Handbook of Medieval Culture: Volume 3 9783110377613, 9783110377576

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Handbook of Medieval Culture Volume 3

Handbook of Medieval Culture Fundamental Aspects and Conditions of the European Middle Ages

Edited by Albrecht Classen Volume 3

ISBN 978-3-11-037757-6 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-037761-3 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-039292-0 ISBN (Set Vol. 1–3) 978-3-11-037760-6 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2015 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Cover image: Cathedral San Rufino, Assisi With permission of the Museo della Cattedrale di San Rufino di Assisi, Italy. Typesetting: jürgen ullrich typosatz, Nördlingen Printing: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ♾ Printed on acid-free paper Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com

Contents Volume 1 Albrecht Classen Medieval Culture—An Introduction to a New Handbook  1 Christopher R. Clason Animals, Birds, and Fish in the Middle Ages  18 Charlotte A. Stanford Architecture  55 Frances Parton Visual Arts  80 Thomas Willard Astrology, Alchemy and other Occult Sciences  102 Romedio Schmitz-Esser Astronomy  120 Stephen Penn The Bible and Biblical Exegesis  134 Daniel Pigg Children and Childhood in the Middle Ages  149 Ken Mondschein Chivalry and Knighthood  159 Linda Rouillard Church and the Clergy  172 Johannes Bernwieser Cities  187 Lia Ross Communication in the Middle Ages  203

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Mark T. Abate Convivencia: Conquest and Coexistence in Medieval Spain  232 Nadia Pawelchak Medieval Courts and Aristocracy  278 Gerhard Jaritz Daily Life  301 Hiram Kümper Death  314 Jan Wehrle Dreams and Dream Theory  329 Werner Schäfke Dwarves, Trolls, Ogres, and Giants  347 David Sheffler Education and Schooling  384 Gerhard Jaritz Excrement and Waste  406 Emily J. Rozier Fashion  415 Jean N. Goodrich Fairy, Elves and the Enchanted Otherworld  431 Scott L. Taylor Feudalism in Literature and Society  465 Sarah Gordon Food and Cookbooks  477 Charles W. Connell Foreigners and Fear  489

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Marilyn Sandidge The Forest, the River, the Mountain, the Field, and the Meadow  537 John M. Hill Friendship in the Middle Ages  565 Paul Milliman Games and Pastimes  582 Hans-Werner Goetz God  613 Kriszta Kotsis The Greek Orthodox Church  628 Eileen Gardiner Hell, Purgatory, and Heaven  653 Cynthia Jenéy Horses and Equitation  674

Volume 2 Jacqueline Stuhmiller Hunting, Hawking, Fowling, and Fishing  697 Charlotte A. Stanford Illness and Death  722 Mark T. Abate Islamic Spain: Al-Andalus and the Three Cultures  740 Miriamne Ara Krummel Jewish Culture and Literature in England  772 Oliver M. Traxel Languages  794

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Scott L. Taylor Law in Literature and Society  836 Christian Bratu Literature  864 Albrecht Classen Love, Sex, and Marriage  901 Christa Agnes Tuczay Magic and Divination  937 Alain Touwaide Medicine  954 Scott Gwara Medieval Manuscripts  999 Kisha G. Tracy Memory, Recollection, and Forgetting  1020 Jeroen Puttevils Medieval merchants  1039 Werner Heinz History of Medieval Metrology  1057 Richard Landes Millenarianism/Millennialism, Eschatology, Apocalypticism, Utopianism  1093 Ralf Lützelschwab Western Monasticism  1113 Philipp Robinson Rössner Money, Banking, Economy  1137 Mary Kate Hurley Monsters  1167

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Karl Kügle Conceptualizing and Experiencing Music in the Middle Ages (ca. 500–1500)  1184 Moritz Wedell Numbers  1205 Rory Naismith Numismatics  1261 Sarah M. Anderson Old Age  1281 John A. Dempsey The Papacy and the Pan-European Culture  1324 Cristian Bratu Patrons, Arts, and Audiences  1381 Francis G. Gentry Poverty  1404 Charles W. Connell Public Opinion and Popular Culture  1419 John Sewell Religious Conflict  1454 Michael Sizer Revolt and Revolution  1486

Volume 3 Albrecht Classen Roads, Streets, Bridges, and Travelers  1511 Daniel F. Pigg The Rural World and the Peasants  1535

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Christina Clever Saints and Relics  1543 Richard G. Newhauser The Senses, the Medieval Sensorium, and Sensing (in) the Middle Ages  1559 Charles W. Connell The Sermon in the Middle Ages  1576 Timothy Runyan Ships and Seafaring  1610 Ben Snook Threats, Dangers, and Catastrophes  1634 Ken Mondschein and Denis Casey Time and Timekeeping  1657 Romedio Schmitz-Esser Travel and Exploration in the Middle Ages  1680 Graeme Dunphy The Medieval University  1705 Ben Snook War and Peace  1735 Ken Mondschein Weapons, Warfare, Siege Machinery, and Training in Arms  1758 Christa Agnes Tuczay Witchcraft and Superstition  1786 Bibliography  1813 Primary Literature  1813 Secondary Literature  1860 Index of Names  2117 General Index  2149 Index of Works  2222

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Roads, Streets, Bridges, and Travelers A Transportation Systems and Society: From the Roman World to the Middle Ages Streets, roads, mountain passes, bridges, and fords to cross rivers have always been the essential nodules in any social network, and they speak volumes about the development of a society at any given time in history (Szabó, ed., 2009). We can grasp an entire culture through a study of its infrastructure (Fischer and Horn, ed., 2014). One of the major hallmarks of the Roman Empire, for instance, was its outstanding network of roads connecting all parts of the huge territory under the possession of Rome. Those roads and bridges made possible excellent and sustainable communication over thousands of miles and so guaranteed in many ways the Romans’ military superiority for many centuries. The Romans were master builders of imperial and frontier-crossing roads, which they secured at regular intervals with fortresses. Moreover, they set up huge military camps, many of which later became the foundation of future cities. And they were also responsible for significant bridges, canals, sewer systems, mountain passes, and other features relevant for the communication system all over their empire, not forgetting the large number of inns or taverns where the travelers could rest and sleep (mansiones) (Heinz 2003). Many roads were created to facilitate major military operations, and many continued to exist in the following centuries (Popoviċ 2012). Calculated altogether at the height of their development, the Romans had ca. 80,000 to 100,000 km, or ca. 54,000–67,500 Roman miles, or ca. 50,000 modern miles of main roads. At any time during late antiquity, a traveler could easily travel from the Hadrian’s Wall in the extreme North-West of the Roman Empire to the border of Ethiopia, ca. 4,500 miles, always on Roman roads. Similarly, at those times the Balkans were as much integrated and connected with the heartland of the Roman Empire as the Iberian or English territories (Schreiber 1961, 129–30). This most impressive transportation system more or less survived the Romans’ fall in the West by the end of the fifth century far into the Middle Ages, if it has never disappeared completely. Nevertheless, with the gradual loss of stable and centralized governments and quickly changing rulerships in the Germanic kingdoms, we witness the rapid decline of the logistic network during the postRoman world. One major consequence was the reorientation of cultural, military, political, and economic centers, simply because the early medieval rulers in England, Italy, on the Iberian peninsula, in Germany, or France could not main-

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tain the old transportation arteries and had to rely on other features, some natural, such as rivers and valleys, ancient tracks, and mountain passes. Even though major transportation routes survived and were constantly worked on out of sheer necessity to maintain them, the overall network suffered significantly. This did not mean, however, that the Middle Ages did not have or did not care about good logistics. Without those no wars could have been fought, and no markets could have been supplied. All trade, communication, and travel for countless purposes depend on a reliable transportation network (see the contribution to this Handbook by Romedio Schmitz-Esser, “Travel and Exploration”). But it is important to keep in mind that medieval streets and roads in general were not simply identical with those from antiquity because the technical know-how, the political will to maintain such a transportation network, and the financial means to do so were simply lacking or got lost in the course of time. We also would have to consider that early-medieval armies operated differently than Roman armies, transported less military equipment, making them much more mobile, and so soon resorted to more direct routes when, for instance, crossing the Alps abandoning the old Roman roads that had been built better but usually went on detours for convenience’s sake (Winckler 2012, 116–19). However, many ancient roads continued, such as the Via Aurelia, the Via Cassia, the Via Claudia (Walde, ed., 1998), the Via Appia, the Via Julia Augusta, or the Via Flaminia (Bonomi 1991), continued to be traveled on. Until today remnants of those roads still can be seen, such as the Via Appia (Bogstad 2010) at Rome, the Roman road ascending Blackstone Edge, above Littleborough, near Manchester, or the famous short stretch next to the Roman-Germanic Museum in Cologne. Another example is the Roman military road parallel to the Hadrian’s Wall in Northumberland, still clearly visible today. Similarly, the Romans had to build or expand the roads crossing the Alps since the second half of the first century C.E. because they had expanded their territory beyond that mountain barrier and needed to provide their troops north of it with the necessary resources (Winckler 2012, 62–72). Modern words reflect the longevity of the Roman transportation system, for we still talk of “street” (Engl.) or “Straße” (Ger.) based on Latin via strata (paved path), or of “la route” (French), based on Latin via rupta (a passage forged through), and “la rue” (French) based on Latin ruga (crevice, crack, passage) (Heinz 2003, 12). Nevertheless, throughout the Middle Ages new roads came into existence, new cities emerged, and new bridges were built. But critical Alpine passes, such as the Great St. Bernard Pass, continued to be used as in Roman times because they were ideally located and most convenient for the bulk of traffic, and only had to be maintained continuously (Pauli 1980; Hunt 1998; Bergier and Coppola, ed., 2007). The same applies to other routes crossing the

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Alps, as extensive archeological research has revealed (Planta 1985; Schneider 2002/2003). Interestingly, the St. Gotthard Pass was not developed until the early thirteenth century because of local difficulties, especially the turbulent Reuss river which swelled up too much during the snow melt and made all travel impossible (Woodburn Hyde 1935). The first bridge, the so-called “Devil’s Bridge,” crossed the Schöllenen Gorge not before 1230, and it had to be rebuilt many times, though it was always constructed of wood until the sixteenth century when the first stone bridge spanned over the Reuss (see also below). Some of the key components of Roman roads consist of (1) a solid foundation, sometimes laid on pile-gratings in marshy areas; then (2) a self-contained bottom layer of broken stones, tile fragments, and gravel; (3) the use of clay, lime, or lime mortar to bind the stones into a cohesive and watertight mass; and (4) a solid and durable paved surface. Older research still assumed a uniform application of this layer throughout the empire (Speck 1950; Schreiber 1961, 120–22). This, however, has proven to be erroneous since especially in the Northern provinces many roads were covered only with a layer of crushed rock (summa crusta) (Heinz, 2003, 43; 47–48). The Romans placed greatest emphasis on roads because of their supremely military function, since the far-flung borders of their huge empire had to be defended from ever-growing numbers of hostile Germanic tribes coming from the North and East (Goffart 2006), not to forget the Parthians in the East and other peoples. But merchants also traveled on those roads, and those continued to be used far into the Middle Ages and beyond. By the same token, we need to keep in mind that the Romans were not necessarily the first to build roads and streets, but often followed much older systems, as the case of the city of Trier illustrates, allegedly founded by Emperor Augustus in 16 B.C.E., although the ancient Celts had already lived there, utilizing the location as a convenient rest stop for merchants and warriors who traveled through that area. In other words, ancient trade routes crisscrossed Europe even before the Romans left their first impact. We must also not forget that major roads existed in other parts of the world, before and after the Romans, if we think of the famous Silk Roads, the roads through the Egyptian empire, the merchants’ trails through the Sahara, and the massive road system built by the Incas until ca. 1500 (Regal 1936; Schreiber 1961, 182–94). Moreover, every road leads to a specific point of interest, and the Asian road system more or less connected China with Europe, especially because of the great demand for silk and spices from the East. By late antiquity relatively intense trade involving lead, zinc, and glass connected both continents (Schwarz 2005), but the highpoint of East-West trade was not achieved until the thirteenth century when the Mongols established their vast empire under Genghis Khan and his successors (d. 1227; Hartog 1989; Krämer, ed., 2011). When the Mongols moved

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their large armies, they obviously sent military engineers (or pioneers) as an advance unit to clear and level the roads, to build pontoon bridges, and we can assume that other cultures operated in a similar fashion, though perhaps less effectively than the Mongols (Krämer 2011, 103). Being less concerned with religious issues, and more in fostering trade, the Mongols invited Westerners with relatively open arms, reducing or eliminating the usual toll and setting up rest stops every twenty-five to thirty miles, as Marco Polo reported. In other words, the history of roads, transportation, and travel easily transcends the usual historical periods of antiquity, the Middle Ages, and the Renaissance. Likewise, this economic and logistical history quickly forces us to abandon the traditional Eurocentric perspective and to pursue a much more global orientation (Borgolte 2010; see also the contribution to this volume by Romedio Schmitz-Esser, “Travel and Exploration”).

B Travel, Roads, and Transportation in the Early Middle Ages Roads, streets, and paths were created by a variety of measures throughout the Middle Ages, and we commonly identify them as “Altstraßen” or ‘original roads’ (Wopfner 1931). The holloways result from people regularly walking or riding the same stretch, creating an ever deepening passage, making it hollow. Then there are man-made earthworks, embankments, terraceways (on the slope of a hill), zigzags (to climb a hill), causeways (similar to embankments, but mostly crossing a marshy or swampy area), and cuttings (not developed until the modern age; cf. Morriss 2005, 80–100). Archeological excavations have uncovered evidence that by the early Middle Ages fairly extensive bridge and road constructions were carried out that even made possible the crossing of wetlands and swamps, such as by Slavic people in the modern region of Mecklenburg (Schuldt 1975). We know of many people who traveled, and this especially since the eighth and ninth centuries, even if we disregard the entire age of migration in the third to fifth centuries. Whether we think of the major military operations undertaken by Charlemagne (d. 814) (Götz 1985, 529) and his successors, whether we consider the extensive travels by pilgrims along the old Via Flaminia (Einhard, vita 2; cf. Heinz 2003, 108) or the Benedictine monks who went on missions in seventh(originating from Ireland under the leadership of Columban) or in eighth-century Germany (Anglo-Saxons, led by Saint Boniface) and thus had to cross many lands to reach out to the local people both in the North (Frisians) and the South (Bavarians), or whether we include the fairly large groups of administrators and

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warriors who belonged to the courts of the early-medieval peripatetic kingdoms, travelers used a broad system of roadways in this era. Early medieval Europe also witnessed a variety of military attacks from the outside, such as that by the Huns (fifth century), the Saracens/Arabs in the eighth century, the Vikings between the eighth and the eleventh centuries, and the Magyars in the tenth century. Those massive military operations would not have been possible without extensive logistic opportunities having been available to them, irrespective of the presence of good roads or bridges. In addition, the Huns, like the Saracens and later like the Mongols, had the great advantage of being very swift on their horses, which allowed them to cover huge distances in a short span of time, free of the need to have good roads at hand. The Vikings mostly relied on their extraordinarily wellbuilt ships with which they could easily travel along the shore line, into estuaries and deep inland on rivers, and even cross the Atlantic and the Mediterranean. None of these attacks, however, seem to have been supported by special road systems, especially since none of those peoples really settled after their conquests, except for the Vikings, who began to build their own fortified camps and harbors especially along the Western coast of England, in Normandy, and in Southern Italy by the ninth and tenth centuries (Haywood 1991; Ellmers 1998; Løset 2009; see also the contribution to this Handbook by Timothy Runyan). Regarding real roads, however, as we knew them from the Romans, we have to wait until the ninth century to witness a renewed effort to maintain, rebuild, or create roads and streets, and even canals in a systematic fashion. Charlemagne would not have been able to carry out his life-long military explorations and conquests without the possibility to transport large amounts of equipment over long distances. He is also said to have tried to create a waterway connection between the rivers Main and Danube to make possible his attack on the Avars, begun in 792 and continued until 793 or 794, the so-called Fossatum magnum (Spindler 1998). Scholars still debate whether that canal was actually ever completed, but recent dentrochronological and archeological research has now provided the evidence to confirm this report (Ettel and Daim, ed., 2014), which underscores the extent to which the early medieval engineers were capable of organizing long-term and large-scale projects. Moreover, Charlemagne could realize his excursions into Arab-controlled Northern Iberian Peninsula only because some kind of a good road system actually existed. We know especially about his retreat through the pass in the Pyrenees, the Valle Roncesvalles, as described, though poetically embellished, by the anonymous poet of the Chanson de Roland (ca. 1100) and later, in close imitation, the Rolandslied by the Priest Konrad (ca. 1170). This developed further in the course of time, especially because economic factors played a significant role insofar as merchants needed to transport their wares and sell their goods at many different markets scattered all over

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Europe and beyond. While many ancient cities dwindled considerably or disappeared from the geophysical map altogether in the post-Roman period, new settlements were created and set up in heretofore neglected areas. Their survival, however, was only achieved because old or new roads made all kinds of exchanges possible, bringing in business to the early-medieval markets.

C Roads Supported by Monasteries and Cities Since the twelfth century many new monasteries were founded, especially by the Cistercians, but also by the much older Benedictines, which required a close connection with their mother houses for organizational, spiritual, and economic purposes. They were commonly placed strategically next to major road arteries (Kaminsky 1972, 16–21; 149–50; et passim; Wehlt 1970, 17–18). The monastery of Corvey, for instance, was situated at the water crossing of the Hellweg, one of the most important East-West axes traversing the Holy Roman Empire (StephanMaaser 2000). Other roads arriving from Mainz and Frankfurt, Kassel, and Cologne passed by Corvey and continued to the North and North-East. Only by the middle of the twelfth century did this major road lose some of its importance due to changing economic and political conditions in the Empire, especially because then the maritime trade and the massive immigration of farmers from the West in Eastern European countries reoriented the economic foci. This did not diminish at all the need for roads, but the new ones took different directions, leading into new Eastern territories. At the same time, the city communities began to take better care of their intraurban streets and bridges, as we can tell from the city plans of Pisa (1155), Reggio (1204), Treviso, (1231), to establish market squares, such as those in Florence, Bologna, and Vercelli. The cities of Paris and Hanover began to put in pavements in 1183 and 1200 respectively. They were followed in this by Duisburg (1250), Venice (1264), Lincoln (1286), and London (1253). In order to pay for the enormous costs, taxes were raised and tolls (pontages) were taken, as stipulated in the Mainzer Landfrieden from 1235, in which Emperor Frederick II ordered for the first time that tolls were to be raised by local authorities that had to use those monies for the maintenance of roads. Nördlingen set up a toll system in 1358, Mergentheim in 1340. The famous bridge at Totnes in Devon, a town situated on one of the most important an ancient trackways in Southwest England and at the head of the estuary of the River Dart in Devon (Stansbury 1998), raised a significant amount of toll throughout the centuries; only the king or his officers were exempt. In northern German cities, we often hear of wealthy individuals who made large donations to the city for the building of

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streets and roads, such as in Lübeck (1289) and Hamburg (1398). In France, regional treatises arranged the establishment of tolls and taxes to create a road system, such as in Bourges (1095), Narbonne (1157), and Vexin (twelfth century). The Coutumes de Beauvaisis from 1283 granted the public authorities the power to raise taxes and to take tolls specified for the building of a road system. In Scandinavia, private individuals of greater financial means mostly took care of the transportation system, while in England the logistics were lacking considerably even far into the high Middle Ages, unless merchants or monks undertook a major effort, such as in Canterbury (1389). One reason why roads apparently had deteriorated by the sixteenth century might be closely linked with the dissolution of a vast number of monasteries in the wake of the Protestant Reformation begun by Martin Luther in 1517. These institutions had traditionally cared for roads reaching and departing from their location, trying to attract pilgrims and supporting the exchange with other monasteries. Wien their disappearance, a major source of road maintenance was lost (e.g., the monastery at Corvey in Northern Germany; cf. Stephan 2000, 35– 39). But by then we also have to consider the crucially intensified traffic with much larger loads, heavier carts, and iron material used for the wheels, which had a catastrophic effect on roads everywhere, as the general complaints about travel conditions teach us, such as those by William Harrison, third and last archpriest of England (1586). Those problems had already existed in antiquity, but the Romans had simply built superior roads that could handle those weights effectively. On the Iberian Peninsula, the various royal houses supervised the establishment and maintenance of their road systems since the end of the thirteenth century. In Italy, the individual urban communities took the initiative to work on the streets and roads since the second half of the thirteenth century. Rural communities were regularly charged with working on the country roads. We know of city offices explicitly charged with supervising the streets and roads, such as in Siena (1290/1299), Milan (1346), and Madrid (cf. Montero Vallejo 1988; Segura 1993). However, the major imperial roads leading through Italy were still the responsibility of the German king (Schrod 1931).

D Medieval Travelers and Roads In general, however, we have rather limited knowledge about streets and roads in Europe, and must mostly rely on itineraries by kings, on travelogues by pilgrims, nobles, and merchants, indirectly drawing information about the possibilities of traveling and of the intensity of travel at specific times (see also the contribution

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to this Handbook on “Travel and Exploration” by Romedio Schmitz-Esser). Generally, it would be erroneous to assume that medieval people were mostly villagebound and had hardly any means or the freedom of departing from the places where they lived; on the contrary, as we know now, they traveled for a myriad of different goals, depending on their individual purposes and needs (Ohler 1986). Monks regularly sent manuscripts to other monasteries, abbots and bishops attended synods and councils, crusaders amassed at certain points and then traveled in groups and armies to the battle location, and to the next harbor to cross the Mediterranean (Labarge 1982, 137–54). Throughout the entire Middle Ages, we encounter knights on their way to tournaments, to court festivals, weddings, and ceremonial events, such as knighting squires (Mainz, May 1184, called by Emperor Frederick I, for instance; Fleckenstein 2002, 202–03). Although they were regularly using horses, they had to be accompanied by squires, carts for their lances, armor, weapons, and a tent or tents, clothing, foodstuff, and other essentials. Thus, they were dependent on more or less good roads for themselves and their rather large retinue (Fleckenstein, ed., 1985; Barber and Barker 1989). The institution of the tournament was not developed until the early twelfth century, but then it quickly attracted huge interest in the European aristocracy. Although France was always the center of tournaments, we find similar events in all other countries, especially Flanders, despite many attempts by the king or the pope to ban those events, which at times resulted in the death of a participant and numerous injuries (Keen 1984, 83–101; Krüger 1985). By the twelfth century, we witness increasingly young scholars crisscrossing Europe, following major scholars and teachers to individual universities (Courtenay and Miethke, ed., 2000; Irrgang 2002). Courtly poets, minstrels, goliards, and jugglers traversed the lands, looking for new audiences for their livelihood. And the massive building projects of the Romanesque and later the Gothic cathedrals and churches would not have been possible without large groups of expert stone masons, architects, carvers, painters, artists, and other workers required (Harvey 1984; Coldstream 1991). Late medieval roads were increasingly crowded by poor people, haberdashers, those suffering from leprosy (if not quarantined in lepers’ colonies) and other sicknesses, beggars, Gypsies (today properly identified as Sinti and Roma), lansquenets and other soldiers, cripples, unemployed teachers and scholars, artists, prostitutes, and many others (Landolt 2011). The craft system in late medieval cities was based on young men beginning the learning process as apprentices with a master, and subsequently wandering around from town to town, working with a variety of masters to learn as many different techniques as possible, until they were allowed to pass their exam, doing their masterpiece (Schulz 2002). However, this did not automatically grant

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them the privilege of opening their own workshops. Instead they had to wait, often for many years, until a position opened through the death of an old master or the expansion of the city population, which caused much social unrest especially in early modern cities (Metzger 2002; von Heusinger 2009; Schulz 2010). In other words, the social mobility in the Middle Ages was considerably higher than we commonly assume today, even though it would be somewhat true that the peasant class could hardly move away from the village until the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (Schubert 1995; Dobozy 2005). Nevertheless, even they resorted to the great opportunities in Eastern Europe by the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and left home to create new existences in those distant lands. Altogether, a large number of people traveled for many different reasons over surprisingly long distances throughout the entire Middle Ages. Even though we do not hear much about specific road building projects or of the conditions of roads in high medieval sources (that is, chronicles or romances, pilgrimage accounts and travelogues; late medieval sources generally reveal more data on this aspect), it would be inconceivable to assume that merchants with their valuable goods, for instance, would not have been able to rely on fairly decent modes of transportation (Brennig 1993; Spufford 2002). The most famous example might well be Marco Polo, who traveled all the way from Venice to China and spent ca. twenty years there at the court of the Mongolian Khan, after which time he returned and finally wrote about it in his Il Milione (ca. 1298). One telling example of how little he reflected on the actual road conditions would be: “When the traveller leaves this castle, he rides through a fine plain and a fine valley and along fine hillsides, where there is rich herbage, fine pasturage, fruit in plenty, and no lack of anything. … Sometimes the traveller encounters stretches of desert fifty or sixty miles in extent, in which there is no water to be found … . After these six days he reaches a city called Shibarghan, plentifully stocked with everything needful” (Polo 1958, 74). The fact that most medieval kings pursued a peripatetic life style in order to be physically present at least once in most parts of their kingdoms required that they could travel without too many difficulties, being accompanied by their entire court, which implied considerable logistic tasks to be handled on a daily basis (Peyer 1964). King John moved over thirteen times a month throughout his reign, while King Edward I moved at least nine times per month (Hindle 1998, 17). Much depended, of course, on the size of the kingdom. The German-Roman kings, for instance, had to cover a much larger territory than his French, English, or Spanish counterparts, so their itineraries were considerably longer and more complex, which also meant that a real capital city never quite developed in the area of the Holy Roman Empire, except for Prague by the fourteenth and Vienna by the fifteenth century (Ditchburn et al, ed., 2007, 51; Scales 2012, 80–83). By the late

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Middle Ages, the courts of justice were also traveling from location to location, and both the royal and the legal courts had to be accompanied by their scribes and the relevant archives, not to mention the treasury, clothing, food supplies, arms, tents, and at times even the most valuable royal insignia (Duggan 1993). In a similar way, the ecclesiastic courts were on the road, both the episcopal synods (Sendgerichte) and the papal inquisitors. It was not enough for the king to travel all the time: but he also had to send ambassadors, emissaries, couriers; he had to receive foreign visitors, his own princes, dukes, and barons, and in general run a whole country, which meant that traveling was a very common aspect of a noble or courtly lifestyle (Labarge 1982, 33–51; 115–36; Brummett 2009). For instance, the marriage of two young people from different countries commonly involved heavy diplomatic exchanges and negotiations, and many letters, gifts, and contracts had to be exchanged before a mutual agreement was reached. Subsequently, the bride usually traveled to the court of her future husband, bringing with her a whole household, staff, wardrobe, and library, as in the case of the Byzantine princess Theophanu Skleraina and Emperor Otto II in 972 (Davids 1995), Anne of Bohemia and King Richard II of England in 1382 (Suchý 2009) or of Leonhard of Görtz and Paula de Gonzaga in 1478 (Antenhofer 2007). In England, the members of Parliament also traveled on a regular basis, assembling at Oxford, Winchester, or Westminster, which tells us that there must have been sufficient roads and accommodations alongside for travelers of all social classes. Similarly, justice courts moved around to be available to every person in England, and by the same token, countless individuals undertook considerable travels to the respective courts to have their cases heard, such as Bishop Wilfrid of York who went three times to Rome to plead for the primacy of his see over that of Canterbury (Brundage 2008). By the thirteenth century, we witness an ever growing institution of the legal court system, with professional lawyers and judges, and then the courts, secular and ecclesiastical, were mostly located in specific cities (Naegle 2002). In the Holy Roman Empire, the king’s central power was fading throughout the Middle Ages, which also meant that the territorial princes increasingly gained independence, which found its expression also in the establishment of regional courts following a variety of legal systems, until in 1495 Emperor Maximilian I introduced Roman law at the Imperial Court of Justice (Reichskammergericht), which maintained its status of the final legal authority. All these developments required intensive travel by lawyers, judges, plaintiffs, defenders, witnesses, and simple observers (Janin 2004). Pilgrimage can be identified as the most central religious motive to go traveling, irrespective of the difficulties of the various roads, the costs, the dangers from robbers and other criminals, inclement weather, and the barriers of the various

