog outside

tuːA dou door

x

姆

留

Û

華。

195

maːA ma dog

meːf meh mother

lɐuE raeuq bark

wiːfY vih onom

waːb vaz

7a:2

x

h

留

Û

囬。

maːA ma dog

tɐkIN daeg male

lɐuE raeuq bark

wiːfr vih onom

waːifo vaeh

留

娬

É

留

娄。

lɐuE raeuq bark.at

fɯǝDN fwx someone.else

lo̞ ːD rox or

lɐuE raeuq bark

lɐub raeuz we, us

*

6b:8

7a:1 *

7a:3

115

interlinear transcription 留

娬

Ï

x

合。

lɐuE raeuq bark.at

fɯǝDN fwx someone.else

ɕɪtG cit urge

maːA ma dog

hɐpI haeb bite

留

娄

急

x

到。

lɐuE raeuq bark.at

lɐub raeuz we, us

tɕɐpG gyaep chase, drive

maːA ma dog

taːuE dauq return

$

暑

耗

地

0。

jaːf yah go-between

ɬɯːE swq

haːuE hauq speak

tiːfr dih deliberately

taːnb danz

W

¼

甫

廖

Ë。

ho̞ iE hoiq I

kʊkJ guh do, act.as

puːDN boux clf; person

lieuf liuh roam, visit

laːnb ranz house

G

¼

甫

廖

竜。

naːŋb nangz lady, I

kʊkI guh do, act.as

puːDN boux clf; person

lieuf liuh roam, visit

luːǝŋE luengq lane

Ù

斗

宜

Î

呆。

ɕieuE ciuq accordingly

tɐuI daeuj come

neiːDN neix this, here

laːAr ra seek

ŋaːib ngaiz breakfast

老

火

散

巴

羅。

laːuDN laux elder

ho̞ ːI hoj bitter; lack

ɬaːnE sanq scattered

paːDN bax mim.suff.

ɬaːb laz

r

丐

麻

斈

觧。

205

miːb miz there.is

kaːiE gaiq what

maːb maz

ɕoːf coh pitiable

tɕaːiIt byaij walk, go

7a:7 *

7a:4 *

200

7a:5 *

7a:6 *

116

interlinear transcription

觧

r

N

娋

唎。

tɕaːiIt byaij walk, go

miːb miz have

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

ɬaːuA sau pretty

ɁdiːA ndei

¼

淋

能

不

貧。

kʊkI guh do, make

lɐmDN raemx water

ɕɐŋE ndaengq lye

ɁbouI mbouj not

miːb baenz succeed

¼

淋

吞

不

纷。

kʊkI guh do, make

lɐmDN raemx water

ɁdɐnA daenh indigo

ɁbouI mbouj not

fuːǝtI fuenx black

偶

Ł

斗

ž

罡。

ɁɐuA aeu take

liːǝp?B riep bamboo.screen

tɐuI daeuj come

neːŋfr gih pref

kaːŋA gang stretch.taut

参

隆

棚

乞

Ð。

ɕaːmA cam consult

lɵŋb roengz descend

pɐŋb baengz cloth

hɐtG haet morning

ɕoːkI cog tomorrow

$

買

耗

地

0。

jaːf yah widow

maːiE maiq

haːuE hauq speak

tiːfr dih deliberately

taːnb danz

$

買

刊

地

達。

jaːf yah widow

maːiE maiq

haːnA han reply

tiːfr dih emphatically

taːtI dad

淋

5

卦

不

貧。

lɐmDN raemx water

ɁdɐŋE$ ndaengq lye

kβaːE gvaq pass.by

mɯːI mbouj not

pɐnb baenz succeed

*

7a:8 *

*

7b:1 *

210 *

7b:2

7b:3 *

117

interlinear transcription 淋

吞

卦

不

造。

lɐmDN raemx water

ɁɐnA daenh indigo

kβaːE gvaq pass.by

mɯːI mbouj not

ɕaːufX caux make

劳

先

Õ

吞

伏。

215

laːuE lauq jar

ɬeːnE senq early

hɵmI hoemj cover.up

tɪnA din foot

faːbA fa wall

7b:4 *

*

卦

Ó

w

Ó

翁。

kβaːE gvaq pass.by

mɯːf mwh time

ɁdɪŋA nding red

mɯːf mwh time

hɵŋb ongq shining.bright

W

斗

羅

分

6。

ho̞ iE hoiq I

tɐuI daeuj come

laːA ra seek

fɐnA faen seed

ɕaːmb camz indigo

W

斗

叁

分

叱。

ho̞ iE hoiq I

tɐuI daeuj come

ɕaːmA cam ask.for

fɐnA faen seed

ɕɐtI gyaed small-leaf.indigo

分

叱

里

許

江。

fɐnA faen seed

ɕɐtI liːI$ gyaed lij small-leaf.indigo still.have

hɐɯI hawj give

tɕaːŋA gyang half.a.pound

分

6

里

許

谷。

fɐnA faen seed

ɕaːmb camz indigo

liːI$ lij still.have

hɐɯI hawj give

koːkEZ gok small.bamboo. container

叱

娬

!

令

当。

hɘnI hwnj rise.up

leːŋb lengz level.with

ɁdaːŋA ndang body

ɕɐtI fɯǝDN gyaed fwx small-leaf.indigo other.people

7b:5 *

7b:6

220

7b:7 *

118

interlinear transcription

6

娬

桑

令

Ý。

ɕaːmb camz indigo

fɯǝDN fwx other.people

ɬaːŋA sang high

leːŋb lengz level.with

hɯːǝtE hwet waist

V

Ó

你

造

叁。

tɐŋb daengz arrive

mɯːf mwh time

niːDN neix this

ɕaːufX caux hereupon

ɕaːmA cam ask

7b:8

講

旺

不

貧

Ô。

kaːŋI gangj speak

βaːŋA vang crosswise

ɁbouI mbouj not

pɐnb baenz become

loːŋfN longh straight.ahead

暑

到

冇

大

ý。

225

ɬɯːE swq go-between

taːuE dauq return

ɁdɯǝiA

taːDN dax vastly

luːf luh

8a:1

ndwi without

暑

到

Ž

大

劳。

ɬɯːE swq go-between

taːuE dauq return

tɕuːE byouq empty-handed

taːDN dax cavernously

laːub lauz

娬

¼

暑

É

貧。

fɯǝDN fwx others

kʊkI guh do; act.as

ɬɯːE swq go-between

lo̞ ːDN rox know.how

pɐnnb baenz succeed

W

¼

暑

不

貧。

ho̞ iE hoiq I

kʊkI guh do; act.as

ɬɯːE swq go-between

ɁbouI mbouj not

pɐnb baenz succeed

娬

勿

"

里

光。

fɯǝDN fwx others

fɯːǝthB fwet slash

lɵnA roen path

lɛːb le ptl

kβaːŋE gvangq wide

*

8a:2

8a:3 *

119

interlinear transcription W

勿

Þ

不

光。

ho̞ iE hoiq I

fɯːǝthB fwet slash

lɵnA loh road

ɁbouI mbouj not

kβaːŋE gvangq wide

買

É

罡

色

N。

maːiiY maih even.if

lo̞ ːDN rox know.how

kaːŋI gangj speak

ɬɐkG saek one, any

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

昙

宜

林

了

þ。

ŋɵnb ngoenz today

neiːD neix

lʊmb lumz forget

lieuD liux ptl

naːuE nauq not (at.all)

王

造

耗

地

0。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɕaːufX caux thereupon

haːuE hauq speak

tiːfr dih deliberately

taːnb danz

王

造

刊

地

逹。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɕaːufX caux thereupon

haːnA han reply

tiːfr dih emphatically

taːtI dad

230 *

8a:4

*

8a:5

娬

đ

Î

đ

Î。

235

fɯǝDN fwx others

lieubr riuz spread

laːbr laz extend

lieubr riuz spread

laːbr laz extend

8a:6 *

đ

貧

工

岜

₣。

lieub riuz spread

pɐnb baenz become

ko̝ ːŋA gong clf

tɕaːA bya mountain

laːkEZ lak topple, crash

m

答

講

貧

N。

tof dox mutually

taːpEZ dap respond

kaːŋI gangj speak

pɐnb baenz become

ɕɵnnb coenz phrase

*

8a:7

120

interlinear transcription

c

己

N

己

Ğ。

haːiA hai open

kiːI geij several

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

kiːI geij several

to̞ ːiE doiq exchange

暑

到

冇

大

ý。

ɬɯːE swq go-between

taːuE dauq return

ɁdɯǝiA ndwi without

taːf dah vastly

luːfN luh

8a:8

暑

到

Ž

大

劳。

240

ɬɯːE swq go-between

taːuE dauq return

tɕuːE byouq empty-handed

taːDN dax cavernously

laːub lauz

*

暑

ù

都

大

三。

8b:1

ɬɯːE swq go-between

peiA bae go

toːf doh time, occasion

taːif daih number

ɬaːmA sam three

暑

ù

V

咟

却。

ɬɯːE swq go-between

peiA bae go

tɐŋb daengz arrive

paːkEt bak mouth

tɕoːkEZ gyok palisade

暑

ù

V

œ

吐。

ɬɯːE swq go-between

peiA bae go

tɐŋb daengz arrive

loːkI rog outside

tuːA dou door

û

你

斗

合

却。

naːŋb nangz lady

niːDN neix this

tɐuI daeuj come

hɐpG haep close

tɕoːkEZ cok laneway

9

3

斗

讀

吐。

245

ɁbɯkG mbwk female

toːkI dog lone

tɐuI daeuj come

toːkEZ dok strike

tuːA dou door

8b:3

*

8b:2

*

121

interlinear transcription 丐

勒

x

了

$。

kɐiI gaej don’t

lɐkI laeg

maːA ma come.back

lieuD liux ptl

jaːf yah old.lady

$

泰

İ

不

h。

jaːf yah mother-in-law

taːiE daiq

ɁdiːǝpEY ndiep consider

ɁbouI mbouj not

tɘkI dwg right

錦

現

h

N

到。

kɐmA gaem grasp

keːnA gen arm

tɯːb dawz take.in.hand

lɨkI lwg child

taːuE dauq return

N

耗

講

不

h。

ɕɵnb coenz clf.phrase

haːuE hauq speech

kaːŋI gangj speak

ɁbouI mbouj not

tɨkI dwg right

N

你

隆

盖

ć。

lɨkI lwg child

nei: DN neix this

lɵŋA loeng mistake

kɐiIv gaiq don’t

kβaːiE gvaiq blame

$

造

耗

地

0。

jaːf yah old.lady

ɕaufX caux thereupon

haːuE hauq speak

tiːfY dih deliberately

taːnb danz

$

造

刊

地

Õ。

jaːf yah old.lady

ɕaufX caux thereupon

haːnA han answer

tiːfY dih emphatically

taːtI dad

W

不

表

丐

麻。

ho̞ iE hoiq I

ɁbouI mbouj not

peuA beu transgress

kaːiE gaiq anything

maːb maz

8b:4

8b:5

250 *

8b:6

8b:7 *

122

interlinear transcription

或

時

f

三

倒。

βɐkG ngvaek short.time

ɕɯːb cawz

maːA ma come.back

ɬaːmA sam three

taːuE dauq return, time

*

或

時

耗

三

"。

255

βɐkG ngvaek short.time

ɕɯːb cawz

haːuE hauq waste

ɬaːmA sam three

ɕɵnnb roen path

8b:8 *

面

隆

É

斗

劳。

miɛnfN mienh face

lɵŋb roengz descend, relax

lo̞ ːDN rox know.how

tɐuI daeuj come

lieuf liuh roam, visit

É

斗

劳

羅

呆。

lieuf rox know.how

tɐuI daeuj come

lieuf liuh roam, visit

laːA ra seek

ŋaːib ngaiz breakfast

觧

î

貧

甫

暑。

tɕaːiI byaij walk, go

laːiA lai many

pɐnb baenz become

puːD boux clf

ɬɯːE swq go-between

$

暑

耒

知

教。

jaːf yah old lady

ɬɯːE swq go-between

laːiA lai many

ɕiːfr gih crafty

tɕaːuEr gyauq

W

不

隂

N

耗。

ho̞ iE hoiq I

ɁbouI mbouj not

jɐmA yaem deceive

ɕɵnb coenz clf; phrase

haːuE hauq speech

W

不

到

ù

冇。

ho̞ iE hoiq I

ɁbouI mbouj not

taːuE dauq return

pɐib baez time

ɁdɯǝiA ndwi empty, in.vain

*

9a:1 *

9a:2 *

260 *

9a:3

123

interlinear transcription 王

¼

買

个

谷。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

kʊkI guh do, be

maːiE maiq widow

kaːDN gax all.alone

juːfk goek

王

¼

買

六

悲。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

kʊkI guh do, be

maːiE maiq widow

lɵkG loek six

piːA bi year

零

不

r

甫

仿。

leːŋE lengq worn.out

ɁbouI mbouj not

miːb miz have

puːDN boux clf; person

foːŋA fong mend

亡

不

r

甫

色。

265

moːŋA mong grey, dirty

ɁbouI mbouj not

miːb miz have

puːDN boux clf; person

ɬɐkI saeg wash

9a:5 *

畓

不

r

甫

托。

*

tʊmb ndaek wet, damp

ɁbouI mbouj not

miːb miz have

puːDN boux clf; person

taːkEZ dak dry.in.sun

$

代

耗

地

0。

jaːf yah mother-in-law

taːiE daiq

haːuE hauq speak

tiːfr dih deliberately

taːnb danz

公

大

刊

地

Õ。

kɵŋA goeng father-in-law

taːA da

haːnA han answer

tiːfr dih emphatically

taːtI dad

妑

王

貧

妑

王。

paːb baz wife

βuǝŋb vuengz king

pɐnb baenz become, be

paːb baz wife

βuǝŋb vuengz king

*

9a:4

*

9a:6

9a:7

124

interlinear transcription 270

甫

傍

累

礼

占。

puːDN boux clf; person

pɨǝŋb biengz realm

lɐɯb lawz what, how

ɁdeiJ1 ndaej get, able.to

ɕiːǝmE ciemq occupy

岜

朴

还

岜

朴。

tɕaːA bya fish

tɕokI coeg Spinibarbus

βaːnb vanz return

tɕaːA bya fish

tɕokI coeg Spinibarbus

岜

Š

累

礼

占。

tɕaːA bya fish

ɁdokG ndoek Clarias

lɐɯb lawz what, how

ɁdæiJ1 ndaej get, able.to

ɕiːǝmE ciemq occupy

$

暑

正

造

耗。

jaːf yah go-between

ɬɯːE swq

ɕɪŋE cingq just

ɕaufX caux then

haːuE hauq speak

淋

h

列

貧

侁。

lɐmDN raemx water

tɨkG dwk put, pour

lɯtG lwt small.bamboo. container

pɐnb baenz become

ɁbɐŋE mbaengq big.bamboo.container

能

里

王

貧

王。

275

nɐŋf naengh sit

ɁdiːI1 ndij with

βuǝŋb vuengz king

pɐnb baenz become

βuǝŋb vuengz king

9b:2

丐

罡

三

罡

四。

ɬɤiːE

kɐiE gaej don’t

kaːŋI gangj speak

ɬaːmA sam three

kaːŋI gangj speak

seiq four

武

買

二

買

三。

fɯǝDN fwx other.person

maːiE maiq be.widowed

ɲiːf ngeih two

maːiE maiq widowed

ɬaːmA sam three

*

9a:8 *

*

9b:1

*

*

9b:3

125

interlinear transcription W

牙

Ø

N

一。

ho̞ iE hoiq I

ȵaːE nyaq only

kɐmA gaem clf; handful

lɨkI lwg child

ɁdeːuA ndeu one

心

消

福

到

亦。

ɬɵmA soem sharp

ɬeuA seu adj.suff.

fʊkG fuk clumsy

taːuE dauq return; and

jaːkEr yak bad

x

Ş

良

到

骨。

ɁdaːE ndaq scold, curse

paːmb bamz stupid

laːmb liengz chill

tɐŋb daengz arrive

ɁdoːkEr ndok bone

伝

福

咟

列

利。

hʊnb vunz person

fʊkG fuk clumsy

paːkEZ bak mouth

lɛːb lez sharp

liːfN lih

$

暑

耗

地

0。

jaːf yah go-between

ɬɯːE swq

haːuE hauq speak

tiːfr dih deliberately

taːnb danz

甫

黎

氼

厚

仿。

puːDN boux who

lɐɯb lawz

ɁdɐmA ndaem plant

hɐuDN haeux foxtail.millet

f󰀯ːǝŋI fiengj

甫

黎

養

N

9。

puːDN boux who

lɐɯb lawz

ɕɨːǝŋDN ciengx raise

lɨkI lwg daughter

ɁbɨkG mbwk

N

9

何

ù

:。

285

lɨkI lwg daughter

ɁbɨkG mbwk

ɦaːE haq marry

ɁoːkEr bae go

peiA rog out

9b:7 *

*

9b:4 *

280 *

9b:5 *

9b:6 *

126

interlinear transcription

厚

仿

瀆

旁

巴。

hɐuDN haeux foxtail.millet

f󰀯ːǝŋI fiengj

tɵkG doek drop, sow

paːŋDN bangx slope

paːE baq wild

N

9

何

ù

傍。

lɨkI lwg daughter

ɁbɨkG mbwk

haːE haq marry

peiA bae go

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm, wider.world

左

不

許

盖

王。

ɕaːI caj if

ɁbouI mbouj not

hɐɯI hawj give

kaːiE gaiq clf; to

βuǝŋb vuengz king

甫

傍

黎

礼

占。

puːD boux clf; people

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

lɐɯb lawz which, how

ɁdeiJ1 ndaej get, able.to

lɛːD$ ciemq occupy

棚

h

Õ

之

Õ。

pɐŋb baengz cloth

tɨkI dwg is; fit

tɐtG daet cut.w.scissors

ɕifr cix then

tɐtG daet cut.w.scissors

勿

h

ş

之

ş。

fɐtI faed sash

tɨkI dwg is; fit.to

ɕiːǝŋA giengh starch

ɕifr cix then

ɕiːǝŋAr giengh starch

Y

h

才

之

才。

puǝf buh clothing

tɨkI dwg is; fit.to

ɕaːib caiz cut.out

ɕiːfr cix then

ɕaːib caiz cut.out




笑。

paːkEZ bak mouth

ɁbouI mbouj not

lieuA riu smile

ɁdɐŋA ndaeng nose

lieuA riu smile

桥

貧

林

Õ

狼。

kieuA giu wind.up

pɐnb baenz become, into

lɐmD raemx water

tʊmDN hap bump

laːŋf langh wave

杀

z

甫

?

呆。

kaːI gaj kill

kɐiE gaeq rooster

poːfr boh

tɐmA daem accompany

ŋaːib ngaiz cooked.rice

許

命。

c

Ď

呈

haːiA hai open

lɐuI laeuj wine

ɕɪŋb hɐɯI cingz hawj small-mouthed. give jar

mɪŋf mingh Fate

請

道

斗

來

字。

ɕɪŋI cingj Invite

taːuf| dauh Taoist

tɐuI daeuj come

laːib raiz write

ɬɯːA saw document

請

師

斗

來

命。

ɕɪŋI cingj Invite

ɬɐiA sae Master

tɐuI daeuj come

laːib raiz write

mɪŋf mingh Fate

11b:3 *

*

11b:4 *

*

345 11b:5

*

11b:6

134

interlinear transcription

告

許

命

V

+。

kaːuAr gyau hand.over

hɐɯI hawj give

mɪŋf mingh Fate

tɐŋb daengz arrive

f󰀯ŋb fwngz hand

黎

之

Ā

了

暑。

leib raez call.out

ɕiːf cih is.just

mɯŋb mwngz you

lieuDN liux ptl

ɬɯːE swq go-between

Ý

Õ

h

明

尊。

hɐtG haet early.morn

hɐmf haemh evening

tɨkI dwg is

mɯŋb mwngz you

ɬoːnA son teach

阿

Ã

孨

里

$。

loːmb romz large.packet

ɁdiːJ1 ndij with

jaːf yah old.lady

tɕoːA kɘnA gyo gwn rely.on, thanks.to eat 他

É

¼

É

哏。

tɛːA de she

lo̞ ːDN rox know.how

kʊkI guh do, make

lo̞ ːDN rox know.how

kɘnA gwn eat

黎

之

明

了

$。

lɐib raez call.out

ɕiːf cih is.just

mɯŋb mwngz you

lieuD liux ptl

jaːf yah old.lady

11b:7

350 *

11b:8

*

12a:1 *

奴

s

怒

Ă

M。

355

nɔːf noh flesh

ɁuːD youq be.at

noːkEZ nok hump

tub duz clf

ɕɨǝb cwz ox

12a:2 *

N

s

耳

甫

暑。

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

ɁuːD youq be.at

lɨǝb rwz ear

puːDN boux clf; person

ɬɯː@ swq go-between

135

interlinear transcription 他

É

哏

É

耗。

tɛːA de she

lo̞ ːDN rox know.how

kɘnA gwn eat

lo̞ ːDN rox know.how

haːuE hauq speak

W

¼

妹

a

哏。

ho̞ iE hoiq I

kʊkI guh do; act.as

meːf meh mother

kuːǝnI guenj be.in.charge.of

kɨnA gwn eat

12a:3

12a:4

告

丐

明

了

暑。

kaːuAr gyau hand.over

kaːiE gaiq clf; to

mɯŋb mwngz you

lieuD liux ptl

ɬɯːE swq go-between

$

暑

耗

N

还。

360

jaːf yah go-between

ɬɯːE swq

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

βaːnb vanz reply

*

N

里

妹

N

Ë。

12a:5

lɨkI lwg child

ɁdiːI1 ndij with

meːfY meh mother

lɨkI lwg child

laːnb ranz house

N

Á

ă

N

娬。

lɨkI lwg child

peiA bae go

kβaːnA gvan husband

lɨkI lwg child

fɯǝDN fwx another

淋

h

律

貧

侁。

lɐmDN raemx water

tɨkG dwk strike, pour

lɯtG lwt small.bamboo. container

pɐnb baenz become

ɁbɐŋE mbaengq large.bamboo. container

能

里

王

貧

王。

nɐŋf naengh sit

ɁdiːJ1 ndij with

βuǝŋb vuengz king

pɐnb baenz become

βuǝŋb vuengz king

12a:6 *

136

interlinear transcription

甫

黎

尊

Ă

.

器

[。

365

puːDN boux who

lɐɯb lawz

ɬoːnA son teach

tuːb duz clf

pɪtG bit duck

hieub youz swim

taːf dah river

12a:7 *

甫

黎

尊

斈

$

ù

ă。

*

puːDN boux who

lɐɯb lawz

ɬoːnA son teach

ɕaːuDq caux women

jaːfN yah

peiA bae go

kβaːnA gvan husband

他

r

Ë

各

É。

tɛːA de she

miːb miz have

laːnb ranz house

kaːkI gag self

lo̞ ːDN rox know

$

暑

哏

Ď

9。

jaːf yah go-between

ɬɯːE swq

kɘnA gwn eat, drink

lɐuI laeuj wine

fiːb fiz drunk

罡

危

Ą

危

憐。

kaːŋI gangj speak

ŋβiːb ngviz drunkenly

liːb liz

ŋβiːb ngviz drunkenly

lɪnnfN linh

暑

礼

命

暑

f。

ɬɯːE swq go-between

ɁdæiJ1 ndaej get

mɪŋf mingh Fate

ɬɯːE swq go-between

maːA ma come.back

暑

礼

沙

暑

到。

ɬɯːE swq go-between

ɁdæiJ1 ndaej get

ɬaːA sa paper

ɬɯːE swq go-between

taːuE dauq return

Ğ

吞

使

暑

f。

to̞ iE doiq shift

tɪnA din foot

ɬɯǝiDN swix left

ɬɯːE swq go-between

maːA ma come.back

12a:8

*

12b:1 *

370

12b:2

137

interlinear transcription Ğ

吞

X

暑

到。

to̞ iE doiq shift

tɪnA din foot

kβaːb gvaz right

ɬɯːE swq go-between

taːuE dauq return

卦

峝

斗

里

Î。

kβaːE gvaq traverse

tɵŋf doengh field

tɐuI daeuj come

liːfr lih in.a.hurry

laːb laz

卦

峝

斗

里

狼。

375

kβaːE gvaq traverse

naːb naz wet-field

tɐuI daeuj come

liːfr lih in.haste

laːŋfy langh

12b:4 *

咅

限

三

咅

失。

pɐib baez time

ɁjaːmE yamq step.forward

ɬaːmA sam three

pɐib baez time

ɬɐtG saet jump

礼

字

命

V

Ë。

ɁdeiI1 ndaej get

ɬɯːA saw document

mɪŋf mingh Fate

tɐŋb daengz arrive

laːnb ranz house

王

造

笑

Ñ

時。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɕaufX caux thereupon

lieuA riu smile

paːDN bax mim.suff.

ɬiːf sih

王

造

米

Ñ

接。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɕaufX caux then

miːf mih pleased

paːDN bax mim.suff.

ɬeːkI sieg

吽

¼

暑

不

貧。

nɐub naeuz say

kʊkI guh do, act.as

ɬɯːE swq go-between

ɁbouI mbouj not

pɐnb baenz succeed

12b:3 *

*

12b:5

12b:6

380

138

interlinear transcription

宜

¼

暑

到

貧。

neiːDN neix this

kʊkI guh do, act.as

ɬɯːE swq go-between

taːuE dauq return; finally

pɐnnb baenz succeed

吽

勿

"

不

光。

nɐub naeuz say

fɯːǝtE$ fwet slash

lɵnA roen path

ɁbouI mbouj not

kβaːŋE gvangq wide

宜

勿

"

到

光。

neiːDN neix this

fɯːǝtE$ fwet slash

lɵnA roen path

taːuE dauq return; finally

kβaːŋE gvangq wide

甲

偶

z

f

杀。

kɐpI gaeb grab

ɁɐuA aeu take

kæiE gaeq chicken

maːA ma come.back

kaːI gaj kill

甲

偶

墓

f

杀。

385

kɐpI gaeb grab

ɁɐuA aeu take

muːA mou pig

maːA ma come.back

kaːI gaj kill

13a:1 *

請

道

斗

合

字。

ɕɪŋI cingj Invite

taːuf dauh Taoist

tɐuI daeuj come

haːpI hab match.up

ɬɯːA saw documents

請

師

斗

合

命。

ɕɪŋI cingj Invite

ɬɐiA sae Master

tɐuI daeuj come

haːpI hab match.up

mɪŋf mingh Fate

書

字

也

m

雷。

ɬɯːA saw document

ɕiːf cih characters

ɕiːf yex also

tɵDN dox mutually

lo̞ ːiD roix string.through

12b:7

12b:8

*

13a:2 *

*

139

interlinear transcription 水

字

也

m

良。

ɕo̞ iI$ coij clf; column

ɬɯːAr saw writing

ɕiːf yex also

tɵDN dox mutually

liːǝŋb riengz follow

他

不

防

不

敗。

tɛːA de he, she, it

ɁbouI mbouj not

fuǝŋb fuengz ward.off

ɁbouI mbouj not

paːif baih defeat

甲

他

¼

#

妑。

kaːpE$ gap match.up

tɛːA de them

kʊkI guh do; be

kβaːnA gvan husband

paːb baz wife

逻

他

¼

家

夫。

ɁdaːA nda lay.out, set

tɛːA de she, her

kʊkI guh do; be

tɕaːA gya house

fuːE fuq wife

王

造

耗

地

0。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɕaufX caux thereupon

haːuE hauq declare

tiːfr dih deliberately

taːnb danz

王

造

刊

地

Õ。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɕaufX caux thereupon

haːnA han reply

tiːfr dih emphatically

taːtI dad

昙

唎

道

ù

黎。

ŋɵnb ngoenz day

ɁdiːA ndei good

taːuf dauh Taoist

peiA bae go

læib raez call.for

昙

唎

師

ù

丑。

ŋɵnb ngoenz day

ɁdiːA ndei good

ɬæiA sae Master

peiA bae go

ɕuːDN coux receive

13a:3 *

390 *

13a:4

*

13a:5

395 13a:6

140

interlinear transcription

礼

妑

王

V

Ë。

ɁdæiI1 ndaej get

paːb baz wife

βuǝŋb vuengz king

tɐŋb daengz arrive

laːnb ranz house

許

Ă

妄

Ã

m。

hɐɯI hawj give

tuːb duz clf

faːŋb fangz ghost

kɘnA gwn eat

toːf doh enough

王

礼

ą

祖

宗。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɁdeiI1 ndaej get

ɕiːE caeq make.offerings

ɕoːI coj ancestors

ɕɵŋA coeng

s

三

脌

到

那。

ɁuːDW youq be.at, remain

ɬaːmA sam three

piːA bi year

taːuE dauq return

naːI naj face, before

s

五

脌

到

"。

ɁuːDY youq be.at, remain

haːI haj five

piːA bi year

taːuE dauq return

lɐŋA laeng after

罡

N

Õ

后

肚。

kaːŋI gangj speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

hɐmb haemz hate

hɐuI haeuj enter

tʊŋD dungx belly

王

哏

苝

İ

菜。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

kɯnA gwn eat

tɕɐkG ɁdiːǝpEY byaek ndiep green. vegetable consider

王

買

妑

İ

N。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

maːiE maiq be.widowed

paːb baz wife

ɁdiːǝpEY ndiep keep.in.mind

lɨkI lwg child

tɕaːiA byai sprout, young. growth

13a:7

*

13a:8

400

13b:1

13b:2

141

interlinear transcription Õ

罡

Č

時

入。

405

hɐmf haemh evening

kaːŋI gangj speak

tɐmE daemq low

ɬiːDY six mim.suff.

ɬɐpI saeb

13b:3 *

气

尊

ù

尊

到。

hɐtG haet early.morning

ɬoːnA son teach

peiA bae go

ɬoːnA son teach

taːuE dauq return

忻

U

那

同

U。

hɐnb haenz field.margin

ɕeːf ceh soaked

naːb naz wet-field

tɵŋb doengz likewise

ɕeːf ceh soaked

妹

"

d

同

"。

meːf meh mother

lɐŋA laeng after, step-

poːf boh father

tɵŋb doengz likewise

lɐŋA laeng after, step-

偶

T

ù

¼

咟。

ɁɐuA aeu take

ɬɐnA saen back

peiA bae go

kʊkI guh make; take.as

paːkEZ bak mouth, sharp.edge

N

講

后

N

"。

410

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

kaːŋI gangj speak

hɐuI haeuj protect

lɨkI lwg child

lɐŋA laeng after

*

13b:6

N

講

Õ

N

旧。

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

kaːŋI gangj speak

hɐmb haemz hate

lɨkI lwg child

kɐuE gaeuq former

N

罡

乾

N

Î。

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

kaːŋI gangj speak

keːǝnD genx choke

lɨkI lwg child

laːb rah first.wife

13b:4

13b:5 *

*

142

interlinear transcription

亦

散

害

N

那。

jɐkG yaek about.to

ɬaːnE suenq calculate, plan

heːf heh cut.up, chop

lɨkI lwg child

naːI naj face, former

亦

散

杀

N

d。

jɐkG yaek about.to

ɬaːnE suenq calculate, plan

kaːI gaj kill

lɨkI lwg child

poːf boh husband

王

造

勿

不

罡。

415

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɕaːufX caux thereupon

f󰀯tI fwd suddenly

ɁbouI mbouj not

kaːŋI gangj speak

13b:8 *

妹

N

王

Ã

ï。

meːf meh mother

lɨkI lwg child

βuǝŋb vuengz king

kɘnA gwn eat

hɐuDN haeux rice

王

造

ĉ

不

耗。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɕaufX caux thereupon

ŋɵmDN ngoemx dumb

ɁbouI mbouj not

haːuE hauq speak

m

悲

王

偶

葆。

toːE doq immediately

piːA bi year

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɁɐuA aeu take

pɐɯDN bawx daughter-in-law

h

淋

₣

后

那。

tɨkG dwk strike

lɐmDN raemx water

laːkE lak open.up

hɐuI haeuj enter

naːb naz wet-field

m

悲

王

偶

妑。

toːE doq immediately

piːA bi year

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɁɐuA aeu take

paːb baz wife

13b:7 *

*

14a:1 *

*

14a:2 *

420

143

interlinear transcription 買

N

x

良

妹。

maːiI maij cherish

lɨkI lwg child

maːA ma come.back

lɯːǝŋb riengz with

meːf meh mother

d

王

偶

Ċ

妑。

poːf boh father

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɁɐuA aeu take

laːiA lai many

paːb baz wife

t

椄

家

椄

當。

maːA ma come

ɕiːǝpEr ciep receive

tɕaːA gya house

ɕiːǝpEr ciep receive

taːŋE dangq property

妹

王

Á

Ċ

#。

meːf meh mother

βuǝŋb vuengz king

peiA bae go

laːiA lai many

kβaːnA gvan husband

生

一

男

二

女。

ɬeːŋA seng give.birth.to

ɁɪtI it one

naːmb namz male

ɲiːf ngeih two

nɯːDN nawx female

丑

偶

N

良

妹

ɕuːDN coux welcome

ɁɐuA aeu take

lɨkI lwg child

lɨːǝŋb riengz with

meːf meh mother

椄

à

á

个

埋

ɕiːǝpEr ciep receive

koA go clf

ɁdɵkG ndoek thorny.bamboo

koA go clf

faːib faiz sweet.bamboo

椄

妹

U

杳

ï。

ɕiːǝpEr ciep receive

meːf meh mother

βaːib vaiz buffalo

ɁjieuJK yiuj granary

hɐuDN haeux rice

14a:3 *

14a:4

*

425 14a:5

14a:6 *

144

interlinear transcription

椄

à

á

à

稔。

ɕiːǝpEr ciep receive

koA go clf

ɁdɵkG ndoek thorny.bamboo

koA go clf

nɐmmA naem black.bamboo

椄

W

今

那

U。

ɕiːǝpEr ciep receive

tɐmb daemz pond

kɪmA gim gold

naːb naz wet-field

ɕeːf ceh soaked

14a:7 *

430 *

入

Õ

后

ù

眠。

ɬɐpI saeb insert

hɐmf haemh evening

hɐuI haeuj enter

peiA bae go

nɪnb ninz sleep

罡

Õ

i

N

d。

kaːŋI gangj speak

hɐmb haemz hate

tɨkG dwk strike

lɨkI lwg child

po̞ ːf boh father

N

d

¼

祖

王。

lɨkI lwg child

po̞ ːf boh father

kʊkI guh do; act.as, be

ɕoːIt coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

改

許

¼

漢

王。

kaːiI gaij change

hɐɯI hawj give

kʊkI guh do; be

haːnE hanq Goose

βuǝŋb vuengz King

冇

哏

傍

召

d。

435

ɁdɯǝiA ndwi empty; not

kɘnA gwn eat

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

ɕeːuf ciuh generation

po̞ ːf boh father

14b:2

來

ì

ù

V

京。

laːib raiz write

ɬɯːA coh name

peiA bae go

tɐŋb daengz arrive

kɪŋA ging Capital

14a:8 *

14b:1 *

*

*

145

interlinear transcription 來

呈

ù

V

郝。

laːib raiz write

ɕɪŋb cingz memorandum

peiA bae go

tɐŋb daengz arrive

haːkEZ hak official

六

部

¼

司

V。

lɵkI loeg Six

puːf bouh Ministries

kʊkI guh do, make

ɬɯːA saw document

tɐŋb daengz arrive

江

京

h

司

斗。

tɕaːŋA gyang middle

kɪŋA ging Capital

tɨkG dwk hit, send

ɬɯːA saw document

tɐuI daeuj come

傍

六

北

里

勇。

pɨːǝŋb

luːǝkI

biengz realm

lueg valley

pɐkG baek place

liːIK lij still

ȵʊŋE nyungq in.disorder

N

d

¼

漢

王。

lɨkI lwg son

po̞ ːf boh father

kʊkI guh do; act.as; be

haːnE hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

冇

Ø

傍

Ø

地。

ɁdɯǝiA ndwi empty; not

kɐmA gaem grasp

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

kɐmA gaem grasp

tiːf deih place, locale

心

所

佛

不

Û。

ɬɐmA sim heart

ɬo̞ ːf soh straight

pɐtI baed Buddha

ɁbouI mbouj not

βiːA vei cheat

命

唎

仙

里

求。

mɪŋf mingh Fate

ɁdiːA ndei good

ɬiɛnA sien sky.gods

liːI1 lij still

tɕɐuE gouq rescue

14b:3

14b:4

440 *

14b:5

14b:6 *

146

interlinear transcription 445

各

受

卦

召

伝。

kaːkI gag self

ɬɐuAr saeu struggle

kβaːE gvaq pass

ɕieuf ciuh generation

hʊnnb vunz humankind

黎

之

'

宝

應。

lɐib raez call.out

ɕiːfY cix then

ɁbɘnA mbwn sky

paːuEr bauq respond

ɁɪŋE ingq

祖

之

命

貧

伝。

ɕaːI caj if

ɕiːDN cix then

mɪŋf mingh Fate

pɐnb baenz become

hʊnb vunz person

ù

傍

'

里

求。

peiA bae go

pɨːǝŋb

ɁbɘnA mbwn sky

liːI1 lij still

tɕɐuE gouq rescue

N

lɨkI lwg child

biengz realm

14b:8 *

*

妹

ž

t

到

Ø

宆。

tɛːA meh mother

kɯǝif

maːDN max horse

taːuE dauq also

kɐmA gaem grasp

kɵŋA gung bow

gwih ride

14b:7 *

色

昙

里

Z

命。

ɬɐkG saek any, one

ŋɵnb ngoenz day

liːJ lij still

ɁiːǝnE ienq resent

mɪŋf mingh Fate

限

定

淋

畓

'。

haːnf hanh destined

tɪŋf dingh

lɐmDN raemx water

tʊmf dumh inundate

ɁbɘnA mbwn sky

色

昙

里

Ü

末。

ɬɐkG saek any, one

ŋɵnb ngoenz day

liːDN lij still

taːiA dai die

muːǝtI mued perish

9:15a:1 *

450

15a:2

*

147

interlinear transcription 祖

N

妹

s

唎。

ɕaː I caj make

lɨkI lwg son

tɛːA meh mother

jɯːDZ youq be.at, stay

ɁdiːA ndei good

K

講

Û

N

d。

ɕɐmf| caemh also

kaːŋI gangj speak

βiːA vi cheat

lɨkI lwg child

po̞ ːf boh father

漢

王

N

妹

k。

455

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz child

lɨkI lwg mother

meːf meh first, original

ɁduːD nduj

15a:4

厚

防

Č

行

荷。

*

hɐuDN haeux foxtail.millet

fɯːǝŋI fiengj

tɐmA daem eat.with

heːŋf hengh stalk

haːb haz long-grass

祖

王

N

妹

"。

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

lɨkI lwg child

meːf meh mother

lɐŋA laeng after, later

厚

那

Č

岜

[。

hɐuDN haeux rice

naːb naz wet-field

tɐmA daem eat.with

tɕaːA bya fish

taːf dah river

15a:3 *

15a:5

15a:6

哏

岜

不

哏

罡。

kɘnA gwn eat

tɕaːA bya fish

ɁbouI mbouj not

kɘnA gwn eat

kaːŋI gangj fish-bone

講

狼

h

皮

大。

460

kaːŋI gangj speak

laːŋDN langx resentful

tɨkG dwk strike

piːDN beix older.sibling

taːif daih big

*

148

interlinear transcription

講

賣

h

皮

王。

kaːŋI gangj speak

maːiE maiq jeering

tɨkG dwk strike

piːDN beix older.sibling

βuǝŋb vuengz king

講

位

Q

皮

旧。

kaːŋI gangj speak

βiːA vi cheating

muːǝnb muenz deceive

piːDN beix older.sibling

kɐuE gaeuq old, former

15a:7 *

*

論

皮

旧

h

Q。

lɯnf lwnh tell

piːDN beix older.sibling

kɐuE gaeuq old

tɨkI dwg fit.to

muːǝnb muenz deceive

漢

王

N

妹

k。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

lɨkI lwg child

meːf meh mother

ɁduːI_ nduj first, original

Ã

厚

?

淋

大。

465

kɨnA gwn eat

hɐuD haeux rice

taːmf damh infuse.with

lɐmDN raemx water

taːA da eyes

15b:1 *

*

Ã

苝

逻

Ù

迷。

kɨnA gwn eat

tɕɐkG byaek vegetable

ɁdaːA nda lobelia

ɕaːuI ceuj stir-fry

ɬɐmI meiq vinegar

苝

取

Ù

淋

郎。

tɕɐkG byaek vegetable

ɕiːEr ciq wild

ɕaːuI ceuj stir-fry

lɐmDN raemx water

laːŋb rangz bamboo-shoot

苝

忑

班

忐

â。

tɕɐkG byaek vegetable

laːI laj under

paːnb banz dish

kɘnb gwnz above, on

lɪŋI ringj cupboard

15a:8 *

15b:2 *

*

149

interlinear transcription 猫

列

ù

列

到。

meːub meuz cat

ljɛːb riz lick

peiA bae go

ljɛːb riz lick

taːuE dauq return, back

祖

王

N

妹

"。

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz king

lɨkI lwg child

meːf meh mother

lɐŋA laeng after, later

怒

.

記

呈

工。

nɔːf noh flesh

pɪtG bit duck

keːE geq old

ɕɪŋDN cingz ladle.out

koːŋA gong pile, heap

P

z

断

又

?。

nɔːf noh flesh

keiE gaeq chicken

to̞ ːnA don capon

ɕaːiE youh also

taːmA dam follow.on

ž

t

₣

不

青。

kɯǝif

maːDN max horse

laːkI lag big

ɁbouI mbouj not

ɕɪŋA cing pull, lead

gwih ride 娋

&

明

呈

萬。

ɬaːuA sau girl

ɕɵŋA coeng intelligent

mɪŋb mingz become

ɕɪŋb cingz myriad

faːnf fanh

漢

王

R

破

旧

卦

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

tɐnI daenj wear

puǝf buh clothes

kɐuE gaeuq old

kβaːE gvaq pass

15b:3

470

15b:4 *

*

15b:5 *

*

475 ɕiːǝŋA 15b:6 cieng * First.Month 正。

R

破

梁

卦

*。

tɐnI daenj wear

puǝf buh clothes

liːǝŋb liengz cool

kβaːE gvaq pass

laːpI lab last.month.of.year

*

150

interlinear transcription

R

破

亦

卦

脌。

tɐnI daenj wear

puǝf buh clothes

jaːkEZ yak bad, worn.out

kβaːE gvaq pass

piːA bi year

R

破

虚

卦

召。

tɐnI daenj wear

puǝf buh clothes

hiːb heiz dirty

kβaːE gvaq pass

ɕieuf ciuh generation

R

花

不

R

卡。

tɐnI daenj wear

βaːE vaq trousers

ɁbouI mbouj not

tɐnI daenj wear

kaːA ga leg

R

亦

法

亦

撫。

480

tɐnI daenj wear

jaːkEZ yak bad

faːb faz look.at

jaːkEZ yak bad

fɯːf fwh see

*

祖

王

N

妹

"。

16a:1

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

lɨkI lwg child

meːf meh mother

lɐŋA laeng after, behind

昙

梁

二

三

对。

ŋɵnb ngoenz day, daily

liːǝkI rieg change

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

ɬaːmA sam three

to̞ ːiE doiq clf set

祖

王

咟

Ã

娄。

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

paːkEZ bak mouth

kɘnA gwn eat; drink

lɐuI laeuj wine

相

偶

皮

¼

W。

ɬiːǝŋI siengj think, plot

ɁɐuA aeu take

piːD beix elder.sibling

kʊkI guh do, make; as

ho̞ ːiE hoiq slave

15b:7 *

15b:8 *

*

16a:2

151

interlinear transcription 漢

王

后

ù

眠。

485

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

hɐuI haeuj enter

peiA bae go

nɪnb ninz sleep

16a:3

*

恨

長

清

V

Ô。

hɘnb hwnz night

ɕaːŋb gyangz moan

ɕeːŋDN cengx cold

tɐŋb daengz arrive, till

loːŋf rongh bright

久

庫

í

忑

行。

tɕɐuI gyaeuj knee.caps

ho̞ ːE hoq

tɐuD daeux prop.up

laːI laj under

haːŋb hangz jaw

长

清

吽

¼

唱。

ɕaːŋb gyangz moan

ɕeːŋDN cengx cold

nɐub naeuz say

kʊkI guh do, make

ɕiːǝŋE ciengq sing

Ê

腊

(

怩

梁。

ɬiːǝŋb

ɁdɯːǝnA ndwen month

laːpI lab last.month

tɵkG doek fall

nɐiA nae frost

liengz cold

Ê

正

(

怩

D。

ɁdɯːǝnA ndwen month

ɕiːǝŋA cieng first.month

tɵkG doek fall

nɐiA nae frost

loːŋf| roq eaves

許

祖

王

却

9。

hɐɯI hawj give; make

ɕoːIZ Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

tɕoːE byoq toast, warm.up

fiːb feiz fire

恥

漢

王

Å

洛。

ɕiːA ci push; make, get

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

ɁoːkEZ ok emerge

loːkI rog outside

16a:4 *

16a:5

490 *

16a:6 *

*

152

interlinear transcription

祖

王

N

妹

"。

ɕoːI CojAncestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

lɨkI lwg child

meːf meh mother

lɐŋA laeng after, later

礼

ž

t

能

安。

ɁdæiI1 ndaej get

kɯǝif gwih ride

maːDN max horse

nɐŋfN naengh sit

ɁaːnA an saddle

許

漢

王

提

hɐɯI hawj give; make

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

tɯːb dawz take

B。 495 laːpEZ 16a:8 rap carry.on.carrying.pole

提

B

汉

王

提。

kaːiE dawz take

laːpEZ rap carry.on.pole

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

tɯːb dawz take

能

般

漢

王

造。

nɐŋf naengh sit

luːb ruz boat

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

ɕaːuf cauh row

ù

劳

漢

王

辨。

peiA bae go

liːuf liuh roam

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

paːnDN buenx accompany

皮

¼

W

¼

奴。

piːDN beix elder.sibling

kʊkI guh do; act.as

ho̞ iE hoiq slave

kʊkI guh do; act.as

noːb noz servant

智

胡

Ü

不

碍。

ɕɯːA caw breath

ho̞ ːb hoz throat

taːiA dai die

ɁbouI mbouj not

ŋaːif ngaih easy

16a:7

*

16b:1 *

*

16b:2 *

500 *

153

interlinear transcription 買

不

里

盖

maːif maih even.if

ɁbouI mbouj not

liːDN lij left.over

kaːiE maːb gaiq maz anything, something

麻。

同

家

16b:3 *

分

才

d。

tɵŋb tɕaːA doengz gya together; whole family

pɐnA baen divide

ɕaːib caiz wealth

po̞ ːf boh father

分

杳

许

杳

撫。

pɐnA baen divide

ɁjieuD yiuj granary

hɐɯI hawj give

ɁjieuD yiuj granary

fɯǝb fwz derelict

分

倉

许

倉

冇。

pɐnA baen divide

ɕaːŋA cang storehouse

hɐɯI hawj give

ɕaːŋA cang storehouse

tɕuːE byouq empty

分

左

许

左

Î。

505

pɐnA baen divide

ɕaːDN cax knife

hɐɯI hawj give

ɕaːDN cax knife

lo̞ ːb roz dull

16b:5 *

分

蘇

许

蘇

乞。

pɐnA baen divide

ɬo̞ ːA so spade

hɐɯI hawj give

ɬo̞ ːA so spade

heːǝtI hed worn.down

分

使

许

使

œ。

pɐnA baen divide

ɕeiA cae plough

hɐɯI hawj give

ɕeiA cae plough

βaːif vaih bad, broken

分

那

许

那

桑。

pɐnA baen divide

naːb naz wet-field

hɐɯI hawj give

naːb naz wet-field

ɬaːŋA sang high

16b:4 *

*

16b:6

154

interlinear transcription

许

班

î

那

荅。

hɐɯI hawj give

paːnb banz sloping

laːifr raih clf; stretch

naːb naz wet-field

lɵnE dab stack.up; terrace

分

灶

许

灶

防。

pɐnA baen divide

ɕaːuE cauq cooking.pan

hɐɯI hawj give

ɕaːuE cauq cooking.pan

foːŋA fong mended

分

ş

许

ş

乞。

pɐnA baen divide

kiːǝŋb giengz pot-stand

hɐɯI hawj give

kiːǝŋb giengz pot-stand

heːǝtI * hed worn.down, damaged

许

盖

你

漢

王。

hɐɯI hawj give

kaːiE gaiq these.things

neiːDN neix

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

造

m

逻

仅

壬。

ɕaːuf caux thereupon

tɵDN dox mutually

ɁdaːE ndaq curse

ȵiːf nyih mim.suff.

ȵɐmb nyaemz

造

m

Č

仅

%。

ɕaːuf caux thereupon

tɵDN dox mutually

tɐnA daen blame, tell.off

ȵiːf nyih mim.suff.

ȵɪŋf nyingh

皮

徃

16b:7 *

510 *

16b:8

17a:1 *

*

貧

蕚

法。

515

piːDN nuɵŋDN beix nuengx older + younger.siblings

pɐnb baenz become

jaːkEZ yak ugly

faːb faz

17a:2 *

漢

王

ù

造

W。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

peiA bae go

ɕaːuf cauh make

tɐmb daemz pond

*

155

interlinear transcription 祖

王

Á

哏

岜。

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

peiA bae go

kɘnA gwn eat

tɕaːA bya fish

漢

王

ù

造

那。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

peiA bae go

ɕaːuf cauh make

naːb naz wet-field

祖

王

Á

哏

厚。

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

peiA bae go

kɘnA gwn eat

hɐuDN haeux rice

漢

王

ù

造

Ď。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

peiA bae go

ɕaːuf cauh make

lɐuI4 laeuj wine

祖

王

Á

哏

$。

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

peiA bae go

kɘnA gwn eat

jaːkI yag drops, fresh.distillate

漢

王

ù

造

模。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

peiA bae go

ɕaːuf cauh make

maːkEZ mak fruit

祖

王

Á

哏

恩。

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

peiA bae go

kɘnA gwn eat

ɁɐnA aen clf; fruit

漢

王

ù

造

民。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

peiA bae go

ɕaːuf cauh make

mɐnb@ maenz tuber

17a:3 *

17a:4

520

17a:5 *

17a:6

156

interlinear transcription

祖

王

Á

哏

谷。

525

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

peiA bae go

kɘnA gwn eat

kɵkG goek root

17a:7

漢

王

ù

造

苝。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

peiA bae go

ɕaːuf cauh make

tɕɐkG byaek vegetable

祖

王

Ï

哏

菜。

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

peiA bae go

kɘnA gwn eat

ɁbɐɯA mbaw leaves

漢

王

ù

造

T。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

peiA bae go

ɕaːuf cauh make

βaːib vaiz water-buffalo

祖

王

Á

哏

P。

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

peiA bae go

kɘnA gwn eat

nɔːf noh flesh

漢

王

ù

造

Ë。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

peiA bae go

ɕaːuf cauh make

laːnb ranz house

祖

王

后

Á

s。

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

hɐuI haeuj enter

peiA bae go

ɁjɯːD youq be.at, stay

造

m

h

m

杀。

ɕaːuf caux thence

tɵDN dox mutually

tɨkG dwk strike

tɵDN dox mutually

kaːI gaj kill

17a:8 *

17b:1

530

17b:2

157

interlinear transcription 偶

迷

老

m

取。

ɁɐuA aeu take

mɐiDN faex wood

laːuDZ laux big, old

tɵDN dox mutually

ɕiːA ci push, pursue

妹

王

殺

黎

气。

meːf meh mother

βuǝŋb vuengz King

ɕaːA ca quickly

lɐib raez call out

hiː4@ hit in.warning

妹

王

叱

黎

器。

meːf meh mother

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɕɐtG cit instantly

lɐib raez cry out

heːuA heu in.alarm

¼

盖

麻

双

冐。

kʊkI guh do

kaːiE gaiq what

maːb maz

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

ɁbaːuE mbauq youth, young.man

耗

盖

麻

双

光。

haːuE hauq speak

kaːiE gaiq what

maːb maz

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

kβaːŋA gvang lord, master

双

甫

K

N

王。

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

puːDN boux clf; person

ɕɐmf caemh all, likewise

lɨkI lwg child

βuǝŋb vuengz king

m

星

傍

Ø

Ä。

tɵDN dox mutually

ɬɪŋA sing contend

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

kɐmA gaem grasp

ɁɪnE inq seal

m

星

Ä

!

+。

tɵːDN dox mutually

ɬɪŋA sing contend

ɁɪnE inq seal

lɵkI roeg bird

βeːnb venz lark

17b:3

535 17b:4

*

17b:5

*

17b:6

540

158

interlinear transcription

m

星

財

召

d。

tɵːDN dox mutually

ɬɪŋA sing contend

ɕiːǝnb cienz money

ɕeːuf ciuh generation

poːf boh father

m

星

咘

岜

來。

tɵːDN dox mutually

ɬɪŋA sing contend

ɁboːE mboq spring

tɕaːA bya fish

laːib raiz murrel

m

星

銀

召

d。

tɵːDN dox mutually

ɬɪŋA sing contend

ŋɐnb ngaenz silver

ɕeːuf ciuh generation

poːf boh father

m

星

咘

艮

朱。

tɵːDN dox mutually

ɬɪŋA sing contend

ɁboːE mboq spring

ŋɐnb ngaenz silver

ɕɯːA caw pearl

m

星

列

三

會。

tɵːDN dox mutually

ɬɪŋA sing contend

lepG re fishnet

ɬaːmA sam three

ho̞ if$ hoih clf.turn

m

星

W

平

頭。

tɵːDN dox mutually

ɬɪŋA sing contend

ho̞ iE hoiq slave

pjeːŋb bingz flat

tɐub daeuz head

m

星

某

@

惱。

tɵːDN dox mutually

ɬɪŋA sing contend

mɐub maeuz hat, crown

nɪŋDN ningx red.agate

naːuf nauh

m

星

灶

四

耳。

tɵːDN dox mutually

ɬɪŋA sing contend

ɕaːuE cauq pot

ɬɤiːE seiq four

ljɯǝb rwz ears, handles

17b:7 *

*

17b:8

*

545 18a:1 *

*

18a:2 *

159

interlinear transcription m

星

般

十

造。

tɵːDN dox mutually

ɬɪŋA sing contend

ljoːb ruz boat

ɕɪpI cib ten

ɕaːuf cauh oar

m

星

冐

&

明。

tɵːDN dox mutually

ɬɪŋA sing contend

ɁbaːuEr mbauq youth

ɕɵŋA mɪŋbq coeng mingz bright, intelligent

m

星

@

貧

左。

tɵːDN dox mutually

ɬɪŋA sing contend

lɪnA rin stone

pɐnb baenz grind

ɕaːDN cax knife

m

星

G

Ø

ö。

tɵːDN dox mutually

ɬɪŋA sing contend

naːŋb nangz lady

tɕɵmA byoem hair

paːiI baij sway

m

星

C

勿

s。

fɯːǝtI

tɵːDN dox mutually

ɬɪŋA sing contend

naːiDq naih woman

fwed wing

lʊŋb lungz dragon

m

星

伝

梁

利。

tɵːDN dox mutually

ɬɪŋA sing contend

hʊnb vunz human.being

ljeːŋbq lingz clever, nimble

liːf$ leih

m

星

盐

V

-。

tɵːDN dox mutually

ɬɪŋA sing contend

koːA gyu salt

tɐŋDN daengx whole

kɐnA gaen pound

m

星

>

V

百。

tɵːDN dox mutually

ɬɪŋA sing contend

ŋɐnb ngaenz silver

tɐŋDN daengx whole

paːkEZ bak hundred

18a:3 *

550

18a:4

18a:5

555 18a:6 *

*

160

interlinear transcription

造

貧

蕚

貧

Õ。

ɕaːuf caux thereupon

pɐnb baenz become

jaːkEZ yak bad, violent

pɐnb baenz become

hɐmmb haemz hate

老

ï

斗

提

定。

laːuDN laux old; elder

ɁbaːnI1 mbanj village

tɐuI daeuj come

tɯːb dawz take.in.hand

tɪŋf dingh determine

金

f

你

娄

分。

kɪmA gim gold

maːA ma come

neiːDN neix this, here

lɐub raeuz we

pɐnnA baen divide

艮

斗

你

娄

秤。

ŋɐnb ngaenz silver

tɐuI daeuj come

neiːDN neix this, here

lɐub raeuz we

ɕɐŋf caengh weigh

那

淋

三

苗

黎。

naːb naz wet-field

lɐmDN raemx water

ɬaːmA sam three

mieub miuz clf. crop

lɐiEY raeq cultivate

盖

宜

许

祖

王。

kaːiE gaiq these.things

neiːDN neix

hɐɯI hawj give

ɕo̞ ːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

分

W

许

W

斈。

pɐnA baen divide

ho̞ iE hoiq slave

hɐɯI hawj give

ho̞ iE hoiq slave

ɕoːb coz youthful

分

?

许

?

唎。

pɐnA baen divide

naːŋb nangz lady

hɐɯI hawj give

naːŋb nangz lady

ɁdiːA ndei good, beautiful

18a:7

18a:8

560

18b:1 *

18b:2

161

interlinear transcription 盖

宜

许

祖

王。

kaːiE gaiq these.things

neiːDN neix

hɐɯI hawj give

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

分

W

许

头

好。

pɐnA baen divide

ho̞ iE hoiq slave

hɐɯI hawj give

tɕɐuI gyaeuj head

haːuA hau white

分

灶

许

灶

梁。

pɐnA baen divide

ɕaːuE cauq cooking.pan

hɐɯI hawj give

ɕaːuE cauq cooking.pan

liːǝŋb liengz split

分

ş

许

ş

懐。

pɐnA baen divide

kiːǝŋb giengz pot-stand

hɐɯI hawj give

kiːǝŋb giengz pot-stand

βaːif vaih bad, broken

盖

宜

许

漢

王。

kaːiE gaiq these.things

neiːDN neix

hɐɯI hawj give

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

z

Ã

厚

忑

残。

keiE gaeq chicken

kɘnA gwn eat

hɐuDN haeux grain

laːI laj under

ɕaːnb canz drying-platform

當

Ă

z

當

竹。

taːŋE dangq each

tuːb duz clf

keiE gaeq chicken

taːŋE dangq each

tɕʊkG gyuk call.to

當

Ă

N

當

İ。

taːŋE dangq each

tuːb duz clf

lɨkI lwg child

taːŋE dangq each

ɁdiːǝpEr ndiep have.in.mind, look.after

565 18b:3

18b:4 *

18b:5

570

18b:6 *

*

162

interlinear transcription

貧

叺

Å

宜

f。

pɐnb baenz become

tɕaːtEZ byat severance, evil.genie

ɁoːkEZ ok emerge

niːDN neix here, this

maːA ma come

18b:7 *

Z

家

Å

宜

斗。

ɁiːǝnA ien enemies

tɕaːA gya

ɁoːkEZ ok emerge

niːDN neix here, this

tɐuI daeuj come

取

漢

王

Å

Á。

575

ɕiːA ci push, pursue

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

ɁoːkEZ ok emerge

peiA bae go

18b:8

-

許

漢

王

条。

*

lɐif laeh drive

hɐɯI hawj give

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

teub deuz flee

咅

宜

娄

自

在。

pɐib baez time, occasion

neiːDN neix this

lɐub raeuz we

ɬɯːf ɕaːif swh caih relax, be.at.ease

V

ï

忑

ï

忐。

tɐŋDN daengx whole

ɁbaːnI1 mbanj village

laːI laj below

ɁbaːnI1 mbanj village

kɘnb gwnz above

娄

A

容

奉

貴。

lɐub raeuz we

βuːǝnAr vuen happy

jʊŋb yungz

fʊŋfr fungh rich

kβiː E gviq honourable

漢

王

条

Å

ù。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

teub deuz flee

ɁoːkEZ ok emerge

peiA bae go

*

19a:1

19a:2

580

163

interlinear transcription ù

V

武

堂

山。

peiA bae go

tɐŋb daengz arrive, to

ɁuːI[ vuj Wudangshan

taːŋbr dangz -

ɕaːnfr sanh

Ë

十

间

九

家。

laːnb ranz house

ɕɪpI cib ten

keːnfr genh clf; section

kuːI gouj nine

tɕaːA gya family

ù

V

敗

#

花。

peiA bae go

tɐŋb daengz arrive

paːif baih place

kieuI@ giuj Kiêu

βaːA va Hoa

Á

V

à

#

F。

peiA bae go

tɐŋb daengz arrive, to

kaːA ga leg, stretch

kieuI@ giuj Kiêu

jiːǝnfN yienh Hiền

Á

你

#

¼

同。

peiA bae go

tɐŋb ndij with

kieuI@ giuj Annamese

kʊkI guh do, make

tɵŋb doengz companion

E

里

#

¼

捧。

ɬɵŋb soengz stand.up

ɁdiːI ndij with

kieuI@ giuj Annamese

kʊkI guh do, make

fʊŋf bang group, crowd

散

你

#

¼

哏。

ɬaːnE suenq plan

ɁdiːI ndij with

kieuI@ giuj Annamese

kʊkI guh do, make

kɘnA gwn eat

不

瘟

傍

召

d。

ɁbouI mbouj not

ɁʊnA un begrudge

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

ɕieuf ciuh generation

po̞ ːf boh father

19a:3 *

19a:4 *

585 19a:5 *

*

19a:6 *

*

164

interlinear transcription

造

¼

养

?

骨。

ɕaːuf caux make

kʊkI guh do, make

jaːŋI yangj sabre

taːmA dam handle

ɁdoːkEZ ndok bone

造

¼

洛

胡

竜。

ɕaːuf caux make

kʊkI guh do, make

loːkEZ rok knife

hoːb hoz neck; hilt

luǝŋb luengz copper

亦

斗

h

傍

旧。

jɐkG yaek about.to

tɐuI daeuj come

tɘkG dwk strike

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

kɐuE gaeuq old, former

礼

T

提

ù

杀。

ɁdeiI ndaej get, obtain

βaːib vaiz buffalo

tɐɯb dawz take, seize

peiA bae go

kaːI gaj kill

礼

t

提

比

ž。

kɯǝif

19a:7 *

590 *

19a:8 *

19b:1

ɁdeiI ndaej get, obtain

maːDN max horse

tɐɯb dawz take, seize

peiA bae go

gwih ride

礼

伝

偶

¼

W。

ɁdeiI ndaej get, obtain

hʊnb vunz people

ɁɐuA aeu take

kʊkI guh do; serve.as

ho̞ iE hoiq slave

妹

王

'

º

渌。

595

meːf meh mother

βuǝŋb vuengz king

teiI daej weep

ɁdɐɯA ndaw inside

lʊkI rug room

19b:2

N

王

'

º

呠。

lɨkI lwg child

βuǝŋb vuengz king

teiI daej weep

ɁdɐɯA ndaw in

ɁboːnE mbonq bed

165

interlinear transcription Ã

苝

同

Ã

苝。

kɨnA gwn eat

tɕɐkG byaek vegetables

tɵŋb doengz together

kɨnA gwn eat

tɕɐkG byaek vegetables

h

厚

同

h

厚。

tɐkG daek serve.out

hɐuDN haeux rice

tɵŋb doengz together

tɐkG daek serve.out

hɐuDN haeux rice

厚

里

Ã

沉

色。

hɐuDN haeux rice

liːI lij still

kɨnA gwn eat

ɕɐmf caemh same

ɬɐkG saek colour

苝

列

Ã

沉

班。

tɕɐkG byaek vegetables

liːDN le ptl

kɨnA gwn eat

ɕɐmf caemh same

paːnb banz platter

圤

甫

萬

甫

不。

koːA gyu salt

puːDN boux clf; person

βaːnA van sweet

puːDN boux clf; person

ɁbouI mbouj not

昙

m

h

上

I。

ŋɵnb ngoenz day

tɵːDN dox mutually

tɨkG dwk strike

kɯnb gwnz on

taːib daiz platform

昙

m

孩

上

C。

ŋɵnb ngoenz day

tɵːDN dox mutually

haːif haih harm

kɯnb gwnz on

peːnI benj boards

哏

厚

見

心

头。

kɨnA gwn eat

hɐuDN haeux rice

keːnDN genx choke

ɬɐmA sim in.one’s.heart

tɐub daeuz

19b:3

19b:4 *

600

19b:5 *

19b:6 *

*

166

interlinear transcription

吽

王

不

忌

所。

nɐub naeuz say

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɁbouI mbouj not

kiːf geih abstain

ɬo̞ ːE soq tell, speak

Ā

Ï

皮

Å

ù。

mɯŋb mwngz you

ɕɐnf caenh expel

piːDN beix elder.sibling

ɁoːkEZ ok emerge

peiA bae go

亦

ù

黎

皮

到。

jɐkGr yaek about to

peiA bae go

lɐib raez call.to

piːDN beix elder.sibling

taːuE dauq return

气

$

1

巴

菜。

hɐtG haet early.morning

ɕoːkI cog tomorrow

loːmf romh light

paːDN bax glimmering

jaːiA yai

許

双

N

Á

丑。

hɐɯI hawj give; have

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

lɨkI lwg child

peiA bae go

ɕuːDN coux welcome

许

双

甫

ù

黎。

hɐɯI hawj give; have

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

puːDN boux clf; person

peiA bae go

lɐib raez call.to

ù

V

武

堂

山。

peiA bae go

tɐŋb daengz arrive, to

ɁuːI[ Vuj Wudangshan

taːŋbr dangz -

ɕaːnfr sanh

Ë

十

F

九

家。

laːnb ranz house

ɕɪpI cib ten

keːnfr genh clf; section

kuːI gouj nine

tɕaːA gya family

605 19b:7 *

*

19b:8

*

9:20a:1

610

20a:2

167

interlinear transcription ù

V

散

H

花。

peiA bae go

tɐŋb daengz arrive, to

paːi f baih place

kieuI@ giuj Kiêu

βaːA va Hoa

ù

V

个

J

F。

peiA bae go

tɐŋb daengz arrive, to

kaːA ga leg, stretch

kieuI giuj Kiêu

jiːǝnf yienh Hiền

周

王

班

茄

黎。

615

tɕɐufr couh sub-prefecture

βuǝŋb vuengz king

paːnf banh move

kiːb giz where

lɐɯb lawz

20a:4 *

K

漢

王

茄

黎。

*

ɕaːmA cab perimeter.wall

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

kiːb giz where

lɐɯb lawz

#

造

罡

之

長。

kieuI@ giuj Annamese

ɕaːuf caux thereupon

kaːŋI gangj speak

ɕiːDN cix mim.suff.

ɕaːŋf cangh

H

造

吽

之

杀。

kieuI@ giuj Annamese

ɕaːuf caux thereupon

nɐub naeuz say

ɕiːDN cix mim.suff.