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mountain ranges (that is, the Pyrenees, Alps, Appenine Mountains). While Jerusalem and Rome have always been regarded as the supremely important pilgrimage sites, by the eleventh century Santiago de Compostela began to attract an ever swelling number of pilgrims because the remains of the Apostle St. Jacob had allegedly been transferred there, making the cathedral to a deeply veneered shrine of his relics since their ‘rediscovery’ in 814. Apart from four major routes traversing Northern Europe leading to Northwestern Spain in Galicia, many smaller roads were filled with pilgrims aiming for Santiago de Compostela, such as the notorious English mystic Margery Kempe (ca. 1373–ca. 1440) (Bogstad 2010). As in the time of Charlemagne, the pass of Roncesvalles in the Pyrenees was the main artery for the flood of pilgrims, who then took the road to Burgos, Leon, and Villafranca to Santiago. Others chose the route east of the Pyrenees from Girona to Montserrat, then on to Lerída, Zaragoza, Burgos, and Astorga. The pilgrimage to Santiago was also known as “The Way of St. James,” but until today, the most popular route proved to be the “The Camino Frances,” which begins in Saint-Jean-Pied-Port on the French side of the Pyrenees and finishes about 780 km (ca. 500 miles) later in Santiago (Stokstad 1978; Dunn and Davidson, ed., 1996; Brabbs 2008; Wolfzettel 2012). The four major pilgrimage routes through France were the “via lemovizensis” (via Vezelay), the “via touronensis” (via Tours), the “via bodnesis” (via Le Puy), and the “via toulosana” (via Toulouse) (Plötz, ed., 1990; Plötz 2002; Denecke 2013, 180). Compared to antiquity and the early modern age (seventeenth and eighteenth centuries), the Middle Ages seem to have known considerably less wheeled traffic, if we disregard the transportation of goods by merchants, farmers, and others. In England, there was no official traveling coach for the monarch until the time of Elizabeth I (1558–1603). Nevertheless, wealthy and powerful individuals owned splendid carriages, as shown in the fourteenth-century Luttrell Psalter on fols. 181v–182r, drawn by five horses and being a stately vehicle for at least four noble ladies who used it more for a kind of procession than for actual transportation needs (Kreuger 1920; Backhouse 2000, 54–55). Queens and other noble ladies could commonly resort to a kind of chariot, although it would have been an items of considerable luxury, and even though it did not have any springs, making the journey rather hard and uncomfortable (Labarge 1982, 37). Sir Geoffrey Luttrell, on the other hand, is presented only in full armor, seated on his war horse, on fol. 202v. In Geoffrey Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales (ca. 1400), the entire company of pilgrims rides on horseback. As to the Knight, we learn that he had been to Alexandria in Egypt, Prussia, Lithuania, Russia, Grenada (Spain), Ayash (Syria), Antalya (Turkey), Tlemecen (Algeria), and Balat (Turkey), all locations of major battles between Christians and Muslims or representatives of other religions. His son, the Squire, has not yet seen so much of the world, but he as well has had

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considerable knightly experiences in Flanders, Artois, and the Picardie (Chaucer 2008, 51–86). Chaucer might have exaggerated here a little, but it was certainly not uncommon for late medieval knights to roam the entire European world in search for military challenges. Chaucer’s near-contemporary, the South-Tyrolean poet Oswald von Wolkenstein (1376/77–1445) claimed similarly of having visited many different countries during his years as squire and then as a knight, such as Prussia, Lithuania, Tartary (probably Russia), Turkey, France, Italy, and Spain (Kl. 18, 17–18). In other poems, he mentions Hungary (Kl. 23, 82; Kl. 30, 25 [‘Kl.’ refers to the number of each song in the critical edition]), Portugal (Kl. 23, 101), and Northern Africa (Kl. 23, 101). Then Oswald also refers to extensive travels through the various German-speaking lands, having visited Salzburg, Munich, Augsburg, Ulm, Heidelberg, Cologne, and Aachen (Kl. 41), while he subsequently bitterly complained about his sorrowful existence back home in his castle Seis am Schlern in the Tyrolean Alps, contrasting his boring and frustrating life with the splendor of his international travels to Turkey, Russia, Prussia, Denmark, Sweden, Flanders, France, England, Scotland, Spain, Portugal, and France (Kl. 44, 1–17). The most attractive travel goal, however, remained Jerusalem, apart from Rome and Santiago de Compostela. One of the most famous authors of an extensive travelogue was Arnold von Harff who departed Cologne in November 1496 and did not return home until October 1498. He traversed all of Germany, crossed the Alps, made stops in Meran, Verona, and Rome, from whence he toured Rimini and Venice. There he took a ship all the way to Alexandria via Crete and Rhodes. Once in Egypt, von Harff went to Cairo, and from there traveled to Mount Sinai, then to Jerusalem. The return route took him north via Damascus, Beirut, Conya, and Constantinople. After having journeyed across the Balkan, he aimed for Santiago de Compostela, visiting Verona, Milan, Nîmes, and Burgos. Traveling from Santiago, he stopped at Burgos, Bordeaux, Rennes, Paris, and Brussels. Von Harff also claimed to have visited Mecca, Aden, and India between September 1497 and September 1498, but this was only a fictional account (Classen 2010). Nevertheless, his travelogue proves to be fascinating because of its astonishing details, global perspective, and open-mindedness, especially when he visited completely non-Christian territory or cities, such as Cairo. Otherwise, however, von Harff was not unique at all, as documented by a plethora of contemporary travelogues and pilgrimage accounts. It was, indeed, highly fashionable for anyone in Christian Europe who had the financial means to go on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem at least once in his/her lifetime (Halm 2001), very similar to the Muslim hadj (Wolfe 1997). One of the most impressive accounts about such a travel was published by the Canon of the Mainz Cathedral, Bernhard von Breidenbach in February 1486, who had em-

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barked on his journey together with his two friends, Count Johann Solms-Lich and his knight Philipp von Bicken, and with the famous Utrecht artist Erhard Reuwich in 1483. This work proved to be a bestseller, so a German translation appeared already in June of the same year, which was followed by ten new editions until 1522 in five different languages (Latin, German, Dutch, Spanish, and French). The program of illustrations was probably one of the major selling points, which allows us today to gain some insights in the road conditions. On fol. 138r, for instance, we see a group of Muslim horsemen, most of them playing a music instrument. The road is fairly smooth, but there are many rocks and plants over which the horses have to step. We do not observe any particular road work or pavement. Looking at the woodcut showing the entire Holy Land, we discover a feature typical of the art of woodcuts (see also Hartmann Schedel’s World Chronicle from 1493): a heavy emphasis on the cities with their major buildings, especially the churches and the city wall, rather than on mountain ranges, wide open plains, the Mediterranean, rivers, and hills, but not on roads. Many other contemporary travelers went on pilgrimages and followed the same paths, and visited the same sites, but hardly any of them was more detailed in his comments about the roads, since the religious experience dominated all accounts. The one important exception proves to be Felix Fabri who went to the Holy Land twice, first in 1480 and then in 1483, and in his account, Evagatorium, he provided amazingly detailed comments about the road conditions in the Alps. This observation finds its confirmation by way of many contemporary maps, such as the one of the Holy Land by an anonymous artists, in Ptolomy’s Cosmographia (Ulm 1482), plate 24. Erhard Reuwich, obviously following the artistic standards of his time, paid attention to essential urban and natural elements, but ignored roads and streets altogether, such as in his woodcut of Rhodes (fol. 23v– 24r). In Sebaldus Rieter’s pen-and-ink drawing of Jerusalem (2nd half of the fifteenth century, Munich, Staatsbibliothek, Cod. iconogr. 172), there are at least some streets included connecting the major buildings, but even here we have to realize that artists did not consider roads or streets worthy subjects to be treated in their works (Timm 2006). This situation proves to be rather ironic, considering the intensity of traffic already since the early Middle Ages. Insofar as many goods had to be transported over vast distances, both the roads and the vehicles must have met higher standards than we can perhaps imagine today. Geoffrey Hindley’s comments speaks volumes in this regard: “The constant movement of the royal courts demanded transport and if the king himself and his immediate entourage could look to a comparatively rapid and easy journey on well-fed and well-groomed horses, their effects had to be transported in the lumbering vehicles taken from the farmyard” (Hindley 1971, 53).

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E Medieval Horses Not surprisingly, the horse played as big a role in the daily lives of medieval people as the car does for us today, and we could not even claim that the cost for and the trouble with horses were considerably higher compared with modern vehicles (for a most detailed study, see now the contribution to “Horses” by Cynthia Jenéy in this Handbook). In this regard, the horse truly determined much of travel in the Middle Ages; not surprisingly, until today we talk about ‘horse power’ to identify a car’s power (Hyland 1999). As much as we now have available a large number of different cars and trucks for all kinds of purposes, so in the Middle Ages the variety of horses was great, depending on the specific use they were put to, whether we think of the great war-horse (charger or destrier), the secondary war horse, the rouncey, then the palfrey of the ladies, cart-horse (packhorse), the sumpter horse, and the hubby (used for skirmishes by light cavalry), to mention just the most important types (Hewitt 1983; Gladitz 1997; Clark, ed., 2004). The German equivalents were ros/ors (for the war-horse) and pfert (palfrey), in equivalence to the Latin dextrarius (destrier) and palefridus. Often the best horses were considered to be those that were imported from Spain, and then those of the Arabian kind (Bumke 1986, vol. 1, 236–40; Ackermann-Arlt 1990; for horses in medieval Spain, see Rivas 2005). Massive caravans, pulled by horses and mules, dominated the medieval highways, and they even managed, obviously quite successfully, to cross the Alpine passes to Italy or to Germany vice versa. The problems were manifold, whether we think of the countless tolls to be paid, the dangers from bandits and robbers, warfare, inclement weather, and then, of course, the bad road conditions. None of those, however, ever prevented intensive trade between all parts of medieval Europe and the neighboring countries, and this already since the sixth and seventh centuries between the Austrasians (Rhineland), the Frisians, the Danes, and the Anglo-Saxons. Trade existed in the area of the Baltic Sea, and it extended all over the Mediterranean and beyond (Ditchburn et al, ed., 2007, 61–63). In fact, considering how little individual travelers complained about the challenges of crossing those high mountain passes, they were not as difficult or dangerous as we might assume they probably would have been for medieval people. Archibishop Rigaud, for instance, was held up for three days in early February of 1254 at Salins in the Jura mountain (on the road from Paris to Lausanne) due to deep snow, but then he pushed on and reached his goal thereafter. We have, for example, a detailed report about the specifics of crossing those passes by the Spanish traveler Pero Tafur from the 1430s, but others were also not shy about commenting on the mountains and the roads crossing them (Labarge 1982, 29). Nevertheless, most pilgrimage authors only list the individual towns

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North and South of the Alps, and might add the distance, but do not say anything about the road conditions, such as Konrad Grünemberg (1486; Denke, ed., 2011, 282).

F Road Building, Maintenance, and Improvement Only occasionally do we hear of efforts by the authorities to improve roads. King Edward I charged Roger Mortimer in 1278 to enlarge and widen the roads into sections of northern Wales as part of his military campaign against the Welsh. In 1353 King Edward III ordered that the road between Temple Bar and Westminster be repaved. The City of London levied tolls on all trade entering the city, and used that money to improve the roads in the immediate surroundings. But medieval Europe did not know any comprehensive plan to create and maintain a systematic road network, as the Romans had done. When new towns sprang up in England, like Oxford, Coventry, or Plymouth, which were not located on one of the ancient Roman roads, new ones had to be built. In contrast to the Roman world when roads were simply physical entities, in the Middle Ages roads were regarded as “a right of way, an ‘easement’, with both legal and customary status” (Hindle 1998, 6). If under bad weather conditions the road became impassible, the traveler was generally entitled to deviate and even trample over crop, as stipulated by the Statute of Winchester in 1285. When a road led over a hill, normally a variety of tracks developed, each traveler trying to find the most convenient way, especially for the wagons and carts. If roads followed the ancient Roman lines, such as Watling Street (between Canterbury and St. Albans; see Roucoux 1984), Ermine Street (from London to Lincoln; see Ellis and Hughes 1998), Fosse Way (from Exeter to Lincoln; Oswald 1928), and Icknield Way (Southern England from the Dorset coast to the Norfolk coast, probably pre-Roman; Thomas 1980), those medieval arteries survived until today. If, however, they lacked in a solid foundation, and then might have fallen out of use, they quickly disappeared from view and can hardly be tracked today, though arial photography has certainly revealed them once again. These four roads were greatly admired and reflected on by chroniclers such as Geoffrey of Monmouth. Although he referred only to a legendary king, Belinus, his comments about the need of royal investment in the road system deserve to be cited: “He ordered them to make a road of cement and stone which would traverse the length of the island from the Cornish sea to the shore at Caithness and lead directly to the cities on the way. He commanded that another road be built across the width of the island from the city of St David’s on the coast of Demetia to Southampton, to lead to the cities there as well as two more roads diagonally

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across the island, leading to the remaining cities” (III, 39, p. 52; Given-Wilson 2004, 129–30). The Leges Edwardi Confessoris (early twelfth century) granted travelers royal protection on those roads, and by ca. 1250–1259 Matthew Paris included them in his map of England contained in his Historia Anglorum (British Library MS Royal 14.C.VII). He mostly designed illustrated itineraries for specific routes, such as from Dover to the North or from London to Apulia, but these were for the learned, hence just for readers, while most travelers had to rely on oral accounts helping them to find their way (Labarge 1982, 11). When Marino Sanudo wrote his Secrets for Crusaders and presented a copy to Pope John XXII in 1321, it was accompanied by map illustrations by Pietro Vesconte from Genoa, who provided astonishing details about Palestine: resorting to a grid of squares over the whole surface which made the detection of specific locations possible with much more accuracy than ever before (Labarge 1982, 11–13). Depending on the specific use of a road, it was either called a ‘portway’ (leading to a port or a market town), ‘herepath (road mostly used by the army), ‘church path’ (for access to the parish church), ‘corpse road’ (to transport dead bodies to a remote cemetery), ‘pilgrim route’ or ‘pilgrim way,’ ‘abbot’s way’ (connecting abbeys with each other), ‘drove road’ for herding animals. The same phenomenon, with local variations, can be found on the Continent, a good example being Ochsenfurt in Northern Franconia/Bavaria in the vicinity of Würzburg. As the name tells us, throughout the Middle Ages and beyond, large herds of oxen were driven through the ford of the river Main. The same etymology applies to Oxford. From early on, great emphasis was placed on the Alpine passes, since they were the crucial arteries connecting southern with northern Europe. As a result of the fall of the Roman Empire the economic, political, military, and hence logistical importance of the Alpine regions underwent profound transformations, which were both periphery and critical juncture for the major European powers already in the post-Roman world (Winkler 2012). Early medieval pilgrims, soldiers, and merchants continued to ply the old Roman roads, which were in steady use throughout the centuries. Since the high Middle Ages both the major roads and the mountain passes received increasing attention by the urban and territorial authorities, such as in Milan, Italy. In the early thirteenth century, the opening of the Alpine pass of St. Gotthard made possible a much more intensive traffic by merchants and traders between Italy and Northern Europe. The Milanese society of merchants, the Universitas mercatorum, undertook many efforts to secure the maintenance of that pass for its own profits. Contracts were regularly signed to guarantee the security of the Alpine routes, such as a contract from 1270 with the bishop of Sion/Sitten to guarantee the safety of travelers across the Sempione/ Simplon pass. Bellinzona and Biasca, above all, made great efforts to control the

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route through its valley because of the major economic impact. They were even entitled to raise a road toll to support the maintenance efforts (Conta 1996; Chiesi 1996). Some of the most important items that were transported across the Alps were wool, metal, and salt, apart from a wide variety of ordinary commodities, including wine, tools, cloth, spices, and the like. The transport on waterways, such as the Lago di Como, was not necessarily or always the preferred mode because of difficult climatic conditions, so the Strada Regina on the land route often enjoyed priority, even though constant maintenance was necessary (Scheffel 1914; Frigerio 1996; Hille 2000).

G Bridges and City Streets Most medieval cities were interested in attracting merchants to their markets, so they all made some efforts to build and maintain roads leading to their city gates, even though, throughout the Middle Ages, the king was regarded as the central authority over all roads, supposed to guarantee peace and protection on the roads. Many cities were developed according to some kind of master plan, though we cannot compare this with those in place since the seventeenth century. The streets and houses were grouped around major centers, such as the church or cathedral and the market square with its city hall (Bruges, Tours, Rennes, Metz, Bordeaux, Freiburg i. Br., etc.; cf. Leguay 1984, 17–49), although rectangular design was rare. Crafts and guilds tended to be grouped together, forming smaller neighborhoods in the city, so they took care of their own streets and sewer system, if any was in place. Many times gallows were erected at road junctures outside of cities and well visible to all travelers, as we learn, for instance, from Wernher der Gartenære in his didactic verse narrative Helmbrecht from ca. 1260–1270 (v. 1305), and court cases were often heard at a crossroads, where the punishment was also enacted (v. 1705; cf. Reinhold 2010). Building bridges always proved to be a significant financial investment and demanded great engineering skills. Charlemagne was not only famous for his establishment of the cathedral of Aachen, but also for the bridge over the Rhine near Mainz. Archbishop Willigis of Mainz (975–1011) ordered the building of the oldest stone bridges in Germany at Bingen, crossing the Nahe, and at Aschaffenburg, crossing the Main (Wenniger 2012, 391–92; Tuczay 2012). Originally, the erection and maintenance of bridges were royal privileges, but in the course of time the cities took over the responsibilities and hence the control and income resulting from bridges. At times, bridges provided asylum, and they were also regarded as ideal locations for negotiations, offering a kind of neutral space between two opposing sides (Schneider 1977; Maschke 1978). Spanning a

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river or a gorge was generally viewed, disregarding the extensive technical challenges, as a pious act, as the crossing of such a body of water by human means constituted almost a religious ceremony, often closely associated with the spiritual transition into another dimension. Consequently, religious, mystical, and secular authors often operated with the metaphor of the bridge for a variety of purposes (Dinzelbacher 1973; 1990). While rivers were mostly crossed by means of ferry boats or rafts during the early Middle Ages, as the names of numerous cities such as Bedford, Hereford (both England), Frankfurt a. M., Ochsenfurt, or Erfurt (all Germany) indicate, since the time of Charlemagne new bridges, mostly out of wood, were erected. The twelfth century witnessed the beginning of ever wider and lengthier bridges out of stone, such as in Regensburg (1135–1147; Feistner, ed., 2005) or Würzburg (since 1133) (both Germany), or Beaugency (France) (Bachmann 2014, 282–87) (Fig. 1).  

Fig. 1: Medieval stone bridge at Beaugency crossing the Loire, ca. fourteenth century (© Albrecht Classen).

Between the twelfth and the fifteenth century, medieval Europe witnessed the construction of at least fifty major bridges out of stone, such as the one at the Thames in London (1176–ca. 1209), at Capua (1234–1239), Torgau (1490s, spanning the river Elbe), or at the Vitava in Prague (1357–early fifteenth century; see below). Most of them followed the model provided by Roman bridges, but in the course of time other types came into being, such as bridges with relatively flat

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arches or with segmental arches, such as the Ponte Vecchio in Florence (1335– 1345). But the vast majority of medieval bridges all had very heavy and low columns which often made the passage by ships underneath rather hazardous, such as in Bruges (Fig. 2).

Fig. 2: Stone bridge crossing a channel around the city center of Bruges (© Albrecht Classen).

Some bridges were used by craftsmen and merchants to pursue their jobs, others served for taking tolls; a good number of bridges, however, were financed by religious donations and hence were toll-free (Troyano 2003; Hänseroth 2008). In 1423, for instance, Richard Whittington, mayor of London, left £100 for the repair and improvement of bad roads, while William Chichele, brother of the archbishop, determined £10 for the maintenance of London Bridge (Labarge 1982, 22). Some of the most important bridges were those at Castle Combe, Wilshire, built ca. 1180, and at Sutton, built ca. 1500. Some towns had fortified bridges, such as Warkworth in Northumberland, and Monmouth in Wales. Apart from the famous London bridges (Watson et al., ed., 2001), the fen causeways to Ely are some of the largest examples in England (Hindle 1998, 41–45; for bridges, see also the contribution on “Architecture” in this Handbook by Charlotte A. Stanford).

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All major rivers (for instance, the Rhine, Danube, Elbe, Po, Rioja, Rhone, Loire, Thames, etc.) invited the building of cities at their shores because the waterway was the easiest and the most economic means of transporting goods and people. Consequently, bridges were also built to facilitate travel across the rivers. Julius Caesar built a bridge out of timber trestle over the Rhine as early as in 55 B.C.E. The bridge at Mainz was built in 90 C.E., and the Constantine bridge at Cologne in the fourth century. The Romans also built a stone bridge over the Moselle at Trèves (Trier). During the Middle Ages no bridge was built at the middle or lower part of the Rhine, where ferries normally took over the task of transporting people and goods, but we know of many bridges, such as at Säckingen in the very southwest of Germany. Other important bridges were the stone bridge over the river Main at Würzburg and the stone bridge over the river Danube at Regensburg (see above). All major cities, such as Paris and Rome, witnessed the erection of bridges in the course of time, and the actual number of bridges all over Europe is too large to list here (Boyer 1976, 171–95). Bridges often tell us why a certain road took a specific direction because rivers had to be crossed at concrete locations, and the roads were not supposed to follow long detours (Cooper 2006). In fact, most bridges were the decisive points determining the direction roads took; otherwise major detours would have been necessary (Labarge, 1982, 22). Although bridges have been mostly the object of attention of local historians, we can now underscore their central importance for the larger transportation system over hundreds and thousands of miles (Jervoise 1930; 1931; 1932; 1936). Goods could be transported either on land with packhorses, which was the most expensive mode, on carts and wagons, which considerably reduced the price, on barges using rivers, while sea transport was the cheapest (Cook 1998, 12–13; Röder et al., ed., 2014). Both the construction and maintenance of roads and bridges were highly expensive and difficult to carry out by medieval authorities. We know that freely roaming masons were in charge, but not much information about them has survived, although they required detailed technical knowhow when constructing a bridge. Most bridges had no stone parapets, but only wooden railings, while the major emphasis rested on the starlings and cotwaters to break the force of the water. While the high Middle Ages mostly saw bridges using ribbed arches, by the fifteenth century segmental arches were introduced. Major bridges were normally strong enough to allow toll houses or workshops to be built on them (for instance, Florence, Erfurt, London, Paris, and Venice), which facilitated the collection of taxes and tolls (for good illustrations and references, see Grewe 1999). In England and in other parts of Europe, the trinoda necessitas, introduced by the Normans after their conquest in 1066, required freemen to offer their service in the building and maintaining of bridges and roads

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at least until the time of the Magna Carta (1215), after which only those traditionally charged with that task were obligated to do so. Especially King John (r. 1199– 1216) pursued a vigorous policy of having the owners of estates see to it that their part of the roads was maintained and that they build bridges if ordered so by the king. This was, however, such a huge burden that a special clause was included in the Magna Carta to change that. This stipulation was also introduced to Ireland in 1216 by John’s son, Henry III. The Statute of Winchester from 1285, however, required from each lord of the manor upkeep of the king’s highway, and hence probably also of the bridges (Cook 1998, 47). A truly intriguing example of an extensive stone bridge probably dating back to Roman times but today preserved in its medieval shape (prior to 1196) is the Old Bridge (Ponte Vecchio) spanning the river Trebbia outside of the north Italian town of Bobbio. It consists of eleven uneven arches and displays a rather irregular shape, which became the source of many local legends.

H Roads and Bridges Reflected in Textual Sources At the same time many towns and cities received royal privileges to erect their own bridges and to charge toll (pontage), such as the Dublin Bridge charter of 1214 or the Bennetsbridge in 1285. In order to finance the bridge at Agen in France, the king assembled a general court in 1189 to approve a hearth tax of six deniers arnaudins. The bridge ultimately cost 30,000 sous arnandins, but it hadwashed away already in 1320 (O’Keefe and Simington 1991, 26–28). Other famous bridges were the Pont-Saint-Bénezet at Avignon (1177–1188), the Bridge at Saint-Savin sur Gartempe at Vienne (twelfth/thirteenth centuries), and the Nyons Bridge (1361) at Nyons, Drôme, to name a few. All of them continue to attract modern interest. Major bridges in Germany were the one crossing the Danube in Regensburg (ca. 1135–1147), the bridge spanning the Main in Frankfurt a. M. (1276), the one over the Neckar in Heidelberg (1284), or the one over the Lahn in Limburg (1248). The bridge over the Regnitz in Bamberg (1387) proves to be spectacular until today, for the city hall, today in its Baroque appearance, was erected on top of it to mark the border between the bishop’s domain and the city. The oldest wooden covered bridge still in existence was created in Lucerne, Switzerland, in 1333 (it burned down completely in 1993). We should also not forget the famous Charles Bridge in Prague over the Vitava River, started by Emperor Charles IV in 1357 to connect the Old Town with the area around the castle, the Hradschin (Fig. 3).  

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Fig. 3: Stone Bridge, later called Charles Bridge, Prague, crossing the Vitava, begun in 1357 (© Albrecht Classen).

The earliest medieval road map dates from ca. 1355–1366, the Gough Map (Oxford Bodleian Library, MS. Gough Gen.Top 1), which is the oldest road map of England, covering ca. 4.700 km, though it was based on a prototype from the time of King Edward I (r. 1272–1307) (Szabó 1996; von den Brincken 2009, 243–50). Much of its material is derived from portolan charts, paying most attention to coastal areas and the towns there. As precise as this map might be, it also misses a major road, the Watling Street (see above). Both islands and lakes, and as well as rivers are, particularly the latter due to their importance for transportation and trade, oversized. Although we have many maps from the entire Middle Ages, mappaemundi (world maps), portolan maps, regional maps, city maps, and the like, the emphasis rarely rests on roads and streets. For instance, the Ebstorfer Weltkarte, or the Hereford mappamundi provide information about the entire world in macro- and microcosmic dimensions. In that context, roads and streets did not matter. As Harvey emphasizes, “we have to see as a map any representation of landscape viewed as though from above the ground, form some point unattainable in reality. It means too that these picture-maps of the Middle Ages were the ancestors of both the large-scale maps and the bird’s-eye views of later ages” (Harvey 1991, 87). Medieval secular literature commonly describes some protagonist roaming the world, traveling on horseback, on foot, by boat, and the like, and many times we are provided with rather detailed road descriptions (Chrétien de Troyes’ and

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then Hartmann von Aue’s Erec, respectively). These, however, focus on the larger geographical and physical setting and rarely give us more than a glimpse into the specific conditions of the roads or bridges. In the Nibelungenlied (ca. 1200), for instance, the entire court of the Burgundian kings travels from Worms to what we call Hungary today, covering a huge stretch of land, but the poet does not comment on the road itself. In the lais by Marie de France (ca. 1190) the main characters regularly move from one country to another, which is also the case with Tristan in the many medieval versions of this text, but we do not learn anything in particular about the roads or bridges. Boccaccio follows the moves of his countless figures in the Decameron (ca. 1350), and sometimes the events are located in the city, sometimes in the countryside, but sometimes they take place at many different sites, such as on the sea, on islands, and elsewhere, covering the entire Mediterranean territory. In Juan Ruiz’s El libro de buen amor (ca. 1340) the Archpriest encounters the dangerous mountain girls (serranas), who help him survive his failed attempt to walk up to the pass, but there are no specifics about the passages or paths. Sir Gawain in the Middle English Sir Gawain and the Green Knight (late fourteenth century) traverses large parts of Wales in his search for the Green Chapel, but he seems to cross more wild and uninhabited areas than civilized and cultured territories. He never travels on any significant roads. In one of the first prose novels, the anonymous Fortunatus (printed in 1509 in Augsburg), the protagonist traverses all of Europe and also part of Egypt, the Holy Land, and the Near East, and the text often reads like a travelogue, taking us from one location to the next in a rather monotonous manner. But apart from informing us about the distances between cities or towns, the author could care less about the roads themselves. On the other hand, the religious biographies, the Vitae sanctorum, contain many scenarios of traveling religionists, from the early medieval missionaries to the late medieval preachers of the mendicant orders. In any case, to repeat our previous observation, which now serves well to sum up our discussion, medieval people were often on the road and traveled far and wide for many different reasons and purposes. Roads existed at many places, but we have much less information about them in concrete terms than about the Roman roads. It is easier to identify the central nodules of a large-scale transportation and road system in the Middle Ages by focusing on monasteries, villages, cities, and bridges than on the actual roads, but archeological evidence and aerial photography have considerably assisted us in tracing the surprisingly dense system of medieval roads (Szabó, ed., 2009). Although maps existed, of course, those were mostly products for the learned and kept in libraries, while the actual travelers had to rely on oral accounts, personal experiences, and geographical observations (von den Brincken 2009, 242–43). Nevertheless, the many records about medieval travelers, from the simple goliards to merchants, ecclesiastics, knights,

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kings and queens, confirm that traveling must have been more easily possible than we can imagine today, even though the roads in general were certainly in much worse conditions than those built by the Romans, and even though hardly anyone possessed reliable maps, detailed or not. Both the literary evidence and historical travelogues confirm this observation from many different perspectives (Labarge 1982, 141; Blaschitz 2009; Holzner-Tobisch et al., ed., 2012).

Select Bibliography Bergier, Jean-François and Gauro Coppola, ed., Vie di terra e d’acqua: infrastrutture viarie e sistemi di relazioni in area alpina (secoli XIII–XVI) (Bologna 2007). Cooper, Alan, Bridges, Law and Power in Medieval England, 700–1400 (Woodbridge 2006). Grewe, Klaus, Großbritannien: England, Schottland, Wales: Ein Führer zu bau- und technikgeschichtlichen Denkmälern aus Antike und Mittelalter (Stuttgart 1999). Hindle, Paul, Medieval Roads and Tracks, 2nd ed. (1982; Princes Risborough 1989). Hindley, Geoffrey, A History of Roads (London 1971). Hundsbichler, Helmut, “Wahrnehmung von Wegen – Wege der Wahrnehmung: Straßen als Bildelemente im späten Mittelalter,” Die Welt der europäischen Straßen: von der Antike bis in die Frühe Neuzeit, ed. Thomas Szabó (Cologne et al. 2009), 215–35. Leguay, Jean-Pierre, La rue au Moyen Âge (Rennes 1984). Morriss, Richard K., Roads: Archaeology and Architecture (Stroud 2005). O’Keeffe, Peter and Tom Simington, Irish Stone Bridges: History and Heritage (Dublin 1991). Schwinges, Rainer C., Straßen- und Verkehrswesen im hohen und späten Mittelalter (Sigmaringen 2007). Szabó, Thomas, “Strasse,” Lexikon des Mittelalters (Munich 1996), vol. 8, col. 220–24.

Daniel F. Pigg

The Rural World and the Peasants A Introduction When the words “rural world” surface in medieval studies, they seem almost ubiquitous with the medieval world. Until the rise of cities in the high and late Middle Ages, the rural world seems to be almost the only world. In literary texts, the rural world is the area through which knights pass on their quests and engage in hunting; it is the area devoted to agricultural activity, including the growing of crops and the raising of livestock for consumption. That world was the subject of art in such productions as the Luttrell Psalter and was imaged in the margins of many Books of Hours. At the same time, as Albrecht Classen observed in an introductory essay to one of the most comprehensive studies of the rural world, “the vast majority of premodern societies lived in the countryside. Everyone depended on the rural world for foodstuffs, and no individual can exist without the natural environment. Plants, birds, animals, and fish are all integral elements in the larger context of humanity, hence the greater need to approach the Middle Ages and the early modern age from this perspective as well” (Classen, ed., 2012, 7). Without question, since much of the literature of the Middle Ages actually occurs in the rural world, it would seem prudent that such a space be examined for itself. In many cases, however, the rural has been regarded as merely serving as a kind of backdrop against which the characters in narrative engage in actions. From the historical angle, much work has been done by scholars such as Georges Duby (1968), Jacques Le Goff (1980), Werner Rösener (1992), and Barbara Hanawalt (1986), with particular attention to the material and economic aspects that not only constitute the peasant life, but also the means of production of which they are a part in the larger medieval economy. At the same time, the rural was a place of mythical elements, and the dark and lonely locations far away from urban and courtly civilization” (Classen, ed., 2012, 24). In the early Middle Ages, the peasant, as Le Goff notes, became “a synonym for ignorance and illiteracy” (Le Goff 1980, 96). In the literary imagination, the peasant (rusticus) degenerated into subhuman categories when seen beside the clergy (Le Goff 1980, 96–97). Thus it is hardly surprising that in literature of the late Middle Ages readers experience a kind of ambivalence to the peasant. Not only does Langland’s (ca. 1332–ca. 1386) Piers Plowman see a slightly elite peasant, Piers the Plowman who owns his own plow, but he works with individual peasants who are significantly degenerate individuals on his half acre. Paul Freedman extended Le Goff’s study

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of medieval tripartite society (Le Goff 1980), but he suggests that we must differentiate between the peasant and the poor. The representation of the peasant was generally favorable, given their Christian status. The poor on the other hand were seen as evil and were demonized (Freedman 1999, 15; 19). The rural world was subject to famine and plague, changes in economic market factors, the tyranny and extravagance of monarchs, the care and the avoidance of the Church and a host of other factors that make the rural world a significant space for study. As its principal dweller, the peasant tends that world.

B The Land Itself and Its Classifications No study of the rural world should begin without attention to land, its divisions, and the population that lived on it. From the time that the Roman world began to lose control in England and Europe in the fifth century, the majority of the land was agricultural. The Middle Ages actually continued many of the practices from the Roman period with respect to land usage. In rural areas, the distinction between champion and woodland is typically made (Homans 1936, 338–51). Champions refers to “great open stretches of arable fields broken only, here and there, by stands of trees” (Homans 1936, 339). Woodland refers not to forest land but to an area where “fields were small and were surrounded by ditches, and walls made of earth thrown up in digging the ditches” (Homans 1936, 339). Barbara Hanawalt notes that the description of the woodland most clearly mirrors the modern notion of agricultural domains in its divisions (Hanawalt 1986, 20). A traditional way to describe the divisions of land is cities, towns, villages, and the countryside outside of those domains. Cities and towns typically held their own charters and governed themselves. The only ties of the cities and towns to the rural would, of course, would be related to the export of goods to national and international markets. Much land was obviously tied up in feudal obligations. Leonard Cantor isolates several distinct areas: forests, chases, parks, and warrens. Forests were held by the king and were the location of game such as deer particularly for royal hunting. Typically no farming occurred in this area, except for some few grants directly from the king. Chases were private forests with exclusive claims as hunting areas for nobility. Parks were typically smaller areas of perhaps 100 to 200 acres, and they were typically tied to the feudal manor, again specifically for hunting. Warrens, typically held by and from the king, were still small parcels of land for the raising and hunting of rabbits (Cantor 1982, 56–85). Readers may easily imagine that a good deal of the medieval literature that features hunting would have occurred in these areas of regal grant. The village

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itself is perhaps more significant for a study of the rural world in the Middle Ages, particularly from the perspective of the peasant. In his study of the village which he labels as “the farming unit,” Homans notes houses in rows and a parish church. Further, “The village was a unit in that the fields which spread out in a ring around the houses and closes were village fields, cultivated according to the rotation of crops which were customary and binding on every villager” (Homans 1936, 343). The production of goods, of course including food, to support the manor was certainly important to the design. While we think of peasants occupying these villages, it is also true that not all peasants achieved the same status. If the invention of the plow was important to the world order, certainly labelling someone a “plowman” in distinction to a “laborer” was significant (Hilton 1975, 20–25). Poll tax rolls show that these “wealthier” peasants would actually have those who were poorer to live them with, although it seems typically one to two in that case (Hilton 1975, 34–36). Having a team of horses or oxen would, of course, also have been assumed, and as Hanawalt notes through her study of court roles, there were specific laws governing the borrowing of animals and plows by others (Hanawalt 1986, 51–52). From the literary angle, characters such as Chaucer’s Plowman of the General Prologue to his Canterbury Tales (ca. 1400) and Langland’s (ca. 1332–ca. 1386) titular character of Piers seem to be of the wealthier group. That Piers employed others to work on this half acre is thus not a significant surprise as it accords with historical records normatively found in the period. What seems clear from literature and historical records as determined through materials such as court rolls and coroners’ reports is that the peasants were a vital and at times volatile force in medieval culture.

C Population Population changes and shifts typically reflect the vagaries of life, except for experiences such as plague. Historians, not just literature such as the Decameron (ca. 1353), note a significant change with the Black Death of 1347–1351 and its subsequent visitations throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in less devastating forms. Rosemary Horrox’s The Black Death notes that typically 1/3 to 1/2 of the population of Western Europe died during that period (Horrox, trans. and ed., 1994, i). Such is the standard statement, but that certainly means that local variations would have meant some villages were complete eliminated while others fared better. A devastation too apocalyptic to imagine except through the scattered historical records and literary pieces, the Black Death brought a significant change to the world. It apparently even took Laura about whom Petrarch

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(1304–1374) wrote his sonnets down to those people for whom history does not register by name in mortality lists. The experience reshaped the world, including the labor market. That the English Parliament of 1351 established the Statutes of Labourers to hold down the wages of a shrinking labor market demonstrates both a real and imagined anxiety about the extent to which the means of production in a society would be impacted (Horrox, trans. and ed., 1994, 286–88). Judith Bennett has shown that problems with available land, wages, and rents were already high before this experience occurred in England and that the Black Death actually increased the problem and that such changes were responsible for changing the socio-economic and agricultural structures in the late Middle Ages (Bennett 1987, 18–22). As the larger economy was expanding to allow wealthier peasants a greater stake in their own fortunes, only paying rents to their landowners, the market was obviously already moving away from a formal feudal and manorial structure. With the loss of laborers during the Black Death, the rural landscape began to move away from crop-centered agriculture to more open grazing land for animals (Bennett 1987, 20–24). Vast tracks of land were abandoned. Overall population through the end of the Middle Ages reveals a growth between the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries, with declines during the fourteenth century during years of plague and famine, but a slight growth during post-Plague years that actually only sustained the significant loss during the plague years (Poos 1985, 516–17). An examination of the rural world and the peasant during the Middle Ages in terms of land and population shows what Hanawalt observes: “a new social structure was developing in the countryside that eventually eroded the good features of the old communities” (Hanawalt 1986, 7). For Hanawalt that meant greater social stratification and a deeper inculcation of a rigid social structure. At the same time, the potential for a reinvention of the world on a micro-level was possible. Evidence shows both landowners worried about their loses and those who occupied the land seeing the potential for shaping more of their own future. The market economics of capitalism may indeed owe their origins to medieval villages.

D The Rural World and the Peasant in Literature It would be impossible to pretend to present the scope of representation of the rural world and the peasant in medieval literature in a short essay, but there are several patterns that can be suggestive by looking at some representative pieces. Perhaps the single most ambitious examination of the rural world was undertaken in a massive volume edited by Albrecht Classen entitled Rural Space in the

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Middle Ages and Early Modern Age (Classen, ed., 2012). An introduction and 27 essays cover literary texts as diverse as selected poems by Walter von der Vogelweide (ca. 1170–ca.1230), the Mabinoigi (ca. 1350), Guillaume de Palerne (ca. 1200), and various Arthurian romances from England, France, and Germany, just to name a few specifics. This collection of essays along with Justice’s Writing and Rebellion: English in 1381 (Justice 1994), Freedman’s Images of the Medieval Peasant (Freedman 1999), and Newman’s Growing Up in the Middle Ages (Newman 2007) provide excellent background for the study of the rural world and peasants. In medieval literature, three key themes can be found regarding the rural world, both with and without peasants present. At times, the rural world can be represented as a harsh place for living—first, a place beyond the reach of recognizable law or custom. The rural world can be represented, second, as a kind of liminal space through which individuals pass and in which they encounter peasants of exemplary quality from whom they learn virtues that can be translated back into a courtly or noble world. The rural world can, third, be presented as a microcosm of the entire world in which a peasant is entrusted with the possibility of either overhauling or revitalizing the social order in the midst of the decade of the feudal world. These themes span the literatures of all European cultures, but they are not limited to these areas. Readers will be able to find additional literary texts that affirm similar thematic points. Representing the rural world as an inhospitable place for living on account of those who live there can be seen in a text such as the Old English Beowulf (ca. 8th–10th century) and “The Wife’s Lament” (ca. 10th century). Readers might immediately think of the sea with its harsh waves, the swimming match between Beowulf and Breca, the dwelling place of Grendel and his mother, and the location of the dragon’s lair. Clearly, the poet juxtaposes a superhuman Beowulf against these various landscapes to suggest his success against them. Each of these locations has its own rules, and these are hardly the internalized codes of Germanic law and behavior. The underwater cave of Grendel and his mother, not far from Hrothgar’s compound, including the treasure hall of Heorot, is its own kind of anti-hall. The dragon in the second part of the poem, living outside the court culture of Geatland, destroys the rural world and even burns down Beowulf’s own mead hall. That the poem locates these events away from the center of society—the court—is significant. These rural areas test the strength and wisdom of the hero, and he is able to overcome them. Perhaps pushing the point of rural space a bit further—even as an exile—is the anonymous “Wife’s Lament.” Speculations about the reason for the wife/speaker’s exile to a cave with barren surroundings can easily be made, but the rural world here is seen as a hostile space that provoking longings and despair. While both text certainly understand

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the rural space as literal, they can also be read as fictive spaces of exile from the preferred court life of early Germanic society. While it is certainly not absolute in its expression, this version of the rural world as hostile seems more dominant during the early Middle Ages. Representing the rural world and the peasant as exemplary suggests that medieval writers, particularly of the high and late Middle Ages held the location and its primary inhabitants with respect. As Classen notes in his study on Hartman von Aue’s Der arme Heinrich, a peasant daughter and her significant placement in the story “if she met the specific demands and submissively adapted to the expectations of noble society, marrying the man who could thus profit her, while she was tremendously elevated in social rank” (Classen 2012, 279). Classen also mentions Griselda in Boccaccio and Chaucer’s works (Classen 2012, 279). This motif deserves greater treatment here. In Chaucer’s Clerk’s Tale, adapted from Boccaccio (1313–1375), Griselda, the daughter of a poor farmer, shows her dexterity not only as a judicial force standing in for her husband Walter in court; but she is also significantly stronger that women of a higher social status. That she warns Walter he must not treat his new wife-to-be as he has treated Griselda because the harshness of life experienced by those at labor and living in poverty can withstand the vagaries of tyrannical rule. Griselda is one sense seems too exemplary; certainly one can imagine that someone put through the mental torture that she must endure as she witnesses her children being taken away from her would be highly grief-stricken if not combative. In the Envoy to Chaucer’s Clerk’s Tale, readers are reminded that they are to follow Griselda only in her humility. At the same time, given that she represents the rural world, it is also significant that she is the character in the tale who represents true virtue. Two women have been chosen to represent this aspect not because male from the rural and peasant worlds do not possess virtue, but that the virtues of the specific women are transformational to their social orders. Historians would likely note that in this way the mixing of noble and peasant worlds was probably more a matter of wish fulfillment than concrete reality, but it suggests that writers felt it important to show the virtues learned in the peasant world. The Matter of England romances, particularly Havelok the Dane (ca. 13th century), often show that the virtues of the rural world, learned from peasant families, could enrich the understanding of the nobility as it prepared them to rule. Representation of the rural world and the peasant could not only be exemplary, but that same world would serve as a microcosm for social change throughout the order. That literature could assume a life beyond the written text in this way, Steven Justice has noted that John Ball refers to the central character of William Langland’s (ca. 1332–ca. 1386) Piers Plowman in a significant sermon on 1381 in which he envisions Piers as one to restructure society as he attempted to

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do on his half acre before leading the pilgrims on their search for St. Truth (Justice 2004, 118). In the poem, in all versions, Piers is represented as owning a plow and being in the service of a landowner for some forty years. He understands truth to be an emblem of the social order itself—even the feudal order—which he attempts to restore (Alford, ed., 1988, 32–34). At the beginning of the endeavor, he is able to get everyone to engage in labor, even his social betters. Fine ladies knit liturgical garments; knights may hunt as well as provide protection from those who would seek to endanger the activity. The laborers—some of whom will ultimately look more like the dangerous poor that both Le Goff (1980) and Freedman (1999) commented on—will begin well, but will break their contract of work with Piers. Deeply rooted in the specifics of post-Plague England, Piers Plowman represents the poet’s attempt at finding a way forward in a society where change at all level has resulted in religious, social, and economic paralysis at its best and corruption at its worst. Piers, an elite peasant, becomes the icon of a change. Historians have shown that the feudal and manorial system was beginning to change in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Piers seems to represent a skillful leadership that can enable those at the level of peasant and poor to engage in their own entrepreneurial activity that will enrich the entire society. Langland’s view (ca. 1332–ca. 1386) is an optimist one at one level. That it is has less to do with Pier’s rural vision than with the lack of human will to understand the current situation. That Piers moves more to a visionary status in the second portion of the poem is indicative of the fact that Langland (ca. 1332–ca. 1386) still sees the seeds of social change in the very hopper of his medieval plowman and his team. The rural world and the peasant can make a difference. Scholarly studies of the rural world and the peasant, combining the methods of archeology, anthropology, archival research, economic analysis, art history, and literary studies, show that peasants were far from passive people engaged in labor within a system that seemed to provide few rewards. Hanawalt’s study (Hanawalt 1986) was groundbreaking with its attention to correct views of peasant families and their behavior. Literary studies have raised the possibility of the changing ideologies at work throughout the Middle Ages in the presentation of the rural world and the peasant. What seem clear is that anyone who writes off the rural world and the medieval peasant is missing some of the most vital imaginative and energetic social spaces in the period following the fall of Rome and the rise of European states. While readers may think transformation begins at kingly courts, literature and history show that changes had already begun among the peasants of the medieval world.

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Select Bibliography Cantor, Leonard, “Forests, Chases, Parks and Warrens,” The English Medieval Landscape, ed. idem (Philadelphia, PA, 1982), 56–85. Classen, Albrecht, ed., Rural Space in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Age: The Spatial Turn in Premodern Studies (Berlin and Boston, MA, 2012). Freedman, Paul, Images of the Medieval Peasant (Stanford, CA, and London 1999). Hanawalt, Barbara A., The Ties that Bound: Peasant Families in Medieval England (New York and Oxford 1986). Le Goff, Jacques, Time, Work, and Culture in the Middle Ages, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Paris 1977; Chicago 1980). Rösener, Werner, Peasants in the Middle Ages, trans. Alexander Stüzer (Munich 1985; Cambridge, Urbana, IL, and Chicago 1992).

Christina Clever

Saints and Relics Medieval Christendom worshipped saints who either died for their faith (martyrdom), lived an exceedingly pious life, or accomplished an extraordinary deed for the church. For this purpose a formalized process of canonization was established in the high Middle Ages. Saints were attributed a special closeness to God as a transcendental reward for their deeds and virtues. Accordingly, people believed saints could act as intercessors (intercessores) on behalf of the living and the dead before God to alleviate their sins. In this regard, their function is comparable to that of Jesus Christ and the Virgin Mary.

A Diversity of Saints The origin of the veneration of saints can be traced back to the early Christian cult of martyrs. Consequently, there was only one kind of saint in early Christendom, the martyr. Initially, the Greek term martys referred to a witness in general. Therefore, all apostles, even those who did not die for their faith, are venerated as martyrs. All of them are word witnesses who had to overcome different kinds of resistance, but not all are blood witnesses, who gave their lives. Since the middle of the second century, the meaning of the term ‘martyrdom’ gradually narrowed from incorporating suffering for one’s faith in general to sacrificing one’s life. Subsequently, the focus shifted toward the blood witness. The veneration of saints was very popular throughout the Middle Ages. Not only did new narratives emerge all the time, but the already existing ones were continuously passed down and the circumstances of suffering were more drastically depicted. Lately, this special emphasis on suffering and physical agony raised the question of their psycho-social function. Robert Mills, for instance, urges his readers to “consider how the masochistic scenario embraced by medieval martyrs might have provided a framework for structuring people’s worldly experiences and desires,” and posits that “within the sphere of medieval devotion, religious sublimation and carnal desire can become powerfully intertwined” (Mills 2005, 176). Parallels can certainly be seen in the development of the image of Christ and the Imitatio Christi as well. After all, Christ, being the first who gave his life for his faith, had to be the basis for any veneration of martyrs. With the end of the great persecution of Christians in the fourth century, the significance of “unbloody martyrs” increased. This meant saints who would have

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given their life for their faith any time, but for different reasons did not have to. Opportunities to die for one’s faith simply decreased; most of all, they were limited to missionary work (e.g., Saint Boniface) or to contact with heathen conquerors (e.g., Ursula and her 10.000 virgins). For the sanctification of those who did not suffer martyrdom, a spiritual death was often the decisive element, comparable to St. Paul’s repeated demand to ‘mortify’ one’s own body (Rom. 8:13; Cor. 1.9:27). Important sources which convey this new image of sainthood are, for instance, the account of the monastic father Antonius by the Alexandrian bishop Athanasios from the middle of the fourth century (Deferrari, ed., 1952, 133–224) or Sulpicius Severus’s letter about St. Martin which is approximately 50 years younger and of especial importance for the Western Church (Peebles, ed., 1949, 101–40). Both reveal a completely different picture than that of the suffering martyr. Rather, the sanctity becomes apparent through particularly distinct virtues: first of all prayer and meditation, poverty and unworldliness, for instance as a hermit in the desert (Russell, ed., 1981; Ward, ed., 1975), hard work and asceticism (Wimbush, ed., 1990), and ultimately love of one’s neighbors and enemies. All these virtues bear the ideological imprint of the simultaneously emerging monasticism (Vivian, ed., 1996). This shift was accompanied by a proliferation of terminology with which saints were now described: besides confessors (confessores) we find, for instance, hermits (eremitae), ascetics (ascetae), and virgins (virgines). Furthermore, certain social groups supplied specific images of saints with specific virtues like bishops, monks or nuns, kings or soldiers. Nevertheless, these do not always constitute divisible categories. The tradition of the Orthodox Church considers saints to be manifestations of the Holy Spirit; they serve Him as visible likenesses (Hackel, ed., 1981; Efthymiadis, ed., 2011). This is the reason why in the East icons played an important role relatively early, while the West still argued about whether such images were allowed. Saints are also present in the Ethiopian and Syrian Church (Wallis Budge, ed., 1928; Brock and Harvey, ed., 1987).

B How to Become a Saint? Until well into the Early Middle Ages the veneration of saints was basically a matter of tradition. Cults emerged without a formalized process. Nevertheless, they were normally depending on the confirmation of a local bishop to be kept practised in the long run. The causes for veneration, also in later times, were often reports of miracles which happened at the site of the saint’s grave. The removal (elevatio) and translation (translatio) of the saint’s remains was decisive in order to establish a cult already in earlier times. In some regions, this encountered

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fierce resistance due to disagreements whether this act was allowed or not. In Rome, for instance, the first grave opening and translation was not performed until after 754; for a long time it was strictly forbidden. During the period of papal reform in the 11th century, a formal process for canonization was established, with its initiative being reserved for the Holy See (von der Nahmer 1994, 11–25; Klaniczay, ed., 2004). The oldest known example for a formal canonization is the one of Bishop Ulrich of Augsburg by John XV in 993 (Berschin and Häse, ed., 1993; Bischof 1993). Since then, the papacy demanded a strictly formal process, in which clear rules for the possibility of becoming a saint became apparent. Criteria examined were whether the Christian in question had led an extraordinarily virtuous life, had worked miracles during his/her lifetime or after his/her death, or had suffered martyrdom (Barone 1982). The bull for the canonization of Homobonus of Cremona from 1199 reads: “Two things are necessary, for someone to be deemed holy, a virtuous way of life and real signs” meaning pious deeds during his lifetime and miracles after death (Hageneder and Haidacher, ed., 1964, I, 762). Martyrdom, however, was no conditio sine qua non, but was interpreted as one of the aforementioned “real signs.” The files which were collected in the course of a canonization process are an important source for today’s medieval history of religion, piety, and monastic orders, but also of everyday life, because some are extraordinarily comprehensive (Klaniczay 2004; Goodich 2007). Actually, the obstacles for canonization during the Middle Ages were comparatively high (Kleinberg 1989; Goodich 2004; Ziegler 1999; Wetzstein 2004). Only recently, Ronald C. Finucane showed the complex interaction of factors behind a successful canonization campaign using the example of the last five canonizations before the Reformation (Bonaventure, Leopold of Austria, Francis of Paola, Antoninus of Florence, and Benno of Meissen) (Finucane 2011). The papal claim for the exclusive right to canonize was, however, not completely established in the twelfth century; bishops frequently performed canonizations as well (Kuttner 1938; Silano 2001). Furthermore, existing cults were still practised—partially even beyond the twelfth century—even though a formal confirmation from Rome was missing. Still in 1171, Alexander III addressed the Swedish king, reminding him that it is not permitted to venerate a person as a saint without approval by the Holy See (Kemp 1945). The distinction between saints (sancti) and blessed (beati), which emerged in the course of the fourteenth century, was an attempt to alleviate the problem of existing veneration against the papal claim for the monopoly of canonization. Before then, sanctus and beatus had been used almost interchangeably in medieval sources—and even afterwards, their usage was not completely unambiguous (Vauchez 1997). However, a clear distinction between the two processes was not

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established before the sixteenth century. Henceforth though, only those who successfully went through a process of canonization were regarded saints, while all those were considered blessed, who were believed to have already been granted access to heaven due either to their pious way of life or their good deeds. A formal process for beatification was not established until 1631; before that, the final decision was commonly left to the bishops. Between the years 1215 and 1334 alone roughly 500 people achieved this status, while only 79 persons altogether were canonized. However, even this attempt to bind canonization to the papal curia, was not entirely successful and would not be until Urban VIII achieved it to some degree at least in 1634. The Orthodox Church did not participate in the process of formalization. There, saints were and still are venerated as such, foremost on the basis of universal acceptance, in other words on the basis of tradition (Patterson Ševčenko 2012). Local processes which resemble those of Western canonization occur occasionally only. Subsequently, the Eastern Church never shared the distinction between saints and blessed.

C Hagiography The special veneration of saints in medieval Christendom resulted in a variety of different kinds of texts, images and material evidence, which testify to the lives of these saints. The basis for all these evidence of veneration is mostly texts, which chronicle the life and deeds of the saint. Those texts are subsumed under the term ‘hagiography’. There has been a long discussion about possible genre differentiations (for the Latin tradition, see: Delehaye 1955; Boyer 1981; von der Nahmer 1994, 130–45). Essentially, three large kinds of texts remain, which then again show overlaps among each other. In this general form they can be found in the Western-Latin as well as in the Byzantine tradition.