ɕaːtI cad

周

王

班

同

那。

tɕɐuf couh sub-prefecture

βuǝŋb vuengz king

paːnf banh move

tɵŋb doengh field

naːb naz wet-field

王

L

s

忑

當。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

tɕaːDN gyax orphan

ɁuːDr youq be.at, stay

laːJM laj under, below

taːŋE dangq wicker.gate

20a:3 *

20a:5

20a:6

620 *

168

interlinear transcription

貌

造

耗

地

0。

ɁbaːuE mbauq youth

ɕauf caux thereupon

haːuE hauq speak

tiːfr dih deliberately

taːnb danz

冐

造

刊

地

Õ。

ɁbaːuE mbauq youth

ɕauf caux thereupon

haːnA han reply

tiːfr dih deliberately

taːtI dad

呌

乞

Ğ

盖

乞。

heuI heuj tooth

hɐtG haet bamboo.rat

to̞ iE doiq return

kaːiE gaiq clf; to

hɐtG haet bamboo.rat

吉

憐

Ğ

盖

憐。

tɕɐtG gyaep scale

lɪnf linh pangolin

to̞ iE doiq return

kaːiE gaiq clf; to

lɪnnf linh pangolin

Ä

王

Ğ

盖

王。

ɁɪnE inq seal

βuǝŋb vuengz king

to̞ iE doiq return

kaːiE gaiq clf; to

βuǝŋb vuengz king

傍

皮

Ğ

盖

皮。

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

βuǝŋb beix elder.sibling

to̞ iE doiq return

kaːiE gaiq clf; to

piːDN beix elder.sibling

Ë

故

里

貧

旧。

laːnb ranz house

kuːA gou I, my

liːDN lij still

pɐnb baenz become; as

kɐuE gaeuq old, former

Ā

亦

到

傍

"。

mɯŋb mwngz you

jɐkG yaek about.to

taːuE dauq return

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

lɐŋA laeng own.place

20a:7

20a:8 *

*

625 20b:1

*

20b:2

*

169

interlinear transcription 哏

W

那

召

d。

kɘnA gwn eat; enjoy

tɐmb daemz pond

naːb naz wet-field

ɕeuf ciuh generation

poːf boh father

漢

王

正

造

耗。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

ɕɪŋE cingq thereupon

ɕauf caux

haːuE hauq speak

故

不

到

傍

"。

kuːA gou I

ɁbouI mbouj not

taːuE dauq return

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

lɐŋA laeng own.place

故

不

瘟

傍

d。

pɨːǝŋb

kuːA gou I

ɁbouI mbouj not

ɁunA un covet

biengz realm

po̞ ːf boh father

双

冐

到

V

冇。

ɁdɯǝiA

20b:3 *

630

20b:4

*

20b:5

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

ɁbaːuE mbauq youth

taːuE dauq return

tɐŋb daengz arrive

ndwi empty

d

造

耗

地

0。

po̞ ːf boh father

ɕaːuf caux then

haːuE hauq speak

tiːfr dih deliberately

taːnf danz

)

Á

忻

É

r。

635

ɬuːA sou you (pl.)

peiA bae go

lɐnA raen see

lo̞ ːDN rox or

mi:b miz not

20b:6 *

双

冐

,

之

長。

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

ɁbaːuE mbauq youth

lɘnf lwnh tell

ɕiːfr cih mim.suff.

ɕaːŋbr cangz

170

interlinear transcription

忻

漢

王

峝

那。

lɐnA raen see

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

tɵŋf doengh fields

naːb naz wet-field

咟

羙

N

í

呈。

paːkEZ bak mouth

mɐiE maeq pink

lʊmI lumj like

toːE doq wasp

ɕɪŋb cingz large.wasp

親

罧

王

了

þ。

ɕɪnA caen really

lʊmI lumj like

βuǝŋb vuengz king

lieuDN liux completely

naːuE nauq altogether

他

不

到

傍

娄。

pɨːǝŋb

tɛːA de he

ɁbouI mbouj not

taːuE dauq return

biengz realm

lɐub raeuz we, our

他

不

偶

傍

d。

pɨːǝŋb

tɛːA de he

ɁbouI mbouj not

ɁɐuA aeu take

biengz realm

po̞ ːf boh father

妹

x

吽

祖

王。

meːf meh mother

maːA ma come.back

nɐub naeuz say

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

明

ù

求

皮

到。

mɯŋb mwngz you

peib bae go

tɕɐub gouz beseech

piːDN beix elder.sibling

taːuE dauq return

祖

王

造

ù

黎。

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

ɕaːuf caux only.then

peib bae go

lɐib raez call.to; invite

20b:7

*

20b:8

640 *

21a:1

21a:2

171

interlinear transcription ž

t

₣

卦

"。

645

kɯǝif gwih ride

maːDN max horse

laːkI lag large

kβaːE gvaq traverse

lɵnnA roen path

21a:3

ž

清

花

卦

Þ。

*

kɯǝif gwih ride

ɕɪŋA cing blue-black

βaːA va patterned

kβaːE gvaq traverse

lo̞ ːf loh road

ù

V

散

#

花。

peiA bae go

tɐŋb daengz arrive

paːif baih place

kieuI@ giuj Kiêu

βaːA va Hoa

t

老

監

憧

吐。

maːDN max horse

laːuDN laux big

laːmf lamh tie.up

toːŋf dongh post

tu:A dou door

安

隆

舍

北

残。

ɁaːnA an saddle

lɵŋb loengz bridle

ɕeːA ce put.aside

paːkEZ bak mouth

ɕaːnb canz drying.platform

祖

王

顔

!

Ë。

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

jiːǝmb yiemz slow.down

hɘnI hwnj ascend

laːnb ranz house

皮

G

忻

連

同。

piːDN beix elder.sibling

naːŋb nangz lady

lɐnA raen see

liɛnb lienz immediately

toːŋDN dongx greet

乞

宜

乞

盖

麻。

hɐtG haet morning

neiːDN neix this

hɐtG haet morning

kaːiE gaiq what

maːb maz

21a:4

21a:5 *

650 *

21a:6 *

172

interlinear transcription

徃

f

累

斗

流。

nuɵŋDN nuengx y.sibling

maːA ma come

lɐɯb lawz which

tɐuI daeuj come

lieufN liuh roam

祖

王

耗

地

0。

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

haːuE hauq speak

tiːfr dih deliberately

taːnb danz

皮

ù

劳

茄

黎。

655

piːDN beix elder.sibling

peiA bae go

lieuf liuh roam

kiːb giz where

lɐɯb lawz

21a:8

古

亦

吽

N

耗。

kuːA gou I

jɐkG yaek about.to

nɐub naeuz say

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

haːuE hauq speech

皮

G

正

造

耗。

piːDN beix elder.sibling

naːŋb nangz lady

ɕeːI cingq thereupon

ɕauf caux

haːuE hauq speak

皮

明

ù

劳

/。

piːDN beix elder.sibling

mɯŋb mwngz you, your

peiA bae go

lieuf liuh roam

tɕɐiA gyae far, distant

列

昙

黎

昙

到。

ɁdeːE ndeq don’t.know

ŋɵnb ngoenz day

lɐɯb lawz which

ŋɵnb ngoenz day

taːuE dauq return

ù

礼

四

五

昙。

peiA bae go

ɁdɐiI ndaej get

ɬɤiːE seiq four

ɦaːI haj five

ŋɵnb ngoenz day

21a:7

21b:1

*

21b:2 *

660

173

interlinear transcription 祖

王

吽

之

長。

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

nɐub naeuz say

ɕiːDr cix mim.suff.

ɕaːŋf cangh

皮

斗

礼

己

脌。

piːDN beix elder.sibling

tɐuI daeuj come

ɁdɐiI1 ndaej get

kiːI geij how.many

piːA bi year

d

娄

吉

不

礼。

po̞ ːf boh father

lɐub raeuz we; our

kɛːtEZ get in.pain

ɁbouI mbouj not

ɁdɐiI1 ndaej get

d

娄

妥

不

認。

po̞ ːf boh father

lɐub raeuz we; our

tɕɐiI gyaej sick

ɁbouI mbouj not

ȵɪnf nyinh come.round

d

娄

病

不

唎。

po̞ ːf boh father

lɐub raeuz we; our

pɪŋf bingh ill

ɁbouI mbouj not

ɁdiːA ndei get.better

d

娄

Ã

淋

律。

po̞ ːf boh father

lɐub raeuz we; our

kɘnA gwn eat; drink

lɐmDN raemx water

lɯtG lwt small.bamboo. container

d

娄

戉

淋

竜。

po̞ ːf boh father

lɐub raeuz we; our

ɬɯtI swd sip

lɐmDN raemx water

loːŋA rong large.leaf

d

娄

Y

不

!。

po̞ ːf boh father

lɐub raeuz we; our

poːb@ fuz support

ɁbouI mbouj not

hɘnE hwnq get.up

21b:3

21b:4 *

*

665 21b:5

21b:6 *

*

174

interlinear transcription

漢

王

眠

º

渌。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

nɪnb ninz sleep

ɁdɐɯA ndaw inside

lʊkI rug room

漢

王

造

!

斗。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

ɕaːuf caux just

hɯnE hwnq get.up

tɐuI daeuj come

漢

王

伝

心

所。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

hʊnb vunz person

ɬɐmA sim heart

ɬoːf soh straightforward

漢

王

d

朱

唎。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

hoːb hoz throat

ɕɯːA caw breath

ɁdiːA ndei good

造

徃

耗

N

宜。

ɕaːuf caux just.now

nuɵŋDN nuengx y.sibling

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

neiːDN neix this

報

三

萬

軍

t。

paːuE bauq mobilise

ɬaːmA sam three

faːnf fanh myriad

kɪnA gun soldiers

maːDN max horses

21b:7

670

21b:8 *

*

22a:1

*

報

五

萬

軍

兵。

675

paːuE bauq mobilise

ɦaːI haj five

faːnf fanh myriad

kɪnA gun soldiers

pɪŋA bing

22a:2

气

作

1

呆

立。

hɐtG haet morning

ɕoːkI cog tomorrow

ɕɯːI cawj boil

ŋaːib ngaiz cooked.rice

lɐpG laep dark

175

interlinear transcription 气

Ð

執

呆

竜。

hɐtG haet morning

ɕoːkI cog tomorrow

tɕɐpG caep prepare

ŋaːib ngaiz cooked.rice

loːmf romh bright

ž

t

₣

卦

"。

kɯǝif gwih ride

maːDN max horse

laːkI lag large-framed

kβaːE gvaq traverse

lɵnA roen path

ž

清

花

卦

Þ。

kɯǝif gwih ride

ɕɪŋA cing blue-black

βaːA va patterned

kβaːE gvaq traverse

loːf loh road

斗

三

昙

地

Õ。

tɐuI daeuj come

ɬaːmA sam three

ŋɵnb ngoenz days

tiːfr dih mim.suff.

taːtI dad

斗

七

昙

地

O。

tɐuI daeuj come

ɕɐtG caet seven

ŋɵnb ngoenz days

tiːfr dih mim.suff.

tɛːtI ded

王

斗

`

傍

旧。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

tɐuI daeuj come

tɐŋb daengz arrive

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

kɐuE gaeuq old, former

V

2

[

王

沉。

tɐŋb daengz arrive

ɬoːkEZ sok ford

taːf dah river

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɕɐmDN caemx wash, swim

騰

2

淋

王

押。

tɐŋb daengz arrive

ɬoːkEZ sok ford

lɐmDN raemx water

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɁaːtEr ap swim

22a:3 *

22a:4

680

22a:5

22a:6 *

176

interlinear transcription

矅

忻

K

王

浮。

jieuE yiuq look

lɐnA raen see

ɕaːpI cab palisade

βuǝŋb vuengz king

fuːbq fouz float, fall.apart

矅

忻

周

王

懐。

jieuE yiuq look

lɐnA raen see

ɕuːA βuǝŋb cou vuengz prefecture, king official.residence

淋

大

漢

王

s。

lɐmDN raemx tears

taːA da

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

lɵŋb roengz descend, fall

淋

大

農

王

ş。

lɐmDN raemx tears

taːA da

nuɵŋDN nuengx y.sibling

βuǝŋb vuengz king

kiːǝŋDN giengx well.up

漢

王

V

咟

却。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

tɐŋb daengz arrive

paːkEZ bak mouth

tɕoːkEZ gyok lane

漢

王

V

洛

吐。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

tɐŋb daengz arrive

loːkI rog outside

tuːA dou door

吞

王

O

Ë

懐。

tɪnA din foot

βuǝŋb vuengz king

tiːǝpI dieb tread.on

laːnb ranz house

βaːif vaih bad, in.ruins

+

ù

台

那

剥。

f󰀯ŋb fwngz hand

peiA bae go

taːiDN daix touch, stroke

naːI naj forehead

paːkEZ bak

685 22a:7 *

βaːif vaih bad, in.ruins

22a:8

*

22b:1

690

22b:2 *

*

177

interlinear transcription 吉

明

礼

父

麻。

kɛːtEZ get pain

mɯŋb mwngz you, your

ɁdiːA ndei good, better

po̞ ːf boh father

maːb maz ptl

22b:3 *

P

明

沉

É

r。

tɕɐiI gyaej sickness

mɯŋb mwngz you, your

ɕɐmA caem stop

lo̞ ːDN rox know; or

miːbq miz not

病

明

唎

É

r。

695

pɪŋf bingh illness

mɯŋb mwngz you, your

ɁdiːA ndei good, better

lo̞ ːDN rox know; or

miːb miz not

22b:4

d

造

耗

地

0。

po̞ ːf boh father

ɕauf caux then

haːuE hauq speak

tiːfr dih deliberately

taːnb danz

d

造

刊

地

逹。

po̞ ːf boh father

ɕauf caux then

haːnA han reply

tiːfr dih emphatically

taːtI dad

N

ù

礼

己

悲。

lɨkI lwg child

peiA bae go

ɁdɐiI1 ndaej get

kiːI geij several

piːA bi year

*

22b:5

22b:6

古

連

吉

不

礼。

kuːA gou I

liɛnb lienz straightaway

kɛːtEZ get pain

ɁbouI mbouj not

ɁdiːA ndei good, better

古

連

P

ò

沉。

700

kuːA gou I

liɛnb lienz straightaway

tɕɐiI gyaej sick

ɁbouI mbouj not

ɕɪnnf caem stop

*

178

interlinear transcription

.

z

徃

礼

杀。

pɪtG bit duck

kɐiE gaeq chicken

nuɵŋDN nuengx y.sibling

ɁdɐiI1 ndaej get

kaːI$ gaj kill

22b:7

懐

t

徃

礼

\。

βaːib vaiz buffalo

maːDN max horse

nuɵŋDN nuengx y.sibling

ɁdɐiI1 ndaej get

puǝE buq cut up

本

.

礼

立

埋。

pɨnA bwn hair, feathers

kɐiE bit duck

ɁdæiI1 ndaej get

lɐpI laeb set.upright

faːiA fai dam

骨

懐

礼

立

Õ。

ɁdoːkEZ ndok bone

βaːib vaiz buffalo

ɁdɐiI1 ndaej get

lɐpI laeb set.upright

taːtEZ dat cliff

Q

吉

P

不

沉。

705

pɐib baez time; once

kɛːtEZ get pain

tɕɐiI gyaej pain.of.illness

ɁbouI mbouj not

ɕɐmA caem abate

23a:1 *

Q

病

也

不

唎。

pɐib baez time; once

pɪŋf bingh illness

jɛːDN yex also

ɁbouI mbouj not

ɁdiːA ndei good; get.better

哏

P

.

亦

C。

kɘnA gwn eat

nɔːf noh flesh

pɪtG bit duck

jɐkG yaek about.to

haːib haiz spit.out

Ã

P

懐

亦

渌。

kɨnA gwn eat

nɔːf noh flesh

βaːib vaiz buffalo

jɐkG yaek about.to

luːǝkI rueg vomit

*

22b:8 *

*

*

23a:2 *

*

179

interlinear transcription 亦

哏

皇

V

里。

jɐkG yaek about.to

kɘnA gwn eat

βuǝŋA vueng muntjac

tɐŋDN daengx entire

liːDN lix living

亦

Ã

己

V

Ă。

jɐkG yaek about.to

kɘnA gwn eat

kiːI gij muntjac

tɐŋDN daengx entire

tuǝb duz clf

漢

王

,

N

你。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz hear

ȵiːɐA nyi phrase

ɕɵnb coenz this

neiːDN neix

气

Ð

竜

巴

R。

hɐtG haet morning

ɕoːkI cog tomorrow

loːmf romh light, bright

paːDN bax glimmering

jaːiA yai

1

呆

比

i

P。

ɕɯːI cawj boil

ŋaːib ngaiz cooked.rice

peiA bae go

tɨkG dwk strike

nɔːf noh flesh; game

呌

三

十

x

墨。

heːuf heuh call

ɬaːmA sam thirty

ɕɪpI cib

maːA ma dog

mɐkI maeg ink; black

七

十

h

x

斗。

ɕɐtG caet seventy

ɕɪpI cib

tɐkI daeg male

maːA ma dog

tɐuI daeuq hunting

h

后

渌

双

渌。

tɘkG dwk strike

hɐuI haeuj enter, into

luːǝkI lueg valley

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

luːkI lueg valley

23a:3 *

710 *

23a:4

23a:5 *

715 23a:6 *

180

interlinear transcription

執

ù

S

双

S。

tɕɐpG gyaep pursue

peiA bae go

ɁdɵŋA ndoeng forest

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

ɁdɵŋA ndoeng forest

漢

王

卦

Ô

忑。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

kβaːE gvaq traverse

luǝŋEr luengq defile

laːI laj below

23a:7 *

*

祖

王

卦

Ô

忐。

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

kβaːE gvaq traverse

luǝŋEr luengq defile

kɘnb gwnz above

Ł

5

h

皮

大。

720

liːǝmb

f󰀯ŋb fwngz

tɨkG dwk strike

piːDN beix elder.sibling

taːif daih old

*

漢

王

杀

黎

乞。

23b:1

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

ɕaːA ca quickly

lɐib raez call.out

hɪtG hit in.warning

漢

王

Ï

黎

器。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

ɕɪtG cit shout.at

lɐib raez call.out

heːuA heu in.alarm

倍

了

杀

皮

大。

pɐib baez time

neiːDN ndeu one

kaːI gaj kill

piːDN beix elder.sibling

taːif daih old

倍

了

害

皮

王。

pɐib baez time

ɁdeuAN ndeu one

haːif haih harm

piːDN beix elder.sibling

βuǝŋb vuengz king

liemz stealthily

23a:8

*

23b:2 *

181

interlinear transcription 祖

王

耗

地

0。

725

coːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

haːuE hauq speak

tiːfr dih deliberately

taːnb danz

23b:3

祖

王

刊

地

Õ。

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

haːnA han reply

tiːfr dih emphatically

taːtI dad

古

牙

P

卦

忑。

kuːA gou I

ȵɐnE@ ngaq suppose

nɔːf noh flesh; game

kβaːE gvaq pass

laːI laj below

牙

t

.

卦

忐。

ȵaːE@ ngaq suppose

maːDN max deer

lɵkI loeg

kβaːE gvaq pass

kɘnb gwnz above

不

É

明

皮

大。

ɁbouI mbouj not

lo̞ ːDN rox know

mɯŋb mwngz you

piːDN beix older.sibling

taːif daih old

娄

到

h

渌

宜。

lɐub raeuz we

taːuE dauq return; again

tɨkG dwk strike

luǝkI lueg glen

neiːDN neix this

娄

到

啟

渌

莫。

lɐub raeuz we

taːuE dauq again

hiːI heij begin

luǝkI lueg glen

mo̞ ːE moq new

h

后

渌

双

渌。

tɘkG dwk strike

hɐuI haeuj enter

luːǝkI lueg glen

ɬo̝ ŋA song two

luːǝkI lueg glen

23b:4 *

23b:5

730

23b:6 *

*

182

interlinear transcription

執

后

S

双

S。

tɕɐpG gyaep pursue

hɐuI haeuj enter

ɁdɵŋA ndoeng forest

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

ɁdɵŋA ndoeng forest

漢

王

卦

Ô

忑。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

kβaːE gvaq traverse

luǝŋEr luengq defile

laːI laj below

23b:7

祖

王

卦

Ô

忐。

735

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

kβaːE gvaq traverse

luǝŋEr luengq defile

kɘnb gwnz above

23b:8

Ł

慿

h

皮

大。

liːǝmb liemz stealthy

f󰀯ŋb fwngz hand

tɨkG dwk strike

piːDN beix elder.sibling

taːif daih old

漢

王

杀

黎

乞。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

ɕaːA ca quickly

lɐib raez call.out

hɪtG hit in.warning

漢

王

Ï

黎

器。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

ɕɪtG cit shout.at

lɐib raez cry.out

heuA heu in.alarm

倍

了

杀

皮

大。

pɐib baez time

ɁdeuA ndeu one

kaːI gaj kill

piːDN beix older.sibling

taːif daih old

倍

了

害

皮

王。

pɐib baez time

ɁdeuA ndeu one

haːif haih harm

piːDN beix older.sibling

βuǝŋb vuengz king

24a:1

24a:2

740

183

interlinear transcription 祖

王

耗

地

0。

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

haːuE hauq speak

tiːfr dih deliberately

taːnb danz

古

牙

P

卦

忑。

kuːA gou I

ȵaːE@ ngaq suppose

nɔːf noh flesh; game

kβaːE gvaq pass.by

laːI laj below

24a:3

牙

t

六

卦

忐。

ȵaːE@ ngaq suppose

maːDN max deer

lɵkI loeg

kβaːE gvaq pass.by

kɨnb gwnz above

3

列

明

皮

大。

ɬɐkG saek fortunately

lɛːE leq you

mɯŋb mwngz

piːDN beix older.sibling

taːif daih old

漢

王

速

不

罡。

745

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

ɬʊkG suk draw.back

ɁbouI mbouj not

kaːŋI gangj speak

24a:5 *

娄

到

h

渌

宜。

lɐub raeuz we

taːuE dauq again

tɘkG dwk strike

luǝkI lueg glen

neiːDN neix this

娄

到

喜

渌

莫。

lɐub raeuz we

taːuE dauq again

hiːI heij begin

luǝkI lueg glen

mo̞ ːE moq new

h

后

渌

双

渌。

tɨkG dwk strike

hɐuI haeuj enter

luːǝkI lueg glen

ɬo̝ ŋA song two

luːǝkI lueg glen

24a:4

*

24a:6

184

interlinear transcription

報

比

S

双

S。

tɕɐpG gyaep pursue

peiA bae go

ɁdɵŋA ndoeng forested.slope

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

ɁdɵŋA ndoeng forested slope

造

礼

皇

V

里。

ɕaːuf caux finally

ɁdɐiI1 ndaej get

βuǝŋb@ vuengz muntjac

tɐŋDN daengx entire

liːDN lix living

造

礼

巳

V

Ă。

ɕaːuf caux finally

ɁdɐiI1 ndaej get

kiːI gij muntjac

tɐŋDN daengx entire

tuǝb duz clf

漢

王

笑

巴

時。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

lieuA riu smile

paːDN bax mim.suff.

ɬiːf sih

漢

王

米

巴

$。

ɬiːǝkI

24a:7

750

24a:8

24b:1

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

miːb miz pleased

paːDN bax mim.suff.

sieg

造

礼

已

V

Ë。

ɕaːuf caux finally

ɁdɐiI1 ndaej get

kiːI gij muntjac

tɐŋb daengz arrive

laːnb ranz house

ć

h

班

盖

d。

755

kβaːiDN gvaix ladle.out

tɨkG dwk strike; put

paːnb banz platter

kaːiE gaiq clf, for

po̞ ːf boh father

24b:2 *

父

Ã

吽

不

唎。

po̞ ːf boh father

kɘnA gwn eat

nɐub naeuz say

ɁbouI mbouj not

ɁdiːA ndei good

185

interlinear transcription m

時

吽

貧

病。

toːE doq straightaway

ɕɯːb cawz

nɐub naeuz say

pɐnb baenz become

pɪŋf bingh illness

皇

V

里

礼

Ã。

βuǝŋb vuengz muntjac

tɐŋDN daengx entire

liːDN lix living

ɁdɐiI ndaej get

kɯnA gwn eat

己

V

Ă

礼

哏。

kiːI gij muntjac

tɐŋDN daengx entire

tuǝb duz clf

ɁdɐiI ndaej get

kɘnA gwn eat

亦

哏

淋

感

郝。

jɐkG yaek want.to

kɘnA gwn eat

lɐmDN raemx water

kaːmI gamj cave

haːkEZ hak official

亦

哏

模

感

6。

jɐkG yaek want.to

kɘnA gwn eat

maːkEZ mak fruit

kaːmI gamj cave

ɕeːtI ced vulva

在

明

耗

N

宜。

ɕaːif| caih no.matter.how

mɯŋb mwngz you

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

neiːDN neix this

ù

H

布

渌

!。

peiA bae go

ɕaːmA cam consult

pɐuE Baeuq Baeu

lɵkI Roeg Roekdo

toːf doh

ù

H

X

渌

甲。

peiA bae go

ɕaːmA cam consult

moːA Mo Mo

lɵkI loeg Loekgap

kaːpEr gap

24b:3 *

24b:4

760

24b:5

24b:6

186

interlinear transcription

布

渌

!

造

耗。

765

pɐuE Baeuq Baeu

lɵkI Roeg Roekdo

toːf doh

ɕaːuDq caux thereupon

haːuE hauq speak

24b:7

道

渌

甲

造

吽。

taːuf Dauh Taoist

lɵkI Loeg Loekgap

kaːpEr gap

ɕaːuDq caux thereupon

nɐub naeuz say

三

咟

渌

m

里。

ɬaːmA sam three

paːkEZ bak hundred

luːǝkI lueg glen

tɵDN dox mutually

ɁdiːI1 ndij with; come.together

四

咟

渌

m

甲。

ɬiːE seiq four

paːkEZ bak hundred

luːǝkI lueg glen

tɵDN dox mutually

kaːpEZ gap converge

造

r

淋

三

个。

ɕaːuDq caux just.then

miːb miz have

lɐmDN raemx water

ɬaːmA sam three

kaːA ga clf; leg

造

r

淋

沙

良。

ɕaːuDq caux just.then

miːb miz have

lɐmDN raemx water

ɬaːA sa sand

liːǝŋb riengz flow

漢

王

İ

后

心。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

ɁdiːǝpEr ndiep ponder

hɐuI haeuj enter

ɬɐmA sim Heart

漢

王

Õ

后

肚。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

nɐmA naem bury

hɐuI haeuj enter

tʊŋDN dungx belly

24b:8

25a:1 *

770

25a:2

*

187

interlinear transcription 王

造

到

Ë

旧。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɕaːuDq caux thereupon

taːuE dauq return

laːnb ranz house

kɐuE gaeuq old; former

報

軍

t

娄

齐。

paːuE bauq mobilise

kunA gun army

maːDN max horses

lɐub raeuz we; our

ɕɐib caez all.present

黎

軍

兵

娄

m。

lɐib raez call.out

kunA gun army

pɪŋA bing weapons

lɐub raeuz we; our

toːf doh everywhere

十

甫

十

伏

亦。

ɕɪpI cib ten

puːDN boux clf; person

ɕɪpI cib ten

fakI fag clf

jaːkEZ yak crowbar

百

甫

百

伏

蘇。

paːkEZ bak hundred

puːDN boux clf; person

paːkEZ bak hundred

fakI fag clf

ɬo̞ ːA so spade

蘇

ù

骨

吞

₣。

ɬo̞ ːA so spade

peiA bae go

kʊtI gud dig

tɪnA din foot

laːkI lag wicker.fence

亦

Á

斗

吞

墻。

jaːkEZ yak crowbar

peiA bae go

tɐuE daeuq dig

tɪnA din foot

ɕiːǝŋb ciengz wall

斗

隆

三

T

勒。

tɐuE daeuq dig

lɵŋb roengz descend

ɬaːmA sam three

ɕiːǝŋf ciengh clf.10-foot

lɐkI laeg deep

25a:3

775 25a:4

*

25a:5

*

25a:6 *

780

188

interlinear transcription

骨

隆

七

T

桑。

kʊtI gud dig

lɵŋb roengz descend

ɕɐtGZ caet seven

ɕiːǝŋf ciengh clf.10-foot

ɬaːŋA sang high

25a:7 *

造

忻

淋

沙

良。

ɕaːuDq caux only.then

hɐnA raen see

lɐmDN raemx water

ɬaːA sa sand

liːǝŋb riengz flowing

造

忻

@

連

哩。

ɕaːuDq caux only then

hɐnA raen see

lɪnA rin stone

liːǝnb lienz with

lɛːE req grit

岜

良

w

m

告。

tɕaːA bya fish

liːǝŋA rieng tail

ɁdɪŋA nding red

tɵDN dox mutually

keuI gauj intertwine

岜

好

隆

放

墜。

785

tɕaːA bya fish

haːuDN haux catfish

lɵŋb roengz descend

ɕuǝŋE cuengq release

tɕɐiE gyaeq egg

25b:1 *

侁

淋

德

不

礼。

ɁbɐŋE mbaengq bamboo. container

lɐmDN raemx water

tɐkG daek ladle.out

ɁbouI mbouj not

ɁdɐiI1 ndaej get; able

逻

淋

!

不

礼。

ɁdaːA nda lift

lɐmDN raemx water

hɯnI hwnj ascend

ɁbouI mbouj not

ɁdɐiI1 ndaej get; able

偶

木

夛

北

黎。

ɁɐuA aeu take

mɐiDN faex wood

toːE doq construct

ɁbɐkG mbaek ladder

lɐiA lae

25a:8 *

*

25b:2 *

*

189

interlinear transcription 夛

隆

三

T

勒。

toːE doq construct

lɵŋb roengz descend

ɬaːmA sam three

ɕiːǝŋf ciengh clf.10-foot

lɐkI laeg deep

夛

隆

七

T

桑。

toːE doq construct

lɵŋb roengz descend

ɕɐtG caet seven

ɕiːǝŋf ciengh clf.10-foot

ɬaːŋA sang high

皮

水

徃

隆

b。

piːDN beix older. sibling

ɕoiA coi urge

nuɵŋDN nuengx y.sibling

lɵŋb roengz descend

ko̞ ːǝnE gonq before

徃

水

皮

隆

b。

nuǝŋDN nuengx y.sibling

ɕo̞ iA coi urge

piːDN beix older.sibling

lɵŋb roengz descend

ko̞ ːǝnE gonq before

明

親

甫

N

大。

mɯŋb mwngz you

ɕɪnA caen kin

puːDN boux clf

lɨkI lwg child

taːif daih big; oldest

明

親

肝

d

礼。

mɯŋb mwngz you

ɕɪnA caen kin

tɐpG daep liver

po̞ ːf boh father

ɁdɐiI1 ndaej get; obtain

明

親

膓

d

貧。

mɯŋb mwngz you

ɕɪnA caen kin

ɬɐiI saej intestines

po̞ ːf boh father

pɐnb baenz become

明

親

辛

当

P。

mɯŋb mwngz you

ɕɪnA caen kin

ɕɐnA caen real

ɁdaːŋA ndang body

nɔːf noh flesh

25b:3

790

25b:4 *

25b:5

795 25b:6

190

interlinear transcription

造

明

İ

d

-。

ɕaːuDq caux then; if

mɯŋb mwngz you

ɁdiːǝpEZ ndiep ponder

po̞ ːf boh father

laːiA lai much; many

赦

当

隆

ù

b。

ɕeːA ce put.aside

ɁdaːŋA ndang body

lɵŋb roengz descend

peiA bae go

ko̞ ːǝnE gonq before

王

造

域

h

咟。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɕauDq caux then

βɐkG ngvaek hook

tɯːb dawz take

paːkEZ bak mouth

王

造

或

h

N。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɕauDq caux then

βaːkEr ngvak stop.up

tɯːb dawz take

ɕɵnnb coenz phrases

赦

²

隆

ù

b。

ko̞ ːǝnE

ɕeːA ce put.aside

ɁdaːŋA ndang body

lɵŋb roengz descend

peiA bae go

gonq before

隆

旺

黎

大

一。

lɵŋb roengz descend

βeːŋf vengh tread

lɐiA lae ladder

taːif daih ord.pref.

ɁɪtG it one

É

,

尼

茶

利。

lo̞ ːDN ȵiːɐA rox nyi become.conscious.of

nɪtG nit cold

ɕaːDN cax mim.suff.

liːf| lih

隆

旺

黎

大

二。

lɵŋb roengz descend

βeːŋfr vengh tread

lɐiA lae ladder

taːif daih ord.pref.

ɲiːf| ngeih two

25b:7

*

25b:8 *

800 *

9:26a:1

*

26a:2

191

interlinear transcription É

,

炁

茶

老。

805

lo̞ ːDN rox know; realise

ȵiːɐA nyi

hɤiːE heiq vapour

ɕaːDN cax mim.suff.

laːub lauz

26a:3

隆

旺

黎

大

三。

lɵŋb roengz descend

βeːŋf vengh rung

lɐiA lae ladder

taːif daih ord.pref.

ɬaːmA sam three

U

沙

隆

之

杀。

naːmf namh mud

ɬaːA sa sand

lɵŋb roengz descend

ɬiːI sij mim.suff.

ɬaːtI sad

隆

旺

黎

大

四。

lɵŋb roengz descend

βeːŋf vengh rung

lɐiA lae ladder

taːif daih ord.pref.

ɬɤiːE seiq four

养

¼

卜

隆

斗。

jaːŋI yangj sabre

kʊkI guh make; do

poːkI bog sheaf

lɵŋb roengz descend

tɐuI daeuj come

隆

旺

黎

大

五。

lɵŋb roengz descend

βeːŋf vengh rung

lɐiA lae ladder

taːif daih ord.pref.

ɦaːI haj five

王

顕

那

到

忐。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɕiːǝnE cienq turn

naːI naj face

taːuE dauq return

kɘnb gwnz up

王

沉

杀

黎

乞。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɕɐmf| caemh suddenly

ɕaːA ca

lɐib raez call.out

hɪtG hit in.warning

26a:4

26a:5 *

810

26a:6

192

interlinear transcription

王

沉

Ï

黎

器。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

ɕɐmf| caemh suddenly

ɕɪtG cit shout.at

lɐib raez call.out

heːuA heu in.alarm

倍

了

杀

皮

大。

pɐib baez time

ɁdeːuA ndeu one

kaːI gaj kill

piːDN beix older.sibling

taːif daih big; oldest

倍

了

害

皮

王。

pɐib baez time

ɁdeːuA ndeu one

haːif| haih harm

piːDN beix older.sibling

βuǝŋb vuengz king

倍

了

Q

皮

旧。

pɐib baez time

ɁdeːuA ndeu one

muːǝnb muenz bury

piːDN beix older.sibling

kɐuE gaeuq old; one’s.own

V

皮

大

Ø

傍。

kɐmA gaem grab.hold.of

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

kaːI gaj kill

piːDN beix older.sibling

taːif daih big

害

皮

王

Ø

Ä。

kaːI haih harm

piːDN beix older.sibling

βuǝŋb vuengz king

kɐmA gaem grab.hold.of

ɁjiːǝnE inq seal

王

黎

天

黎

地。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

lɐib raez call.out

tiɛnA dien Heaven

lɐib raez call.out

tiːf| deih Earth

弱

!

忑

斗

V。

ŋɯːǝkI ngieg python

hɘnI hwnj ascend

laːI laj below

tɐuI daeuj come

tɐŋb daengz arrive

26a:7

815 26a:8

26b:1 *

*

26b:2

820 *

193

interlinear transcription 仙

隆

忐

x

求。

ɬiɛnA sien sky.god

lɵŋb roengz descend

kɘnb gwnz above

maːA ma come

tɕɐuE gyouq rescue

徃

¥

亦

Ø

傍。

nuɵŋDN nuengx y.sibling

nɐub naeuz say

jɐkG yaek about.to

kɐmA gaem grab.hold.of

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

王

忐

'

不

應。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

kɘnb gwnz up; on

ɁbɘnA mbwn sky

ɁbouI mbouj not

ɁɪŋE ingq respond

命

不

许

貧

王。

mɪŋf mingh Fate

ɁbouI mbouj not

hɐɯI hawj give; allow

pɐnb baenz become

βuǝŋb vuengz king

傍

忑

吞

r

难。

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

laːI laj below

ɁdɐnA ndaen earth

miːb miz have

naːnf| nanh hardship

盖

故

親

N

王。

kaːiE gaiq clf

kuːA gou I

ɕɪnA caen kin

lɨkI lwg child

βuǝŋb vuengz king

m

星

傍

Ø

Ä。

toːDN dox mutually

ɬɪŋA sing contend

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

kɐmA gaem hold

ɁjɪnE inq seal

十

竜

當

散

那。

ɕɪpI cib ten

lʊŋb lungz dragon

taːŋA dang ward.off

paːif baih in.front

naːI naj

26b:3

26b:4

825 26b:5

*

26b:6

*

194

interlinear transcription

五

竜

當

散

"。

ɦaːI haj five

lʊŋb lungz dragon

taːŋA dang ward.off

paːif baih behind

lɐŋA laeng

26b:7

s

盆

身

7

命。

ɁuːD youq be.at

pɐnb baenz become; whole

ɁdaːŋA ndang body

hoːf hoh protect

mɪŋf mingh Fate, Life-force

限

定

恨

x

卜。

haːnf hanh definitely

tɪŋf dingh

hɯnI hwnj ascend

maːA ma come

ɁbɵkG * mboek dry.land; on.the.bank

苝

漢

王

!

侁。

fɐŋŋE

pɵkG haːnE boek Hanq turn.over, dump Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

hɘnI hwnj ascend

faengq bank

s

忑

勿

Ă

岜。

uːDr youq be.at

laːI laj below

tɯːtI fwed wing

tub duz thunder.god

tɕaːI byaj

s

忑

吞

Ă

雷。

ɁuːDr youq be.at

laːI laj below

tɪnA din foot

tub duz clf

lo̞ ib loiz Thunder

!

f

忐

答

î。

hɘnI hwnj ascend

maːA ma come

kɘnb gwnz above

toːpEZ dop answer

laːif| laih calumny

!

f

忐

帥

Z。

hɘnI hwnj ascend

maːA ma come

kɘnb gwnz above

ɬaːiE caiq file.suit

ɁiːǝnA ien enmity

830 *

26b:8

*

27a:1

835 27a:2 *

*

195

interlinear transcription 荅

î

ù

三

年。

toːpEZ dop answer

laːif| laih calumny

peiA bae go

ɬaːmA sam three

niːǝnb nienz year

荅

Z

ù

三

召。

ɬaːiE dop answer

ɁiːǝnA ien Enmity

peiA bae go

ɬaːmA sam three

ɕjeuf ciuh generation

三

悲

W

里

律。

ɬaːmA sam three

piːA bi year

leːŋDN rengx drought

liːfr lih intens.suff.

lɪnf| lwd

四

年

烈

里

林。

ɬɤiːE seiq four

piːA bi year

ɁdɪtG ndit hot.sun

liːfr lih intens.suff.

lɪnnf| linh

造

明

耗

N

你。

ɕaːuf caux since

mɯŋb mwngz you

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

niːDN neix this

三

千

韋

那

Š。

ɬaːmA sam three

ɕiːǝnA cien thousand

βiːA vi mw

naːb naz wet-field

lɵkG loek water-wheel

六

千

韋

那

U。

lɵkG loek six

ɕiːǝnA cien thousand

βiːA vi mw

naːb naz wet-field

ɕeːf ceh soak

古

h

淋

后

U。

kuːA gou I

tɨkG dwk hit; irrigate

lɐmDN raemx water

hɐuI haeuj enter

ɕeːf ceh soak

27a:3

*

27a:4 *

840 *

27a:5 *

*

27a:6 *

196

interlinear transcription

厚

記

古

耳

Ã。

845

hɐuDN haeux rice

keːE geq old

kuːA gou I

lɯǝA lw left.over

kɯnA gwn eat

27a:7 *

古

不

炁

明

s。

kuːA gou I

ɁbouI mbouj not

hɤiːE heiq worry.about

mɯŋb mwngz you

lʊŋb lungz uncle

古

不

穷

明

皮。

kuːA gou I

ɁbouI mbouj not

kʊŋb gungz exhausted.by

mɯŋb mwngz you

piːDN beix elder brother

古

不

ö

皮

王。

kuːA gou I

ɁbouI mbouj not

paːiE piːDN baiq beix make.obeisance older.sibling

βuǝŋb vuengz king

古

不

a

皮

旧。

kuːA gou I

ɁbouI mbouj not

kuːǝnA guenz submit.to

piːDN beix older.sibling

kɐuE gaeuq old

造

明

耗

N

你。

ɕaːuf caux since

mɯŋb mwngz you

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

niːDN neix this

古

到

里

件

"。

kuːA gou I

tauE dauq on.the.contrary

liːIN lij have

kiːǝnf gienh clf

lɐŋA laeng behind; after

古

到

V

件

瘟。

kuːA gou I

tauE dauq on.the.contrary

tɐŋb daengz arrive

kiːǝnf gienh clf

ɁɯnE wnq other; another

*

27a:8 *

27b:1 *

850

27b:2

197

interlinear transcription 古

¼

淋

畓

'。

kuːA gou I

kʊkI guh make

lɐmDN raemx water

tʊmf| dumh inundate

ɁbɘnA mbwn sky

古

¼

伝

Ü

末。

kuːA gou I

kʊkI guh make

hʊnb vunz people

taːiA dai die

muːǝtI mued end; come.to.an.end

忑

地

不

欸

容。

855

laːI laj below

tiːf deih earth

ɁbouI mbouj not

βuːǝnA vuen good.fortune

jʊŋb yungz

27b:4 *

伝

忑

'

Ü

末。

hʊnb vunz people

laːI laj below

ɁbɘnA mbwn sky

taːiA dai die

muːǝtI mued end; come.to.an.end

造

皮

耗

N

你。

ɕaːuf caux since

piːDN beix elder sibling

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

niːDN neix this

三

十

恩

般

域。

ɬaːmA sam thirty

ɕɪpI cib

ɁɐnA aen clf

luǝb ruz boat

βaːtI1 vad rowing

百

千

恩

般

m。

paːkEZ bak hundred

ɕiːǝnA cien thousand

ɁɐnA aen clf

luǝb ruz boat

toːf doh ferry

白

姓

古

后

4。

kuːA gou I

hɐuI haeuj enter

lɪmA rim full

pɛːkEr ɬɪŋE bek singq common.people

27b:3

27b:5

*

27b:6

860

198

interlinear transcription

伝

-

古

后

m。

hʊnb vunz everyone

laːiA lai

kuːA gou I

hɐuI haeuj enter

toːf doh enough

淋

!

般

同

!。

lɐmDN raemx water

hɘnI hwnj rise

luǝb ruz boat

tɵŋb doengz same, likewise

hɘnI hwnj ascend

淋

隆

般

同

隆。

lɐmDN raemx water

lɵŋb roengz descend

luǝb ruz boat

tɵŋb doengz likewise

lɵŋb roengz descend

淋

合

狼

之

菜。

lɐmDN raemx water

ho̞ ːpEZ hop gather.round

laːŋf langh wave

ɕiːfr cih mim.suff.

ɕaːib caiz

古

埋

般

后

侁。

kuːA gou I

maːiI vaij row

luǝb ruz boat

hɐuI haeuj enter

fɐŋE faengq bank

古

不

炁

明

s。

kuːA gou I

ɁbouI mbouj not

hɤiːE heiq worry.about

mɨŋb mwngz you

lʊŋb lungz uncle

古

不

穷

明

皮。

kuːA gou I

ɁbouI mbouj not

kʊŋb gungz exhausted.by

mɨŋb mwngz you

piːDN beix older.sibling

造

明

耗

N

宜。

ɕaːuf caux since

mɯŋb mwngz you

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

niːDN neix this

27b:7

*

27b:8

*

865 28a:1 *

28a:2

199

interlinear transcription 古

到

里

件

瘟。

kuːA gou I

taːuE dauq on.contrary

liːIN lij have

kiːǝnf gienh clf

ɁɯnEK wnq other, another

¼

奴

h

厚

谷。

kʊkI guh make

nuːA nou rat

tɨkG dwk strike

hɐuDN haeux rice

kɵkG goek root

¼

.

h

厚

菜。

kʊkI guh make

lɵkI roeg bird

tɨkG dwk strike

hɐuDN haeux rice

tɕaːiA byai outer.edge

左

厚

谷

明

台。

ɕaːI caj make

hɐuDN haeux rice

kɵkG goek root

mɯŋb mwngz your

taːiA dai die

左

厚

I

明

末。

muːǝtI

28a:3

870

28a:4

*

28a:5 *

ɕaːI caj make

hɐuDN haeux rice

taːib daiz large.glutinous

mɯŋb mwngz your

在

偹

耗

N

你。

ɕaːif caih no.matter.how

piːDN beix o.sibling

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

niːDN neix this

三

千

押

古

r。

875

ɬaːmA sam three

ɕiːǝnA cien thousand

kɐpG gaep trap

kuːA gou I

miːb miz have

28a:6

百

千

0

古

r。

*

paːkEr bak hundred

ɕiːǝnA cien thousand

naːE naq arrow

kuːA gou I

miːb miz have

mued end, die.out

200

interlinear transcription

江

Õ

古

ù

急。

tɕaːŋA gyang middle

hɐmf haemh evening

kuːA gou I

peiA bae go

tɕɐpG gyaep pursue

江

乞

古

ù

彩。

tɕaːŋA gyang middle

hɐtG haet morning

kuːA gou I

peiA bae go

jɐmmf| yaemh inspect

Ă

妹

Ü

h

押。

tuːb duz clf

meːf meh female

taːiA dai die

tɨkG dwk strike; pass

kɐpG gaep trap

Ă

德

Ü

h

農。

tuːb duz clf

tɐkI daeg male

taːiA dai die

tɨkG dwk strike; pass

naːE naq arrow

他

3

P

f

汒。

mɯːǝŋA

tɛːA de he

ɕeːA sik tear, rip

nɔːf noh flesh

maːA ma come

mwn braise

他

3

宋

[

令。

tɛːA de he

ɬɪkG sik tear, rip

nɐŋA naeng skin

maːA ma come

lɪŋEN riengq roast

在

明

耗

N

你。

ɕaːi! caih whatever

mɯŋb mwngz you

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

niːDN neix this

古

到

里

件

瘟。

kuːA gou I

taːuE dauq return

miːb miz have

kiːǝnf gienh clf

ɁɘnE wnq other; another

28a:7

*

28a:8

880

28b:1 *

*

28b:2 *

*

201

interlinear transcription 里

养

了

答

Z。

liːI lij still

jɨːǝŋf| yiengh kind, type

ɁdeːuA ndeu one

taːpEZ dap respond

ɁiːǝnA ien enmity

荅

千

年

羑

四。

taːpEZ dap respond

ɕiːǝnA cien thousand

niːǝn nienz year

faːnf fanh myriad

ɬɤiːE seiq generation

¼

墓

p

后

那。

kʊkI guh make

muːA mou pig

tuːǝnf duenh wild

hɐuI haeuj enter

naːb naz wet-field

¼

&

家

后

利。

kʊkI guh make

juǝŋb yiengz goat

tɕaːA bya wild

hɐuI haeuj enter

liːf reih dry-field

$

位

h

厚

菜。

jaːf yah sparrow

βiːf| vih

tɨkG dwk strike

hɐuDN haeux rice

tɕaːiA byai outer.edge

灵

增

h

厚

防。

lɪŋb lingz monkey

kɐŋA gaeng black.ape

tɨkG dwk strike

hɐuDN haeux foxtail.millet

f󰀯ːǝŋI fiengj

在

明

耗

N

宜。

ɕaːI caj if

mɯŋb mwngz you

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

niːDN neix this

¼

$

風

h

那。

kʊkI guh make

jaːf yah scarecrow

fʊŋA fumh

tɨkG dwk strike; put

naːb naz wet-field

885 28b:3

*

28b:4

*

28b:5 *

890 *

28b:6 *

*

202

interlinear transcription

¼

$

夏

h

利。

kʊkI guh make

jaːf yah scarecrow

haːb haz

tɨkG dwk strike; put

liːf reih dry-field

$

位

s

礼

隆。

jaːf yah sparrow

βiːf vih

ɁuːDr youq be.at; how

ɁdeiI1 ndaej get

lɵŋb roengz descend

灵

增

忻

連

班。

lɪŋb lingz monkey

kɐŋA gaeng black.ape

lɐnA raen see

liɛnb lienz straightaway

paːnf banh crawl.up, climb

古

不

劳

盖

你。

kuːA gou I

ɁbouI mbouj not

laːuA lau fear

kaːiE gaiq clf

niːDN neix these

劳

明

里

养

瘟。

liːJ lij still.have

jɨːǝŋf yiengh kind, type

ɁɘnE wnq other, another

28b:7

895 28b:8 *

29a:1

laːuA lau fear

mɯŋb mwngz you

墓

p

后

那

桑。

muːA mou pig

tuːǝnf duenh wild

hɐuI haeuj enter

naːb naz wet-field

ɬaːŋA sang high

&

X

后

那

渌。

juǝŋb yiengz muntjac

faːnA fanz

hɐuI haeuj enter

naːb naz wet-field

luːǝkI lueg glen

在

明

耗

N

你。

900

ɕaːI caj if

mɯŋb mwngz you

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

niːDN neix this

*

*

29a:2 *

203

interlinear transcription 三

十

养

¼

卜。

ɬaːmA sam thirty

ɕɪpI cib

jaːŋI yangj sabre

kʊkI guh do; make; as

poːkI bog sheaf

四

十

洛

胡

竜。

ɬɤiːE seiq forty

ɕɪpI cib

loːkEZ rok short.sword

hoːb hoz handle, hilt

luǝŋb luengz copper

破

桑

古

ù

壬。

poːA bo slope

ɬaːŋA sang high

kuːA gou I

peiA bae go

jɐmmf| yaemh tread.warily

破

W

古

ù

提。

poːA bo slope

tɐmE daemq low

kuːA gou I

peiA bae go

tɨkG dawz defend; guard

墓

p

V

之

0。

muːA mou pig

tuːǝnf

tɐŋb daengz arrive

ɕiːDr cix then

taːnb danz hit.hard

duenh wild

皇

X

V

之

煞。

juǝŋb yiengz muntjac

faːnA fanz

tɐŋb daengz arrive

ɕiːDr cix then

ɬaːtI sad hit, knock

他

3

P

f

汒。

tɛːA de he

ɬɪkG sik rip, tear

nɔːf noh flesh

maːA ma come

mɯːǝŋA mwn braise

他

3

Y

f

令。

tɛːA de he

ɬɪkG sik rip, tear

nɐŋA naeng skin

maːA ma come

lɪŋEN riengq roast

29a:3

*

29a:4 *

*

905 29a:5 *

*

29a:6

*

204

interlinear transcription

古

不

盖

劳

宜。

kuːA gou I

ɁbouI mbouj not

laːuA lau fear

kaːiE gaiq clf

niːDN neix these

劳

明

里

件

瘟。

laːuA lau fear

mɯŋb mwngz you

miːb lij still.have

kiːǝnf gienh clf

ɁɘnE wnq other, another

十

二

劳

屎

w。

ɕɪpI cib twelve

ɲiːf ngeih

laːuE lauq crock

hɐiDN haex shit

ɁdɪŋA nding red

十

二

呈

屎

血。

lɯːǝtI

ɕɪpI cib twelve

ɲiːf ngeih

ɕɪŋb cingz big.jar

hɐiDN haex shit

lwed blood

屎

w

不

增

勿。

wuːǝtEr

hɐiDN haex shit

ɁdɪŋA nding red

ɁbouI mbouj not

ɕɐŋb caengz not yet

uet wipe, rub

屎

血

到

斗

V。

hɐiDN haex shit

lɯːǝtI lwed blood

taːuE dauq return

tɐuI daeuj come

tɐŋb daengz arrive

令

许

代

肚

早。

lɪŋf lingh order

hɐɯI hawj give; make

taːiA dai die

tʊŋDN dungx belly

ɕaːub cauz stinking

令

许

考

請

沙。

lɪŋf lingh order

hɐɯI hawj give; make

kaːuI gyauj twist.up

ɕɪŋA cangz intestines

ɬaːA sah heatstroke

29a:7 *

910 *

29a:8 *

*

29b:1

915 29b:2 *

*

205

interlinear transcription 代

加

荷

不

散。

taːiA dai die

kuǝŋf geh space.between

haːb haz thatch-grass

ɁbouI mbouj not

ɬaːnE suenq calculate, count

造

皮

耗

N

宜。

ɕaːuf caux since

piːDN beix older.sibling

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

niːDN neix this

.

z

ą

大

王。

pɪtG bit duck

keiE gaeq chicken

ɕɐiE caeq make.offering

taːif daih Great

βuǝŋb vuengz King

墓

&

ą

妹

老。

muːA mou pig

juǝŋb yiengz goat

ɕɐiE caeq make offering

meːf meh Mother

laːuDN laux Old

伝

-

求

天

地。

hʊnb vunz everyone

laːiA lai

tɕɐub gouz beseech

tiɛnA dien Heaven

tiːf deih Earth

白

姓

古

s

台。

kuːA gou I; my

ɁuːDW youq be.at

taːiA dai die

peːkEr ɬɪŋE bek singq common.people 伝

-

古

s

末。

hʊnb vunz everyone

laːiA lai

kuːA gou I; my

ɁuːDr youq be.at

muːǝtI mued come.to.end

皮

旧

古

不

a。

piːDN beix older.sibling

kɐuE gaeuq old

kuːA gou I

ɁbouI mbouj not

kuːǝnbr guenz submit.to

29b:3 *

*

29b:4

920

29b:5

29b:6

*

206

interlinear transcription

劳

漢

王

¼

s。

laːuA lau fear

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

kʊkI guh make, do

ɁuːDK youq be.at; what

在

明

耗

N

宜。

ɕaːI~ caj if, since

mɯŋb mwngz you

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

niːDN neix this

古

¼

律

¼

3。

kuːA gou I

kʊkI guh make

lɐtG raet measles

kʊkI guh make

toːkEr dok smallpox

¼

律

台

N

途。

kʊkI guh make

lɐtG raet measles

taːiA dai die

lɨkI lwg child

toːkI dog only

¼

讀

Ü

N

w。

kʊkI guh make

toːkEr dok smallpox

taːiA dai die

lɨkI lwg baby

ɁdɪŋA nding

Ü

天

下

六

苝。

taːiA dai die

tiɛnA jaːf dien yah All.under.Heaven

luːǝkI lueg clf; glen

pɐkG baek place

Ü

七

十

六

國。

taːiA dai die

ɕɐtG caet seventy

ɕɪpI cib

luːǝkI lueg clf; glen

kuːǝkEr guek kingdom

令

Ü

律

Ü

讀。

lɪŋf lingh order

taːiA dai die

lɐtG raet measles

taːiA dai die

toːkEr dok smallpox

925 29b:7

*

29b:8

*

30a:1 *

930

30a:2

207

interlinear transcription 在

皮

耗

N

你。

ɕaːI caj if, since

piːDN beix older.sibling

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

niːDN neix this

30a:3 *

V

.

z

*

'。

kaːI gaj kill

pɪtG bit duck

kɐiE gaeq chicken

waːnb vanz return

ɁdɐnA mbwn sky

V

墓

Z

*

願。

935

kaːI gaj kill

muːA mou pig

huŋA hung big

waːnb vanz Return

jiːǝnf yienh Vow

30a:4 *

.

z

ą

大

王。

pɪtG bit duck

keiE gaeq chicken

ɕɐiE taːif caeq daih make.offering.to Great

βuǝŋb vuengz King

墓

&

ą

老。

muːA mou pig

juǝŋb yiengz goat

ɕɐiE meːf caeq meh make.offering.to Mother

laːuDN laux Old

他

礼

保

卦

悲。

tɛːA de he

ɁdɐiI ndaej get; able.to

paːuI bauj protect

kβaːE gvaq traverse

piːA bi year

ò

r

貧

麻

惱。

ɁbouI mbouj not

miːb miz have

pɐnb baenz accomplish

maːb maz what; anything

naːuE nauq at.all

N

3

古

s

台。

lɨkI lwg child

toːkI dog only; single

kuːA gou I; my

ɁuːDZ youq be.at; how

taːiA dai die

妹

*

30a:5

30a:6 *

940

208

interlinear transcription

伝

-

古

s

末。

lɨkI vunz everyone

laːiA lai

kuːA gou I; my

ɁuːDZ youq be.at; how

muːǝtI mued come.to.end

明

不

劳

盖

你。

mɯŋb mwngz you

ɁbouI mbouj not

laːuA lau fear

kaːiE gaiq clf

niːDN neix those

古

到

里

养

瘟。

kuːA gou I

taːuE dauq return

miːb lij still.have

jɨːǝŋf yiengh kind, type

ɁɘnE wnq other; another

古

¼

三

萬

律。

kuːA gou I

kʊkI guh make

ɬaːmA sam three

faːnf fanh myriad

lɐtG laet cocoon

古

¼

七

萬

吜。

kuːA gou I

kʊkI guh make

ɕɐtG caet seven

faːnf fanh myriad

nɐuA 30b:1 naeu * snout.moth.larvae

古

¼

七

萬

列。

kuːA gou I

kʊkI guh make

ɕɐtG caet seven

faːnf fanh myriad

lɛːtI reh rice-bug

吜

斗

h

厚

记。

nɐuA naeu snout.moth. larvae

tɐuI daeuj come

tɨkG dwk hit

hɐuDN haeux rice

keːE geq old

列

斗

h

厚

菜。

lɛːtI reh rice-bug

tɐuI daeuj come

tɨkG dwk hit

hɐuDN haeux rice

tɕaːiA byai outer.edge, young

30a:7 *

30a:8 *

*

945

*

30b:2

*

209

interlinear transcription 左

厚

记

明

台。

ɕaːI caj make

hɐuDN haeux rice

keːE geq old

mɯŋb mwngz you; your

taːiA dai die

左

厚

I

明

末。

ɕaːI caj make

hɐuDN haeux rice

taːib daiz large.glutinous

mɯŋb mwngz you; your

muːǝtI mued end, die.out

在

皮

耗

N

你。

ɕaːI caj if, since

piːDN beix o.sibling

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

niːDN neix this

三

萬

Ă

z

甫。

ɬaːmA sam three

faːnf fanh myriad

tuːb duz clf

keiE gaeq rooster

po̞ ːf boh

九

千

Ă

z

家。

kuːI gouj nine

faːnf cien thousand

tuːb duz clf

keiE gaeq chicken

tɕaːA gya big-bodied

放

z

甫

隆

那。

ɕuǝŋE cuengq release

keiE gaeq -

po̞ ːf boh rooster

lɵŋb roengz descend

naːb naz wet-field

放

z

家

隆

峝。

ɕuǝŋE cuengq release

keiE gaeq chicken

tɕaːA gya big-bodied

lɵŋb roengz descend

tɵŋf doengh field

z

甫

古

É

逻。

keiE gaeq rooster

po̞ ːf boh

kuːA gou I; my

lo̞ ːDN rox know

laːA ra seek

30b:3 *

950 *

30b:4 *

*

30b:5 *

955 30b:6

210

interlinear transcription

z

家

古

É

了。

keiE gaeq chicken

tɕaːA gya big-bodied

kuːA gou I; my

lo̞ ːDN rox know

ɬieuEq siuq chisel

了

Ã

列

江

那。

ɬieuE siuq chisel

kɘnA gwn eat

lɛːb reh rice.bug

tɕaːŋA gyang middle

naːb naz wet-field

逻

哏

吜

江

峝。

ɬieuE ra seek

kɘnA gwn eat

nɐuA naeu snout.moth. larva

tɕaːŋA gyang middle

tɵŋf doengh field

古

不

劳

明

s。

kuːA gou I

ɁbouI mbouj not

laːuA lau fear

mɯŋb mwngz you

lʊŋb lungz uncle

古

不

穷

明

皮。

kuːA gou I

ɁbouI mbouj not

kʊŋb gungz exhausted

mɯŋb mwngz you

piːDN beix older.sibling

皮

大

古

不

a。

piːDN beix older.sibling

taːif daih big

kuːA gou I

ɁbouI mbouj not

kuːǝnb@ guenz submit.to

劳

漢

王

¼

s。

laːuA lau fear

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

kʊkI guh make

ɁjuːD1 youq be.at; what

造

明

耗

N

宜。

ɕaːuf caux since

mɯŋb mwngz you

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

niːDN neix this

30b:7 *

30b:8 *

960

31a:1

31a:2

211

interlinear transcription 古

到

里

分

8。

kuːA gou I

taːuE dauq however

liːJ lij still.have

fɐnf faenh clf

ɬo̞ ːE soq sthg.to.say

古

¼

三

悲

4。

kuːA gou I

kʊkI guh make

ɬaːmA sam three

piːA bi year

lɐpG laep dark

古

¼

七

悲

Õ。

kuːA gou I

kʊkI guh make

ɕɐtG caet seven

piːA bi year

hɐmmf haemh evening

三

悲

泣

左

林。

ɬaːmA sam three

piːA bi year

lɐpG laep dark

ɕaːb caz mim.suff.

lɪnf laemh

四

悲

Õ

左

列。

ɬɤiːE seiq four

piːA bi year

hɐmf haemh evening

ɕaːb caz mim.suff.

lɛːfN leh

T

ù

忑

W

忑。

βaːib vaiz buffalo

peiA bae go

laːI laj below

tɐmI daemj bump.into

laːI laj below

t

ù

忐

Z

忐。

maːDN max horse

peiA bae go

kɘnb gwnz above

tɐmI daemj bump.into

kɘnb gwnz above

忑

地

同

願

'。

laːI laj below

tiːf deih earth

tɵŋb doengz all.alike

ɁiːǝnE ienq resent

ɁbɘnA mbwn sky

965 31a:3 *

31a:4

31a:5

970

31a:6

212

interlinear transcription

伝

-

同

願

命。

hʊnb vunz everyone

laːiA lai

tɵŋb doengz all.alike

ɁiːǝnE ienq resent

mɪŋf mingh Fate

31a:7

造

明

耗

N

宜。

ɕaːuf caux since

mɯŋb mwngz you

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

niːDN neix this

十

萬

笑

迷

域。

975

ɕɪpI cib ten

faːnf fanh myriad

lieuA liu torch

mɐiDN faex tree

βaːtEZ vak oil.fir

31a:8 *

百

萬

吉

笑

结。

paːkEr bak hundred

faːnf fanh myriad

kɐtG gaet short.section

mɐiDN liu torch

keːA ge pine

Õ

古

点

千

七。

hɐmf haemh evening

kuːA gou I

tiːǝmI

ɕiːǝnA

diemj dot; light

cien thousand

ɕɐtG caet seven

乞

古

点

千

八。

hɐtG haet morning

kuːA gou I

tiːǝmI diemj dot; light

ɕiːǝnA cien thousand

pɛːtEr bet eight

占

V

傍

Ô

净。

tiːǝmI diemj dot; light

tɐŋDN daengx whole

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

loːŋf ɕɪŋDN rongh cingx bright.and.clear

Ô

十

二

六

苝。

loːŋf rongh bright

ɕɪpI cib twelve

ɲiːf ngeih

luːǝkI lueg clf; valley

pɐkG baek place

*

*

31b:1

31b:2 *

980

213

interlinear transcription Ô

七

十

六

國。

loːŋf rongh bright

ɕɐtG caet seventy

ɕɪpI cib

luːǝkI lueg clf; valley

kuːǝkEr guek kingdom

天

下

古

Ô

齐。

tiɛnA jaːf2 dien yah All.under.Heaven

kuːA gou I; my

loːŋf rongh bright

ɕɐib caez all.together 净。

V

傍

古

Ô

tɐŋDN daengx whole

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

kuːA gou I; my

loːŋf ɕɪŋDN rongh cingx bright.and.clear

在

明

耗

N

你。

ɕaːI caj if, since

mɯŋb mwngz you

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

niːDN neix this

Õ

点

心

双

心。

hɐmf haemh evening

tiːǝmI diemj dot; light

ɬɵmA soem armspread

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

ɬɵmA soem armspread

s

"

不

礼

到。

lɵŋA loeng mistake

lɵnA roen path

ɁbouI mbouj not

ɁdɐiI1 ndaej get; able.to

taːuE dauq return

古

列

非

不

光。

kuːA gou I

lɛːAq le ptl

βiːA| vae kindred

ɁbouI mbouj not

kβaːŋA gvang broad

古

列

挷

不

-。

kuːA gou I

lɛːAq le ptl

paːŋfy bang entourage

ɁbouI mbouj not

laːiA lai many

31b:3

*

31b:4

*

985 31b:5 *

31b:6 *

*

214

interlinear transcription

古

列

犯

不

r。

kuːA gou I

lɛːA le ptl

faːmf famh transgression

ɁbouI mbouj not

miːb miz have

黎

之

'

提

定。

lɐib raez call.out

ɕiːDN cix then

ɁbɘnA mbwn sky

tɯːb dawz take

tɪŋf dingh decide

犯

盖

麻

徃

王。

faːmf famh transgress

kaːiE gaiq what

maːb maz

nuɵŋDN nuengx younger.sibling

βuǝŋb vuengz king

Á

'

Q

玉

帝。

peiA bae go

ɁbɯnA mbwn sky

muːǝnb muenz deceive

βuǝŋb Nyug Jade

tɐiE daeq Emperor

造

¼

羅

罧

Z。

ɕaːuf caux then

kʊkI guh make

laːE raq clf gust

lʊmb rumz wind

hʊŋA hung big

造

¼

罧

绞

z。

ɕaːuf caux then

kʊkI guh make

lʊmb rumz wind

keuI geuj twist

keiE gaeq chicken

漢

王

化

ù

'。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

βaːE vaq transform

peiA bae go

ɁbɘnA mbwn sky

!

ù

忐

荅

î。

hɯnI hwnj ascend

peiA bae go

kɘnb gwnz above

toːpEZ dop answer

laːif laih calumny

31b:7 *

990

31b:8

*

32a:1

995 32a:2

*

215

interlinear transcription !