I Acts of Martyrs The beginnings of Christian hagiography are to be found in the genre of the acts of the martyrs (Musurillo, ed., 1972). They describe the confession, interrogation, and gruesome death, and normally also the accompanying miracles of the Early Christian martyrs. Since these texts are often written in a remarkably sober tone, the assumption that they draw from judicial records or notes becomes quite reasonable. Other stories of martyrdoms, like the Passio Perpetuae et Felicitatis, are quite extensive and give detailed biographical information. The Early Middle

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Ages in particular see the emergence of a large number of collections of martyrdom accounts (martyrologies) which put an emphasis on the suffering and sacrifice for the Christian belief, but ignore most of the saint’s life (Dubois 1978). An especially widespread example for this is the martyrology of the Frankish monk Usuard, written around the year 850 (Nelson 1993).

II Saints’ Lives The genre of the Lives of the Saints is next to the acts of the martyrs the second large genre of hagiography (Feistner 1995; von der Nahmer 1994). In contrast to the aforementioned the emphasis is laid on the life, rather than the gruesome death, of the saint. The Saint’s Life chronicles the extraordinary virtuousness and exemplary way of living, and sometimes also his or her special deeds of faith or miracles, if those were done during the saint’s lifetime (Speyer 1997). Nevertheless, they are not biographies, but rather follow a clear intention in their way of depiction, which often reveals itself in certain topoi. Regularly, the main concern is to show the evolution of holiness, which is basically already inherent from birth, as well as the steadfastness of the way and the obstacles which the saint had to overcome in order to follow his or her call. Not until the 12th and 13th centuries does the character of the Saint’s Life change into a more individual text. Most Lives emerge directly after the saint’s death and are repeatedly recorded by persons from their imminent environment like pupils, confessors, or monastic brothers or sisters. Ultimately, some cults did not have an impact outside of their regional context of origin.

III Miracle Stories and Reports The post mortal deeds of a saint in contrast to an exclusive depiction of his or her lifetime are what miracle stories and reports are often concerned with. They represent the third large genre of hagiography. A lot of these reports emerged in connection with processes of canonization in order to testify to a saint’s thaumaturgy. As a result, these stories often follow a strict pattern with a view to the type of miracle as well as the course of events. Many miracles occur during important moments of contact with the saint’s remains, for example while their elevatio or translatio took place (Heinzelmann 1979).

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IV Passionals and Legendaries All three aforementioned genres of hagiographies can be found early on in collections, which occasionally also constitute hybrid forms. Amongst the oldest and for centuries most influential hagiographical collections are the Vitae Patrum from the turn of the fifth century and the Passiones Apostolorum from the sixth century. Other important early collections are the Dialogi de Vita et Miraculis patrum Italicorum by Pope Gregory the Great (540–604) and the Libri Octo Miraculorum by Gregory of Tours (538–594). Already the titles indicate quite obviously that we cannot always draw a clear distinction between saints’ lives and miracle stories—furthermore, individual lives of martyrs have naturally been incorporated as well (Godding 1998). In the eighth century, collecting hagiographical texts becomes institutionalised and results in the passional, a composite manuscript for liturgical usage, which was read aloud during meals or used for the liturgy of the hours. They can be arranged in alphabetical, chronological or hierarchal order; however, most of the times they are oriented for liturgical use according to the ecclesiastical year. Parallel to the liturgically inspired passionals, the so-called legendaries (Blurton, ed., 2011; Williams-Krapp 1981; Herbers 2002, 264–67) emerged, which were, amongst other things, used for the preparation of sermons, but were also, in the late Middle Ages, read increasingly by laymen. Important legendaries of the 12th century are the Dialogus miraculorum by the German Cistercian Caesarius of Heisterbach (around 1180–1240; Smirnova 2010) and the Abbreviatio in gestis et miraculis sanctorum by the Dominican Jean de Mailly (around 1190–around 1260; Geith 1987). However, the certainly most important collection of medieval saints’ lives for the European region is the Legenda aurea by the Dominican monk Jacobus de Voragine (around 1230–1298) (Ryan, ed., 1993; Fleith 1991, 2001; Le Goff 2014). This is shown by the unusually widespread circulation of manuscripts, the numerous revisions, in which local saints were often incorporated, and the multiple translations into the vernacular. For academia this extraordinary circulation constitutes severe difficulties: Admittedly, it is quite obvious that the Legenda aurea was used frequently as a source for other hagiographical texts and especially for artistic depictions of saints. On the other hand, the challenge that remains constantly is to unearth the exact version which was used. After all, there is no single stable text of the Legenda aurea. It has been repeatedly altered according to regional and local requirements: Saints were incorporated or dropped, and the sequence of the ecclesiastical year was changed. Many manuscripts contain about 150 lives; all things considered, numbers may vary substantially.

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In the late Middle Ages, writing about saints differentiated further due to the new needs of lay piety (Boesch Gajano 1985; Herbers 2002). Although the Legenda aurea made the transition into incunabula very early, it still lost significance quite rapidly in the sixteenth century. As its most important competitor, the Sanctuarium by Bonino Mombrizio (1424–1482) emerged at her side (Eis 1933). Furthermore, the collection by the Capuchin monk Martin of Cochem became important for the circulation of many later saints’ lives from the late Middle Ages, because roughly a fifth of the lives he collected derived from the period between the fourteenth and seventeenth centuries.

V The Acta Sanctorum The probably most ambitious hagiographical project to date goes back to the seventeenth century. Heribert Rosweyde (1569–1629) and Jean Bolland (1595– 1665), two Belgian Jesuits, initiated the Acta Sanctorum in the spirit of the new demands of text critical biblical studies that were popular not only in the protestant camp, which rejected the veneration of saints anyway, but spread among catholic scholars as well. The plan was to compile a multi-volume, sourcecritically verified collection of Saints’ Lives arranged according to the ecclesiastical year. The first two of the all in all 68 volumes were subsequently published in 1643 already; the Société des Bollandists, frequently called just Bollandists, are still continuing the work up to the present day. The Acta collect all stories, reports of deeds, testimony to translations of relics etc. Therefore, despite its age, these volumes are often the most comprehensive tool that we have. For some years now, they are being made available on CD and —admittedly only accessible with subscription—as an online database (http:// acta.chadwyck.co.uk). Additionally to the Acta Sanctorum, the Société publishes also one of the relevant journals regarding hagiographical research, the Analecta Bollandiana, and a regular series for monographs and essay collections, the Subsidia Hagiographica, finally an inventory, the Bibliotheca hagiographicae. The latter might seem difficult to handle at first, but is extremely helpful for a quick orientation, especially with regard to lesser known saints who are otherwise hard to find. Each volume consists of an alphabetical register of the saints with an overview of the Early Christian reports, translations of relics and miracle stories, including the manuscript tradition of each text.

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D Veneration of Saints To worship humans is strictly prohibited in Christendom. Subsequently, already the Second Council of Nicaea (787) made the significant distinction that God alone is worshiped (adoratio), whereas saints experience veneration (veneratio). However, this certainly does not mean that in actual everyday piety there never was nor is direct praying to saints. After all, it was this practise that ignited the vehement criticism during the Protestant Reformation in the sixteenth century. The veneration of saints in the Middle Ages was not only of relevance for the individual, but could also fulfil social functions (Derwich and Dmitriev, ed., 1999), for instance the identificatory purpose of a city’s patron or the consolidation of a brotherhood under the protection of a particular saint. Early on churches and monasteries, too, were placed under the patronage (patrocinium) of a saint (Angenendt 2002).

I The Saint’s Grave As early as the second century, graves of individual martyrs took a special role in early Christendom. During Constantine’s reign, whole basilicas were erected over individual graves to commemorate the witnesses of faith. The best known example is todays St Peter’s Basilica, which was built on the gravesite of St Peter. A decisive step was the translation of St. Ambrose’s relics to the cathedral in Milan, where they were buried anew. This new practise established itself quickly, so that new churches did not have to be built over the graves of saints anymore, but that relics were translated into already existing or elsewhere newly erected churches (Fig. 1). Additionally, the integration of saints into the liturgy was even more immediate this way (Rose 2005). The transfer of the saints’ remains had influence on Christian funeral rites as well. According to classical custom, burial sites were located outside of settlements, but when the saints’ remains were translated into the cities’ churches, the wish arose in others to be buried close to them. The consequence was that from the eighth century onwards, burials were held in the vicinity or even inside of churches. Many believers had the wish to be as close as possible to the saint’s grave, because they thought that a special virtus would radiate from his remains.

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Fig. 1: London, British Library, Add. 40000, f. 11v: List of relics from the Benedictine abbey of Thorney, Cambridgeshire, England (twelfth century).

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II Relics This virtus is at the very bottom of the belief in the virtue of relics. It coalesces with the belief in the real presence of saints in their reliquaries and graves (Dinzelbacher 1990). Sanctifying as well as healing effects were being ascribed to relics and their virtus. Accordingly, they became the most important medium of contact between believers and saints besides prayers. In Psalm 16 (Vulgata 15,10) God promises that he will not let his “holy one see decay.” St Peter sees these words fulfilled in the example of Christ being free of decay after lying in his grave for three days (Acts 2, 24–28). Lactantius elaborates on this even further by postulating that Christ’s body did not decay, because it was predetermined to resurrect on the third day. The Middle Ages transferred this concept onto saints. A whole range of reports have survived which tell of grave openings that revealed bodies with no sign of decay. One of the best known examples is probably the report of the opening of Charlemagne’s grave by Otto III, who found the body to be “without decay in its limbs” (Chronicon novaliciense III, 32 [MGH SS 7, 182]). Remarkable is the assumption that even those who suffered a gruesome martyrdom returned to full physical integrity. Gregory the Great reports that the head of the decapitated bishop Floridus of Perugia was reattached to its body after 40 days without any sign of external force (Gregory, Dialogi, 3.13.3). In early Christendom and occasionally until the 10th century, the separation of the body was held to be sinful and only administered in exceptional cases. The dominant notion was that the intact body (corpus incorruptum) was indispensable for the physical resurrection during Judgment Day. Organic material, such as hair or fingernails that could regrow, on the other hand, was dispensable. The further development of the veneration of relics was significantly fostered by the role that Charlemagne ascribed to it: Oaths, for instance, were in principle sworn on relics; and every newly consecrated altar had to incorporate relics (Geary 1990). From the High Middle Ages onwards, the perception established itself that the saint is present as a whole in every part of his or her body. Victricius of Rouen uses the same explanation in one of the first works about relics, De laude sanctorum (PL 20, 443–58). Accordingly, every part of the body incorporates the virtus of the saint, even very small particles. This concept did not remain limited to the body of the saint, but was extended to objects with which the saint had close contact, and on which, therefore, the virtus had been transferred. These objects are being called contact relics and were often the tools of the saint’s torment, his/her clothes, his/her staff or something similar. Contact relics are also called secondary relics in contrast to primary relics which correspond to the saint’s body or individual parts of it.

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Relics of Christ and Mary are of course in existence as well. However, in contrast to the saints there are significantly less primary relics of both, because their ascension to heaven was not only imagined as a spiritual but also a physical transfer. Thus, hair, teeth and fingernails as well as the milk and tears of Mary just as the foreskin and especially the blood of Christ were predominately venerated as primary relics in the Middle Ages. The vita of the Austrian beguine Agnes Blannbekin († 1315), for instance, explained her exceptional holiness by the appearance of Christ’s foreskin on her tongue during confirmation (Dinzelbacher, ed., 1994) Of course, secondary relics like particles of the cross or nails existed simultaneously. The Longinus-Lance (“Holy Lance”), which was in the possession of the Roman-German Emperor since Henry I, the Crown of Thorns (Sainte-Chapelle, Paris), the Robe of Christ (Cathedral of Trier) and the Veil of Veronica (St Peter’s Basilica, Rome) were venerated as especially renowned contact relics. Furthermore, primary relics themselves, for instance the blood of Christ, could turn objects into secondary relics through contact; Caroline Walker Bynum (2004) illustrated this by using the example of the bleeding host. Relics were kept in special vessels: reliquaries (Fig. 2; for an international research survey, see Cordez 2007). The oldest relic cases have survived from the sixth century, also capsules, which could be worn around the neck, and buckle reliquaries, which were worn on the belt. Charlemagne wore a large rock crystal around his neck on a chain which had enclosed in it a hair of the Virgin Mary (Robinson 2010, 113, Fig. 42). Relics were not only worn during one’s lifetime, but occasionally also placed in graves. From the eighth century onwards, reliquaries become more elaborate and valuable. Simultaneously, a new characteristic type emerges: the speaking reliquary or image reliquary (Falk 1993). From now on, reliquaries take the form of body parts. This often leads to the misconception that these cases represent the body part that they contain, in other words that an arm reliquary would contain the bone of an arm. This, however, is often not true. Rather, the intention is for them to epitomize the whole body of the saint (as a pars pro toto). Subsequently, there are sculptural depictions of the whole body. The oldest example of this kind of reliquary is said to contain relics of St Fides of Conques and originates from the ninth century. Guibert of Nogent (d. 1125) is often cited as one of the main critics of the high medieval practise of relics (McAlhany and Rubenstein, ed., 2011; Fuchs 2008; for a broader review of critics, see Sumption 1975). He mainly opposed image reliquaries. Others, for instance Bernard of Clairvaux (d. 1153), criticised that the veneration of the holy was forgotten over the admiration of the valuable reliquaries: “The eyes are fed with gold-bedecked reliquaries, and the money-boxes

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Fig. 2: Reliquary of the Basilica of Our Ladies, Maastricht, Netherlands. Crafted from gilded silver and copper with crystal in France or the Rhine-Meuse region in the early thirteenth century.

spring open … People run to kiss it; they are invited to give; and they look more at the beauty than venerate the sacred” (Freemann 2011, 119). The passing on of relics extended over the whole of Europe from the ninth century onwards and was probably an important impulse for trans-regional connections for long periods (Geary 1986). Since commercial trading with relics was prohibited, those transfers often happened in the form of presents and counter-

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presents. Influential personages and wealthy institutes frequently were not satisfied with owning just one relic, but rather gathered large collections (Klein 2010). An especially famous example of such a collection was compiled by Charles IV and can still be visited today at Castle Karlštejn (Studnicková 2009). One decisive moment with regard to increasing the numbers of relics in the West were the crusades, especially the siege of Constantinople in 1204. During these times, the Near East, but most notably the wealthy Byzantine collections of relics were plundered and many relics brought to Western Europe (Barber 2005; Klein 2004; Touissant 2011).

III Saints in Art The depiction of saints occupies an important place in medieval Christian art. This applies as much to the Western-Latin as to the Eastern Church, where icons were seen as spiritual mediators between observer and saint from quite early on (Wortley 2003). A decisive turning point for the West as much as for the East was the Byzantine iconoclasm, which was fought fiercely especially in the years around 800 (Brubaker 2012; for a broad-ranged intellectual history of iconoclasms, see Besançon 2000). Early Christendom depicted saints mainly in scenes which were known from the Testaments or the Apocrypha so that the observer was in the position to identify the depicted from the context. This became difficult as soon as whole groups of figures would accompany Christ or a deceased. The increasing popularity of saints and the spreading of the veneration of relics led to a rise in individual depictions. Occasionally, a first iconographic identification can be found, foremost of the apostles and evangelists, as early as the fifth century. In the course of the Middle Ages more or less fixed attributes for many saints emerged which allowed an approximate identification (Fig. 3). Martyrs were frequently given their tools of torment; beyond that, palm twigs and crowns were often the symbols of martyrdom. Clothes or tonsure could point to the social class of the saint. Individual attributes, however, indicated particular features or single episodes from the Life of the saint. Jerome, for instance, is often depicted with a cardinal hat and a lion, from whose paw he pulled a thorn and who was subsequently tamed. The iconography of saints can best be accessed through the Lexikon zur christlichen Ikonographie (8 vols., 1968–1976; vols. 4–8 treat the iconography of saints) or Schiller‘s Ikonographie der christlichen Kunst (5 vols., 1966–1991). The best aid in English is probably the translation of The Bible and the Saints by Gaston DuchetSuchaux and Michel Pastoureau (1994).

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Fig. 3: London, British Library, Add. 39636, f. 11r: St. Lawrence with a grill, the typical iconographic attribute memorizing his martyrdom. Cutting from an Italian Graduale (2nd half of the fifteenth century).

There are a number of motives in which saints are depicted especially often. Frequently, those are subjects of rogation, the act of writing, or divine inspiration. This form of depiction is particularly dominant in the Early Middle Ages. Not until the Carolingian period did the portrayal of events from the Saints’ Lives in whole picture cycles increase. One of the most important works of goldsmith’s art, for instance, is the golden altar of Sant’ Ambrogio in Milan: the front shows twelve scenes from the Life of Christ and correlating on the back are twelve scenes from the life of St Ambrose, which thereby are typologically juxtaposed to Christ’s life. Another example of this kind of artistic interpretation of a Saint’s Life would be the iconographic program of the bronze door at the south portal of the cathedral in Gniezno from the last quarter of the 12th century. It tells the life of St. Adalbert

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in 18 image fields. Here, too, the typological references to the life of Christ show the perfect Christiformitas of the saint. Picture cycles that depict scenes from a Saint’s Life become more frequent, especially on reliquary shrines of that same saint, from the 11th century onwards. The portrayal of saints finds its way into other media as well, namely illuminated manuscripts (Abou-El-Haj 1994, 137–46 provides a handlist of illustrated saints’ lives). Many collections of Saints’ Lives from the high or late Middle Ages were subsequently illustrated with corresponding cycles or single pictures. This is also true for psalters and calendars which, due to the numerous saints’ days of the ecclesiastical year, bear an immanent relation to the subject and were, consequently, illuminated with matching miniatures with increasing frequency (Pfaff 1998; Kerschner, ed., 1993). The altar, however, remains the most important place for the depiction of saints. With the invention of printing then, the printed image of saints becomes a popular motive, especially as cheap single-leaf prints for devotional uses.

E Modern Resources and Research Aids Farmer’s Oxford Dictionary of Saints is a good choice for an initial orientation regarding individual saints. More comprehensive information can be found in the Bibliotheca Sanctorum (13 vols., Rome 1961–1970), published by the Pontifical Lateran University. Important introductory handbooks regarding hagiography and its study are listed in the bibliography (Aigrain 2000; Boesch Gajano 1976; Gregoire 1987; von der Nahmer 1994; Vauchez 1981). Special attention should be paid to the 4 volume work Hagiographies: Histoire internationale de la littérature hagiographique, which has been published by Guy Philippart since 1994. There, internationally renowned scholars give overviews, differentiated by countries and period. For introductory purposes, the Introductory Guide to Research in Medieval Hagiography by Thomas Head should be mentioned. It is only available at: http:// www.the-orb.net/encyclop/religion/hagiography/guide1.htm. The introduction to his anthology Medieval Hagiography can also be used as a road map to translations of a large number of Saints’ Lives; moreover, it contains a helpful guide to further reading (Head, ed., 2000, xxvi–xxxii). A recently published Companion (Efthymiadis, ed., 2011) provides a good access point to research on the rich Byzantine hagiography. Additionally, the Dumbarton Oaks Research Library runs a bibliographical online-database: http:// www.doaks.org/research/byzantine/resources/hagiography-database. In 1994, the journal Hagiographica was founded as a forum for the study of Christian veneration of saints. Besides the Revue histoire ecclesiastique it is one of

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the most important bibliographical resources to keep up to date with recent publications in the field.

Select Bibliography Abou-el-Haj, Barbara, The Medieval Cult of Saints: Formations and Transformations (Cambridge 1994). Angenendt, Arnold, Heilige und Reliquien: Die Geschichte ihres Kultes vom frühen Christentum bis zur Gegenwart, 2nd rev. ed. (1994; Hamburg 2007). Bauer, Dieter R. and Klaus Herbers, ed., Hagiographie im Kontext: Wirkungsweisen und Möglichkeiten historischer Auswertung (Stuttgart 2000). Bognoli, Martina, Holger A. Klein, et al., ed., Treasures of Heaven: Saints, Relics, and Devotion in Medieval Europe (London 2010). Farmer, David, ed., The Oxford Dictionary of Saints, 5th ed. (1978; Oxford 2011). Freeman, Charles, Holy Bones, Holy Dust: How Relics Shaped the History of Medieval Europe (New Haven, CT, and London 2011). Head, Thomas, ed., Medieval Hagiography: An Anthology (New York and London 2000). Philippart, Guy, ed., Hagiographies: Histoire internationale de la littérature hagiographique latine et vernaculaire en Occident des origines à 1550 (Turnhout 1994).

Richard G. Newhauser

The Senses, the Medieval Sensorium, and Sensing (in) the Middle Ages A Introduction: Studying the Senses The study of the senses as a factor in medieval cultural life has burgeoned over the last decade. This new scholarship has focused on a wide array of elements in the understanding of the medieval sensorium, that is to say, the “sensory model” of conscious and unconscious associations that functions in society to create meaning in individuals’ complex web of continual and interconnected sensory perceptions (Classen 1997, 402; Corbin 2005; Howes 2008). This new work is itself an expression of a wider realization that is central to the “sensory turn” in the humanities, namely that no cultural history can call itself complete which does not take into account the sensorium of the period it is analyzing. In fact, sensology has a claim to be particularly indispensable for understanding the Middle Ages because both a theoretical and a practical involvement with the senses played a persistently central role in the development of ideology and cultural practice in this period (Newhauser 2009; Howes 2012). Since the 1980s, the study of the sensorium in the humanities has been enriched by cross-fertilization with scholarship in the social sciences, in particular the influential work of two anthropologists: Constance Classen and David Howes. The expansion of the pioneering work by them and others attracted increasing attention in various disciplines within the humanities in the study of many historical periods before it was taken up in medieval studies. For a number of reasons having to do in part with the alterity of sensory information transmitted by medieval texts and partially with the denigration of sensory perception in many theological works in the Middle Ages, scholars of the medieval period were somewhat slower to take up sensory studies (Newhauser 2009). But the study of the senses has quickly become one of the most important ongoing projects of medieval studies in the twenty-first century. As a recent survey has demonstrated (Palazzo 2012), the past decade of intensive research has already borne significant fruit in understanding the cultural valences of sensory perception and sensory expression in the Middle Ages in their historical development. A number of features characteristic of the medieval sensorium emerges from a reading of this new scholarship. First, one can note the extensive amount of agency with which the senses were endowed in the course of the Middle Ages, which may even be said to exceed the interactive nature the senses are perceived

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to have today. Sensory organs were not just passive receptors of information, but actively participated in the formation of knowledge. This particular feature of the medieval sensorium is sometimes documented by referring to the extramission theory of vision. According to this understanding of vision, sight occurred when a visual ray left the eye of the observer and landed on an object, so that sight was thought to work in ways parallel to the sense of touch (Newhauser 2001). But in fact the theory of extramission was challenged and largely replaced by the intromission theory championed by the Perspectivists in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries: John Pecham (ca. 1230–1292), Roger Bacon (ca. 1214/1220–1292), Peter of Limoges (first half of the thirteenth century–1306), Witelo (ca. 1230–after 1280), among others. According to this scientific understanding of vision, the process of sight begins when a ray of light enters the eye, which describes the function of the eye in a more passive procedure. Still, one can maintain that the senses were endowed with much more agency than they are today by noting that throughout the Middle Ages speech was very often numbered among the senses of the mouth. Taking in tastes formed a continuum with the active production of the sounds of speech, demonstrating both the agency of the mouth as a sense organ and the much wider range of reference in understanding taste in the Middle Ages than what is expected from that sense today, though speech can still play a role as a “sixth sense” (Howes 2009, 4–5). The agency demonstrated by the medieval senses also had important ethical implications for the evaluation of the validity and reliability of sensory information generated in the process of understanding the world, and the ethical understanding of the senses is a characteristic element of the medieval sensorium (Woolgar 2006). The moral valences of the senses were expounded in hortatory treatises and sermons, but they were also informed by natural philosophy in such presentations of sensorial potential as the “bestiary of the five senses,” in which each sense was linked to an animal because of the animal’s often legendary properties. These series were frequently illuminated (Nordenfalk 1976; 1985). The representatives taken from the bestiary tradition in such lists could change, but a typical series that mentioned each animal because it was thought to excel all others in the powers of a particular sense included the lynx for its sharp sight, the mole for hearing, the vulture for smell, the spider for touch, and the monkey for taste. The lynx was not an animal always understood in medieval Europe; Richard de Fournival’s (1201–1260) mid-thirteenth-century Bestiaire d’amour substitutes the lens here, a small worm thought, like the lynx, to have the power to see through walls (Richard de Fournival 2009, 192). Both examples of sharp-sighted animals seem to represent the reception of a misreading of the Consolation of Philosophy by Boethius (ca. 480–524/525) who had written of Lynceus, one of the Argonauts endowed with the gift of especially acute vision (book 3, prose 8;

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Boethius 1957, 48). In antiquity, human beings had served as the representative of taste, but in the Middle Ages humanity was supplanted by the monkey in this role (Pastoureau 2002, 142). A lesson of humility was not difficult to draw from this substitution because of the limitations of humans in sensing their world; Thomas of Cantimpré (1201–1272) did precisely that in On the Nature of Things, his thirteenth-century encyclopedia of the natural world: Homo in quinque sensibus superatur a multis: aquile et linces clarius cernunt, vultures sagacius odorantur, simia subtilius gustat, aranea citius tangit, liquidius audiunt talpe vel aper silvaticus (4.1.190–92; Thomas of Cantimpré 1973, 106). [In the five senses a human being is surpassed by many animals: eagles and lynxes see more clearly, vultures smell more acutely, a monkey has a more exacting sense of taste, a spider feels with more alacrity, moles or the wild boar hear more distinctly.]

The ethical context of the medieval senses is one part of a potential paradox in the Christian sensorium (Spiegel 2008). As has been observed by others, in the Aristotelian tradition of medieval thought epistemology is based on sensory perception, in that the senses act as the first steps that will result in cognition. As Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274) put it, the Peripatetic dictum that “there is nothing in the intellect that was not previously in the senses” refers to human epistemology, not to the divine intellect (Quaestiones disputatae de veritate, quaest. 2, art. 3, arg. 19 and ad 19; see Cranefield 1970). On the other hand, the Christian moral tradition reacts with suspicion toward the senses as the potential portals of sin. It has been argued that this paradox amounts to an impasse that cannot be perfected, that if the means of perception are also the agents undermining cognition, the connection of perception and the will can have no coherence (Küpper 2008). But if the senses potentially destabilize cognition, one can observe that the connection of perception and the will still achieves coherence in the Middle Ages in a process of reforming the interpretation of sensory data, that is to say, through educating the senses. In fact, in all periods of the Middle Ages, sensation was not just guarded, but guided. Guarding the senses is a fairly static phenomenon (Adnès 1967); education is progressive. Advancing from sensation to cognition involves an interpretive process that always implicates the edification of the senses (Newhauser 2010; 2014). The senses were educated in numerous ways: later medieval penitential practice encouraged the examination of the conscience using the taxonomy of the five external senses (Casagrande 2002). Medieval books containing advice about the education of children also demonstrate the importance of sensory training, which began already with baby and toddler care. In his influential De regimine principum, for example, Giles of Rome (ca. 1243–1316) suggests accustoming

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young children to the cold (Orme 2001, 63). And for the education of older children he suggests that three senses are of paramount importance: sight, hearing, and speech. What was required for children was not an ascetic renunciation of sensory input, but the exercise of what was called a proper measure in sensation (2.2.10; Giles of Rome 1607, 314–17). Thus, children should be restrained from speaking of lascivious matters and chastised for lying; they should learn to refrain from listening to what is unseemly. All of this advice, reflecting to an appreciable degree borrowings from Aristotle’s (384–322 B.C.E.) Politics as well as from the Nicomachean Ethics, belongs to the articulation of a precise catalogue of moral entities, transmitted by the clerical estate, that was one of the elements in the instrumentarium of the “civilizing process” in the Middle Ages (Elias 1997; Rosenwein 1998, 241). But there is more to it than what can be comprehended as custodia sensuum. Because children are inexperienced and know only a few things, their speech may be inappropriate without them recognizing it. Because, according to Aristotle, what we see first makes the strongest impression on us, children must be instructed in how to see: they must come to look at matters with maturity and not with wandering eyes in order to learn what might infect them morally, and Giles’ singular example of the moral danger of vision is the sight of naked women. Nor is this a matter of the deleterious effect of the sight of things themselves that children must come to interpret as morally disruptive, but as Aristotle recommended (Politics 7.17), the pedagogical need for instruction extends to representations in paintings and sculptures as well (in picturis et in imaginibus). By the fourteenth century, developments in the science of optics were adapted for use in the process of edifying the senses (Biernoff 2002; Akbari 2004). Peter of Limoges drew on, and contributed to, the work of other Perspectivists to recommend the interpretation of optical illusions as material to be used in sermons, which made his Moral Treatise on the Eye (composed 1274/1275–1289) into an amalgamation of science and theology on the topic of how to see correctly (Peter of Limoges 2012, 18–44). Gregory the Great (ca. 540–604), pope from 590 until his death and one of the most astute observers of the psychological realities underlying human behavior, gives a detailed view of the ethical context of the medieval sensorium. In the Morals on Job, he describes how the senses could function in a progression from temptation through sensible impression to delight in perception to concupiscence and, finally, to willfulness in sinning: Cum sit inuisibilis anima, nequaquam corporearum rerum delectatione tangitur, nisi quod inhaerens corpori quasi quaedam egrediendi foramina eiusdem corporis sensus habet. Visus quippe, auditus, gustus, odoratus et tactus, quasi quaedam uiae mentis sunt, quibus foras ueniat, et ea quae extra eius sunt substantiam concupiscat. Per hos etenim corporis sensus quasi per fenestras quasdam exteriora quaeque anima respicit, respiciens concupiscit. …

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Quisquis uero per has corporis fenestras incaute exterius respicit, plerumque in delectatione peccati etiam nolens cadit; atque obligatus desideriis, incipit uelle quod noluit. Praeceps quippe anima dum ante non prouidet, ne incaute uideat quod concupiscat, caeca post incipit desiderare quod uidit (Mor Iob 21.2.4; Gregory the Great 1979–1985, 1065). [Since the soul is invisible, it is not at all affected by pleasure in corporeal things, except that, being closely attached to a body, it has the senses of that body as types of openings for going out [into external matters]. Indeed, sight, hearing, taste, smell, and touch are types of pathways for the mind, by which it comes into the external world and desires things that are beyond its substance. For by these senses of the body, as if by windows, the soul gazes at each and every external object, and by gazing at them, desires them. … But whoever heedlessly gazes out through these windows of the body very often also falls into the pleasure of sin, whether he wants to or not, and being bound up by his desires, he begins to want what he did not want earlier. For the rash soul, while it does not at first act with foresight—in order not to heedlessly see what it might lust for—afterwards begins to blindly desire what it has seen.]

The windows to the external world depicted by the senses offer the mind information that also results in desire. While desire can lead to knowledge when directed to fitting objects and engaged in with temperance, it is the heedless and rash soul that cannot act with prudence and is blinded into acts of sin. Both knowledge and sin, in other words, have the same potential origin in sensation.

B The Medieval Sensorium: Classifying the Senses The senses were configured in a number of ways in the Middle Ages. Broadly understood, however, there were three major taxonomies of the senses that medieval thinkers used to classify and organize sensory perception: the external or physical senses, the spiritual senses, and the inner senses. Each of these organizations of material or spiritual perception or cognitive processes in one way or another has its roots in classical antiquity, but each was essentially shaped and re-analyzed in the course of the Middle Ages. The conception that humans have only five senses is purely arbitrary, but traditional in the West (Classen 1993; Vannini, Waskul, and Gottschalk 2012). The paradigm of the five external senses was inherited from antiquity, specifically from the classification of the senses by Aristotle or Democritus (ca. 460–ca. 370 B.C.E.) (Classen 1993; Jütte 2005, 61–71), with Cicero (106–43 B.C.E.) as an important intermediary (Dronke 2002), but this list was hardly as rigid as it is sometimes made out to be, and in all events it allowed for more multisensoriality

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than a static hierarchy might be taken to permit (Dugan and Farina 2012). The influential monastic writer and papal advisor, Bernard of Clairvaux (1090–1153), gives a clear and schematic view of the five external senses, and one of their most frequently seen hierarchies. In his Sententiae, a collection of Bernard’s thoughts that may represent notes for later sermons, he states: Quinque enim sunt sensus animales vel corporales, quibus anima corpus suum sensificat, ut ab inferiori incipiam: tactus, gustus, odoratus, auditus, visus (3.73; Bernard of Clairvaux 1972, 108). [There are five senses of the flesh, or the corporeal senses, by which the soul endows its body with sensation, namely, beginning from the inferior ones: touch, taste, smell, hearing, sight.]

This hierarchy, in which sight and hearing are considered “superior” senses and taste and touch “inferior,” was repeated widely in the Middle Ages (Vinge 1975). It is reproduced in the examination of the senses in the influential book On the Properties of Things, composed in Latin early in the thirteenth century by Bartholomew the Englishman (before 1203–1272) and translated into Middle English late in the fourteenth century by John Trevisa (ca. 1342–1402) (3.17–22; Bartholomew the Englishman 1975–1988, 1: 108–23; Woolgar 2006, 14–15). The Speculum vitae, an English verse translation (completed in Yorkshire in the third quarter of the fourteenth century) of the Somme le roi (composed for the king of France in 1279) inscribes this ordering of the senses in its lesson on the good management of the body: Bot a man bihoues lede warly Þe fyue wyttes of his body Thurgh þe lyne of Equyte, So þat na witte passe his degre, And rewell þam so in þair offyce So þat þai turne fra alle vyce: Als þe eghen to se, þe eres to here, Þe nese to smelle sauours sere, Þe mouth to tast and to speke wele, Þe handes and al þe body to fele. (Speculum 55–56; Hanna 2008, 1, 6) [But it behooves a man to carefully manage / The five senses of his body / With the principle of fairness, / So that no sense surpasses its rank, / And to govern them in their duty in such a way / That they turn [away] from all vice: / As the eyes to see, the ears to hear, / The nose to smell various odors, / The mouth to taste and to speak well, / The hands and the entire body to feel.]

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As a learned inheritance of antiquity, the five-sense taxonomy took some time to spread through medieval Europe (Howes and Classen 2013), and even when it was well established it could be supplemented. In Wit’s description of the castle of the body in Piers Plowman, published by William Langland (ca. 1325–ca. 1390) in three versions composed between ca. 1370 and ca. 1386, the five senses are presented as the sons of Inwit (conscience): Sire Se-wel, and Sey-wel, and Sire Here-wel the hende, Sire Werch-wel-with-thyn-hand, wight man of strengthe, And Sire Godefray Go-wel—grete lordes alle (B.9.20–22; Langland 1997, 131). [Sir See-Well; and Speak-Well; and Sir Hear-Well, the courteous; / Sir-Take-Action-WellWith-Your-Hand, a man of great strength; / And Sir Godfrey Walk-Well—all of them powerful lords.]

Sight, speech, hearing, and touch appear in their idealized forms as morally contoured senses, not simply as tools for external sensation, and they are joined here by motion, one of the common sensibles in Aristotelian psychology. That walking well is numbered among the five senses is a fitting enhancement of a narrative centered on the allegorical action of pilgrimage. The hierarchical ordering explained by Bernard of Clairvaux is an inheritance of classical philosophy’s view of the value of sight and hearing occurring at a distance from the object of perception. As Carolyn Korsmeyer has observed, “In virtually all analyses of the senses in Western philosophy the distance between object and perceiver has been seen as a cognitive, moral, and aesthetic advantage” (Korsmeyer 1999, 12). But with a changed context, the “proximity” senses of touch and taste could be valued more than the “distant” senses. In the medical field, taste was appreciated for its pedagogical value as the single sense that can teach each person perfectly about the various natures of things because we take a substance completely into ourselves when we taste it with the tongue (Burnett 1991; 2002; Wallis 2014). As a diagnostic tool, tasting the bodily fluids of their patients served physicians as a more reliable guide to health than using most of their other senses, and a patient’s experience of the feeling of pain was also considered especially useful in diagnosing illnesses (Cohen 2010). Even on ethical grounds, the proximity senses could be appreciated more highly than sight or hearing. In the “Treatise on Temperance,” part of the influential Summa on the Virtues composed in Lyon before 1249 by the Dominican William Peraldus (ca. 1200–ca. 1271), proximity senses are valued because they do necessary service in preserving life: taste is a required element in eating, touch an essential part of reproduction. The other senses add to the quality of life, but are of less importance in its rudimentary maintenance. Basing his work on Aristotle’s libri naturales, Peraldus observes that sight, smell, and hearing are activated at a

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distance from the object of perception, but taste and touch require proximity to that object: Vnde delectationes que sunt secundum gustum et tactum maiores sunt quam sunt secundum alios tres sensus. Et pronitas ad operationes et delectationes secundum illos duos sensus maior est quam secundum alios tres. Et uicia que sunt secundum operationes et delectationes illorum duorum sensuum magis sunt periculose. Ideo uirtutes que sunt contra illa uicia magis sunt necessarie et magis note … . (Summa, 3.3.8; William Peraldus, fol. 251vb). [Whence the pleasures that occur through taste and touch are greater than those that occur through the other three senses. And the inclination to the actions and pleasures stimulated through these two senses is greater than that stimulated through the other three. And the vices that occur through the actions and pleasures of those two senses are more dangerous. Hence, the virtues that are contrary to these vices are more necessary and more noteworthy….]

This variation in what is sometimes portrayed as the typical hierarchy of the senses in the Middle Ages is a function of the context in which the senses are discussed. For pastoral theology, the immediacy of sensation and its possible allure had far more potential for the process of edifying the senses than a statement on vision as the superior sense. Contextual analysis is a crucial step in understanding statements of order among the senses. Because the senses played an active role in the process of perception, they were a vital element in the formation of the individual’s moral identity. In an effort to deepen the Christian ethics of the senses, moral theologians often contrasted the pleasures of the spiritual senses with those of the external senses. Plato (428/427–348/347 B.C.E.) and other classical authors wrote of apprehending intelligibles using language that has counterparts among Christian authors who described spiritual perception (Gavrilyuk and Coakley 2012, 7), but the expression “spiritual senses” (sensus spirituales) is first attested in translations of Origen’s (185/186–253/254) works by Rufinus of Aquileia (340/345–410). While Patristic authors generally treated the concept without systematizing it, in Western medieval theology the concept of the spiritual senses was used more analytically (Gavrilyuk and Coakley 2012, 2–5). Here, the spiritual senses were at times articulated as a system parallel to the external senses that was used to give expression to the non-physical human encounter with the divine (Rahner 1932; 1933), as if they were the sense impressions of the “eyes of the heart,” or the “ears of the mind,” or the “eyes of faith,” and the like. But the spiritual senses could also have wider implications and be less closely named after the physical senses. In direct connection with Bernard of Clairvaux’s enunciation of the five external senses, one also finds an equally schematic numbering of a parallel list of spiritual senses in his particular system:

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Similiter quinque sunt sensus spirituales, quibus caritas animam vivificat: id est amor carnalis parentum scilicet, amor socialis, amor naturalis, amor spiritualis, amor Dei. Per quinque sensus corporis, mediante vita, corpus animae coniungitur; per quinque sensus spirituales, mediante caritate, anima Deo consociatur. Tactui comparatur amor parentum, quia affectus iste promptus omnibus et quodammodo grossus et palpabilis sic se omnibus naturali quodam occursu praebet et ingerit, ut effugere eum non possis, etiam si velis (Sent 3.73; Bernard of Clairvaux 1972, 108). [Similarly, there are five spiritual senses by which caritas vivifies the soul, i.e., namely the corporeal love of parents, a social love, natural love, spiritual love, and the love of God. Through the five senses of the body, during one’s lifetime, the body is joined to the soul; through the five spiritual senses, with the intervention of caritas, the soul is joined with God. The love of parents is comparable to touch, since this feeling, exposed to all and in a certain sense coarse and palpable, shows and offers itself to all in the course of nature so that you could not flee from it even if you wanted to.]

Bernard of Clairvaux demonstrates the importance of touch among the spiritual senses (Coolman 2004, 151–52; Mark M. Smith 2007, 97–99; C. Classen 2012, 29– 31). More generally, he envisioned a unified sensorium in which caritas is achieved by a process that mediates between the corporeal and the spiritual senses. In Sermon 10 among the Sermones de diversis, he calls caritas the life of the sense(s) (Serm div 10.1; Bernard of Clairvaux 1970, 121). This sermon also elucidates at greater length the relationship of the spiritual to the physical senses that is treated inchoately in the Sententiae: The soul gives sense to the body, distributed in five bodily members; likewise, the soul gives a corresponding spiritual value to the senses distributed in five kinds of love: sight is related to the holy love (amor sanctus) of God; hearing to dilectio at a remove from the flesh; smell to the general love (amor generalis) of all human beings; taste to a pleasant or social love (amor iucundus, amor socialis) of one’s companions; and touch to the pious love (amor pius) of parents for their young (both humans and animals) (cf. Fulton 2006, 191). And elsewhere, Bernard uses rhetorical synesthesia (Rudy 2002, 13–14; 54–55) to describe the unity of how the spiritual senses work: In his explication of the Song of Songs he writes that: “Habet oleum effusum sponsa, ad cuius illae [adolescentulae] excitantur odorem, gustare et sentire quam suavis est Dominus” (The bride has poured out an oil to whose odor the maidens are drawn to taste and feel how sweet is the Lord) (Sermones super Cantica canticorum 19.3.7; Bernard of Clairvaux 1957, 112). In the development of an emphatically somatic language to describe mystical experience among writers in the centuries following Bernard, one can also see further reflection on the unity of the spiritual and physical senses. Hadewijch of Antwerp (mid-thirteenth century), a Dutch or Flemish beguine, avoids a clear distinction between inner and outer perception, insisting on a unified sensorium of experiencing God in which there is a continuum between external acts of sensation

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by the physical senses and interior perceptions (Bynum 1987, 153–61; Rudy 2002, 67–100). For the English mystic Richard Rolle (1290/1300–1349), the gift of God’s presence felt within is meant to flow outward and transform ordinary physical sensation as it united the spiritual and physical senses, and in a way that emphasized the sense of hearing in Rolle’s foregrounding of the soul’s participation in heavenly song (Watson 1991, 113–91; McGinn 2012, 207–08). Significantly, the unity of the senses also implicates the vitality and importance of the process of their edification. Though the fruition of the concord of external and spiritual senses was not envisioned to be achieved until the resurrection of the body at the end of time, the process was considered to be “under way now in the interim period, the time of transitus, during which the senses have begun to be reformed by the action of grace on the whole human faculty of sensation” (McGinn 2012, 209). Later medieval writers sometimes use the phrase “inner (or internal) senses” to refer to the spiritual senses, as a way of contrasting them with the external, or physical senses. More specifically, however, the phrase “inner senses” designates the stages that were considered to be involved in the process leading from physical sensation by the external senses through perception to cognition. The list of these inner senses was fluid, containing anywhere from four to seven senses or faculties, but the system of five external senses served as the basic paradigm for a parallel series of five inner senses developed in Aristotle’s De anima (On the Soul) and some of his works on natural philosophy (Modrak 1987; Gregoric 2007; Karnes 2011, 31; 33). These psychological faculties were further theorized by Aristotle’s interpreters, above all Avicenna (ca. 980–1037) and Averroes (1126–1198), and developed in the recovery of these works along with Aristotle’s texts in the West. The psychological faculties were understood to work in stages of increasing abstraction, but the process begins with sensation by the external senses and then their combination and judgment in the collection point of the αἴσθησις κοινή, the “common sense” (Heller-Roazen 2007, 31–41; 2008). The work of both Islamic scholars influenced Scholastic theologians, importantly among them Albert the Great (ca. 1200–1280). In Albert’s account, the steps in the cognitive process are, first, sensation by the external senses, and then collection in the common sense, followed by imagination, estimation, fantasy, and memory. The common sense receives forms only from the act of sensation by the external senses, but after it passes these on, imagination “accepts the form of an object even when the object is not present” and stores these forms for future reference. Estimation does not receive sensible forms, but intentions (e.g., whether a perceived object is sociable or friendly, etc.) and uses this information to motivate a person toward particular action. Fantasy serves complex functions by combining intentions from the estimative faculty and forms from imagination and memory, with the result being what we would understand as “fantasies” (e.g., a man

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with two heads) or artistic works. Memory “apprehends an object through a form that it has stored rather than a form that it receives de novo from the senses at the time of apprehension” (Steneck 1974, 201–02; see Carruthers 2008). One of the most important early vehicles of transmission of Aristotle’s view of these cognitive faculties is Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy. The view of the psychological processes at work in human cognition laid out by Boethius was still influential in the late Middle Ages. In the fifth book of Geoffrey Chaucer’s (ca. 1340–1400) Boethian translation, for example, Lady Philosophie explains faculty psychology to Boece, distinguishing the faculties, or inner senses, as received through Aristotle’s De anima (On the Soul). Thus, in explicating how human perception differs from divine knowledge, she notes that a round shape is comprehended differently by different senses, and analogously a human being is comprehended differently by the senses, or by imagination, or by reason, or by intelligence. These faculties culminate in the highest faculty, that of intelligence, which comprehends the pure form of a human being that remains eternally in divine thought. But the process begins with the physical senses, that is to say, in the external comprehension of the shape of the body of a human being as this has material existence (Boece, V.pr4.155; Chaucer 1987, 463). The senses function here as information gathering tools, perhaps limited in scope to the comprehension of material substance, but nevertheless necessary as the starting point for the further forms of understanding that eventually subsume them. The edification of the senses adds an important component to the understanding of the activity of the inner senses. Beginning in the thirteenth century, the linkage between aesthetic and didactic effects in literature and the arts became part of a new reflection on the cognitive processes and the senses that was stimulated by the expanding corpus of Aristotelian texts and commentaries (Black 1989; 2000; Gillespie 2005). It had been a commonplace since Horace’s (65–8 B.C.E.) Ars poetica to say that the goal of literature was both to entertain and to teach, but to this was added a consideration of the pathways of pleasure that made it possible and advisable to use the former goal to simultaneously achieve the latter one. Vincent Gillespie has observed that Roger Bacon, one of the earliest academics to lecture on Aristotle’s works on natural philosophy, encouraged writers to engage with the affectus, not just the rational abilities, of human beings to achieve ethical ends. This required an understanding of how the pleasures of poetry appealed to the senses and through them to the imaginative faculties that led to ethical understanding. In Bacon’s Optics, one finds an exhortation for the training of these cognitive processes as analogous to processes of spiritual growth. Bacon recommends that engaging the imagination is more effective as a way to stimulate the affective connections leading to higher levels of comprehension (Gillespie 2014).

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C Sensing (in) the Middle Ages Underlying research into the senses, in historically distant periods as well as in the contemporary moment, is the recognition that sensory experience is socially and culturally constructed, that an investigation of the “sensate” is an examination of social and cultural processes (Mark M. Smith 2007; Vannini, Waskul, and Gottschalk 2012, 5–8). Concepts of time, place, and identity are constructed within the totality of these processes, forming important parts of the “sensory model” that maps a community’s understanding of the senses. Sonic culture is an integral constituent of the sense of time, not only in the important activity of measuring the distance between now and time past (Sterne 2012, 1)—the span of centuries separating plainchant and punk rock, for example —but also in the measurement of time as it passes. The sounds constructing time are contextualized: In the monastery or anywhere within hearing of a church tower, the medieval day was apportioned into eight liturgical hours: matins, lauds, prime (around 6:00 a.m.), terce, sext, nones, vespers, and compline, each separated by three hours and each generally introduced by the ringing of bells. But beyond liturgical time, from the thirteenth century the development of the mechanical horologium (clock) led to the building of municipal and ecclesiastical clock towers which eventually rang out the passing time on a twenty-four-hour schedule. In the industrialized cities of Ypres, Bruges, and Ghent, bells were used to mark the start and end of the work day, analogous to factory sirens in the modern period (Reyerson 2014). In 1355, the inhabitants of Aire-sur-la-Lys (Pasde-Calais, France) were authorized to build a belfry in order to help regulate the labor of the textile workers there. The Zytglogge (clock tower) in Bern was fitted with a bell in the early fifteenth century. As Jacques Le Goff has noted, these communal clocks in urban centers were a function of “merchant time,” the instruments “of economic, social, and political domination wielded by the merchants who ran the commune” (Le Goff 1980, 35). The sound of a bell, in both liturgical and urban time, came to signify not just the mechanical measurement of time, but the temporal transition from one state of being to the next (ora/labora, work/rest, wage earning/consumption, etc.). This aspect of the medieval soundscape also reveals much of the subjectivity of the authors who inscribed bells in their works (Fritz 2011). Geoffrey Chaucer employed the bell of a horologium to mark the passage between dreaming and a waking state in The Book of the Duchess: Ryght thus me mette, as I yow telle, That in the castell ther was a belle, As hyt hadde smyten houres twelve. Therewyth I awook myselve And fond me lyinge in my bed … (1322–25; Chaucer 1987, 346).

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[Just as I tell you, I dreamt / That in the castle there was a bell / And it was striking the hour of twelve / And with that I awakened / And found myself lying in my bed… .]

And William Langland used the sound of bells on Easter day at the end of Vision six in Piers Plowman not only to awaken the dreamer briefly from his dream, but also to mark the transition to the next narrative sequence introducing grace and the founding of the Church, a movement from humanity’s fallen state to the promise of redemption (B.18.428; Langland 1997, 325). Of course, many more of the senses are involved in the construction of time than hearing: Taste marked the passing of the liturgical year in celebratory feasts or by what was not eaten during Lent; vision and touch tracked the cycle of seasons, the movement of the sun to the south in winter and the return of its warmth in the spring; smell was essential in timing agricultural processes (e.g., the ripeness of fruit) or the baking of bread. And all of the senses worked together in intersensorial (or multisensorial) processes of mutual interaction to construct the various contexts of time. The importance of intersensoriality as a factor in a culture’s sensorium can hardly be overstressed (Mark M. Smith 2007, 125–29). It plays a key role in the construction of place, and a number of contributions to sensory studies have called for increased attention to this factor as a way of overcoming a dependence on the visual alone. As Stephen Feld has noted, “The overwhelmingly multisensory character of perceptual experience should lead to some expectation for a multisensory conceptualization of place. But by and large, ethnographic and cultural geographic work on senses of place has been dominated by the visualism deeply rooted in the European concept of landscape” (Feld 2005, 182). As Yi-fu Tuan has observed, medieval cathedrals were constructed as environments that stimulate “the simultaneous use of three or four sense receptors.” Sight, sound, touch, and smell reinforce each other “so that together they clarify the structure and substance of the entire building, revealing its essential character” (Tuan 1990, 11; see also Tuan 1993, 135–42). The multisensuality of the liturgy added to the multisensuality of the cathedral’s space (Palazzo 2010). Likewise, the wellbeing ideally offered by the warmth of the hearth, the human warmth of the family gathered around it, and other domestically-contained sensory comforts could make returning home after a day’s work or long travels one of what Constance Classen has called the “rites of pleasure” afforded to both the lower orders and the upper echelons in the Middle Ages (C. Classen 2012, 7–22). Whereas the interactions of the senses in the cathedral took place in a controlled environment under the watchfulness of clerical organization in order to optimize spiritual goals, the senses working together could become unregulated in other places, so that these multisensual possibilities became sites of anxiety. The Liber

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de humanis moribus by Anselm of Canterbury (1033–1109) depends on the multisensoriality of place to define the potential danger of two important locations visited by the monks for whom Anselm wrote: the refectory and the marketplace. Where Anselm comes to examine sinful curiositas here, he develops a schematic approach that classifies “curious” activity in forty-four types of behavior, differentiated according to how many basic elements they combine, the elements being the most discrete methods for indulging one’s curiositas: in thoughts, words, deeds, or the various external senses. Thus, there are five simple types of sinful curiosity (in thought, word, deed, sight, or hearing), six double types (word and deed, word and sight, word and hearing, deed and sight, deed and hearing, or sight and hearing), and so on. The last six chapters of this analysis are devoted to twenty-eight types of the sin of curiosity that are exclusively concerned with matters of sensory perception. The minuteness and practicality of this analysis for the monastic life is seen especially well here, for all of these types of curiositas are located in the marketplace or the dining hall. The sin of curiosity is seen, in this way, when one is too eager to see what dishes are being served, or tastes the food on the table only to know whether it tastes good or not, or smells the spices for sale in the market simply to know what each one smells like (Anselm of Canterbury 1969, 47–50). They reveal the fundamental monastic orientation of the author of the Liber de humanis moribus, for as examples of a faulty will and the results of one of the three major categories of sin, they assume an ascetic life as their “curiosity-free” diametric opposite. Places potentially beyond the control of monastic authority also became potentially threatening because they allowed multisensory indulgence (Newhauser 2010). The confrontation between competing spaces is also made sensible in the opposition between their conflicting sensory regimes. One can think here of the response of the perfumed elite in Rome to the “stench” of the Germanic armies invading from beyond the Alps in the fourth century, an introduction of one odor, and its rejection, into the space of another (Classen, Howes, and Synnott 1994, 51). Aroma is one of the keys to understanding social differences (Dugan 2008), but it also helps uncover the distinction between rural and urban space in the Middle Ages (as also today). To highlight this distinction, Jacques de Vitry (1160/1170– 1240) uses one of the major techniques to appeal to the affective understanding that was foregrounded by the mendicants starting in the thirteenth century, namely narrative exempla. He relates a story about a peasant who came to the city and was so overcome by the odor in the vicinity of the spicers’ quarter (apothecaria) where fragrant spices were being ground up that he collapsed and could not recover until he was carried back to the country, half dead, and was able to smell the stench of fumes and dung at home again (Jacques de Vitry 1890, 80, no. 191).