ù

忐

帥

Z。

hɘnI hwnj ascend

pɐiA bae go

kɘnb gwnz above

ɕaːiE caiq dig.up

ɁiːǝnA ien enmity

荅

î

ù

三

年。

toːpEZ dop answer

laːif laih calumny

peiA bae go

ɬaːmA sam three

piːA bi year

帥

Z

ù

三

召。

ɕaːiE caiq dig.up

ɁiːǝnA ien enmity

peiA bae go

ɬaːmA sam three

ɕjeuf ciuh generation

v

箱

h

劳

唎。

toːE doq construct

ɬɨːǝŋA sieng trunk

tɨkG dwk strike; put

ɁdaːuA ndau star

ɁdiːEK ndeiq

v

跪

h

江

昙。

toːE doq construct

kβiːf gveih cupboard

tɨkG dwk strike; put

tɕaːŋA daeng sun

ŋɵnnb ngoenz

傍

忑

地

泣

颜。

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

laːI laj below

tiːf deih earth

lɐpG laep dark

ȵɐnb nyaenz as.pitch

滕

—

-

r

难。

tɐŋb daengz arrive

hʊnb vunz everyone

laːiA lai

miːb miz have

naːnf nanh hardship

忑

地

三

悲

立。

laːI laj below

tiːf deih earth

ɬaːmA sam three

piːA bi year

lɐpG laep dark

32a:3

32a:4

1000

32a:5

*

32a:6

216

interlinear transcription

忑

地

七

悲

Õ。

1005

laːI laj below

tiːf deih earth

ɕɐtG caet seven

piːA bi year

hɐmmf haemh evening

32a:7

甫

忑

地

台

沉。

puːDN boux clf; people

laːI laj below

tiːf deih earth

taːiA dai die

ɕɐmA caem silent

甫

忑

吞

台

末。

puːDN boux clf; people

laːI laj below

ɁdɐnA ndaen earth

taːiA dai die

muːǝtI mued come.to.end

懐

ù

忑

Z

忑。

βaːib vaiz buffalo

peiA bae go

laːI laj below

tɐmI daemj bump

laːI laj below

t

ù

忐

Z

忐。

maːDN max horse

peiA bae go

kɘnb gwnz above

tɐmI daemj bump

kɘnb gwnz above

伝

-

同

願

p。

1010

hʊnb vunz everyone

laːiA lai

tɵŋb doengz all.alike

ɁiːǝnE ienq resent

taːnE danq sigh

*

.

里

z

沉

s。

pɪtG bit duck

ɁdiːI1 ndij with

keiE gaeq chicken

ɕɐmf caemh same; share

lɵŋb roengz basket

32b:2 *

s

里

đ

沉

呠。

lʊŋb lungz uncle

ɁdiːI1 ndij with

lieub liuz y.brother’s. wife

ɕɐmf caemh same; share

ɁboːnE mbonq bed

*

32a:8

32b:1

217

interlinear transcription 北

竜

!

荷

茫。

paːkEZ bak mouth

luǝŋE luengq lane

hɘnI hwnj arise

haːb haz elsholtzia.grass

muǝŋb muengz

32b:3 *

定

"

!

荷

泰。

tɪŋEr dingq haft, middle

lɵnA roen path

hɘnI hwnj arise

haːb haz thatch-grass

taːiI daij

觧

ò

礼

恨

隆。

1015

pjaːiI byaij walk

ɁbouI mbouj not

ɁdeiI ndaej get

hɘnI hwnj arise

lɵŋb roengz descend

32b:4 *

昙

a

泣

a

Õ。

ŋɵnb ngoenz day

kuːǝnI guenj always

lɐpG laep dark

kuːǝnI guenj always

hɐmf haemh evening

甫

ù

不

利

f。

puːDN boux clf; people

peiA bae go

liːf reih dry-field

ɁbouI mbouj not

maːA ma come

甫

ù

那

不

到。

puːDN boux clf; people

peiA bae go

naːb naz wet-field

ɁbouI mbouj not

taːuE dauq return

甫

劳

ù

冇

斗。

puːDN boux clf; people

peiA bae go

lieuf liuh roam

ɁdɯǝiA ndwi empty; not

tɐuI daeuj come

弟

T

台

加

骨。

tɐɯb dawz take, look.after

βaːib vaiz buffalo

taːiA dai die

kɛːf geh interstices

kutG gut bracken

*

*

32b:5 *

32b:6 *

1020 *

218

interlinear transcription

弟

.

台

江

峝。

tɐɯb dawz take, look.after

pɪtG bit duck

taːiA dai die

tɕaːŋA gyang middle

tɵŋŋf doengh field

¼

]

黎

不

Ğ。

kʊkI guh do

jɨːǝŋf yiengh however

lɐɯb lawz

ɁbouI mbouj not

to̞ iE doiq correct

罪

]

黎

不

唎。

ɕo̞ if coih correct

jɨːǝŋf yiengh however

lɐɯb lawz not

ɁbouI mbouj good

ɁdiːA ndei

呌

老

ï

斗

相。

heːuf$ heuh call.out

laːuDN laux old, elder

ɁbaːnI1 mbanj village

tɐuI daeuj come

ɬɨːǝŋA sieng deliberate

呌

老

傍

斗

散。

1025

heːuf$ heuh call.out

laːuDN laux old, elder

pɨːǝŋb

tɐuI daeuj come

ɬaːnE suenq calculate

33a:1

biengz realm

ù

忑

杳

m

相。

peiA bae go

laːI laj under

ɁjieuI1 yiuj granary

tɵDN dox mutually

ɬɨːǝŋA sieng deliberate

ù

忑

倉

m

散。

peiA bae go

laːI laj under

ɕaːŋA cang storehouse

tɵDN dox mutually

ɬaːnE suenq calculate

32b:7

32b:8 *

33a:2

甫

黎

礼

ù

a

皮

大。

puːDN boux who

lɐɯb lawz

ɁdɐiI1 ndaej get, able

peiA bae go

kuːǝnA guenz submit

piːDN beix o.sibling

taːif daih big, older

*

219

interlinear transcription 甫

黎

礼

ù

ö

皮

王。

puːDN boux who

lɐɯb lawz

ɁdɐiI1 ndaej get, able

peiA bae go

paːiE baiq make. obeisance

piːDN beix o.sibling

βuǝŋb vuengz king

傍

忑

吞

造

Ô。

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

laːI laj below

ɁdɐnA ndaen earth

ɕauf caux thereupon

loːŋf rongh bright

造

娄

耗

N

你。

ɕaːuf caux thereupon

lɐub raeuz we

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

niːDN neix this

r

甫

了

造

耗。

miːb miz there.is

puːDN boux clf; people

ɁdeːuA ndeu one

ɕauf caux then

haːuE hauq speak

33a:3

1030

33a:4

r

冐

了

造

吜。

miːb miz there.is

ɁbaːuE mbauq youth

ɁdeːuA ndeu one

ɕauf caux then

nɐub naeuz say

狼

矅

礼

ù

x。

laːŋb langz eagle

jieuf yiuh

ɁdɐiI1 ndaej get, able

peiA bae go

maːA ma come.back

狼

y

礼

ù

到。

1035

laːŋb langz crow

ɁaːA a

ɁdɐiI1 ndaej get, able

peiA bae go

taːuE dauq Return

33a:6

ù

峝

呌

狼

y。

peiA bae go

tɵŋf doengh field

heːuf heuh call

laːŋb langz crow

ɁaːA a

33a:5

*

220

interlinear transcription

ù

岜

呌

狼

矅。

peiA bae go

tɕaːA bya karst.peak

heːuf heuh call

laːŋb langz eagle

jieuf yiuh

狼

矅

斗

里

羅。

laːŋb langz eagle

jieuf yiuh

tɐuI daeuj come

liːfr lih in.a.rush

laːb laz

狼

y

斗

里

郎。

laːŋb langz crow

ɁaːA a

tɐuI daeuj come

liːfr lih in.a.hurry

laːŋfN langh

祖

王

吽

之

長。

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

nɐub naeuz speak

ɕiːfr cih mim.suff.

ɕaːŋb cangz

祖

王

罡

之

杀。

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz king

kaːŋI gangj speak

ɕiːfr cih mim.suff.

ɕaːtI cad

)

ù

a

皮

大。

ɬuːA sou you

peiA bae go

kuːǝnA guenz submit.to

piːDN beix older.sibling

taːif daih big, older

)

ù

ö

皮

王。

ɬuːA sou you

peiA bae go

paːiE piːDN baiq beix make.obeisance o.sibling

βuǝŋb vuengz king

傍

忑

吞

造

Ô。

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

laːI laj below

ɁdɐnA ndaen earth

ɕauf caux then

loːŋf rongh bright

33a:7

33a:8

1040

33b:1

*

33b:2

221

interlinear transcription 狼

矅

£

之

長。

1045

laːŋb langz eagle

jieuf yiuh

nɐub naeuz say

ɕiːfr cih mim.suff.

ɕaːŋb cangz

33b:3

狼

y

罡

之

杀。

laːŋb langz crow

ɁaːA a

kaːŋI gangj speak

ɕiːfr cih mim.suff.

ɕaːtI cad

许

盖

麻

¼

'。

hɐɯI hawj give

kaːiE gaiq what

maːb maz

kʊkI guh do; as

tɐif daeh pocket, bag

礼

盖

麻

¼

吞。

ɁdɐiI1 ndaej get

kaːiE gaiq what

maːb maz

kʊkI guh do; as

tɐnnI daenj wear

乃

V

-

盖

)。

ɁdaːiD1 ndaij ramie

tɐŋDN daengx whole

kɐnA gaen catty

kaːiE gaiq clf; for

ɬuːA sou you

艮

V

u

盖

)。

ŋɐnb ngaenz silver

tɐŋDN daengx whole

faːI faj clf; lump

kaːiE gaiq clf; for

ɬuːA sou you

狼

y

耗

地

0。

laːŋb langz crow

ɁaːA a

haːuE hauq speak

tiːfr dih deliberately

taːnb danz

m

召

s

忑

'。

tuːA doh pass.through

ɕeːuf ciuh generation

ɁuːDr youq be.at

laːI laj under

ɁbɘnA mbwn sky

33b:4 *

33b:5 *

1050 *

33b:6

*

222

interlinear transcription

m

À

s

忑

地。

toːb doz look.for

kɘnA gwn eat

ɁuːDr youq be.at

laːI laj below

tiːf deih earth

乃

吐

不

É

分。

ɁdaːiD1 ndaij ramie

tuːA dou we

ɁbouI mbouj not

lo̞ ːDN rox know.how

ɁbɐnA mbaen twist

33b:7

艮

吐

不

É

那。

1055

ŋɐnb ngaenz silver

tuːA dou we

ɁbouI mbouj not

lo̞ ːDN rox recognise

naːI naj

33b:8

天

下

r

P

灵。

tiɛnA jaːfy dien yah All.under.Heaven

miːb miz there.is

nɔːf noh flesh

lɪŋb ringz noon

江

京

r

P

哏。

tɕaːŋA gyang middle; in

kɪŋA ging capital

miːb miz there.is

nɔːf noh flesh

hɐmmf hwnz night

P

哏

m

不

Ã。

nɔːf noh flesh

hɘnb hwnz night

tuːA dou we

ɁbouI mbouj not

kɨnA gwn eat

P

灵

度

不

領。

nɔːf noh flesh

lɪŋb ringz noon

tuːA dou we

ɁbouI mbouj not

lɪŋDN lingx accept

限

定

Ã

¼

呆。

haːnf hanh definitely

tɪŋf dingh

kɨnA gwn eat

kʊkI guh do; as

ŋaːib ngaiz cooked.rice, breakfast

34a:1 *

34a:2

1060

223

interlinear transcription 亦

Ã

jɐkG kɘnA yaek gwn about.to, want.to eat

-

Ã

大。

laːiA lai much

kɘnA gwn eat

taːif daih greatly

在

)

耗

N

宜。

ɕaːI caj if, since

ɬuːA sou you

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

niːDN neix this

34a:3

*

二

三

月

ù

那。

ɲiːf ngeih two

ɬaːmA sam three

ŋuːǝtI nyied month

peiA bae go

naːI naj in.front

N

.

许

)

'。

lɨkI lwg duckling

pɪtG bit

hɐɯI hawj give

ɬuːA sou you

tɐif daeh transport

N

z

许

)

提。

1065

tɯǝb

34a:5

lɨkI lwg chicks

keiE gaeq

hɐɯI hawj give

ɬuːA sou you

dawz grasp, take

¤

十

二

六

苝。

nɐub naeuz say

ɕɪpI cib twelve

ɲiːf ngeih

luǝkI lueg glen

pɐkG baek place

¤

十

七

六

國。

nɐub naeuz say

ɕɪpI cib seventeen

ɕɐtG caet

luǝkI lueg valley

kuːǝkEr guek kingdom

吽

伝

-

伝

大。

nɐub naeuz say

hʊnb vunz everyone

laːiA lai

hʊnb vunz everybody

taːif daih

34a:4

*

34a:6

224

interlinear transcription

時

他

伏

貧

洛。

ɕɯǝb cawz time

tɛːA de it; that

fɐkI faeg incubate

pɐnb baenz become

lʊkI rog litter

時

他

Å

貧

Ă。

ɕɯǝb cawz time

tɛːA de it; that

ɁoːkEZ ok emerge

pɐnb baenz become

tuǝb duz clf

双

)

在

许

涕。

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

ɬuːA sou you

ɕaːiE caiq only.then

hɐɯI hawj give; let

tɐif daeh transport

y

造

笑

巴

時。

ɁaːA a crow

ɕauf caux thereupon

lieuA riu laugh

paːDN bax mim.suff.

ɬiːfN sih

矅

造

米

巴

V。

paːDN bax mim.suff.

ɬiːǝkI

jieuf yiuh eagle

ɕauf caux thereupon

miːf mih pleased

34a:7 *

1070

34a:8 *

34b:1 *

sieg

偶

ï

˛

双

˛。

ɁɐuA aeu take

ɁbaːnI1 mbanj village

lɵŋE roengq basket

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

lɵŋE roengq basket

*

同

偶

Ă

双

Ă。

1075

tɵŋf doengh field

ɁɐuA aeu take

tuǝb duz clf

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

tuǝb duz clf

34b:2

)

偶

Ă

吞

却。

ɬuːA sou you

ɁɐuA aeu take

tuǝb duz clf

tɪnA din foot

tɕoːkEZ gyok lane

225

interlinear transcription )

偶

Ă

络

吐。

ɬuːA sou you

ɁɐuA aeu take

tuǝb duz clf

loːkI rog outside

tuːA dou door

Ă

内

s

盖

偶。

tuǝb duz clf

ɁdɐɯA ndaw inside

lɵŋE roengq basket

kɐiI gaej don’t

ɁɐuA aeu take

吽

盖

双

)

卦。

nɐub naeuz say

kaːiE gaiq clf; for

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

ɬuːA sou you

kβaːE gvaq pass.by

y

造

笑

巴

時。

ɬɤiːf

ɁaːA a crow

ɕauf caux then

lieuA riu laugh

paːDN bax mim.suff.

sih

矅

造

米

巴

V。

ɬiːǝkI

jieuf yiuh eagle

ɕauf caux then

miːf mih pleased

paːDN bax mim.suff.

sieg

v

勿

纷

盖

y。

toːE doq construct

fɯːǝtI fwed wing

fuːǝnDN fuenx black

kaːiE gaiq clf; for

ɁaːA a crow

v

勿

家

盖

矅。

toːE doq construct

fɯːǝtI fwed wing

tɕaːA gya grey

kaːiE gaiq clf; for

jieuf yiuh eagle

矅

提

斗

荅

à。

jieuf yiuh eagle

tɯːb dawz take, grasp

tɐuI daeuj come

taːpEZ dap join.on

kaːA ga leg

34b:3

34b:4

1080

34b:5

*

34b:6 *

226

interlinear transcription

y

提

f

荅

庫。

1085

ɁaːA a crow

tɯːb dawz take, grasp

maːA ma come.back

taːmA dam connect.with

hoːE hoq knee

34b:7 *

矅

!

ù

里

羅。

jieuf yiuh eagle

hɘnI hwnj ascend

peiA bae go

liːfr lih in.a.rush

laːb laz

y

恨

ù

里

狼。

ɁaːA a crow

hɘnI hwnj ascend

peiA bae go

liːfr lih in.a.hurry

laːŋfN langh

恨

茄

娬

泣

器。

hɘnI hwnj ascend

kiːb giz place

f󰀯ːI fwj cloud

lɐpG laep dark

heːuA heu blue-green

恨

茄

H

泣

漠。

hɯːnI hwnj ascend

kiːb giz place

keːuA geu skein

lɐpG laep dark

moːkEZ mok mist

ò

誦

不

V

忐。

ɁbouI mbouj not

ȵoŋDN nyoengx rush; charge

ɁbouI mbouj not

tɐŋb daengz arrive

kɘnb gwnz above

ù

V

本

勿

8。

peiA bae go

tɐŋb daengz arrive

pɘnA bwn feathers

fɯːǝtI fwed wing

lɵnE loenq fall.out

矅

ù

s

各

楼。

jieuf yiuh eagle

peiA bae go

uːDW youq be at, stay

koːA go clf

lɐuA raeu liquidambar

34b:8

*

35a:1

1090 *

35a:2 *

*

227

interlinear transcription y

ù

吽

N

耗。

ɁaːA a crow

peiA bae go

nɐub naeuz say

ɕɵnb coenz clf

haːuE hauq speech

咟

罡

N

Ă

伝。

paːkEZ bak mouth

kaːŋI gangj speak

lʊmI lumj like

tub duz clf

hʊnb vunz man, human

35a:3

²

蠢

N

啚

鬼。

1095

ɁdaːŋA ndang body

pɘnA bwn feathers

lʊmI lumj like

tub duz clf

kβiːI gveij demon

35a:4 *

門

子

Å

斗

V。

mɯnb mwnz gate.keeper

ɬɯːI swj

ɁoːkEZ ok emerge

tɐuI daeuj come

tɐŋb daengz arrive

大

陽

忻

連

到。

taːiA$ da eye

jaːnb yaengz stare

hɐnA raen see

liɛnb lienz straightaway

taːuE dauq return

漢

王

耗

地

0。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

haːuE hauq speak

tiːfr dih deliberately

taːnb danz

35a:5 *

斗

¼

麻

狼

y。

tɐuI daeuj come

kaːiE guh do

maːb maz what

laːŋb langz crow

ɁaːA a

x

¼

麻

狼

矅。

1100

maːA ma come.back

kaːiE guh do

maːb maz what

laːŋb langz eagle

jieuf yiuh

*

35a:6 *

228

interlinear transcription

双

)

斗

耗

s。

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

ɬuːA sou you

tɐuI daeuj come

haːuE hauq speak

ɁuːD1 youq be.at; what?

É

古

接

W

岜。

lo̞ ːDN rox either

kuːA gou I

ɕiːǝtEZ ciep receive

tɐmb daemz pond

tɕaːA bya fish

35a:7 *

É

古

相

那

_。

lo̞ ːDN rox or

kuːA gou I

ɬɪŋA sing seize

naːb naz wet-field

ɕeːf ceh watery

)

造

恨

x

'。

ɬuːA sou you

ɕauf caux then

hɘnI hwnj ascend

maːA ma come

ɁbɘnA mbwn sky

恨

x

忐

耗

s。

1105

hɘnI hwnj ascend

maːA ma come

kɯnb gwnz above

haːuE hauq speak

ɁuːD1 youq be.at; what?

35b:1

狼

矅

跪

左

又。

laːŋb langz eagle

jieuf yiuh

kβiːf gvih kneel

ɕaːDN cax respectfully

jɐub yaeuz

狼

y

¤

N

耗。

laːŋb langz crow

ɁaːA a

nɐub naeuz say

ɕɵnb coenz clf

haːuE hauq speech

漢

王

s

忑

地。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

ɁuːDr youq be.at

laːI laj under

tiːfN deih earth

35a:8

35b:2

*

229

interlinear transcription 忻

Ë

矅

É

y。

hɐnA raen see

laːnb ranz house

jieuf yiuh eagle

lo̞ ːDN rox or

ɁaːA a crow

s

忐

木

華

本。

ɁuːD youq be.at

kɘnb gwnz above

mɐiDN faex tree

βaːb vaz scratch

pɯnA bwn feathers

托

%

s

忑

地。

toːb doz search

kɯnA gwn eat

ɁuːDr youq be at

laːI laj under

tiːf deih earth

9

燒

怕

哏

德。

fiːb feiz fire

leːmI remj burn

paːE baq mountainside

kɘnA gwn eat

tɐkG daek grasshopper

'

泣

逻

双

W。

ɁbɘnA mbwn sky

lɐpG laep dark

laːA ra search.for

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

ho̞ iE hoiq I; us

35b:3

1110

35b:4 *

35b:5

徃

王

许

W

x。

nuɵŋDN nuengx y.sibling

βuǝŋb vuengz king

hɐnA hawj give; make

ho̞ iE hoiq I; us

maːA ma come

恨

x

求

皮

大。

1115

hɘnI hwnj ascend

maːA ma come

tɕɐub gouz beseech

piːDN beix older.sibling

taːif daih big; older

35b:6

x

忐

ö

皮

王。

hɐɯI ma come

maːA gwnz above

paːiE piːDN baiq beix make.obeisance older.sibling

βuǝŋb vuengz king

*

*

230

interlinear transcription

许

W

a

皮

旧。

hɐɯI hawj give; make

ho̞ iE hoiq I; us

kuːǝnA guenz submit.to

piːDN beix older.sibling

kɐuE gaeuq old

漢

王

¤

之

長。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

nɐub naeuz say

ɕiːfr cih mim.suff.

ɕaːŋf cangh

漢

王

罡

之

杀。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

kaːŋI gangj speak

ɕiːfr cih mim.suff.

ɕaːtI cad

忑

地

)

欸

容。

βuːǝnA

jʊŋb yungz

laːI laj below

tiːf deih earth

ɬuːA sou you

vuen fortunate

忑

吞

)

欸

喜。

βuːǝnA

hiːI heij

laːI laj below

ɁdɐnA ndaen earth

ɬuːA sou you

vuen contented

甫

忑

地

平

安。

puːDN boux clf; people

laːI laj below

tiːf deih earth

pɪŋb bingz at.peace

ɁaːnA an

傍

忑

吞

怏

`。

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

laːI laj below

ɁdɐnA ndaen earth

βaːiE vaiq joyous

βutG vued

ð

V

z

?

呆。

ŋɵnb ngoenz day

kaːI gaj kill

kɐiE gaeq chicken

tɐmA daem eat.with

ŋaːib ngaiz cooked.rice

35b:7

35b:8

1120 *

9:36a:1

36a:2 *

231

interlinear transcription ð

V

T

?

酒。

1125

ŋɵnb ngoenz day

kaːI gaj kill

βaːib vaiz buffalo

tɐmA daem eat.with

lɐuI laeuj wine

36a:3

昙

Ã

酒

V

泣。

ŋɵnb ngoenz day

kɘnA gwn eat

lɐuI laeuj wine

tɐŋb daengz arrive, to

lɐpG laep dark

ð

h

色

V

Õ。

ŋɵnb ngoenz day

tɨkG dwk strike

ɬɐkG saek dice

tɐŋb daengz arrive, to

hɐmmf haemh evening

班

P

荅

班

岜。

paːnb banz platter

nɔːf noh meat

taːpI dab pile.on.top

paːnb banz platter

tɕaːA bya fish

Ã

不

逻

皮

大。

kɘnA gwn eat

ɁbouI mbouj not

laːA ra seek

piːDN beix older.sibling

taːif daih old

W

到

吽

盖

王。

ho̞ iE hoiq I

taːuE dauq return

nɐub naeuz speak

kaːiE gaiq clf; for

βuǝŋb vuengz king

忑

地

三

悲

结。

laːI laj below

tiːf deih earth

ɬaːmA sam three

piːA bi year

kɛːtEZ get pain

忑

地

八

悲

难。

laːI laj below

tiːf deih earth

pɛːtEZ bet eight

piːA bi year

naːnf nanh difficulty

36a:4

*

36a:5

1130

36a:6

232

interlinear transcription

白

姓

不

欸

容。

peːkEr bek hundred

ɬɪŋE singq surname

ɁbouI mbouj not

βuǝnA vuen happy

jʊŋb yungz

V

z

倍

N

a。

kaːI gaj kill

kɐiE gaeq chicken

pɐiDN baex turn.back.on

lɨkI lwg male.child, son

ɬaːiA sai

36a:7

V

T

倍

N

大。

1135

kaːI gaj kill

βaːib vaiz buffalo

poiDN baex turn.back.on

lɨkI lwg child

taːif daih eldest

36a:8 *

漢

王

正

造

耗。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

ɕɪŋE cingq thereupon

ɕauf caux

haːuE hauq speak

位

楚

Û

祖

宗。

βiːf vih because

ɬuːA sou you

βiːA vei treat.shabbily

ɕoːI coj Ancestors

ɕɵŋb coeng

位

楚

淋

皮

旧。

βiːf vih because

ɬuːA sou you

lʊmb lumz forget

piːDN beix older.sibling

kɐuE gaeuq old

忑

地

造

台

沉。

laːI laj under

tiːf deih earth

ɕaːuf caux then

taːiA dai die

ɕɐmmA caem silent

忑

吞

造

台

末。

laːI laj under

ɁdɐnA ndaen earth

ɕaːuf caux then

taːiA dai die

muːǝtI mued come.to.end

*

36b:1 *

36b:2 *

1140

233

interlinear transcription 台

十

二

六

苝。

taːiA dai die

ɕɪpI cib twelve

ɲiːf ngeih

luǝkI lueg valley

pɐkG baek place

36b:3

台

十

七

六

國。

taːiA dai die

ɕɪpI cib seventeen

ɕɐtG caet

luǝkI lueg valley

kuːǝkEZ guek kingdom

ð

台

萬

台

千。

ŋɵnb ngoenz day

taːiA dai die

faːnf fanh myriad

taːiA dai die

ɕiːǝnA cien thousand

Î

甫

巫

不

忻。

laːA ra seek

puːDN boux clf

mɵkG moek bury

ɁbouI mbouj not

hɐnnA raen see

舍

P

後

V

'。

1145

ɕeːA ce leave

nɔːf noh flesh

hɐuA haeu stinking

tɐŋb daengz arrive

ɁbɘnA mbwn sky

36b:5 *

x

忐

求

耗

s。

maːA ma come.back

kɘnb gwnz above

tɕɐub gouz beseech

haːuE hauq speak

ɁuːD$ youq be.at; always

古

斗

忐

荅

î。

kuːA gou I

tɐuI daeuj come

kɘnb gwnz above

toːpEZ dop answer

laːifN raih calumny

古

x

忐

帥

Z。

kuːA gou I

tɐuI ma come

kɘnb gwnz above

ɕaːiE caiq sue

ɁiːǝnA ien enmity

36b:4

*

*

36b:6 *

*

234

interlinear transcription 36b:7 *

劳

唎

恨

之

勿。

ɁdaːuA ndau stars

ɁdiːE ndeiq

hɘnI hwnj ascend

ɕiːDN cix then

fɯtI fwd knock

劳

气

恨

之

u。

1150

ɁdaːuA ndau star

hɐtG haet morning

hɘnI hwnj ascend

ɕiːDN cix then

faːtI fad whip

*

É

泣

不

É

Ô。

36b:8

lo̞ ːDN rox know

lɐpG laep dark

ɁbouI mbouj not

lo̞ ːDN rox know

loːŋf rongh bright

楚

隆

ù

了

y。

ɬuːA sou you

lɵŋb roengz descend

peiA bae go

lieuDN liux ptl

jaːA a crow

盖

勒

x

了

矅。

kɐiI gaej don’t

lɐkI laeg

maːA ma come.back

lieuDN liux ptl

jieuf yiuh eagle

造

守

Ø

恨

x。

ɕaːuf caux if

ɬuːA sou you

kɐmf gaemh press, forcibly

hɘnI hwnj ascend

maːA ma come

*

37a:1

*

Ø

à

楚

連

u。

1155

kɐmA gaem grab

kaːA ga leg

ɬuːA sou your

liɛnf lienz straightaway

faːtI fad whip

37a:2

矅

隆

斗

里

Î。

jieuf yiuh eagle

lɵŋb roengz descend

tɐuI daeuj come

liːfr lih in.a.rush

laːb laz

235

interlinear transcription y

隆

斗

里

狼。

ɁaːA a crow

lɵŋb roengz descent

tɐuI daeuj come

liːfr lih in.a.hurry

laːŋfN langh

矅

ù

瀆

各

楼。

jieuf yiuh eagle

peiA bae go

tuːf douh perch

koA go clf

lɐuA raeu liquidambar

y

ù

吽

N

耗。

ɁaːA a crow

peiA bae go

nɐub naeuz say

ɕɵnb coenz clf

haːuE hauq speech

m

ù

a

皮

大。

tuːA dou we

peiA bae go

kuːǝnA guenz submit.to

piːDN beix older.sibling

taːif daih big; old

皮

王

耗

N

你。

piːDN beix older.sibling

βuǝŋb vuengz king

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

niːDN neix this

造

古

É

貧

伝。

ɕaːuf caux since

kuːA gou I

lo̞ ːDN rox know.how

pɐnb baenz become

hʊnb vunz person

傍

里

闷

貧

旧。

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

liːJ lij still

mɘnA mwn flourishing

pɐnb baenz become, as

kɐuE gaeuq old, before

你

古

到

x

'。

niːDN neix this; now

kuːA gou I

taːuE dauq return

maːA ma come

ɁbɘnA mbwn sky

37a:3

*

37a:4

1160 *

37a:5

*

37a:6

*

236

interlinear transcription

忑

吞

之

台

末。

1165

laːI laj below

ɁdɐnA ndaen earth

ɕiːDN cix then

taːiA dai die

muːǝtI mued come.to.end

37a:7

白

姓

願

篤

"。

peːkEr bek hundred

ɬɪŋE singq surnames

ɁiːǝnE ienq resent

tɵkG doek afterwards

lɐŋA laeng

祖

许

貧

你

þ。

ɕaːf cah only.then

hɐɯI hawj give

pɐnb baenz become, like

niːDN neix this

naːuE nauq not

条

犯

老

髙

'。

teːub diuz clf

faːmf famh transgression

laːuDN laux big

kauf gauh resemble

ɁbɘnA mbwn sky

奉

髙

宜

m

到。

faːmf bong large.pile

kaːufr gauh resemble

niːDN neix this

toːDN dox at.the.limit

taːuE dauq

令

许

台

肚

早。

lɪŋf lingh command

hɐɯI hawj give; make

taːiA dai die

tʊŋDN dungx belly

ɕaːub cauz putrid

令

许

考

青

沙。

lɪŋf lingh command

hɐɯI hawj give; make

kaːufr gyauj twist.up

ɕɪŋA cangx intestines

ɕaːA sah heat.stroke

台

加

荷

不

散。

taːiA dai die

keːf geh interstice

haːb haz long.grass

ɁbouI mbouj not

ɬaːnE suenq count

*

37a:8 *

*

37b:1 *

1170 *

37b:2 *

237

interlinear transcription ù

[

台

²

ä。

peiA bae go

taːf dah river

taːiA dai die

ɁdaːŋA ndang body

ɁdɐkG ndaek wet, soaked

ù

賊

台

頭

昆。

peiA bae go

ɕɐkI caeg thief; raiding

taːiA dai die

tɕɐuI gyaeuj head

kɵnnE goenq cut.off

ù

峝

台

6

提。

1175

peiA bae go

tɵŋf doengh field

taːiA dai die

kʊkG guk tiger

tɯːb dawz take, seize

37b:4

ù

州

台

使

V。

peiA bae go

ɕuːA cou prefecture

taːiA dai die

ɬeiE kaːI saeq gaj native.chieftain kill

祖

王

正

造

耗。

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

ɕɪŋE cingq thereupon

ɕauf caux

haːuE hauq speak

)

礼

ö

礼

求。

ɬuːA sou you

ɁdɐiI ndaej get; able.to

paːiE ɁdɐiI baiq ndaej make.obeisance get; able.to

tɕɐub gouz beseech

y

矅

正

造

耗。

ɁaːA a crow

jieuf yiuh eagle

ɕɪŋE cingq thereupon

ɕauf caux

haːuE hauq speak

吐

正

求

皮

大。

tuːA dou we

ɕɪŋE cingq just

tɕɐub gouz beseech

piːDN beix older.sibling

taːif daih big; old

37b:3 *

*

*

37b:5 *

37b:6

1180

238

interlinear transcription

真

礼

L

ɕɪnA caen really

ɁdɐiI ndaej get, able

paːiE piːDN baiq beix make.obeisance older.sibling

βuǝŋb vuengz king

皮

王。

37b:7

*

忑

許

傍

皮

干。

laːI laj below

hɐɯI hawj give; make

ɁbɘnA biengz realm

piːDN beix older.sibling

kuːǝnI ganq manage, look.after

徃

不

?

已

b。

nuɵŋDN nuengx y.sibling

ɁbouI mbouj not

taːmA kiːE dam geiq insatiably.desire plotting

mɐub maeuz

求

许

s

Ô

净。

tɕɐub gouz beseech

hɐɯI hawj give; make

ɁbɯnA mbwn sky

loːŋf rongh bright

ɕɪŋDN cingx crystal-clear

漢

王

耗

地

0。

1185

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

haːuE hauq speak

tiːfr dih deliberately

taːnb danz

38a:1

p

古

É

貧

伝。

*

ɕaːI caj make

kuːA gou I, me

lo̞ ːDN rox know.how

pɐnb baenz become

hʊnb vunz human.being

不

瘟

%

傍

旧。

ɁbouI mbouj not

ɁunA un covet

kɘnA gwn eat

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

kɐuE gaeuq old, former

Û

徃

不

É

岩。

βiːf vih because

nuɵŋDN nuengx younger.sibling

ɁbouI mbouj not

lo̞ ːDN rox know

ŋaːmb ngamz bow.the.head

37b:8

38a:2 *

*

239

interlinear transcription 偶

²

¼

Ë

賎。

ɁɐuA aeu take

ɁdaːŋA ndang body

kʊkI guh make

laːnb lanh rotten

ɕiːǝnf cienh cheap

昙

你

願

篤

"。

1190

ŋɵnb ngoenz day

niːDN neix this

ɁiːǝnE ienq resent, regret

tɵkG doek afterwards

lɐŋA laeng

*

38a:4 *

忑

地

许

徃

Ã。

laːI laj below

tiːf deih earth

hɐɯI hawj give

nuɵŋDN nuengx younger.sibling

kɘnA gwn eat

忑

吞

舍

徃

干。

kuːǝnI

38a:3 *

*

laːI laj below

ɁdɐnA ndaen earth

hɐɯI hawj give

nuɵŋDN nuengx y.sibling

ganq manage, look.after

许

徃

干

忑

吞。

hɐɯI hawj give

nuɵŋDN nuengx y.sibling

kuːǝnI ganq manage

laːI laj below

ɁdɐnA ndaen earth

许

徃

Ø

傍

旧。

hɐɯI hawj give

nuɵŋDN nuengx y.sibling

kɐmA gaem grasp

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

kɐuE gaeuq old, former

祖

王

正

造

耗。

1195

ɕoːI Coj Ancestral

βuǝŋb vuengz King

ɕɪŋE cingq thereupon

ɕauf caux

haːuE hauq speak

38a:6

造

)

耗

N

宜。

ɕaːuf caux since

ɬuːA sou you

haːuE hauq speak

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

niːDN neix this

38a:5

240

interlinear transcription

许

召

N

召

監。

hɐɯI hawj give

ɕeːuf ciuh generation

lɨkI lwg child

ɕeːuf ciuh generation

laːnA lan grandchild

双

)

到

恨

Á。

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

ɬuːA sou you

taːuE dauq return

hɘnI hwnj ascend

peiA bae go

条

事

你

到

貧。

teːub diuz clf

ɬɐif saeh affair

niːDN neix this

tauE dauq finally

pɐnnb baenz accomplish

傍

忑

吞

造

定。

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

laːI laj below

ɁdɐnA ndaen earth

ɕauf caux then

tɪŋf dingh settled

甫

忑

地

平

安。

puːDN boux clf.people

laːI laj below

tiːf deih earth

pɪŋb bingz at.peace

ɁaːnA an

左

忑

吞

Ô

净。

ɕoːf coh make

laːI laj below

ɁdɐnA ndaen earth

loːŋf rongh bright

ɕɪŋDN cingx crystal-clear

)

É

罡

&

明。

ɬuːA sou you

lo̞ ːDN rox know.how

kaːŋI gangj speak

ɕɵŋA coeng clever

mɪŋb mingz

罡

正

京

正

所。

kaːŋI gangj speak

ɕɪŋE cingq properly

kɪŋA ging

ɕɪŋE cingq conscientious

ɬo̞ ːE soq

38a:7

38a:8 *

1200

38b:1

*

38b:2

*

241

interlinear transcription 矅

恨

ù

里

Î。

1205

jieuf yiuh eagle

hɘnI hwnj ascend

peiA bae go

liːfr lih mim.suff.

laːb laz

28b:3

z

恨

ù

里

狼。

ɁaːA a crow

hɘnI hwnj ascend

peiA bae go

liːfr lih mim.suff.

laːŋf langh

不

誦

不

V

忐

ɁbouI mbouj not

ȵɵŋDN nyoengx exert.effort

ɁbouI mbouj not

tɐŋb daengz arrive

kɘnb gwnz above

ù

V

本

勿

倫。

fɯːǝtI

peiA bae go

tɐŋb daengz arrive

pɯnA bwn feathers

fwed wing

lɵnE loenq fall.out

矅

ù

s

各

楼。

jieuf yiuh eagle

peiA bae go

ɁuːDZ youq be at

koA go clf

lɐuA raeu liquidambar

y

ù

吽

連

跪。

ɁaːA a crow

peiA bae go

nɐub naeuz say

liɛnb lienz straightaway

kβiːf gvih kneel

漢

王

正

造

耗。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

ɕɪŋE cingq just.then

ɕauf caux

haːuE hauq speak

跪

¼

麻

狼

y。

kβiːf gvih kneel

kuːf guh do

maːb maz what

laːŋb langz crow

ɁaːA a

38b:4 *

*

38b:5

1210

38b:6

242

interlinear transcription

x

盖

麻

狼

矅。

maːA ma come.back

kaːiE gaiq clf

maːb maz what

laːŋb langz eagle

jieuf yiuh

徃

王

许

x

求。

nuɵŋDN nuengx y.sibling

βuǝŋb vuengz king

hɐɯI hawj give; make

maːA ma come.back

tɕɐub gouz beseech

许

x

求

皮

大。

1215

hɐɯI hawj give, make

maːA ma come.back

tɕɐub gouz beseech

piːDN beix o.sibling

taːif daih big; old

38b:8

许

x

L

皮

王。

hɐɯI hawj give; make

maːA ma come.back

paːiE piːDN baiq beix make.obeisance o.sibling

βuǝŋb vuengz king

許

x

a

皮

旧。

hɐɯI hawj give; make

maːA ma come.back

kuːǝnA guenz submit

piːDN beix o.sibling

kɐuE gaeuq old

a

许

s

Ô

净。

kuːǝnA guenz submit

hɐɯI hawj give; make

ɁbɘnA mbwn sky

loːŋf rongh bright

ɕɪŋDN cingx crystal-clear

漢

王

正

造

耗。

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

ɕɪŋE cingq just.then

ɕauf caux

haːuE hauq speak

吽

不

许

)

x。

nɐub naeuz say

ɁbouI mbouj not

hɐɯI hawj give; let

ɬuːA sou you

maːA ma come.back

38b:7

39a:1 *

39a:2

1220

243

interlinear transcription 你

)

Ø

到

x。

niːDN neix this

ɬuːA sou you

kɐmf gaemh suppress; forcibly

taːuE dauq return

maːA ma come.back

Ø

à

)

之

u。

kɐmA gaem grasp

kaːA ga foot

ɬuːA sou your

ɕiːDN cix then

faːtI fad whip

39a:3 *

u

)

流

力

Õ。

faːtI fad whip

ɬuːA sou you

lieuDN liux sauté

lɨkI lwg bitter.melon

hɐmmb haemz

岑

)

¼

岜

恠。

ɬɐmb saemz chop.up

ɬuːA sou you

kʊkI guh make; as

tɕaːA bya raw.meat

kβaːiE gvaiq

矅

忻

貧

h

劳。

1225

jieuf yiuh eagle

hɐnA raen see

pɐnb baenz become

tɨkI dwg fearful

laːuA lau

39a:5

条

到

"

入

s。

teːub deuz flee

tauE dauq return

lɐŋA laeng place

ɁdɐɯA ndaw inside

ɁuːDZ youq be.at; stay

x

宜

娄

同

散。

maːA ma come

ɁdɐɯA neix this

lɐub raeuz we

tɵŋb doengz together

ɬaːnE suenq plan, calculate

左

朱

胡

王

隆。

ɕaːI caj make

ɕɯːA caw temper

hoːb hoz

βuǝŋb vuengz king

lɵŋb roengz descend

39a:4 *

*

39a:6 *

244

interlinear transcription

双

娄

在

ù

跪。

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

lɐub raeuz we

ɕaːiE caiq again

peiA bae go

kβiːf gvih kneel

造

王

到

h

N。

ɕaːuf caux if

βuǝŋb vuengz king

taːuE dauq return

tɯːb dawz hold, adhere.to

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

39a:7

1230

觧

忑

吞

那

Ô。

pɨːǝŋb biengz domain

laːI laj below

ɁdɐnA ndaen earth

naːI naj how.possibly

loːŋf rongh bright

忑

地

不

许

添。

laːI laj below

tiːf deih earth

ɁbouI mbouj not

hɐɯI hawj give, allow

tɯːb dem more, any.more

忑

吞

不

许

'。

laːI laj below

ɁdɐnA ndaen earth

ɁbouI mbouj not

hɐɯI hawj give, allow

teif daeh transport

傍

里

勇

里

芽。

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

liːJ lij still

ȵʊŋE nyungq disordered

liːJ lij still

ȵaːA nya frazzled

双

娄

不

貧

惱。

1235

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

lɐub raeuz us

ɁbouI mbouj not

pɐnb baenz be.successful

naːuE nauq neg

39b:2 *

娄

到

后

正

面。

lɐub raeuz we

tauE dauq return

hɐuI haeuj enter

ɕɪŋE cingq face-to-face

miːǝnf mienh

39a:8 *

*

39b:1

*

*

245

interlinear transcription 羑

件

i

娄

吽。

faːnf fanh myriad

kiːǝnf gienh clf thing

tɘkI dwg is.for

ho̞ iE raeuz we

nɐub naeuz say

娄

求

台

白

姓。

lɐub raeuz we

tɕɐub gouz beseech

taːiA dai die

peːkEr bek hundred

ɬɪŋE singq surnames

s

三

時

到

那。

ɁuːDZ youq be.at

ɬaːmA sam three

ɕɯːb cawz time

tauE dauq return

naːI naj face; before

s

五

時

到

"。

ɁuːDr youq be.at

haːI haj five

ɕɯːb cawz time

tauE dauq return

lɐŋA laeng after

娄

到

后

ù

跪。

lɐub raeuz we

tauE dauq return

hɐuI haeuj enter

peiA bae go

kβiːf gvih kneel

条

亊

宜

h

台。

teːub diuz clf

ɬɐif saeh matter

niːDN neix this

tɨkI dwg is.for

taːiA dai die

王

抆

c

双

W。

βuǝŋb vuengz king

fɐnb faenz throw

haːiA hai open; out

ɬo̝ ːŋA song two

ho̞ iE hoiq us

到

8

那

漢

王。

taːuE dauq return; again

ɬo̞ ːE soq plead

naːI naj face

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

39b:3 *

39b:4

1240

39b:5

*

39b:6

246

interlinear transcription

不

用

盆

N

旧。

1245

ɁbouI mbouj not

jʊŋf yungh use

puːǝnA buen marshal

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

kɐuE gaeuq old, former

39b:7

在

王

忌

N

Õ。

ɕaːI caih no.matter. how

βuǝŋb vuengz king

kiːE geiq fuss.about, dispute

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

hɐmb haemz hateful

傍

忑

吞

里

散。

pɨːǝŋb biengz realm

laːI laj below

ɁdɐnA ndaen earth

liːJ. lij still

ɬaːnE sanq disperse

狼

矅

到

Å

ù。

laːŋb langz eagle

jieuf yiuh

taːuE dauq return

ɁoːkEZ ok emerge

peiA bae go

39b:8

黎

狼

y

x

8。

leib raez call

laːŋb langz crow

ɁaːA a

maːA ma come

ɬo̞ ːE soq plead

狼

y

到

隆

庫。

1250

laːŋb langz crow

ɁaːA a

taːuE dauq return

lɵŋb roengz descend

kβiːf hoq knee

*

到

8

那

漢

王。

40a:2

taːuE dauq return

ɬo̞ ːE soq plead

naːI naj face; before

haːnE Hanq Hanvueng

βuǝŋb vuengz

不

用

盆

N

旧。

ɁbouI mbouj not

jʊŋf yungh need

puːǝnA buen marshal

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

kɐuE gaeuq old, former

40a:1

247

interlinear transcription ,

N

旧

h

Õ。

lɯnf lwnh tell

ɕɵnb coenz phrase

kɐuE gaeuq former

tɨkI dwg hateful

hɐmmb haemz

许

朱

胡

王

隆。

hɐɯI hawj give; make

ɕɯːA caw temper

hoːb hoz

βuǝŋb vuengz king

lɵŋb roengz descend

入

倫

C

ù

忑。

1255

hɐuI haeuj enter

ɁdɯnA ndwn stand

naːiA nai speak.deliberately

peiA bae go

laːI laj below

40a:4 *

左

忑

地

许

Ê。

ɕaːI caj make

laːI laj below

tiːf deih earth

hɐɯI hawj give

ɁdɯːǝnA ndwen moon

左

忑

吞

许

淋。

ɕaːI caj make

laːI laj below

ɁdɐnA ndaen earth

hɐɯI hawj give

lɐmmDN raemx water

左

忑

地


n. E.g. myaiz ‘saliva’ is also realised as naiz. This reading would have come from a PH reading such as moŋ22. There is a better option, however. Occasionally this graph is found as 生 shēng ‘to bear, be born’ with an additional left-slanting stroke (丿) to the left of the left-slanting stroke on the upper left corner (thus: ,). The two left-slanting strokes together form a slanted numeral ‘two’ (二), which together with 生 shēng ‘to be born’ gives a combined meaning of ‘second born’. My guess is that this 會義 huìyì ‘combined meanings’ character (‘second born’) was then assimilated to 徃 wǎng, with the addition of a vertical stroke beneath the two left-slanting strokes. 徃 wǎng then came to be widely used to represent nuengx because it was the best available option, both because of the relatively small number of brush-stokes and because of the close correspondence in final and tone. 24

In his recitation, Huang Ziyi recited this line as ‘Gangj coenz haemz dwk boh’, which can only mean ‘spoke hateful words to his father’. This makes no sense, and is not in accordance with the manuscript text.

28

B 591:5 reads the second and third characters, 狼" (MSC láng ‘wolf’ and the demotic character for laeng respectively) as nanghlaeng, and glosses them as ‘wife’s family’ plus ‘behind’. In fact, nangzlaeng is one of the standard words meaning ‘wife’s family, in-laws, affines’ (see Meng Yuanyao, The Names and Classification of Common Plants, ch. 9; other terms listed in HZCH 290 are vaihgya, ranzbaihlaeng, and ranzmeh). In Zhuang, nangz means 嫂子 ‘brother’s wife; married woman (one’s own age)’ and laeng means 背後 ‘behind, in back of’. The people ‘in back of’ a married woman (i.e. protecting her) are the people of her own natal family, hence the form of expression. Huang Ziyi in his recitation has a 6th tone (nangh) rather than 2nd tone (nangz) for the first syllable in this compound. My first idea was

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that Huang’s pronunciation was either a local pronunciation or a guess. However, Luo Yongxian notes that 6th tone nangh in this compound is also found in the dialect of Fengshan 鳳山, to the northwest of Bama. If we look for appropriate morphemes to match nangh, we find that ZHCH lists only ‘unexpectedly’ (p. 561); Gedney’s Yay records a morpheme naang5 (where Gedney’s tone 5 is equivalent to Zhuang tone 6; see Hudak, ed., William J. Gedney’s Yay), meaning ‘slope on either side of a valley’. These are entirely different morphemes, but also difficult to explain in this context. In fact, the pronunciation nangh for the first syllable in nangzlaeng is also found in the speech of people from other areas, such as Mashan. Most likely, this is an effect of tone sandhi. The values of tone 2 and tone 6 in the Tianyang-Bama lect are very close in any case. The B edition has nangh because the editors simply transcribed what they heard. " is a demotic character formed with the hand radical on the left and a phonetic graph on the right. Characters which have the same phonetic in Chinese are pronounced as léng or lèng in MSC; Pulleyblank’s EMC rendering of 楞 léng ‘edge, ridge’ is lǝŋ (Pb 186). This demotic character is the only way laeng ‘behind’ is written in this manuscript text. The last character in this line is 蕚, MSC è ‘sepals, calyx, perianth’, which B591:5 reads as yak ‘bad, evil’. This is a phonetic reading. Pulleyblank’s transcriptions of this character are ŋak for EMC and LMC, and aw` and ɔ` for Early Mandarin (Pb 86); Baxter-Sagart’s reconstructed OC pronunciation for the closely related character 諤, MSC è ‘argue, advise frankly’, is *ŋˁak. It is worth noting that Baxter-Sagart’s OC reconstruction of 惡, MSC è ‘evil’, is *Ɂˤak (cf. EMC and LMC Ɂak, EM aw` and ɔ`, Pb 86), which may suggest the possibility that 惡 and yak are genetically related in some way. For the Tai etymon Li Fang Kuei reconstructs initial *j- (HCT 9.8.13), but notes that the tone (D1L) indicates initial *Ɂj- (p. 180); Lao, however, has ňaak5 (ຍາກ), i.e. initial ɲ-. It may be that the PT initial was closer to *Ɂɲ-, though this possibility would need to be thoroughly investigated through the comparative evidence. Pittayaporn does not reconstruct PT for this etymon. The reading of the character 蕚 here is fairly old, corresponding to MC. The character itself is of low frequency of occurrence, and is first found in the Jin dynastic history ( Jinshu 晉書) and in a poem by Du Fu 杜甫 (HYDCD 9:417). 31

The last character in this line is 叺, which B 592:3 reads as byat and glosses as 還願 ‘redeem vows’. This is only very approximate. The reading

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is correct: this character is often also written with a mouth radical and 八 bā ‘eight’ as a semantic-phonetic component. 八 bā has premodern readings such as EMC pǝɨt/pɛːt and LMC paːt, and local PH readings such as pat33 (Tiandong). The semantic aspect of this graphic component arises because 八 bā also indicates ‘separation’. To quote from Recalling Lost Souls: “The basic meaning of byat is ‘to break out of the shell (of chicks)’. It also means ‘to undo (buttons)’, and hence ‘to separate’. More widely, in religious and cultural life it refers to [cutting off] the enduring baleful influence that results from a serious transgression or breaking of a taboo, or a serious accident (bad karma, so to speak), which is often quasi-personified as an ‘evil genie’. Here it is clear that the word means ‘(a ritual that results in—or has the aim of) severance’. In Zhuang society there is a strong tendency to think that disasters beget further disasters, and after a serious accident or the untimely death of a family member, a ritual will need to be conducted to ‘disconnect’ the family from the strong negative influence exerted by the accident.” (Recalling Lost Souls, pp. 73–74). The fourth character in this and the following line is 床 chuáng ‘bed’, read as congz, a word which means ‘table’. Referring concretely to the offerings table set up during rituals, this word is commonly used by extension to mean ‘ritual’. Thus congzbyat means ‘ritual of severance’. 34

The first character in this line is 文 (MSC wén ‘lines, writing, culture’), which B 593:1 reads as faenz and glosses as 還 ‘to return’ (in the sense of 還願 huanyuan ‘to return or redeem vows’). The gloss is incorrect. Faenz actually means ‘to chop off, cut, sever’, and faenz ien thus means ‘to chop off enmity’, or more discursively, ‘to sever the entanglements of the demons of enmity’. The line then means, to sever decisively the entanglements of enmity in the presence of the Old Mother (mehlaux). Old Mother (mehlaux): this deity is unidentified, though she is mentioned a number of times in this text (see also lines 920, 937, 1422). Note that she is mentioned in tandem with baed sien ‘gods and sky-gods’ in the previous line; the same parallel is found in lines 1421–1422. At lines 919– 920 and 936–937, however, she is mentioned in tandem with Daihvuengz ‘Great King’.

37

The last character in this line is 酉, with a mouth radical added on the left-hand side. 酉 is MSC yŏu, a cyclical character and 10th in the series of the 12 Earthly Branches (dizhi 地支), read here phonetically as nduj ‘first, primordial’. While not necessarily problematic, this phonetic representation is worth exploring. Nduj is also pronounced as ndouj in some

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dialects of Northern Zhuang (see Snd 363), so the final and tone can be said to provide a close match with 酉 (Zhuang 3rd Tone regularly corresponds with Chinese shangsheng 上聲). What needs investigation is the initial: pre-glottalised initial nd- (Ɂd-). In Zhuang texts this initial is most often represented by Chinese characters with initial l-. The EMC reading of 酉 is reconstructed by Pulleyblank as juw’, and LMC as jiw´ (Pb 379). 酉, however, is quite an old borrowing in the Tai languages, so it is worth looking at older readings. Baxter’s reconstruction for OC is *juɁ, but he notes this word may have had initial r-, on the basis of Tibetan and Jinghpaw evidence, and he therefore also suggests *rjuɁ (Baxter, p. 202; cf. Baxter-Sagart *m.ruɁ {*[m].ruɁ}). Karlgren’s reconstruction, by comparison, is *ziôg/iǝ̆uː (GSR 1096A). Karlgren’s reconstruction of the initial is given some corroboration by the early Hán-Việt reading zɤu22 (Li Lianjin, p. 169). Pulleyblank, however, gives reasons for reconstructing the initial consonant as *lʷ-, derived from an earlier cluster *ßlʷ- (Pulleyblank, 1979, p. 35). The Tai pronunciation in Sipsong Panna is lau4 (Zhou Yaowen and Luo Meizhen, Daiyu fangyan yanjiu, p. 327). Li Fang Kuei, however, cites forms for SW Tai languages in which the initial is represented by r-: thus Ahom rɑ̄ u and Lü hrɑu (Li 1945). By contrast, the pronunciation of 酉 in the Pinghua dialect of Tiandong is ȵɔu13 (Li Lianjin p. 169). All of this considered, there seem to be reasonable grounds for supposing that the pronunciation of 酉 on which the reading nduj was based had an initial consonant cluster that included l- or some other closely homorganic nasal or liquid. Zheng-Zhang Shangfang reconstructs OC *luɁ. 39–49 For a nearly identical set of lines see Text 4 lines 104–114 in Recalling

Lost Souls. This is another mogong text from the same area, summoning however the byat (demons of severance) rather than the ien (demons of enmity). 40

Judging by the grammar, this line means that the enmity of the Eastern Quarter “is the enmity of brothers who beat each other”. Lines 42, 44 and 46 below show the same structure.

42

The meaning of ndoiq is ‘to hit (with a blunt instrument)’. The implied meaning of doxdoiq is ‘to hit each other (with cudgels or the like)’.

49

Nuengxnax is a general term used by a married man for his wife’s younger siblings of both sexes. It thus covers wife’s younger brothers and wife’s younger sisters.

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50

The second character in this line is r, read as miz ‘there is, there are’. This is a graphic variant of 眉 méi ‘eyebrow’, modified so as to incorporate the bottom graphic component of Ch. 有 yǒu ‘there is, there are’. Typologically, this graph is an orthographic character read phonetically, with a semantically motivated variation. The common word miz is regularly written in this way throughout this text.

53

Dangh is a verb meaning ‘to wade, step into (water), walk across (a shallow body of water)’. Here it has the extended meaning ‘to trample, tread on (crops in a wetfield)’.

55

The verb roemx means ‘to barge, bump into, butt against’. It refers to the movement of large crowds of people or herds of livestock surging forward oblivious of obstacles, and trampling anything in their path.

56

Rangzndoek are ‘bamboo shoots’, where rangz means ‘bamboo shoots’ and ndoek, also known as gondoek, is a generic term for bamboo. It includes such species as Narrow-spike Bambusa (Ch. 刺竹, Bambusa stenostachya Hackel), Thorny Bambusa (Ch. 印度刺竹, Bambusa arundinacea Retz.), and Funghom Bambusa (雞竇勒竹, Bambusa funghomii McClure). On these species, see Dai Qihui 戴启惠, Guangxi zhuzhong ji qi zaipei 廣西竹種及其栽培 [Bamboos of Guangxi and their cultivation], pp. 20–25.

57

The last character in this line is 埋 MSC mái ‘to bury’, a character which for some reason or other is commonly read in these texts with initial f- or v-. Zhuang words for ‘to bury’—haem, moek, and baeng (HZCH pp. 172–173)—do not provide any phonetic matches that would allow us to interpret this usage as a direct semantic borrowing, so the borrowing would have to be phonetic. Pulleyblank’s EMC reconstruction of 埋 is mǝɨj/mɛːj, and LMC maːj (Pb. p. 206; GSR 978.l). The Pinghua reading in Bose is mᴀi42 and in Tiandong is mai41 (Li Lianjin 63). Zhuang dialect readings of this character include maiz. The reading with initial f-or vis evidently peculiar to Zhuang texts. It is used in this text not only to write faiz (here and at line 427), but also to write fai ‘dam’ (lines 96 and 703) and vaij ‘to row (a boat)’ (line 865). In other manuscripts, it is used to write faiq ‘cotton’ (Holm, Recalling Lost Souls, 7:14). Such readings are not in doubt, being reasonably common, and the problem is how to explain the initial f- for m-. As a bilabial voiceless fricative, f- (ɸ-) might be considered homorganic with m-, and the substitution plausible on

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these grounds. However, Meng Yuanyao suggests that this is a semantic borrowing from mae ‘thread’, a word closely associated with faiq ‘cotton’. Thus 埋 mái would be read first phonetically, as mae ‘thread’, and then borrowed semantically, and read as faiq ‘cotton’, and then re-borrowed phonetically for other words such as faiz ‘sweet bamboo’ and fai ‘dam’. Here, 埋 is used to write faiz, ‘sweet bamboo’. Also called gofaiz or faexfaiz in Zhuang and 麻竹 or 甜竹in Chinese, the scientific name of this plant is Dendrocalamus latiflorus Munro. The shoots of both Bambusa and Dendrocalamus are quite large and of considerable economic value. The word ngoeg means ‘to loosen, waggle, to push and pull back and forth’, and it is used of loosening stakes and posts set in the ground in order to pull them out. The use of the verbs euj and ngoeg in these two lines suggests taking something without permission, and hence causing enmity as a result. 60

In Standard Zhuang, the noun ‘theft’ and the verb ‘to steal’ have the same form, which is caeg. Thus bouxcaeg ‘thief’, and caeg doxgaiq ‘to steal things’. In a number of areas, however, the noun and the verb take different forms. In Lingyun, for instance, ‘thief’ is bouxcaeg but ‘to steal a buffalo’ is laeg vaiz. In Tianlin, bouxcaeg means ‘brigand’, and ‘to steal things’ is laeg doxgaiq, but ‘pickpocket’ is bouxlaeg. One can see from this that in some areas, in addition to the noun-verb distinction, there is also a semantic distinction between caeg and laeg. Caeg is also used in the phrase guh caeg, which means (of an army) ‘to go out on campaign’ and (of a band of men) ‘to go on a raiding party’.

63

Youx, meaning ‘lover’, is used as a term of address and reference equally by males and females. Bae youx, lit. ‘go to one’s lover’, means to go out looking for a lover or to meet secretly with a lover. If a woman who is already married goes out looking for a lover, it will naturally result in enmity between her lover and her husband. The common word bae ‘go’ is found in this line written as ù, a graphic variant of 比 bǐ ‘compare’. The variation entails writing the left-hand component 匕 bǐ as 上 shàng ‘go up, ascend’, thus incorporating a semantic component in an otherwise orthographic character read phonetically. This is the most common way of writing bae in this text.

67

Naek (nɐk7) ‘heavy’ is represented in this line by 匿, MSC nì ‘to hide’. This character has premodern readings EMC nrik, LMC nriǝ̆ k, EM ni` (Pb 224); Baxter gives OC *nrjɨk for the related character 暱 (p. 779; cf.

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Baxter-Sagart *nrǝk for 匿 nì). Pinghua (Tiandong) has (j)ak33, but most Pinghua locations have initial n-, ȵ-, or zero initial. However, most PH locations also have -i-, -ɪ-, or -iǝ̆ - rather than central vowels (Li p. 320, item 3192). Early Sino-Vietnamese preserves a centralised -a- vowel in ȵɐt22 (Li loc.cit.). HCT reconstructs PT *hnak D1S for ‘heavy’, with a short -a- (6.6 p. 114; 14.7 p. 270). Elsewhere 匿 is used to write words with a long -a-: for nag ‘otter’ see line 71; for nag ‘bamboo’ as another possible reading of this character see the note on line 105 below. 69

The phrase daeh baklai lit. ‘to marshal loquatious’ in this line is equivalent in meaning to daeh vah baklai ‘to marshal loquatious talk’.

72

The characters 故 and 可 (MSC gù and kě) in lines 69–73 (3a:3–4) are recited as pɐnb (baenz ‘to become’). No explanation is given, but judging by the manuscript, it seems they ought to be read as goj (koe), a particle indicating affirmation. Synonym substitution of this kind is particularly common with grammatical words with similar functions. Also, in this line the B edition glosses the word a as 老鷹 ‘eagle’. At first sight this would also appear to be a mistake. In fact, in Zhuang the crow and the eagle are often mentioned together. For instance, there is a popular saying, Guh hong mbouj cingqsoq, cix muengh a muengh yiuh. “He’s not very conscientious about his work, he just gazes at the crows and gazes at the eagles.” Also, the crow is an omnivorous bird, and often eats the flesh of dead animals. Thus crows have come to be culturally associated with other meat-eating birds, and there is a common belief that crows seize chickens. The association between crows and eagles, however, is closer than that, and the word a is frequently used to refer to large dark-coloured raptors. On these questions, see note to line 1034.

80

The last character in this line is 斈, formed from the character 文 wén above and 子 zǐ below. This is a vernacular character for 學 (学), MSC xiáo and xué ‘to imitate, study’. This particular variant graph is found in Chinese from at least Tang times (see Zhang Yongquan, Dunhuang suzi yanjiu p. 210). In Zhuang texts elsewhere it has various readings, including faen ‘seed corn’, hag ‘to study’, and hak ‘official’ (see Snd 151, 240, 241). Here it is read as coh meaning ‘to go toward, congregate; toward, facing’. This is phonetically plausible. An Early Mandarin reading of 學 xiáo is xjɔ´ (Pb 340); EMC is ɣaɨwk/ɣœːwk and LMC is xɦjaːwk (Pb 351); PH readings in most localities in western Guangxi are similar to hak22 (Tiandong); only in northeastern localities are pronunciations like hɔ12 found (Liangjiang in

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Lingui, Li Lianjin p. 315 item 3146). The reading coh ‘towards’ is evidently derived from the Early Mandarin pronunciation, while readings such as hag ‘to study’ are derived from Pinghua. See also the note to line 173 below. 81

The word congz in this line means ‘table’, and haeuj congz, lit. ‘enter table’, means ‘to take one’s seat’ (at a dinner table).

82

Huang Ziyi in his recitation pronounces the character 旺, MSC wàng ‘flourishing’ as vang. This would have the meaning 横 ‘horizontal, sideways, athwart’, and vang ndang the meaning 横着身子 ‘putting ones body sideways’. When taking ones seat at a table, one moves ones body sideways between the chairs and the table. In the B edition, (602:4), this character is read as veng, a reading which is related to vengz, another reading for 横 héng (see ZHCH 717). 横 héng has pre-modern readings EMC ɣwaɨjŋ/ɣwɛːŋ and LMC xʰwaːjŋ, and PH readings (w)uᴇŋ41 for Tiandong and vᴇŋ21 for Nanning (Li p. 355). The pronunciation vengz corresponds to EMC and PH. 旺 wàng ‘bright’, by contrast, has pre-modern readings EMC wuaŋʰ, LMC yaŋ`, and EM waŋ`, and PH readings hoŋ13 in Tiandong and oŋ223 in Nanning (Li p. 310). Reading 旺 wàng as vang ‘horizontal’ is evidently based on EM or SWM pronunciation. The word coih means 修理 ‘to repair’. The B edition glosses this word as 治理 ‘to set in order’, and translates the entire line as “轉過身一起進來 接受訓導”, “Turning around they came in together to receive instruction.” Judging by the context, the meaning of this line ought to be something like “請諸神一同入座, 接受修補關係”, “Invite all the gods to take their places together and receive [that which will] repair [the relationship].” The underlying logic is that when mortals have offended the spirits in some way, they need to conduct a ritual in order to placate the spirits and repair the relationship between the two parties. This is why the word coih would be used here. To have the spirits come and receive instruction, however, makes no sense in this context. Luo Yongxian suggests coij ‘(in) line’ as a reading for zuì 罪, rather than coih ‘put right’, noting that this word is parallel with congz ‘table’ in the previous line, which is a noun. Luo notes also that the verb haeuj ‘enter’ is typically followed by either a noun or a directional verb like bae ‘go’ and daeuj ‘come’. If these considerations are borne in mind, coij ‘(in) line’ seems like an attractive reading here, and could refer to the deities and ancestral spirits taking their seats in a row along a long table. One possible problem with this is that coij is mostly used in contexts describing crops

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or plants in rows, or columns of text, rather than rows of people. Having a verb parallel to a noun is in any case fairly common in these texts, and we have noted already that the grammar of Zhuang poetry differs from that of prose. In this context, retaining the B edition reading coih ‘set to rights’ seems on balance preferable. The word coih appears many times in mogong scriptures, with the meaning ‘set to rights, make restitution’. It is related to the noun coih meaning ‘crime, transgression’ (Ch. zuì 罪) in the sense that transgression is the cause of troubles and disease, and coih ‘putting things to rights’ through ritual is the antidote. For the ritual to be effective, the offerings presented must be commensurate with the seriousness of the transgression; in other words, they must represent true and fair compensation for the wrong. It is for such reasons that coih comes to have the derived meaning ‘to conduct a ritual’. 83

B602:5 glosses the word bang as 道場 ‘Taoist ritual’. This gloss is only approximate. According to the Mashan dialect of Zhuang, bang means 請 神的宴會 ‘a banquet to which the gods are invited’. Thus for example guh bang cienh va is 做繞花燈的神宴 ‘to conduct a banquet for going round flower [lanterns]’, in other words to hold a banquet for the Goddess of Flowers (Ch. Huashen popo 花神婆婆). Thus here the phrase congz bang should refer to the table at such a banquet, and haeuj congz bang, lit. ‘enter table banquet’, refers to inviting the gods to take their places at the banquet table, and partake of the offerings presented.