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The olfactory order presented here serves also to emphasize class distinctions: peasants did not possess the refined abilities to be able to breathe, let alone appreciate, the scents of fine spices (Reyerson 2014). Soundscapes, too, create localized meaning (Vannini, Waskul, and Gottschalk 2012, 8), at times using the same contrastive pairs as was formative for the olfactory sense. The political complaint poem “London Lickpenny,” from late medieval England, narrates a Kentish peasant’s confrontation with the noise of Westminster and London where he has gone to seek legal redress. Because he has no money to pay off the various judicial clerks, his journey is fruitless. Outside the Royal Courts of Justice, Flemings accost him to buy hats or reading glasses; in London, he is confronted by a bewildering array of hawkers wanting him to buy their goods: “Hot shepes fete!” (hot sheep feet); “Ribes of befe, and many a pie!” (beef ribs and a variety of pies); “Ser, a pint of wyn would yow assay?” (Sir, would you like to try a pint of wine); and many more (Dean, ed., 1996, 222–25). He is overwhelmed by the sensory overload of the city and returns to being a plowman (Carlin 2014; for the soundscape of Paris in the later Middle Ages, see Dillon 2012). The confusion of voices and the smells and sights of urban space underscore the gap between the city and the countryside and the alienation of the peasantry in the urban economy. But foregrounding the cacophony of voices also makes sensible a moral confusion at the heart of the poem, that is also a critique of English society, in which the failures of the law and the aggressiveness of commercialism form a continuum. Speaking of the senses as socially and culturally constructed also implicates the way social identity is defined within “sensory communities” (Vannini, Waskul, and Gottschalk 2012, 7–8). These social groupings establish sensory regimes and enforce standards that are reflected in concepts of the hierarchy of the senses and other aspects of the sensorium, but since social identity also has a political character, sensory communities are subject to resistance by conflicting or insurgent or “reinterpretive” understandings of the senses. The political potential of the haptic sense can be observed in regulations on who can touch whom; physical violence is also the “ultimate method of enforcement of the status hierarchy” (Synnott 1993, 169). But touch is also bi-directional—when someone leans against a wall, her back both touches the wall and is touched by the wall—so that the social order of touch also regulates what a sensory community considers fitting to be touched by, expressed in particular by the clothing it finds appropriate for itself. In the Middle Ages (as also now), “class distinctions were impressed on the skin through the use of symbolically potent textiles” (C. Classen 2012, 9). Aristocrats wore silk and refined furs; the lower orders could not afford these materials. The significance of power, wealth, and beauty in such clothing contrasted with warnings about how it indicated the sinfulness of pride, creating complex patterns of ethical implications (Nicole D. Smith 2012). But after the mid-fourteenth

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century the spread of what had been first a court fashion of close-fitting clothes to the lower orders is typical of a disruptive pattern of resistance in which the lower orders imitated aristocratic fashion. Likewise, urban designs of houses influenced the building of rural homes; an increased use of pewter for tableware can be attributed to its similarity in appearance to the silver used by aristocrats (Dyer 2005, 137–47). Taste provides a complement to the sensory ordering of touch because of its supremely social nature in its literal, gustatory meaning (e.g., indicating food that tastes good); in its widest, aesthetic implications (e.g., indicating someone of discriminating taste) (Bourdieu 1984); and in the range of its ethical significance (Vecchio 2010). The development of the penchant for sweetened food, and the importance of sugar in creating this sweetness, again shows how conflict between the social orders played itself out as the competitive appropriation of one sensory community’s prerogative by another social group. The early and high Middle Ages were comparatively “salty” when measured against the sweetness that became pervasive in the later medieval period (Schulz 2011, 541). The increased use of sugar in the European diet is often linked to discoveries in the New World (Mintz 1985), but in fact from the twelfth century sugar was a significant commodity throughout Europe, where it was brought as an export, along with a variety of spices, from the Middle East, Cyprus, Sicily, and southern Spain (Ouerfelli 2008). Through their connection with Muslim civilization, imported spices and sugar served as part of the links to the Mediterranean world and beyond, and using spices in a great number of dishes became a demonstration of the upper orders’ ability to enjoy the opulence of the fabled East (Freedman 2008, 39; 143). Combining many spices and sources of sweetness in a great many dishes at feasts, customary among the English upper classes in the late Middle Ages, was also designed partially to appeal to many of the senses all at once (Woolgar 2007, 175– 77). But after the middle of the fourteenth century, the lower orders possessed enough spending power to be able to emulate aristocratic styles of eating, as can be seen in the occasional grand meals using venison, wine, and spices that were organized by some peasants for weddings and funerals, or by urban artisans in fraternities (Dyer 2005, 126–72). Sweetness began to grow to be a ubiquitous gustatory pleasure, adding to the already complex and at times ambiguous associations of “sweetness” (Carruthers 2006) to designate everything from the taste of divinity (Fulton 2006) to the corrosive effect of moral decline among the clergy (Newhauser 2013).

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Select Bibliography I cinque sensi: The Five Senses. Micrologus 10 (2002). Classen, Constance, The Deepest Sense: A Cultural History of Touch (Urbana, IL, 2012). [= C. Classen 2012] Fritz, Jean-Marie, La Cloche et la lyre: Pour une poétique médiévale du paysage sonore (Geneva 2011). Fulton, Rachel, “‘Taste and See That the Lord is Sweet’ (Ps. 33:9): The Flavor of God in the Monastic West,” Journal of Religion 86 (2006): 169–204. Gavrilyuk, Paul L. and Sarah Coakley, ed., The Spiritual Senses: Perceiving God in Western Christianity (Cambridge 2012). Howes, David, ed., Empire of the Senses: The Sensual Culture Reader (Oxford and New York 2005). Jütte, Robert, A History of the Senses: From Antiquity to Cyberspace, trans. James Lynn (Cambridge and Malden, MA, 2005). Newhauser, Richard, ed., A Cultural History of the Senses in the Middle Ages, 500–1450 (London 2014). Nichols, Stephen G., Andreas Kablitz and Alison Calhoun, ed., Rethinking the Medieval Senses: Heritage, Fascinations, Frames (Baltimore, MD, 2008). Nordenfalk, Carl, “The Five Senses in Late Medieval and Renaissance Art,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 48 (1985): 1–22. Palazzo, Éric, “Les cinq sens au Moyen Âge: état de la question et perspectives de recherche,” Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 55.4 [220] (2012): 339–66. Schleif, Corine and Richard Newhauser, ed., Pleasure and Danger in Perception: The Five Senses in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, special issue of The Senses & Society 5.1 (2010). Vannini, Phillip, Dennis Waskul and Simon Gottschalk, The Senses in Self, Society, and Culture: A Sociology of the Senses (London 2012). Vinge, Louise, The Five Senses: Studies in a Literary Tradition (Lund 1975). Woolgar, Christopher M., The Senses in Late Medieval England (New Haven, CT, 2006).

Charles W. Connell

The Sermon in the Middle Ages A Introduction From the time of the preaching of Christ himself based on His commentaries on Jewish scripture the sermon became a bulwark of Christian culture. In the medieval world of Western Europe it was the main literary genre in the lives of everyday Christians. The study of medieval sermons as a reflection of medieval culture has grown rapidly in the past forty years and well illustrates the diversity of sermons, sermon audiences, and the influence of sermons upon the development of that culture. One of the major issues in the study of medieval sermons is the gap between the vast amount of preserved written records of sermons that have been passed down to modern scholars, and the fact that they are trying to understand the power of oral performances in the context of medieval audiences. The work of these scholars has become more organized in the past thirty years with the creation of the Medieval Sermon Studies Society, which attracts numerous individuals from across the globe to present the results of their research at annual conferences such as the International Medieval Congress at Kalamazoo in Michigan or the Leeds International Medieval Congress in England, and through the ongoing publication of the Medieval Sermon Studies periodical to provide a focused forum for tracking ongoing work. This work has also become more interdisciplinary in nature over the past twenty years, and in an attempt to demonstrate and enhance the value of this approach, there has been an effort to provide both a working definition of the sermon, and a one-thousand page handbook for approaching future study called The Sermon. This lengthy volume both highlights the interdisciplinary approach, and provides a vast bibliography on preaching and the sermon (Kienzle, ed, 2000). Another similar approach, though only about half the size, has been completed more recently in an attempt to amplify our understanding of how sermons both reflect and reflect upon the worlds of the preachers. This has resulted in the publication of Speculum Sermonis: Interdisciplinary Reflections on the Medieval Sermon (Donavin, Nederman, and Utz, ed., 2004). An earlier work, De Ore Domini. Preacher and Word in the Middle Ages (Amos, Green, and Kienzle, ed., 1989; especially O’Malley 1989), that attempted to address some of the weaknesses in the previous writing of the history of preaching, covered the chronological gamut of medieval preaching in a modest way, but still achieved its objective of calling attention to the potential for increased study of medieval sermons. Finally, there

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are the excellent brief overviews of the sermon as a primary source for the study of medieval history in an article by Anne Thayer in Understanding Medieval Primary Sources (Thayer 2012), and the entry in the Handbook of Medieval Studies (Classen, ed., 2010) on “Sermons” by Robert Zajkowski, which provides a discussion of the definitional issues in the study of medieval sermons, as well as an overview of the history of research on the topic. Taken together these offer a good beginning point for understanding the nature of Sermon Studies and provide many insights into the value of the sermon in medieval culture. In trying to define the sermon for modern study, it became apparent that one could not find a common understanding based on the inconsistencies of use of terms like sermo in the Middle Ages. However, in order to move the research efforts forward, Beverly Kienzle in The Sermon has settled on this approach: “the sermon is essentially an oral discourse, spoken in the voice of a preacher who addresses an audience, to instruct and exhort them on a topic with faith and morals and based on a sacred text” (Kienzle, ed., 2000, 151; Murphy 1974; Caplan 1929). Using this definition herein we trace the evolution of the medieval sermon acting as a valuable barometer of the dynamics of change in medieval culture from the early rural medieval Church of the fourth to tenth centuries, then through the period of Church reform in the eleventh and twelfth centuries to the thirteenth century which marks a “watershed in the history of preaching and sermon production” during the peak of medieval urban society (Thayer 2012, 43). We conclude with a brief look at the use of the sermon in reaching the public to attack the declining Church in the face of the forthcoming Protestant Reformation.

B The Early Middle Ages Throughout the Middle Ages the focus of the sermon was individual salvation. But it was used broadly as a means of communication, as well as an effective tool for teaching and control of the medieval public. Recognized as the descendants of the disciples of Christ, the bishops were the earliest preachers, but as the Church grew in numbers, monks and the parish priests were also authorized to preach and soon became the central vehicle for administering to the spiritual needs of the greatest numbers of Christians. Early medieval authors used two terms, namely sermo and homilia, to refer to texts associated with acts of preaching, but by the fourth century’s end, sermo was the most commonly used. Augustine (354– 430) and Ambrose (ca. 330–397) in particular were responsible for establishing the term to reference the exhortation delivered by a Christian preacher in the context of public worship (Hall 2000, 204).

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The term tractus was also used by medieval authors interchangeably with sermo and homilia. Thus, the modern scholars have to grapple with a lack of precision or consistency that did not seem to bother the medieval authors of these treatises. Further study, however, has lent itself to a modern distinction between a sermon as a “catechetical or admonitory discourse built upon a theme or topic not necessarily grounded in Scripture,” and a homily as a “systematic exposition of a pericope (a liturgically designated passage of Scripture, usually from a Gospel or Epistle) that proceeds according to a pattern of lectio continua, commenting on a given passage verse by verse or phrase by phrase” (Hall 2000, 205). Because of these distinctions it is much easier to identify a homily, since it begins with a Scriptural passage as its basis, whereas the sermon is found in a far greater range of types. For example, some of the earliest “sermons” in the medieval West are simple explanations of the Lord’s Prayer or the Creed for new Christians, so the sermon is a simple instruction. In the Carolingian era, sermons were used to chastise the audience to forego pagan practices such as consultations with the oracles or the performance of abortions, or howling at the moon’s eclipse, as per the example of early ninth century sermons by Hrabanus Maurus (ca. 780– 856) (Hall 2000, 211; 216; Etaix 1986). One key aspect of most medieval sermon literature noted already in the early medieval period is its respect for tradition. From the fourth century on sermons were distributed in one of three ways: (1) as part of collections of works by a single author (e.g., sermons by Augustine or Ambrose, or the Homilies on the Gospels of Gregory the Great (ca. 540–604); (2) in collections of the works of multiple authors; and (3) as an individual copy of a sermon. Thus, many early sermons look much alike, at least until the Carolingian period when greater originality emerged. Whereas in the sixth and seventh centuries a monk or bishop would compose a sermon based on models brought together from a collection of earlier sermons, often drawn from the Church fathers such as Augustine or Ambrose, the Carolingian sermons appear more creative, and even exemplify a willingness to turn away from the patristic examples (Hall 2000, 217; 213). The sermons of Hrabanus Maurus (early ninth century) are cited as examples of how in his preaching against superstitious practices he was acting in response to local events to which he and other preachers like him were often eyewitnesses. Therefore, the preaching was more spontaneous. As scholars look further into some of the major collections of early sermons, such as that one known as the “Eusebius Gallicanus,” or those of later antiquity by Caesarius of Arles (ca. 468–542), we learn how sermons in Gaul were developed and preached, and we are able to examine how sermons were prepared by the best-known preachers such as Caesarius and Augustine, and compare them with the everyday users of the Eusebian collection. The study of that collection by Lisa Bailey in Christianity’s Quiet Success (Bailey 2010) demonstrates the rhetori-

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cal strategies and foci of the preachers. Taking case studies to illustrate popular topics (the creed, the virgin birth of Jesus, scriptural interpretation, theodicy, and sin, for example), Bailey indicates that Eusebian preachers called upon their audiences to take personal responsibility for their lives by doing penance for their sins in several ways, especially prayer, lamentation, fasting and almsgiving. By focusing on a number of sermons that were delivered to both monastic and lay audiences Bailey shows how similar the sermons were for these different audiences, and how they all focused on the responsibility of the individual for his/her own salvation. Though anonymous in authorship, the Eusebian collection provides much evidence regarding how the pastors of Gaul attended to the spiritual needs of their parishioners. Bailey’s study also provides examples of how these earlier sermons continued to be used in the Carolingian era, and received further attention in the later sermon revival of the twelfth century. An important issue in the study of early medieval sermons is that of literacy, and once again the interdisciplinary nature of the study of medieval sermons comes into play. As reviewed by Thomas Amos (Amos 1993) cultural anthropologists provide insight regarding how literates and non-literates view the world around them, and how that might help us better understand how medieval preachers attempted to communicate with largely non-literate audiences. As we know, in the period from 500–900, literacy meant largely the ability to read and write in Latin (Grundmann 1958; Goody and Watt 1962; Thompson 1963; Goody, ed. 1968; Parkes 1973; Ong 1982; Stock 1983; McKitterick 1989), and although there is evidence for a small lay literate population, the most literate in society were the clergy. Thus we have a dichotomy between the literary culture of the sermon authors and the oral culture of the audience, and the question of how to bridge the gap. Amos begins his approach to this issue with a summary of the main categories of non-literate thought as (1) no sense of the past; (2) difficulty in moving from the particular to the general, (3) the importance of symbols; (4) the inability to apply abstract concepts to one’s life; and (5) the dependency on memorization skills (Amos 1993, 6). He accepts the assumption that sermons were likely delivered in ten to thirty minutes in a simple and direct language easily understood by the listeners, even though the texts that come down to us are in Latin (Amos 1993, 6; 1989). Then taking the model elements of the early medieval sermon as (1) pericope; (2) introduction; (3) development; and (4) conclusion, Amos analyzes each one to show how the preacher attempted to personalize the sermon to bridge the communication gap. For example, the pericope is framed as “once upon a time,” which brings the event into contemporary time or makes it “timeless” to address the oral culture’s lack of any sense of the past. In the introductory section of the sermon the preacher would address the audience as fratres or fratres charissimi in order to build community and introduce a teaching to be

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based on Scripture or a type of behavior to be praised or condemned. In developing the teaching in part three of the sermon, the preacher would treat the particular actions that the audience should perform and use many symbols with triads, numbers, lists and the technique of internal recapitulation to link to the dependency of the oral culture on memorization skills. In the conclusion the listeners would be reminded of the overall theme and how to apply the teaching to their individual lives, and be provided with an ending formula, such as “with the help of the lord, who lives and reigns with the Father and the Holy Spirit forever and ever, Amen,” in order to reinforce correct doctrine (in this case the Trinity) that could also be easily memorized (Amos 1993, 6–7; 1982; Daly 1970). Many sermons concentrated on the teaching of good and evil and tried to demonstrate how the listener could “put on the new man.” One author personalized the message of the need to focus on human actions by starting his encouraging message with “we seek to conquer the devil by living rightly.” This would often be succeeded by lists of sinful actions with lists of how to overcome them (Amos 1993, 9–11). That approach is also found in the early medieval penitentials, which again address the needs of the oral culture to rely upon memory techniques to assist in the application of the model to one’s own life (Gatch 1978; McNeill and Gamer 1965). Thus, the penitentials provide a valuable insight into the popular culture (Gurevich 1990; orig. 1988). Amos concludes this study of early medieval sermons and their audience by pointing out how the authors of sermons likely knew their audiences well, and would attempt to reach beyond the immediate audience by asking listeners to memorize parts of the sermons themselves and to discuss the sermons with others not present at the time of delivery. He also recognizes that literates also memorized Psalms, the liturgy, and sermons because books were costly and rare, and that evidence from the literate culture (e.g., sermons, poetry, saints’ lives, charters, and legislation) is really “written forms of oral forms or transactions” (Amos 1993, 13–14; Delehaye 1962; McKitterick 1989; Martin 1989). During the Carolingian era there was an initiative directed by the monarchy which sought to reform the religious life of the peoples of the Empire, many of whom were not far removed from paganism. This program included legislation which called for using the sermon as the means to bring about the transformation of the culture through religious education because sermons were seen as the best means to communicate to all levels of society and to reach the common people. The clergy were required to preach regularly, specifically on Sundays and feast days, and their sermons were to be based upon Scripture in order to provide basic religious instruction for the people. Therefore, the language of the sermon was to be that of the people, not Latin. Recognizing the immense scope of this reform program, it was made clear that it should not be left to the bishops alone, which

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meant that most of the regular clergy had to be better educated as well (Amos 1989, 41–42, 46–47; Ullmann 1969; Wallace-Hadrill 1984; McKitterick 1976). Based on a review of the large number of Carolingian sermons used for popular preaching, such as that prepared by Hrabanus Maurus (ca. 780–856) for Bishop Haistulf of Mainz (d. 826), the focus of much of the preaching was on the application of good works, especially charity and mercy. One of the collections of mostly eighth- and ninth-century sermons known as the Pseudo-Boniface shows that another primary purpose was to instruct Christians who only recently had been baptized and needed instruction regarding issues of faith and correct moral action. Sermons were normally delivered during the Mass on Sundays and feast days, and the Church dictated that the clergy should specifically “strive to teach the people subject to you the healthful doctrine from the Holy Scripture after the Gospel has been read” (Amos 1989, 48–49). The Carolingian reform program was influential in the development of sermon practices in Anglo-Saxon England as well (Smetana 1959; Gatch 1978; Clayton 1985; Amos 1989; McKitterick 1977). In the late tenth and early eleventh centuries the Lenten homilies of Aelfric (ca. 955–1010), who served as abbot of Eynsham in Oxfordshire; Wulfstan (d. 1023), bishop of London and Archbishop of York; and, the anonymous Blickling homilist stand out as examples of how the tradition was carried out (Green 1989). Aelfric’s work is perhaps the most prominent among the three. He was devoted to having an impact upon his listeners, and his sermons for the Sundays of Lent provide a view of the main teachings of the Church on matters of faith and morals, as well as reveal Aelfric’s own favorite subjects while he preached. Aelfric emphasized patience, good works, and spiritual healing, and his sermon for the First Sunday of Lent called upon the audience to live a life of prayer, fasting, and almsgiving. Like his peers, Aelfric was primarily a catechetical preacher, and he relied heavily upon Gregory the Great (ca. 540–604) for models upon which to build his gospel narrative. Throughout this sermon the theme of universal and personal salvation is prominent and he uses the temptation of Christ and how Christ overcame the lures of Satan to teach his hearers about the need to avoid their own temptations of greediness, vainglory and covetousness (Green 1989). Though the program of reform was overly ambitious, the sermon and its key messages remained a core value and helped to hold the Christian community together in difficult times imposed by the establishment of Viking rulership in the early eleventh century.

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C Eleventh and Twelfth Century Sermons and Preaching As evidenced in the work of Aelfric (ca. 955–1010) and Wulfstan (d. 1023) in England, the reform of the Church was becoming a widespread concern and achieving momentum by the early eleventh century. Initially driven by the monks of Cluny, the reform of the Benedictine order was attempting to influence the lives of the secular clergy as well, and had received support from the Carolingian rulers in the tenth century. Thus, monks like Aelfric and Wulfstan became more attracted to public preaching, but were in conflict with the secular clergy who wanted to maintain preaching as their central function by arguing that the role of the monk was to live in common and to stay within the monastery delivering sermons only to fellow monks within the cloister (Muessig, ed, 1998, 5–6; Bynum 1982). Regardless, the medieval world was undergoing far greater changes that affected the nature of preaching and its goals. In particular, society itself was shifting from a rural to an urban focus; both the population and agricultural production were growing which enhanced the mobility of society and the interaction with distant lands; the dangers of external invasion by the Vikings, Moslems, and Magyars had subsided; and, the tenth-century call for reformation of the clergy from the evils of simony and clerical marriage had begun to undermine the credibility of the clergy. Therefore, changes in preaching followed several of these lines of development. First, we note the growth of population which led among other things to greater competition for resources and the plundering of church lands by lay lords. In response in central France there began the Peace of God movement in the late tenth century and continuing into the eleventh. So-called Peace councils were summoned in places such as Le Puy and Charroux, and the acts of these councils show how they were related to concerns expressed by the monastic and papal reform movements trying to regain a sense of order over internal abuses and crimes against church people and property, as well as the livelihoods of the peasants (Head and Landes, ed., 1992). Preachers began to attack these widespread evils that reached beyond the boundaries of a single parish, and the use of relics to attract crowds to these events led to the creation of cults and greater concerns for the afterlife. Monasteries created pilgrimage sites and sermons were used to attract visitors based on the miraculous efficacy of a particular saint. Second, the reform movement had noted the weaknesses of the clergy and preachers began to circulate calling into question various church doctrines as well as the need for the clergy itself. At first in the Eastern Empire a dualist heresy known as Bogomilism began to be preached in the second half of the tenth

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century in Bulgaria. There is little evidence to indicate that this heresy took root further West, but by the twelfth century it is clear that another dualist dogma, Catharism, perhaps influenced by Bogomil ideas, had taken root (Hamilton 1994; Lambert 1998; Roquebert 1995). As well, in southern France where the Cathars developed significant roots, the followers of Peter Waldo (ca. 1140–ca. 1213) in particular attacked the role of the clergy and sought greater involvement from the laity, even seeking the right for lay preachers. The heresies of this period were largely concerned with ethical matters and received a much more sympathetic response from the laity than earlier heresies which were much more intellectual in nature. This threat by heretical preachers served to enhance the call for more popular preaching by the end of the twelfth century (Cole 1991, 113). The call for action led the Church to ask the Paris theologians to develop a plan to train more preachers for work in the dioceses throughout Europe (Cole 1991, 113). Wisely, men such as Alan of Lille (ca. 1117–ca. 1202), Maurice de Sully (d. 1196), Peter the Chanter (d. 1197), Stephen Langton (ca. 1150–1228), Robert de Courçon (ca. 1160–1219), and Jacques de Vitry (ca. 1160/70–1240) recognized that teaching the clergy speculative theology was not the answer. Therefore, they developed a new approach to training which required among other tools, some manuals for preaching that emphasized the practical aspects of preaching. Thus developed the artes praedicatori (Cole 1991, 114). In his Summa de arte praedicatoria Alan of Lille defined preaching as public instruction in faith and behavior and created ad status sermons which addressed themselves to specific audiences, including soldiers, princes, cloistered religious, priests, and people who were about to be married, or to widows and virgins (Cole 1991, 114). Maurice de Sully, who served as bishop of Paris (1160–1196), developed nearly seventy sermons in the vernacular that could be used by the clergy of his diocese (Cole 1991, 115; Robson 1952). One of the most prolific of these preachers, Stephen Langton, is credited with developing the use of the exemplum in order to create moral stories that could be easily understood by the common people with roots in folk culture. Jacques de Vitry was perhaps the most significant of the Paris masters by the end of the twelfth century. He was a skilled preacher himself and went on to develop four sermon collections which were arranged according to the occasion for preaching. The divisions included sermons for Sundays, feast days, sermones vulgares (i.e., for the different classes of society), and, sermones communes (i.e., for general or everyday use). Jacques was particularly clever in the use of exempla in all of his sermons (Cole 1991, 115; 132–33; Crane 1890; Muessig 1998). It was clear to these preaching masters that to combat heresy effectively, the parish priests had to understand how salvation worked and how to communicate that message clearly to their parishioners (Cole 1991, 115–17).

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I Sermons Against (and for) Heresy Men were not the only ones to take up the fight against heresy. Perhaps influenced by her reading of the Apocalypse, Hildegard of Bingen (1098–1179), recorded a vision in 1163 about the Cathars in which she interpreted their appearance in the Rhineland as a consequence of the release of the Devil from the bottomless pit, which was followed by the appearance of four angels of the winds at the corners of the earth who brought various evils to mankind, one of which was the Cathars (Lambert 1998, 19). Subsequently, Hildegard preached skillfully against them (Kienzle 1998b). Another engaged in the struggle against the Cathars was probably the most influential and charismatic preacher of the twelfth century, Bernard of Clairvaux (1090–1153). A prolific writer of sermons, including more than eighty “Sermons for the Whole Year” and eighty six on the Song of Songs, his reputation led Everwin, provost of a house of Premonstratensians near Cologne in the 1160s, and contemporary of Hildegard, to request that Bernard help him in the battle against the Cathars. Bernard in reply wrote two of his sermons on the Song of Songs in which he interpreted the little foxes as heretics. As Malcolm Lambert comments, “It was powerful polemic in a flowing and sparkling Latin” recognizing the sinister potential of the heresy, because as Bernard indicated, it “sprang from the suggestions and artifices of seducing spirits” (Lambert 1998, 39; Kienzle 1995). The Cathars had spread rapidly and rather widely in Italy and southern France, where Bernard had preached against them as early as 1145. In Italy, the power of the sermon in medieval culture was once again demonstrated by the preaching of a layman, a certain Mark who had been a grave-digger near Milan and had sought religious counsel in Naples from a bishop of the Cathar persuasion, who made Mark a deacon, and in turn sent him back north after a year to preach in Lombardy and Tuscany in the 1160s. The Cathar preachers attacked the Church with sweeping allegations in various sermons claiming that the Church was the Church of Satan and that it was mired in earthly preoccupations, with its arrogant clergy too busy thus to attend to the needs of the people (Lambert 1998, 37–38). The heresy continued to spread as a result in the 1160s and 1170s (Lambert 1998, 38–45; Arnold 1998).

II Crusade Sermons Another significant arena for the sermon opened in the late eleventh century with the preaching of the First Crusade. Penny Cole in 1991 helped us to affirm that “Preaching was the principal means by which the church recruited and organized

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people for each major crusading expedition.” She went on to elaborate how the first crusade sermon, namely that of Pope Urban II (ca. 1035–1099) at Clermont in 1095, was “received with extraordinary popular enthusiasm.” Not all subsequent popes personally served as preachers of crusades, but they did follow a standard practice of first declaring a “crusade” in a papal bull or encyclical, and then delegating the preaching mission to one or more individuals (or groups, i.e., the friars, in the thirteenth century) especially appointed to preach (Cole 1991, ix, passim; Rist 2009). Like other sermons, those preaching the crusades, reflected the broader concerns of medieval society, and some advocates of effective crusading, such as Humbert of Romans (ca. 1190/1200–1277), who in his thirteenthcentury treatise De praedicatione crucis, took time to elaborate on how to preach the crusade in the face of potential opposition to it (Cole 1991; Morris 1983; Röhricht 1884; Lecoy de la Marche 1890). Urban II’s preaching of the crusade was an important shift in the nature of the sermon, as well as the environment for medieval preaching. Much preaching in the eleventh century still remained in the monastery and was carried out by monks in the performance of daily office, or it was in the hands of local parish priests or bishops responding to local needs. Even the Peace of God movement, though broadening the nature of the audience, had not brought it to a Europeanwide level. There was not a broad forum nor was there a “universal public cause” such as that projected by the pope in 1095. This had begun to break down with the preaching of the Gregorian reform and the Peace and Truce of God movements and the popular demand for more sermons led to the appearance of an increasing number of lay preachers (Cole 1991, 7; Gatch 1977; Cohn 1984). Yet, in this context, with the increased interest in personal salvation nurtured somewhat frenetically by the passage of the first millennium, the development of the cults of saints’ relics, and the growth in the popularity of the pilgrimage which were the objects of the sermons by increasing numbers of lay preachers, “the papal sermon of Clermont must surely have been a momentous preaching occasion for laity and clergy alike” (Cole 1991, 8). The words of the sermon of Urban were not captured verbatim at the time but have been preserved in the accounts of various contemporaries, some of whom may have been eye-witnesses to the event. In those reports we see a pope who is in tune with contemporary issues and interests from the Peace of God to simony to the call for help from Eastern Christians. Fulcher of Chartres (1059–1127?), for example, reported that the pope urged his audience to not let simony “take root among you …Keep the church and the clergy in all its grades entirely free from the secular power” (Medieval Sourcebook). He also referred to the abuse of those who stole from the church or the poor, first recognizing that “It is so bad in some of your provinces…that one can hardly go along the road by day or night without

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being attacked by robbers,” and then calling upon the knights “to try hard to have the truce [i.e., Truce of God so called] kept in your diocese.” He went on to recognize and flatter the listeners with these words: “Although, sons of God, you have promised …to keep the peace among yourselves…there remains still an important work for you to do.” Urban then described the abuse of the Holy Land and the lands of the Eastern Christians by the Turks and Arabs and issued a universal call to arms: “I, or rather the Lord, beseech you as Christ’s heralds to publish this everywhere and to persuade all people of whatever rank, footsoldiers and knights, poor and rich, to carry aid promptly to those Christians and to destroy that vile race from the lands of our friends … . Let those who have been fighting against their brothers and relatives now fight in a proper way against the barbarians. Let those who have been serving as mercenaries for small pay now obtain the eternal reward.” Other accounts of Urban’s speech, especially those of the monk Robert of Reims (d. 1122) and Baudri the Archbishop of Dol (ca. 1050–1130), were more focused on the quality of Urban’s oratory and his persuasiveness. Baudri was a preacher himself who paid attention to sermon technique, so his presentation of the sermon gave special notice to Urban’s passion and his ability to understand and appeal to the sympathy of his audience by projecting the listeners as members of Christ’s army who would be shamed by not taking up arms and going to recapture the lands despoiled by the forces of Amalech. Similarly, Guibert of Nogent (ca. 1055–1124) left an account of Urban’s speech that places it into the moral ground of justification for religious warfare, a very important fact in the context of a society that had tended to treat warfare as an amoral act in which it was a sin to kill another, even in warfare (Cole 1991, 14–27; Cowdrey 1970). Clearly the power of words was noted in these accounts, and their authors understood the value of a preaching event which really raised the influence of the sermon another notch in medieval society. Pope Urban did not stop with the preaching of this single sermon. Instead he went on the circuit and traveled throughout central and southern France preaching and calling for an army to gather in 1096 to begin the long journey to the Holy Land in order to obtain their personal salvation by fighting for the Church. His message was enthusiastically received by all levels in society and others began to take up the call to preach the crusade in other parts of Europe from Wales to northern Germany. Individuals such as Peter the Hermit (d. 1115) were quite effective in preaching, though the results of their preaching did not always achieve the result desired by Urban himself. In the case of Peter, the message about the vile race of the East to which Urban had alluded began to be turned inwardly on those at the margin of local society, i.e., the Jews, who were subsequently attacked in large numbers in Germany. Nor did Urban likely intend the

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non-combatants in medieval society, i.e., clergy and peasants, to join the crusading ranks, but the charismatic sermons of individuals such as Peter in fact led to the so-called Peasants Crusade which ended unfortunately along the way and never reached the Holy Land to join the main army recruited by Urban that eventually did succeed in capturing Jerusalem in 1099. The crusades also attracted the attention of Bernard of Clairvaux (1090–1153), who had first written about the struggle in the East around the beginning of the third decade of the twelfth century when he composed his eloquent treatise De laude nove militie, which praised the founding of the Order of the Temple and in fact endorsed the notion of religious warfare for a just cause. Partly as a result of this work, Pope Eugene III (first Cistercian pope from 1145–1153, when he died), having issued the bull Quantum praedecessores in 1145 calling for a crusade following the loss of Edessa to the Turks in 1144, met with Bernard at Vézelay and commissioned him to preach the Second Crusade. By his own report to Eugene, Bernard’s preaching at Vézelay, and subsequently throughout France and Flanders in 1145 was a huge success: “I opened my mouth, I spoke, and soon the numbers of crusaders multiplied. Villages and towns are empty” (Cole 1991, 43). Though these particular sermons have not survived, we know something of the contents of Bernard’s preaching of the crusades from a letter he wrote to Duke Wladislaus of Bohemia (ca. 1110–1118 to 1174) during his preaching mission. In this letter urging the Duke to take up the cross, Bernard develops several themes, including the “uniqueness of the times, and the “opportunity for salvation” presented by the call for a crusade. Bernard paints a picture of the crisis in the East as part of God’s plan for individual salvation, and a necessary action to defend Christ himself by recapturing the land of his birth and life, the place “stained by the blood of the immaculate Lamb.” He concludes with a sense of urgency: “Why do you delay, servants of the cross .…Take up the sign of the cross …Take up the gift [i.e., plenary indulgence] which has been offered to you” (Cole 1991, 48–49; Constable 1971, 1994). By the time of Pope Innocent III (r. 1198–1216) two unsuccessful crusades had been launched and the urgency to recover Jerusalem was more obvious in the efforts put forth by Innocent to call for yet another crusade. Early on in the first year of his reign Innocent recruited charismatic preachers such as Fulk of Neuilly (d. 1201) to preach, and gave Fulk the authority to select others, such as the Cistercians who at first resisted, to assist him in the effort. Though Fulk’s preaching was done with enthusiasm, it appears that the sermon messages of his fellow recruits were not always focused on the crusade so much as personal salvation, or local issues of usury and sexual promiscuity. Thus the efforts of this early mission were not successful. However, in 1201, we have a more clear account of the mission of Fulk himself undertaken in France and the Low Countries. In this

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case Fulk’s audience seems much like that of Peter the Hermit (d. 1115) before the First Crusade, namely the more gullible poor among the populace, and his efforts brought significant results if his claim to have “signed up” around 200,000 people for a crusade is to be believed (Cole 1991; Forni 1981). Analysis of the sermons of the Cistercian abbot Martin of Pairis, who was preaching in response to the mandate of Innocent to aid Fulk, gives us further insight into the nature of the content of crusade sermons. Martin considered his sermons to be the words of Christ himself, so he used the sermons to recall the life of Christ on earth, so that the Muslim capture of the Holy Land meant it has “been placed under the hand of the impious,” thus afflicting Christ, as well Christ’s people whose “Churches have been destroyed and the sanctuary polluted.” Thus, the “necessity of Christ” demands an army to recapture it. In a particularly moving sermon at Basle, Martin demonstrated his understanding of the difficulty of raising an army after the failure of two earlier crusades, when he depicted his role as one which confers a “sacred trust” upon those he recruits: “Today I commit to you the cause of Christ; I give into your hands …Christ himself, so that you may be zealous in restoring him to his inheritance.” He also used the model of the successful crusaders of the First Crusade to instill a sense of pride and a “can do” attitude, and points out that Godfrey of Bouillon (ca. 1060–1100) and his colleagues had an even more difficult task than current crusaders. For in their time, he points out, there is already a Christian presence. He concludes the sermon by indicating the rewards to be gained for this difficult task, including eternal life for those who die on the campaign. This sermon has been compared to that of Urban II in its ability to generate a highly emotional audience response, with men reportedly weeping and sighing over Martin’s words (Cole 1991, 92–96). Innocent III tried to standardize crusade preaching, but did not succeed as indicated by the diversity of both preachers such as Fulk and Martin and their messages. A Fourth Crusade was finally launched in 1204, but was diverted to Constantinople, to the embarrassment of Innocent. He still persisted thereafter, commissioning preachers, and urging lay princes such as King Philip Augustus (1165–1223) of France to assume leadership and go to Jerusalem. He issued papal letters, such as Utinam Dominus in 1208 to the inhabitants of Lombardy and March, which had the semblance of papal bulls and called upon the listeners to be aware of Christ’s loss because of the sins of Christians and reminded them that it was their duty to restore the Holy Land to Christ. In March of 1208 the focus of crusading was diverted when Innocent called out the knights of France to a crusade against the count of Toulouse (eventually referred to as the Albigensian Crusade), and required the Cistercians to preach the crusade throughout all of northern France with promises to potential crusaders of a plenary indulgence and the opportunity to take the lands of the heretics for their own (Cole 1991, 98–104).

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After success in Southern France against the heretics, and encouraged by events in Spain against the Muslims, Innocent resumed his focus on the Holy Land in April 1213 with the issuance of the encyclical Quia Maior. This is an important document because it was composed specifically with the goal to provide assistance to crusade preachers: “You must pass on with great care… exactly what is contained in the encyclical, transmitting … everything you will see has been included in that letter for the aid of the Holy Land.” Innocent saw the crusade as both necessary and as a legitimate military service for Christ. Furthermore he is adamant as he raises the stakes for those capable of military service; that is, he makes personal salvation dependent upon going on a crusade. By the end of his reign Innocent had issued the papal bull Ad liberandam at the Fourth Lateran Council (1215) which called for the Fifth Crusade to Jerusalem, and endorsed the preaching mission of the new religious orders, namely the friars of Dominic and Francis. Later, to indicate further the central significance of the sermon and its preachers to the Church, these two orders were specifically given missions to preach against heretics in the Inquisition following the early stages of the Albigensian Crusade (1209–1255) in Languedoc, and the crusades in general after the death of Innocent (Cole 1991, 104–08; 161–65). Thus, the nature of preaching had changed—it was much more diverse and a greater individuality of sermons had been achieved by the early thirteenth century. We now see the great charismatic preachers, such as Bernard, Fulk and Martin, replaced by an increasing diversity of preachers who had different styles and who did not present a unified picture of the crusade or its ideals as expressed by a pope such as Innocent III (Cole 1991, 96–97).

III Monastic Sermons in the Twelfth Century Attention to the sermon is found in other twelfth-century venues, including the monastic communities, where the growth in size and number of the monasteries led to a more systematic preaching regime. As one might expect, the sermons were inward-looking and focused on themes relevant to the monastic life and not on the outer world. These sermons do provide insight into the nature of issues on the road to spiritual achievement, such as the failure of monks to follow the Benedictine Rule closely, and the human weaknesses attested by sermons against dozing off while reading Scripture or snoring during the reading in the Oratory, or rushing the reading of the Psalms. In addition to the sermons of Hildegard and Bernard of Clairvaux, we have available for review today the collections of the sermons of many of the more prominent Cistercian authors of the twelfth century who were also critical of the increasing influx of outer world influences on the

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monastery and the pending decline of monasticism. Individuals such as Julien of Vézelay (ca. 1080–1165), Peter the Venerable (ca. 1092–1156), Guerric of Igny (ca. 1070–1157), Aelred of Rievaulx (1110–1167), and Hélinand de Froidmont (1160–ca. 1229) provide testimony to the pattern and trends (Schneyer 1969–90; Kienzle, ed., 2000, esp. 301–05). There are exceptions to the inward focus, such as the sermons of Hélinand, which give us interesting perspectives on various worldly issues that troubled him, including excessive taxation, pillaging, seizure of church property, and wasteful spending on monastic buildings. Bernard’s preaching on the crusades, or Hildegard’s on the Cathars, also indicate the degree to which monks and nuns might be drawn into the world around them. Sometimes these sermons provide personal information about the preacher, such as the reference by Bernard to his illness that prevented him from doing manual labor, but for the most part they remained focused on contemplation and preparation for the life to come (Kienzle, ed., 2000, 271–313). Another Cistercian who was concerned about both the need for a crusade and the spread of heresy in France and Germany was the German monk Caesarius of Heisterbach (ca. 1180–ca. 1240), who served as the novice-master at the monastery near Bonn. He traveled widely and gathered anecdotes and stories to include in his Dialogus miraculorum, which was written in the form of dialogue between a master and his novice to educate the young monks, such as about the heresy of the Albigensians. Since the Cistercians were charged by Innocent III with preaching the crusade, it is likely that the work was also intended to provide exempla and stories to be used by those preaching the crusades. This work is famous for its inclusion of various forms of propaganda and news which were carried throughout the Cistercian network. The most nitrous anecdote he reported was attributed to Arnoud Amaury (d. 1212), the abbot of Citeaux and a papal crusade legate, who preached the crusade against the heretics in southern France in 1209. According to Caesarius, during the siege of Béziers in that year the heretics reportedly urinated upon a copy of the New Testament and flung it over the wall in contempt at those attacking the walls. This so outraged those below that they immediately scaled the walls of the city, but momentarily hesitated in attacking those inside for fear of killing loyal Christians as well as the heretics. So they turned to Amaury to seek his advice about what to do. Reportedly, Amaury said “Kill them [all]. For the lord will acknowledge his own” (Bird, et al., ed., Crusade and Christendom, Dialogus miraculorum, 2013, 78–82; Berlioz 1989 and 1994; Kienzle 2001; Kay 2002; Bird 2007). Caesarius’s Dialogus was extremely popular in Germany, the Netherlands, and France.

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IV Sermons by Women Public preaching by women, who were more likely abbesses, was rare in the Middle Ages. The content and impact of that preaching remains mostly obscure, largely because the texts of the sermons were not regularly preserved, and the role of the abbess was often controversial. Perhaps the latter is the reason that Innocent III condemned the public preaching by abbesses (Blamires 1995, 138 n. 14; Kienzle, ed., 2000, 152–55; 165–66; 168; Kienzle 1998a). In addition to the exception of Hildegard of Bingen previously discussed above, and the preserved sermons of Humiltà of Faenza (1226–1310) (Kienzle, ed., 2000, 165; Mooney 1998), we seem to know more about the sermons of women from the reading of saints’ lives than from actual sermon texts, as suggested in the studies of Radegunde (520–587) and Rose of Viterbo (1235–1252) (Kienzle, ed., 2000, 165; Pryds 1998; Rusconi 1998). It is likely that other public preaching by women did occur but is not recorded, such as in the case of those condemned as lay heretics, including Waldensians and Cathars in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, or the Lollards in the fourteenth (Kienzle, ed., 2000, 166–67; Kienzle and Walker, ed., 1998). Thus, though many studies have come forth in the past twenty years in particular, much work remains to expand our knowledge of the role of women in preaching in the Middle Ages.

V Sermons by Schoolmasters and Canons in the Twelfth Century In contrast to earlier monastic preaching in the cloister, the twelfth century witnessed the rapid growth of public preaching by both masters and canons of the cathedral communities. The monks continued to be an audience for these preachers, but now secular clergy, clerics, and students became targets, and even preaching to the lay audiences became common. The preserved collections of the sermons ad status indicate both the breadth of the teaching and the goals of the preachers which Alan of Lille (d. 1203) identified as primarily instructio morum, i.e., how to aspire to virtue and abhor vice; and, instructio fidei, i.e., elaboration on the doctrines concerning Christ and the Church which were controversial and spawned several marginal or even heretical movements in the twelfth century (e.g., Waldensians or Cathars). Many of these latter sermons reminded the readers and/or listeners that the return (more likely deemed imminent) of Christ and the forthcoming Judgment Day necessitated a call for repentance which is seen again in the thirteenth-century preaching of the mendicants (Longère 1975; 1983; Zier 2000, 325–27).

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Because of their focus on moral lessons a group of these masters is sometimes referred to as the “biblical moral school.” Included among them would be Peter Comestor (d. 1178), a student of Peter Lombard and a master at Paris himself; Peter the Chanter (d. 1197), master at Paris; and, Stephen Langton (d. 1228), a master at Paris, then Archbishop of Canterbury. Preachers of virtue, especially that of love, the “queen of virtues,” and humility, in their ad status sermons we also see a tendency to associate the opposites of virtue, that is the vices they castigated, with particular classes of society. Alan of Lille and Jacques de Vitry (d. 1240), who was an Augustinian canon at Liege, then bishop of Acre, were particularly harsh in denouncing such vices as simony, usury, luxury, and pride among the upper classes (Baldwin 1970). Thus, the sacrament of penance was foremost among their weapons against these vices. In defining the imitatio Christi as a battle of virtue against vice, the moralist preachers of the later twelfth century prefigured the thirteenth-century shift to the way the imitation was to be interpreted. Whereas Bernard of Clairvaux in the early twelfth century had seen the imitatio as “adoration derived from the contemplation of the mysteries of Christ,” Francis of Assisi (1181–1226) came to speak of it as “following the suffering Christ” (Zier 2000, 330). In between, we find Peter Comestor (d. 1178) and Alan of Lille (ca. 1117–1203) placing emphasis on the humility of Christ, and Stephen Langton (ca. 1150–1228) defining the path to imitatio as beginning with the battle against the vices, with a reminder of the model of Christ’s own life on earth marked by both poverty and suffering (Zier 2000, 330–31). There is little reference in the sermons of the masters and canons to contemporary events of the twelfth century. Nor is there much theological speculation therein; they are accepting of the Church’s version of the faith. We do find “a great explosion of preaching in this period” that reflects much concern over one’s personal salvation, and we do find increased regularity of providing models for preaching using Scripture, distinctiones, the Glossa Ordinaria which was just coming into prominence, model sermons, and exempla. Thus, we do know a lot about how masters and canons did their work, and about which teachings of the church were being emphasized as they opened up to a much broader audience reflecting the growing diversity of the increasingly urbanized Europe (Zier 2000, 350–51).

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D Sermons at the Peak in the Thirteenth Century Much of the extant medieval sermon texts come to us from the period after 1200. For example, there are over 100,000 texts, 60,000 in Latin, of sermons that are conserved and date from the period 1150–1350; and of these, only about 5% date from before 1200 (Beriou 2000, 363; Schneyer 1971–1973). Drawn from the libraries of the medieval schools and colleges, monasteries, and especially the convents of the friars minor, texts continue to be systematically collected, edited, and catalogued in increasing numbers and studied by modern scholars. Recently, the focus has more and more turned toward the vernacular sermons and the study has become more interdisciplinary in nature and regionalized, so that, for example, we can discern the sermons in Old English and Middle English, German, French, Italian, Spanish and Portuguese, even Catalan and Old Norse, as well as Latin (Kienzle, ed., 2000). In the context of inter-disciplinary efforts to further broaden our understanding of the scope and impact of medieval sermons, the sermons of Muslim and Jewish preachers have been added to the list of ongoing projects. Most of the latter date from 1200 to 1500, and each phase of the ongoing medieval sermon study has revealed many similarities, such as the focus on moral issues and matters of faith with individual salvation as the ultimate goal, but also cultural and community differences in the way sermons were crafted and delivered by both Jews and Christians which are highlighted below.

I The Medieval Jewish Sermon The growth of the interdisciplinary approach to the study of the sermon has opened up greater interest in the Jewish approach to the sermon in the Middle Ages. Recent work by Marc Saperstein indicates that there is a standard medieval Hebrew term for the sermon (derashah), as well as for the person who delivers the sermon (darshan), along with a verb “to preach” (il-derosh), and that each of these words is related to the biblical root meaning “to seek, demand, investigate” (Saperstein 2000). In contrast to the availability of Christian texts from much earlier periods of the Middle Ages, the earliest extant texts of the Jewish sermons (excluding the midrash literature) only date from the thirteenth century. The midrash are excluded from Saperstein’s analysis because their content is both drawn from antiquity, and is too far removed from what would have actually been preached in European medieval society (Saperstein 2000, 175–76). Finally, when discussing Jewish sermons, Saperstein is referring only to “sermons delivered by Jews to audiences consisting primarily of Jews, based mainly on classical Jewish texts, and usually situated in a Jewish liturgical context” (Saperstein 2000, 177).

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It was common practice for sermons to be delivered during the ordinary Saturday morning Sabbath service, as well on holidays or the Sabbaths in the midst of holiday weeks, and usually soon after the liturgical readings of Scripture during these services. Since it was standard practice to divide the Pentateuch into sections such that all five books would be read during each year, the medieval Sabbath Saturday sermons occurred in conjunction with the appropriate season of the year for the reading of each book (e.g., Fall would be Genesis, Spring was Leviticus, etc.). The sermon collections are usually arranged accordingly (Saperstein 2000, 179; 1989). In addition to the ordinary Sabbath, sermons were composed for holidays themselves, as well as for the Sabbaths immediately preceding the holidays, and the Sabbaths during the holiday weeks. These sermons were based on themes related to the festival or holy day itself such as the Sabbath preceding the Day of Atonement, when the sermon would likely deal with the doctrine of atonement itself, as well as the difficulty of the listeners in preparing for the forthcoming fast days (Saperstein 2000, 179; 1996). Other categories of Jewish sermons include those composed for events of the life cycle, for example, circumcision, marriage, and death, which were delivered outside the synagogue at the place of the event, and those on special occasions in the life of the individual preacher or the community he served. Dedications of new synagogues, some natural or man-made disaster (e.g., plague or pogrom), or just the completion of a plan of study by the preacher might lead to a sermon occasion (Saperstein 2000, 180–81). The notion of community was critical in determining the nature of these sermons and it is important to note that all Jewish communities were not alike. In northern Europe, including northern Germany and France, England until 1290, and early settlements in Poland, for example, weekly Sabbath sermons were not common. In contrast, the most active preaching communities were those of the Mediterranean region, especially in the Iberian peninsula, and even then the evidence to confirm the nature and extent of preaching is slim before 1500 (Saperstein 2000). Unlike Christian preachers, who saw themselves as the os Domini (mouth of the Lord), the Jews did not usually claim that they had been called upon by God to preach. Christian preachers spoke with the authority of the Church, but Jewish preachers were not necessarily even rabbis. By around 1300, we know that much like for their Christian counterparts, there were preaching aids made available to assist Jewish preachers by providing not model sermons, but biblical and rabbinic statements related to various specific subjects and organized alphabetically for easier access. We should also note that most of the Jewish sermons were not delivered in Hebrew, but in the spoken vernacular language of the communities in which they lived. Because there was no hierarchy in the Jewish communities comparable to that of the Christian bishop, archbishop or abbot who could order

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that a sermon might be recorded, and because there was no known charismatic or famous Jewish preachers such as the Christian Jacques de Vitry, the texts of Jewish sermons were not preserved by contemporary hearers of those sermons. Thus, the issue of interpreting the impact of a Jewish sermon is even more complicated by the fact that most medieval texts of sermons were written after the event. If a sermon was to be read later, it was necessary then to write the text in Hebrew, which was like Latin for the literate Christian of the time, and Hebrew had many stylistic facets that were quite apart from the spoken vernacular. Regardless, certain aspects of the oral delivery had to be present in the written form, and this allows us insight into the mindset of the Jewish preacher and his community. For example, references to individuals in a congregation, a reference to the reason for the sermon, allusions to recent historical events or local concerns, or criticism of the community’s fallacies, the use of particular exempla to clarify abstractions, or instances of humor are part of a written version (Saperstein 2000, 188–89). Yes, there are texts, but they are much fewer than the Christian corpus and only post-1220. We have mostly isolated texts as well, so it is difficult to read community reaction in any particular region. Since the synagogue audience for sermons included the entire community, we do not have to try to distinguish a “lay” from a “clerical” audience response as in the case of the Christian world. However, given the range of listeners from the barely literate to Talmudic scholar in that audience, the question for modern scholars remains: how can we know the impact of any sermon with its intention “to educate, reassure, console or inspire” (Saperstein 2000, 190–91)?