84

The problem in this and the following line (B603:1–2) is in the interpretation of the first syllable. The first syllable in each line, represented by 之 MSC zhī (subordinating particle), is transcribed as cih, which B glosses as 是 ‘is, are’. However, in translating these lines, the B edition translates this word as 由 MSC yóu ‘from; by; let (sbdy do sthg)’, introducing the agent of a following verbal action. Thus line 84 is rendered, 由主家來傾訴, ‘Let the owner of the house come plead.’ This item is not found in ZHCH (121). In Mashan Zhuang dialect, cih is used as a copula, meaning ‘to be, be identical with’; it usually has declarative or confirmatory force. Thus Gou cih vunz Begsan, 我就是白山人, “I am a Baishan person.” Or De cih bohsae gou, 他就是我的師父, “He is my teacher’s father.” When used as the equivalent of 由, in Mashan this word is pronounced cix, in fourth tone. Thus: Cix de gangj roengzbae, 由他說下去, “Let him go on speaking”. And: Sou cix gou bae banh gienh saeh neix, 你們由著我去辦這件事, “Let me go and handle this matter for you.” In such cases cix has the connota-

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tion of not being constrained, or of doing something in an autonomous fashion. While it is not known whether there is a similar change of tone in Bama-Tianyang lect, the usage appears to be similar. In light of these considerations, reading 之 as cih (cix) ‘let’ is preferable to ‘is, are’ in this context. 85

The character 和 MSC hé ‘peace; to harmonise’ appears at the end of this line, and again at the beginning of lines 86 and 87. Here (B603:2) it is transcribed as hoz, while at the beginning of line 87 it is transcribed as huz. Huz is the more common reading in all areas. Huz at the beginning of line 87 also forms a better rhyme with nduj at the end of line 86. The basic meaning of this Han loan word is ‘harmonious’. When used as a transitive verb, it is used to convey the meaning ‘to make harmonious, harmonise’.

89

The last word in this line is transcribed as dongh and glossed as ‘post’. The word is used for upright pieces of timber such as posts, columns and poles, used to hold things up. Thus donghsienq is an electricity pole (pole [for supporting electric] wires), a donghbauh is a fencepost, and a donghdaengj is an upright post or column. In Zhuang texts the metaphor comparing chieftains with fenceposts is commonplace: see also Holm, Recalling Lost Souls, pp. 252–253 (Text 11 lines 3–7).

91

The last character in this line (B:604:3) is 使, MSC shǐ ‘emissary, envoy’, which B reads as saeq and glosses as ‘native official’. The reference is to the native chieftains, also called bouxsaeq in Zhuang. A more respectful form of reference is goengsaeq, meaning ‘lord native official’. It seems likely that the word saeq is derived from a Chinese term, and various suggestions have been made. One possibility is 仕, MSC shì ‘to serve in office’, which has been reconstructed as EMC dʑɨ’/dʑi’ and LMC ʂɦr` (Pb 284; cf. GSR 970d); the PH reading is sei13 (Mashan) or sᴇi13 (Tiandong) (Li p. 106 item 1054). Another is 司, MSC sī ‘to supervise, control’ (Pb 291, EMC sɨ/si and LMC sz, PH Mashan ɬei55 or Tiandong ɬøi54 Li p. 103 item 1030), and a third is 使, MSC shǐ, formerly read shì ‘envoy’, which has been reconstructed as EMC ʂɨʰ/ʂiʰ and LMC ʂr` (Pb 284; cf. GSR945n); the PH reading is Mashan sei33 or Tiandong sᴇi33 (Li p. 106 item 1058). Semantically, 仕 and 司 no doubt present a closer fit, but 使 is by far the most common rendering of the term in Zhuang texts. Phonetically, the initial and final of 司 present the closest match with saeq, especially with the Pinghua reading, but the tone category does not match. On the other hand, tone category ‘jumping’ is fairly common in Han loans that

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have been borrowed from other dialect areas. In any case, saeq is now no longer recognised as a Han loan, and is used simply as the word for native chieftain. 93

The word doengsaw is a Han loan, meaning almanac (tōngshū 通書). On the Chinese almanac and its use in Zhuang rural society, see D. Holm, Recalling Lost Souls, p. 76. B604:5 transcribes the last character in this line, 例, as raeh, and glosses it as ‘to understand completely’. No such morpheme is attested. However, taking the Zhuangwen reading as our point of departure, raeh has the meaning ‘sharp-edged, sharp, acute’ and hence ‘incisive, trenchant’. It also means ‘acute (of hearing or sight)’, for which see ZHCH 626. The phrases saw raeh (writing acute) and bit maeg raeh (writing-brush ink acute) both mean ‘a trenchant writing style’. A person whose style of writing is not incisive is a person whose cultural level is low, and naturally a person who would not be able to understand the principles on which an almanac is based. Hence raeh can be confirmed as the correct reading here; the gloss ‘understand completely’ is merely contextdependent.

94

The first character in this line is 位, which B (605:1) reads as vih and glosses as 因, MSC yīn ‘reason’. Vih is actually a Han loan from 為, MSC wéi ‘to be’, the second syllable of the common correlative conjunction 因為, MSC yīnwéi ‘because; the reason is’. This has been borrowed into Zhuang as aenvih. Frequently in Zhuang aenvih is shortened to vih, but vih also has the meaning ‘the reason is that …’. Another possible reading is veiz (viz) ‘rules of decorum’ (D3:6–7), but this does not make as much sense in this context. The last character in this line, 提 MSC tí ‘to lift up’, is read as dawz ‘to take, hold’ (B605:1). This is a common reading for this character. Here, dawz is the equivalent of dawz ngoenz, lit. ‘take day’, meaning 拿捏日子, to calculate the days by moving the tip of the thumb from the back of one joint to another in sequence. In Chinese this is referred to as qiajue 掐訣 or qiasuan 掐算, the verb qia 掐 meaning to press the thumbnail against another finger. Such a method is used by Taoist priests to calculate sequences of the twelve Earthly Branches (on which see brief mentions and diagrams in Saso (1977) p. 138, Lagerwey (1987) p. 17, and Granet (1934) p. 496; see also Zhonghua daojiao dacidian, p. 674, which cites the Daofa huiyuan 道法會元 (DZ 28:669) fasc. 160, the Taiji jilian neifa 太極祭練内 法 (DZ 10:439), and the Taishang zhu guo jiu min zongzhen miyao 太上助 國救民總真祕要; see also the Tianhuang zhidao taiqing yuce 天皇至道太

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textual and ethnographic notes 清玉册 j.3, DZ 36:378). By extension, dawz here means to select auspicious

days and determine auspicious times. 95

The grammar of this line is worth noting. The B edition (605:2) translates this line as “也因王書還未定格”, “And because the king’s books were still not set in order”. This interpretation entails taking the words saw vuengz as forming a noun phrase, with vuengz modifying saw. This is not the only way the line can be parsed, since the two words can also be read as topic and as subject of a following comment clause. To take a similar example from the spoken language: Byaek gou cawj cug gvaq, lit. {vegetables + I + cook + cooked + pass.by}. This can be interpreted as meaning either 1, “My vegetables have been cooked”, or 2, “[As for] the vegetables, I have cooked them”. The first kind of sentence is used to narrate how my vegetables are, and the second describes how the vegetables have been dealt with by me. Such sentences are ambiguous at the surface level, but their underlying structures are different and context-dependent. In the present context, the almanac is ordinarily thought of as something that is unified throughout society, and not something that the king can establish however he likes. There is a common saying in Zhuang, Yawj saw dawz ngoenz “Look at the book [i.e. almanac] and select the day”; and another Yawj saw dingh seiz, “Look at the book and establish the hour.” It would seem that this line ought not to be taken in the first sense above, but in accordance with the previous line: Because the king could not calculate, in reading the almanac he could not select auspicious days.

96

The first character in this line is 禁, MSC jìn ‘to forbid, prohibit’, which B605:3 transcribes as raemj and glosses as ‘to chop, hack’. Since there is no evident semantic connection, it would have to be the case that the character is being read phonetically. However, the phonetic match is poor also. 禁 is EMC kimʰ, LMC kim` (Pb 158); Pinghua readings are kɐm35 and kɐm35 (Mashan and Tiandong, Li 198 item 1975). While the Pinghua readings provide a matching vowel as well as final -m, the initial is still problematic. It is possible that this reading may reflect the equivalent of raemj in some other Zhuang or Tai dialect, but investigation of this possibility also proves disappointing. Other dialects have initial l-, initial pj-, initial hj-, initial r-, initial f-, and in Southern Zhuang, th- (ZhYFYYJ p. 745 item 1025). Longzhou has tham3. Li Fang Kuei reconstructs this item as PT *thr- C1 (HCT 7.5.3 p. 121); by contrast, Liang and Zhang reconstruct PKT *pr- (p. 135). Nowhere do we find an initial k-. While it might be acceptable to consider this an example of partial phonetic

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correspondence, or to consider other morphemes such as gimz 拔 ‘to pull up’ (ZHCH 332), a more satisfactory solution is at hand: the character is to be read not as a whole, i.e. as 禁, but only for the top half, i.e. 林, MSC lín ‘woods, forest’. 林 is EMC and LMC lim (Pb 194), and PH lɐm41 (Mashan and Tiandong, Li p. 193, item 1922). Since the local pronunciation of raemj in Yandong-Yufeng also has initial l- and a central ‘a’ vowel (ɐ), this choice of character closely reflects the local pronunciation of this word. There may also be an iconic dimension to this choice of graph. 禁 jìn may be re-interpreted according to the ‘dismantling characters’ (chaizi 拆字) method as trees (林) separated from their roots, with the lower element 示 shì ‘reveal’ re-analysed as two horizontal strokes (二) and tree roots (小). Such modes of graphic analysis were widespread in non-elite circles throughout China. See Holm, Mapping the OZS, pp. 63–65. The fourth character in this line is 拔, MSC bá ‘to pull up’, which B reads as bad and glosses as 做 ‘to make’. The gloss is context-dependent. Bad fai is indeed the most common expression for ‘to make a dam, dam up a stream’. The basic meaning of bad is 排 ‘to arrange in rows’, and it refers here to the process of putting one timber after another into the river crossways, forming horizontal rows, before going on to fill in the back with earth and finish off the dam. The definition of bad in the ZHCH (p. 11) 塞(水) ‘to stop up (water)’, refers to the result of this process. Notes 5 and 6 in the B edition both say that these lines refer to “一種 禁忌” ‘a kind of taboo’ (B893–894). This comment is in need of further clarification. Building a dam and setting in place a water-wheel are fairly major construction tasks, and so naturally are hedged round with quite a few prohibitions. The most important of these is the injunction that one must choose a good day for beginning the task. The lines above have just mentioned that the king was not able to understand or use an almanac, so evidently it was because he was not able to choose an auspicious day or time, started the work on a bad day, and so offended against some prohibition, that it led to the death of his wife. One can see these lines as a self-advertisement for those with the necessary expertise, i.e. Taoists or mogong. The last character in this line is 埋, MSC mái ‘to bury’, which is read as fai ‘dam’. On this reading, see note to line 57. 98

The fourth character in this line is 横, which is read as vang and glossed as 拦 ‘to impede’ (B605:5). There is an apparent problem with this gloss, since it makes no sense to say that the water wheel is ‘impeded’. Judging by the parallel line 96, the word vang is being used as a transitive verb,

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with loek ‘water wheel’ as its object. ZHCH 715 lists vang, which it glosses as ‘horizontal, sideways’. Here the word is being used as a verb, with the meaning 横攔, 横架 ‘to obstruct by placing sideways, to set up sideways’. For example: Sou guh maz aeu hanz daeuj vang bakdou? “Why have you taken the carrying pole and placed it across the doorway?” When setting up a water wheel, the axle needs to be set up at right angles to the current, so that when the water strikes the wooden blades of the wheel, the water wheel will turn. 99

The third character in this line is 谷, which B606:1 reads as goek and glosses as 原 ‘original’. The phrase bazgoek, of which it forms a part, is translated as 結髮妻子 jiefaqizi ‘wife [from the time of] tying up the hair’. The basic meaning of goek is ‘trunk, root’, meaning the base of the trunk or stem of a plant near the roots; by extension it comes to mean ‘base, origin’. Thus goek mboq means the originary source of water in a spring, and bingh goek means the origin or cause of a disease. Bazgoek means the first or original wife. Hence ‘wife [from the time of] tying up the hair’ (i.e. coming of age) is used in the Chinese translation (but note that tying up the hair is a Chinese custom, not a Zhuang custom). 谷 is MSC gǔ ‘valley’, a character which is EMC and LMC kǝwk (Pb 111), and PH kɔk33 (Mashan and Tianyang, Li p. 363 item 3627).

100 The second and third characters in this line are ¼買, which B606:2 glosses as 失妻 ‘to lose ones wife’. Here ¼ is guh ‘to do, make; be, act as’. Maiq

means ‘to be widowed, lose one’s spouse (through death)’. Maiq is used of both genders. Thus goengmaiq ‘widower’ and yahmaiq ‘widow’. The last two characters in this line are 个辱, which B transcribes as gazyoux and glosses as 自住 ‘self’ and ‘stay’. This is not quite right. ‘To be at, to stay’ is in any case youq, with 5th tone rather than 4th. The phrase is actually a mimetic phrase, expressing the feeling of ‘being all alone and without recourse’. A variant phrase with the same meaning is gazliux. For example: De naengh youq henz daiz gazliux (gazyoux), mbouj miz vunz haemq de. ‘He is sitting all alone by the table, with nobody paying him any attention.’ Huang Ziyi’s pronunciation is equivalent to gazliux. The reading youx however may also be questioned. The manuscript’s 辱, MSC rǔ and rù ‘shame, disgrace’ is read as ɲuawk in EMC, rywk in LMC, and ry` in Early Mandarin (Pb 268–269). Pinghua readings (Li p. 378, item 3779) are mostly similar to (j)iɔk33 (Tiandong); only Longzhou has ju21. Youx reflects a reading close to Early Mandarin or SWM. It is likely that the original reading was more like yoek, especially as roek ‘six’ in 4th

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place in the following line provides a close rhyme. Gazyoeg also exists, with the same meaning as gazyoux. Cf. also gazgoek ‘all alone’ in Holm, Recalling Lost Souls, 2:75, and line 262 below. Of course, the B reading may reflect the current recitation pronunciation of the vernacular priests. 辱 rǔ is now commonly pronounced as ju42 in Mashan, and as jou41 in Bama. 102 The first character in this line is 零 MSC líng ‘zero, naught’, which B

(606:4) reads as lengq. Lengq means ‘ragged, worn out’ (of clothes or fabric). Thus buh lengq means ‘worn-out clothes’, and geiz lengq means a ‘ragged banner’. In this line lengq is used as a noun, meaning old, worn-out clothes. 103 (B606:5) The 亡 word mong means ‘ashes; ash-coloured, grey’. Clothes

when dirty are said to appear quite grey. Thus in this context the word mong is used to refer to dirty clothing. 104 The first character in this line (B607:1) is 畓, a vernacular character consisting of 水 shuǐ ‘water’ above and 田 tián ‘wetfield’ below, which the

B edition reads as ndaek ‘damp’ (ZHCH 349). In Huang Ziyi’s recitation, this character is pronounced as dumz, a word which also has the meaning ‘damp’ in Zhuang. Either reading is possible. However, if read as ndaek it also provides a nice rhyme with saeg ‘wash’ at the end of the previous line. The character itself at first sight seems like a semantic compound character of the ‘combined meanings’ 會意 type, but is likely to be a vernacular variant of 沓, MSC tà ‘crowded, repeated’. The EMC pronunciation for 沓 is dǝp/dap (Pb 299); the PH pronunciation of the near homophonic character 踏 in Tiandong and Mashan is tap22 (Li p. 171 item 1701). Ndaek, it seems, is the better reading here. 105 What this line says in the B edition (B607:2) is that the king’s wife has died,

and that he does not have anyone to lay out his sleeping-mats or tidy up his bedding. There is a problem with the reading of 匿 here. 匿 is MSC nì ‘to hide’. Snd gives two Zhuang readings for this character, naek ‘heavy’ (Snd 341) and ndaek ‘entire; clf for large lumps’ (Snd 349). Here the reading for this character in B (607:2) is sat (‘bamboo mat’). This morpheme for ‘bamboo mat’ does indeed exist (ZHCH 670, BYHCD 521 saadt), but the reading is suspect on grounds of poor phonetic fit. Most salient is initial sinstead of initial n-, but the long vowel [a] and final -t instead of -k are also problematic. (In fact the long [a] vowel is fairly well-attested in Zhuang

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readings of 匿. On this point, and for pre-modern and Pinghua readings of this character, see note to line 67 above.). However, there is another possibility: nag, a word for a kind of bamboo. Meng Yuanyao confirms that there is a word gonag in Mashan, referring to a kind of bamboo. This word is found in the songs of Tianyang ( faexnag 竹子 ‘bamboo’, Fwen Nganx p. 95), so it is current locally. This morpheme provides a much better phonetic fit, and also rhymes with dak ‘dry in the sun’ at the end of the previous line. However, this is a rather large species of bamboo, used for making large or crude objects, e.g carrying baskets (louzi 簍子) and pig baskets (zhulong 豬籠). It is not suitable for making mats, for which gosei (diaosizhu 吊絲竹) or gogoen ( fendanzhu 粉單竹) are generally used. Under these circumstances it is unlikely that such a word for ‘bamboo’ would have been used metonymically for ‘bamboo mat’. At any rate, sensing such difficulties, a more recent edition of this text (M) changes the reading to ndaek, which it glosses as (衣) 污 ‘(of clothing) filthy, stained’ (M7:2395). This morpheme is not found in ZHCH, although nwk meaning ‘oily; filthy (of clothing)’ is. This latter word would fit the context; all of the preceding lines have begun with an adjective describing clothing, rather than with a noun. This means that the last word in the line also has to be read as an appropriate verb, in parallel with the preceding lines. The fifth character in the line, 耍 MSC shuǎ ‘to play’, is read as cah and glossed as ‘to cushion’. This morpheme does exist: it means to spread something underneath something else (ZHCH 88). The character 耍 is pronounced as sa33 in Tiandong and Mashan Pinghua (Li p. 23 item 224). The M edition reads this character as sah ‘to brush’ (ibid.). This morpheme is defined in ZHCH as 擺洗 (衣服菜等) ‘to swish in water in order to clean (clothes, green vegetables)’ (ZHCH 657). The latter definition is appropriate here. 107 (B607:4) In his recitation, Huang Ziyi reads the second character in this line, *, as lam (St.Zh. ram), meaning ‘to carry (between two people)’.

Strictly speaking, this reading is questionable. The character is a vernacular character formed from 昔 MSC xī ‘of old’ on the left and 月 MSC yuè ‘moon’ on the right. This is a variant form of the character 腊 MSC là ‘last lunar month of the year’, formed by transposition of the left and right graphic elements. EMC and LMC reconstructions for 腊 are lap (Pb 181), and PH readings are lap13 in Tiandong and lap22 in Mashan (Li p. 176, item 1754). On this basis, the original reading is more likely to be rap

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‘to carry (on a carrying pole)’, a morpheme which is pronounced locally as laːp7. Either the editors of B were insufficiently attentive, or else the lam reading is an instance of synonym substitution. Final -p and -m are in any case homorganic, a circumstance that would facilitate substitution. 108 (B607:5) The second character in this line is 乞, MSC qǐ ‘to beseech’, which

the B edition reads as haed. According to Meng Yuanyao, this is likely to be a dialect word corresponding to vid in standard Zhuang, which means ‘to roll up (the sleeves, etc.)’. The phonetic match is close: 乞 is reconstructed as kʰɨt in EMC, kʰit in LMC, and kʰiˇ in Early Mandarin (Pb 247); the PH reading in Tiandong and Bose is hɐt33, while that in Nanning is hǝt55 (Li p. 263 item 2624). The character 現, MSC xiàn ‘appear’, is read as gen ‘arm’, meaning in this context genbuh ‘sleeve (of a garment)’. There is a set phrase in Zhuang, vid gen vid ga, “Roll up the sleeves and roll up the [trouser] legs”, meaning to get ready to do something. Pre-modern readings of 現 xiàn include EMC ɣɛnʰ and LMC xɦjian` (Pb 337), while PH readings include hin22 in Tiandong and yn223 in Nanning (Li 230, item 2291). Either the reading here is based on EMC, or is based on a catalytic reading, i.e. reading 現 xiàn as 見 jiàn. Pre-modern readings of 見 jiàn include EMC kɛnʰ and LMC kjian` (Pb 148), while PH readings include kin35 in Tiandong and kin55 in Nanning; Tang-period HV is kᴇn35 (Li 229). The Zhuang reading as gen here corresponds most closely to EMC. Pittayaporn reconstructs PT *qeːnA (25). Liang and Zhang reconstruct *xki̯ɛn for PTK 胳膊 ‘arm’ (pp. 461, 611). They note also that this word also means ‘sleeve’ in Hlai, Mulam, and Then (note p. 461). The word cauq in Zhuang has a range of meanings including ‘stove’, ‘wok, cooking pan’, and ‘to deep-fry in oil’. In the B edition, this word is glossed as ‘to boil (rice)’, but this is imprecise. On the basis of Zhuang habits of construal, guh cauq would normally mean either ‘to make a stove’ or ‘to make a cooking pan’, but neither of these two interpretations is appropriate in this context. However, there is another frequently used customary phrase in Zhuang, guh cien guh cauq, meaning ‘to make [i.e. cook] fried and deep-fried food’, and by implication, to go into the kitchen and make good things to eat. The figure of speech used here is metonymy, whereby two archetypal actions are used to refer to the entire process of going to the kitchen and cooking a meal. The phrase guh cauq in the text has this meaning. Cauq here, then, has the meaning ‘to deep-fry’.

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109 (B608:1) The second and third characters are 答 and 頼, which the B edition reads as dop laih and glosses as 單 ‘single, lone’ and 的 (a sub-

ordinating particle). This is context-dependent and uninformative. The first gloss suggests that the underlying morpheme might be dog ‘single, alone’. In fact, dop usually means ‘to clap the hands’ (ZHCH 245), while the meaning of laih here is evidently ‘but, however’. The meaning of this line is ‘hands [try to] clap but it is not successful’. This is a reference to the unhappy situation of people without spouses, who are like the sound of one hand clapping. In Zhuang widows and widowers are referred to as vunzmbiengq, ‘half a person’, where mbiengq means ‘half, one side (of a whole)’. Someone who is ‘half a person’ naturally has only one hand, and hence is someone who cannot clap his or her hands. On doplaih, see the note to line 835 below. There, at least, it is likely that 答 dá should be read as dap, (or dop, based on an older, OC reading), and glossed as ‘answer; rebut’. The phrase 答頼 MSC dá lài may well be a Chinese borrowing, meaning ‘to rebut false charges’. On the general procedure of making a plea before a magistrate in Qing times, see Philip Huang, Civil Justice in China (Stanford, 1996), 76–110. However, in this context such a meaning seems out of place. 111 (B608:3) The third character in this line is 失 MSC shī ‘to lose’, which B reads as saet and glosses as 避 ‘to avoid’. The word saet means ‘to leap,

jump’. However, in Zhuang saet is often used in conjunction with cak ‘to struggle’, to express the idea of struggling hard under adverse conditions, and seeking to find a way out. Thus: De yaek saet ra cienz soengq duz lwg de doeg dayoz, “He intends to do everything he can to find money to send his child to university.” And: Gou seiqcawq saet cak cam ra go yw neix, “I leapt around everywhere looking for this medicine.” 失 is EMC ɕit, LMC ʂit (Pb 282), PH sɐt33 (Li p. 259 item 2590). The reading here is plausible and corresponds closely with the local Pinghua pronunciation. The word deuz, written as 条 MSC tiáo ‘twig, long narrow strip’, is a Han loan (from 逃 MSC táo), meaning ‘to flee, run away’. When followed by a noun, deuz often means to flee from some disadvantageous situation. Thus deuz dieg ‘to flee the locale’, i.e. to flee from a famine-stricken area; deuz gvan ‘to flee one’s husband’ (leave home because of unhappiness with one’s husband); deuz caeg ‘to flee brigands’. Thus, deuz anq is ‘to flee the desk’, that is, to neglect public business and run away. The phrase deuz biengz ‘to flee the realm’ in the following line has the same structure. Note 條 (条) is EMC dɛw, MSC tɦiaw (Pb 307), PH tiu41 (Li p. 147 item 1470), while 逃 is EMC daw, LMC tɦaw (Pb 303), Tiandong and Mashan

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PH tau41 (Li p. 124 item 1240). In PH 逃 is only pronounced as tɛu213 in Binyang (ibid.). The classifier 條 (条) is pronounced in Zhuang either as diuz (ZHCH 217) or locally as deuz. 112 The character 散 MSC sǎn ‘to come loose, scatter’ (or sàn ‘to disperse, dispel’ vt) in this line (B608:4) is transcribed as suenq and glossed as 打算 ‘to calculate, plan’. The character 散 sàn has pre-modern readings EMC sanʰ and LMC san`, and PH ɬan35 (Tiandong, Li p. 204); readings of 散

sǎn are identical, with a difference in tone. Huang Ziyi’s pronunciation is ɬaːn@r. This sanq is the same morpheme as St.Zh. suenq ‘abacus; to calculate’, although not listed in ZHCH (669). In the Tianyang dialect the -uen rhyme in St.Zh. is often pronounced as -an. For example, haeuxsuen ‘good quality rice (japonica)’ is pronounced as haeuxsan (on which see the note on line 178 below). For the pronunciation of suenq in various Zhuang dialects, see ZhYFYYJ p. 684 item 608. The pronunciation in Tiandong is ɬuan5, in Yishan θwain5, and only in Lingyun and Leye is this lexeme listed with θaːn5. Jingxi is listed in the same source with θuːn5, but Zheng Yiqing records the pronunciation ɬaːn5 (Zheng Yiqing, Jingxi Zhuangyu yanjiu, p. 302). This points to limitations in the dialect survey data. 113 The third character in this line is 仰 MSC yǎng ‘to raise the head, look up’, which in the B edition is read as nya and glossed as 亂 ‘chaotic’ (B608:5).

This word, which means ‘dishevelled’, no doubt fits the context, and forms a neat parallel with nyungq in the following line. In fact nyungq and nya appear frequently in these texts as paired concepts. The problem lies in the phonetic fit with 仰. EMC and LMC readings of this character are ŋɨaŋ’ and ŋiaŋ´ (Pb 360), while local PH readings are ŋᴇŋ35 in Tiandong and Bose and (j)iɐŋ22 in Mashan (Li p. 302 item 3017). However, in Yulin, much further east, 仰 is pronounced as ȵa13 (Li loc.cit.). This means at least that pronouncing 仰 as nya is not impossible. Thus there are a number of possibilities. One is to suppose that a reading of 仰 as ȵa, without the final nasal, made its way into the manuscript tradition at some point, and that such a reading was preserved idiosyncratically. Another possibility is that 仰 originally represented a word that sounded more like ŋᴇŋ or ŋɨaŋ, such as ngeng (or ngengq), which means ‘askew, to one side’ (ZHCH 591), or nyaengq, which has a range of meanings including ‘weeds growing luxuriantly, overgrown’, ‘(of hair) long’, and ‘busy, overworked’ (ZHCH 610). In fact nyaengqsaengsaeng as a descriptive phrase does mean ‘(weeds) growing chaotically’. It is clear that nyaengq has a range of meanings that are

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very close to those of nya. Another possible morpheme is nyangz, found also in Mashan, which means 髒亂, 亂糟糟 ‘filthy and chaotic’, describing situations where there is garbage all over the place. The reading nya could then be explained as the result of synonym substitution. The more recent M edition provides another possible reading, which is nyweng, which it glosses as 散 ‘scattered’ (M2395). It is not stated on what basis this change was made. It is close to Huang Ziyi’s pronunciation, though Huang’s pronunciation is in 2nd tone. Nyweng (ȵɯǝŋA) may be a dialect word; it is not attested in the ZHCH. It would at least furnish a rhyme with biengz (pɯǝŋB) at the end of the previous line and the beginning of the next line. It is pertinent here to note that the B edition text from which Huang was reading has a ‘standard Zhuang character’ here, a graph composed of 斗 dǒu on the left and 隹 zhuī on the right. This ‘standard graph’ is not otherwise found in this locality, to my knowledge (Snd 388 lists only the pronunciation nya). Huang would not have been able to read or guess the pronunciation nyweng from this graph. The character 仰 yǎng of the original manuscript was nowhere visible to him. While he may have just forced a rhyme with biengz, my sense is that his reading could have come from his long-term memory, and correspond to the way in which the priests recited the manuscript. This reading is also close to the EMC reading of 仰 yǎng (ŋɨaŋ’). By the same token, the nya reading in the B edition could have arisen as a result of the editors’ efforts to standardise the language of the text: nya is found in Standard Zhuang, while nyweng is not. 115 (B609:2) The question is how to understand the phrase doq bak, which B glosses as 原來 and translates as 本來. Doq means ‘immediately’, and

bak means ‘mouth’. The meaning of the line is “Immediately opened [his] mouth and said [his] fate was not good.” Bak here is a noun used as a verb, with a meaning equivalent to aj bak ‘open the mouth’. This usage is reasonably common. Another example of the same usage would be: De baez haeujdaeuj doq bak gou mbouj doiq, “As soon as he came in he opened his mouth and said I was wrong.” 116 The first character in this line is 初 MSC chū ‘first’, which the B edition reads as caj and glosses as 如果 ‘if’ (B609:3). There are two questions here: one relates to the phonology of 初, and the other relates to the gloss for caj. 初 is EMC tʂhɨǝ̆, LMC tʂhǝǝ̆ /tʂhuǝ̆ (Pb 59), and PH ts’ɔ54 (Li p. 39 item

386). No reconstructed reading for Middle Chinese or Pinghua provides a close fit with caj. However, Li also lists an early Hán-Việt reading ʂɐ44;

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309

this represents the reading pronunciation for the recitation of Buddhist scriptures at the Tianmingsi 天明寺 in Thuận Hóa (Shunhua 順化), near modern Hué. This provides a much better fit, and serves to indicate that a pronunciation of 初 with an open vowel [a] was at one point some kind of standard reading pronunciation in the southern part of the empire. Everywhere else in this text, however, 初 is read with a back rounded vowel [o]: coh ‘name’ (line 436), coq ‘to put’ (line 1388), co ‘to incite (a dog to attack sbdy)’ (line 1493), and co ordinal prefix ‘first’ (line 1501). Moreover, caj ‘if’ is also written elsewhere with different characters: with 左 MSC zuǒ ‘left’ on line 288, and with 祖 MSC zǔ ‘ancestral’ on line 447. The phonology of these characters (on which see notes to lines 288 and 477) also suggests an -o final. It is not unlikely that synonym substitution has taken place here. As we shall see, in this text synonym substitution is quite common with connective words of this type. A word caj meaning ‘if’ is not found in ZHCH, though ZHCH does list a disyllabic compound caqciuh meaning ‘if’ in which the first syllable differs from caj only in tone (ZHCH 88). A word xax (ɕa31) or xaxnauz (ɕa31 nau11) is found in Bouyei texts, meaning ‘if’ (Weanljees Buxqyaix p. 715; Haansweangz pp. 156–157). The same word, pronounced ʃa55, meaning ‘if’ (where 55 is tone 3), is found in the Nong dialect of Xichou 西疇 in eastern Yunnan (Yunnan shengzhi: Shaoshu minzu yuyan wenzi zhi, 167). In Zhuang the usual meaning of caj is ‘to wait’; another meaning is 假 使 ‘suppose, supposing’. Usages found in this text such as ‘if’ and ‘since’ are derived by a process of grammaticalisation from ‘supposing’ and ‘wait’ respectively. Either that, or they have been imported from Bouyei areas. 119 (B610:1) The word yiuj ‘granary’ is pronounced in 4th tone in a number

of dialects. It refers to a storehouse in which grain is stored. Usually it is set up as a free-standing building in the centre of the village or in an open area, in order to minimise the danger of fires. The 4th-tone pronunciation indicates that the initial was pre-glottalised. 120 The third character in this line is ,, which the B edition reads as ni and glosses as 江 ‘large river’ (B610:2). The word ni also appears in scriptures

from Donglan (see Holm, Killing a Buffalo, p. 243); in that dialect, ni is glossed as ‘large river’, as opposed to rivers of ordinary size, which are called dah; ni is also found in texts from southern Bama (Holm, Recalling Lost Souls, pp. 152–153, 226–227, 246–247. Line 70 in text 10 reads, Cib dah gab guh ni, ‘Ten rivers converge to form a mighty river’). The word ni in this line is parallel with yiuj in the previous line. What is probably

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meant here is a place down by the river like a rice-pounding shed for a water-driven mortar and pestle, where people would naturally congregate and discuss things, and not just an empty stretch of river-bank. In Lingui 臨桂 and Yongfu 永福, two counties near Guilin, there is a group of people called the Chadong 茶洞 people who have a population of over twenty thousand. The language they speak has distinctive features that link it with languages in the Kam-Sui subgrouping of Tai languages. The word Chadong people use for ‘river’ is niː1; cognate words are found in Kam (ȵaː1) and in Sui (Ɂnjaː1). One can see from this that the word ni in this texts is a basic lexical item that is fairly old among the Kam-Tai languages. On the language of the Chadong people, see Li Jinfang, Dong-Tai yuyan yu wenhua [Kam-Tai language and culture], pp. 62–65, and Li Jinfang et al., Xinan diqu pinwei yuyan diaocha yanjiu [Investigations into the endangered languages of the Southwest], pp. 318–339. , is a vernacular graph with two dots and two slanting strokes above (the top portion of 谷 gǔ) and the wheeled vehicle graph (車) below. Contrary to first appearances, this character is likely to be a vernacular variant of 轝 yú, itself an allograph of 輿 yú ‘carriage, vehicle’. In vernacular manuscripts the upper complex is subjected to various kinds of simplification and re-configuration. One variant in which the upper part of the character is reduced to 文 wén is listed in Liu Fu and Li Jiarui’s Song Yuan yilai suzi pu (see YTZZD b05005-01). 輿 yú has pre-modern readings EMC jɨă and LMC jiă/jyă (Pb 380), and PH readings for characters in the same GY sub-category (e.g. 余 yú) include hi41 in Tiandong and y21 in Nanning, but (j)iɤ21 in Fusui (Li 44). This reading is old, with the final representing final -a which has been reduced to an offglide in Zhuang (ɲiːɐ̆1). 122 (B610:4) Judging by the script, the character 里 MSC lǐ ‘borough’ ought

to be read as lix (liːD), meaning ‘to still have; remain’. This word is pronounced as lij with 3rd tone in most dialects, but is consistently pronounced as lix in 4th tone in the Yandong-Yufeng lect. However, Huang Ziyi in his recitation recites this character as miːb (miz). Pre-modern readings of 里 lǐ include EMC lɨ’/li’ and LMC li´ (Pb 188). This is an instance of synonym substitution. Lij is commonly found in Bouyei and in northern Zhuang dialects instead of miz ‘to have; exist’. The final character in this line is 有 MSC yǒu ‘to have’, which the B edition reads as ndwi and glosses as 空 ‘empty’. This is an impossible reading. The editors note that in all probability this is a slip of the brush. The character 有 should have been written as 冇, without the two horizontal strokes in the 月 component. See line 128, where the phrase is repeated.

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The basic meaning of ndwi is ‘to lose’, and hence ‘to have not; empty; have nothing to do; idle’ (see Recalling Lost Souls, text note on 3:82). The phrase sau ndwi means sau ce ndwi, meaning a girl who has been left ‘empty’ (i.e. an old maid, a woman who cannot be married out). 123 (B610:5) The fourth character in this line is 盖, MSC gài ‘to cover’, read as gaiq and glossed as 給 ‘give’. This is a context-dependent gloss. In fact,

this morpheme is the same as the general classifier gaiq. According to Meng Yuanyao, the phrase gaiq vuengz would normally be understood as equivalent to saeh gaiq vuengz ‘the affairs pertaining to the king’. Evidently in Standard Zhuang gaiq is not regarded as a dative indicator. In ritual verse, however, such usages are common, and gaiq is frequently found as a quasi-dative, indicating the recipient or beneficiary of an action. On this usage see Holm, Recalling Lost Souls, p. 120, note to Text 3 line 83. Gaiq is used in a similar fashion in Bouyei mogong texts from Guizhou: see Weanljees Buxqyaix p. 287 (commenting on a text from Zhenfeng county in southwestern Guizhou). 127 The first two characters in this line are õ (怒) MSC nù ‘angry’ and 氏 MSC shì ‘lineage, clan; surname’, which B reads as nu ci and glosses as 那邊 ‘there’ (a combined gloss). This is followed in line 128 with 敗 MSC bài ‘defeat’ and 氏, which B reads as baih ci and glosses as 邊 ‘side’ and 這

‘this’ (B611:4–5). These glosses are inconsistent. The word nu is a special word of spatial reference meaning ‘this, that; here, there’. It is commonly used to point to something in the immediate vicinity (“look here”) or to alert listeners to something that is being handed to them (“here you are”). In Mashan the form nɛ̃ː is also found. The second character in this and the next line is 氏, which Huang Ziyi recites as ɕiːfr (cih). This probably corresponds to the word cix in Standard Zhuang, meaning ‘then’ and marking temporal or logical sequence. In some dialects this word is pronounced in 6th tone (i.e. cih). 128 The word baih means ‘side’ and is commonly used as a noun head for loca-

tional compounds. Thus baihnaj ‘in front’, baihlaeng ‘in back’, baihneix ‘this side’, and so on. It is also used more generally for social reference, such as kinsfolk and affines, wife-givers and wife-takers. Thus here ‘that side’ has a widow woman, ‘this side’ has an old maid. Here, the spatial demonstrative ‘this’ or ‘that’ part of the locational compound has been elided, leaving baih as an isolated syllable.

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129 The last character in this line is 強 MSC qiáng ‘strong’, which B transcribes as gyangz, glosses as 犟 ‘stubborn’, and translates as 乖巧 ‘clever, winning’

(B612:1). The referent is the speech of the match-maker, and the problem lies in the discrepancy between the gloss and the translation. According to the ZHCH, gyangz simply means ‘strong’, and ‘stubborn’ is gyangq or giengz (ZHCH 393); no word meaning ‘clever’ is listed. 乖巧 ‘clever, winning’ is likely to be a context-dependent gloss. The word just means that the match-maker can speak better or more than other people. The same phrase and the same discrepancy between gloss and translation are found also on line 137. 135 The first character in this line is 脚 MSC jiǎo ‘foot’, which B transcribes as cok and glosses as 巷 ‘laneway’ (B613:2). The word cok is written gyok in

Standard Zhuang, and refers either to a laneway or to a built-up residential area composed of several family units (i.e. with laneways in between). 脚 jiǎo has pre-modern readings EMC kɨak and LMC kiak (Pb 152), while PH readings include kᴇk33 in Tiandong and Nanning; old HV is kɤk35 (Li 302). All PH dialects in central and western Guangxi now have a fronted -ᴇ- vowel, rather than the mid or back vowels of MC and old HV. One reading for 脚 jiǎo in Wuming, however, is kiɑk55 (Li Fanggui, Wuming tuyu, p. 240). SWM readings are kio21 for Liuzhou and tɕio21 for Guilin (Guangxi tongzhi: Hanyu fangyan zhi p. 782 item 2986). Readings with initial tɕ- are also found in PH in the northeast. There are two possibilities: one is that 脚 jiǎo is a relatively early reading, corresponding to EMC and kjoːk, and the other is that the initial and main vowel are derived from SWM, representing an affricated initial and back vowel, corresponding to the current local pronunciation tɕoːk. The last character in this line is 陽 MSC yáng ‘yang, active cosmic principle’, which B transcribes as yiengz. The word is being used here as a personal name, attached to the gender and age-related noun head yah ‘older mature female, grandmother’. Yiengz is indeed the most common Zhuang reading for yang, but here the context suggests another reading, yangz (corresponding to Southwestern Mandarin rather than Pinghua). Reading 陽 as yangz here furnishes a rhyme with gyang ‘middle’ in the following line, and a further rhyme between gyangz ‘strong’ at the end of line 137 and yangz in line 138. The rhyming pattern is quite consistent. Since 陽 is being used as a personal name here, there is no way to confirm this other than going back and asking the priests.

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144 The first character in this line is 乃 MSC nǎi ‘you, your; then’, which B reads as nai, glosses as 謝 ‘thank’, and then translates as 央求 ‘entreat’ (B615:1). This is confused. The ZHCH gives the definition 安慰 ‘to comfort’

(ZHCH 558), which unfortunately does not clarify matters. The basic meaning of nai is ‘to say something with special intent’, and by extension ‘to enjoin’. Thus: Gou caenbak nai de guh gienh saeh neix, “I myself [lit. with my own mouth] specially told him to do this.” Thus also, by extension, come meanings such as ‘to thank’ and ‘to comfort’. Here, however, the meaning seems to be ‘tell (sbdy to do sthg)’. 145 The third character in this line is 迫 MSC pò ‘to coerce’, which B reads as fek, as part of a compound roegfek, glossed as 鷓鴣 ‘partridge’ (B615:2). 迫

is clearly being read phonetically, there is no reason to doubt the interpretation here, and the problem is to explain how 迫 could be pronounced as fek. EMC and LMC readings of this character are paɨjk/pɛːjk and paːjk (Pb 241), and local Pinghua readings are p’ᴇk33 (Tiandong and Mashan, in Li p. 327 item 3264). The final -ek corresponds well with both local Pinghua and reconstructed EMC pɛːjk; the remaining problem is initial f-. There is no PH dialect that has initial f- for this word; all locations surveyed have either initial p’- or initial p-. It may be significant that Snd lists a vernacular character for fek ‘partridge’ which is a combination of 八 MSC bā ‘eight’ and the bird radical 鳥 (Snd 157). The word for ‘eight’ in Zhuang is bed (peːt), and the local Pinghua pronunciation of 八 is pat33 (Li p. 207 item 2070). Snd lists this character for fek without indicating its place of origin. Fortunately the ZhYFYYJ lists dialect variants of this lexical item (p. 616, item 145). Among Northern Zhuang dialects most of the northwestern locations have initial f- (Wuming, Hengxian, Yongning N, Pingguo, Tiandong), Liujiang has θw-, Yishan has Ɂ-, a range of central-north, central and northeastern locations have w- (Huanjiang, Rong’an, Hechi, Donglan, Du’an, Shanglin, Laibin, Guigang, Lianshan), and Longsheng has jw-; Southern Zhuang dialects mostly have ph- (Qinzhou, Yongning S, Long’an, Fusui, Shangsi, Chongzuo, Ningming), while a few have f(Longzhou, Daxin) and θ- (Debao, Jingxi). One possibility therefore is that this way of writing fek originated in a Southern Zhuang dialect area where this word is pronounced with an initial ph-. A final consideration is that in HV the process of dentilabialisation has gone further than in PH and other Chinese dialects, including Cantonese. Many words with the 滂 pāng initial in MC show initial f- (ph- in Quốc ngữ) in Vietnamese: thus 配 pèi ‘accompany’ = phối (fɔi35), 破 pò ‘break open’ = phá (fa35), and 坡 pō ‘slope’ = pha (fa44). However, there are also

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a number of words with the 幚 bāng initial in MC which have also undergone dentilabialisation in HV: thus 簸 bō ‘winnowing fan; to winnow’ = pha (fa44), and 跛 bǒ ‘lame’ = phả (fa215). 迫 pò also has initial 幚 bāng, but is pronounced bách (ɓɐc35) in HV, so at least we can say that the reading here is not a direct borrowing from HV. The other possibility is that the reading originated at some time in the past when this word was still pronounced with a labial stop initial. Unfortunately this question is by no means clear-cut. Li Fang Kuei does not list ‘partridge’, and his treatment of labial initials in HCT does not seem to cover a sound change from *p- to f-. Liang Min and Zhang Junru reconstruct *pwɛk for this item, noting its occurrence in Maonan as wɛːk7 and in Pubiao as piak9 (p. 123). Other items reconstructed with *pw- are ‘rain’, ‘cotton’, ‘cloud’, ‘dam’, ‘dry (clothes by a fire)’, ‘greenbeans’, ‘sheath (for a knife)’, ‘bank (of river)’, ‘peach’, ‘palm (of hand)’, ‘song’, ‘mend (clothes)’, ‘tortoise’, ‘cover’, ‘wooden partition wall’, ‘twins’, ‘plum’, ‘dust’, ‘twist (a rope)’, ‘entrust’, ‘bury’, ‘winnow (grain)’, ‘herd (of sheep)’, ‘grass or wood ash’, ‘dust, flour’, ‘lips’, ‘sweat’, ‘astringent’, ‘woodlime’, ‘to be, become’, ‘leaf’, ‘wing’, ‘bamboo’, and ‘sixth finger’ (ibid. pp. 119–127). (Sound changes from proto-Kam-Tai to modern ph-, b-, f-, v-, p-, pj-, and kw- (khw-, khɣ-) are discussed on pp. 84–85.) Many of the same words are listed in HCT under section 4.7, for which Li Fang Kuei postulates *f- for proto-Tai. Li notes that all the words he lists have series 1 of the tones, indicating a voiceless initial in the proto-language. Li’s reason for reconstructing *f- is ‘on account of the fricative pronunciation in many dialects among the three groups’ (p. 77), the three groups being Northern Tai, Central Tai, and Southwestern Tai. Li’s argument would seem to run counter to the received picture of historical sound change, which in both Chinese and Tai languages posits p > f progression (dentilabialisation) rather than the other way round. Xing Gongwan in his Han-Taiyu bijiao shouce discusses this question in light of additional evidence from Maonan, Dai Ya, Sui, and Kam (pp. 507–522), and argues that the initial f- in the above group of words in the modern Kam-Tai languages are derived from a *pj- initial in the proto-language. Proto-Kam-Tai for ‘partridge’ would then be *pjɛːk, a close fit with 迫 EMC pɛːjk. The word translated as ‘partridge’ here refers actually to the Chinese Francolin, Francolinus pintadeanus, a bird of the Phasianidae family (partridges, quails, pheasants and the like). It is found in southern China as far east as Zhejiang, and is common throughout Guangxi, Guangdong, parts of Fujian and Jiangxi, the southern parts of Yunnan, and mainland Southeast Asia as far west as NE India (see Craig Robson, ed., A Field Guide to the

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Birds of Southeast Asia, p. 240; see Plate 1 2a–2c for illustrations). It inhabits the edge of dry woodland in limestone areas, and can be seen at dawn and dusk looking for food in upland fields. In western and southern Yunnan the Francolin is one of the major game birds. Its flesh is fine-grained and tender, its flavour delicious, and it is regarded as a highly prized game meat. According to the Bencao gangmu of Li Shizhen, “People of the South are especially fond of eating it as a supplement to their kitchens. They say the flesh is white and the innards crisp, and that the flavour surpasses that of chickens and pheasants.” (Li Shizhen 李時珍, Bencao gangmu 本草綱 目, fasc. 48, 1982 edn., p. 2619). In Zhuang areas Francolins are hunted by taking advantage of their habit of vociferously defending their territory. A domestically-raised Francolin is put in a cage as a decoy, the cage placed in tall grass on a slope, and nets set up around about. When the decoy bird begins to cry, the wild cock birds will answer, and will come running to drive out the intruder, and are caught in the nets (Yang Lan 楊嵐 et al., Yunnan niaolei zhi 雲南鳥類志 [The Avifauna of Yunnan China] vol. 1, p. 252). Li Shizhen also mentions this method of hunting (用媒誘取 ‘a go-between is used to entice and take them’). Among the Zhuang, the Francolin is traditionally regarded as a fine game meat. There is a common saying, “Better to eat four ounces of flying bird than a pound of running beast.” Treating guests to Francolin, wild pheasant, turtledove and the like is regarded as quite a splendid reception. Roengz cien, lit. ‘[make] descend fry’, is an abbreviated way of saying roengz rek cien ‘[make] descend pan fry’, ‘put down in the pan to fry’. 146 (B615:3) The third character in this line is 彭 MSC péng (place name,

surname), which B reads as beng and glosses as ‘cup’. This seems to fit the context, but such a word for ‘cup’ is unattested. ‘Cup’ is usually cenj (ZHCH 116). In all likelihood the word in question is 甏 MSC bèng ‘jar’, referring to a vessel like a 瓮 wēng ‘jug or jar for wine’. In Zhuang there is a word boengh (or boengx), the basic meaning of which is ‘jar, vat’, which is used to refer to containers for wine or oil. Such jars are not necessarily made of pottery, but can be of pewter or some other material. Thus we have the compounds boenghlaeuj ‘wine jar’ (or large wine pot), boenghyouz ‘oil jar’ (or large oil pot). Nowadays, with the prevalence of plastic containers, square plastic containers of the kind that hold 5–20 litres are also called boengh. As containers for wine, boengh are smaller than gang (= 缸) ‘vats’, and larger than ngag ‘pottery wine-pots’. The context that the scripture is describing is a scene of feasting, eating meat

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from large platters and drinking wine from large jars. In this context, translating 彭 as ‘cups’ could be seen as somewhat mean-spirited. Cf. colloquial British English ‘jars’, referring to pints of beer. Syntactically, 彭 is the object of dwk, a general action verb meaning ‘to hit’ which in this context means ‘to pour’. This object could either refer to the vessel into which the liquid is poured, or the vessel from which the liquid is poured. Phonetically, the change from beng to boengh is not problematic. 149 (B616:1) Meng Yuanyao interprets this as an abbreviated sentence pattern.

The normal way of expressing this idea in Zhuang would be, Bae cam mingh daeuj hawj gaiq vuengz, “Go and consult the fate on behalf of the king”, where hawj is ‘to give’ and gaiq is a classifier of general reference. For this usage, see note on line 123 above. The mingh ‘fate, fortune’, as in China generally, refers here to the cyclical signs pertaining to the year, the month, the day, and the hour of birth. Because each of the four divisions of time is designated by one of the Heavenly Stems and one of the Earthly Branches, there are eight signs in all, hence the word betcih 八字 ‘eight characters’ is used. The phrase nienzgeng 年庚, lit. ‘year age’, is used as well. 150 The third character in this line is 落 MSC luò ‘to fall’, which B reads as lag and glosses as 好 ‘good’ (B616:2). Both the reading and the gloss can be confirmed. 落 is EMC and LMC lak (Pb 204), and local Pinghua readings

are lak13 and lak22 (Tiandong and Mashan, Li p. 285 item 2843). Lag is found in the ZHCH under the compound lagreux, which is defined as ‘lissome, slender and attractive’ (ZHCH 454). Meng Yuanyao confirms that the word means ‘beautiful; good’. Gyaeuj lag means ‘beautiful hair’, and lagreux means ‘a beautiful, slender figure’. It is interesting to note the rhyme pattern in these lines. Rather than the usual pattern, in which the syllable at the end of the first line rhymes with any of the first four syllables in the next line, here the third syllable rhymes with the first syllable in the next line. Thus lag in this line rhymes with rag at the beginning of line 151, and raez in the middle of line 151 rhymes with ai at the beginning of line 152. 151 (B616:3) The word rieng means ‘tail’. When a woman’s hair is done in a

long plait that reaches past her waist, this is often referred to as rieng raez ‘long tail’. This is a metaphorical form of expression. The character used to write rieng is Ÿ, which appears to be a slightly cursive version of 方 MSC fāng ‘square’ on the left and something resem-

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bling a knife radical (刂) on the right. The knife radical, however, appears to have an angle-bend stroke on the left, rather than a short vertical stroke. This closely resembles a lishu 隸書 (clerical script) rendering of the knife radical. How such a character could represent rieng presents a challenge. The rhyme and tone (but not the initial) seem to match with 方, which is pronounced in EMC as puaŋ and LMC as fjyaŋ/faŋ (Pb 91). There is in fact a very rare Chinese character consisting of 方 and a knife radical listed in the Zihuibu 字匯補 [Supplement to the Compendium of Characters], but this rare character is defined as identical in sound and meaning with 截 MSC jié ‘to cut off’ (Zhonghua zihai 中華字海 p. 944). This is phonetically even less promising (截 is EMC dzɛt Pb 154). No other compound of 方 provides suitable phonetic contours. One hypothesis is that this character represents a dialect word for ‘tail’. In fact, the word for ‘tail’ in Longsheng is fǝːŋ1 (ZhYFYYJ p. 624 item 204), a pronunciation which provides a reasonable phonetic match with the phonophoric element 方. However, Longsheng county is in northeastern Guangxi at a great distance from Bama, and there are no other indications of such a long-range connexion. More usually words like rieng (in various tones) are written with a phonophoric element such as 亮, 量, 良, or 兩 (Snd 421–422), all of which are pronounced liang (in various tones). In fact, this character can be identified as a vernacular variant of 引 MSC yǐn ‘to draw in’. The bow radical (弓) on the left-hand side has been written in a running-hand style, with the first stroke (the horizontal-plusvertical) reduced to a dot and the remaining strokes run together. This way of writing the bow radical is found in the Dunhuang manuscripts (Dunhuang suzi dian p. 321 under 彊 qiáng). In the current manuscript, this rendering of the bow radical is also found in line 511, on which see below. An allograph of 引 yǐn written with a knife radical on the right-hand side is found as early as the Tang dynasty, where it appears in mortuary inscriptions (Zeng Liang, Sui Tang chutu muzhi wenzi yanjiu ji zhengli, pp. 29–30). 引 yǐn has pre-modern readings EMC jin’ and LMC jin´ (Pb 373), while PH readings include (j)iɐn22 in Tiandong and (j)iɐn13 in Nanning (Li 262). As a representation of rieng ‘tail’, this reading comes from PH, and, it would seem, from an area in which initial r- (ɣ-) is pronounced as j- in syllables with odd-numbered tones, rather than as l- as in the Bama-Tianyang lect. This would suggest a place of origin for this reading somewhere in the Guibei dialect area to the north and east such as Hechi 河池 and Donglan 東蘭 (ZhYFYYJ p. 32, 624) or west-central Guizhou (BYDChBG p. 246, locations 30, 32, 33, and 35).

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155 The last character in this line is /, which B reads as ndaix, glosses as 艮 MSC gěn ‘standing still’, and translates as 銀釵 ‘silver hairclasp’ (B617:2). 艮 makes no sense but may be a misprint for 銀 (艮 is often used for 銀 ngaenz ‘silver’ in Zhuang texts). The phonetic match between / and ndaix would seem appropriate. / is a vernacular character consisting of a ‘heart’ radical and 乃 MSC nǎi ‘you, your; then’. It is listed in Snd

as being used to write nai ‘to comfort; praise’ and naiq ‘frail (of body)’ (Snd 345). Zhuang words beginning with nd- (Ɂd-) are most often written with characters beginning with initial l- but initial n- is also found. 乃 as a phonophoric element is commonly read in Zhuang as nai (various tones) and ndai (various tones). So far so good. The problem is that a morpheme ndaix meaning ‘silver hairclasp’ is unattested; nothing remotely similar is listed in ZHCH or Snd. This could of course be a local dialect word, but it might just be a guess on the part of the editors. At any rate, the more recent M edition has changed the reading to cam, which it glosses as 簪 ‘hairpin’ (M2398). This is the usual word for ‘hairpin’, but it leaves unexplained the question of how / comes to be pronounced as cam. If in fact this is the way the priests recited the manuscript, which is not at all certain, this reading would have to be understood as an instance of synonym substitution. As it happens, / appears again two lines down (line 157). Here the B edition (617:4) reads this character again as ndaix, and glosses it as 插 ‘to insert, stick in’. While this gloss fits the context, no such morpheme is attested elsewhere (ZHCH 567). The usual words for ‘to insert’ in Zhuang are cab and cap (HZCH), both of which are Han loans from 插 MSC chā. Zhuang dialect words are listed by ZhYFYYJ on p. 747 (item 1042): for most locations variants of cab are attested, such as Tiandong, Lingyun and Leye; other morphemes include tɕeːp, Ɂot, θweːn, ȵo or ȵoːk, sɯːip, mak, and pak. Nothing that resembles ndaix is listed, and none of the above words provides even a reasonably approximate phonetic match for any possible reading of /. Informants in Tianyang report that the local phrase for ‘wearing a flower in the hair’ is naep va; neither of them had ever heard the phrase ndaix va. But nearby Fengwu 鳳梧 in northern Pingguo 平果 county reads d- initials as nd-, e.g. doeg ‘to read’ is pronounced as ndoeg, so daix, the loan-word for 戴 dài ‘wear on the head’ could be read as ndaix. Probably the ndaix in this line used as a noun and glossed as ‘hairpin’ is the same morpheme. In Zhuang, it is not uncommon for verbs to be used as nouns in this way. For instance, umj ndaengj ‘to hold upright’ is formed with umj ‘to embrace, hold in the arms’, and ndaengj ‘to set or keep upright,

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vertical’. The second, nominalised verb is not the object of the first verb, but specifies the manner. A remaining mystery is why a character with the heart semantophore (忄) was chosen to represent an object made of silver or wood. With a vertical stroke cleaving between two dots, it may be that this graphic element was re-interpreted iconically, to represent a hairpin inserted into the hair. 156 The fourth character in this line (B617:3) is 倍 MSC bèi ‘turn the back on,

fold; n-fold’, which the B edition reads as buh ‘clothing’. The reading is not in doubt, but it is worth analysing. Pre-modern readings of 倍 bèi include EMC pǝj’ and LMC pɦuaj`, while PH readings include for pœi13 Tiandong and pui13 for Nanning (Li p. 78). Li Fang Kuei reconstructs PT initial *phfor this item (‘cloth, clothing’, HCT 4.2); neither Liang and Zhang nor Pittayaporn provide a reconstruction (nor is it included in the ZhYFYYJ wordlist). The reading here seems to correspond with LMC or PH. Either that, or 倍 bèi is being read here as another character in the same XS series such as 部 bù ‘part, section’, which has pre-modern readings EMC bɔ’ and LMC pɦuǝ̆ `. Again, LMC seems to correspond best. Note that Huang Ziyi pronounces this word with a centralised offglide: puǝF. 157 The second last character in this line is /, which B reads as ndaix and glosses as 插 ‘to insert, pin’. See above note to line 155 on the reading of /

as ndaix. 158 (B617:5) The second and fourth character in this line is 勿 MSC wù ‘don’t’,

which B reads as fid, the first syllable in two bisyllabic mimetic words fidfaz and fidfangh. This reading of 勿 is phonetically apt, corresponding closely to Pulleyblank’s LMC ʋjyt/ ʋjut (Pb 327); similar Pinghua readings of 勿 include fǝt22 (Bose) and fɐt24 (Nanning) (Li p. 278 item 2772). B glosses fid as ‘to swing’. This can be confirmed (see ZHCH 283). Here it refers to the swinging of the arms as someone walks along a road. The further elaboration fidfaz fidfangh indicates that the degree of swing is quite large. The two syllables -faz and -fangh are both descriptive suffixes without any specific lexical meaning. 159 The character in third place in this line is 散, which B transliterates as sanx

and glosses as ‘cotton cloth’ (B618:1). The usual word in Zhuang for ‘cotton cloth’ is baengz or baengzfaiq (HZCH 179). Huang Ziyi in his recitation pronounced this word as ɬaːnA, in first tone rather than fourth. No word

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pronounced sanx is listed in ZHCH (669). San however means 編; 編織 ‘to weave; woven’ (ibid.). Another possibility is that this word is a disguised loan-word for 傘 sǎn ‘umbrella’ (not listed however in the HZCH). 164 The character at the beginning of this line is 有, MSC yǒu ‘to have’, which B transliterates as yaeuj and glosses as 提 ‘to lift up’ (B619:1). Yaeuj does

indeed have this meaning. It is worth noting that Huang Ziyi pronounces this morpheme with an initial glottal stop [Ɂj-], which is not marked in Zhuangwen. The context is that in the past, when cities and fortified villages had walls around them, some gates were of the kind called 閘門 zhamen ‘sluice gates’ in Chinese and doucab in Zhuang. These were gates that were drawn up from above, rather than hinged at the side. The only way they could be opened was by people on the wall above lifting them up. On fortified hamlets, see La Van Lo, ‘A Brief Survey of the Tay Nung’, Vietnamese Studies No. 41, pp. 7–39. The third character in this line is read as gaiq, the general classifer. With pronouns this is often a marker of plurality, so gaiq hoiq means ‘the slaves’, i.e. ‘us’. These two lines can be considered a form of sentence in which the coverb hawj ‘to give’ or baen ‘divide, allocate’ has been elided. The more common way of saying the same thing in ordinary speech would be, Hai dou hawj (or baen) gaiqhoiq haeuj, literally ‘Open door give slaves enter’, i.e. “Open the door and let us in.” Alternatively, one may note that gaiq is frequently used in the poetry of this area as a marker of the dative, more or less equivalent to hawj. On this, see the note on line 123 above. 165–166 This couplet in canonical parallel form (B619:2–3) serves to intro-

duce the direct speech that immediately follows it. The first two syllables identify the speaker, and the three syllables at the end of each line are formulaic. In keeping with the qualities of formulaic verse, where stock epithets often simply fill up spaces in poetic lines, the mimetic words used at the end of each line here, dihdanz ‘deliberately’ and dihdad ‘emphatically’ are the same regardless of context, and are sometimes appropriate and sometimes not. This explains how they often appear in contexts where they would seem to be either puzzling or inappropriate. This quality of formulaic verse in Zhuang poetry can be compared with similar phenomena in epic poetry elsewhere, e.g. Homeric verse. Dihdanz ‘deliberately’ and dihdad ‘emphatically’ have the connotation of talking without stopping, or of going on and on.

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168 This line (B619:5) presents an abbreviated and poetic form of expression.

The normal way of expressing the same question in the everyday spoken language would be, “Gvaq haeuxngaiz liux cij daeuj miz maz hauq?” Haeuxngaiz ‘breakfast’ has been abbreviated to ngaiz, the indicators of temporal sequence liux ‘finished, over’ and cij ‘then’ are omitted, and the verb miz ‘to have’ is omitted. As a noun, hauq means ‘speech, talk, utterance; news, information’; as a verb, it means ‘to say’. The Zhuang word hauq comes originally from Chinese 耗, MSC hào, EMC xawʰ (Pb 121), which means ‘insufficient (referring to the grain harvest); to become smaller, diminish; become wasted’ (Wang Li, Wang Li gu hanyu zidian, pp. 977–978). In modern Chinese the word means ‘to waste, consume’ but also ‘bad news’, a meaning which is preserved in the modern Chinese expression 噩耗 èhào ‘disaster’. 169 The passage from this line (B620:1) up to line 174 represents the speech

of the match-maker. The beginning of the speech is unmarked, except perhaps for the presence of the deprecatory pronoun hoiq ‘slave: I’ at the beginning of the line. In fact, however, it is only the sense of the entire line that conveys to the audience that there has been a change of speaker. In other cases, the beginning of a speech is clearly signalled by a couplet, as in lines 165–166 above. The match-maker uses a request for seed-corn as a way of hinting that she is seeking a marriage partner for somebody. The Zhuang often employ forms of expression drawn from agriculture and cultivation to refer to sex and marriage. 170 The fourth and fifth characters in this line are 分 MSC fēn ‘part’ and 加 MSC jiā ‘to add’, which are read as faen ‘seed grain’ and gyaj ‘rice seedlings, rice sprouts’. Note that the phonology of 加, EMC kaɨ/kɛː, LMC

kjaː, and EM kja (Pb 143), is such as to permit either the local dialect pronunciation tɕaː1 or the Standard Zhuang pronunciation kjaː1, based on LMC or SWM. The compound faengyaj means ‘seed rice’, i.e. grains of rice that are kept aside as seed for the planting of next year’s crop. Since the seeds when they germinate produce rice sprouts (gyaj), faengyaj naturally comes to refer to ‘seed rice’. The word haeuxfaen in the previous line also refers to seed rice, being composed of haeux ‘rice; cooked rice’ and faen ‘seed grain’. The terms are in parallel collocation. The B edition translates this line (B620:2) as “我來找秧苗”, “I come to look for seedlings”, thus translating faengyaj as 秧苗 ‘seedlings’, but this is incorrect. In everyday usage the term faengyaj refers to ‘seed rice’, as in: Gou dan rauq naz ndwi, caengz ndaej doek faengyaj. (“I’m only harrowing the wetfield and that’s

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all, I haven’t yet sown the seed rice.”), where doek is a verb that means ‘to let drop, let fall’, and hence ‘to plant (by broadcast methods)’. 173 The second character in this line is 斈, a vernacular variant of 學 MSC

xué ‘to study, imitate’, which B (620:5) transcribes as coh and glosses as ‘towards’. This reading is phonetically apt. 學 is EMC ɣaɨwk/ɣœ:wk, LMC xɦjaːwk, EM xjaw´; xɥɛ´ (Pb 351); PH readings include hak22 in Tiandong and Nanning (Li 315); but SWM readings include ɕio21 in Guilin and xio21 in Liuzhou (Guangxi tongzhi: Hanyu fangyan zhi 790). The reading here is derived from SWM. The form of expression here can be seen as entailing an unexpressed pronoun object mwngz ‘you’ after this preposition. In Zhuang, prepositions indicating the direction of the action are frequently used adverbially, but without a following object if this can be understood from context. For instance: Duz lwg neix raen boh liux couh buet bae coh, “This child when he sees his father runs towards [him].” And: De raen gou ok dou liux de hih laeh daeuj cimh, “When he saw that I had gone out the door he also chased after [me] in order to come along with [me].” This is a special feature of the grammar of Zhuang, one which shows that prepositions are in the process of grammaticalisation. 174 This line (B621:1) represents the woman’s response to the match-maker: a

refusal to talk about anything to do with marriage. By saying that areas where the sowing of seed does not reach should be left as fields, her meaning is that if the seed rice is insufficient then the fields should be left to lie fallow. The implication is, “If the king does not have a spouse then let him be a widower.” 177 The last character in this line is 旦, MSC dàn, which B621:4 transcribes as dan and glosses as 收 ‘harvest’. Dan ‘scissors’ is also used as a verb ‘to

cut with scissors’. The reference is to harvesting grain by cutting off the panicles with scissors, an old Tai custom. See Snd 109, which attests to the verbal use of this word. 178 Huang Ziyi recited the second syllable in this line as ɬaːnA (san). This is

somewhat different from the B edition, which transliterates this word as sam and glosses haeuxsam as 粳 ‘japonica rice’ (B621:5). Haeuxsam is elsewhere unattested. Haeuxsan is probably a local pronunciation of haeuxsuen, since the [-uen] rhyme in Standard Zhuang corresponds to [-an] in Tianyang. Thus also St.Zh. suenq ‘to calculate, plan’ is pronounced as sanq

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(ɬaːn5) in Tianyang. There is also a word haeuxsan, meaning 白米 ‘white rice’, i.e. rice that has been de-husked (ZHCH 413); see also Li Fang Kuei’s The Tai Dialect of Wu-ming (pp. 20–24), which lists a morpheme san (θan1) glossed as ‘white rice (already pounded)’. This is not the meaning here. This word has been translated as 粳谷 i.e. ‘unhusked japonica’ because the Zhuang are accustomed to sun-drying rice unhusked, and do not sundry white rice. The traditional view is that if you sun-dry white rice and then boil it to eat, children will get infantile malnutrition (gānjī 疳積), and their faces will be sallow and thin. Note that reciting 三 sān ‘three’ as san is a SWM reading, since MC and PH both have final -m. 179 The B edition transcribes the second and third characters in this line, 4雜, as robcab, and glosses them as 小雜 ‘small miscellaneous’ (B622:1).

Huang Ziyi in his recitation pronounces them as lɐpe ɕaːpe. This word is probably St. Zh. labcab, meaning ‘all jumbled up, mixed and disorderly’. The syllable lab is frequently shortened in connected speech. Haeux labcab is ‘miscellaneous grains’, i.e. grains other than rice. 181 The second character in this line is 麻 má ‘hemp’, which the B edition reads as maz (B622:3). The gloss 捉 ‘seize on’ evidently belongs to the next

word, and has been misplaced. The morpheme in question is maz ‘what? whatever’. 183 The third character in this line is Ž, which the B edition reads as byouq

‘empty-handed’. Huang Ziyi’s pronunciation, in the local dialect, is tɕuːE. This simple graph resembles 冂 jiōng ‘enclosure’, but is much better explained as 周 MSC zhōu, with the middle components removed to indicate the concept of ‘absence’. As such, this character is comparable with 冇, Cantonese mou3 ‘not have’, and the Zhuang graph g ndwi ‘to be empty’, which are subtractive graphs based on 有 yǒu ‘there is, there are’ and 眉 miz ‘there is, there are’ respectively. 185–186 (B623:2–3) These two lines are in parallel formation: If you only go

one time how will you get the pig’s head; if you only set out on your mission once how will you get the daughter of another household. According to Zhuang custom, in order for a match to be successfully arranged, there must be the gift of a pig’s head to the match-maker. It is for this reason that a match-maker is called gwed gyaeuj mou ‘(she who) carries the pig’s head’.

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185 The second character in this line is 觧, a vernacular character equivalent to 解, MSC jiě ‘to untie, release’. The B edition transcribes it as byaij and glosses it as ‘walk’ (B623:2). 解 is EMC kaɨj’/kɛːj’, LMC kjaːj´, EM kjajˇ

(Pb 155), while PH readings include kai33 in Tiandong and Nanning, and tsai33 in Binyang (Li 67); SWM readings are kæ54 in Guilin and Liuzhou (Hanyu fangyan zhi 653). St.Zh. byaij corresponds to tɕaːie in the Youjiang lect, and 解 is a close phonetic match in its Binyang PH pronunciation. The third character, 途, MSC tú ‘path, roadway’, is pronounced as doh by Huang Ziyi, a word which means ‘occasion, time’. Doh lawz means ‘which time’, but also by extension ‘how on earth?’, expressing negation in rhetorical questions. This is different from the B edition, which reads the character 途 as dog, meaning ‘alone, single, one’. Reading dog, one could parse baez byaij dog as ‘only going once’. In any case baez can mean not just ‘time, occasion’ but also ‘once’, and lawz on its own can mean the same thing as doh lawz, i.e. ‘how?’ On the other hand, 途 is not a word that has had a final -k, being EMC dɔ, LMC tɦuǝ̆, EM tʰu´ (Pb 312); PH readings include tɔ41 in Tiandong and tu21 in Nanning (Li 28). This may explain why Huang Ziyi recited it as an open syllable (Huang Ziyi was not entirely familiar with the published version of the text and certainly did not consult the B edition’s Zhuangwen). If one compares this line with line 186, with which it is clearly parallel, one finds that the next line has ndeu ‘one’ in third place. It is clear that reading dog ‘alone’ makes for neater parallelism. In Bouyei, moreover, the final -k is elided: thus doh ‘alone’. See the note to line 928 below, where 途 tú is also read as dog ‘alone’. 188 The third character in this line (B623:5) is 度, MSC dù ‘degree’, which

Huang Ziyi recited as baez. This must be a slip of the tongue, because the reading does not match the character, and does not provide a rhyme with moq at the end of the previous line. These two conditions are only met by reading the character as doh ‘time, occasion’. Huang’s reading is a case of synonym substitution, since baez also means ‘time, occasion’ and is more common than doh. 189 The second character in this line is read semantically as swix ‘left’. There

is no cultural significance to having the hair bunched on the left side of the head. Swix forms a rhyme with ngeih ‘two’ at the end of the previous line.

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190 The second character in this line is 吞 tūn ‘swallow’, which the B edition reads as din and glosses as 腳 ‘foot’ (B624:2). The reading is not in doubt, but needs to be explained. 吞 tūn seems less than ideal as a representa-

tion of din, and elsewhere is used to represent aen (ndaen) ‘clf,’ and other words with a short simplex /ɐ/ vowel (e.g. daenh, daenj, and daenz, see Snd 100–101). In a number of localities, however, din ‘foot’ has the pronunciation tǝn1, with a short centralised vowel (e.g. Qiubei, Yongning South and Jingxi: see ZhYFYYJ 645 item 343; cf. HCT 101 for CT dialects). Li Fang Kuei reconstructs PT *tiǝn A1 (HCT 263); Liang Min and Zhang Junru likewise reconstruct PKT *tiǝn (Gailun 726). Either this particular usage has been borrowed from an area in which the pronunciation tǝn1 is current, or else it bears the trace of historic sound change, since all documented NT locations except Qiubei and west-central Guizhou Bouyei now have the pronunciation tin1. In the counties to the south, where CT dialects are spoken, ten1 is found in Shangsi and tǝn1 in Jingxi. In west-central Guizhou the reading tǝn1 is characteristic of the entire 3rd dialect area as far east as Ziyun county (Buyiyu diaocha baogao p. 254 item 455), including the Beipanjiang 北盤江 river area upstream of the Hongshuijiang 紅水江 in Guangxi. Either this is a usage with southern connections, or it has come from Guizhou Bouyei. The third character in this line is 戌 xū ‘(10th in series of 12 Earthly Branches)’, which the B edition reads as swt and glosses as 穿 ‘to put on; wear’. This morpheme is otherwise unattested (ZHCH 703), but can be confirmed. The usual word for ‘to put on; wear’ in the Northern dialects is daenj. Swt implies that there were no heels to the shoes, i.e. slippers are being worn. Swt is used for wearing slippers, and implies casualness, while daenj is used for wearing regular shoes. Other words used for putting on slippers are ded and sep. The basic meaning of swt is probably connected with Chinese 趿 MSC sà ‘to advance the foot’. 193 The fifth character in this line (B624:5) is 却 MSC què ‘step back; reject, refuse’, which the B edition reads as cok and glosses as 巷 ‘laneway’. This

would be gyok in Standard Zhuangwen, meaning ‘laneway’ or ‘cluster of houses’, a word pronounced as tɕoːk7 in the Bama-Tianyang lect. The phrase din gyok, lit. ‘foot of the gyok’, refers either to a laneway or to the foot of the perimeter wall or palisade around a cluster of houses. 卻 (却) què has pre-modern readings EMC kʰɨak and LMC kʰiak (Pb 263), while PH readings include k‘ᴇk33 in Tiandong and Nanning. PH in almost all locations has -ᴇ-, except for kʻyɔ31 in Lingui Liangjiang; HV however has khɤk35 (Li 302). SWM readings are tɕʻio21 in Guilin and kʻio21 in Liuzhou

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(HYFYZh 782). This reading comes from some older stratum of PH, rather than any modern reading from central Guangxi. MC mid or back vowels are preserved best in Lingui 臨桂 PH, HV, and in SWM. Cf. lines 135–134 above, where gyok is written as 脚 jiǎo. Zhuang villages until fairly recently used to have perimeter walls or palisade defenses, and they did let the gate down at night. In areas with lots of stones, the village walls would be real walls, as much as 8–9 feet high. Even small hamlets of 6–7 families had such perimeter walls. The phrase din gyok refers to an area at the foot of the palisade or village wall, i.e. immediately outside the village. See also the note on line 164 above. 199 The third character in this line (B626:1) is 急 MSC jí ‘urgent’, which

the B edition reads as gyaep, a word meaning ‘drive out, pursue, drive along, drive away’ (ZHCH 387). This is an oblique form of expression. If a dog barks at its own people, then one should drive it back. Pre-modern readings of 急 jí include EMC and LMC kip, while PH readings include kɐp33 (Tiandong and Nanning) and tsǝp55 (Binyang). Note here the local pronunciation tɕɐpG. 201 The fourth character in this line (B626:3) is 廖 MSC liào ‘(a surname)’, read

as liuh ‘to roam; visit (relatives or friends); to pay a visit to (a superior)’. The B edition gives the gloss 串 ‘to go through (one after another)’, used of going from door to door visiting. This is a context-dependent gloss. 203 The first character in this line (B626:5), Ù zhào is read as ciuq, which the B edition glosses as 特 ‘specially’ and translates as 特意 ‘intentionally’. Ciuq is a Han loan from 照 MSC zhào ‘to shine; reflect; be in accordance

with’, and in Zhuang it tends to have the meaning ‘in accordance with’ (ZHCH 137). Here it has the same meaning as ciuqgaeuq ‘as of old’ or ciuqyiengh ‘as according to the pattern’. 205 The fourth character in this line is 斈, a vernacular variant for 學 xue ‘study’, which the B edition reads as coh and glosses as 才 ‘only then’

(B627:2). This gloss is mistaken, or rather, is a context-dependent gloss. There are three possible readings: one as coh, meaning ‘towards’, the second is soh ‘directly’. The third is coh 可憐; 憐愛 ‘pitiable; to pity, look after’. The last would be particularly appropriate when, as here, one was not acting for oneself, but making a journey or undertaking some hardship on behalf of someone else.

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206 The fourth and fifth characters in this line (B627:3) are 娋 MSC shào and 唎 lí, which are read as saundei. The usual meaning of this compound is

‘pretty, glossy, sleek, good-looking’. However, in the everyday language of the Youjiang area, in fact most of Western Guangxi, saundei just means ‘good’ and can be used to describe anything. Thus Miz coenz saundei means “There’s some good news.” 207 The meaning of this line (B627:4) is the same as that of line 213 (B628:5), but the recited pronunciation of the third character 能 MSC néng ‘able’ and the fifth character 貧 MSC pín ‘poor’ is different. This is confusing.

In the B edition this sentence is read as “Guh raemx ndaengq mbouj baenz,” with 能 read as ndaengq ‘indigo’ and 貧 read as baenz ‘to become; succeed’. In this line Huang Ziyi has mispronounced ndaengq ‘lye-(water)’ as caengq for no apparent reason, and substituted miz ‘to have, exist’ for baenz ‘to succeed’. Ndaengq is the term given to indigo after it has been through its initial soaking in lye-water in the dye-pots. 208 The third character in this line is 吞 MSC tūn ‘to swallow’, which the B edition reads as ndaen and glosses as 藍靛 ‘indigo’ (B627:5). Ndaen forms

a rhyme with baenz at the end of the previous line, so at least the rime is right. In line 214 the same character appears, read in the same way, but Huang Ziyi give two different pronunciations, ndaen here and aen in line 214. The latter is a misreading, resulting from the fact that Huang Ziyi was reading at this point from the standardised script in the first line of the B edition, rather than from the manuscript. This edition uses a character for ndaen ‘indigo’ which is the same as the character for aen ‘clf. for inanimate objects’ (a compound character formed from 个 and 恩), hence the confusion. There are no grounds for thinking that aen is an alternative pronunciation of ndaen ‘indigo’. This word for ‘indigo’ is otherwise unattested (ZHCH 565, Snd 350– 351), but ZHCH does list a compound ndaenndoiq 罎罎罐罐 ‘household utensils’. This raises the possibility that ndaen here is actually a word for the dye-pot in which the indigo solution was prepared (罎 tán ‘crock, jar’), used metonymically for ‘indigo’, but ndaen in this compound is more likely to be an allomorph of the classifier aen. Other words for ‘indigo’ in Zhuang include romh, camz, gyaed, ndaeng, among others (see the discussion in Holm, Killing a Buffalo, 90–93). Bouyei words include bigt (pik35), golroomc (ko24 zoːm53), jamx (tɕam31), lanf (laːn31), and rruamc (ðuam3) (BYHCD 45, 191, 263, 306; Somsonge Bouyei 610). Possibly this is a word referring to the black kind of indigo, i.e. the variety that produces a black

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rather than a dark blue colour. The word here has to be different from ndaengq in the previous line, but referring also to the same kind of thing. In Mashan there are two sorts of indigo, one called ndaengq which turns green, and one called daenh which turns black. This latter word is likely to be related to Ch. 靛 diàn ‘indigo dye’, which has pre-modern readings EMC dɛnʰ and LMC tɦian`. The character 纷 MSC fēn is recited by Huang Ziyi as fuːǝte, which is again different from the B edition, which gives fuenx ‘black’. Fuenx is not directly attested, but ZHCH 285 lists fonx ‘black’, which is not very different. The two spellings probably reflect variations in pronunciation or dialect variation of the same morpheme. Huang Ziyi’s pronunciation is probably a pronunciation of this word with a glottalised tone, hence the perception of a dead syllable ending in [-t] rather than a live syllable ending in [-n]. On Zhuang colour terms, see Lan Qingyuan, ‘Zhuangyu fangyan yanse ci kaoyuan’, pp. 63–78 in Li Jinfang and Wei Jingyun, Zhuang yuyan wenxue tansuo (2009). 209 The second character in this line is 廉 lián ‘incorruptible, honest’, which the B edition reads as riep and glosses as 蚊帳 ‘mosquito net’ (B628:1).

Since the context is dyeing cloth, the gloss is inappropriate. The reference is likely to be to gauze or some kind of open-weave cloth, used as a filter. Pre-modern readings of this character include EMC and LMC liam; here, apparently, the homorganic stop -p has replaced the bilabial nasal -m. This character may be a borrowing for 簾 lián ‘bamboo curtain, screen’, which is entirely homophonous with 廉 lián. As a Han borrowing, this would also give us an appropriate gloss, ‘bamboo screen’. A word liemz ‘curtain’ is listed in ZHCH (467). In the M edition (M7:2424), the gloss is still 蚊帳 ‘mosquito net’. Pending investigation, I retain the B reading. The fourth character is a variant graphic form of 奇 MSC qí ‘strange’. The B edition gives the pronunciation gih for this character and glosses it as 拉 ‘pull, draw’. Huang Ziyi pronounces this syllable as nengj, for no apparent reason. Both the pronunciation and meaning of each of these readings can be challenged. Gih meaning ‘pull, draw’ is otherwise unattested (ZHCH 328, Snd 192), and it is likely that this is a context-dependent gloss. There are various possibilities for the identification of gih: one is that gih is a verbal prefix, with the following verb gang ‘stretch taut’; another is that gih is read in place of giz ‘place’ (cf. M 7:2424). The syllable nengj is not listed in ZHCH. M7:2402 glosses giz as 張 zhāng (‘flat object; clf.; extend horizontally, stretch out’) and gang as 挂 guà (‘to hang’). This

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does not help much either, since the glosses are not meant to be taken separately: 張挂 zhāngguà is a compound in Chinese meaning ‘to stretch out, hang up’ (as with paintings and mosquito nets). Finally, gihgang may be a disyllabic mimetic adjective of the kind so commonly encountered in this text, meaning ‘tight as a drum’ or something like that. This question must be left unresolved for the moment. 210 In this line the match-maker asks to come over to the widow’s house

to complete her dyeing job there. Cam ‘to ask’ has here the meaning ‘to request, ask permission’. 213 The third character in this line is 卦 guà ‘trigram, prognostication’, which the B edition reads as gvaq and glosses as 過 ‘pass by’ (B628:5). The translation uses a phrase 過茬 guò chá, lit. ‘pass by + harvest’, which means

to let pass the appropriate season for doing something. The meaning here is that the dye solution is too old, and will not work properly. 215 The fifth character in this line (B629:2) is 伏 MSC fú ‘to lie low’ or fù ‘to

hatch’. The word for ‘woven partition’ ought to be read as faːke (8th tone) or as fab (2nd tone), but here it is read with the first tone. This is a common pronunciation for this morpheme in the Bama-Tianyang area. On this point, see Killing a Buffalo pp. 70–71. 伏 has pre-modern pronunciations EMC buwk and LMC fɦjywk/fɦuwk for fú, and EMC buwʰ and LMC fɦjyw`/fɦuw` for fù. PH readings include fɔk22 (Mashan and Tiandong) and føk22 (Nanning). This reading comes from PH, representing faːke, and borrowed for the allophone faːA. 216 The fifth character in this line (B629:3) is 翁 MSC wēng ‘old man’, which the B edition transcribes as oengq and glosses as 亮 ‘bright, shining’.

Huang Ziyi however reads this character as hoengz; if we follow this pronunciation, then the gloss should be ‘red’. The word oengq is only attested in the ZHCH with the meaning 小油鹽罐 ‘little jar for oil or salt’. However, if we start from the semantic field ‘bright red, shining’, then there is a word in Mashan Zhuang pronounced ongq. Thus the phrase feiz ongq means a blazing fire, burning brightly and shedding a red light. The sentence Gij baengz neix ndaem dwk ongq bae means “These pieces of cloth are so black that they shine”, said of fine homespun cloth that been dyed black to the point where it reflects red lights. This is certainly the right morpheme here. When indigo dye solution has been cooked to the right degree, dye-makers can tell that it is ready because a shiny film forms

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on the surface, giving off a red light. On this point, see Marjo Moeyes, Dye-making in Thailand, p. 39. 217 Camz ‘indigo’ at the end of this line and gyaed ‘small-leafed indigo’ refer

to different plant species used for the preparation of indigo dyes. Gyaed, also called caed (hence Huang Ziyi’s pronunciation) is almost certainly to be identified as Indigophora tinctoria, a plant with pinnate leaves (hence the designation ‘small-leafed’). One of the English common names for this plant is True Indigo. The same species is known as kʰjaːm2 in the Southern Zhuang dialects (e.g. Longzhou). Other indigo dye plants used in the Zhuang areas include Strobilanthes cusia (goromj) and Polygonum tinctorium. For further discussion and line drawings of these three species, see Killing a Buffalo, pp. 90–93. The identification of camz, mentioned in this line, has yet to be ascertained, but the name would seem to be cognate with CT kʰjaːm2. So there is at least a possibility that this may be another name for the same species. On the other hand, the same plant name may refer to different plants in different localities. 221 The word lengz in this line and the next, found in the phrases lengz

ndang and lengz hwet, does not mean ‘to arrive’, as glossed in the B edition (B630:4–5). Rather, it is a noun designating location. For example, Fag yaekseiz gou doek youq lengz neix means “I dropped my keys somewhere around here”, where lengz neix means ‘somewhere around here’. The phrase lengz ndang refers to a location the same height as a person’s body, while lengz hwet means a location the same height as a person’s waist. The ordinary way of expressing the idea conveyed here would be Caed fwx hwnj daengz lengz ndang, Camz fwx sang daengz lengz hwet, adding the word daengz ‘arrive’ in front of lengz ndang and lengz hwet. The Hanvueng scripture is poetic in form and style, and exhibits some set turns of phrase and abbreviated forms of expression. 224 The word longh in this line (B631:1) means ‘plough-ridge’, i.e. the ridge

of dirt or mud turned over when ploughing a furrow. Thus Ngamq cae ndaej song longh naz couh miz vunz daeuj heuh de bae banh saeh, means “He had just ploughed two furrows when someone came and asked him to go and do something.” A derived metaphorical meaning of longh is ‘straight-ahead, in a forward direction’, as opposed to crosswise, since in ploughing a field one needs to proceed in a straight-forward direction. Thus Gangj vang mbouj baenz longh, that is “Speaking crosswise doesn’t become straight-forward”, is a metaphorical way of saying that people are

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speaking at cross-purposes, and cannot agree on anything. The gloss for this word in the B edition 理 ‘principle; sense’ in the phrase 不成理 ‘not make sense’ is context-dependent at best. 229 The second character in this line (B632:1) is 勿 MSC wù ‘do not’, which the B edition reads as fwet and glosses as 修 ‘build, repair’. This is a context-

dependent gloss. In fact fwet means to slash in a crosswise motion with a machete. The phrase fwet roen refers to the action of chopping down the shrubbery and weeds with a machete to make a path. The phrase fwet roen mbouj gvangq “slashing a path not wide” implies ce roen hwnj nya “leaving the path overgrown with weeds”. In Zhuang, a path overgrown with weeds implies that the two families do not visit each other regularly, and that a marriage will under these circumstances be unlikely to be agreed upon. 230 The third character in this line is 路 lù ‘road’, which the B edition reads as roen and glosses as 路 ‘road’ (B632:2). While it would be possible to explain

this reading as a semantic reading, the Chinese loan-word loh ‘road’ would also make an elegant reading here. The corresponding character in the line above is a vernacular character read as roen, and a synonym here would be more apt than simple repetition. 232 The fifth character in this line is 鬧 MSC nào ‘noise, uproar’, which the B

edition (B632:4) reads as nauq and glosses as ‘entirely’. In fact nauq is a clause-final negative, meaning ‘not at all’, signifying categorical or complete negation. It is usually used with sentences which are negative in form, i.e. contain a negative in front of the verb. Here it is used with a positive sentence, though one with negative implications. The phrase lumz liux nauq ‘forget completely not-at-all’ can be considered equivalent in meaning to lumz liux geiq nauq, ‘forget completely remember not-at-all’. 235 This sentence contains a two-syllable verb, reduplicated in an ABAB

pattern. The meaning of this kind of reduplication is to do things over and over again. Here this refers to rumours flying all over the place, with one person telling another telling another. The manuscript has 尞 MSC liáo and 羅 MSC luó, which the B edition (B633:2) reads as riuzlaz and glosses as 流傳 ‘circulate (a rumour), pass on’. This usage is attested in Snd 424–425. The meaning given in the ZHCH 446 is 蔓延, 伸延[指藤類] ‘to extend tendrils, spread all over (of vines and creepers)’. This is the original meaning, and ‘to spread (a rumour)’ is the extended meaning.

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236 The third character in this line (B633:3) is 工 MSC gōng ‘work’, which the B edition glosses as 大 ‘big’. This is a context-dependent gloss. In fact gong

is a classifier or head for mountains. It is attested in ZHCH (435) and in Snd (202) as a classifier for clouds. It is used here metaphorically. The point of this line is that talk has gone round everywhere, and has been magnified out of proportion. 240 The third character in this line is Ž, which the B edition reads as byouq

‘empty-handed’. See the note to line 183 above. 242 The fifth character in this line (B634:4) is 却 MSC què, which the B edition

transcribes as cok, as with line 193 above. The Standard Zhuang spelling is gyok. In any case the pronunciation of this word in the Bama-Tianyang dialect, and in the Youjiang area, is tɕoːk7. Bakgyok, lit. ‘mouth + palisade’, refers to the entrance to the laneway or the entrance to the palisade. 244 The fifth character in this line (B635:1) is again 却 MSC què, which the

B edition transcribes as cok, and glosses as ‘wickerwork gate’. This is a context-dependent gloss. The word cok (gyok) has the same meaning as in lines 193 and 242 above. The phrase haep gyok, lit. ‘closing the laneway’, means closing the gate at the entrance to the laneway. 250 In the B edition (B636:2) the third character, 隆, MSC lóng ‘flourishing’, is

transcribed as roengz and glossed as ‘mistake; make a mistake’. The gloss is right but the transcription is wrong. ‘Mistake’ is loeng, for which see Snd 292 and ZHCH 476. 253 The third character in this line (B636:5) is 表 MSC biǎo, which the B edition reads as beu and glosses as 罪 ‘crime’. This morpheme is attested in Snd (21). Meng Yuanyao confirms the meaning as 冒犯; 得罪 ‘to transgress;

offend’. 254 The first two characters in this line (B637:1) are 或 MSC huò ‘either; or’ and 時 MSC shí ‘time’, which the B edition reads as ngvaekcawz and glosses as 刹時 ‘all of a sudden’. This is basically correct. In Mashan the same phrase

is pronounced vaegcwz or vaegseiz, where cwz and seiz are alternate pronunciations of the Han loan 時 shí ‘time’ and vaeg has the meaning ‘suddenly’ or ‘within a very short space of time’. However, it is worth noting that 或時 is also found as a phrase in classical Chinese, meaning

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‘sometimes’ (for an example see Lingnan zhiguai 嶺南摭怪 p. 9). It is also possible, therefore, to consider the entire phrase as a Han borrowing. The phonology of 或 MSC huò is also worth comment. Pre-modern readings include EMC ɣwǝk and LMC xɦuǝ̆ k. The -w- medial in EMC becomes a dentilabial approximant or fricative (-ʋ- or -v-) in Zhuang. In Zhuang there is also a reading faeg ‘to incubate (eggs)’, attested in Snd 150. 255 The last character in this line is 7, a Zhuang character with the foot radical (足) on the left-hand side and 昏 MSC hūn on the right. The B

edition (B637:2) reads this as coenz ‘phrase, sentence; clf. for phrases’. Elsewhere in this manuscript this character is used consistently for roen ‘road, path’ (attested also in Snd 426). The coenz reading is so obviously wrong that it is likely to be an instance of synonym substitution, since either roen or coenz would fit the context. The third character in the line, 耗 MSC hào ‘to waste’, is interpreted in the B edition as a verb of saying, hauq ‘to speak’. This interpretation follows from reading coenz instead of roen at the end of the line. According to Meng Yuanyao, this character has to be read here as hauq ‘to waste’ and by extension, ‘to do something in vain’ (cf. ZHCH 102). The line then means, “In this short space of time I have wasted three journeys.” Interpreted in this way, hauq sam roen is fully parallel with the phrase ma sam dauq in the previous line. 256 The first character in this line (B637:3) is 面 MSC miàn ‘face’, which the B edition reads as mienh and glosses as 定 ‘to set in place; definite’. No

such morpheme is attested (see ZHCH 532). The reading is right, but the gloss should be ‘face’. The phrase mienh roengz, like the similar phrase naj roengz (both lit. meaning ‘face descend’) means to relax the facial muscles that have become tense, so that the face can assume a smiling and pleasant appearance. The match-maker met with refusal the first two times she went, and naturally her face tensed up when she became anxious. This time, however, she is not being met with refusal, hence “Smiling and relaxed she says that she is coming visiting.” The last character in this line is 劳 MSC láo ‘to work hard, go to trouble’, which the B edition reads as liuh and glosses as 玩 ‘to enjoy oneself’. 勞 láo ‘toil’ has pre-modern readings EMC and LMC law, and PH readings such as lau41 in Tiandong and lau21 in Nanning (Li p. 126). The question here is whether or not 劳 represents a local pronunciation something like lauh. Such a pronunciation is attested in the ZHCH, along with lah

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(461); the problem is that ZHCH does not indicate where these dialect pronunciations come from. The character 劳 and others with the same phonophore, e.g. 撈, are typically read as lau (with long aː) in some tone in Zhuang (see Snd for examples). Here, the rhyme is with the same word repeated in the middle of the following line, so either liuh or lauh would fit. Elsewhere, however, rhyming patterns more clearly indicate lauh in cases where this morpheme is written with 劳: at line 498, this word rhymes with cauh ‘to row’ at the end of line 497; at line 655, there is a possible rhyme with hauq ‘to speak’ in the middle of line 654; and at line 1019, this word rhymes with dauq ‘return’ at the end of line 1018. None of these morphemes varies between -iuB and -aːuB rimes, at least as far as has been attested. In all these cases, the B edition standardises to liuh. Liuh is written with other characters in other locations: at lines 201 and 202 it is written with 廖 liào, but in neither case is it found in a rhyming position; it is written with 流 MSC liú ‘to flow’ at the end of line 653, where it may or may not form a rhyme with hauq in line 654. Meng Yuanyao reports that there is no such pronunciation as lauh for this morpheme in this area. If the morpheme liuh does not have a variant pronunciation lauh in the Bama-Tianyang area, there remains the possibility that it, and at least portions of the manuscript, may have been imported from another locality which does have lauh. For a well-established case of this kind of migration, see Holm, Killing a Buffalo, 79–80. ZhYFYYJ includes an item 玩耍 ‘to have fun’ (p. 725 item 888), for which pronunciations of liuh are listed for a few localities (Fusui, Ningming, Chongzuo and Longzhou, all of which have liːu6); at least these southern localities can be ruled out as a source of lauh. Towards the north, however, a reading equivalent to lauh is found in Guizhou Bouyei, transcribed as laauh (laːu6) and found in Niuchang in Zhenfeng (BCETD pp. 366–367) and in Wangmo (BHCD p. 297). This item is not included in the Bouyei survey, so its wider distribution in Guizhou and northern Guangxi has yet to be investigated, but at least one can say that the lauh reading is likely to have northern connections. 257 Huang Ziyi mispronounces the first character in this line (B637:4) as liuh,

influenced no doubt by the previous line. There is no doubt that the correct reading for 魯 MSC lǔ is rox ‘to know’. 259 The fourth and fifth characters in this line are 知 zhī ‘know’ and 教 jiào ‘teaching’, which the B edition reads as gih and gyauq, glosses as 詭計 ‘crafty’, and translates as 詭計多 ‘with lots of tricks’ (B638:1). The gloss can

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be confirmed, but no compound gihgyauq is listed in ZHCH (328). It is possible that this is a Han loan for jìjiǎo 計較 ‘calculating’, which would be pronounced in St.Zh. as geiqgyauq (ZHCH 322, 795), but the meaning of the Zhuang word is not quite the same as in Chinese. 260 The third character in this line is 隂 MSC yīn, which the B edition (B638:2) reads as yaem and glosses as 瞞 ‘to deceive’. The meaning of this word in

Zhuang is ‘to appropriate for one’s own use, sequester, hide away (secretly take things belonging to someone else and requisition them for one’s own use)’. For example, Hawj de bae bang vunzlai cawx doxgaiq, de cix yaem mbangj dawz bae ranz, “You got him to help everybody buy things, but he hid some of them and took them back home.” 262 Huang Ziyi pronounced the final two characters in this line as gaxyuh, a

mimetic descriptor. The word exists, but this is a mistake. The B edition (B638:4) gives gaxgoek, which is the right reading and also provides a rhyme with loek in the next line. Cf. line 100. The character 谷 gǔ ‘valley’ has pre-modern readings EMC and LMC kǝwk (Pb 111), and PH readings include kɔk33 in Tiandong and køk33 in Nanning (Li 363). 264 The first character in this line, 零 líng ‘zero, naught’, is read as lengq and

glossed as ‘worn-out’ (B639:1). Lengq is used especially to refer to clothing or woven articles which have worn out. See also line 102 above. From the syntactic point of view, this word is being used metonymically for clothing that is worn out. Either that, or lengq is posed as a topic, with zero subject and ‘if’ or ‘when’ understood. 265 The first character in this line is 亡 MSC wáng ‘to lose’, which the B edition reads here as moeg and glosses as 臓 ‘filthy’ (B639:2). This reading is

different from line 103, where the reading is given as mong (B606:5), a word which means ‘grey’ and is well-attested (ZHCH 539; see also Snd 331). It seems that mong is the word that the editors had in mind since they provided the standardised Zhuang character (“色蒙”) for mong. Also, moeg does not rhyme with fong at the end of the previous line, while mong does. ‘Filthy’ is simply an extended meaning of this morpheme, referring to clothes that have become grey with dirt. However, it may be that moeg is how the priests recited the text, glottalising the end of the syllable under the influence of the pre-glottalised initial [mb-] of the word mbouj that follows. Final -ng and -k (-g) are homorganic, so glottalised -ng could well be heard as -k. This context-dependent pronunciation could

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then have been incorporated into the way in which the priests instructed their disciples to recite the text. 266 The first character in this line is read as ndaek and glossed as ‘damp’ in

the B edition (B639:3). Huang Ziyi pronounces this character as dumz, a word which also means ‘damp’. This can be considered an instance of synonym substitution, but it is likely to be casual. Ndaek rhymes with saeg at the end of the previous line, while dumz does not, so ndaek is clearly the preferred reading. Cf. line 104 above. Note missing line at the end of this passage (after line 266), corresponding to line 105 above. 270 The phrase bouxbiengz in this line (B640:2) is glossed as 百姓 ‘common

people’ in the B edition. The phrase means the same as vunzbiengz, ‘people of the domain’. The word biengz means ‘domain, realm’ but also is used generically as referring to a particular locale. In Zhuang bouxbiengz or vunzbienz are often used to refer to people who have no dealings with each other. In the past, the matrimonial affairs of the native chieftains were handled in a very particular manner, and care was taken to ensure that wives were taken from families of an appropriately high rank. If the families were not of matching rank, it was ordinarily very difficult to effect a marriage. So what is being said here is: a king’s wife is a king’s wife, and needs to have a certain kind of ‘blessing’ (inherited property and rank). For people who have no dealings with the chiefly family to occupy this position is unacceptable. The vast majority of people in the domain are commoners, hence the B edition translates bouxbiengz as ‘common people’. The last character in this line is 占 MSC zhàn ‘to occupy’. The B edition reads this as ciemq and glosses it as ‘to occupy’. In Zhuang this Han borrowing means ‘occupy unrightfully, occupy by force, seize, take over; usurp’ (ZHCH 123). Cf. line 289 below. On status endogamy among Zhuang chiefly families, see especially James Wilkerson, ‘The Wancheng Native Officialdom: Social Production and Social Reproduction’, in Faure and Ho, Chieftains into Ancestors (2013), pp. 195–202. The Wancheng 萬承 chieftaincy was located in present-day Tiandeng 天等 county. Wilkerson reports that as a rule, males from chiefly families married women from the chiefly families of other chieftaincies (p. 196); in other words, they married horizontally. The twin requirements of status endogamy and surname exogamy meant that the women had to come from the families of other chieftaincies. It was possible for males from a chiefly family to marry a commoner (usually because of poverty,

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or residence in an outlying district), but at least in Wancheng the children of such marriages were commoners, and had no claim to chiefly status. 271 The second character in this line is 朴 MSC pǔ ‘uncarved block’, which

the B edition (B640:3) reads as coeg. The name of this fish in Standard Zhuang is byabyoeg, and the common name in Chinese is 青竹鯉 ‘green bamboo carp’. 朴 pǔ has pre-modern readings EMC pʰaɨwk/pʰœːwk and LMC pʰaːwk. It is interesting to note that 朴 pǔ does not represent the local pronunciation, which is tɕok8. The ‘green bamboo carp’ is much appreciated as a fine eating fish, and grows to a length of 22 cms and a weight of 10 kilograms. See Holm, Recalling Lost Souls, p. 119 for further information, and p. 237 for an illustration. 272 The second character in this line (B640:4) is 陸 MSC lù ‘dry land’, which the B edition reads as ndoek and glosses as 塘角魚, lit. ‘pond corner fish’.

This is the Chinese vernacular name of a freshwater fish in Guangxi; the proper Chinese name of which is 胡鮎 húnián; its scientific name is Clarias batrachus or Clarias fiscus (Lacépêde). This and the byabyoeg mentioned in the previous line are common fish species in the western part of Guangxi in the Youjiang River system. See Guangxi danshui yulei zhi p. 176. 274 The third character in this line (B641:1) is 列 MSC liè ‘to arrange in series’. The B edition reads this as lwt, glosses it as 卷紗筒 ‘bobbin’, and translates as 小竹筒 ‘small bamboo tube’. This morpheme is listed in HCT 8.2.29 and

defined as ‘tube, bobbin in weaving’. For Zhuang, see Snd 301. Small bamboo tubes are also often called lwglwt. Some of these are open at both ends, and others are closed at one end by the node of the bamboo culm. What is meant here is a small bamboo container closed at one end. Small bamboo tubes were also used as bobbins. Large bamboo tubes are called mbaengq. The last character in this line is 侁, a Zhuang character which is also read fangz ‘ghost; ancestral spirit’ (Snd 154), senz ‘satisfied’ (Snd 456), and faengq ‘river bank’ (MYY). This character comes to be read fangz via a ‘combined meanings’ (huiyi 會意) interpretation, with the meaning ‘human being’ (亻) combined with that of ‘previous’ (先). A dialect pronunciation of fangz is mangz, and the reading mbaengq would seem to have been borrowed from this latter pronunciation. Since the pronunciation mangz for ‘ghost’ is not found in the immediate Bama-Tianyang locality, this usage may have been imported from a nearby manuscript

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tradition. Fangz ‘ghost’ is pronounced as mangz in Long’an, Yongning, Shangsi, Chongzuo and Fusui in the central south, Huanjiang in northern Guangxi, and Libo and Sandu in south-central Guizhou (ZhYFYYJ 687, BYYDChBG 134). Large bamboo containers are used for carrying water, storing rice-beer, and so on. (See Snd p. 311; ZHCH p. 511). 276 The phrase gangj sam gangj seiq, lit. ‘speak three speak four’, is a set phrase similar to Chinese 说三道四 (B641:3). It means to speak at random or raise

additional matters in an illogical fashion. This is to say that the woman’s parents still have all sorts of reason for refusal, and are not willing to agree wholeheartedly. 278 The first character in this line is 灰 MSC huī ‘ashes’, which the B edition

(B641:5) reads as hoiq ‘slave’. This is a common reading. Hoiq is frequently used as a first person singular pronoun in Zhuang, particularly in circumstances where self-deprecation is called for. According to note 22 in the B edition (p. 894), the speaker here is the woman’s mother. The second character in the line is 牙 MSC yá ‘tooth’, which the B edition reads as nyaq and glosses as 才 ‘then; only’. Snd 393 gives the gloss 剛剛 ‘only just now’ for this morpheme. In everyday speech this adverb is used to indicate that one has only just arrived at a particular degree, requirement or number. For example, De nyaq rim 16 bi ngoenzneix, “He’s only just turned sixteen today.” And Baez gaujsi neix gou nyaq ndaej 61 faen, “I only got 61 percent on this exam.” The third character in this line is 吟 yín, which the B edition reads as gaem and glosses as 个 gè (general classifier). Gaem literally means ‘to grasp (with the hand), grab hold of’. As a classifier it is often used like Chinese 把 bǎ with handfuls or objects with handles, e.g. song gaem byaek ‘two bunches of greens’. When used as a classifier for children, it usually conveys the feeling of emotional closeness. The idea is that the child is small and precious, and can be grasped readily in hand. It will be noted that 吟, MSC yín ‘to intone’, is read here as if it were 今 MSC jīn ‘now’. Actually, the process is slightly more complicated. 吟 is a character frequently used to write gaem ‘to hold in the mouth’. In this usage, 吟 must be seen as a compound formed with the ‘mouth’ radical as semantophore and 今 as phonophore, rather than a Chinese character borrowed holus-bolus. I refer to such readings as catalytic readings. Here, 吟 has been borrowed to represent the homophonic (and related) word gaem ‘to grasp (with the hand)’.

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279 Soemseu in this line (B642:1) is an abbreviated form of expression for bak

soemseu or bak soemseuseu, referring to someone’s ‘mouth being as sharp (as a knife)’. Seu here is a mimetic suffix which vivifies the meaning of soem ‘sharp’ but has itself no independent gloss. The word fuk in the same line means ‘stupid’ (ZHCH 288). 280 The second character in this line is Ş, which the B edition reads as bamz and glosses as 蠢 ‘stupid’ (B642:2). This graph is attested in Snd 154 with the reading fangz, other characters fanz. The phonophore 凡 fán ‘all;

ordinary’ has pre-modern readings EMC buam and LMC fɦjyam/fɦaːm (Pb 90; cf. Baxter MC bjom, Baxter 537), while PH readings include fan41 in Tiandong and fan21 in Nanning. Final -m but not initial b- is preserved in old HV fam21 (Li 192). This reading comes from EMC, before dentilabialisation. The third character in this line is 良 MSC liáng ‘good, kind’, which the B edition reads as liengz. Huang Ziyi pronounces this word as lamz, but this is a mistake. 281 The last two characters in this line are 列 liè ‘set in order’ and 利 lì ‘sharp’, which the B edition reads as lezlih and glosses as 卻利 ‘but sharp’ (B642:3).

Lezlih is unattested elsewhere (ZHCH 462), but it can be confirmed as a disyllabic adjective meaning 尖刻; 尖酸 ‘sharp and penetrating; sharply sour’ (MYY). Here, however, as elsewhere in this text, 列 liè is to be read as le, a common particle; and 利 lì as lih, a free-standing morpheme meaning ‘sharp’. 283 The third character in this line is a vernacular compound graph composed of ‘water’ (水) in the top half and ‘enter’ (入) in the bottom half. The B edition reads this as ndaem and glosses it as 種 ‘plant’. This character is listed in Snd with the pronunciation mbaet and the gloss 按下水裡 ‘put

down into the water’ (Snd 312). The Snd reading is wrong (MYY). Actually, ndaem is a perfectly suitable reading here. The word ndaem ‘to plant’ is usually explained as being related to the word ndaem ‘black’, and has the root meaning ‘to put into the dark’. 285 The last two characters in this line are 比 bǐ ‘compare’ and 渥 wò ‘moisten’,

which the B edition reverses and reads as okbae ‘go out’, reversing the order in which the characters are written in the manuscript (B643:2). Huang Ziyi follows the B edition. If we take the manuscript as a point of departure, these characters would be read as bae rog ‘go outside’. This

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actually furnishes a better reading, and also provides a rhyme with doek in the following line. 286 The fourth and fifth characters in this line are 旁 páng ‘side’ and 巴 bā

‘(name of ancient state)’, which the B edition reads as bangxbaq and glosses as 旁 ‘side’ and 山野 ‘mountainous wilds’ (B643). The phrase is translated, however, as 山崖邊 ‘to the side of the cliff-face’. The translation is not wrong, but simply describes such locations from another angle. Actually, bangxbaq is a common phrase in these texts, meaning literally ‘side of the hill-slope’, and hence—because such slopes were usually covered in forest—various derived meanings such as ‘the forest, the wilds’, and so on. In Zhuang baq refers to forested slopes or terraced fields on the side of karst peaks, while the word bo is used for forested slopes or terraced fields on the side on non-karst ‘earth mountains’. In karst regions, such forested slopes are found at the foot of the limestone cliffs. On the concept of pa ‘wilderness’ in Thailand, see Forsyth and Walker, Forest Guardians, Forest Destroyers, p. 28. 288 The first character in this line is 左 zuǒ ‘left’, which the B edition reads as caj and glosses as 若 ‘if’ (B643:5). 左 zuǒ has pre-modern readings EMC

tsaʰ/tsa’ and LMC tsa´/tsa` (Pb 424), while PH readings include tsa35 in Tiandong (or tsɔ33 in some compound expressions) and tɕɔ33 in Nanning; -a finals are also found in Funing, Longzhou, and old HV (Li 2). Baxter 812 gives zuo < tsax < *tsajɁ. The reading caj is phonetically plausible, and may be very old. The basic meaning of caj, however, is ‘to wait for’. The fourth character in this line is 盖 gài ‘cover’, which the B edition reads as gaiq and glosses as 給 ‘give’ (B643:5). According to Meng Yuanyao, gaiq here is to be understood as a general classifier, with the meaning of ‘some; several’. At the same time, it indicates a kind of subordinate relation, such that something belongs to a certain person or persons. Thus Gaiq saw neix gaiq gou, “This book is mine.” Thus the meaning of gaiq vuengz is ‘those (few) kings’. The meaning of the whole line is, “If you do not marry her off to those (few) kings”. 289 The last character in this line is 占 zhàn ‘to divine’, which the B edition reads as lawh and glosses as ‘substitute’ (B644:1). 占 zhàn ought to be read as ciemq and glossed as 占 ‘occupy; usurp’. The meaning of this line is the

same as the identical line above (line 270). Huang Ziyi for some reason reads this character as lex, a word which means ‘to bump into; grope, feel’.

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290 The word dwg in this line (B644:2) and the next three lines has the

meaning of ‘to be appropriate, fitting’. This is a common meaning in spoken Zhuang. For example, Doiq buh neix de daenj cingq dwg, “This suit of clothes fits him exactly.” Sou yienghneix guh saeh goj mbouj daih dwg geijlai lo, “The way you’re handling this matter isn’t at all appropriate.” In these four lines the match-maker is trying to persuade the woman’s parents that in arranging the betrothal and wedding, things should be done at appropriate times, and decisions should be made expeditiously. 291 The fifth character in this line is 强 MSC qiáng ‘strong’, which the B edition

reads as giengh and glosses as ‘thick liquid, sauce’ (B644:3) Huang Ziyi recites this word as cieng. Cieng is also a Han loanword meaning 漿 ‘thick liquid, sauce’. The note (note 24) comments that Zhuang women often rinse clothes that have just been washed in a starch made from dilute rice water: this gives the clothes a fragrant smell and also helps them keep their shape (B p. 895). 295 The last character in this line is 所 suǒ, which the B edition reads as soq and glosses as 話 ‘talk’ (B645:2). This is a context-dependent gloss. The relevant phrase is mbouj baenz soq, where soq is a loan-word from 訴 sù

‘inform; accuse, enter a plea’. To say that something ‘doesn’t become a plea’ means it doesn’t make sense. 296 Yau’an (Ch. 要安 Yao’an, ‘Essential Peace’) is an astral deity who presides

over certain months in the Chinese traditional calendar. Months over which Yao’an presides are particularly auspicious for beginning important activities, such as beginning work on geomantically significant sites or putting ancestral tablets in place (Recalling Lost Souls p. 76). By the same token, such times would be auspicious for settling marriage negotiations. People in Guangxi village society would gain access to information about such times by consulting an almanac or a Taoist or mogong. 302 The first character in this line is 達 dá ‘arrive’, which the B edition reads as dat and glosses as 想 ‘think’ (B646:4). This morpheme is otherwise

unattested (ZHCH 193, Snd 114). Usual meanings of dat are ‘peel, scrape’; ‘to box (the ear), hit (sbdy’s head)’; or ‘to chop up’; and ‘cliff’. The relevant morpheme here means 假設 ‘to suppose, hypothesise’ (MYY). See the note below to line 320: the dat in datnaeuz may be the same morpheme.

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303 The third character in this line (B646:5) is 福 MSC fú ‘good luck’, which the B edition reads as huk and glosses as 笨 ‘stupid’. Huang Ziyi reads

this character as fuk. In fact huk and fuk are synonyms; both words mean ‘stupid, slow, dull-witted’ (see ZHCH 288 and 439). The word, either huk or fuk, is used as an indication of a daughter who is too selfish and stubborn, rather than a good housekeeper. Her parents do not spell this out, but the opposite party is expected to understand. 304 The fifth character in this line (B647:1) is 孝 MSC xiào ‘filial piety’, which in the B edition is read as iu and glossed as 妖 ‘evil genie’. Genies are said to

like to tease people, hence an extended meaning of iu in everyday Zhuang is ‘to tease; playful, naughty’. Thus Duz lwg neix iu lai, “This child is terribly naughty.” And Gij saeh iu neix dan mwngz rox guh, “Only you could do these naughty things.” 孝 xiào has pre-modern readings EMC xaɨwʰ/xɛːwʰ and LMC xjaːw` (Pb 340), while PH readings include hau35 in Tiandong and hau55 in Nanning (Li 137); SWM readings are ɕiɔ24 for Guilin and xiɔ24 for Liuzhou (HYFYZh 692, Liu Cunhan p. 186); Tang-dynasty HV is hiu35 (Li 137). The usual Zhuang reading of 孝 xiào is hauq, derived from PH, but the reading here would seem to reflect an older pronunciation, such as instantiated in HV hiu35 or EMC xɛːwʰ. 306 The fourth and fifth characters in this line (B647:3) are 家 and 所, read as gyaqsoq and glossed as 體統 ‘fitting, seemly’. This word is not found

in ZHCH or HZCH. Writing gya as gyaq (with a 5th tone) is a mistake. This mistake is corrected in the M edition, which has gyasoq, glossed as 家教 ‘family teaching’. In fact, the meaning ‘fitting, seemly’ is an extended meaning derived from ‘family teaching’, i.e. ‘(in accordance with) family teaching’. 308 The fourth character in this line (B647:5) is 能 MSC néng ‘able’, which is read as naengq and glossed as 也 ‘also’. Huang Ziyi also recites this

word in the 5th tone. This morpheme is not listed in ZHCH, but naengz ‘contrary to expectation; still’ is listed (ZHCH 555). It is clear from the character used and the gloss that this word would normally be read in 2nd tone; naengq in 5th tone may represent a local variant, or tone sandhi before a level high tone (huk). In Zhuang naengz has the meaning ‘contrary to expectation; still, even’. For example, Mwngz naengz huk dwk di saeh neix doq siengj mbouj doeng bae!, “You’re even so stupid that you can’t even think through this little problem!”; and Aen dauhleix neix gou gangj baenzneix cingcuj, de naengz dingq mbouj mingzbeg, “I’ve

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explained the reasons for this to her so clearly, but she still didn’t understand.” 309 The third character in this line, a vernacular character composed of 身 shēn ‘body’ and 才 cái ‘talent’, is pronounced as caix by Huang Ziyi but is

transcribed as saix in the B edition (B648:1). Admittedly the difference is slight, but both mean ‘slanting, askew; leaning to one side’. See ZHCH 101 for caix and 667 for saix. 311 The second and third characters in this line (B648:3) are 通 tōng ‘to go through, penetrate’ and 蜜 mì ‘honey’, read as dukmaet and glossed as 竹篾 ‘bamboo splint’. Duk meaning ‘bamboo splints’ is well-attested

(ZHCH 256). The meaning of maet here is ‘blunt’, and by extension, ‘thick’. The relevant point here is that thick bamboo splints, unlike fine ones, do not cut the hands, so the adjective maet is used to refer indirectly to the relative thickness. If a young woman cannot even split thick bamboo splints successfully, it means that she is clumsy to a quite unusual degree. Note here that 通 MSC tōng is used to write a word with final -k, -ng and -k being homorganic. 蜜 is MSC mì but EMC and LMC mjit (Pb 213); PH readings include mɐt33 in Tiandong and mɐt24 in Nanning (Li 255). Elsewhere characters with this phonetic element are used to write words such as maet ‘flea’ (Snd 305). 312 The third character in this line (B648:4) is 餓 MSC è ‘hungry’, which the B edition reads as ngox and glosses as 蘆葦 ‘reeds’. This is ‘southern reed’,

the scientific name of which is Phragmites australis Trin. The character 特 MSC tè is read here as deng and glossed as ‘to wound’. Deng actually means ‘to hit’ or ‘to suffer, be hit; (sign of the passive)’. This reading may be queried on phonetic grounds. More appropriate readings would be words such as the copula dwg or dawz ‘to take in hand’, or dwk ‘to hit’, because the character 特 does not have a nasal coda. On the other hand, final -k and -ng are homorganic, and homorganic transpositions of this kind are not unknown in texts from this area. However, assuming the reading deng to be the way the Taoists recited the text, it is better to regard deng as an instance of synonym substitution, of reading deng ‘hit’ for dwk ‘hit’. 313 The phrase song neix ‘these two’ in this line (B648:5) exemplifies a fairly

unusual grammatical construction. In Zhuang one often sees a numeral directly modifying a pronoun. Thus song de ‘the two of them’; sam sou ‘the three of you’; haj raeuz ‘the five of us’. In other languages this kind of

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construction is uncommon. Also in this line, liux means ‘finished; (sign of perfective aspect)’, and does not mean ‘one’. In normal word order this would be, Song boux neix baenz liux yienghneix, “These two accomplished this thing”. 314 The last three characters in this line are read as riu baxsih, and glossed as 笑盈盈 ‘brimming with smiles’ (B649:1); the phrase is parallel to meih baxsieg in the next line, which is glossed as 樂滋滋 ‘overjoyed’. Baxsih

refers to smiling rather than laughing (riu could mean either), but to situations in which a person cannot close their mouth for smiling. 315 The third character in this line is 米 mǐ ‘rice’, which the B edition reads as meih and glosses as 樂 ‘happy’ (B649:2). In line 379 below, the same word

is transcribed as mih. This is not necessarily a problem in itself, but the morpheme in either spelling is otherwise unattested (ZHCH 529, 531; Snd 324, 327). This is probably a reflex of 味 wèi ‘taste’, EMC mujʰ, with usage extended from noun to verb (‘to find to ones taste’). 316 The third character in this line is 作 MSC zuò ‘to do’, which the B edition (B649:3) reads as yah and glosses as 滴 ‘drop (of water)’. There is

indeed a lexeme yah, attested in Snd 499, but this reading does not fit the manuscript. Pre-modern and dialect readings of 作 zuò are twofold: for the meaning ‘make, act as, be’, EMC tsɔʰ, LMC tsuɔ`, and for the meaning ‘arise; create’, EMC and LMC tsak (Pb 425), while PH readings include tsak33 in Tiandong and tɕak33 in Nanning (Li 286). It is the latter set of readings that is relevant here. There are two different words for ‘drop of liquid’ in Zhuang: caek (ɕɐk7) for smaller drops and yag (or yah) for larger drops. What has happened here is that 作 zuò has been written to represent caek ‘small drop’, and then yah ‘large drop’ has been substituted through synonym substitution. More particularly, the word yag means a ‘round drop of water as it falls down’. Thus yag vax means ‘drops of water dripping from the eaves’, yag saeg is ‘water dripping from clothes that have just been washed’. In the process of distilling wine or rice beer one needs to use cold water to condense the steam, and make it turn into wine in a liquid form which will drip down and flow out of the steaming utensil. Thus laeujyag is liquor which has just been condensed in this fashion and has dripped down. Incidentally, most dialect locations in Guangxi have final -k for this word (ZhYFYYJ p. 703, item 737), whereas yah (with elision of the final consonant) is found in Bouyei: see BYHCD 648 ( yah, ja33), and BYHTD 732

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( yah, ja6), representing Wangmo and Zhenfeng Niuchang respectively. Thus the reading yah in the B edition may actually represent a northern, Bouyei pronunciation. The last character in this line is 壬 rén ‘(9th in series of 10 Heavenly Stems)’, which the B edition reads as yaem and glosses as 隱 ‘hide’. The reading is correct but the gloss is wrong. Yaem here has the meaning 少 量渗漏; 瀝水 ‘to seep in small amounts, become waterlogged’ (Snd 496). The reference here is to taking a spoon and squashing it into the rice mash of undistilled rice wine in order to ladle out the liquid wine. Such wine is made from glutinous rice and is naturally sweet, hence the reference to ‘sweet wine’ in the B edition translation. For a detailed study of wine-making methods and customs among the Tai peoples, see B.J. Terwiel, ‘Laupani and Ahom Identity: an Ethnohistorical Exercise’, esp. pp. 147–158. 318 On this line (B649:5), see the note on line 145 above. 319 In the B edition (B650:1) the gloss on the third character in this line, 彭, is given as 并 MSC bìng ‘put together with; in addition’. This is a misprint.

No such morpheme is otherwise attested (cf. ZHCH 39). The correct gloss is given in line 146 above. 320 Huang Ziyi recites the second character in this line (B650:2) in a way

which is inconsistent with the character in the original manuscript. There is no doubt about reading 吽 MSC ǒu as naeuz ‘to tell, say’; this is very common. However, the two syllables in datnaeuz ought to be read together, as a word equivalent to St.Zh. danghnaeuz ‘if; supposing’. The word glosses in the B edition 開口 are misleading. On the meaning of dat, see the note to line 302 above. 321 From the grammatical form of the following lines, it seems there is a

problem in the reading here. The B edition (B650:3) reads the second character in this line, 扶 MSC fú, as fwz, and glosses it as 篦 ‘fine bamboo comb’. The editors felt that there was some difficulty, and added a note here. Their note 25 (p. 895) states: “Rok means ‘loom’, and fwz means the ‘comb on a loom’. The latter word is used here as a verb. The phrase rokfwz refers to the action of setting up the loom at the beginning of a weaving job. Before starting to weave, women first thread the yarn through the weaving comb, dividing it into upper threads and lower threads, and only thereafter mounting them on the loom. This process is called rokfwz.”

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Interpreting rokfwz as a verb phrase rather than a noun phrase brings this line more neatly into parallel relation with the lines below. Huang Ziyi pronounces fwz as fak in this line, but then corrects himself in subsequent lines. Being able to prepare a loom for weaving was among the most basic expectations of women in Zhuang society. The character 一 MSC yī ‘one’ is translated as meaning ‘first’ here, effectively interpreting it ‘one’ as daih’it ‘first’. This is common and unremarkable in Zhuang. 321–330 In these lines a variety of basic female skills connected with making

and repairing clothes are listed in parallel with duties of care to specific categories of relatives. 322 The first character in this line is 乃 MSC nǎi, read as nai and glossed as 謝

‘to thank’ (B650:4). This is a context-dependent gloss. Nai is often glossed as 安慰 ‘to comfort’. Here this word can be explained as meaning 問候 ‘to ask after (the health or well-being of somebody)’. The character in line 330 below can be read similarly. The second and third characters in the line are read as baeuq and yah respectively, and glossed as 公婆 ‘grandfather and grandmother’. These terms refer to the husband’s father and mother, in other words the parents-in-law of the woman. Note that the point of reference for these terms is the children of the woman: her parents-in-law would be their paternal grandparents. 326 The character 散 MSC sǎn ‘to scatter’ in this line (B651:3) is read as sanq and glossed as 敬 ‘to pay respects to’. No such morpheme is attested else-

where (see ZHCH 669). This sanq is the same morpheme as St.Zh. suenq ‘abacus; to calculate’ in line 112 above. On this Tianyang dialect reflex of -uen finals in St.Zh., see the note to line 112. Here, the meaning of Sanq laux ngeih mbouj rox is equivalent to Mbouj rox sanq hawj laux ngeih, “Not knowing how to calculate on behalf of the two elders”. The character used for ngeih here is 弍, an abbreviated form of 貳, the long-form character for ‘two’. 328 The third character in this line is 魋 chuí, a graph that the B edition reads as swiz and glosses as ‘pillow’ (B651:5). 魋 chuí is a rare character equivalent in sound and meaning to 椎 chuí ‘mallet’. It is found in the collocation 魋結 (or 魋髻) in the Shiji 史記 (Historical Records), meaning hair-knots in the form of mallets (Shiji, ‘Li Sheng Lu Yao liezhuan’ 酈生陸

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賈列傳). The morpheme swiz can be confirmed (ZHCH 701). 魋 chuí has

pre-modern readings EMC drwi and LMC trɦyj (Pb 62), while PH readings are tsøi41 in Tiandong and tɕui21 in Nanning (Li 117). Liang and Zhang reconstruct PKT *zuɯi for ‘pillow’ (Gailun 435, 780); Li reconstructs PT *z- A2 (HCT 9.2.10, 162–163). 330 The kin term bajliuz in this line (B652:2) is glossed as 妯娌 ‘sisters-in-law’,

but here refers to elder female relatives by marriage such as the wife of a father’s elder brother and wife of a father’s younger brother. 334–335 The last two characters in these lines are 左碍 and 左艮, read as cazn-

gaix and cazngaenx respectively. There is no difficulty about the phonetic match. However, the B edition (B653:1–2) glosses these words as 心裡 ‘in the heart’ and 胸中 ‘middle of the chest’ respectively, i.e. as if they were fully lexicalised. It is clear however that these are two-syllable mimetic descriptors. They are used to vivify the idea of pondering something or thinking something over; they modify ndiep ‘to think over’ and render it more vivid. Huang Ziyi reads 左 in line 334 as dwk, which is not in keeping with the manuscript. 341 For 占 MSC zhàn read as ciemq, see the note to line 289 above. 342 The third character in this line is a vernacular graph with two dots and two slanting strokes above (the top portion of 谷 gǔ) and the wheeled vehicle graph (車) below. The B edition reads this graph as nyi and glosses it as 聞

‘hear’ (B654:4). On the graphic provenance of this character, see the note to line 120 above. 輿 yú has pre-modern readings EMC jɨă and LMC jiă/jyă (Pb 380), and PH readings for characters in the same GY sub-category (e.g. 余 yú) include hi41 in Tiandong and y21 in Nanning, but (j)iɤ21 in Fusui (Li 44). Note that the usual pronunciation of nyi ‘to hear’ in the Youjiang dialect and in the Yandong-Yufeng lect is ɲiă1, with an -a (-ɐ) offglide; Huang Ziyi’s pronunciation here is ȵiɛː1. This reading is likely to come from LMC. Li reconstructs PT *hŋj- ? A1 (HCT 10.5.8, p. 207). 343 This line (B654:5) describes a situation in which the match-maker is

inwardly pleased, but does not say anything or smile openly; rather, the fact that she is happy is revealed in her face. A similar situation is described in Chinese by the phrases 喜笑顏開 ‘smiling with pleasure the face opens’, or 喜上眉梢 ‘happiness ascends to the tips of the eyebrows’.

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344 The first character in this line, 桥 MSC qiáo ‘bridge’, is read as giu and glossed as 響 ‘to make a noise’ (B655:1). There is no such morpheme (cf.

ZHCH 335). The relevant morpheme here is giu meaning ‘to wind up in a knot, bring together’. For example, Lwg langj neix giu guh ndaek ndeu bae, “This bundle of yarn has been wound up into a ball.” The meaning here is that because the marriage has been agreed upon, happy noise erupts from all corners of the room, with the waves of sound coming all together. The last two characters in this line are Õ, a vernacular variant of 含 MSC hán ‘to hold in the mouth’, and 狼 MSC láng ‘wolf’, which the B edition reads as hap langh and glosses as 拍 ‘slap’ plus 岸 ‘shore’. On the face of it, these glosses are problematic. Haplangh (or hoplangh) is attested with the meaning 回響 ‘to echo’ (ZHCH 419), and langh means ‘wave’ (with haplangh listed as a dialect word: ZHCH 451). The usual word for ‘shore, riverbank’ is faengq (see line 865 below). Huang Ziyi in his recitation reads the first of these characters as dumx; the B edition’s hap is a better reading. The meaning of hap here is ‘to bump into, beat against’, and langh here means ‘wave’ (i.e. Ch. 浪). The phrase raemx hap langh ‘water hit wave’ is used to describe the sound waves make when they strike a riverbank, and this in turn is often used metaphorically to describe a lively scene in which everybody is talking at the same time. 346 The third character in this line is 呈 MSC chéng ‘petition’, which the B edition (B655:3) reads as cingz and glosses as 缸 ‘vat; large storage jar’. Cingz is listed in ZHCH (134) with the meaning 罈子 ‘earthen jar, jug’. The

question arises as to what kind of a vessel a cingz is. According to Meng Yuanyao, a cingz, usually called gangcingz or aencingz, is a jug or pitcher with large belly and a small mouth, around 30–40 cm tall and containing some 20–30 catties of liquid. 350 The second character in this line is 之 MSC zhī ‘to go’, which the B edition (B656:2) reads as cih and glosses as 給 ‘to give’. This gloss is imprecise. The

meaning of cih is ‘is just; is exactly’, and it is used to predicate relations of identity between a subject and a predicate. To paraphrase the meaning here: the documents with the couple’s horoscopes have been exchanged, and what is said now is (precisely) a matter for the match-maker to decide. There is a vernacular saying in Zhuang, Bau mwngz hwnj giuh mbouj bau mwngz mued ciuh, “I take responsibility for you to the point where you get up into the sedan chair, but I do not take responsibility for you till the end of your life.” The idea here is that one can guarantee that a girl

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is a good girl up to the point where she gets into the sedan chair, but one cannot guarantee that she will always satisfy her husband’s family in every respect for the rest of her life. Teaching her how to be a proper human being and fulfil her expected role is the job of the match-maker. This and the following lines are formalities uttered by the head of the woman’s family, and are intended to absolve the family of any responsibility for future eventualities. 352 The first character in this line is 阿 MSC ā, which the B edition reads as gyoz, glosses as 多得 ‘get more’, and translates as 收得 (禮物) ‘receive (presents)’ (B656:4). The character is written with a卩 jié radical on the left hand side rather than the radical for earthen mounds (阝); this is common in this manuscript (see Holm, ‘Variant Characters’). 阿 ā nor-

mally has a variety of reading pronunciations such as MSC ā, ǎ, à, and è. Here, however, the reading pronunciation of the character is simply taken from the right-hand element 可 MSC kě; in other words, the character is read catalytically. The word gyo means ‘to rely on, thanks to’, that is, to rely on somebody’s help or on some thing in order to accomplish something. The third character in this line, 孨, is read as romz and glossed as 禮 物 ‘present’. This character, composed of three 子 zǐ ‘son, child’ graphs arranged in a triangle, is listed in the HYDZD with the pronunciations zhuǎn and nì; neither reading is appropriate either phonetically or semantically. The character is quite rare in Chinese texts, and seems to be found only in dictionaries. In Zhuang texts, it is attested with the readings byaij ‘to walk; go away’ (Snd 39), byanz (Snd 40), and canz (Snd 61). None of these readings is appropriate either. According to Meng Yuanyao, romz means a ‘big package’. This is an iconic reading. The meaning is derived graphically from the three graphic elements, one on top of two others, representing ‘things piled up’. Romz is frequently used as a measure word. E.g. Aeu rong gyoij daeuj suek boux romz haeuxnaengj hawj bang cangh neix, “Take banana leaves and wrap one big parcel per person of glutinous rice for this gang of workmen,” where boux romz is a phrase composed of the two classifiers for people and parcels. The phrase gwn romz refers to the food that, in addition to the food that is eaten at table, is wrapped up in parcels and taken back as gifts. The basic meaning of the word ndij is ‘to go with, accompany’, but it is also frequently used to express the reason for something. Thus Gou couh dai baeg ndij mwngz coenz vah neix lo, “I just died of exhaustion because of what you said (this phrase of yours).” So the meaning of this line is that the reason the match-maker gets to eat food

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made up into parcels is because the prospective mother-in-law agreed to marry off her daughter to the king. 352–354 These lines (B656:4–657:1) are formalities expressed to the match-

maker by the woman’s mother. The idea is that a daughter while she is in her natal home is looked after by her father and mother, but once she has been married out she is then no longer subject to her father and mother. What is said in the previous line, De rox gwn rox hauq, “She knows how to eat and how to speak” refers not to the match-maker (contrary to the interpretation in the B edition), but to the daughter, and bears on the question of whether or not she can act as a proper human being. The meaning of this passage is “Once the goods leave the shop, we take no further responsibility.” Thus the following line Hoiq guh meh guenj gwn means “As her mother I can only have responsibility for her eating,” i.e. I don’t take responsibility for anything further, and it is up to you as match-maker to tell her what to do and her husband to instruct her. The B edition translates line 353 as “As her mother I only care about eating”, which makes little sense. 355 The third character in this line is 怒 nù ‘anger’, which the B edition reads as nok and glosses as 峰 ‘peak’ (B657:2). 怒 nù has pre-modern readings

EMC nɔʰ and LMC nuǝ̆ ` (Pb 228), while PH readings include nɔ22 in Tiandong and nu223 in Nanning (Li 29); there is no reading that has a final -k. It is possible that this reading comes from an area where the final -k in nok is elided. In Bouyei such areas include the border between Guizhou and Guangxi along the Nanpanjiang and as far east as Libo, southwestern Guizhou including the Beipanjiang catchment area, and west-central Guizhou (BYYDChBG 268 item 0558). This word is not included in the Zhuang dialect surveys, but in Guangxi elision of stop finals before a long vowel is found in Nandan and sporadically in other areas (on which see Killing a Buffalo). In the central Zhuang areas further south, elision of stop finals occurs in everyday conversation, but this may be partly a matter of pronunciations based on contemporary Southwest Mandarin replacing older pronunciations based on Pinghua. Thus nazbaek ‘wetfield to the north’ is often pronounced as nazbwz, and so on. 360 The fifth and final character in this line (B658:2) is 还 MSC huán ‘to return’, which the B edition glosses as 還 ‘return’. This meaning can be confirmed.

Vanz means ‘to return, answer to, report back’, and here it has the meaning ‘reply’.

textual and ethnographic notes

351

363 On the interpretation of this line, see the note to 276 above. 365 The sixth character in this line (B659:2) is 器 MSC qì ‘instrument’, which

the B edition reads as youz and glosses as ‘to swim’. There is little doubt that this reading is correct, even if the phonetic fit of youz with any reading of 器 qì is particularly poor. Other words for swim, like ap in apdah (HZCH 364), are phonetically no better a match. Some plausible explanation for this reading is needed. First, dialect words for youz ‘to swim’ include pronunciations like yiuz, hiuz, heuz and siu (ZHCH 747). The character has no modern or pre-modern pronunciation approximating any of these (Snd 173 gives a Zhuang reading of gaez [khai2] for 器 qì). However, the character 囂 MSC xiāo ‘to make a noise’ does: pre-modern readings include EMC and LMC xiaw (Pb 339), while PH readings include hiu54 in Tiandong and hiu41 in Nanning (Li 145). What is likely to have happened here is graphic simplification of 頁, the middle component of 囂, first to 页 (in cursive script) and then to 工 (see Orutani Serouin, Mei Sei gyōsō jiten 明清行草字典, p. 154). This yielded 噐, a common allograph of 器, which was then substituted. 366 The fourth character in this line is 斈 xué ‘to study’, which the B edition reads as caux and glosses as 女 ‘woman’ (B659:3). In St.Zh. this morpheme

is caeuz or caeux (ZHCH 98). Caux by contrast (Mashan cauh) is an general classifier, meaning ‘group, crowd’, referring to same-age same-gender groups of companions. Thus cauxboh (or cauhboh) means ‘my father’s friends’. Caux (cauh) is used for both males and females. Formation of such social groups of lifelong friends and companions is a fundamental feature of Zhuang village society. It is caux who go singing at song markets together, and it is male-gender caux who go hunting together. Caux is the more likely reading here. 368 The fifth character in this line is a vernacular allograph of 微 MSC wēi

‘small’, which the B edition (B659:5) reads as fiz and glosses as ‘drunk’. This reading is attested in Snd (159). In many dialects the word fiz has the pronunciation feiz, which is phonetically a close fit with 微. 369 The second and fourth characters in this line (B660:1) are 危 MSC wēi ‘dan-

ger’, which the B edition reads as ngviz. This reading is not a problem, but the glosses are only very approximate: ngvizliz ngvizlinh is glossed as ‘(talking) nonsense’. In fact, ngviz is a well-attested morpheme (ZHCH 596). In Mashan it is often pronounced nguiz or ngveiz, and it means ‘roar-

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ing drunk’, to the point of being addled, confused, or even unaware of one’s surroundings (‘paralytic’). There is a saying in Zhuang, Gwn laeuj ngviz, byaij loh vang, buengq suengxsaengx suengxsaengx, “Drink till drunk, walk a crosswards walk, swaying backwards and forwards.” So this line describes the match-maker’s state after she gets roaring drunk, and jabbers in a confused way. 373 In this line of the manuscript the character 吞 tūn was written in error just in front of 到 dào, the last character in the line. The B edition (B660:5)

corrects this without comment. 375 The second character in this line is 峝 MSC dòng ‘mountain valley’, which

the B edition (B661:2) reads as naz and glosses as ‘wet-field’. Huang Ziyi’s reading follows this interpretation. Strictly speaking, the normal reading of this character would be doengh ‘field, flat land, open ground’, but there are additional considerations at work. This line is parallel with the preceding line, which has 峝 doengh as the second character and the syllable -laz in lizlaz in line-final position. Reading as naz here not only furnishes a rhyme with -laz, but also provides a better semantic pair with doengh in the previous line. It would be relatively easy for the character 峝 in one line to be copied by mistake into the next line. 376 The first and fourth characters in this line are 咅 MSC pòu or tǒu (sound

of negative exclamation), which the B edition reads as baez and glosses as 步 ‘step’ (B661:3). This is a context-dependent gloss: baez here is simply the common verbal measure word meaning ‘time, occasion, occurrence’. It is worth noting that 咅, a relatively rare character in post-classical written Chinese, is given a reading pronunciation appropriate to other characters in the same graphic-phonetic series, such as 培 and 陪. The second character is 限 MSC xiàn ‘limit’, which B reads as yamq and glosses as ‘to walk’. For this morpheme, see Snd 501, which gives the meaning ‘to stride forward; (clf.) step, stride’. The form of expression in this line exemplifies a particularly characteristic form of exaggeration in Zhuang: ‘Striding one (stride) and leaping three (leaps)’, where the first baez is an abbreviation for baez ndeu ‘one time’. This kind of phrase refers to people walking along full of elation, hopping and skipping, so happy that they forget where they are. 385 The third character in this line is 墓 MSC mù ‘gravesite’, which the B

edition reads as mou and glosses as ‘pig’ (B663:2). This reading is not

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in doubt, but it is worth noting that words with a final -ou in St.Zh. are often pronounced with final -uː in the Youjiang dialect area. Thus mou is pronounced mu in this area, as can be heard in Huang Ziyi’s pronunciation. Thus using the character 墓 for ‘pig’ is particularly apt, even if the tone class is different. 386 The last character in this line of the manuscript is 字 MSC zì ‘character, script’, which the B edition (B663:3) reads as saw and glosses as 八字

‘eight-character horoscope’. This is correct in context. The meaning of saw ‘script, writing, document’ here is sawmingh ‘documents on (personal) fate’, that is to say the eight cyclical characters pertaining to the year, month, day and hour of a person’s birth. The phrase hab saw means to 合 ‘put together, harmonise’ the horoscopes. This is usually done by a Taoist priest or by some other practitioner well-versed in the calculation of Fate (ming 命). The process involves putting the eight cyclical characters of the male and female together, and comparing them, noticing in particular any elements in which the cyclical characters (or rather the Five Phases to which they pertain) of the two people are in a conflictual relation with each other (chongzhuang 冲撞) or entail one of them subduing the other (xiangke 相克). The normal expectation is that the marriage will be smooth and harmonious only if these conflicts and subjections are absent. 387 The phrase hab mingh in this line (B663:4) is parallel with hab saw in the previous line. Here, mingh (Ch. ming 命) is short for sawmingh ‘books

on Fate’. There were indeed guidebooks on the calculation of Fate that circulated in rural parts of Guangxi. The word sae here refers to bouxsae, called shigong 師公 in Chinese (‘ritual masters’). Unlike the Taoists of self-professed Maoshan lineage, called bouxdauh or daogong 道公, the ritual masters adhered to a form of vernacular Taoism usually referred to as the Meishan teaching (Meishan jiao 梅山教). It has been confirmed from fieldwork (1995, 1997) that there are both daogong and shigong operating in this part of Guangxi. Both offer consultations on fate and calendrical calculations as part of their expertise. Here, the two types of practitioner form a pair in successive lines of parallel verse. 388 The second character in this line is 字 MSC zì ‘character, script, writing’, which the B edition (B663:5) reads as cih and glosses as 只 ‘only’. The gloss

is wrong. The meaning of cih here is ‘character, script, writing’. Taken in combination with the previous word, saw, the compound saw cih means

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textual and ethnographic notes 文字 ‘writing, characters (on the page)’. Grammatically, the two elements

saw and cih are in apposition. The word roix means ‘to put on a string, string together’, and the meaning here is to take single items and string them together. That is to say, the eight characters in the horoscopes of both the man and woman could be strung together in a harmonious way. The third character in this and in the next line is 也 MSC yě ‘also’: the reading yex and the gloss 也 ‘also’ do not match up here with Huang Ziyi’s pronunciation, which is cih ‘then’. Huang’s pronunciation can be ascribed to synonym substitution or a semantic reading of 也 ‘also’. 389 The first character in this line is 水 MSC shuǐ ‘water’, which the B edition (B664:1) reads as coij and glosses as 行 ‘line, row’. The morpheme

coij means ‘row, column’ and coij saw means a ‘row of characters’. The reading of 良 MSC liáng ‘good’ as riengz ‘to follow; following’ is straightforward. The meaning of this line is that the eight character horoscope of the woman can ‘follow’ that of the man; that is, the horoscopes are compatible. 390 The last character in this line (B664:2) is 敗 MSC bài ‘defeat’, read as baih

‘defeat’, a Han loan-word. The meaning here is that if the horoscopes of the prospective couple are compatible, setting up a family will not lead to defeat and dissolution. 392 The first character in this line is 逻, a vernacular variant of 邏 luó, which

the B Edition (B664:4) reads as nda and glosses as ‘to put together’. The morpheme nda actually means ‘set in place, arrange’. The fourth and fifth characters are 家夫 MSC jiā fú, which the B edition transcribes as gyaqfuq and glosses as 夫妻 ‘man and wife’. The gloss and Zhuangwen transcription are both incorrect. Huang Ziyi recites the first of these characters in first tone, which is more likely to be correct, and fuq is an old Han loan for 婦 ‘wife, married woman’. Gyafuq here therefore means ‘house wife’, or rather, ‘the wife of the house’, meaning the principal wife. 398 The third character in this line is 妄 MSC wàng ‘rash, improper’, which

the B edition (B665:5) reads as fangz and glosses as ‘ghost, spirit’. From the context, there is little doubt that this is the correct reading. The phonetic match is apparently only partial: the rime matches, but not the initial consonant or tone category. For other Zhuang readings of 妄, see Snd 319, Pre-modern Chinese readings of 妄 are EMC muaŋʰ, LMC vjaŋ`,

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and EM vaŋ` (Pb); PH readings are maŋ41 in Tiandong and oŋ33 in Nanning (Li 308). One possibility is that an initial v- in the Early Mandarin or some such reading has been devoiced to f-. However, as it happens, the pronunciation vaːŋ2 for ‘ghost’ alternates with maːŋ2 (mangz), a pronunciation which is found in Long’an, Huanjiang, Qinzhou and the CT dialects of the Zuojiang basin in Guangxi, and Libo and Sandu in Guizhou (BYYDChBG 134). Liang and Zhang reconstruct *mwaŋ for ‘ghost’ in PKT (Liang and Zhang p. 918). There is thus a close phonetic match between the pronunciation mangz and the EMC pronunciation of this character. The pronunciation mangz is not currently found in the Bama-Tianyang area. Either such a pronunciation used to be found there, or this particular reading was brought in from outside. The last character in this line is 度 MSC dù ‘degree’, which is read as doh and glossed as 够 ‘enough’. The morpheme doh means ‘everywhere, completely, enough’ (ZHCH 230). This line means ‘Give food to all the spirits completely’, i.e. ensure that each and every spirit is provided with offerings. Adverbs of extent in Zhuang are typically post-verbal or clause-final. 405 The last character in this line is 入 MSC rù ‘to enter’, which the B edition

(667:2) reads as -saeb and glosses together with the previous character (six-) as 嘀咕 ‘to mutter’. The challenge is to explain the initial s- (ɬ-). The character 入 is not listed in Snd, and pre-modern Chinese pronunciations include EMC ɲip, LMC rip, and EM ri`, ry` (Pb 269). PH readings include ȵɐp33 in Tiandong and (j)iɐp22 in Nanning (Li 197). This does not help very much. It may be pertinent to note, however, that in Bouyei syllables with initial *r- are very widely pronounced as z-. It is possible that some such reading was de-voiced, giving initial s-. The word saeb is well-attested elsewhere, with the meaning 迎接 ‘to receive in welcome’ (ZHCH 660), itself a causative based on a root meaning of ‘to enter’. Saeb is also used in the senses 塞入 ‘to plug in’, 嵌入 ‘to wedge in’, and 套進 ‘to fit in’. 409 The second character in this line is 辛 MSC xīn ‘bitter’, which the B edition (B668:1) reads as saen and glosses as 刀背 ‘back of the knife’. This is a

context-dependent gloss. The morpheme saen (see Snd 441) means ‘back’, as in saen fouj ‘back of a hatchet’, saen laeng ‘back, spine (of a human body)’, saen hoz ‘back of the neck, nape’. In this context it means saen cax ‘back of the knife’, with cax ‘knife’ understood from context. This line suggests metaphorically a state of affairs in which things are done directly contrary to the proper way.

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410 The third character in this line is 后 MSC hòu ‘empress’, which the B edition (B668:2) reads as haeuj and glosses as 護 ‘to protect’. This reading

can be confirmed, but the presentation is confusing. The usual meaning of haeuj is ‘to enter’; and the standardised Zhuang character used in the B edition is also that for ‘to enter’ (see Snd). Zhuang borrowings from 護 ‘to protect’ include haeuj and huj (ZHCH 409, 806). Pre-modern Chinese readings of 護 hù ‘to protect’ include EMC ɣɔʰ (Pb 128), a reasonably close match. 412 The third character in this line is 乾 MSC qián ‘the creative’ (first of the

sixty-four hexagrams of the Yijing), which the B edition (B668:4) reads as genx and glosses as ‘stop, bar the way’. No such morpheme is listed in ZHCH (324). The actual meaning of genx is ‘(of food) to get stuck in the throat’, as in deng haeux genx aek, ‘to get food stuck in ones chest’. When this happens, naturally it is very painful in the region of the heart. Thus this word is used in an extended sense for ‘to provoke, make upset’. It is used to refer to a situation in which someone uses harsh words to make someone upset, so that the hearer finds it hard to bear and feels much put upon. The last two characters in this line are N and 羅, read as lwgraz and glossed as 子小 ‘child’ and ‘little’. ZHCH 489 lists lwglaj, which it defines as 晚仔 ‘the youngest child’. The morpheme here is rah, which has the basic meaning 撒落; 撒播 ‘to scatter, broadcast’, referring to broadcasting seed in a row when planting. Rah also means 配偶; 髮妻 ‘mate (n.); first wife’, originally meaning the wife with whom one had paired up with in love-song singing at traditional song markets. In Yishan 宜山 and Du’an 都安 the term rah is still used in this way. The lwgrah is the child by the first wife who inherits in orthodox succession, usually but not always the eldest son. Lwglaj, lit. ‘child below’, is another word altogether. By contrast, the term used for children who come into a family when their mother re-marries are called lwgriengz, where riengz means ‘to follow’. Such children would not address their new step-father’s children as beixnuengx ‘siblings’. 413 The third character in this line is 害 MSC hài ‘to harm’, which the B edition (B668:5) reads as haih and glosses as 害 ‘to harm’. The character is more

commonly read as heh, with the meaning ‘to cut up, chop’, and with the extended meaning ‘to kill’. 414 The third and fourth characters in the manuscript line have small black

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lines on the right hand side, indicating that they have been written in the wrong order. In the B edition (B669:1) the correction is made, without comment. 415 The third character in this line is 勿 MSC wù ‘don’t’, which the B edition (B669:2) reads as fwd and glosses as 都 ‘all’. The gloss is incorrect.

Fwd is an adverb meaning ‘forcefully; suddenly’, as in Gwn ngaiz daengz byongh de fwd ngeix daengz lwg liux couh cuengq vanj, “Halfway through eating her meal she suddenly thought of the children and put down her bowl.” Or Banhaet lij ok ndit, daengz byonghngoenz liux fwd doek fwn hung roengzdaeuj, “In the early morning the sun was still out, but by noontime it suddenly began to rain heavily.” 417 The third character in this line is ĉ (岸) MSC àn ‘river-bank, shore’, which the B edition (B669:4) reads as ngoemx and glosses as 啞 ‘dumb, unable to

speak’. The morpheme ngoemx is well-attested (Snd 377; ZHCH 593 under ngoemxhauq 告密 ‘tell a secret’). The basic meaning is ‘dumb, unable to speak’, and by extension means ‘lapse into silence, keep one’s mouth shut’. For example, Bouxboux cungj ngoemx youq mbouj ok sing, “Everyone kept silent and didn’t utter a sound.” Readings of 岸 in pre-modern Chinese are EMC ŋanʰ and LMC ŋan` (Pb 24); PH readings include ŋan22 in Tiandong and ŋan223 in Nanning (Li 206). Zhuang readings include nganx ‘eye’ (Snd 372). These readings are very consistent. The phonetic match however between nganx and ngoemx is only approximate; with a syllable like ngoemx, finding a Chinese character with a closely matching pronunciation may have been difficult. It is worth noting that this character is written with 牛 niú ‘cow, ox’ beneath rather than 干 gān; EMC and PH readings of 牛 niú are close to ngou, which at least provides a partial match (initial and vowel). 418 The first character in this line is 度 MSC dù ‘measure’, which the B edition

(B669:5) reads as doq and glosses along with the next character (read as bi ‘year’) as 當年 ‘that year’. The phrase doq bi is not directly attested. Doq by itself is attested with the meaning 馬上; 立即 ‘instantly, immediately, thereupon’ (Snd 137), but it seems not to be used with time words. In fact doq bi is an abbreviation for doq bi de ‘then in that year’. E.g. De guh ranz baenz liux doq bi de coux bawx, “He finished building a house and in that very year took a wife.” The word bawx ‘daughter-in-law’ comes to mean ‘wife’ because a man’s wife is daughter-in-law to his own father and mother.

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419 The third character in this line is 落 MSC luò ‘to fall’, which the B edition reads as lak and glosses as 浊 ‘turbid’ (B670:1). No such word is found

in the ZHCH (455); for ‘turbid, muddy’ the HZCH lists noengz (p. 405). The character 落 is listed in Snd with various readings, none of them pertinent: cak 額 ‘forehead’ (p. 57); lak 崩 ‘to collapse’ (p. 275); and loh 露出 ‘to divulge, let out’ (p. 293). Meng Yuanyao adds that the phrase for ‘muddy water’ in other places is raemx doengq or raemx noengz. Tianyang informants report that they have not heard of a phrase raemx lak ‘muddy water’. Rather, lak here is a verb meaning ‘open up the sluice gates, open up’ (dakai tiancheng 打開田塍). The usual phrase is lak dwngj ‘open the sluice-gates’ (dakai tiangeng 打開田埂). When water comes into the wet-fields, it flushes away the field water, which is rich in nutriments, and the owner of the field will be likely to be affected adversely. This line hints that as soon as the king’s new wife enters the household, there will be serious losses. 421 The first character in this line is 買 MSC mǎi ‘to buy’, which the B edition (B670:3) reads as maij and glosses as 愛 ‘to love, cherish’, and translates along with lwg ‘child’ as 孤兒 ‘orphan’. This is a context-dependent transla-

tion. In fact maij means ‘to like’; it is not an adjective modifying lwg as the following noun, but rather a transitive verb taking what follows as object. The meaning of this line is that soon after the widow was married into the household of the king, she demanded that her son by her former husband should come along and live with her. 424 The phrase bae lai gvan in this line (B671:1) means ‘was married off to

many husbands’. The phrase bae gvan, lit. ‘go [to] husband’, means to go to one’s husband’s house, i.e. to be married off. See also line 422, which is parallel. 427 The first character in this line is 接 MSC jiē ‘to join; take in hand, accept; take over’, which the B edition (B671:4) reads as ciep and glosses as 接 ‘to

take over’. Here, this word clearly refers to inheritance. That a new wife should bring her son from a previous marriage into the household and then contend with the son by the king’s former wife for the family property, is naturally a circumstance that would lead to enmity and hatred. This word ciep here serves as an indicator for the conflicts described in the lines to follow. The meaning of this line is that they inherited the forests (along with everything else).

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429 The last character in this line is 稔 MSC rěn ‘(of crops) ripe, mature’,

which the B edition (672:1) reads as naem and glosses along with the previous character (个 MSC gè, read as go ‘clf. for plants’) as 小竹 ‘little bamboo’. This is not very precise, and no such morpheme is found in ZHCH (345). A contrast is drawn in this line with go’ndoek, glossed as 大竹 ‘big bamboo’. Gondoek is a term that refers to various species of ‘thorny bamboo’, called 刺竹 or 勒竹 in Chinese, that are used for water containers and carrying poles. Alternatively, in the north and northeast of Guangxi, gondoek refers to a completely different species, called 毛 竹 (‘hairy bamboo’) in Chinese, with the scientific name Phyllostachys pubescens Mazel ex H. de Lehaie. See Recalling Lost Souls, p. 142. Gonaem is ‘black bamboo’ or ‘purple bamboo’, called 黑竹 or 紫竹 in Chinese, with a scientific name Phyllostachys nigra (Lodd.) Munro. See Dai Qihui, Guangxi zhuzhong ji qi zaipei, pp. 119–121 for gondoek and 129–131 for gonaem. 430 The third character in this line is 今 MSC jīn ‘now’, which the B edition (B672:2) glosses as 好 ‘good’. This is imprecise. Gim actually means 金

‘gold, made of gold’, and ‘good’ is simply an extended meaning. Similarly, nazceh are wet-fields that are filled with water and never dry out at any time of year; they are better-quality wet-fields than those that receive less water or dry out. The B gloss of ceh here, 良 ‘good’, is of the same order; ceh means ‘to soak’. 431 The first character in this line is 入 MSC rù ‘to enter’, which the B edition reads as saeb and glosses as 入 ‘enter’ (B672:3). On the phonology of this

word, see line 405 above. 433–434 It is in these two lines that the designations 祖王 Cojvuengz and 漢王 Hanqvuengz are first mentioned. From the context, it is clear that

Cojvueng ‘Ancestral King’ is a title or designation that denotes the heir of a chieftaincy, while the title Hanqvuengz denotes a son of the king (chieftain) who does not inherit the realm. These terms are evidently in Chinese-style word order, with noun following attributive adjective, and may be terms used at court and in the official regulations on the inheritance of native chieftaincies (tusi 土司) under imperial Chinese law. However, references to these terms have not yet been found. In Zhuang, the syllable hanq in Hanqvuengz is usually understood as ‘goose’, a migratory bird.

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436 Huang Ziyi recited the second character in this line (B673:3) as sw (ɬɯːA).

This arose from a mis-reading of the standardised Zhuang characters used in the B edition (see under coh Snd 83). The manuscript has 初 MSC chū ‘beginning, first’, and the reading coh ‘name’ is clearly correct, as it provides a rhyme with boh at the end of the previous line. Judging by the context, the idea of this line is taking the name of his wife’s son and reporting it to the capital, a procedure necessary to ensure that he inherited the chieftaincy. This procedure dated from the Ming dynasty. 440 The third character in this line is 北 MSC běi ‘north’, which the B edition (674:2) reads as baek and glosses as 處 ‘place, location’. For this morpheme,

which is apparently derived from bak ‘mouth’ through vowel shortening, see Killing a Buffalo p. 152 (note to 2:344). The problem then becomes one of construing the line, since it would seem that taking baek ‘place’ as modifying the preceding noun lueg ‘mountain valley’ makes only very vague sense; as a place name, this is rather vacuous. However, lueg does makes sense when construed as modifying the preceding noun biengz ‘domain’; the combination biengz lueg ‘valley domains’ is found elsewhere in these texts. The clue is found in the translation of the B edition, where baek is rendered as 到處 ‘everywhere’. What is meant is evidently a general reference. 443 The last character in this sentence is 為 MSC wéi ‘to become’, which the B edition (B674:5) reads as vi and glosses as 欺 ‘cheat, bully’. This morpheme

is well-attested; the St.Zh. is vei (ZHCH 716, but see also 717 under vi). The meaning is given as 委屈 ‘to wrong’. Snd also lists this word (Snd 488–489), with the definition 虧; 忘恩 ‘to wrong; to forget a kindness’. 445 The reading of the second character in this line is suspect. The character is 受 MSC shòu ‘receive’, which the B edition (B675:2) reads as gyaeu and glosses as 受 ‘receive’. In the translation, however, this word is rendered as a transitive verb 可憐 ‘pity’. These are mutually contradictory. In the

first place, gyaeu (pronounced tɕɐuA in the Bama-Tianyang area) is listed only with the meaning ‘long life, life-force’ (ZHCH 388). If we adopt this reading, then the meaning of the line is, “(The gods) each has longevity greater than that of people on earth.” This is at least plausible, though it does not really fit the context. Possibly better is to read this word as ‘to pity’, which in Zhuang is cojgvaq (HZCH 144, a word also listed in ZHCH 139). Phonetically coj fits well with 受, and cojgvaq also takes in the following character 卦 MSC guà ‘trigram’, which is commonly read as gvaq

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‘to pass by’. Reading these two characters as cojgvaq ‘pity’ gives us, “(The gods) each have pity for the people on earth”. The problem however is to account for gag ‘each’. Finally, Huang Ziyi in his recitation pronounces this word as saeu. This word means ‘to make an effort, struggle’. E.g. De saeu swenj saeu swenj, fouz miz vunz ndaej nyi, “He struggled and cried out repeatedly, but nobody heard him.” In this case the line here would mean, “(Hanvueng) struggled by himself through a whole lifetime.” This rendering gives better account of the word gag ‘each, on one’s own’ at the beginning of the line. Actually, either saeu and gyaeu would be an acceptable reading here. See ZHCH 666, under saeuj (gyaeuq). 447 The first character in this line is 祖 MSC zǔ ‘ancestor’, which the B edition reads as caj and glosses as 若 ‘if’. This is suspect on grounds of poor

phonetic match. The usual reading of this character in Zhuang is coj ‘ancestor’. Coj has other meanings, such as 一定 ‘definitely’ (ZHCH 139), and ‘in the end, ultimately’. Pre-modern Chinese readings of 祖 include EMC tsɔ’ and LMC tsuă´ (Pb 423); PH readings include tsɔ33 in Tiandong and tɕu33 in Nanning (Li 31). This and line 453 are the only places in this manuscript where 祖 is read as caj, though the reading cah ‘then’ is also found once. Caj is found not infrequently in this manuscript, with a meaning equivalent to ‘if’; it is usually written with 左 MSC zuǒ ‘left’. The basic meaning of caj is ‘to wait’, and by extension ‘regardless how’. The reading caj here results from synonym substitution, the original reading being coj ‘ultimately’, with conditional force (‘if’) understood. 448 The word biengz in this line (B675:5) often means ‘domain’, but here it is

used in a more general sense as ‘place’. The meaning is “Go to any place and heaven will still rescue you.” The translation in the B edition has rendered this “Go to heaven …”, reading biengz together with following mbwn ‘sky’ as a noun phrase. 449 The second character in this line is 妹 MSC mèi ‘younger sister’, which the

B edition reads as meh and glosses as ‘mother’ (B676:1). Huang Ziyi reads this word as de ‘he, she’. This is based on a mis-reading of the ‘standardised’ Zhuang character in the B edition, and has no basis in the manuscript. See also line 453. 452 The last character in this line is 末 MSC mò ‘outer branches, end’, which the B edition reads as mued, glosses as 滅 ‘extinguish’, and translates along with the previous word dai ‘to die’ as 淹死 ‘drown’ (B676:4). The

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textual and ethnographic notes

word mued actually has two meanings, one of which is ‘to sink (in water), drown’, and the other of which is ‘be extinguished, die out’. Taking the context into account, especially the previous line which speaks of ‘floodwaters inundating the sky’, the former meaning seems apt. 453 The first character in this line is 祖 zǔ ‘ancestor’, which the B edition reads as caj and glosses as 使 ‘make sbdy do sthg’ (B676:5). See the note to

line 447 above. 456 The first and second characters in this line are 厚 MSC hòu ‘thick’ and 防 MSC fáng ‘to ward off’. In the B edition (B677:3) these are read as haeuxfiengj and glossed as 小米 ‘millet’. Haeuxfiengj is indeed a kind of millet, called foxtail millet (Setaria italica). Pre-modern readings of 防

fáng are EMC buaŋ and buaŋʰ, and LMC fɦjyaŋ´/fɦaŋ´ (Pb 91). The third word in the line 唐 MSC táng is read as daem and glossed as 送 ‘to send’. Daem is well-attested with the meaning ‘to eat (along with something else)’ (Snd 96). The fourth character 行 MSC háng or xíng is read as hengh and glossed as ‘stem, branch’. The basic meaning of hengh is 腿肚子 ‘calf, lower part of the leg’ (Snd 249); Meng Yuanyao confirms that this morpheme is used metaphorically for the stems of small plants. Haz are tall grasses like cogongrass. The reading of 唐 táng as daem is apparently only approximate, since 唐 táng has pre-modern readings such as EMC daŋ and LMC tɦaŋ. The nasal coda is invariably -ŋ rather than -m, and in Guangxi the main vowel is long -a-. What seems to have happened here is that this character is being read as 塘 táng ‘pond’, which is then being read semantically as daemz ‘pond’ in Zhuang, and then re-borrowed phonetically for daem ‘to eat (with something else)’. See the note to line 514 below. 460 The second character in this line (B678:2) is 狼 MSC láng ‘wolf’, which the

B edition reads as langx and glosses as ‘hateful’. This word is not listed in ZHCH (457, 315). Meng Yuanyao confirms that such a word is found in Mashan Zhuang, read in second tone (langz), the meaning of which is ‘to resent; to be dissatisfied (with sbdy)’. Thus for example De langz gou mbouj ciq cienz hawj de, “He resented the fact that I did not lend money to him”; and De doiq mwngz gaeuq ndei lo, mwngz laeg langz de dem lo, “He’s pretty good to you, don’t be dissatisfied with him any more.” In fact, Huang Ziyi recites this word in 2nd tone, although this may be an effect of tone sandhi.

textual and ethnographic notes

363

461 The second character in this line is 賣 mài ‘to sell’, which the B edition (B678:3) reads as maiq and glosses as 諷 ‘to satirise; ridicule’. This mor-

pheme is not found in ZHCH (501), but can be confirmed (MYY). See list under baeh in ZHCH 13. 462 The third character in this line is 滿 MSC mǎn ‘full’, which the B edition (678:4) reads as muenz and glosses as 瞒 ‘to deceive’. This morpheme is

attested in Snd (333). Muenx at the end of the next line is a misprint. Gaeuq ‘old’ at the end of this line is not used to refer to age (laux means ‘old’ in this sense), but rather means ‘former’. Here, it is evidently an abbreviated way of indicating that Hanvueng was the son of the king by his former wife. Gaeuq is frequently used throughout the text in this way. 463 The fourth character in this line is h, a vernacular variant of 得 MSC

dé ‘to get, obtain’, which the B edition (B678:5) reads as dwg and glosses as 給 ‘give’. The gloss is context-dependent. Dwg here is the one that precedes a verb and means ‘V-able, easy to V’. Thus dwgriu ‘amusing’, dwgcoh ‘pitiable’, dwggvaiq ‘easy to find fault with’, dwgnaeuz ‘easy to criticise’. 465 The third character in this line is a vernacular variant of 貪 MSC tān ‘covet’,

which the B edition (B679:2) reads as damh and glosses as ‘to soak (rice)’, that is, using hot water or vegetable juices to sprinkle on top of cooked rice (cf. ZHCH 187). Here Hanvueng was soaking his rice with tears, the implication being that his tears were flowing as he ate his miserable food, all the while conscious of the very great wrong that was being done to him. 466 The second and third characters in this line are read in the B edition (B679:3) as byaeknda and glossed as 野菜 ‘wild vegetable’. This is Lobelia chinensis Lour., ‘Chinese lobelia’, known as 半邉蓮 in Chinese. Cf. ZHCH 117. The last character in the line is 迷 MSC mí ‘to lose one’s way’, which in the B edition is read as meiq and glossed as 酸 ‘sour’; Huang Ziyi follows

this gloss and pronounces this word as soemj ‘sour’. The character in the manuscript would normally be read meiq ‘vinegar’. 467 The first and second characters in this line are 苝 bèi and 取 qǔ ‘to take’,

read in the B edition (B679:4) as byaekciq (the Zhuangwen byaekcia is a misprint) and glossed as 野菜 ‘wild vegetable’. Meng Yuanyao tentatively identifies ciq here with a morpheme pronounced cwx in other places,

364

textual and ethnographic notes

meaning ‘wild, not cultivated’. Thus byaekcwx ‘wild vegetable’, and haeuxcwx ‘wild rice’. Water used to soak bamboo shoots has an acrid taste and would normally be discarded. 468 The second character in this line is tè 忑, which the B edition glosses as 下 xià ‘below’; it translates this line as 剩菜放在碗柜上 “Left-over dishes

are put up in the cupboard” (B679:5). This interpretation is undoubtedly correct, but there is still a problem: how does laj banz ‘under the platter’ come to mean ‘left-overs’? ‘Left-over’ in Standard Zhuang is usually lw (see ZHCH 485), a reading which is implausible here (the graph tè 忑 is always read in this text as laj ‘under’). In any case to refer to left-over food as ‘under the platter’ makes no sense. The solution is to understand the phrase laj banz as meaning laj ‘down below’ plus banz ‘[in/on] the platter’, with the two terms in apposition, rather than as a prepositional phrase of the conventional type with laj ‘under’ governing banz ‘platter’. In Zhuang rural households, any dishes with left-over food are covered over with another dish, turned upside-down. The left-over food is described as ‘below’ because it is ‘below’ the upturned dish on top of it. Such collocations are not uncommon in Zhuang. Thus lajdeih ‘on earth below’, lajguenz ‘down in the wine-shed’, and so on. The phrase gwnz ringj may be understood in the same way, as ‘up in the cupboard’ rather than ‘on top of the cupboard’. On such phrases see Holm, Killing a Buffalo, Textual Note on text 1 line 4. 471 The fourth character in this line is 呈 MSC chéng ‘to present’, which the B edition (B680:3) reads as cingx and glosses as 成 ‘to become’. No such

morpheme is attested elsewhere. Elsewhere in Zhuang manuscripts, this character is read as cingz and caeng (Snd 51, 77). Here one possible reading is caengz or cingz, an old Han loan from 成 chéng ‘to become’. Another possibility is caeng or cwngz, meaning ‘to store; to serve out (food); to load up’, i.e. as a loan-word from 盛 MSC chéng ‘to ladle out’. Note that 呈 chéng, 成 chéng, and 盛 chéng are all read as cwngz in modern Zhuang (that is, modern Zhuang based on contemporary Guangxi vernacular: see ZHCH 786), but also as cingz. Here, the reading could be either cingz ‘become’ or cingz ‘ladle out’. Cf. line 474 below. 472 Huang Ziyi reads the fourth character in this line (B680:4) as caiq, which may be glossed as 再 ‘again’. This is a misreading, based on the ‘standardised’ Zhuang character in the B edition. The manuscript has 又 MSC yòu

‘again’, the normal reading of which is youh. The last character in the line

textual and ethnographic notes

365

is 貪 MSC tān ‘to covet’, which the B edition reads as damq and glosses as ‘to receive, take over’. This should be dam, a word which means ‘to take over, follow after, connect directly’, meaning to fit something into something else. E.g. Aeu geij geu faexfaiz byai dam goek doxlienz hwnjdaeuj guh gyongjraemx, “Take some lengths of sweet bamboo and fit them top end to base, connecting them to make a water pipe.” Here the meaning of the two lines is that Cojvuengz had not finished eating his piles of duck-meat when the chicken was served up. 473 The third character in this line is 落 MSC luò ‘to fall’, which the B edition (B680:5) reads as lag and glosses as 大 ‘big’. There is no such mor-

pheme attested elsewhere (ZHCH 454; cf. also ibid. 495 under max-). This word is likely to be related to langh ‘big-boned’, a word used elsewhere to refer to large-framed domestic animals (oxen, buffaloes, but pre-eminently horses). See Recalling Lost Souls 2:82. Final -k and -ŋ are homorganic and these two words stand in duizhuan 對轉 relation to each other. 474 The fourth character in this line is 呈 MSC chéng ‘to present’, which the B edition (B681:1) reads as ciengx and glosses as 成 ‘to become’. No such

morpheme is attested elsewhere (ZHCH 129). Cf. line 471. Here the best reading is cingz, a Han loan for 成 MSC chéng ‘become’ (see ZHCH 133). This also provides a rhyme with cing at the end of the previous line. See note to line 471 above. 475 The last character in this line is 正 MSC zhèng ‘correct’, read as cieng and glossed as 年 ‘year’ (B681:2). This is a loan from 正 zhēng as in 正月

zhēngyuè ‘first month’, used metonymically in Zhuang to refer to the lunar new year or to springtime. 476 The last character in this line is a vernacular variant for 腊 MSC là ‘last month’, which the B edition reads as lab and glosses as 腊月 ‘last month

of the year’ (B681:3). In fact the meaning here is not just the last month, but the entire winter. These lines exhibit parallelism, in which different designations of time (first month of spring, last month of the year, turn of the year, etc.) are substituted. 477 Here gvaq bi, glossed as 過年 ‘to pass the New Year’ (B681:4), in fact refers

to the entire year, or to more years than one.

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textual and ethnographic notes

479 The meaning of this line (B682:1) is that he wore trousers but was not able

to cover his legs, i.e. his trousers did not have legs. 480 In this line (B682:2) both yakfaz and yakfwh mean ‘ugly’. They are used

to refer to clothing or behaviour which are not pleasing to look at, and make people feel uncomfortable. Yakfaz is well-attested, yakfwh less so. ZHCH 732 lists yagfawh as a dialect variant of yakfaz, and yakfwh and yagfawh can be deemed the same word. In many areas final -aw and final -w are interchangeable. Thus saw and sw ‘book, writing’, ‘send’, and ‘clear (water)’; haw and hw for ‘market’; gawq and gwq for ‘saw’; cawj and cwj for ‘to boil’. 482 The second character in this line has been read as 楽, a vernacular variant of 樂 MSC yuè ‘music’; le4 ‘enjoyment’, which the B edition reads as rieg and glosses as 换 ‘to exchange’ (B682:4). In the translation, the object 鞋子 ‘shoes’ is supplied. This is not entirely appropriate. The classifier

doiq is given at the end of the line, and this is the usual classifier for clothes, but the usual classifer for pairs of shoes is gouh. On the basis of the text, namely a collocation of verb and classifier object, the line in all probability means “changed his clothes two or three times a day”. However, the character in the manuscript line is not at all clear. Two dots similar to two-dot ice (冫) can be seen on the upper left side, and a wood radical (木) down below, but the upper right side appears to be something like t, a common allograph of 凡 fán ‘all; ordinary’, with an additional upward stroke through it. There are thus at least two other ways in which this character can be read: one is as 梁 liáng ‘roof-beam’, and another is as 染 rǎn ‘to dye’. Both of these characters have vernacular variants written with two-dot ice and with a short horizontal stroke through the element in the upper right-hand corner (Dunhuang suzi dian pp. 243, 337). As it happens, neither of these other possible readings makes a great deal of difference: 梁 liáng has pre-modern readings EMC lɨaŋ and LMC liaŋ (Pb 191), while 染 rǎn has EMC ɲiam’ and LMC riam’ (Pb 264). Either of these characters can plausibly be read as rieg (liǝk) in this dialect of Zhuang, though the correspondence with 梁 liáng is closer. 樂 lè by contrast has pre-modern readings EMC and LMC lak (Pb 185), and PH readings such as lak13 and lak24 (Li Lianjin p. 285). 486 The second character in this line is 長 MSC cháng ‘long’, which B683:3 reads as gyangz and glosses as 呻吟 ‘groan’. Huang Ziyi, however, pro-

nounces this word as ɕaːŋ2, based on the quite different ‘standardised’

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367

graph that appears in the B edition; this appears to be a mistake. The same problem recurs in line 488 below. (The standardised graph has the mouth radical combined with the right-hand side of 伤 shāng as a phonetic; this is not listed in Snd 225 under gyangz, but is found in Snd 60 under cangz, with the gloss 歎, 歎氣; 呻吟). However, cangz is listed only as a dialect word in ZHCH (p. 104). In the Bama-Tianyang lect this morpheme would be pronounced as ko:ŋ2 (gongz), whereas the Wuming pronunciation is ka:ŋ2; ɕa:ŋ2 is reported only for Shanglin 上林, well to the east of Tianzhou (ZhYFYYJ p. 714 item 810). St.Zh. is gyangz (ZHCH 393). Neither the local nor the Wuming pronunciation fits particularly well with the local pronunciation of 長 cháng, which has PH readings such as tsᴇŋ41 (Tiandong and Mashan, Li p. 296) and tʃiɐŋ33 (Nanning, Hanyu fangyan zhi p. 779); on the other hand, cangz is a common rendering for 長 in modern Zhuang borrowings, derived from SWM. 487 The third character is 兎, a vernacular variant of 兔 tù ‘rabbit’, which the B edition reads as daeux and glosses as 碰 ‘to bump against’ (B683:4). A

word that is evidently the same morpheme is also found in Snd, where it is glossed as 卷曲 ‘bend, curl up’ (Snd 104). These are evidently contextdependent glosses. In fact the meaning of daeux is ‘to prop up, hold in place’. Thus Duz lwg neix fwngz daeux hangz yawj saw, “This child reads with his chin propped up with his hands.” And, Mienh ciengz aij neix deng aeu faex daeuj daeux, ndwi couh cek de bae, “This wonky bit of wall needs to be propped up with some timbers; otherwise tear it down.” ZHCH 179 does list this morpheme, but with a definition which is unclear. 490 The fifth and last character in this line is 魯 MSC lǔ ‘stupid’, which the B edition transcribes as roq and glosses as 露 ‘dew’ (B684:2). Huang Ziyi

for some reason pronounces this character as lo:ŋ6 (rongh) in his recitation. This is probably just a mistake, possibly as a result of transposition from line 486 above. ‘Rongh’ here would mean ‘bright; light’, and there is in fact a collocation naerongh, which means fallen snow which has frozen again into a thin sheet of ice. However, both the second and the fourth words in the following line (coj and byoq) form a rhyme with roq, and this is clearly the intended reading. The problem is that there is no morpheme loq or roq meaning ‘dew’, unless that is this syllable is a Han loan for 露 lù, which would be either luq (ZHCH 779) or loh (HZCH 168). The editors of the subsequent M edition clearly sensed the difficulty here, because they changed the reading to naeloq and glossed this word as 雪花

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textual and ethnographic notes

‘snowflakes’ (M7:2420). Unfortunately this solution is no better. Naeloq is not listed in the ZHCH with this or any other meaning, and the usual word for ‘snowflake’ is naefaiq (lit. ‘frost + cotton’) in Zhuang and nailwaais in Bouyei (BYHCD 392; E&W also doesn’t have the word listed). Another possibility is that the word roq here is to be identified as ‘eaves’ (ZHCH 642). Thus roqranz, for instance, means ‘eaves of the house, eaves’. Naeroq is thus the frost that forms on the eaves of the house, in other words ‘icicles’. Bama-Tianyang would not get cold enough for icicles to form in the coldest part of winter, but Rongshui and other northern counties would, as would Guizhou. 491 The fourth character in this line is 却 MSC què ‘however’, which the B edition transcribes as byoq and glosses as 烤 ‘to toast’ (B684:3). The character

reflects local pronunciation, where most by- (pj-) initials in St.Zh. are pronounced as /tɕ-/. However, this pronunciation of 却 què reflects SWM pronunciations such as Guilin tɕ‘io21 (Guangxi tongzhi Hanyu fangyan zhi p. 782), which would be routinely de-aspirated in NT. By contrast, PH pronunciation (Li p. 302) retains the final rusheng consonant, as in k‘ᴇk33 (Tiandong and Nanning). 492 The first character in this line is a graphic variant of 恥 MSC chǐ ‘shame’, which the B edition transcribes as ci and glosses as 推 ‘to push’ (B684:4).

This morpheme is listed in ZHCH (p. 118). More precisely, the meaning is ‘to send somebody away on some errand or other’. Thus: Ci duz baklai neix okbae liux raeuz ndei yaeng saeh, “Send this blabbermouth away so that we can sort things out.” 496 The first character in this line is 提 MSC tí ‘to raise up’, which the B edition substitutes with 介 jiè ‘lie in between’, transcribes as gaiq, and glosses as 付 ‘hand over’ (B685:3). If we follow the manuscript, the first character

should be read as dawz ‘take up, lift’, as in the previous line and at the end of this line. The meaning of this line would be ‘When it came to shouldering carrying poles it was Hanvueng who did it.’ If we follow the recitation, gaiq here can be identified as a verb meaning ‘to put something long and stick-like horizontally on something else’ (ZHCH 308); 付 ‘hand over’ is then merely a very approximate gloss. The meaning of the line in that case would be very much the same, since both gaiq rap and dawz rap have the same meaning. In other words, we have here an instance of synonym substitution.

textual and ethnographic notes

369

497 The second character in this line is 般 MSC bān ‘move; category’, which the B edition transcribes as ruz and glosses as 船 ‘boat’. There is no doubt

that this reading is correct, since the same character is read as ruz recurrently in this text (lines 549, 858, 859, 862, 863, and eight other locations). The problem is how to explain the reading, since 般 bān in any dialect has initial, final and tone which are quite different from ruz (lu2). There is an alternative reading for 般 bān, which is bō, used as a transcription character in the collocation 般若 bōrè, Skrt. prajñā ‘wisdom’; this pronunciation has pre-modern readings EMC pa and LMC pua (Pb 40); this goes back to OC *praan (Zheng-Zhang Shangfang p. 268). This is closer, even if the initial is not in correspondence. Seeking an explanation in PT or PKT does not help, since ‘boat’ in PT is *drïo A2 (HCT 128, 282) and PKT is *drɯɔ (Gailun p. 909); Pittayaporn’s PT is *C̬ .rwɯǝA. One possibility is to interpret 般 bān as a graphic approximant for 船 chuán ‘boat’, a substitution which could easily happen if the ‘mouth’ element (口) in the lower right-hand corner were written as a 厶 sī or as a repeat sign (々), as is frequently seen in vernacular manuscripts. The problem with this is that 般 bān is found quite consistently for ruz in this text, so it is unlikely to be a ‘mistake’. Another possibility is that 般 bān has been read catalytically, with the boat radical (舟) on the left-hand side and 殳 shū ‘pike’ as a phonetic element on the right. 殳 shū in turn has pre-modern readings EMC dʑuǝ̆ and LMC ʂɦyǝ̆ (Pb 287). OC reconstructions are variously Baxter 788 dzyu < *djo; Baxter-Sagart’s OC reconstruction is *do {*[d]o}; Zheng-Zhang 467 has *djo. Schuessler’s LHan is *dźo (OCM 10– 21). It will be noted that EMC, LHan and OC are close matches with PT and PKT. The 殳 shū was a pike of wood or bamboo, used in warfare in the classical period. There are references to it in the Shijing 詩經 (Weifeng: Boxi 衛 風伯兮) and the ritual classics. The shape and appearance of this weapon are described in the commentary to the Maoshi 毛詩 (長丈二而無刃, ‘It was twelve feet long, and had no sharp edge’), suggesting that it had passed out of current use at an early date. It was later used in ceremonial guards of honour ( yizhangdui 儀仗隊), and Tang and later references to it are always in the context of ceremonial. One can speculate that such a rare character as 殳 shū might come to be used as a phonophore in a Zhuang text either because the script itself—or at least elements of it—took shape at an early date, or because Zhuang literacy, being schoolbased, naturally included texts like the Shijing and the ritual classics. The last character in this line is 造 MSC zào ‘to construct’, which the B edition transcribes as cauh and glosses as 划 ‘to row’ (B685:4). When used

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textual and ethnographic notes

as a noun, cauh means 棹, i.e. a large oar. When used as a verb, it means ‘to row’, as in Cauh aen ruz haeuj henz sok bae, “Row the boat over to the side of the landing”. 498 The second character in this line is 劳 láo ‘labour’, which the B edition reads as liuh and glosses as 玩 ‘amuse oneself’ (B685:5). The dialect pro-

nunciation of this morpheme is evidently lauh (cf. ZHCH 461). This word forms a rhyme with cauh ‘row’ at the end of the previous line, but only if pronounced lauh rather than liuh. This reading is also clearly indicated by the character 劳 láo, which has pre-modern readings EMC and LMC law (Pb 183), and PH readings that include lau41 in Tiandong and lau21 in Nanning (Li 126); there is no location that has liːu2. See line 256 above. 499 The third and fifth characters in this line are 灰 MSC huī ‘ash’ and 奴 MSC nú ‘slave’, which the B edition reads as hoiq and noz and glosses as 奴 ‘slave’ and 婢 ‘slave-girl’ respectively (B686:1). These terms refer to two different

categories of unfree subjects. The noz ‘house-slaves’ would definitely live in the master’s house, while the hoiq ‘slaves’ would not necessarily. 500 The first and second characters in this line are 智 MSC zhì ‘wisdom’ and 胡 MSC hú ‘horse-riding barbarian’, which the B edition transcribes as cawhoz and glosses as 氣 ‘breath’ and 喉 ‘throat’ respectively (B686:2).

This is a collocation which means ‘breath’, in the sense of the passage of air inwards and outwards in the throat. It can also be used to refer to thoughts and feelings, and in this context it is the latter that is meant. That Hanvueng’s thoughts and feelings were not easily laid to rest, is to say that he was uneasy at heart. In Zhuang the throat is regarded as an organ of thought and consciousness. Thus hoz rim ‘throat full’ means ‘perfectly content’, and hoz haih ‘throat subside’ means ‘satisfied (after having attained one’s desires)’. Thus hoz mbouj dai or cawhoz mbouj dai, lit. ‘breath not die’, both mean ‘brood on something because unable to obtain one’s heart’s desires’. The word ngaih means ‘easy; easily’. 智 zhì has pre-modern readings EMC triăʰ/triʰ and LMC tri` (Pb 408).while PH readings are tsi35 (Tiandong) and tɕi55 (Nanning) (Li p. 90). PT for caw is *čeï/čɛï A1 (HCT 9.3, 16.8, pp. 164, 289), where /č/ is a non-aspirated palatal affricate. This word is not included in the Zhuang dialect surveys, but available NT examples all have initial /ɕ-/. Correspondence seems closest with EMC triăʰ, with vowel metastasis. Cf. OC *tre for 知 zhì ‘know’ (Baxter-Sagart), and Zheng-Zhang OC *tes (= 鼻) ndaeng ‘nose’

703, 1208

343

bǐ ù (= 比) bae ‘to go’ 63, 96, 97, 98, 99, 131, 139, 141, 142, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 187, 188, 191, 192, 194, 241, 242, 243, 261, 285, 287, 366, 395, 396, 406, 409, 431, 436, 437, 448, 469, 485, 498, 516, 518, 520, 522, 524, 526, 528, 530, 580, 581, 583, 592, 593, 606, 607, 610, 611, 613, 614, 643, 644, 647, 655, 658, 660, 692, 698, 713, 717, 749, 763, 764, 778, 798, 801, 837, 838, 877, 878, 903, 904, 970, 971, 995, 996, 997, 998, 999, 1008, 1009, 1017, 1018, 1019, 1026, 1027, 1028, 1029, 1034, 1035, 1036, 1037, 1042, 1043, 1063, 1086, 1087, 1091, 1092, 1093, 1152, 1158, 1159, 1160, 1173, 1174, 1175, 1176, 1205, 1206, 1208, 1209, 1210, 1229, 1241, 1248, 1255, 1281, 1293, 1294, 1328, 1329, 1333, 1338, 1344, 1345, 1346, 1347, 1348, 1431, 1432, 1493, 1529, 1533 bǐ 妣 bwz ‘plaited (of hair)’

1401

bì Á (= 闭) bae ‘to go’ 162, 362, 424, 517, 519, 521, 523, 525, 529, 531, 575, 584, 585, 609, 635, 779, 992, 1198 biàn 辨 buenx ‘to accompany’ biǎo 表 beu ‘to transgress’

253

498

513

chinese character index biuj ‘to express’ 1413

cái 才 caih ‘only then’ 299 caiz ‘to cut out’ 292, 292 caiz ‘wealth’ 502 caiz ‘talent’ 1416

bīng 兵 bing ‘soldiers’ 675, 775, 1434 bìng 病 bingh ‘ill; illness’

665, 695, 706, 757

cái 財 caiz ‘wealth’ 1468 cienz ‘money’ 541

bō 剥 bag ‘to chop, divide’ 1265, 1266 bak as in najbak ‘forehead’ 692 bǔ 卜 bog ‘sheaf’ 束 809, 901 mboek ‘dry land, bank’ 岸边，陆上

831

bù 不 mbouj ‘not’ 50, 51, 52, 93, 94, 95, 102, 103, 104, 105, 109, 110, 115, 171, 172, 174, 207, 208, 213, 214, 224, 228, 230, 247, 249, 253, 260, 261, 264, 265, 266, 288, 295, 302, 305, 309, 310, 311, 380, 382, 390, 390, 415, 417, 443, 459, 473, 479, 500, 501, 588, 601, 605, 631, 632, 640, 641, 663, 664, 665, 668, 699, 705, 706, 729, 745, 756, 786, 787, 823, 824, 846, 847, 848, 849, 855, 866, 867, 896, 909, 913, 917, 924, 942, 960, 961, 962, 986, 987, 988, 989, 1017, 1018, 1022, 1023, 1054, 1055, 1058, 1059, 1090, 1129, 1133, 1144, 1151, 1172, 1183, 1187, 1188, 1207, 1220, 1232, 1233, 1235, 1245, 1252, 1276, 1277, 1296, 1297, 1298, 1354, 1356, 1359, 1369, 1370, 1374, 1376, 1387, 1388, 1391, 1393, 1394, 1398, 1399, 1425, 1426, 1436, 1437, 1440, 1441, 1458, 1460 bù ò (= 不) mbouj ‘not’ 321, 322, 323, 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 329, 330, 332, 340, 343, 700, 939, 1015, 1090, 1532 bù 布 baeuq ‘grandfather’ buh ‘clothes’ 324

11, 12, 322, 763, 765

bù 咘 mboq ‘spring, water source’ 542, 544, 1467 bù 部 bouh ‘ministry’ 438

cǎi 彩 caij ‘to tread, step on’ 878n saiq ‘to scratch up, push to either side, inspect’ 878n yaemh ‘to tread warily’ 878n yaemq, ‘to visit, inspect a trap’ 878 yaemq ‘to tread warily’ 878n yaemx, ‘to walk lightly, tread carefully’ 878n cài 菜 byai ‘sprout, young growth; young, tender’ 403, 527n, 871, 889, 948 -caiz 2nd syllable in disyllabic mim.suff. cihcaiz (sound of waves) 864 mbaw ‘leaf’ 527 -yai 2nd syllable in disyllabic mim.suff. baxyai ‘glimmering’ 608 cān 参 cam ‘hairpin’ 189 cam ‘to consult, ask’

210

cān 叁 cam ‘to consult; ask’

149, 218, 223, 336, 337

cán 残 canz ‘drying platform’

570, 649

cāng 蒼 cang ‘to house, accommodate’ cāng 倉 cang ‘storehouse’

504

cáo 曺 (= 曹) cauz ‘stable’ 1356, 1389 cauz ‘office, officer’ 1407, 1477

1354

514

chinese character index

cén 岑 saemz ‘to slice up finely’

1224

chī È (= 吃) haet ‘early morning’

167

chá 茶 cax- 1st syllable in disyllabic mim.suff. caxlauz (vapour) 805 caxlih (cold) 803 caz ‘boat’ 1309, 1367 caz ‘tea’ 1456

chǐ 恥 ci ‘to push; make, get (sbdy to do sthg)’

cháng 長 cangh 2nd syllable in disyllabic mim.suff. cihcangh (sound of speaking) 636 cixcangh (sound of speaking) 617, 661

chì 叱 cit ‘to incite’ 535 gyaed ‘small-leaf indigo’ chōng 冲 coeng ‘clan’

cháng 长 gyangz ‘to moan’

cháo 朝 cauh ‘oar’

31, 33, 77, 79, 573,

218, 219, 221

1514

486, 488 chōng 憧 dongh ‘stake, post’

cháng 膓 saej ‘intestines’ chàng 唱 ciengq ‘to sing’

chǐ 叺 byat ‘to expiate, expiation’ 1421

492

89, 648

795

488

1474

chē 唓 cij ‘nipple, breast’

1313, 1374, 1375

chén 沉 caem ‘silent’ 1006, 1139 caemh ‘the same’ 599, 600, 1011, 1012, 1352, 1355, 1357, 1361, 1363 caemh ‘suddenly’ 812, 813 caemx ‘to wash’ 683 cinh ‘to abate’ 694, 700, 705 chéng 呈 cingz ‘to ladle out’ 471 cingz ‘to become’ 471n, 474 cingz ‘large wasp’ 638 cingz ‘small-mouthed jar’ 346, 912, 1313, 1375 cingz ‘memorandum’ 437 chèng 秤 caengh ‘steelyard; to weigh with a steelyard’ 66, 67, 560

chǒu 丑 coux ‘to receive, hold, welcome’ 609, 1356

396, 426,

chǒu 吜 coux ‘to hold’ 1369, 1393 naeu ‘snout moth larva’ 945, 947, 959 naeuh ‘rotten’ 1278 naeuz ‘to tell, say’ 14, 16, 141, 1033 chū Ï (= 出) caenh ‘to expel’ 606 cix ‘then’ 527 cid ‘glutinous (rice)’ 177 cit ‘to incite’ 198, 722, 738, 813 chū ì (= 初) caj ‘since, if’ 116 co ‘to sic, incite a dog to attack sbdy’ co ordinal prefix ‘first’ 1501 coq ‘to put’ 1388 coh ‘name’ 436 chú M (= 除) cwz ‘ox’ 6, 355 dawz ‘to grasp, hold’ chǔ 楚 sou ‘you’ (pl.)

1414

1137, 1138, 1152, 1155

1493

515

chinese character index chuán 傳 cuenz ‘to convey’

1414

chuàn 串 congh ‘hole’

1276

chuáng 床 congz ‘table’

31, 32, 81, 83, 1420

cí 3 (= 慈) saek as in saekleq ‘fortunately’ 744 sik ‘to tear, rip’ 881, 882, 907, 908 cóng E (= 從) soengz ‘to stand up, stand’

586

dá Õ, Ò (= 逹) -dad 2nd syllable in disyllabic mim.suff. dihdad (say) ‘deliberately’ 166, 176, 234, 252, 268, 301, 394, 622, 680, 697, 726, 1522 daet ‘to cut with scissors’ 290 dat ‘to wish to’ 302 dat ‘if’ 320 dat ‘cliff’ 704 dá 達 -dad 2nd syllable of disyllabic mim.suff. dihdad ‘emphatically’ 212 dá 答 dap ‘to respond, correspond, match’ 132, 140, 237 dop ‘to answer’ 835, 885 dop ‘to clap (hands)’ 109 dá 荅 (= 答) dam ‘to connect with’ 1085 dab ‘to pile on top, stack up, terrace’ 509, 1128 dap ‘to put up, join on’ 1084, 1291, 1292 dap ‘to respond, correspond, match’ 886 dop ‘to answer’ 837, 838, 996, 998, 1147 dà 大 da ‘father-in-law’ 48, 268, 301, 314, 334 da, ‘eye’ 465, 687, 688, 1378 dah- first syllable in disyllabic mim.suff. dahluh 239

dax- first syllable in disyllabic mim.suff. daxluh 225, daxlauz 226, 240 daz ‘to pull’ 132, 140 daz- first syllable in disyllabic mim.suff. dazluh 182, dazlauz 183 daih ‘big, old’ 97, 460, 720, 723, 729, 736, 739, 744, 793, 814, 817, 919, 936, 962, 1028, 1042, 1061, 1068, 1097, 1115, 1129, 1135, 1160, 1180, 1215, 1270, 1438, 1508 daih ordinal prefix (第) 188, 241, 802, 804, 806, 808, 810 dāi 呆 ngaiz ‘cooked rice, breakfast’ 143, 148, 168, 203, 257, 345, 676, 677, 713, 1124 dài 代 dai ‘to die’ 915, 917 daih ‘to receive’ 1411 daiq ‘mother-in-law’ 267, 300 dān p (= 丹) danq ‘to sigh’ 1010 duenh ‘wild (pig)’ 887, 898, 905 dàn 旦 dan ‘to cut with scissors’ 177 dāng 當 dang ‘to ward off’ 828, 829 dang (or dangh) ‘just at’ 1497 dangq ‘property’ 423 dangq ‘each’ 571, 571, 572, 572 dangq ‘wicker gate’ 620 dangh ‘to trample’ 53 dāng 当 dang ‘to act as, be’ 1299 ndang ‘body’ 82, 156, 221, 796, 798 dǎo 倒 dauq ‘to return’; vm ‘time, occasion’ 184, 254 dào 道 dauh ‘the Tao; Taoist priest; Taoist ritual’ 85, 347, 386, 395, 766, 1322, 1335, 1404, 1415, 1423 dào 到 daengz ‘to arrive; to’

280

516

chinese character index

dauq ‘to return; finally; on the contrary; again’ 182, 183, 187, 199, 225, 226, 239, 240, 248, 261, 279, 303, 371, 373, 381, 383, 400, 401, 406, 449, 469, 607, 628, 631, 633, 640, 643, 659, 730, 731, 746, 747, 773, 811, 851, 852, 869, 884, 914, 943, 965, 986, 1018, 1035, 1097, 1130, 1164, 1169, 1198, 1199, 1221, 1226, 1230, 1236, 1239, 1240, 1241, 1244, 1248, 1250, 1251, 1272, 1277, 1278, 1279, 1294, 1344, 1431, 1442, 1443, 1518, 1519, 1528 dé 德 daek ‘to ladle out’ 786 daek ‘male (animal)’ 880, 1396, 1399 daek ‘grasshopper’ 1112 daek ‘virtue’ as in goengdaek ‘merit’ 1413 dé h (= 得) daeg head n. for male animals 196, 598, 715, 1315 dwg ‘to be; is surely’ 181, 247, 249, 290, 291, 292, 293, 351, 463, 1225, 1237, 1242, 1253 dwk ‘to hit’ 21, 24, 25, 29, 40, 146, 317, 319, 363, 419, 432, 460, 461, 532, 591, 602, 713, 716, 720, 730, 732, 736, 746, 748, 755, 844, 870, 871, 889, 890, 892, 893, 947, 948, 998, 1000, 1001, 1127, 1318, 1387, 1493, 1497 dwk ‘to put; pour’ 274 dēng 灯 daeng ‘lamp’ dì 帝 daeq ‘emperor’

1408

992, 1419

dì 地 deih ‘earth’ 4, 442, 819, 855, 921, 972, 1002, 1004, 1005, 1006, 1053, 1108, 1111, 1120, 1122, 1131, 1132, 1139, 1191, 1201, 1232, 1256, 1258, 1273, 1406, 1417, 1434, 1487, 1509, 1515, 1526 dih- 1st syllable in disyllabic mim.suff. dihdanz 165, 175, 200, 211, 233, 251, 267, 282, 300, 331, 393, 621, 634, 654, 696, 725, 741, 1051, 1098, 1185, 1274, 1327, 1521 dihdad 166, 176, 212, 234, 252, 268, 301, 394, 622, 680, 697, 726, 1522 dihded 681

dì 弟 dawz ‘to take’

1020, 1021

diǎn 点 diemj ‘to dot; to light’

977, 978, 985

dié O (= 牒) -ded 2nd syllable of disyllabic mim.suff. dihded (passage of time) 681 dieb ‘to tread on’ 691 dǐng 頂 deng ‘to match up’

305

dìng 定 dingh ‘to fix, set’ 95, 451, 558, 831, 990, 1060, 1200, 1317, 1392, 1528 dingq ‘haft, middle’ 1014 dōng 東 doeng ‘east’

39

dōu 都 doh ‘time, occasion’ (v.m.) doh ‘enough’ 1387

241

dǒu 斗 daeuj ‘to come’ 39, 41, 43, 45, 47, 76, 78, 79, 80, 117, 118, 120, 143, 144, 146, 168, 169, 170, 173, 203, 209, 217, 218, 244, 245, 256, 257, 319, 347, 348, 374, 375, 386, 387, 439, 558, 560, 574, 591, 653, 662, 670, 680, 681, 682, 715, 809, 820, 914, 947, 948, 1019, 1024, 1025, 1038, 1039, 1084, 1096, 1099, 1101, 1147, 1156, 1157, 1323, 1324, 1325, 1326, 1341, 1411, 1415, 1416 daeuq ‘to dig’ 779, 780 daeuq ‘to hunt; hunting’ 1315, 1396, 1493 dú 瀆 doek ‘to drop; sow (grain crops)’ 286 douh ‘to perch (of birds)’ 1158 dú 讀 doeg ‘to read’ 1423 dok ‘to strike’ 245 dok ‘smallpox’ 929, 932

171, 172, 174,

517

chinese character index dú 3 (= 毒) dak ‘to dry in the sun’ 178 dog ‘lone, single’ 245, 940 dok ‘smallpox’ 927

èi 欸 vuen ‘happy’

dǔ ( (= 篤) doek ‘to fall’ 489, 490, 1166, 1190 dù m (= 度) doh ‘to pass through’ 1052 doh ‘everywhere’ 775 doh ‘ferry’ 859, 1310, 1368, 1371 doh ‘enough’ 172, 398, 861, 1374, 1393, 1412 doh ‘time, occasion’ 188 doq ‘immediately’ 418, 420, 757 dox ‘mutual’ 40, 42, 44, 46, 79, 80, 132, 140, 140, 237, 388, 389, 513, 514, 532, 533, 539, 540, 541, 542, 543, 544, 545, 546, 547, 548, 549, 550, 551, 552, 553, 554, 555, 556, 602, 603, 757, 767, 768, 784, 827, 1026, 1027, 1169 doz ‘to look for’ 1053 dou ‘we, us (excl.)’ 1058, 1059, 1160 dù 肚 dungx ‘belly’

855, 1121, 1133

ēn 恩 aen clf for inanimate things 523, 858, 859, 1309, 1310, 1367, 1368, 1402 aen ‘kindness’ 1531 ér v (= 兒) nyez ‘child’ 1311, 1373 ěr 耳 lw ‘left over’ 845 lw ‘to mock’ 1438, 1439 rwz ‘ear; handle’ 356, 548, 1473 èr 二 ngeih ‘two’ 188, 277, 323, 425, 804, 911, 912, 980, 1063, 1066, 1141, 1309, 1317, 1367, 1386, 1424, 1435, 1512, 1514 song ‘two’ 482 èr 弍 ngeih ‘two’

326

402, 772, 915, 1170

duàn 断 don as in gaeqdon ‘capon’ duenh ‘to cut off’ 1503

472

fǎ 法 faz ‘to look at’ 480, 515 vae ‘kindred’ 1450

duì 对 doiq clf. ‘set’ 482 dùn ÿ, R (= 頓) daenj ‘to put on, wear’ 478, 479, 479, 480

156, 475, 476, 477,

duō 夛 (= 多) doq ‘to construct (of wood)’ 788, 789, 790 é莪 ngoeg ‘to wiggle loose’ 57 è餓 ngox ‘southern reed’ 312 è蕚 yak ‘bad, evil, violent’

fā u (= 發) fad ‘to whip’ 1150, 1155, 1222, 1223 fat ‘to issue, produce’ 1390, 1407, 1427

28, 515, 557

fān X (= 旙) fanz ‘muntjac’

899, 906

fǎn 反 fanj ‘contrary’

304

fàn 犯 famh ‘to transgress; transgression’ 1168, 1426 fāng 方 fong ‘to mend’ 324 fueng ‘quarter, direction’ fáng 防 fiengj ‘foxtail millet’

989, 991,

39, 41, 43, 45

456, 890

518

chinese character index

fong ‘to mend’ 510 fuengz ‘to ward off’ 390

fú 福 fuk ‘clumsy’ 279, 281 huk ‘clumsy, stupid’ 303, 308

fǎng 仿 fiengj ‘foxtail millet’ 283, 286 fong ‘to mend’ 102, 264 fàng 放 cuengq ‘to place, put, release’ 955 fēi 非 vae ‘kindred’

fú 扶 fwz ‘comb (in loom)’

66, 785, 954,

fēn 分 baen ‘to divide’ 502, 503, 504, 505, 506, 507, 508, 510, 511, 559, 563, 564, 566, 567, 568 faen ‘seed, seedcorn’ 169, 170, 172, 173, 217, 218, 219, 220 faenh clf. 965 mbaen ‘to twist’ 1054 fēn 纷 fuenx ‘black’

208

fén ç (= 坟) fwnz ‘firewood’

fǔ 甫 boh as in gaeqboh ‘rooster, cockerel’ 345, 952, 954, 956 boux clf. for people 10, 15, 17, 38, 85, 87, 90, 90, 91, 102, 103, 104, 105, 125, 129, 133, 142, 201, 202, 258, 264, 265, 266, 270, 283, 284, 289, 341, 356, 365, 366, 538, 601, 610, 776, 777, 793, 1006, 1007, 1017, 1018, 1019, 1028, 1029, 1032, 1122, 1144, 1201, 1342, 1402, 1423, 1536 buj ‘handle’ 1305 fǔ 府 fuj ‘sub-prefecture’

fǔ 撫 fwh as in yakfwh ‘ugly, bad to look at’ fwz ‘disused, derelict’ 503

1499

fó 佛 baed ‘gods’ 14, 33, 443, 1421 fwx ‘others, another’ 1359, 1365, 1379, 1397

18, 25, 685

480

fù d (= 父) boh ‘father; husband’ 21, 23, 24, 27, 42, 408, 414, 422, 432, 433, 435, 441, 454, 502, 541, 543, 588, 629, 632, 634, 641, 663, 664, 665, 666, 667, 668, 693, 696, 697, 755, 756, 794, 795, 797, 1468 hoz ‘throat’ 672 gǎi 改 gaej ‘don’t’ 1503, 1517, 1530, 1531 gaij ‘to change’ 434

392

fú 浮 fouz ‘to float; fall apart’

1405

892

fèng 奉 bong ‘large pile’ 1169 fungh ‘riches’ as in funghgviq 579

fū 夫 fuq ‘wife’

776, 777

106

fēng 風 -fumh as in yahfumh ‘scarecrow’ féng 逢 bangx ‘side’

fú 符 fouz ‘tally’ 1407 fuz ‘tally’ 1478 fú 伏 fa ‘wall’ 215 fag clf. for tools

987

321, 323, 325, 327, 329

gài 丐 gaej ‘don’t’ 246, 276, 294 gaiq clf. 205, 253, 359

519

chinese character index gài 盖 gaiq ‘world, realm’ 1, 2, 5 gaiq clf. 15, 17, 65, 123, 149, 163, 164, 184, 250, 288, 297, 298, 306, 317, 340, 501, 512, 536, 537, 562, 565, 569, 623, 624, 625, 626, 652, 755, 826, 896, 909, 942, 991, 1047, 1048, 1049, 1050, 1079, 1082, 1083, 1130, 1213, 1260, 1261, 1262, 1263, 1349, 1350, 1360, 1366, 1377, 1380, 1454, 1455, 1479, 1480, 1489, 1492, 1494, 1496, 1498, 1500, 1505, 1523, 1525 gaej ‘don’t (in prohibitions)’ 1078, 1153

gè 个 (à) ga ‘leg; foot’ 584, 614, 769, 1155, 1222, 1292, 1292, 1297, 1297 gaz- first syllable in disyllabic mim.suff gazyoux 100 gax- first syllable in disyllabic mim.suff gaxgoek 262 go clf. for plants 427, 427, 429, 429

gān 甘 gam ‘sweet’

1409

gān 肝 daep ‘liver’

794

gén 哏 (À) gwn ‘to eat’ 148, 299, 353, 357, 358, 368, 403, 435, 459, 459, 517, 519, 521, 523, 525, 527, 529, 587, 604, 629, 707, 709, 759, 760, 761, 959, 1053, 1112

gān 干 ganq ‘to manage’ 1182, 1192, 1193, 1384 guenj ‘to govern’ 1269, 1434, 1435 gǎn 感 gamj ‘cave, cavern’

760, 761

gāng 罡 gang ‘to open out, stretch taut’ 159, 160, 209 gangj ‘to speak’ 181, 231, 276, 276, 294, 304, 369, 402, 405, 412, 415, 432, 617, 745, 1041, 1046, 1094, 1119, 1203, 1204 gangj ‘fish bone’ 459 gāo 髙 (= 高) gau ‘to hand over’ 1418 gauh ‘to resemble; like’ 1168, 1169, 1528 geuj ‘to weave’ 131, 131, 139, 139 gào 告 gau ‘to hand over’ 1416, 1478 gauj ‘to intertwine’ 784 gauq ‘to announce, file suit’ 59, 1410 gyau ‘to hand over’ 349, 359 gè 各 gag ‘self’ 106, 106, 107, 107, 108, 367, 445 go clf. for plants 1158, 1209, 1325, 1347

gēn % (= 跟) gwn ‘to eat’ 1187

gèn 艮 ngaenx 2nd syllable in disyllabic mim.suff. caxngaenx 335 ngaenz ‘silver, money’ 544, 560, 1467 gēng 庚 geng ‘night watch’

1317, 1392

gōng 工 gong clf.; big 236 gong ‘heap’ 471 gōng 公 goeng ‘elder’ as in goengda ‘father-in-law’ 268, 301, 314, 334 gōng 功 goeng ‘merit; meritorious’ 1419, 1477

1407, 1412, 1413,

gǒu 狗 gaeuh ‘Cavern Dace’ (kind of fish) 1448

1448,

gǔ 古 gou ‘I, me, mine’ 298, 656, 699, 700, 727, 742, 826, 844, 845, 846, 847, 848, 849, 851, 852, 853, 854, 860, 861, 865, 866, 867, 869, 875, 876, 877, 878, 884, 896, 903, 904, 909, 922, 923, 924, 927, 940, 941, 943, 944, 945, 946, 956, 957, 960, 961, 962, 965, 966, 967, 977,

520

chinese character index

gou ‘I, me, mine’ (cont.) 978, 982, 983, 987, 988, 989, 1102, 1103, 1147, 1148, 1162, 1164, 1186, 1277, 1484

guāng 光 gvang ‘broad’ 987 gvangq ‘broad’ 229, 230, 382, 383, 537, 1370

gǔ 谷 goek ‘base of trunk, root’ 99, 525, 870, 872 goek 2nd syllable of disyllabic mim.suff. gaxgoek ‘all alone’ 262 gok ‘small bamboo container’ 220 guk ‘tiger’ 1499, 1503 gù 故 bya ‘fish’ 1491 goj ‘also’ 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 73, 74 gou ‘I, me’ 627, 631, 632, 1264

373

1224

guǎn a (= 管) guenz ‘to submit to’ 849, 924, 962, 1028, 1042, 1117, 1160, 1217, 1218, 1328, 1429, 1446, 1462, 1464, 1508, 1510 guenj ‘to govern, be in charge of’ 14, 358 guenj ‘always’ 1016

1405

1535

guì 跪 gveih ‘cupboard’ 1001 gvih ‘to kneel’ 1106, 1210, 1212, 1229, 1241 guì 貴 gviq ‘honourable’ guó 國 guek ‘kingdom’

579

931, 981, 1067, 1142, 1435, 1513

190

hái 孩 haih ‘to harm’ 603 haix, ‘to pound, beat’

603n

hài 害 haih ‘to harm’ 724, 740, 815, 818 heh ‘to chop up’ 413

guāi ć (= 乖) gvai ‘clever’ 307 gvaix ‘to ladle out’ 755 gvaiq ‘to blame’ 250

guàn 冠 guen ‘crown’

guǐ 鬼 gvaej ‘to reproach’

hāi 咳 haiz ‘shoes’

guà 卦 gvaq ‘to pass by’ 153, 154, 159, 160, 164, 168, 191, 192, 213, 214, 216, 374, 375, 445, 475, 476, 477, 478, 645, 646, 678, 679, 718, 719, 727, 728, 734, 735, 742, 743, 938, 1079, 1287

guài 恠 gvaiq as in byagvaiq ‘raw meat’

44, 362, 366, 391, 424, 1391

guàn b (= 貫) gonq ‘beforehand, before’ 19, 38, 87, 92, 791, 792, 798, 801, 1457, 1458, 1536

gǔ 骨 goet ‘bone’ 1298 gud ‘to dig’ 778, 781 gut ‘bracken’ 1020 ndok ‘bone’ 280, 589, 704

guǎ X (= 寡) gvaz ‘right, right-hand’

guàn # (= 毌) gvan ‘husband’

hán Õ (= 含) haem ‘to bury’ 772 haemz ‘hatred; hateful, bitter’ 21, 24, 27, 402, 411, 432, 557, 1223, 1246, 1253, 1299 haemh ‘evening’ 351, 405, 431, 877, 967, 969, 977, 985, 1005, 1016, 1127, 1281, 1321, 1322, 1334, 1335, 1403, 1404 hap ‘to bump into’ 344 hoemj ‘to cover up’ 215 hàn 漢 hanq as in Langzhanq (p.n.) 15, 16, 18, 25 hanq as in Hanqvuengz (pers. desig.) 434, 441, 455, 464, 475, 485, 492, 495, 496, 497,

521

chinese character index 498, 512, 516, 518, 520, 522, 524, 526, 528, 530, 569, 575, 576, 580, 616, 630, 637, 669, 670, 671, 672, 687, 689, 690, 711, 718, 721, 722, 734, 737, 738, 745, 752, 753, 771, 772, 832, 925, 963, 995, 1098, 1108, 1118, 1119, 1136, 1185, 1211, 1219, 1244, 1251, 1274, 1300, 1330, 1332, 1432, 1481, 1525 hanq ‘goose’ 1317, 1392 háng 行 hangz ‘jaw’ 487 hengh ‘stalk’ 456 hengz ‘to travel; carry out’

31, 1319

hǎo 好 hau ‘white’ 566 haux ‘slippery; catfish’ 785 hǎo 郝 hak ‘official’

437, 760

hào 耗 hauq ‘speech, talk’ 58, 116, 124, 125, 133, 152, 165, 168, 175, 200, 211, 233, 249, 251, 255, 260, 267, 273, 282, 300, 305, 331, 338, 357, 360, 393, 417, 537, 621, 630, 634, 654, 656, 657, 673, 696, 725, 741, 762, 765, 841, 850, 857, 868, 874, 883, 891, 900, 918, 926, 933, 951, 964, 974, 984, 1031, 1032, 1051, 1062, 1093, 1098, 1101, 1105, 1107, 1136, 1146, 1159, 1161, 1177, 1179, 1185, 1195, 1196, 1211, 1219, 1274, 1275, 1283, 1286, 1290, 1295, 1300, 1326, 1327, 1327, 1339, 1342, 1348, 1465, 1483, 1521 hé 合 hab ‘to put together, match up’ 32, 386, 387 haeb ‘to bite’ 198 haep ‘to close’ 244 hop ‘circuit’ 864 hé 何 haq ‘to marry off (a daughter)’ 285, 287 hé 和 hoz ‘to harmonise’ 85, 86, 87 hé 荷 haz ‘long grass, thatch grass’ 456, 917, 1013, 1014, 1172

hēi 黑 maeg ‘black (of dogs)’ 1314, 1395 hén 痕 hwnz ‘night’

1282

hèn 恨 hwnj ‘to ascend; up’ 831, 1015, 1087, 1088, 1089, 1104, 1105, 1115, 1149, 1150, 1154, 1198, 1205, 1206, 1284, 1345, 1346 hwnz ‘night’ 486 héng 横 vang ‘to place athwart’

98

hōng 吽 naeuz ‘to tell, say’ 19, 20, 126, 134, 180, 184, 296, 320, 339, 380, 382, 488, 605, 618, 642, 656, 661, 756, 757, 766, 1040, 1068, 1079, 1093, 1130, 1159, 1210, 1220, 1237, 1301, 1326, 1330, 1332, 1343, 1348, 1349, 1516 hòu 厚 haeux ‘grain, rice’ 179, 283, 286, 456, 458, 465, 519, 570, 598, 598, 599, 604, 845, 870, 871, 872, 873, 889, 890, 947, 948, 949, 950 hòu 后 haeuj ‘to enter’ 54, 81, 82, 83, 163, 402, 419, 431, 485, 531, 716, 732, 733, 748, 771, 772, 844, 860, 861, 865, 887, 888, 898, 899, 1236, 1241, 1276, 1281, 1529 haeuj ‘to shield, be partial to’ 410 hòu 後 haeu ‘stinking’

1145

hú 胡 hoz ‘throat, neck’ 1299, 1306 hú 湖 hoz ‘handle’

500, 590, 902, 1228, 1254,

1362

hǔ 6 (= 虎) guk ‘tiger’ 1175 hù 7 (= 護) hoh ‘to protect’

830

522

chinese character index

hù 护 (= 攎) luh 2nd syllable of disyllabic mim.suff. daxluh ‘vast’ 239

huí 囬 (= 回) vaeh 2nd syllable in disyllabic mim.suff. vihvaeh (sound of dog barking) 196

huā 花 va ‘flower; patterned’ 51, 157, 646, 679 va element in Annamese place-name: hoa 583, 613, 647 vaq ‘trousers’ 479

huì 會 hoih clf. winding-in of net; turn, pull 1470 hún — (= 魂) vunz ‘person, human being’

545,

1003

huá 華 -vaz 2nd syllable in disyllabic mim.suff. vihvaz (sound of barking) 195

huǒ 火 hoj ‘bitter; to lack’

huà 化 -faz second syllable in disyllabic mim.suff. fidfaz ‘swinging wide’ 158 vaq ‘to transform’ 995

huò 或 ngvaek ‘a short time’ 254, 255 ngvak ‘to stop up’ 800 vak ‘Java Cedar’ 1382

huái w, U (= 懷) vaih ‘bad, broken’ 568, 686, 691 vaiz ‘water-buffalo’ 7, 53, 64, 428, 528, 592, 702, 704, 708, 970, 1008, 1020, 1125, 1135, 1302, 1352, 1353, 1469, 1499, 1503

huò 咟 bak ‘mouth; entrance’ 69, 115, 242, 281, 343, 409, 483, 638, 689, 799, 1304, 1358 bak ‘one hundred’ 767, 768 jī z (= 鷄) gaeq ‘chicken’ 72, 345, 384, 472, 570, 571, 701, 919, 934, 936, 952, 953, 954, 955, 956, 957, 994, 1011, 1065, 1124, 1134, 1318, 1495

huān A, (= bí 鼻) E (= cóng 從) Ò (= dá 達) Õ (= dá 達) 髙 (= gāo 高) n (= léi 雷) Ą (= lí 離) Ł (= lián 廉) â (= líng 零) 0 (= nóng 農) ş (= qiáng 強) k (= qiú 唒) V (= suǒ 素)

 [ ï ó Z ø

(= tiān 添) (= tuò 馱) (= wǎn 晚) (= yú 輿) (= yuān 冤) (= zuò 座)

12 strokes 3 (= cí 慈) R (= dùn 頓) 0 (= gēn 跟) X (= guǎ 寡) a (= guǎn 管) * (= là 腊) Ë (= lán 闌) â (= líng 零) É (= lǔ 魯) Þ (= lù 路) š (= lù 陸) q (= luó 邏) x (= mà 罵) Y (= pó 婆) 8 (= shū 疏) Z (= táng 溏) ! (= tú 塗) ï (= wǎn 晚) y (= yā 鴉) ú (= yáo 遙) 隂 (= yīn 陰) J (= zhāi 斋, 齋) 1 (= zhǔ 煮) & (= zǒng 總) 13 strokes ( (= dǔ 篤) + (= huán 還) 賎 (= jiàn 賤) 觧 (= jiě 解) 楽 (= lè 樂) ğ (= lè 勒) Ã (= léi 雷) đ (= liáo 尞) e (= lǔ 魯) ₣ (= luò 落) @ (= níng 寧) ô (= sǎn 散) [ (= tái 臺) I (= tái 臺) W (= táng 塘)

549

550

index of vernacular characters and allographs

Ă (= tú 圖) İ (= yè 業) Ù (= zhào 照)

慿 N 縂

14 strokes ÿ (= dùn 頓) A (= huān 歡) * (= huán 還) — (= hún 魂) ü (= jiàn 賤) # (= jiǎo 缴) B (= là 臘) Q (= mǎn 滿) 夣 (= mèng 夢) Ó (= mò 墨) ? (= tān 貪) 9 (= wéi 微) ] (= yàng 樣) I (= zhāi 斋, 齋)

16 strokes T (= huái 懐) U (= huái 懐) V (= qí 騎)

15 strokes X (= fān 旙) w (= huái 懐) î (= lài 賴) N (= lán 蘭) Î (= luó 羅) č (= mì 蜜) S (= nóng 檂)

(= píng 憑) (= qì 器) (= zǒng 總)

17 strokes H (= jiǎo 繳) 4 (= lín 臨) D (= lǔ 魯) 18 strokes < (= huān 歡) 9 (= luó 邏) 顕 (= xiǎn 顯) F (= xiàn 憲) 19 strokes ; (= huān 歡) 20 strokes d (= shuāng 雙) 21 strokes 7 (= hù 護)

Zhuang Character Index Zhuang characters arranged by number of brushstrokes. 2 strokes Ž byouq ‘empty, empty-handed’

183, 226, 240

4 strokes ¼ guh ‘to make, do’ 33, 61, 62, 89, 91, 100, 101, 108, 201, 202, 207, 208, 227, 228, 262, 263, 293, 293, 308, 353, 358, 380, 381, 391, 392, 409, 433, 434, 438, 441, 484, 488, 499, 499, 536, 585, 586, 587, 589, 590, 594, 809, 853, 854, 870, 871, 887, 888, 892, 893, 901, 925, 927, 927, 928, 929, 944, 945, 946, 963, 966, 967, 993, 994, 1022, 1047, 1048, 1060, 1099, 1100, 1189, 1212, 1224, 1265, 1266, 1288, 1289, 1352, 1355, 1357, 1361, 1363, 1415, 1421, 1433, 1438, 1439, 1489, 1492, 1494, 1496, 1498, 1500, 1505 5 strokes C nai ‘to speak deliberately or with a particular intention’ 1255 naih ‘woman’ 553, 1401 haiz ‘to spit out’ 707 6 ced ‘vulva’

761

/ ndaij ‘ramie’ 1408 ndaix ‘to wear on the head; hairpin’ 155, 157 Ã gwn ‘to eat; drink’ 107, 143, 144, 147, 352, 398, 416, 465, 466, 483, 570, 597, 599, 600, 666, 708, 710, 756, 758, 845, 958, 1058, 1060, 1061, 1061, 1126, 1129, 1191, 1268, 1376, 1457, 1458 L camz ‘indigo’

217, 220, 222

Ş bamz ‘stupid’

280, 303

W rengx ‘drought’

839

V daengz ‘to arrive’ 17, 18, 30, 161, 162, 171, 174, 193, 194, 223, 242, 243, 349, 377, 397, 436, 437, 438, 486, 555, 581, 583, 584, 611, 613, 614, 633, 647, 683, 689, 690, 754, 820, 852, 905, 906, 914, 1090, 1091, 1096, 1126, 1127, 1145, 1207, 1208, 1285, 1288, 1337, 1371, 1372, 1417, 1418, 1419, 1479, 1488, 1506 daengx ‘whole, entire’ 556, 578, 709, 710, 750, 751, 758, 759, 979, 983, 1049, 1050, 1507, 1511, 1511, 1515

H lwg ‘child’ 21, 24, 35, 42, 50, 64, 65, 248, 250, 278, 284, 285, 287, 303, 304, 320, 361, 362, 404, 410, 411, 412, 413, 414, 416, 421, 426, 432, 433, 441, 449, 453, 454, 455, 457, 464, 470, 481, 493, 538, 572, 596, 609, 698, 793, 826, 928, 929, 940, 1064, 1065, 1134, 1135, 1197, 1311, 1373

$ yah ‘grandmother; old woman’ 13, 46, 121, 127, 135, 136, 137, 138, 143, 144, 161, 165, 166, 175, 176, 193, 200, 211, 212, 246, 247, 251, 252, 259, 267, 273, 282, 300, 307, 315, 322, 331, 335, 342, 352, 354, 360, 366, 368, 889, 892, 893, 894

6 strokes L gyax ‘orphan’

7 strokes ` vued as in vaiqvued ‘happy’

620

1123

552

zhuang character index

8 strokes 4 laep ‘dark’ 966 rob as in robcab ‘miscellaneous’

179

V gaj ‘to kill’ 817, 934, 935, 1124, 1125, 1134, 1135, 1176, 1495 º ndaw ‘inside’

595, 596, 669, 1389

9 strokes 2 dieg ‘land’ 174 deih ‘earth, land’

1524

% ceng ‘to argue’ 46 -nyingh 2nd syllable in disyllabic mim.suff. nyihnyingh (telling off) 514 N coenz clf. ‘phrase’ 58, 116, 124, 131, 132, 139, 140, 152, 206, 231, 237, 238, 249, 260, 294, 342, 356, 360, 402, 410, 411, 412, 656, 673, 711, 762, 800, 841, 850, 857, 868, 874, 883, 891, 900, 918, 926, 933, 951, 964, 974, 984, 1031, 1062, 1093, 1107, 1159, 1161, 1196, 1230, 1245, 1246, 1252, 1253, 1275, 1283, 1286, 1290, 1295, 1326, 1339, 1348, 1465, 1483 ) ndaengj ‘to burn’

106

畓 ndaek ‘damp’ 104, 266 dumh ‘to inundate’ 451, 853 dumz ‘damp’ 104n Ċ laeh ‘to drive’ (vt) 576 lai ‘much, many’ 422, 424, 797, 861, 921, 923, 941, 973, 988, 1003, 1010, 1061, 1068, 1508 3 lai ‘much, many’

58

s loeng ‘mistake’ 986 lungz ‘dragon’ 553 lungz ‘uncle’ 846, 866, 960, 1012, 1439, 1518, 1520 roengz ‘to descend’ 687 roengz ‘basket’ 1011 roengq ‘basket’ 1078, 1393 N lumj ‘to resemble; like’ 638 lumz ‘gift’ 1489, 1492, 1494, 1496, 1498, 1500, 1505 h cieng ‘despatch box’ & yiengz ‘goat, sheep’ Y naeng ‘skin’

1336

55, 888, 899, 920, 937

908

10 strokes » guj as in Buenzguj (p.n.) gou ‘I, me’ 1494

13

b maeuz ‘to plot, scheme’ 1183, 1455 maeuz ‘hat, bonnet’ 1472 ' daej ‘to weep’ 595, 596 daeh ‘to move, transport’ = saix ‘askance’

69, 1233

309

Ü dai ‘to die’ 97, 452, 500, 854, 856, 879, 880, 929, 930, 931, 932 11 strokes s mbwn ‘sky, heaven’ 1184, 1218, 1284, 1338, 1370, 1384, 1430, 1446, 1479, 1519, 1527

553

zhuang character index Ê ndwen ‘moon, month’ 489, 490, 1256 : rog ‘outside’

\ buq ‘to cut up’

285

, ni ‘great river’ 120 nyi ‘to hear, be aware of’

342, 711, 803, 805

` daengz ‘to arrive’ 682

12 strokes Q baez ‘time, occasion’ (v.m.) 705, 706 U namh ‘soil, earth, mud’

807

229, 255, 382, 383, 645, 678, 986,

801, 1095, 1173, 1189, 1279, 1382,

+ fwngz ‘hand’

109, 312, 349, 692

5 ndaengq ‘lye’

213

14 strokes e fangz ‘ghost’

1280

g roengq ‘basket’

1318

¥ naeuz ‘to say, tell’

1504, 1504

i soemj ‘sour’ 1376

< haiz ‘shoes’

9 mbwk ‘big; female’ 245, 284, 285, 287 ! loeg ‘deer’ 728 roeg ‘bird’ 145, 318, 540, 871, 1466 a sai as in lwgsai ‘male child, son’

702

J giuj part of place name in Annam (Kiêu) 614

" laeng ‘behind, after’ 16, 20, 23, 23, 28, 29, 49, 401, 408, 408, 410, 457, 470, 481, 493, 829, 851, 1166, 1190, 1240, 1516, 1528, 1533 laeng ‘one’s own place’ 628, 631, 1226, 1278

13 strokes ! hwnj ‘to rise up, ascend’

" roen ‘path’ 1014 ² ndang ‘body’ 1427

R -yai 2nd syllable of disyllabic mim.suff. baxyai (‘glimmering’) 712

k remj ‘to burn’ (vt)

787, 820, 832, 835, 836, 862, 862, 996, 997, 1013, 1014, 1086

1134

221, 650, 668, 670,

15 strokes @ rin ‘stone’

822

293

551, 783

G canz ‘drying platform’ 8 haeux ‘rice; grain crops’ 173, 177, 178, 416, 428

1502

68, 147, 169, 171, 172,

554

zhuang character index

c ma ‘to come back, come’ 29, 30, 50, 75, 77, 131, 139, 254, 370, 372, 384, 385, 559, 573, 653, 835, 836, 881, 882, 907, 908, 1017, 1085 ma ‘dog’ 1314, 1315 16 strokes 1 romh ‘light’

167, 608

28 strokes K cienq ‘to ask’ 616 cab ‘enclosure’ 685

English-Zhuang Index to abate caem abdomen dungx able to ndaej about to cingq, yaek above gwnz absent banh to abstain from geih to accept coux, lingx to accommodate cang to accompany buenx, daem, ndij to accomplish, be successful baenz accord with, in ciuq to accuse soq to act as guh to add dem after laeng afterwards doeklaeng again caiq, dauq, dem, youh agate ningxnauh, ningznaux ahead, in front baihnaj alike doengz alive lix all daengx to allow hawj almanac doengsaw alone dog, gaxgoek, gazliux, gazyoeg, gazyoux along with lienz already dauq, senq also goj, yeh, yex, youh altar for conduct of ritual bang altar for spirits congzbang altar table congz amusing dwgriu to analyse heh ancestor coeng, coj, cojcoeng ancestors, female yah ancestral king cojvuengz and doengz animals, clf. duz to announce gauq another wnq to answer to vanz to answer dap, dop, han anteater linh any lawz, maz, saek

any respect, in maz anyone bouxlawz anything gaiqmaz anywhere gizlawz ape lingz to appeal (in law) doplaih to appeal for redress dop’ien appearance yiengh to approach laemz to be appropriate dwg to arbitrate gyaij to argue ceng, doxceng arm gen armspread, span soem army gun to arrange in rows bad to arrange, set out (a ritual area) bad to arrive daengz arrow naq as, like baenz to ascend swng ashes mong to ask cam, cienq askance caix askew ngeng, ngengq astrological calculations, to make dawz, dawz ngoenz aunt baj avail, of no uengjfeiq to avoid gaiq, geih axe-head van baby lwgnding back laeng back (of knife) saen back, to turn the back on baex bad yak bag daeh balance caengh balcony canz bamboo gondoek bamboo, black gonaem, naem bamboo container, small gok, lwt bamboo container, large mbaengq bamboo mat sat bamboo shoot rangz, rangzndoek

556 bamboo shoots, sweet rangzfaiz bamboo splint duk bamboo, sweet faiz, gofaiz band of companions bang bandit caeg bane byat to bark (of dogs) raeuq basket raep, roengq, roengz to be dwg to be able to ndaej to be about to (do) yaek to be appropriate dwg to be definitely dwg to be exhausted gungz to be like, resemble gauh to be located youq to be, do dang to beat dwk to beat against hap beautiful lag because vih to become cingz to become, happen baenz bed mbonq bedroom rug before cienz, gonq to beg gouz to begin heij to begrudge un behind baihlaeng, laeng belly dungx to belong to swq below laj, yah bend cih to bend forward ngaem, ngamz to beseech gouz to bestow soengq big daih, hung, laux, mbwk big (of horses and buffalo) lag big-bodied (of birds) gya big-boned (of animals) langh bird roeg birds, predatory langz bitch mameh to bite haeb bitter haemz, hoj bitter melon lwghaemz black cing, fuenx, laep black (of animals) maeg

english-zhuang index black (of birds) gya black as pitch laepnyaenz to blame daen, gvaiq to blame each other doxdaen blood lwed blue cing blue-black and patterned (horses) cingva blue-green cing blunt maet boar mouduenh board benj boat ruz boat, freight boat ruzcaz bobbin lwt boddhisattva baed body ndang to boil cawj bondservant noz bone goet, ndok book saw boundary hanh bow gung to bow (the head) ngaem, ngamz to bow, tease cotton gung box, trunk sieng boy lwgsai bracken gut to braise mwn to break off duenh, goenq breakfast ngaiz breath caw, heiq bridle loengz bright rongh bright and clear ronghcingx bright, clever coengmingz brightness lienz to bring together hab broad gvang to broadcast (seed) doek broken vaih brother, elder beixlungz brother’s wife nangz brothers and sisters beixnuengx Buddha baed buffalo vaiz buffalo calf lwgvaiz to build (a dam) bad to build (out of wood) doq to bully vei, vi

557

english-zhuang index to bump daemj to bump into deng, hap, lex, roemx bundle bog, geu to burn cang, ndaengj, remj to burn off ruemx to burst open buq to bury haem, moek, muenz buzzard a byre riengh byre, down in the lajriengh to calculate doxsuenq, sanq, suenq calculating, clever geiq to call (by name) heuh, raez to call out raez, raezheu, raezhit calumny laih campaign, military caeg cap guen capital ging capon gaeqdon to caress daix carp coeg, byacoeg carp, common byariengnding carp, green bamboo byacoeg to carry coux to carry off daeh to carry on carrying-pole rap cat meuz to catch up with gyaep catfish byahaux, haux catty gaen cave gamj cavern dace (fish) gaeuh cavernous daxlauz, dazlauz central yangh centre cunghyangh to change gaij, vaq to change (clothes) rieg channel lueng to chant damz chaotic nyungq, nyaengq, nyangz character, graph cih charm fouz, fuz cheap cienh to cheat vei, vi to cherish maij chick lwggaeq chicken gaeq chieftain saeq

child cij, lwg, lwgnyez chill liengz Chinese francolin roegfek Chinese lobelia byaeknda, nda chisel siuq to choke genx to chop daet to chop down raemj to chop off faenz to chop up heh clan coeng to clap dop Clarias (fish) byandoek clear cingx clear-sighted mingz clever coengmingz, gvai, lingzleih cliff dat to climb banh, laz to close hab, haep cloth baengz clothing, clf. geu, gienh clothing, clothes buh cloud fwj to cluck (of hens) gyuk clumsy fuk, huk cock gaeqboh cocoon laet, reh cogongrass haz cold cazlih, cengx cold (of weather) nit colic gyauj cangxsah to collapse doemq, lak to collect aeu coloured saek column coij comb fwz to comb roi to come daeuj to come back ma to come together doxndij to command lingh common caemh common carp byariengnding common people beksingq to communicate doeng companion buenx companion, same-sex doengz complete caez, doh completely doh, leux, liux

558 comrade doengz to conceal haem to conduct (ritual) guh to connect lienz to connect, fit into dam to construct bad, dap to consult cam, doxsieng to contend doxsing, sing to contend, struggle ceng contented heij continuity of kinship goetyiet contrary fanj to control dawz to converge gap to convey cuenz cooked rice ngaiz cool liengz copper luengz corner cih to correct cingq, doiq to correspond dap, doiq, doxdap to count suenq countenance yungz country biengz cover gyaep to cover up hoemj coverb of disposal aeu to covet un crack geh cracked langq, liengz crafty gihgyauq to create cauh, caux, ciq crevice geh crime coih crock cingz, lauq crops miuz crosswise vang crow a, langz’a crowbar yak crowd caenx crown maeuz crown, imperial vuengzguen to crush dok to cry daej to cry out heuh to cultivate raeq to cultivate (spiritually) ciengx cupboard gveih, ringj to curse ndaq

english-zhuang index cushion cah to cut (with a knife) heh to cut (with knife or scissors) to cut (with scissors) dan to cut out (cloth) caiz to cut up buq dagger rok dam fai damaged hed damp ndaek dark cazlaemh, cazleh, laep dark, almost baxyai dark, to keep in the yaem daughter lwgmbwk daughter-in-law bawx day ngoenz to deceive muenz to decide dingh to declare hauq deep laeg to deep-fry cauq deer loeg, maxloeg to defeat, be defeated baih to defend dawz defile (in mountains) luengq definitely hanhdingh deity, baleful bang to deliberate doxsieng, siengj to deliver soengq demon gveij to deploy buen derelict fwz to descend roengz to designate diemj to desire dam desk, table anq despatch cieng destined hanhdingh dew loh dice saek to die dai to die out daimued, mued to dig gud to dig (with crowbar) daeuq to dig into saiq direct soh direct, open cingqmienh direction fueng

daet

english-zhuang index dirty (of clothes) heiz, mong to discuss ngeix dishevelled nya to dispute geiq dissatisfied un distant gyae distillate yaem disused fwz to divide baen to do, make guh dog ma dog (male) madaeg dog barking vihvaeh, vihvaz domain biengz domains, clf. lueg domestic animals, clf. duz don’t gaej, gaejlaeg, gaiq, laeg door dou door mwnz doorman mwnzswj to drag cauh, daz, rag dragon lungz to draw back suk to draw in, lead cing to draw out daz to dream baz, bazhwnz dream moengh dried out, thin roz to drive (animals) caenh to drive along gyaep to drive out laeh drop diemj, doek, yah, yag drops of wine yaem drops, large laeujyag, yag drought rengx to drown mued drunk fiz drunk, roaring drunk ngvizlinh, ngvizliz dry lihlwd to dry in sun dak dry land mboek dry-field reih drying platform canz duck bit duckling lwgbit dumb ngoemx to dump boek dyke haenz

559 each dangq, gag each other doengz, dox eagle langzyiuh, yiuh ear ruz ear of grain rieng early senq early morning romh early the next day haetcog to earn (money) doz earnest cingqsoq, soq earth doj, namh the earth deih, lajdeih, ndaen ease, at swhcaih east doeng Eastern Quarter doengfueng easy ngaih to eat gwn to eat with daem eaves roq edge, sharp edge (of cutting implement) bak effort, to exert nyoengx effusively cihcangh, cixcangh egg gyaeq eight bet elder laux elder brother’s wife baj elders lauxbiengz, lauxmbanj eldest child lwgdaih else, someone wnq else, sbdy or sthg fwx Elsholtzia hazmuengz to embroider siu, siuq to emerge caet, cwt, ok to emerge from the shell (of chicks) byat emissary sij emissary of the talisman fouzsawj, fuzsij emotion, unpleasant heiq emperor vuengz, vuengzdaeq empire dienyah to employ sawj empty byouq, ndwi empty-handed byouq to enclose suek enclosure cab enclosure of woven bamboo reu enemies ien’gya, ienboux enmity byat, ien enough doh

560 to enter haeuj enticing yaeuh entire daengx entourage bang entrance to drying platform bakcanz entrance to lane bakluengq entrance to palisade bakgyok essential yau to establish, set in place ciq even if maih evening gyanghaemh, haemh event saeh every day gyaeuh everyone beksingq, vunzlai everywhere doh evil genie byat exact cingq to exchange doiq excrement haex exhausted gungz to expel caenh to explain heh to express biuj to extend (of vines) laz to extend tendrils riuzlaz eye da to face doiq face mienh, naj face-to-face cingqmienh to fall doek to fall apart fouz to fall out loenq to fall over doemq family gya, gyaq, ranz family teaching gyaqsoq, gyasoq far gyae fate mingh father boh father and mother bohmeh father of the child bohlwg father, wife’s da father’s elder brother’s wife baj father’s younger brother’s wife liuz father-in-law baeuq, boh, da, goengda father’s older brother lungz to fear lau fearsome dwglau feathers bwn

english-zhuang index to feed ciengx to feed (horses) cauz to fell doek female mbwk, nawx female animals meh female friends bangh female relatives by marriage, elder bajliux fence fa fence, wicker lag to ferry doh ferry boat ruzdoh to fiddle with loengh field margin haenz fields doengh, doenghnaz, gyangdoengh fields, clf. raih fierce lihlinh fifth month nguxnyied to fight ceng, doxceng, doxndoiq to file suit caiqien, gauq, saiqien filthy and chaotic nyangz filthy (of clothing) nwk finally caux, coj, dauq to finish leux, liux fir tree faexvak fire feiz firewood fwnz, liu firmly fixed genq first daeuz, daih’it, nduj first day of the month co’it first month ndwencieng first ten days co first wife bazdaih fish bya fish-basket ndij fish-bone gangj fishnet, blocking re fishnets, clf. hoih fishpond daemz fistful gaem to fit into dam to fit together doq to fit up dap five haj, ngux flat benj, bingz flat land doengh, gyangdoengh flat-top hairstyle (of slaves) bingzdaeuz to flee deuz to float fouz to flood dumh

561

english-zhuang index floorboard benj flourishing mwn, siu to flow riuz flower va flowing water cihcaiz to follow riengz to follow after dam foot din for vih for, to gaiq to forbid geih forcefully fwd ford sok, sokdah forehead najbak forest, forested hillside ndoeng forever nauq to forget lumz former gaeuq fortunate vuenyungz fortunately saekleq fortune-telling books sawmingh forty seiqcib to founder roenx four seiq four hundred seiqbak Four Realms seiqgaiq four thousand seiqcien fourth daihseiq fowl cage raep francolin fek frazzled nya, nyungq freight caz friends, band of bang, bangh, caux front gyaeuj, naj frost nae fruit mak to fry cien full imq, rim fuss about, to make a geiq game (animal) noh gang bang garment, upper buh gate dou, mwnz gate, wicker dangq gatekeeper mwnswj to gather around hop generation seiq generation (of people) ciuh

generation, father’s ciuhboh generation, the first ciuhnduj generations, later ciuhlaeng generations, previous ciuhgonq gentleman, young langz to get ndaej to get better ndei to get married haq to get stuck in the throat genx to get up (out of bed) hwnq ghost bang, fangz, gveij, yah, yaz gift lumz girl sau to give hawj to give birth seng glen lueg glimmering baxyai glutinous (rice) cid to go bae to go, go away byaij to go across gvaq to go back and forth lienh to go towards coh to go up hwnj goat yiengz goat, wild yiengzbya go-between bouxswq, swq god baed gods and sky gods baedsien gold gim golden gim good ndei, saundei good fortune vuenyungz goose hanq Goose King Hanqvuengz to govern guenj to grab ca, gaeb grain crops haeux grains, miscellaneous haeux labcab granary yiuj grandchild lan grandfather (paternal) baeuq grandmother yah grandparents baeuqyah to grasp dawz, gaem grass nywj, haz grasshopper daek graveyard heu great effort, to exert nyoengx

562 green cing, heu greens, green vegetable caiz to greet coh, dongx grey gya, mong to grind baenz, muz grit req to groan gyangz to grope lex group caux to grow up hwnj guilt coih gust raq guts cangx haft dingq haft (of spade) caq hair (on head) byoem hairpin cam, ndaix half gyang hand fwngz to hand over gau, gyau handle baenz handle ruz handle (of sabre) buj handle (of sword) dam happy heij, vaiqvued, vuenheij, vuenyungz hardship hoj, nanh harm haih to harmonise hoz, huz harsh (of speech) lezlih in haste lihlangh hat guen, maeuz hatchet van to hate haemz hateful dwghaemz to have miz he, she de head daeuz, gyaeuj head of household baeuq, sujranz head to head, to go daemx headman suj, vuengz heap gong to hear nyi heart caw, sim heatstroke sah heaven dien, mbwn heaven and earth diendeih heavenly stems, first of gap, gyap heavy naek

english-zhuang index heir apparent cojvuengz hell yug hemp ndaij hen, big-bodied gaeqgya here it is nu to hide away yaem high sang hill slope langh hillside bo hillside, wild forested bangxbaq hilt (of knife) hoz to hit deng, dwk, ndoiq, sad to hit hard danz to hold coux, dawz, gaem to hold in place daeux to hold open gang to hold the weight of sthg daix to hold up fuz to hold, conduct caep hole congh home gya, gyaq, ranz honest simsoh honorific title for male deities and ancestral spirits baeuq honour gviq hook ngvaek horizontal vang hornet doq hornet, large doqcingz horoscopes, put together habmingh horse max horse or buffalo trotting, sound of dihdanz, dihdad, dihded host suj hot ndit house cang, gya, gyaq, ranz house-post dongh, saeu housewife gyafuq, gyaqfuq how? lawz, yienghlawz how possibly? naj however dauq, laih, leux, liux human being vunz hump (of ox) nok hundred bak, bek hundred and twenty bakngeih Hundred Surnames beksingq to hunt daeuq hunting dog madaeuq hunting, to go dwkdaeuq

563

english-zhuang index hurry, in a lihlaz to hurt get husband boh, gvan husband and wife gvanbaz I, me, my gou, hoiq ice nae idle ndwi if caj, caux, dat if, supposing datnaeuz to ignite cit ignorant ndeq illness bingh, gyaej to imitate sbdy’s speech lw immediately cingqcaux, lienz immortal sien to implement hengz in passing liemz inanimate objects, clf. aen, ndaen in-between baxyai incense yieng to incite cit to incite (a dog) to attack co to incubate faeg indigo camz indigo, black daenh indigo, small leaf gyaed indigo dye solution raemxndaen infant lwgnding to inform soq to infuse damh to inherit ciep ink maeg to insert baek, saeb inside ndaw instantly caemhcit intelligent coengmingz intention eiq interstice geh to intertwine doxgauj intestinal upset cangxsah intestines cangx, saej into (as 2nd vb in series) baenz to invite cingj is truly cih, cix to issue fat it de jade

nyug

japonica rice haeuxsan, sam jar boengh, cingz, lauq jaw hangz jetty sok to join gauj to join on dap to join up gap joyous vuen jurisdiction swq just naengz just at dang just now caux, nyaq just then cingqcaux just, exactly cingq karst bya to keep ce to kill gaj kin caen kindness aen kindred vae king vuengz king, elder brother the king beixvuengz kingdom guek, luegguek kite (bird) langzyiuh, yiuh knee hoq kneecap gyaeujhoq to kneel gvih knife cax to knock dok, fwd, sad knot giu to know rox to know how to behave roxswj to lack hoj ladder lae, mbaeklae ladle cingx to ladle out daek, gvaix lady nangz lamp daeng land (and people) biengz lane entrance bakluengq laneway cok, gyok, luengq lark roegvenz last month lab, ndwenlab late-cropping laeng later child lwglaeng to laugh riu laughable dwgriu

564 lawsuit caiq, caiqien to lay (eggs) cuengq to lead (an animal by a rope) daz leaf mbaw leaf used for wrapping rong to leap saet learned scholar siucaiz to leave (sthg somewhere) ce left over lw left-hand swix leg ga length of 10 feet ciengh to let sbdy do sthg cih, cix letter cih level with lengz level, even bingz to lick riz lifespan mingh to lift (water) nda to lift up yaeuj light lienz light (in weight) mbaeu to light, ignite diemj likewise caemh limestone peak bya limit hanh line (of verse) coenz link lienz liquid, thick giengh liquidambar goraeu, raeu liquor laeuj litter rog live lix, seng liver daep to load up caeng locality doj location dieg long raez long-windedly cihcad, cixcad to look yiuq to look after coh, ganq to look at faz loom rok loom, to set up rokfwz to loosen ngoeg loquacious baklai lord gvang, suj to lose ndwi, saiq to lose one’s temper nya

english-zhuang index loss saiq to love maij love-child lwgrah lover youx low daemq lower storey of house lajriengh lump faj lunar month, first ciengnyied to lust after dam lye-water ndaengq, raemxndaengq to make caux to make astrological calculations dawz to make effort saeu to make fun of maiq to make offerings mbet, nda make sbdy do sthg caj, coh, hawj male namz, sai male (animal) daeg male (of poultry) boh male elder baeuq to manage ganq manger cauz many lai mare maxmeh to marry (of man) aeu to marry off haq master gvang mat, bamboo sat to match dap, doxdap match-maker swq, bouxswq match-maker, old yahswq to mate gauj matter, affair saeh matters, clf. gienh measles raet meat noh meat, raw byagvaiq to meet gauj, hab to meet (sbdy) coux memorandum cingz memorial cieng to mend fong merit daek, goeng, goengdaek meritorious despatch goengcieng meritorious official goengcauz messenger sij metal gim method loh

565

english-zhuang index middle cungh, dingq, gyang middle of the night gyanghwnz midnight hwnz milk raemxcij millet, foxtail fiengj, haeuxfiengj mind caw ministry (government) bouh mist mok mistake loeng mixed up labcab to moan gyangz to mobilise bauq to mock lw money cienz, ngaenz monkey, black leaf gaeng month ndwen, nyied month, first lunar cieng moon ndwen more dem morning gyanghaet, haet morning star ndauhaet mosquito net riep mother meh mother, wife’s daiq mother’s younger siblings nax mother-in-law daiq, yahdaiq mother-in-law and daughter-in-law yahbawx mountain bya mountains, clf. gong mountains ndoeng mountainside baq, langh mouth, entrance bak to move banh, buen, daeh, hengz much, many lai mud namh muntjac fanz, gij, vuengz, yiengzfanz murrel byaraiz, raiz must, needs to aeu mutter damz, mo mutually doengz, dox myriad, ten thousand fanh name coh, mingz to narrate lwnh naughty iu naughty (of children) neck hoz nephew lan

fanjiu

new moq new year cieng news, information hauq next day cog night hwnz night watch geng nighttime ritual haemhcai, haemhdauh nine gouj nipple, teat cij no matter how caih no. of times field is ploughed dangq noon ringz north baek Northern Quarter baekfueng nose ndaeng not mbouj, miz, nauq not yet caengz to note geiq to nourish ciengx now mwhneix oar, large oar cauh obeisance, make baiq to obey nyi to obtain ndaej occasion baez to occupy ciemq to offend famh to offer baiz offering caeq office cauz official cauz, hak official business, to conduct banh official residence cou oil fir faexvak oily nwk old gaeuq, geq, laux old rice haeuxgeq old woman yah older, eldest daih on gwnz one it, ndeu one’s own gaeuq one’s self gag only (of children) dog only child lwgdog only, just goj open gang to open (a path) fwet

566 to open up hai to open up sluice gates (of wetfield) lak to oppose fanj or rox to order lingh ordinal prefix daih origin goek original nduj orphan gyax otter nag outer branches byai outside rog outstanding siu over and over lihlingh, lihluenz overgrown nya own, on one’s gag owner gvang, suj ox cwz to pacify, settle, put in place an paddy naz pain get pain of illness gyaej pair doiq palisade cab, gyok pan rek pan, frying cauq pangolin linh Pangu Buenzguj panicle (of rice plants) rieng paper sa parcel romz parched lihlwd to pardon seq parents bohmeh parents of husband baeuqyah parents, wife’s dadaiq parents-in-law dadaiq part faen partition, panel fa partridge fek, roegfek to pass by gvaq to pass through doh passages of scripture, clf. rangh to patch fong path haenz, roen pattern yiengh patterned va peace an, bingz, bingzan

english-zhuang index peak, limestone bya pearl caw to peddle buenq people, clf. boux to perch soengz to perch (of birds) douh to permit hawj person, other fwx person vunz phrase coenz to pick out diemj to pick up dawz to pick up (an object) coux pig mou pile gong pile (large) bong to pile on top of dab pillar saeu pillow swiz pine ge pink maeq to pity coh place baek, baih, deih, dieg, giz place (someone’s) laeng place athwart vang to place underneath cah place where spirits reside bang plaints faenh to plait bwz to plait, weave (bamboo) bad to plan doxsuenq, geiq, sanq, suenq to plant ndaem plate banz platform daiz platter banz plea soq pleased meih, mih pleased, very baxsih to plot geiq, maeuz, siengj plough cae plough ridge longh plum mak plunder caeg pocket daeh pole dongh pond daemz pond fish byadaemz poor hoz portion faen

english-zhuang index post dongh, saeu pot cauq pot-stand giengz poultry bitgaeq to pound dok pound (weight) gaen prefecture fuj to prepare (a meal) caep to press down on gaemh pretty gvai, saundei to prevent fuengz priest mo priest, Taoist bouxdauh to produce cwt, ok to prohibit gaiq to prop up daeux proper cingqging property dangq to protect bauj, fuengz, haeuj, hoh to provoke genx to pull cauh, cing, daz pupa reh to pursue ci, gyaep to push ci to put aside ce to put down cuengq to put in place coq to put on (clothes) daenj to put on (slippers) swt to put sthg on sthg else gaiq putrid cauz python ngieg quick, to do quickly ca quickly doq quickly, straightaway doqbi, doqcawz raid caeg rat nou rat, bamboo haet ravine luengq raw meat byagvaiq, gvaiq to reach out laz to read doeg real caen really caen realm biengz realm gaiq Realm of Water suijfuj

567 to reap dan to recede mboek to receive ciep, coux to receive (guests) daih recitation mo to recite damz, dauh, mo, nam to recognise roxnaj, roxnyi to recount lwnh to rectify coih red nding to redeem vanz to redeem vow vanzyienh reed, southern ngox to regain consciousness nyinh regardless caih regions, clf. rangh related (kin) caen relaxed swhcaih to release cuengq to rely on ai, gyoz to remember geiq repeatedly lihluenz to reply han, vanz to report, inform (a superior) bauq to reproach gvaej to rescue gouq, gyouq to resemble lumj to resent haemz, ienq, un resentful langx to reside youq respectfully caxyaeuz to respond bauqingq, ingq to retreat doiq to retreat (of waters) mboek to return dauq, doiq, vanz rice haeux rice, glutinous haeuxcid rice, large-grain glutinous daiz, haeuxdaiz rice, last year’s haeuxgeq rice, wet-field haeuxnaz rice, white haeuxsan rice bug reh rice for seedcorn haeuxfaen rice plant roots haeuxgoek rice plant, upper part haeuxbyai rice seedlings gyaj, haeuxgyaj rice-beer laeuj rich miz riches fungh

568 riches and honours funghgviq ride gwih righteousness ngeih right-hand gvaz to rinse sah to rip sik to rise hwnj ritual congz, go ritual master sae ritual of retreat cai ritual of severance byat ritual, apotropaic bang ritual, to conduct coih ritual, Taoist dauh river dah river crossing sok, sokdah river fork ga river, big ni river-bank faengq river-bed lueng road loh, roen roads, clf. ga to roam about, wander banh to roast riengq rock rin to roll up (sleeves) haed, vid room rug rooster gaeqboh rotten cauz, lanh, naeuh to row (a boat) cauh, vad, vaij rowboat ruzvad to rub uet to ruin vaih ruin, to fall into lakbaih ruler suj to rush, charge nyoengx sabre yangj saddle an salt gyu same caemh sand sa sash faed to satirise lw sauce cieng, giengh sauté liux to say naeuz, nyiet scales (of fish) gyaep scarecrow yahfumh, yahhaz

english-zhuang index to scatter doek, rah, sanq scattered baxlaz, nyweng to scheme geiqmaeuz, maeuz scissors dan to scold ndaq, ngeih scoldingly nyihnyaemz, nyihnyingh to scratch vaz script saw scripture ging, sawging seal of office inq to search for doz, ra second daihngeih, ngeih section (of housing) genh section rangh see fwh, raen seed, seedcorn faen seed-rice faen’gyaj to seep in yaem to seize ciemq, dawz, sing self swh to sell buenq, gai semen cing to send soengq to send down cuengq to send off soengq to send sbdy away ci to separate byat separately gag serf hoiq serious (of speech) cingqging serpent ngieg to serve (food) caeng to serve as dang to serve out cingx, daek to set (a table) nda set (of clothing), clf. doiq to set in order baiz to set in place dingh to set up laeb seven caet seventeen cibcaet seventy caetcib several geij, gij sexual intercourse, have gauj to share caemh sharp lezlih, lih, raeh, soem sharp, very soemseu she de sheaf bog, geu

569

english-zhuang index sheep yiengz shell gyaep shining bright ongq ship ruzcaz shirt buh shit haex shoes haiz short (in stature) daemq short section gaet shoulder baq shrine bang sibling, eldest beixdaih sibling, older beix sibling, younger nuengx siblings beixnuengx sick bingh, gyaej side baih to sigh danq silent caem silver ngaenz since caj, caux to sing ciengq single dog to sink mued to sip swd sisters-in-law baj, bajliux to sit naengh site deih six loeg, loek, roek six jia (cyclical signs) loeggap, loeggyap Six Ministries loegbouh skein geu skin naeng sky mbwn sky god sien sky gods, realm of biengzsien skylark roegvenz slanting caix, saix to slash crosswise (with a brushknife) fwet slave hoiq, bingzdaeuz to sleep ninz sleeve gen sleight of hand liemz to slice at angle saemz slope bo slope (gentle slope) banz slope, side bangx to slow ones pace yiemz small noix

smallpox dok smart coeng smelly haeu to smile riu smiling broadly baxsieg, baxsih smoke swi to snap off euj to snatch ca snout moth larva naeu snow nae so goj to soak ceh soil namh soldiers bing solid genq to solve gyaij somebody else wnq, vunz son cij, lwgsai sorrow heiq soul of dead lingz sour soemj south namz Southern Quarter namzfueng to sow doek spade so sparrow-hawk langzyiuh, yiuh sparrow-like birds yahvih to speak gangj, hauq, soq to speak deliberately nai speech hauq to spend feiq, sawj spiny anteater linh spirit fangz spirit tablet lingz spirits, clf. duz to spit out haiz splint, bamboo duk to split (stone or wood), chop bag to split lengthways luih spot, dot diemj spring, water source mboq springtime cieng sprite iu sprout byai stables cauz to stack up dab stake dongh stalk hengh to stand ndwn

570 to stand up soengz star ndaundeiq starch cieng, giengh to stare yaengz to start (a fire) cit to stay overnight soengz to steal caeg, laeg stealthily liemzfwngz steelyard caengh stem go, hengh step mbaek, vengh step yamq step-brother or step-sister beixgaeuq still dem, goj still have lij stinking cauz, haeu to stir-fry ceuj stone rin to stop caem to stop doing sthg hit to stop sbdy in their tracks daemx to stop up ngvak to store up caeng storehouse cang straight longh straightaway doqbi straightforward simsoh, soh strand geu strategem geiqmaeuz to stretch daz to stretch out yiet to stride forward yamq to strike danz, dwk, fwd to strike against daemj string, clf. roix strips, clf. deuz, diuz to stroke daix to struggle for doz stubborn gyangz stud (animal used for) cing stupid bamz, huk stye riengh to submit to guenz sub-prefecture cou to substitute lawh suddenly caemh, caemhca, fwd, ngvaek, ngvaekcawz to sue caiq to suffer deng

english-zhuang index to suffer from colic gyauj cangxsah to summon heuh, raez sun daengngoenz sunlight ndit to support fuz to suppose ngaq surname singq to sway baij to sweat fathanh, hanh sweet van sweet dew gamloh sweet potato maenz to swim ap, caemx, youz swinging wide fidfangh, fidfaz to swish in water sah table congz taboo geih tail rieng to take aeu to take hold of aeu to take in hand dawz to take in aeu to take over dam talent caiz talisman fouz, fuz talk, words hauq tall sang tally fouz, fuz Taoism dauh Taoist priest bouxdauh, dauhlaux taut gang, gihgang tea caz to teach son teaching soq tears raemxda to tease iu to tell lwnh, soq temper cawhoz, hozcaw ten cib ten thousand fanh term of address between female friends bangh terraced (fields) dab thanks to gyoz that de thatch grass haz, daij, hazdaij then cah, caiq, caux, cih, cix, dauq, goj, leux then, only then caih, caiq

571

english-zhuang index there wnq there is, there are lij, miz thereupon caux, cih, cingqcaux, cix, dauq these (things) gaiqneix they de, gaiqde thick maet thin raz to think, ponder ngaq, sieng, siengj thinking, pondering cazngaenx, cazngaix third daihsam third month samnyied thirty samcib this de, neix this time mwhneix this, that gaiq thousand cien thread geu to thread (objects) on string roix three sam three hundred sambak Three Realms samgaiq throat hoz through, to put through doeng thunder loiz thunder-god byaj, duzbyaj, duzloiz thus caux to tie up lamh tiger guk tight, to draw gihgang till raeq to tiller dok time cawz, mwh time, occasion baez, dauq, doh, raemh, raq time, this baez, baezndeu to, until daengz to toast byoq today ngoenzneix together caemh, doengz, doxcaez tomorrow cog tools, clf. fag tooth heuj top gyaeuj to topple lak torch liu towards, together coh to trample dangh, dieb to transform gaij to transgress beu, famh to transmit cuenz

to transport daeh trap gaep tread (of a ladder) vengh, mbaek to tread caij to tread on dangh, dieb to tread warily yaemh tree faex, maex tree top byai trees, clf. go tripod giengz trough cauz trousers vaq to truncate duenh trunk, base goek truthful cingqsoq tuber maenz to turn around dauq to turn over boek to turn, turn around cienq tutelary god bang twelve cibngeih to twist (fibres) mbaen to twist up gyauj two ngeih, song udder cij ugly yakfaz, yakfwh umbrella liengj uncle lungz under laj undo (buttons) byat unexpectedly naengz to untie gyaij up in the sky gwnzmbwn upset genx to urge coi to use dawz, sawj, yungh to usurp ciemq utterance, clf. coenz valley lueg vast and empty dahluh, daxluh, dazluh vat boengh vegetable, green byaek vegetable, wild byaekciq, byaekcwx vegetarian food cai Vietnamese giuj village mbanj village elder baeuq

572 vinegar meiq violent yak to visit (relatives or friends) to vomit rueg to vow nyienh, yienh vulva ced

english-zhuang index

liuh

to wade dangh waist hwet to wait, wait for caj to walk across (shallow water) dangh to walk, go; go away byaij wall ciengz, fa wall, perimeter cab to wander liuh to wander around banh to wander off, be absent banh to want (to do sthg.) yaek to ward off dang, fuengz to warm up (by fire) byoq to wash caemx to wash (clothes) saeg wasp, large cingz, doqcingz to waste hauq wasteful feiq water raemx, suij water buffalo vaiz waterlogged yaem water-source, spring mboq water-wheel loek wave langh the Way dauh we (inclusive) raeuz we, us, our dou wealth caiz to wear daenj to wear on the head ndaix to weave daemj, geuj, rok, san weeds growing in profusion nya, nyaengq to weep daej to weigh caengh to welcome coux, nyaq well ndei to well up giengx well-behaved gvai west sae Western Quarter saefueng wet ndaek wet-field naz

wet-field, terraced nazdab wet-field, well-watered nazceh wet-fields doenghnaz wet-fields, unit of measurement vih what? gaiqmaz, maz what, where, how? youq what? naj whatever caih, maz where? gizlawz, baihlawz wherever baihlawz which time? dohlawz which? lawz whip fad white hau who? bouxlawz whoever bouxlawz whole daengx, doengz whole, entire baenz why? maz wicker fence lag wide, broad gvang, gvangq widow yahmaiq widow, widower maiq widowed maiq wife baz, fuq, meh, yah wife, principal bazdaih, bazgoek wife; bride bawx wife of father’s brother bajliux wife’s relations nangzlaeng wife’s younger siblings nuengxnax the wild baq, bangxbaq wild cwx wild (animals) bya wild (of edible plants) ciq wild (of pigs) duenh wilderness baq wind rumz to wind round geuj to wind up giu wine laeuj wine, freshly distilled yag wings fwed to wipe uet to wish dat with riengz with, (to do sthg) aeu to wither roz wok cauq, rek woman naih

573

english-zhuang index woman, elderly yah woman, young married caeux, caeuz women cauxyah women, middle-aged baz wood faex, maex woody plant faex, maex word cih world dienyah, gaiq, lajmbwn worn down hed worn out lengq to worry about ndiep, heiq to worship baiq to wrap up suek

to write raiz writing saw wrongdoing coih year bi, nienz Yin yaem yonder wnq you mwngz you (pl.) sou young man mbauq younger brother’s wife youth mbauq youthful coz

liuz

Subject Index Numbers in parentheses refer to line numbers in the Textual and Ethnographic Notes section. abbreviated forms of expression 286 (14), 295 (69), 315 (145), 316 (149), 321 (168), 330 (221), 339 (279), 352 (376), 357 (418), 358 (419), 363 (462), 381 (601), 400 (820–821), 441 (1167), 447 (1232) see also syntax, poetics abbreviation, graphic 346 (326), 375 (544) see also graphic phenomena adverbs of extent 355 (398) see also grammar affines 289 (28), 311 (128) see also kinship agate 376 (547) agriculture agricultural tools, see crowbar, hoe, scissors, spade metaphors for sex and marriage 321 (169), 322 (174), 356 (412), 358 (419) see also crops and harvests, dam making, grain crops, irrigation, ramie, wetfields Ahom 345 (316) allographs 310 (120), 317 (151), 350 (360), 351 (365, 368), 366 (482), 367 (487), 378 (572), 383 (608), 386 (638), 396 (755), 399 (788), 403 (838), 411 (886), 416 (927), 424 (1010), 430 (1050), 432 (1073), 437 (1120, 1128), 446 (1224), 447 (1237) see also graphic phenomena allomorphs 327 (208) see also morphemes allophonic borrowing 329 (215) see also readings almanacs 299 (93), 300 (95), 301 (96), 341 (296) ancestors 385 (10), 296 (82), 337 (274), 341 (296), 372 (514), 385 (628), 411 (889), 435 (1092), 461 (1435), 467 (1499) ancestors in orthodox succession 461 (1435) see also inheritance Ancestral King, meaning of title 5, 359 (433–434)

angry ghosts 4 Annam 24–28, 379 (583) policy of extermination 27 see also Jiaozhi, Vietnam annual offerings 3 see ritual anteaters 385 (624) apes and monkeys 411 (890) black ape 411 (890) apotheosis 23 appeals and pleas 297 (84), 306 (109), 341 (295), 402–403 (835), 403 (836), 420 (965), 423 (996), 447 (1231), 450 (1285), 454 (1332), 455 (1351) plea, making a 306 (109) see also judicial procedures, rebutting false charges apposition 354 (388), 364 (468), 375 (544), 384–385 (620), 406 (846, 847) see also grammar approximate glosses 297 (83), 351 (369), 368 (496), 424 (1010), 427 (1034) see also textual criticism approximation, graphic see graphic approximants, script armspread (as measure of length) 422 (985) arrows 407 (876) artisans 412 (892) assassination 23, 27 assimilation (phonetic) 37, 46, 394 (720), 442 (1169) embedded in the script 394 (720), 442 (1169) assimilation (graphic), see graphic phenomena astral deities 341 (296) see also gods auspicious days, selection 299–300 (94) autumn maple 421 (975) B edition 9, 15, 32–34, and passim editing process 33–34 babies 417 (929)

subject index baed tutelary deities 287 (14) etymology 287 (14) Baeu Donghan 435 (1092) Baeu Roekdo 283 (1) as spirit owner of human realm 283 (1) Baeuq Roxdoh as alternative pronunciation 286 (12) pronunciation derived from SWM 286 (12) Baeu Roekdo and Mo Loekgap as founders of the sacrificial order 283 (10) meaning of names 283 (10) baez an abbreviation for baez ndeu ‘one time’ 352 (376) baih ‘side’ used for social reference 289 (28), 311 (128) Baishansi zhi 白山司志 404 (842) bak ‘mouth’ used as a verb 308 (115) Bama 巴馬 county 2, 3–4, 6, 8, 9, 15, 16, 17, 18, 22, 23, 30, 32, 33, 34–37, 283 ff. passim bamboo 294 (57), 314 (145), 337 (274) varieties 293 (56), 294 (57), 295 (67), 303–304 (105), 359 (429), 365 (472), 402 (865) bamboo shoots 293 (56), 364 (467) bamboo, items made of 337 (274), 369 (497) bobbins 337 (274) carrying baskets 304 (105) carrying poles 359 (429) carrying tubes 337 (274) containers, large 337–338 (274), 359 (429) fencing 457 (1394) fine-toothed combs 345 (321) flooring 381 (603) mats 303–304 (105) partition panels 463 (1450) pikes 369 (497) screens 328 (209) splints 343 (311), 455 (1336) stakes used in fortifications 389 (685) water containers and carrying poles 359 (429) water pipes 365 (472), 377 (561) Bamboo Annals 20 bamboo rat 385 (623)

575 Bansheng 板升 village 6 Bảo-lạc 保樂 23–24 baskets 304 (105), 424 (1011) for chicks and ducklings 429 (1034, 1078) fish baskets 452 (1306) small, with lid 452 (1306) beating, verbs of 292 (42), 293 (55), 348 (344), 381 (603), 413–414 (905), 414 (906), 439 (1149) Beipanjiang 北盤江 river 28 bevvies of girls 423 (988) see also social groups bianwen 變文 21 biengz ‘domain’ 306 (111), 336 (270), 360 (440), 361 (448), 381 (591), 385 (628), 386 (629), 443 (1182) etymology 443 (1182) see also domain, chiefly domain birds 8, 288 (15, 18), 295 (72), 313–315 (145), 359 (433–434), 419 (952), 426–430 (1034), 464 (1466) black-eared kites 427–430 (1034) crows 295 (72), 427–430 (1034) eagles 256 (72), 426–430 (1034) geese 8, 359 (433–434) hawks and kites 426–430 (1034) larks 464 (1466) partridges (francolins) 313–315 (145) sacred birds 429 (1034) black, colour terms 327–328 (208), 329 (216), 339 (283), 386 (646), 424 (1002) black of the night sky 424 (1002) black-eared kite 427–430 (1034) black raptors 427–428 (1034) blades on water wheel 302 (98) badly worn down 371 (506) knife 355 (409), 380 (589) ‘blessing’ (inherited property and rank) 336 (270) see also inheritance blood 466 (1499) blood relationships 374 (538), 451 (1298), 463 (1450) see also kinship blue 327–328 (208) blue-black 386 (646) Bo’ai (Aiq) as transit point 26

576 boats 369 (497), 376 (549), 452–453 (1309) freight 452–453 (1309) oars and rowing 370 (498), 376 (549), 406 (858) with ten large oars 376 (549) boat of straw in ritual 15 bobbin 337 (274) ‘bones’ as metaphor for consanguinity 451 (1298) see also kinship Bose 百色 8, 16, 26, 33, 34, 35, 47 bosom friends 379 (585) Bouyei language 6, 8, 11, 18, 28, 45, 46 elision of final stop consonants 45, 324 (185), 344 (316), 350 (355), 396 (744), 409 (881–882), 417 (928) dialect pronunciations imported into Bama Hanvueng text 325 (190), 334 (256), 350 (355), 417 (928) pronunciation of initials 355 (398, 405) see also Donglan Bouyei Bouyei mogong texts 287–288 (15), 309 (116), 311 (123) Bouyei words 309 (116), 310 (122), 368 (490), 394 (720), 409 (881–882), 427 (1034), 433 (1083), 452 (1306), 465 (1488) bird names 427–429 (1034) ethnonyms 390 (688) for ‘indigo’ 327 (208) for payments made to chieftain 466 (1489) grammatical words 311 (123), 436 (1101), 441 (1167) imported into Bama Hanvueng text 309 (116), 394 (720), 396 (744) ‘bow’ and ‘arrow’ 407–408 (876) ‘Breaking Open the Gates of Hell’ 459 (1410) breath 370 (500), 388 (672), 406 (846) bridles 386 (649) brigands 294 (60), 306 (111), 443 (1174) Buenzguj 盤古 pronunciation 286 (13) buffalo 5, 365 (473), 390 (691), 466 (1499) buffalo offerings 5, 24 killed by tiger 466 (1499) Buyang (language) substratum in Zhuang 428 (1034) see also Kadai languages

subject index byre 390 (691), 455 (1354) see also domestic animals calculation of auspicious days, see auspicious days calculation of Fate 316 (149), 353 (386) see also cyclical signs calendar 341 (296) calendrical deities 341 (296) calque 381 (599) see also Chinese loan words Campaign Songs (Fwencaeg) 25–26 canonical parallelism 31, 283 (1), 320 (165–166) main features 31 parallel collocation 321 (170) see also parallelism Cantonese 313 (145), 323 (183), 385 (620), 452 (1306) Cao Bằng 23, 26 carpenters 420 (957) carrying poles 302 (98), 304–305 (107), 359 (429), 368 (496) catalytic readings 49, 301 (96), 338 (278), 349 (352), 369 (497), 400 (817), 404 (839), 424 (1002), 431 (1057), 440 (1154), 446 (1221), 449 (1270), 464 (1476) see also readings catfish 399 (785) see also fish catty 376 (555) see also measures causative verbs 355 (405), 382 (606), 389 (674–675), 437 (1114) see also grammar cax ‘if’ in Bouyei texts 309 (116) Ceheng 册亨 18 Celestial Heart lineage 378–379 (581) Cen Numuhan 岑怒木罕 8 Cen Qingbin 岑慶賓 27 Cen Tiemur 岑鐵木兒 8 Cen 岑 clan 8, 26–28, 29 Cen, branch domains 27, 28, 48 Central Tai languages 27, 314 (145), 390 (688) Chadong 茶洞 people 310 (120) ‘Chang Shun’er’ 唱舜兒 21 see Shun Changding xian 長定縣 27 chaodu 超度 17

subject index character read as another in same series, see substitution within xiesheng series see also readings characters transposed 367 (490), 371 (509), 386 (640), 399 (787), 415 (909), 426 (1017), 433 (1082), 444 (1190), 447 (1236), 453 (1310), 457 (1393) see also manuscript chickens 9, 12, 295 (72), 315 (145), 365 (472), 419 (952), 429 (1034), 447 (1232), 467 (1502) large bodied 419 (952, 953) small bodied 420 (953) chicken cage 13 chicken thigh-bone divination 9 chiefly domains 4, 5, 8, 9, 14, 22–24, 26–28, 48, 283 ff. passim see also manorial estates chiefly titles 4, 5–9, 359 (433–434) chieftaincies, trans-location 26–28 chieftaincy 1, 2–3, 3–4, 6, 8, 14, 23–24, 25, 26–28, 48, 283 ff. passim inheritance 5–6, 9, 23, 24 internal administration 9 relations with Chinese court and officials 9, 24 see also native chieftains Chinese bamboo rat 385 (623) Chinese Francolin 314–315 (145) Chinese loan words, see calques, Han borrowings, tone category ‘jumping’ Chinese lobelia 363 (466) see also wild vegetable chisel 420 (957) Chongzuo 崇左 county 25 chuanqi 傳奇 22 see also narrative cih marking temporal or logical sequence 311 (127) used as a copula 297 (84) citation tone symbols 37 clans of retainers 24 see also social groups Clarias (fish) 18, 337 (272) see also fish classifiers 285 (10, 11), 303 (105), 311 (123), 325 (190), 327 (208), 333 (255), 338 (278), 340 (288), 349 (352), 352 (376), 366 (482), 396 (755), 397 (769), 430 (1049–1050), 458 (1401), 462 (1437)

577 classifier of general reference, see gaiq see also grammar clerical script 317 (151) see also script cliffs 340 (286), 341 (302), 392 (704), 465 (1488) cocoons 418 (944) code-switching 31 see also poetics cogongrass 362 (456), 394 (720), 425 (1013) Cojvuengz, first mention 359 (433– 434) colour terms 303 (103), 327–328 (208), 419–420 (953), 425 (1014), 433 (1083) colour of ashes 303 (103), 433 (1083) see also black, blue, blue-black, dark, green, grey, pink, red, white ‘combined meanings’ (huiyi 會意) characters 289 (20), 301 (96), 303 (104), 337 (274), 402 (832) reinterpretation of existing graph as huiyi character 337 (274) see also graphic phenomena common sayings 295 (72), 300 (95), 315 (145), 348 (344, 350), 352 (369), 406 (862–863), 424 (1011) see also Zhuang language commoners 336–337 (270) see also social strata communal rituals 3, 15 see also ritual consanguinity 451 (1298) see also kinship containers 315–316 (146), 337–338 (274), 348 (346), 359 (429), 371–372 (510), 415 (911, 912) jars 315 (146), 327 (208), 329 (216), 348 (346), 415 (911, 912) vats, large storage jars 348 (346), 415 (912) jars, dye crocks 327 (208) jars, small crocks 415 (911) cups 315 (146) pots, large wine pots 315 (146) pots, cooking pots 371 (510), 372 (511) crocks 329 (911, 912) containers for wine or oil 315 (146), 329 (216)

578 context-dependent glosses 33, 299 (93), 301 (96), 306 (109), 311 (123), 312 (129), 326 (201, 205), 328 (209), 330 (221), 331 (224), 332 (236, 244), 341 (295), 346 (322), 352 (376), 355 (409), 363 (463), 367 (487), 373 (515), 374 (536), 376 (555), 385 (628), 387 (663), 419 (948), 440 (1166), 443 (1176), 445 (1202), 452 (1309), 455 (1336) see also textual criticism context-dependent grammatical structure 300 (95) context-dependent translation 358 (421) see also textual criticism contrastive use of neix ‘this; here’ 440 (1164) cooking 305 (108), 315 (145), 372 (511), 446 (1223), 465 (1488) cooking pan 305 (108) see also deep-frying, salads of raw meat, trivet copula 297 (84), 343 (312) cotton cloth 319 (159) Covueng 4–5, 5–6, 17, 18, 390 (688), 395 (732), 399–400 (799–800), 436 (1108), 444 (1188), 445 (1204), 450–451 (1289), 458 (1405), 462 (1438–1439), 463 (1450) creaky-voice 39 crock, see containers crops and harvests 10, 24, 293 (53), 296–297 (82), 321 (169), 321–322 (170), 329 (213), 359 (430), 377 (561) crossbow 408 (876) crow 439–440 (1152) characteristics 295 (72) mythology 430 (1034) crow and eagle 295 (72), 426–430 (1034), 436 (1108), 443 (1182), 445 (1204), 447 (1232) crowbar 397 (776) cursive allographs 411 (886), 447 (1237) see also graphic phenomena cursive script 317 (151), 351 (365), 409 (882), 414 (908) see also script cyclical signs 291–292 (37), 316 (149), 353 (386) see also calendrical signs, Earthly Branches, Heavenly Stems cypress 421 (975)

subject index d- initials read as nd- 318 (155) Dahua 大化 county 9, 15 Daihvuengz ‘Great King’ 291 (34) see also gods dam making 301 (96) daogong 道公 3–4, 15 texts 3 see also ritual practitioners daughter, selfish and stubborn 342 (303) Dazboeg (Dabo 達剝) 26 dead souls 11–13, 17 dead syllables 36, 328 (209) death by violence 1, 10, 11, 17, 23–24 deep-frying 305 (108) see also cooking Dehong 289 (20) deixis 311 (127, 128) demons 2, 9, 12, 14, 15, 291 (34) demons of enmity 2, 9 denial 441 (1167) dentilabialisation 313–314 (145), 339 (280) deprecatory pronoun hoiq 320 (164) descriptive suffixes, see mimetic words despatch box (for reports) 455 (1336) see also ritual dialect dialect pronunciation of 勞 láo 333–334 (256), 370 (498) dialect standard 35 dialect survey data 307 (112) diarrhoea 415 (915), 442 (1170) digging, verbs for 397 (778) direct communication with spirits 4 directional verbs 296 (82) see grammar ‘dismantling characters’ (chaizi 拆字) 301 (96) distilling wine or rice beer 344–345 (316) disyllabic adjectives 329 (209), 339 (279) disyllabic mimetic adjectives 329 (209) see also mimetic words divination using chicken thigh-bones 9 using an egg 9 dogs 309 (116), 326 (199), 458 (1398–1399) domain 283 (1), 336–337 (270), 360 (440), 361 (448), 385 (628), 386 (629), 390 (691), 443 (1182), 462 (1446), 468 (1514) see biengz, chiefly domain

subject index domestic animals, large 365 (473) domestic fowl see chickens, ducks, geese domestic rituals 14 see rituals Dong Yong 22 Donglan 東蘭 county 2, 4, 48 Donglan Bouyei (language) 48, 379 (583) see also Bouyei language dragons 21, 283 (1), 401 (828–829) drops of water 344 (316) drought 5, 404 (839) drying platform 467 (1502) see also houses Du Fu 杜甫 290 (28) Du’an 都安 county 6, 356 (412) ducks 365 (472), 392 (703), 429 (1034), 467 (1502) Dunhuang 21, 295 (80), 317 (151), 366 (482), 378 (572), 434 (1091), 464 (1476) duzbaed (sky gods) 15 dye solution too old 329 (213) dyeing cloth 327–328 (208) dye-pot 327 (208) eagles 295 (72), 426–430 (1034) eagles and kites, mythology 429–430 (1034) earth (as opposed to sky) 5, 17, 385 (620) earth mountains 288 (15), 340 (286) earth prisons 17 Earthly Branches 291 (37), 299 (94), 316 (149), 325 (190), 388 (667), 404 (839), 463 (1453) see also cyclical signs. Heavenly Stems easy to V 363 (463) ‘eating the domain’ 386 (629) eaves 344 (316), 367 (490) see also houses editing process, B edition 32–33 see also textual criticism efficacy, ritual 14 see also ritual egg divination 9 eight-character horoscope 348 (350), 353 (387) see also cyclical signs Eight Trigrams diagram 11

579 elision of coverb 320 (164) of demonstrative 311 (128) of object after preposition 322 (173) see also grammar elision of stop finals 344–345 (316), 350 (355) end of the world 425 (1013) endogamy and exogamy 336–337 (270) see also kinship enmity ( yuan 冤) 1, 2, 9, 14 entering tone 30 entourage 5, 25, 380 (586), 423 (988), 463 (1450) see also social groups entrance to the laneway 332 (244), 425 (1013) see also village epic 1 epic poetry 320 (165–166) see also poetics, stock epithets errand 368 (492) Ethnic Affairs Commission 16 ethnonyms 390 (688) example sentences and phrases see Zhuang language, spoken language exaggeration in Zhuang 352 (376) exorcism 3, 9 extended meaning 293 (53), 331 (235), 335 (265), 342 (304, 306), 344 (315), 356 (412), 357 (417, 418), 359 (430), 386 (629), 419 (946), 420 (957), 449 (1266) see also semantics facial expression 333 (256), 344 (314), 347 (343) families not visiting 331 (229) family discord, ritual procedure 9 family property 336 (270), 358 (427), 374 (538), 466–467 (1499) see also inheritance famous generals 287 (14) feasting 315–316 (146) female spirit mediums 4 see also ritual practitioners fencing for domestic fowls 457 (1394) Fengshan 鳳山 county 8, 290 (28), 409 (878) dialect 290 (28)

580 Fengwu 鳳梧 318 (155) ferns 426 (1020) feuding between brothers 1, 23 within princely families 23, 23–24 fictive kinship 379 (585) final -aw and final -w 366 (480) final -m corresponding with -ŋ 394 (720), 441–442 (1169) fire, myth 435 (1092) firewood 421 (975) first-born and last-born brothers 23 see also kinship first wife 356 (412) see also marriage fish 5, 18, 337 (271, 272), 375 (542) fish varieties catfish 398–399 (784) Clarias batrachus 18, 337 (272) black murrel 375 (542) ‘green bamboo carp’ 337 (271) Spinibarbus 18, 337 (272) fish basket 452 (1306) fishing technology 375–376 (545) fishnet types 375 (545) Five Buddhas crown wufomao 五佛帽 12 floods 5, 362 (452) flood and incest myth 17 flood myth 288 (15) forested slopes 283 (1), 340 (286) formulaic beginning 283 (1) formulaic composition 31 see also poetics formulaic verse 31, 320 (165–166), 321 (169) see also epic fortified villages 320 (164), 325 (193) see also villages founders’ cults 283 (1) Four Realms 283 (1) fourfold division of sky, water, earth, and mountains 283 (1) foxtail millet (Setaria italica) 362 (456) fraternal strife 22–24 free-born peasants 24 see also social strata freight carried on boats 452 (1309) fungus 418 (944) fusion words 387 (659) fwen baiz (Ch. 排歌, paige) 30

subject index gaem as classifier 358 (278) gaiq, general classifier 430 (1049–1050) as a dative indicator 311 (123), 316 (149), 320 (164) as marker of plurality 320 (164) game animals and birds 314–315 (145), 393 (709), 393 (710, 713) see also Chinese Francolin, muntjac gates, city or village 320 (164), 326 (193) Gedney’s Yay 290 (28), 408 (878) geese 8, 288 (15), 359 (433–434), 457 (1394) genealogies 24 see also kinship genies 342 (304) geomantic forces 287 (15) ghosts 4, 15, 337 (274), 354 (398), 384 (616), 412 (892) gifts 14, 323 (185–186), 349–350 (352), 430 (1047), 466 (1489) gift for Hanvueng 430 (1047) gift of a pig’s head 323 (185–186) offerings to Hanvueng 466 (1489) glosses, imprecise 305 (108), 348 (350), 359 (429), 412 (895), 413–414 (905), 420 (965), 423 (988), 431 (1052), 437 (1128), 448 (1250, 1255), 449 (1266), 450 (1285) see also textual criticism glottalised coda 335 (265) glottalised tone 328 (208) god of the village 15 gods, see also astral deities, Daihvuengz ‘Great King’, Jade Emperor, Mo Loeggap, Old Mother, Shuifu Wang Guan, sien, sky gods, spirit lords, Thên, Thunder God, Tudai guanyuan, tutelary deities, Xuanwu goose, habits 8 govern and be governed 406 (849) grain crops, see Foxtail millet, millet, miscellaneous grains, rice varieties grammar grammar of line of verse 300 (95), 441 (1167) grammar of poetry 296 (82) grammar of Zhuang 322 (173) grammar, unusual 343–344 (313), 377 (561) see also adverbs of extent, apposition, causative verbs, classifiers, directional verbs, elision, location

subject index grammatical words, substitution 295 (72) grammaticalisation 286–287 (14), 309 (116), 322 (173), 412 (891), 436 (1101) grammaticalised form of xos 441 (1167) grammaticalised usages of youq ‘to stay’ 436 (1101) granary 309 (119) grandfather and grandmother 346 (322) see also kinship graphic phenomena and categories see also allographs, clerical script, ‘combined meanings’ characters, cursive allographs, iconicity, resemblance (graphic), variant graphs, vernacular characters, vernacular variants of standard graphs, Zhuang invented characters graphic abbreviation 375 (544) graphic approximants 369 (497), 382 (608), 383 (613), 387 (658), 401 (828–829), 406 (855), 409 (882), 414 (908), 422 (979), 433 (1088), 434 (1091), 437 (1120), 463 (1450), 468 (1530) graphic assimilation 289 (20) graphic variants 285 (10), 289 (20), 293 (50), 294 (63), 295 (80), 303 (104), 304 (107), 309 (120), 316–317 (151), 322 (173), 328 (209), 348 (344), 349 (352), 354 (392), 363 (463, 465), 365 (476), 366 (482), 367 (487), 368 (492), 378 (576), 379 (583), 380 (586), 382 (608), 388 (667, 668), 390 (688), 393 (718), 395 (744), 397 (772), 401 (828–829), 405 (842), 406 (849), 407 (876), 409 (881–882), 413 (899), 414 (908), 420 (965), 424 (1011), 425 (1015), 434 (1091), 435 (1095), 447 (1231), 448 (1255), 451 (1292), 453 (1311), 453–454 (1321), 454 (1334), 455 (1351), 457 (1376, 1391), 460 (1411), 464 (1470, 1476), 466 (1489) left-right transposition 304 (107) re-configuration 309 (120) resemblance 374 (527) simplification 309 (120), 350 (360), 404 (839), 409 (882), 417 (934), 433 (1088), 434 (1091), 437 (1120), 464 (1470) subtractive graphs 323 (183)

581 graphic-phonetic series, substitution within 286 (12), 319 (156), 352 (376), 372 (514), 387 (658), 392 (705–706), 402 (835), 407 (876), 412 (890), 418 (945), 431 (1057), 434 (1090) graphs copied by mistake into the next line 352 (373) see also manuscript graphs written in error 352 (375) see also manuscript grass panels 425 (1014) see also houses green bamboo carp 337 (271) see also fish Guangxi vernacular 45, 362 (456) Guangyun 廣韻 408 (876) guards of honour ( yizhangdui 儀仗隊) 369 (497) Gui-Liu hua 桂柳話 45 see also Guangxi vernacular Guizhou 1, 2, 6, 10–14, 17, 22, 28–29, 45 Guji bangongshi 古籍辦公室 15, 16, 33 Guyu 古魚 village 17 Gyeu (Jiaozhi) 24–28 Haansweangz text 10, 14, 17–18 hairclasps 318 (155) ‘half a person’ 306 (109) Han borrowings 32 see Chinese loan words Han Chinese cultural pressure 23 Han dynasty 6 Hán-Việt 292 (37) see also HV, 283ff. passim handle 338 (278), 380 (589, 590), 452 (1305, 1307) of spade 452 (1307) hanq ‘goose’ 8 Hanqvuengz (‘goose king’) 8 first mention in text 359 (433–434) written as 漢皇 6, 283 (title) written in other ways 6, 283 (title) Hanvueng and Shun 20–21 Hanvueng as a deity 9, 17 Hanvueng epic, distribution 1, 2 Hanvueng in Wangmo 望謨 county 10, 13, 14, 17–18, 28 Hanvueng narrative 4–5 oral composition 1, 2, 22

582 oral transmission 2, 17, 18 formulaic elements 320 (165–166) Hanvueng ritual, Guangxi 9 Hanvueng scripture 2, 9, 10, 13–14 various versions 2 Bama version 10–11, 15, 17 in western Guizhou 10 length 2, 15–17 musical accompaniment 13 occasions of performance drought, plagues, and floods 5 family feuding 9 in cases of long illness 10 outbreaks of smallpox 10 sweeping the village 10 unnatural death 9, 10–14, 17 other manuscripts 15–18 southwestern Guizhou 2, 13 title 283 (title) Wangmo versions 17 Hanvueng story as long narrative poem in Wangmo 17 current in southern Guizhou 17–18 parallel among the Tày 23–24 recycled incidents 18–22 Hanvueng text, characteristics of script 47–50 selected for B edition 32–33 traces of different sources 22 Hanvueng, parentage 17, 18 Hanvueng, sent down a well 18–21 head morpheme langz 288 (15), 427–428 (1034) heatstroke 415 (916) heavenly realms 17 Heavenly Stems 316 (149), 345 (316), 404 (839) early date of borrowing 404 (839) heir to the domain 4, 5 see also inheritance herbal tea 425 (1014) historical figures as baed 287 (14) historical poems 1, 17 Hlai (language) 289 (20), 305 (108) hoe 397 (776) hoiq as first person singular pronoun 338 (278) Homer 1 Homeric verse 320 (165–166)

subject index homorganic codae 305 (107), 328 (209), 335 (265), 343 (311, 312), 375 (473), 433 (1085) homorganic initials 292 (37), 293 (57) homorganic transpositions 343 (312) Hongshui 紅水 River 2, 18, 28, 325 (190), 396 (744), 462–463 (1447) hook 399 (799–800) hornet 386 (638) horses 3, 5, 365 (473), 386 (646), 456 (1356) colour terms 386 (646) houses 381 (603), 385 (620), 425 (1014), 463 (1450), 467 (1502) house locations used to refer to categories of family members 461 (1435), 463 (1450) house proper 463 (1450) long-grass used for thatch 425 (1014) internal structure 463 (1450) wooden or bamboo floors 381 (603) see also drying platform, eaves, grass panels, partition panels house-posts 464 (1476) house-slaves 370 (499) see also social strata households 323 (185–186), 358 (419) household rituals 3, 9, 10 see also rituals houseyard 385 (620), 425 (1013) Huang Ziyi 黄子義 16, 33, 34, 35, 283ff. passim Huang Ziyi’s pronunciation 35 huiyi 會意 characters, see ‘combined meanings’ characters human sacrifice 24 hunting 315 (145), 351 (366), 393 (713, 715), 395 (731), 408–409 (878), 458 (1398–1399) checking traps 408–409 (878) hunting techniques 315 (145), 393 (715), 408–409 (878) Huntun 混沌 (Onsdonh) 18 icicles 368 (490) iconicity motivation for choice of character 301 (96), 319 (155), 401 (820–821) iconic reading 349 (352) iconic representation 467 (1502)

subject index see also graphic phenomena and categories identity, inter-ethnic dimension 32 identity, relations of 297 (84), 348 (350) ‘if’ in the Nong dialect of Xichou 309 (116) Iliad 1 see also Homer implosives 39 indefinite classifier 311 (123), 316 (149), 320 (164), 340 (288), 351 (366), 396 (755) see also gaiq indigo 327 (207), 327–328 (208), 329–330 (216), 330 (217) Zhuang and Bouyei terms 327–328 (208), 330 (217) ingots of silver 430 (1047) inheritance 6, 9, 17, 23, 336–337 (270), 356 (412), 458 (427), 359 (433–434), 360 (436), 374 (538), 385 (628), 386 (629), 461 (1435) in orthodox succession 356 (412), 461 (1435) inheritance of forests 458 (427) see also ancestors in orthodox succession, ‘blessing’, family property, heir to the domain, orthodox line of succession injustice 424 (1010) insects 418 (944, 945) see also hornet, rice bug, snout-moth larva intensifying suffix 424 (1002) inter-ethnic dimension to cultural identity 32 internal meditations 459 (1409) intestines 415–416 (916) IPA transcription in B edition 33 irrigation 386 (629), 404–405 (842) bamboo pipes 365 (472), 377 (561) water wheels 300–301 (96, 98), 377 (561), 404–405 (842) Isan 446 (1224) it ‘one’ meaning ‘first’ 346 (321) Jade Emperor 423 (992) see also gods japonica rice 307 (112), 322–323 (178) see also rice Java Cedar 421 (975) jealousy 380 (588), 444 (1187) Jiaozhi 交趾 5, 24–28, 379 (583)

583 among the Bouyei in Guizhou 28 as place of refuge 25–28, 379 (583) refugees 26 routes from Guangxi 26 soldiers 25–26 Jingdian wenzi bianzheng shu 經典文字辨證 書 449 (1265) Jinshu 晉書 290 (28) judicial procedures 306 (109), 360 (436), 402 (835) see also appeals and pleas Kadai languages 289 (20), 427 (1034), 428 (1034) Kadai words in Zhuang ritual texts 428 (1034) Kaipi yanyi 開闢演義 21 Kam-Sui 289 (20), 310 (120) see also Mulam, Then (Yanghuang) karst peaks 288 (15), 340 (286), 411 (888), 413 (899), 429 (1034), 465 (1488) khan ‘king’ 8 χan ‘ruler, emperor, khan’ 8 kindred 423 (987), 463 (1450) see also kinship king 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 14, 15, 20, 22, 23, 283ff. passim bloodline 374 (538) danger of assassination 23 ‘king’ used as term for headmen 285 (10) kinsfolk 311 (128), 401 (826), 462 (1437), 468 (1514) kinsfolk and affines 311 (128), 462 (1437) kinship 22 kinship terms 22, 288–289 (20), 289 (28), 292 (49), 346 (322), 347 (330), 356 (412), 406 (846), 422–423 (987), 458 (1401), 463 (1450, 1453) point of reference 346 (322), 406 (846) see also affines, blood, ‘bones’, consanguinity, endogamy and exogamy, first-born and last-born brothers, genealogies, grandfather and grandmother, house locations, kindred, kinsfolk, lungz as term of address, siblings, step-brothers, wife’s relatives, wife’s younger siblings, Zhuang (Tai) kinship

584 Kinh 25 kitchen 305 (108), 372 (511) see also cooking knowing how to act 462 (1437) ladder, treaders 400 (802) Lalang Grass 425 (1014) landing-place 370 (497), 389 (683–684) laneway 312 (135), 325 (193) see also villages Lạng Sơn province 27 Langhan 287–288 (15) lantern arrays 11 see also ritual Lao Hanwang 老罕王 8 language standardisation 307 (112), 307–308 (113) Laos 14–15, 446 (1224) large-grain sticky rice 407 (873) see also rice varieties lark 464 (1466) law, imperial Chinese 359 (433–434) legal procedures 306 (109) legal terms 402–403 (835) see also appeals and pleas, judicial procedures lect 35 see also dialect lead goose in a flock of geese 288 (15) left-over dishes 364 (468) Leye 樂業 county 8, 27 Li Shizhen 李時珍 315 (145) lineages 390 (691), 423 (987), 461 (1435), 463 (1450), 468 (1514) priestly lineages 353 (387), 378–379 (581) see also kinship Lingnan zhiguai 嶺南摭怪 333 (254) Lingyun 凌雲 8 liquidambar (tree) 435 (1092) lishu 隸書, see clerical script see also graphic phenomena literacy, school-based 369 (497) Liu Bang 劉邦 6 Liu Bei 劉備 6 Liu Huo 劉獲 6 liuh for lauh 333–334 (256) location 311 (128), 330 (221), 340 (286), 360 (440), 364 (468), 384–385 (620), 400 (820– 821), 401–402 (828–829), 440–441 (1166)

subject index localising noun head baih 311 (127, 128), 383 (613) location phrases with doek ‘fall’ 440–441 (1166) locational compounds 311 (128), 384–385 (620) locatives, point of reference 384–385 (620) see also grammar long historical poems 1 see also epic lords of the domain 14 see native chieftains love matches 294 (63), 356 (412) lungz as term of address 406 (846) see also kinship Luo Xuanzhen 羅玄真 16 Luodian 羅甸 county 18 lye-water 327 (207) M edition 6, 16, 308 (113), 318 (155), 328 (209), 342 (306) majority populations 25 making vows 291 (34), 417 (935), 455 (1336) see also ritual malnutrition, infantile 323 (178) Manchu 8 manger 455–456 (1356) manorial estates 24 see also chiefly domains manuscript date of 16 size and layout 16 vertical marks indicating transposition of characters 371 (509), 386 (640), 415 (909), 426 (1017) see also characters transposed, graphs copied by mistake into next line, graphs written in error, miscopying, missing lines, repeat sign, reversal of characters in manuscript line Maoshan Taoists 3, 4, 15, 353 (387), 378–379 (581) date of first arrival in Guangxi 379 (581) see also ritual practitioners marriage 321 (169), 322 (174), 331 (229), 336–337 (270), 341 (296), 347 (330), 348 (344), 353 (386) agricultural metaphors 321 (169)

subject index calendrical calculations 341 (296) chiefly families 336–337 (270) status endogamy and surname exogamy 336–337 (270) finalisation 348 (344) horoscopes 353 (386) re-marriage and mixed families 358 (419) see also agriculture, first wife masked dances 3 match-maker 312 (129), 321 (169), 322 (174), 323 (185–186), 329 (210), 333 (256), 341 (290), 347 (343), 348–349 (350), 349–350 (352), 350 (352–354) duties of 348–349 (350) match-maker story 22 see also narrative matriarchy 374 (538) mats, bamboo 303–304 (105) see also bamboo measles and smallpox 1, 10, 416 (927), 417 (929), 418 (944) measures of area (wetfields) 404–405 (842) of length 375 (545), 422 (985) of weight 376 (555) medicines 306 (111), 385 (624), 425 (1014) mediums, spirit 4, 467 (1499) see also ritual practitioners Meishan 梅山 Taoists 3, 353 (387) see also ritual masters, ritual practitioners Mencius 20 metaphor 31, 316 (151), 330 (224), 332 (236), 348 (344), 362 (456), 376 (549), 439 (1149), 460 (1412) chieftains compared with fenceposts 298 (89) meta-pragmatic function 30 see also ritual function method of elicitation 33 methodology 32–34 metonymy 304 (105), 305 (108), 327 (208), 335 (264), 365 (475), 393 (713) militarisation 24 military campaigns 25, 294 (60), 380–381 (591), 443 (1174) millet 362 (456) see also grain crops

585 mimetic words 302–303 (100), 319 (158), 320 (165–166), 329 (209), 335 (262), 339 (279), 347 (334–335), 373 (514), 382–383 (608) see also onomatopoetic words Mindon 23 Ming dynasty procedure 24, 360 (436) see also native chieftains miscellaneous grains 323 (179) see also grain crops miscopying 454 (1332) see also manuscript missing line 284 (5) see also manuscript Mo Hanhuang Zuwang yi ke 麽漢皇祖王一 科 16 Mo he tai 麽荷泰 16–17 Mo Loekgap 284–285 (10) as mother goddess 285 (10) name 284–285 (10) see also gods mobility 26–28 mogong 2, 3–4, 9–14, 15, 17, 27, 32, 33, 48, 49, 283 (1), 285 (10), 288 (15), 297 (82), 301 (96), 311 (123), 341 (296) mogong (bumo 布摩) in Wangmo 17 and Taoists 3, 15 mogong costume 12 in Bama-Tianyang 3, 15 in Donglan 3 link with chieftaincy 3, 14 role in resolution of quarrels 9 mol ruhjauc ‘recitation for the redemption of a head’ 11 see also ritual practitioners money 362 (460), 374–375 (541) see also silver Möng Mao 23 Mongol 8 Mongol loans in Manchu 8 Mongol names 8 monkeys 411 (890) morphemes not recognised locally 395–396 (744), 452 (1306), 466 (1491) basic meaning xv, 33 see also allomorphs, noun heads morpheme-tracking 33 mountain of swords 11, 13 mountain valleys 352 (375), 360 (440)

586 mountains 283 (1), 288 (15), 332 (236), 340 (286), 378 (581), 390 (688), 408 (876), 413 (899), 465 (1488) ‘mountain goods’ 452–453 (1309) müang (domain) 443 (1182) see also chiefly domains muddy water 358 (419) see also wet-fields Mulam (language) 305 (108) see also Kam-Sui muntjac 5, 18, 393 (709, 710), 413 (899) words for 393 (709), 413 (899) mythical mountains 287–288 (15) mythology 285 (10), 287–288 (15), 401 (820–821), 429 (1034) see also re-mythologisation naeuz ‘to say, tell’, grammaticised sense 286–287 (14) as filler word 287 (14) Nakang 那康 village 9, 15 Nanchang 南昌 6 Nanpanjiang 南盤江 river 28 narrative Chinese narratives, Zhuang versions 18–22 narrative content 4–5, 14, 17 see also chuanqi, pathways of literary transmission narrow space between two objects 416 (917) narrow transcription 35 native chieftaincies (tusi 土司) 2, 4, 8, 14, 23, 24, 28, 298–299 (91), 336 (270), 359 (433–434), 360 (436), 405 (842), 443 (1174, 1182), 466 (1489) bureaucratic procedures 24 conversion to direct rule 4, 28 in Jiaozhi 24 re-location 26–28 taxes and imposts 466 (1489) native chieftains 2, 3, 8, 23, 26–28, 298 (89), 298–299 (91), 336–337 (270), 444–445 (1191) see also chieftaincy, lords of the domain, saeq, tusi 土司 native Taoists 3 see Taoist priests native troops 25–26

subject index negation in rhetorical questions 324 (185) emphatic form of expression 331 (232), 417–418 (939) see also syntax negatives 417–418 (939) clause-final 331 (232), 417–418 (939), 441 (1167) negator miz 386 (635) see also syntax nesting basket 424 (1011) netherworld 450 (1280) -ng and -k homorganic 335 (265), 343 (311), 365 (473) Ningming 寧明 county 25 nobility 287 (15) see also social strata Northern Tai 314 (145) see also Bouyei, Central Tai, northern Zhuang dialects, Southwestern Tai northern Zhuang dialects 292 (37), 310 (122), 313–314 (145), 439 (1152) noun heads 375 (544), 383 (613), 413 (899), 418 (945) see also morphemes for insect names 418 (945) for locational compounds 311 (128) noun head yiengz ‘sheep’ 413 (899) numerals attached to pronouns 343–344 (313), 426 (1071) see also syntax Nung in eastern Yunnan 14, 390 (688) Nùng 農 lineage chieftains 23 Nurhači 努尔哈赤 8 oak 421 (975) oars and rowing 369–370 (497), 376 (549) Offerings to the field 10 see also ritual, ‘Sweeping the village’ official bonnets 3 oil fir 421 (975) Old Chinese readings 404 (839) see also Chinese loan words, old Han loans, readings in OC readings from OC old Han loans 354 (392), 364 (471), 406 (847), 433 (1085), 448 (1242), 451 (1298), 459–460 (1410) see also old readings

subject index old maids 310–311 (122) Old Mother (mehlaux) 291 (34) see also gods old readings 310 (120), 340 (288), 404 (839) Old Southern Chinese 408 (876) old Tai customs 322 (177) Old-lady Pangu 287 (14) onomatopoetic words 372 (513), 377 (571), 412 (892) see also mimetic words orality oral composition 1, 22, 31 oral stage in transmission 15 oral transmission 2, 3, 12 orthodox line of succession 24 see also inheritance p > f progression 314 (145) palatisation 379 (583) palatalised initials 38, 40, 405 (845) palisade 325–326 (193), 332 (242), 384 (620), 389–390 (685), 390 (691) see also villages pangolin 385 (624) Pangu 盤果 (Beanzgoc) 18 parallelism 31, 32, 283 (1, 5), 284 (5, 10), 291 (34), 296 (82), 301 (98), 304 (105), 307 (113), 309 (120), 320 (165–166), 323 (185–186), 324 (185), 333 (255), 344 (314), 346 (321, 321–330), 352 (375), 353 (387), 358 (424), 365 (476), 372–373 (514), 374 (527), 384 (616), 390 (688), 402 (831), 402–403 (835), 412 (892), 429 (1034), 447 (1234), 453 (1310), 454 (1324), 458 (1398–1399), 463 (1450, 1453), 468 (1530) as a mnemonic device 31 as an aid to reading 31 code switching as feature of parallelism 32 verbs parallel with nouns 296 (82) see also canonical parallelism particle of subordination or ownership 462–463 (1447) see also syntax partition panels 314 (145), 329 (215), 463 (1450) see also houses partridge 313–315 (145) habits 315 (145)

587 pathways of literary transmission 21 see also narrative patriarchy 374 (538) people without spouses 306 (109) perimeter wall 325 (193), 384 (616) see also villages phonemics and phonetics as reflected in the script 317–318 (720) see also readings phonetic based on Zhuang reading 293–294 (57), 387 (658), 402 (832) see also readings phonetic readings borrowed semantically 49, 293–294 (57), 447 (1231) phrasally-motivated synonym substitutions, see synonym substitution pickpocket 294 (60) pig baskets, bamboo 304 (105) see also bamboo pike 369 (497) pine 421–422 (976) Pingguo 平果 county 25–26, 313 (145), 318 (155), 390 (688), 429 (1034) Pinghua 平話 47, 292 (37), 293 (57) ff. passim pronunciation 47 see also readings based on PH pink 386 (638) plagues 5 plant metaphors for kinship 302 (99) see also kinship plant names 289 (28), 293–294 (57), 343 (312), 359 (429), 421 (975), 425 (1013, 1014) plant parts growing tips 374 (527), 419 (948) leaves 374 (527) root, trunk 302 (99) stems 362 (456) pleas, see appeals and pleas ploughing 330 (224) plough-ridge 330 (224) see also agriculture Po diyu 破地獄 459 (1410) poetic structure 29–31 poetics 29–31 see also abbreviated forms of expression, code-switching, epic poetry, formulaic composition, formulaic verse, rhyme, rhymes in Zhuang verse, rhyming patterns, waist-rhymes

588

subject index

pogroms 28 pond corner fish 337 (272) see also fish pots 315–316 (146), 327 (207), 371–372 (510, 511), 376 (555), 415 (912) see also containers pre-glottalised initials 38, 309 (119), 320 (164), 335 (265), 452 (1306) pre-glottalised initial nd- (Ɂd-) 292 (37) prepositions 322 (173), 364 (468), 384–385 (620) prepositional phrases 364 (468) see also syntax prescient birds 429 (1034) priests from the Bama-Tianyang-Bose area 15, 33 princely clans 24 see also native chieftains property rights and inheritance 374 (538) see also inheritance proto-Kam-Tai 283 ff. passim initial *pj- 314 (145) proto-Kra 427 (1034) see also Kadai languages proto-Tai 23, 31, 283 ff. passim initial *Ɂɲ- 290 (28) tone categories and verse 30–31 putting things to rights 296–297 (82) Qing dynasty 8 Qixi 七溪 27 Qiyuan zhou 七源州 26–27 two locations 26–27 quarrels between brothers 9, 22, 23–24 quasi-dative 311 (123) see also gaiq, syntax quotative 455 (1336) rains and harvests 24 ramie 430 (1049–1050), 459 (1408) ranked societies 24, 336–337 (270) see also social strata raptors 295 (72), 426–430 (1034) raptors found in the Guangxi area (1034) see also birds ‘raw fish’ 446 (1224) raw meat dish 446 (1224)

429

readings, major types see allophonic borrowing, graphicphonetic series, phonemics and phonetics, phonetic based on Zhuang reading, re-borrowing phonetically, re-borrowing semantically, semantic/phonetic approximants, serial borrowings, substitution within xiesheng series, synonym substitution readings from elsewhere 325 (190), 337 (271), 354–355 (398), 452 (1306) readings from Bouyei 309 (116), 310 (122), 311 (123), 324 (185), 325 (190), 333–334 (256), 344–345 (316), 350 (355), 355 (405), 393–394 (720), 395–396 (744), 409 (881–882), 417 (928) readings from Bouyei and the north 309 (116), 333–334 (256), 337–338 (274), 398 (783) from the Guibei (northern Guangxi) dialect area 317 (151), 402 (830) readings from Middle Chinese 392 (708), 398–399 (784), 402 (831), 422 (982), 423 (992), 425 (1013), 432 (1073), 433 (1085, 1088), 459 (1410) from EMC 286 (12), 287 (15), 305 (108), 306–307 (111), 307–308 (113), 120–121 (120), 312 (135), 321 (168), 332–333 (254), 339 (283), 342 (304), 343 (311), 354–355 (398), 369 (497), 370 (500), 379 (583), 394 (722), 398–399 (784), 402 (831), 405 (845), 406 (847), 416 (917), 419 (952), 421 (975), 431 (1057), 443 (1182), 452 (1305), 464 (1476) from LMC 319 (156), 321 (170), 347 (342), 388 (667), 423 (992), 425 (1015) from MC or PH 285 (10), 296 (82), 302 (99), 304 (107), 313 (145), 316 (150), 335 (262), 343 (311), 344 (316), 357 (417), 361 (447), 372 (513), 383–384 (616), 419 (949), 422 (982), 439 (1149), 445 (1192), 445 (1202), 460–461 (1425), 468 (1517) readings from local dialect 324 (185), 411 (888), 425 (1015), 453 (1320), 468 (1517) readings from OC 306 (109), 369 (497), 402–403 (835), 404 (839), 408 (876), 418 (945), 449 (1280), 465 (1488), 466 (1489) readings corresponding to OC 290 (28), 292 (37), 410 (882)

subject index readings from PH 296 (80), 302–303 (100), 304–305 (107), 305 (108), 326 (199), 329 (215), 343 (311), 371 (506), 371–372 (510), 388 (667), 389 (677), 391 (694), 393 (717), 420 (974), 421 (976), 422 (985), 423 (989), 424 (1002), 431–432 (1069), 433 (1085), 437 (1123), 439 (1150), 449 (1270), 455 (1336, 1351) from Binyang PH 307 (111), 324 (185), 458 (1400) from local PH 301 (96), 306 (111), 403 (836), 420 (965), 433 (1085), 458 (1401) from Nanning PH 395 (731), 416 (916), 430 (1042) from older strata of PH 326 (193) readings from SWM 29, 46, 48, 286 (12, 13), 295–296 (80), 296 (82), 303 (100), 312 (135), 321 (170), 322 (173), 178–179 (178), 367 (486), 368 (491), 379 (581), 421–422 (976), 430–431 (1049–1050), 431–432 (1069), 436 (1111), 440 (1158) readings from the south 313 (145), 325 (190), 337–338 (274), 398 (783), 430–431 (1050), 432 (1073) from the central south 337–338 (274) from Southern Zhuang dialect area 313 (145), 398 (783) realm of wandering souls 11, 13 rebutting false charges 306 (109) see also appeals and pleas recitation 1, 2, 10–14, 15, 18, 33, 34, 35 recitation in local pronunciation 34 Recitation on Making a Transfer 16–17 recitations on ancient kings 14 reasons for recitation 1, 9–11, 13, 16–17 re-borrowing phonetically 294 (57), 362 (456), 387 (658), 402 (832), 408 (876), 418 (945), 434–435 (1091), 435 (1095), 452 (1306), 453 (1320) see also readings, major types re-borrowing semantically 463 (1450) see also readings, major types re-contextualisation 22 red, shining 329 (216) Red River valley 25 redeeming vows 290 (31), 291 (34), 417 (935), 455 (1336) see also ritual reeds 343 (312), 425 (1013), 457 (1394) refugees 26

589 relations by marriage 463 (1453) see also kinship, marriage re-mythologisation 22 see also mythology rent 14 repeat sign 369 (497), 465 (1479) see also manuscript reporting son’s name to the capital 360 (436) requiem rituals 13, 16 see also ritual resemblance, concept of 441 (1168) resemblance, graphic 374 (527), 378 (572), 414 (908), 437 (1120), 464 (1470) see also graphic approximants residential area composed of several families 312 (135) see also village responsibility, customary of daughter’s mother 348 (350) of husband 349 (350) of matchmaker 349 (350) reversal of characters in manuscript line 339 (285), 378 (573–574), 386 (640), 415 (909), 426 (1017), 433 (1082), 444 (1190), 447 (1236) see also manuscript rhymes in Zhuang verse 29–30 see also poetics rhyme 298 (85), 302–303 (100), 303 (104), 303–304 (105), 307 (112, 113), 312 (135), 316 (150), 317 (151), 322 (178), 324 (188, 189), 327 (208), 334 (256), 335 (262, 265, 266), 340 (285), 352 (375), 360 (436), 364 (471), 365 (474), 367 (490), 370 (498), 372 (514), 373 (517), 374 (527), 374–375 (541), 376 (545), 377 (567), 378 (573–574), 397 (772), 398–399 (784), 408–409 (878), 417 (928), 420 (959), 424 (1011), 432 (1069), 442 (1169), 443 (1182), 448 (1242, 1250), 456 (1371, 1372), 461–462 (1437), 467 (1513) see also poetics rhyme as key to reading pronunciation 334 (256) rhyming patterns 312 (135) breaking down 376 (545) end rhymes 373 (517) different pattern 304 (517) unusual pattern 316 (150) see also poetics

590 rice cooked rice 363 (465) scraps from bottom of pan 431 (1049–1050) rice dumplings 439 (1149) rice varieties 307 (112), 322–323 (178), 344 (316), 364 (467), 419 (950) rice, glutinous 344 (316), 349 (352) rice, large-grain glutinous 407 (873), 419 (950) rice, white 323 (178) rice, wild 364 (467) seed-grain 321–322 (170), 322 (174) seedlings 321–322 (170) transplanting 319 (772) see also grain crops, japonica rice, seed rice rice-beer 338 (274), 344–345 (316) rice bug 419 (946) rice-pounding shed 310 (120) rice water starch 341 (291) rinsing clothes 341 (291) rinsing in water 304 (105) ritual recitation of ritual texts 1, 2, 10–14, 15, 18 repairing the relationship between people and the spirit world 296–297 (82), 426 (1023) ritual efficacy 14 Baeu Roekdo and Mo Loekgap as guarantors 285 (10) ritual function as charter myth 14 see also annual offerings, household rituals, annual offerings, communal rituals, domestic rituals, efficacy, lantern arrays, making vows, ‘offerings to the field’, redeeming vows, reuiem ritual, royal rituals Ritual Masters 2, 3–4, 21, 353 (387) ritual practitioners, see daogong 道公, female spirit mediums, Maoshan Taoists, mediums, Meishan Taoists, mogong, ritual masters ritualist who deals with ghosts 412 (892) rivers 309–310 (120), 375 (545) river bank 337 (274), 348 (344) river channel 448–449 (1265) rivers and bridges 397 (769) river water and irrigation 405 (843) river of blood 11, 12

subject index rope 375(545), 432 (1073) royal crown 376 (547) royal rituals 14–15 ruhjauc, ‘redeeming a head’

10–11

s- realised as l- 420 (957) sacrificial order 14, 285 (10) saeq ‘chieftain’, etymology 298–299 (91) see also native chieftains sage-kings 20 salads of raw meat or fish 446 (1224) see also cooking salt 329 (216), 376 (555) salvation 460 (1412) salvation of dead 14 same-age same-gender companions 351 (366) see also social groups sand 398 (783) Sanskrit 369 (497) Sawndip sawdenj dictionary 34 sayings, see common sayings scarecrow 412 (892) scissors used to harvest grain 322 (177) see also agriculture script 47–50 Tianzhou regional system 47–48 script typology 394 (720) see also abbreviation; allographs; threestage borrowings; catalytic readings; character read as another in same series; clerical script; cursive script; readings, major types scriptures to address quarrels 9 sea of fire 11, 12 seals of office 3 second verb in series specifying manner 318–319 (155) see also syntax section (rangh), beginning marked by set formula 283 (1) seed rice 321 (170), 322 (174) see also rice selecting auspicious days, see auspicious days self-deprecation 338 (278) semantics, see extended meaning semantic borrowing see semantic readings of Chinese characters

subject index semantic compound characters (huiyi) 303 (104) see ‘combined meanings’ semantic/phonetic approximant 397 (772) semantic readings of Chinese characters 47, 293 (57), 331 (230), 354 (388), 362 (456), 372 (514), 382 (606), 400 (817), 435 (1095), 459 (1409), 465 (1488) see also readings semantic readings borrowed phonetically 49, 390 (688), 421 (975), 435 (1091), 453 (1320), 462 (1438–1439) see also phonetic readings borrowed semantically, readings semen 457 (1386) sentence-final particle 391 (693) serfs 5, 24 see also social strata serial borrowings 293–294 (57), 390 (688), 407 (865), 414 (908), 421 (975), 434–435 (1091), 447 (1231), 453 (1320), 463 (1450) see also readings, major categories sex and agriculture metaphor 321 (169) sexual organs 285 (10) Shan 405 (843) Shan prinicipalities 23 Shanglin 上林 county 21, 367 (486) Shanglong 上隆 48 Shidun 石砘 parish 17 shigong 師公, see Ritual Masters Shiji 史記 346 (328) Shijing 詩經 369 (497) shoes 325 (190), 366 (482) short-winged hawk 427 (1034) see also birds, raptors Shuifu Wang Guan 458 (1405) see also gods Shun 舜 20–21 Shun story 20–21 translated during Ming-Qing 21 narrative, Zhuang areas 21 ritual text 21 ‘Shunzi bian’ 舜子變 21 Shuowan 朔晚 34 Shuowen jiezi 說文解字 434 (1091) siblings 288–289 (20), 292 (49), 356 (412), 385 (626), 390 (688), 406 (846), 463 (1450), 464 (1457) see also kinship

591 Si’en 思恩 25–26, 28 Sicheng zhou 泗城州 8, 26, 27 sick people, care of 391 (692) sien as sky gods 286 (14) see also gods silver 318 (155) used as money 375 (544), 377 (556), 430 (1047) see also money Siming 思明 prefecture 25 sky 283 (1), 286 (14) sky gods 14, 286 (14) see also gods slaves 5, 24, 320 (164), 370 (499), 376 (546) ‘slave’ as 1st person pronoun 320 (164), 338 (278) slave-girl 370 (499) slaves with flat heads 376 (546) war captives 381 (591) sleeves 305 (108) slippers 325 (190) slopes, hill or mountain 340 (286), 371 (509), 465–466 (1488) sluice gates 320 (164), 358 (419) see also wet-fields smallpox 1, 10, 416 (927) snout moth larva 418 (945) social groups see bevvies of girls, clans of retainers, entourages, same-age same-gender companions social strata see commoners, free-born peasants, house-slaves, nobility, ranked societies, serfs, slaves, stratified societies song fairs (song markets) 26, 351 (366) sons of the king 374 (538) sound change from *p- to f- 314 (145) southern words and pronunciations 28 see also readings from the south southern reed 343 (312) Southwestern Mandarin 28, 29, 46, 47, 286 (14), 312 (135) see also readings from SWM date of introduction in Guangxi 29, 379 (581) replacing older pronunciations 350 (355)

592 Southwestern Tai 314 (145) Southern Zhuang 16 see also Central Tai spade 371 (506), 452 (1307) sparrow 411 (889) ritual and calendrical significance 411 (889) spatial reference 311 (127) spirit lords 283 (1) see also gods spirit owners 283 (1) spirit tablet for deceased 13 stables 455–456 (1356) staging posts, on the road to Jiaozhi 26 Standard Zhuang 33, 34, 294 (60), 305 (108), 308 (113), 311 (123, 127), 312 (135), 321 (170), 322 (178), 325 (193), 332 (242), 337 (271), 464 (468), 463 (1453) used for B edition 33 standardised Zhuang characters 284 (10), 286 (12), 351 (365), 356 (410), 361 (449), 364 (472), 366–367 (486), 396 (744), 413 (904), 446 (1227) starch 341 (291) status endogamy 336–337 (270) see also marriage stems of small plants 362 (456) step-brothers 1, 401 (828–829) see also kinship stock epithets 320 (165–166) see also epic poetry storage jar 348 (346) see also containers storehouse 371 (503), 433 (1085), 448 (1250) stove 305 (108), 372 (511) see also cooking stratified societies 2, 24 strife between royal brothers 23–24 subordination or ownership 396 (755), 462–463 (1447) see also swq, syntax substitution within xiesheng series 49, 319 (156), 352 (376), 362 (456), 387 (658), 392 (705–706), 408 (876), 418 (945), 431 (1057), 434 (1090, 1091) see also readings substratum phenomena in Zhuang Buyang 427 (1034) subtractive graphs 323 (183)

subject index succession, chieftaincy 23 see also inheritance suenq, Jingxi pronunciation 307 (112) suenq, Lingyun and Leye pronunciations 307 (112) surnames 422–423 (987), 463 (1450), 468 (1514) surname exogamy 336–337 (270) sutras 14 ‘Sweeping the village’ 10, 15 see also ritual sweet dew 459 (1409) sweet wine 345 (316) swimming 389 (683–684) SWM see readings from SWM, Southwestern Mandarin sword, short 413 (902) swords 11, 12, 380 (590), 400 (809) demon-quelling sword as emblem of authority 12 swq as a particle of subordination 462–463 (1447) see also subordination synonym substitution 295 (72), 305 (107), 307–308 (113), 308–309 (116), 310 (122), 318 (155), 324 (188), 333 (255), 336 (266), 343 (312), 344 (316), 353–354 (388), 361 (447), 363 (466), 368 (496), 373 (521), 374 (527), 374–375 (541), 385 (626), 392 (703), 404 (839), 408 (878), 410 (883, 884), 413 (900), 414 (906), 416 (917, 926), 417 (934), 418 (941), 431 (1069), 434 (1090), 439 (1148), 441 (1167), 443 (1182), 444 (1186), 445 (1192), 447 (1231), 453–454 (1321), 456 (1371), 459 (1409), 359–360 (1410), 461 (1435), 463 (1450), 466 (1491), 467 (1502, 1512) with connective words 308–309 (116) with grammatical words 295 (72) motivated at the phrase level 417 (934), 461 (1435), 467 (1502) see also readings, major types syntax, see abbreviated forms of expression, negation, numerals attached to pronouns, particle of subordination, prepositions, quasi-dative, second verb in series, subordination, topic and comment, unexpressed pronoun object, verbs

subject index table for offerings 11–12 ‘table for the recitation of scriptures’ 11 Tai political patterns 23 Tai principalities 23 Tai-style chieftaincy 1 Taiping 太平 25 talismans 383–384 (616) tall grasses 362 (456) Tang dynasty bianwen 21 Taoism 283 (title), 297 (83), 378–379 (581), 383–384 (616), 423 (992) Three Realms 283 (1) Three Officials 283 (1) Maoshan Taoism, date of arrival in Guangxi 379 (581) vernacular Taoism, Meishan 353 (387) Wudangshan as sacred mountain 378–379 (581) talismans 383–384 (616) thunder magic 384 (616) Jade Emperor 423 (992) see also Ritual Masters, Tianxin zhengfa Taoist adept 287 (14) see immortal Taoists 301 (96), 341 (296), 343 (312), 353 (386, 387), 447 (1232) Taoist priests 3, 299 (94), 301 (96), 341 (296), 353 (386) Taoist ritual 297 (83), 403 (835), 455 (1336), 459 (1410), 460 (1412) 科 ke as abbreviation for 科儀 keyi 283 (title) judicial procedures 403 (835) despatch box 455 (1336) Breaking Open the Gates of Hell 459 (1410) see also ritual Taoist terminology 283 (title), 458 (1405), 459 (1409), 460 (1412) Taoist concepts in Zhuang ritual 31 salvation 460 (1412) Tày and Nùng ix, 23–24, 25 Tày principalities 23–24 tax 5, 386 (629), 404 (842), 466 (1489) tea 452 (1309) telling off 469 (1535) terms of address 294 (63), 356 (412), 380 (586), 406 (846), 423 (988), 458 (1401)

593 texts, liturgical texts in Chinese 3, 15 texts in Zhuang 3 textual criticism, see approximate glosses, context-dependent glosses, contextdependent translation, glosses imprecise Thất khê (Ch. Qixi 七溪) 27 thatching 425 (1014) Then (Yanghuang) language 305 (108) see also Kam-Sui Thên 14–15, 287 (14) see also gods Thibaw 23 thoughts and feelings 370 (500) Three Kings and Four Kings as spirit owners 283 (1) Three Officials (Sanguan 三官) 283 (1) Three Realms 283 (1) three-stage borrowings 49, 293–294 (57), 418 (945) see also readings throat 356 (412), 370 (500), 388 (672) as organ of thought and consciousness 370 (500) Thuận Hóa 309 (116) Thunder God (Duzbyaj) 5, 283 (1) see also gods thunder magic 384 (616) Tiandong 田東 county 25, 26, 34, 35, 40 Tianlin 田林 8 Tianmingsi 天明寺 309 (116) Tianxin zhengfa 天心正法 378–379 (581) see also Taoism Tianyang 田陽 3, 4, 6, 9, 15, 16, 17–18, 25, 33, 34, 35, 47 songs of Tianyang 304 (105) Tianyang-Bama borderland 3, 4, 6, 9, 15, 16, 17–18, 33, 34, 35, 47 Tianyang dialect 34–46, 288 (15), 290 (28), 298 (84), 307 (112), 317 (151), 318 (155), 322 (178), 325 (193), 329 (215), 332 (242), 346 (326), 355 (398), 358 (419), 360 (445), 367 (486), 395 (744), 425 (1015), 448 (1264), 465 (1488) Tianzhou 田州 25, 27, 28–29, 47 Tianzhou script 47–50 tiger 250 (1), 466 (1499) Tinghuai 亭懷 hamlet 6, 16

594 tomb inscriptions 414 (908) Tomentosecalyx Elsholtzia 425 (1013) tone category ‘jumping’ in Han loans 298–299 (91) see also Chinese loans, old Han loans tone sandhi 37, 290 (28), 342 (308), 362 (460) tones emphatic variants 37 glottalisation 37 truncated variants 37 tools 397 (776), 420 (957) tools and implements, handles 380 (589), 452 (1305) tools, agricultural crowbar 397 (776) chisel 420 (957) topic and comment sentence pattern 287 (14), 288 (16), 300 (95), 335 (264), 396 (744), 458 (1397) see also syntax toponyms 288 (15) torch 421 (975) Tràng Định (district) 27 ‘transfer’ of the dead soul 17 transgression 296–297 (82), 332 (253), 423 (989) tree names 421 (975) see also autumn maple, fir, pine trivet, three-legged potstand 372 (511) see also cooking ‘trunk, root’ as metaphor 302 (99) Tudai guanyuan 土代官員 15 see gods tusi 土司 2, 3, 24 see also native chieftain tutelary deities 23, 287 (14) see also gods twelve earthly branches 299–300 (94) see also cyclical signs -uen rhyme 307 (112) unexpressed pronoun object 322 (173) see also syntax unfairness 377–378 (571), 380 (588), 438 (1137), 444 (1187) unit of areal measurement 404–405 (842) see also measure, wet-fields unit of measurement 376 (555)

subject index unmarked speech 321 (169) unnatural death 9, 10, 17 see also violent death valley kingdoms 360 (440), 443 (1174), 461 (1435) variant graphs 288 (20), 257 (80), 261 (104), 262 (107), 266 (120), 270 (151), 273 (173), 276 (205), 277 (209), 289 (344, 352), 292 (392), 298 (463, 465), 299 (476, 482), 300 (482, 487), 301 (492), 307 (572), 308 (583, 586), 310 (608, 613), 313 (668), 314 (688), 316 (718), 318 (744), 319 (772), 321 (828–829), 323 (842), 324 (849), 325 (876), 326 (881–882), 328 (899), 329 (908), 333 (965), 335 (1011), 336 (1015), 341 (1091, 1095), 349 (1242), 350 (1265), 351 (1285), 353 (1311), 353 (1321), 354 (1334, 1351, 1356), 355 (1376, 1391), 357 (1425), 360 (1470, 1476), 361 (1489, 1502) see also graphic phenomena vats 269 (146), 289 (346), 329 (911) see also containers vegetation metaphors 279 (235) verbs and the verb object unexpressed 349 (1232) reduplication 279 (235) verbs of hitting 255 (42), 344 (1149) used as nouns 271 (155) used as nouns, examples 271 (155) see also syntax verbal measure word 291 (376), 351 (1280) verbal prefix 277 (209), 346 (1169) vernacular characters 49–50, 257 (80), 261 (104), 262 (107), 268 (145), 270 (155), 274 (185), 278 (230), 285 (309), 288 (342), 304 (514), 307 (576 ), 315 (705–706), 316 (707), 328 (905), 329 (908), 341 (1091), 343 (1120), 352 (1306) vernacular allographs 307 (572), 320 (788), 330 (927), 343 (1120, 1128), 348 (1224) vernacular characters in Dunhuang 257 (80) vernacular compound graphs 283 (283), 307 (572) vernacular transformation 341 (1091) see also graphic phenomena

subject index vernacular variants of standard graphs 254 (10), 288–289 (20), 293 (50), 294 (63), 295 (80), 303 (104), 309 (120), 316–317 (151), 322 (173), 326 (205), 348 (344), 351 (368), 354 (392), 357 (417), 363 (463, 465), 365 (476), 366 (482), 367 (487), 368 (492), 378 (572), 378 (581), 379 (583), 380 (586), 383 (608), 383 (613), 388 (668), 390 (688), 393 (718), 395 (744), 396 (755), 397 (772), 401 (828–829), 405 (842), 406 (849), 407 (876), 409 (881–882), 413 (899), 414 (908), 420 (965), 424 (1011), 425 (1015), 430 (1049–1050), 432 (1073), 434 (1091), 435 (1095), 448 (1242), 448–449 (1265), 450 (1285), 453 (1311), 454 (1334), 455 (1351, 1356), 457 (1376, 1391), 460 (1425), 466 (1489) see also graphic phenomena vernacular priests 303 (100) see mogong verse 29–31 verse grammar 311 (123), 315 (145) abbreviated form of expression 286 (14) line length 30 tonal categories 30–31 Vietnam 3, 16, 17–19, 25, 320 (164), 379 (583) Ming conquest 25 see also Jiaozhi Vietnamese (language) 313 (145), 388 (668) villages, see entrance to the laneway, fortified villages, gates, laneways, palisades, perimeter wall, village walls village level rituals 10, 15 see also ritual violence 1, 9 violent death 12, 14, 23–24, 32 see also unnatural death village walls, description 325 (193) visiting 326 (201), 331 (229), 333–334 (256), 391 (692), 409 (878) vowel shortening 360 (440) waist-rhymes 29 see also poetics walled cities 320 (164) Wancheng chieftaincy 336 (270) Wang Cao 王曹 recitation 9

595 Wang Niansun 王念孫 382 (608) Wangmo 望謨 county 10, 13, 14, 17, 18, 28 war of curses and imprecations 22 warfare, classical 369 (497) washing clothes 304 (105) washing green vegetables 304 (105) water 283 (1) water dragon (Duzngieg) 283 (1) water python 5, 283 (1), 401 (820) see also ngieg, water dragon, naga water supply 405 (843) water-driven mortar and pestle 310 (120) water-wheel 301 (96), 377 (561), 405 (842) see also irrigation weaving 319–320 (159), 337 (274), 345–346 (321) Wenshan 文山 region 2, 17 wet-fields best quality 358 (419), 359 (430), 377 (561) harrowing 466 (1497) watering 358 (419), 377 (561), 405 (841) see also irrigation, muddy water, sluice gates, unit of areal measurement wrath (menis) 1 white rice 323 (178) see also rice white swordgrass 425 (1014) wicker gate 332 (244), 384 (620) widows and widowers 302 (100), 306 (109), 311 (128), 322 (174), 329 (210), 358 (421) wife’s family 289 (28) wife’s younger siblings 292 (49) see also kinship wife-givers and wife-takers 311 (128) see also marriage the wild 340 (286), 465 (1488) wild animals killed in a fire 466 (1489) wild vegetable 363 (466, 467) see also Chinese lobelia wine cups 315 (146) wine jugs 315 (146) wine making 344–345 (316), 373 (521) distilling 344–345 (316), 373 (521) wine-pots 315 (146) wine-shed 364 (468), 385 (620) word families 294 (60), 406 (849) worn-out clothing 303 (102), 407 (864) written scriptures as source of authority 14

596 Wudangshan 武當山 5, 378 (581) see also Taoism Wuming 武鳴 county 34 Xiang, half-brother of Shun 21 Xichou 西疇 county 16–17 Xieng Khoang 15 Xishan 西山 mountain range 6 xiesheng 諧聲 series, see graphic-phonetic series XS series, substitution within, see graphicphonetic series Xuanwu 玄武 378 (581) see also gods yahgimq, female spirit mediums 4 yamen 衙門 2–3, 5 Yandong 燕洞 parish 9, 16, 34 Yandong-Yufeng lect 34, 300 (96), 310 (122), 347 (342) as variant of Youjiang dialect 47 finals 40–46 short vowels centralised 43–44 initials 38–40 tones 35–38 Yandong-Yufeng-Yixu triangle 34 Yanghuang (language) see Then Yanting 岩廷 village 16 Yanya 岩涯 hamlet 2, 16, 32 Yao’an 要安, astral deity 341 (296) Yīn 陰 read as yaem 335 (260) dark passive cosmic principle 450 (1280) Yishan 宜山 356 (412) Youjiang dialect 34, 47 Youjiang 右江 river 2, 26 youx ‘lover’, as term of address 294 (63) Yuan dynasty 8 Yufeng zhen 玉鳳鎮 16 Yunnan 2, 3, 14, 16, 26 Zhang Shengzhen 張聲震 ix, 6, 15, 33, 284 (5) Zhengzi tong 正字通 384 (616)

subject index Zhenning 鎮寧 28 Zhuang (Tai) kinship, central categories 22 see also kinship Zhuang chiefly administration 9 Zhuang custom 302 (99), 323 (185–186) Zhuang invented characters 47 see also graphic phenomena Zhuang language, spoken 286 (14) example sentences and phrases 297 (84), 300 (95), 302 (98, 100), 305 (108), 306 (111), 307 (112), 308 (115), 313 (144), 316 (149), 321 (168), 321 (170), 322 (173), 323 (185–186), 326 (203), 327 (206), 329 (216), 330 (221, 224), 331 (229), 335 (260), 338 (278), 340 (288), 341 (290), 342–343 (304, 308), 344 (313), 346 (326), 348 (344, 350), 349–350 (352), 350 (352–354), 352 (369), 356 (412), 357 (415, 417, 418), 358 (419), 361 (445), 362 (460), 365 (472), 366 (480), 367 (487), 368 (492), 370 (500), 372 (514), 376 (549, 555), 377 (561, 571), 381 (601), 382 (606), 385 (628), 389 (677), 389–390 (685), 391 (692), 391 (694), 395 (727), 396 (755), 397 (769), 399 (798), 399–400 (799–800), 400 (820–821), 407 (864), 412 (895), 414 (906), 418 (939), 419 (946), 421 (975), 423 (988), 430 (1034), 431 (1049–1050), 434 (1091), 436 (1101, 1111), 438 (1136), 439 (1149), 440 (1154, 1164), 441 (1166), 442 (1169), 443 (1182), 444 (1188), 447 (1231), 452 (1305), 453 (1320), 457 (1376), 459 (1406), 461 (1435), 462 (1447), 466 (1497) lexicon 32, 33 Zhuang traditional script, standardised version 33 Zhuang village social structure 351 (366) see also villages Zhuangwen 壯文 transcription xiv, 33, 34, 39, 40 Zhushu jinian 竹書紀年 20 Zihuibu 字匯補 317 (151) Zìjiàn 字鑑 449 (1265) Zuojiang 左江 river 25, 30

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