II Regional Preaching of the Thirteenth Century Whereas much of the audience for the Latin sermon remained the literate clerical readers in monasteries or cathedral schools (Beriou 2000), the growth of popular preaching in the thirteenth century necessitated the rapid growth of the use of the vernacular throughout Europe. In Italy, for example, modern scholars note that preaching saw the development of a dynamic interrelationship among three elements: the Bible as portrayed in a liturgical context; a public fluid in its reception and shaping of the religious message; and, the evolving rhetoric of sermons (Delcorno 2000, 449). Driven by what Carlo Delcorno calls the “almost intoxicating quality… of public discourse,” the period from 1200 to 1500 was dominated by the use of the “sermo modernus,” which, while still aiming at the explanation of Scripture with a base on a biblical verse (thema), could adjust to treat almost any sort of issue, whether it be theological, moral or political (Delcorno 2000, 450–51). The primary focus appears to have been moral in

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nature, especially in preaching to the laity and in the amplified use of the exemplum to help prepare the audience for confession and penance. After 1215, when the Fourth Lateran Council prescribed annual confession and Easter Communion for every Christian, the requirement for preaching linked the preacher to the confessor. In Italy in the midst of the turbulence of urban heretical preaching by the Cathars, Waldensians, and Humiliati, the Franciscans responded with a message of conversion and peace. Francis (1181–1226) himself preached at Bologna on the feast of the Assumption in 1222 a sermon intended “ad extinguendas inimicitias et ad pacis foedera reformanda” (to extinguish hostilities and to establish peace treaties Delcorno 2000, 452). Similarly the Lenten sermons in 1231 by Saint Anthony of Padua (1195–1231) ended with a general peacemaking attempt. This continued in the Alleluia of 1233 with preaching by both Franciscans and Dominicans, and the work of the Observant Franciscans into the fifteenth century as well, as perhaps best exemplified in the preaching of Bernadino of Siena (1380– 1444) in 1427 (Delcorno 2000, 450–52; Lesnick 1989). In France, the sermo modernus was also popular from 1200 to 1500. Preachers used earlier models of sermons and drew exempla from well-known preachers, including Jacques de Vitry and the Dominicans Jacobus da Voragine (ca 1230– 1298) and Étienne de Bourbon (ca. 1195–ca. 1261). It was not until Erasmus (ca. 1466–1536) came to France in 1495 and introduced the ideas of Christian Humanism to the students of the Collège de Montaigu that the models were eventually supplanted in the 1530s. The modern method was suited to French society of the thirteenth century because the model of sermon construction developed by the Paris masters in the twelfth century offered an outline to enable greater coherence to the sermons. Second, as an oral event, the sermon required the use of auditory and visual cues that served as mnemonic devices to facilitate understanding and retention by the mostly non-literate audience. Thus, repetition of themes, use of lists, numbers, and the like all served this purpose. In the thirteenth century preaching in France was dominated by the mendicants, and their mandate to spread the Word of God and to root out heresy affected the way sermons were constructed and delivered. As time passed one notes some differences in the reception of the sermons. Though mostly alike in structure and content, sermons delivered by Franciscans were reportedly more likely to appeal to the emotions of the simple listener, and the Dominican sermons, which were more learned in content and style, were more likely to appeal to a more sophisticated urban inhabitant (Taylor 2000, 711–12; 720–21). Most preaching was done during the liturgical year, and the Bible was the primary source for preachers. Larissa Taylor indicates that 76% of all citations in sermons in France came from the Bible, with those from the Old Testament only slightly

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favored above those from the New (Taylor 2000, 719). Preachers were constantly challenged to shape sermons to fit the ordinary person, thus stick to a simple Christian message, avoid the esoteric, and “determine if the audience sins from the passions and fragility of human nature or out of simple obstinacy”(Taylor 2000, 718). As students of human nature and its psychology, the mendicants rose to the challenge and the audience was usually drawn in through a combination of instruction and entertainment. Exempla, personal anecdotes, jokes even, as well as fables and animal stories, the use of earthy everyday metaphors, and simulated dialogues were just a few of the devices used to connect to the listeners. Ultimately, as a call to action by the individual to reform his or her life, or for society itself to become more Christian, the French sermon of this era provides insight into the views of the preachers about the nature of the society they addressed. Though extant sermon texts from the Iberian Peninsula are scarce, we can gleam some insight from other sources such as chronicles, legislation, synod records or histories of the Church, visitation records by bishops, or confessor records, for example. In this case we are looking at preaching in three different vernacular languages (Castilian, Portuguese, and Catalan), as well as in a common language of the literate, Latin. The complex nature of the geo-political structure on the peninsula from 1200 to 1500 also makes for difficult generalizations about preaching. All of this has been outlined by Manuel Ambrosio Sànchez Sànchez, who has drawn some preliminary conclusions (Sànchez 2000, 759–860). First, little preaching was done at all in the rural areas because of negligence and the lack of an educated clergy. This void was occasionally filled by the appearance of a mendicant friar. But the need apparently was not being met even by 1303, because the Synod of Leon then made such a case of insisting that parish priests preach every Sunday that it was clear that there remained a failure of priests to execute the mandate. Still later in Salamanca in the synod of 1396, it was noted that the clergy were ignorant of the basic elements of doctrine and so could not preach them. Second, the urban areas fared somewhat better after the appearance and permanent establishment of the mendicant orders. Reading from extant sermon collections indicates that most often sermons were focused on the topic of penitence, with the parishioners being reminded that the path to salvation leads through contrition, confession, and penance. Penance should be considered a way of life if man is to beat his enemies—the world, the devil and the flesh. Finally, it appears that the Iberian sermons do not differ significantly in form as a literary genre in this period from those found elsewhere in Europe (Sànchez 2000, 796). In addition to the sermons embedded into the annual liturgical cycle, Iberian sermons also highlight special events, or focus on special targets. The former would include funerals, while the latter encompassed Apocalyptic sermons, as

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well as those for a crusade, or polemics against Jews and heretics. Parallel to the sermon delivered for a funeral itself, there are also sermons de mortuis or de defunctis which philosophically contemplate the nature and significance of death (Sànchez 2000, 768–71). Probably the most famous of Iberian preachers was Vicente Ferrer (1350–1419), a Dominican who attempted to solve the Schism and the inheritance problems within the reign of Aragon, and undertook a wideranging preaching mission that carried him into France, Italy, Switzerland and the Low Countries, as well as the Iberian peninsula (Sànchez 2000, 804). Ferrer is noted for his thematic preaching that favored a very simple rhetorical style. He felt he could achieve his goal best through the unity of the various parts of the sermon, and by involving his audience, sometimes as in a dialogue. Finally, from his sermons one can gain insight into the political and social ideas of his contemporaries, and can discern his own personal contempt for usury, fashion among women, immorality among the clergy, and vices in general (Sànchez 2000, 807). Dating from before 800 C.E., with the evidence provided by three sermon fragments by an anonymous author(s) known as the “Isidore Translator,” the German sermon represents one of the oldest genres of medieval vernacular literature (Schiewer 2000, 861). During the reign of Charlemagne (d. 806) the issuance of the Admonitio generalis made preaching the duty of the bishop, and in the early ninth century text of the Exhortatio ad plebem christianum we have evidence that preaching actually took place. However, the bulk of the extant evidence enabling us to understand the nature and impact of medieval German sermons begins around the end of the twelfth century. In the thirteenth century the ad populum and ad monialum sermons of the German friars were most noteworthy, whereas in the fourteenth century it was sermons by the German mystics that stood out. Like their other European counterparts in the earlier period, German priests were urged to preach in a way that could be easily understood. It is most likely that these sermons were written by Benedictine monks or Augustinian canons. Although intended mostly for a monastic audience, there is evidence that after 1200 some were directed toward a wider range of audience, including ad populum sermons for the laity (Schiewer 2000, 862–65). Regardless of the audience, the site for these sermons was the regular worship service. Most prominent among the thirteenth—century mendicant preachers in Germany was the Franciscan Berthold of Regensburg (ca. 1220–1272), who preached in both Latin and the vernacular. Modern scholarship indicates that most of the sermons attributed to Berthold were not written by him, but through the examination of chronicle reports we do have some understanding of his method of preaching and his influence. Beginning in Bavaria in ca. 1250, his preaching mission

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spread widely and popularly throughout the Rhineland and Switzerland. By 1260 he was further east in Austria, Hungary, and perhaps Bohemia. He was so popular that Pope Urban IV asked him to preach the crusade in 1263. In all of his preaching Berthold consistently focused on the common man. He avoided theological issues; instead, his sermons are witness to everyday issues, including the superstitions and prejudices of the communities, with the emphasis on persuading his audience to a true repentance for their sins. Making good use of allegory, Berthold’s known sermons are sprinkled with humor and vivid illustrations likely to hold the audience’s attention. Outside of Berthold, there are a few other extant collections of German sermons of the thirteenth century by anonymous authors. Probably the most prominent is the Schwarzwälder Predigten of the late thirteenth century sermons by Franciscans most likely. It consists of fifty-five sermons for the temporal cycle, and forty-six for the sanctoral, many of which emphasize God’s grace and mercy. Later in the thirteenth century Dominican predecessors to Meister Eckhart begin to appear in such collections as the Kölner Klosterpredigten (Cologne Monastic Sermons), where the emphasis shifts away from the everyday matters found in Berthold to the mystical (Schiewer 2002, 870–71). According to Hans-Jochen Schiewer, “The mystical sermon developed primarily within the framework of the Dominican cura monialium and spiritual care of the laity” (Schiewer 2000, 874). In the early fourteenth century these sermons became the basis for developing the so-called German Dominican theological school, as illustrated in the Dominican sermon collection known as the Paradisus anime intelligentis. The German theologians gathered around first Dietrich of Freiberg (1250–1310) and then Eckhart von Hocheim, who was best known simply as Meister Eckhart (ca. 1260–ca. 1327). Dietrich wrote extensively on nearly every known branch of medieval theology, philosophy and natural science, and was especially noted for his contributions on the subject to natural science. Though not known for his sermons, his ideas permeated the works of his contemporaries such as Eckhart, whose best-known works are his sermons, which ultimately led to the latter’s inconclusive trial as a heretic by Pope John XXII (1244–1334) near the end of his life. The known vernacular sermons of Eckhart (thirty two of which are found in the Paradisus anime intelligentis) were preached in a time of great turmoil for the Church, with the papacy at Avignon, the growth of a number of restless and pious lay groups, and the ongoing process of the Inquisition trying to root out the further spread of heresy. The fact that he regularly preached in the vernacular suggests the intended audience to be the laity. Although his sermons may seem less likely to influence the laity, because they focus on a wide theological range of topics, it can be seen how his emphasis on the presence of God in the soul of each

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individual, as well as the dignity of that soul, would appeal to a lay audience troubled by the problems of the fourteenth-century Church. The ongoing research seems to confirm that he exercised a considerable influence, with his words being “found assimilated into collections of aphorisms and excerpts, and into compilations of tract literature.” His influence is even more obvious in the works of his disciples Heinrich Seuse (also known as Henry Suso, 1300–1366) and Johannes Tauler (ca. 1300–1361), and as it is found in various sermon collections of the fourteenth century (Schiewer 2000, 875–79). By the time we reach the fifteenth century, German preaching had come under the influence of the religious reform ideas, especially the Dominican observance movement, and the developing urban preaching offices. The reintroduction of a strict observance of the mendicant and Benedictine Rules, as well as the practices of lay orders such as the Devotio moderna led to a rapid growth in the production of sacred literature which is just beginning to be studied by today’s scholars. Many of the three thousand sermons collected so far have yet to be published. A good bit of the sermon production was apparently exchanged within and among the houses of the different orders. Largely an urban phenomenon, Strasbourg, for example, presents “a culture of city-wide preaching, which makes it a model for urban sermon history” (Schiewer 2000, 886–87). Peter of Breslau (ca. 1445), a Dominican confessor who left us thirty three sermons that focus on the cura monialium for sisters of the observant convent of St. Nikolaus, illustrates one of the favorite German themes of the fifteenth century sermon, namely that of Christ’s Passion. In the other direction, it is clear that the urban growth led to a need for even greater attention to the laity. John Geiler (1445–1510), who took over the newly created preaching office in Strasbourg in 1479, preached a sermon cycle in Augsburg in 1488 that dealt with the concept of the contemplative life for the lay public in which he reflected the ideas of Jean Gerson (1363–1429) that a “theologia mystica” should not be an elite theology, but a “piety based on prayer and penitence, which can lead to a mystical union and which every believer, regardless of his education, can realize”(Schiewer 2000, 890 n. 71).

III Crusade Sermons in the Thirteenth Century Late in the reign of Pope Innocent III (1198–1216), crusade preaching took a turn away from the charismatic individuals such as Bernard of Clairvaux, to the institution of wholesale preaching by the friars minor. Early in his papacy, Innocent seemed to believe in the older model, but the preaching of the Fourth Crusade from 1198–1204 lacked unity. For example, instead of a single individual

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to lead the effort, Innocent wanted to step up the coverage and his wholesale selection of preachers was not always prudent. Joachim of Fiore (1135–1202), for example, had an excellent reputation for piety and oratorical skill, but at the time of his selection was seventy years old, and his eschatological views were being questioned by the Church lawyers; even Innocent himself had some doubts (Cole 1991, 98; 85–86). The best known popular preacher selected by Innocent was Fulk of Neuilly (d. 1201), who began his preaching as a parish curate, but rose beyond to preach to large audiences of the laity, and to the masters at Paris. As early as 1198, Fulk came to the attention of Innocent who “commanded the worthy priest to preach a crusade in his name” (Cole 1991, 87). Fulk recruited a number of others to assist him, but overall the effort was not very successful. It has been suggested that Fulk failed because he tried to do too much by linking his crusade mandate to the preaching of a moral revolution, with the emphasis more on the latter (Cole 1991, 90). The failure of the Fourth Crusade (1204) led Innocent III to recalculate his goals for preaching the crusade. Near the end of his reign, the bulwark of the Christian faith against the rising tide of heresy was defined at the Lateran Council of 1215, and tools were provided to facilitate the diocesan preachers, as well as the preaching of the crusades beyond local boundaries. For the latter, it was deemed important, as evidenced in the Brevis ordinacio de predicacione crucis, to confirm the purpose of the crusade as a means to achieve personal salvation. This was like the ars praedicandi, a guide for preaching the crusade, but we know little about how it was actually used. We do know that preachers such as Jacques de Vitry, who began his career as a fellow student of Fulk of Neuilly at Paris and subsequently rose to prominence in the first quarter of the thirteenth century and preached the Fifth Crusade, were responsive to ideas such as those contained in the Brevis. His Sermones ad crucesignatos focus on the loss of Jerusalem and the suffering of Christ there that must be redeemed by a new crusade. He reminded the men he sought to recruit of both their “feudal obligation” in the service of God, and the promise of the eternal life with God if they respond to His call. Jacques also drew on the connection he made between the crucifixion and crusading to provide the audience with a new meaning for the crusades and their role in expressing their love for Christ by responding to his time of need with their love for Him. The sermons of Jacques de Vitry illustrate another change in crusade preaching based upon lessons learned by Innocent III. From his earlier policy of a more discriminant signing of crusaders, Innocent now apparently understood the value of recruiting both warriors and those who might support the crusades in other ways. For example, de Vitry’s collection of crusade sermons has two types, one urging the warrior to take up the cross and do battle; the other addressed to

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noncombatants (i.e., wives, children and aging parents) attesting to the value of the sermon for them, meaning an inspiration leading to confession, the taking of the cross, and then providing funds for someone else to go to battle in their place. Following the untimely death of Innocent, his successors did not cease efforts to recapture Jerusalem. Honorius III (r. 1216–1227) saw to the implementation of the Fifth Crusade which ultimately floundered in Egypt, for example, but as a result of these ongoing failures the papacy began to change the rationale for crusading in order to explain why Christians had failed to retake Jerusalem. More and more the sermons reflect a response to the growing criticism of crusading by laying the blame for failure on the laxity of Christian sinners, and the need to see the crusade as a major act of penance. For example, one crusade sermon of John of Abbeville (d. 1237), an early follower of Peter the Chanter and Stephen Langton and later cardinal and papal legate, uses Ps. 78.4 as the basis for his chastisement of the audience with the words “We have become a source of reproach to our neighbors …,” and Lam. 5.2, “Our inheritance has been turned over to aliens….” Having set the scene, John then raises the specific question in the minds of many in the thirteenth century: Why has God let this happen? His answer is Christian moral failure and the lack of penitence for their sins (Cole 1991, 151–52). Pope Gregory IX (r. 1227–1241) was quite important in the crusading effort for several reasons, but perhaps he is best known for having officially assigned a major role for preaching the crusades to the Franciscans and Dominicans in 1234 (Cole 1991, 161). By the 1260s the friars were the most prominent among the preachers in the field and they were producing new works on how to preach the crusades as well. The Franciscan Guibert of Tournai (d. ca. 1284) was a theologian and mystic, as well as a preacher himself, and spent some time at the court of Louis IX (1214–1270) the saintly French crusader. His writings contain a number of ad status sermons, including three regarding the preaching of the crusade. Based on internal evidence, it would appear that these sermons may have been actually preached, perhaps by Guibert himself. These sermons focus on the significance of the cross for crusaders and they use a number of exempla which are likely drawn from Jacques de Vitry to develop the themes. Throughout these three sermons of Guibert, we see clearly the message that people are not responding to the crusade rhetoric, regardless of how much guilt, the promise of salvation, or the fear of damnation is laid upon the shoulders of the crusade sermon audiences (Cole 1991, 199–201). The Dominican friar Humbert of Romans (ca. 1190–1277), who served as master general of the Order from 1254 to 1263, also recognized the severity of the need to attract people back to the crusade mission, and he understood the nature of popular criticism of the failed efforts of the thirteenth century. Thus, around

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1265, he composed De praedicacione crucis, a new manual for preachers of the crusade. At the beginning of this text Humbert states his purpose, namely to provide preachers with a variety of materials, including some complete sermons, to enable them to preach more effectively against the Saracens. He then lets the readers know that he will also develop a number of topics, and each repeatedly with different support materials, in order to provide flexibility for the preacher to develop a sermon to meet the needs of each different preaching opportunity. Like Jacques de Vitry, Humbert recognized the need to provide sermons for both the potential combatant and the non-combatant who might provide funds for the crusade. Acknowledging the needs and interests of those who stay home, he offers the argument that it is more worthy to fund the crusade than it is to give to other causes such as the building of a church, or even more so than to give to the sick and the poor because the latter are local needs, whereas the crusade is for the benefit of all Christendom (Cole 1991, 202–05). Perhaps most interestingly, Humbert topped his collection of aids for crusade preaching with a copy of the sermon of Pope Urban II at Clermont, thus directly connecting preachers to a model of a successful crusade sermon, which in the words of Penny Cole: “demonstrated that the crusade had been, by implication, and could continue to be preached as a salvatory war proclaimed by the church in defense of the faith” (Cole 1991, 217).

IV Model Sermons and the Preaching of the Crusades One other example of the specific use made by model sermons is found in the collections of model sermons for the preaching of the crusades. Christoph Maier has advanced scholars much further along the pathway for an in-depth study of these sermons and their authors, who are among the most prominent of crusade preachers in the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. For his most recent study of crusade preaching, Maier selected and edited ad status sermon texts by Jacques de Vitry, Eudes of Châteauroux, Gilbert of Tournai (ca. 1200–1284), Humbert de Romans and Bertrand de la Tour (ca. 1262–1332). Therein he also examines the role of these sermons in the pastoral reform movement initiated in Paris around 1200 in the circle of Peter the Chanter, and shows how important it was deemed necessary to develop crusade propaganda to try to offset the growing apathy or outright resistance to crusading (Maier 1994 and 1998; 2000). To make clear the need and the means for pastoral reform it was necessary to reach a broad cross-section of medieval society, and the only really mass medium for doing so was the sermon. Many of these preachers saw the possibility of accomplishing both reform and the launch of a new crusade by linking the two goals in their sermons. In order to achieve the goals, regular preaching had to be

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insured, and many new preachers had to be prepared. At Lateran IV in 1215 Innocent III took the step to require regular diocesan preaching, and the Franciscans and Dominicans led the way in both preaching and educating the clergy to become better preachers. The model sermons were just one of the means, but perhaps became the “most useful of the preaching aids” (Maier 2000, 6). The mendicants also provided a hierarchic structure and network of their houses in various locations that the papacy could use to propagandize the crusade effort. All but one of five authors listed above were active crusade preachers, with their sermon collections among the most popular of the later medieval period; all but Bertrand spent most of their lives in the reform climate at Paris; all produced many preaching aids; and three of the five played prominent roles in the mendicant communities they served (Maier 2000, 8). Overall, in the sermons of these five we see many similarities in their approach to the crusade. For example, picking up on the strong message of Innocent III, they describe crusaders in very positive terms, even creating an image of them as morally superior beings compared to those who were choosing not to take up the cross. Because of the division between warriors and other kinds of supporters, these preachers underlined how it was possible for everyone to participate, even the poor who might donate a very small amount but still maintain the momentum for crusading. The crusade was placed in the middle of the medieval preaching narrative of penance, redemption and salvation, with the idea that becoming a crusader meant that one would actually enter “a more thoroughly Christian life” (Maier 2000, 64–67). Thus, these collections of model sermons were presented as two kinds of model: (1) a model of how to preach the sermon; and (2) an individual model for the potential crusader who by taking up the cross could assume the best way to devote oneself to Christ.

E Uses of the Sermon in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries First, using England as the example, well-known preachers of the late Middle Ages such as John Wyclif (ca. 1330–1384) were strong believers in the power of the sermon. Wyclif even considered preaching a more important function of the priesthood than administering the sacraments. Although he composed many sermons in Latin and English, he strongly encouraged the clergy to preach in the language of the people, even to the point of breaking with the Church tradition by arguing that the laity should also be allowed to preach (Dolnikowski 1998, 371– 72; Hudson and Gradon, ed., 1983–96; Thomson 1983). In his Latin sermon

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collection we find both sermons per se and teaching materials for preachers. Wyclif was conservative in his approach to preaching, as he was in most of his theological beliefs, even though the latter got him into trouble with the papacy. He rejected the more flamboyant methods of the mendicants, for example, and selected a text from Scripture carefully to elucidate a bit of its theological meaning before ending with a concrete lesson for the faithful (Dolnikowski 1998, 374–75). As he became increasingly critical of the Church, Wyclif also sought to root out the weaknesses he saw in preaching. In noting several barriers to good preaching, Wyclif chided the clergy for seeking lucrative and comfortable parishes, while refusing to reach out to the poor and the sick. He attacked next the power exercised by the bishops over preaching, claiming that their rigid control of their own parishes closed out needed preaching opportunities that crossed beyond those boundaries. Thus, overall, Wyclif seemed to argue that for these two reasons the need for preaching was greater than the service being provided, because the clergy were too confined within the limits of their own parishes, and that these limitations weakened the passion for preaching itself (Dolnikowski 1998, 380–81). Like other late medieval preachers, Wyclif let his audiences know his increasingly skeptical views of the nature of the Church, and argued that Scripture (not the Church hierarchy) should be the sole basis for determining the nature of the faith and the practice of the believers. This led to the condemnation of his views as heresy. Another English example of the way public preaching was becoming more and more a forum for social and political issues is found in the preaching done at Paul’s Cross outside St Paul’s Cathedral in London. Though the occasion for sermons was somewhat traditionally on Sunday afternoons, as well as important religious or civic festivals, the content was more controversial or reached beyond local boundaries, such as the preaching done on the occasion of the symbolic burning of heretical books of Wyclif, or the recantations by his later followers. As late as 1490 it is reported that Lollards were forced to stand before preachers at Paul’s Cross acknowledging the shame of their misguided beliefs (Horner 1998, 267–68). Even the disruptions to preaching of crusades across England and France caused by the Hundred Years War are reflected in the preaching at Paul’s Cross. The use of Paul’s Cross as a forum for public discussion of political and social questions had been demonstrated many times earlier, but the preaching of Thomas Bradwardine (ca. 1290–1346) in the early fourteenth century in praise of the English victory at the Battle of Crécy, and that by Bishop Thomas Brunton (ca. 1320–1389) lamenting recent military setbacks in the 1370s and 1380s, put the context of failure in rather ironic terms remindful of the thirteenth-century lamentations over the failure of the crusades to Jerusalem: “But I am fearful that

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because of our sins every part of our kingdom falls and collapses, and God, who was accustomed to be English, abandons us” (Horner 1998, 269). Meanwhile, on the continent, John Hus (ca. 1369–1415), who had been influenced by the teachings of Wyclif, began around 1402 with his preaching from the pulpit at the Bethlehem Chapel in Prague to address his lay audiences with exhortations to live a life of piety in order to nurture a life of “faith formed by love.” Mostly Hus was in despair over the spiritual condition of the faithful in Prague, but he reached more broadly to castigate the social evils of worldliness in general, especially the sins of fornication, adultery, and drunkenness. As he grew more disappointed with the performance of the Church clergy and its hierarchy, Hus also began to define his church in such a way as to justify disobedience of his clerical superior, Archbishop Zbyněk, and even the pope himself. In his efforts to reach out to the public Hus composed ninety-nine sermons for the church year 1404–1405 alone. Eventually his sermons and his teachings in particular led to his excommunication in 1411, which aroused public indignation in Prague, where he had become such a popular preacher (Spinka 1965, 37–38; 1968).

F Conclusion The past forty years of medieval sermon research have revealed much insight into the nature of sermons, their form, their foci, their audiences, and ongoing issues which still must be addressed as scholars attempt to further mine the richness of this resource for an interdisciplinary understanding of medieval culture. Though the written form was Latin for most of the sermons, we know that they were also written and definitely preached in the vernacular. We know from the early days of sermon writing in the fourth to seventh centuries, with the Church Fathers Augustine and Pope Gregory I as models, that much of the purpose and structure of sermons, as well as the site for preaching and identity of the preachers was being established, and that the reliance on authority never left the focus of medieval preaching. It is also clear that sermons were the primary means of mass communication during the entire Middle Ages in Europe, and that sermons were the primary vehicle for exhortation to reform within the Church throughout that period. We know that sermons were focused on the salvation of the individual regardless of how they were used to preach reform, urge a crusade, or attack the Church for its failure to meet the spiritual needs of the faithful from the time of Augustine to the pre-Reformation sermons of reformers such as Wyclif and Hus. Because of the vast number of extant manuscripts now collected, but not yet fully studied, any overview of the medieval sermon such as this can only fail to do

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Sermon Study justice. This review has only touched the surface and called attention to only a few of the versatile, skilled, and influential preachers of the era. Readers are thus urged to dig deeply into the literature cited, and the enormous bibliographies therein, in order to pursue their own interests with an expectation of a great reward. However, let us conclude with a brief indication of some of the more pressing issues that are driving current study. Moving far from the early nineteenth century treating of sermons as the history of dogma (e.g., Bourgain 1879; Lecoy de la Marche 1886; Cruel 1879; Linsenmayer 1986), today’s research reveals a wide-open approach that views the sermon as a reflection of the general culture (Thayer 2012; Bériou and d’Avray, ed., 1994; Muessig 2002; Roberts 1999). As one might expect, current sermon research thus reflects the concerns of current society. Scholars are approaching issues that concern the role of women (Kienzle and Walker, ed., 1998), the role of the sermon in the life of the laity, and what can be learned about lay preachers and their sermons, or the role of the sermon within the popular culture. The ongoing SERMO project, for example, is seeking to collect a more thorough body of vernacular sermons for study (Thayer 2012, n. 21, p. 57). This concern with culture has also led to a broader approach to sermons that is both interdisciplinary and comparative, i.e., comparing themes and related issues between and among sermon collections instead of focusing so much on individual sermons or collections (Amos et al., ed., 1989). For example, regarding the former, scholars are now examining the influence of music and the reflection of sermons in the art of cathedrals, or the use of theatrical techniques in preaching (Donavin et al., ed., 2004; Waters 2004; Kienzle 2002). The use of computers to study the vast sermon literature using content analysis and related tools is also growing (De Reu 2004). One of the ongoing issues in the study of sermons and sermon collections is more strictly methodological (Anderson, ed., 2007; Kienzle, ed., 2000; Bataillon 1980). Since 1969 with Schneyer’s work in editing and publishing the huge number of sermons (Schneyer 1969–1990), we have a large resource to work with, but scholars still must try to determine the context for preaching, the nature of the audience, the issues of transcription from the vernacular to the Latin and viceversa, and the possible impact of the sermons when we have the differences between the more or less literate preacher and the variety of listeners in the various audiences to consider. The extant sermons we have were transmitted over time in several forms, including the written, which may or may not have been preached. Sometimes we have a full text, and at other times only a partial one. Shorter forms of transmission include summary reports or even outlines of sermons that usually consist of a brief overview of the structure of the sermon and its authorities used to support the main points. Then there are the more complete reportatio, which are based on a listener at the time of delivery who took notes

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and wrote not only about the structure and authorities, but also mentioned exempla used, as well as providing some sense of the preacher’s oratorical style and the audience reaction. Finally, we have a large number of model sermons and model sermon collections to decipher. Though most prominent in the post-1200 period, there are collections dating back to Paul the Deacon (ca. 720–ca. 799), who played a prominent role in the Carolingian reform of the eighth century. Under these circumstances, a key issue is the problem of determining the reliability of any given text. In trying to verify authorship, for example, various methods have been tried, the most recent being championed by David d’Avray, who uses pecia in conjunction with other manuscripts from various textual groups to try to verify authenticity. Developed in the thirteenth century, pecia were copies of pieces of sermon manuscripts borrowed from a stationer and then copied over for personal use to produce numerous copies that facilitated mass distribution before the invention of printing (Thayer 2012; D’Avray 2001). For the period after 1200 scholars note more complex sermon structures and several styles currently called thematic; “modern” (i.e., purposefully breaking with the older homiletic form); scholastic (i.e., showing the same interest in organizing knowledge as the masters at Paris did with theology, but not preached in the schools); university; and, mendicant. Of all these, the thematic sermon was the most popular from 1200–1500 because of its flexibility and its adaptability to all audiences (Thayer 2012; Muessig 1998; D’Avray 1985). Future research will likely expand on the comparative study of these texts to enrich our understanding of medieval popular culture. Building upon preaching as a reflection of medieval culture, Anne Thayer has recently argued that it was also “a powerful shaper of medieval culture” (Thayer 2002, 194–95). Thayer further encourages scholars to broaden the study of the author, the content, and the context of sermons in order to further enhance our understanding of the sermon culture. As an example of what she means, she cites the study by Beverly Kienzle of Hildegard of Bingen’s gospel homilies which provides insight regarding how Hildegard’s visions gave her justification for preaching within a culture that did not authorize women to preach (Thayer 2012, 53; Kienzle 2009, 2–3). Finally, perhaps among the more interesting issues for future historians of the sermon in the Middle Ages, and exciting for research, are found in questions of theory. Given what we know about the power of words and the voice, how can we use the work of anthropologists and linguists on communication by the literate to the non-literate to further understand the effectiveness of sermons? Can computer technology help us better understand the relationship among sermon themes, and help us to compare similarities and differences among the various regional sermon collections more efficiently and more effectively given the large

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volume of material we have to work with? Can performance theory, or the concept that framing techniques are used by the mind to interpret actions, enlighten our knowledge of the way sermons were constructed and why they were effective in rousing people to action? Are these really a way of better understanding what we mean by “charisma,” a term we often apply to preachers of the Middle Ages such as Bernard of Clairvaux (Thayer 2012, 50; Kienzle 2002)? What about the value of comparative studies of Jewish and Muslim sermon practices which are just beginning to be explored, and interwoven into the interdisciplinary examination of Christian sermons? All of these suggest an interesting long-term future for the study of how the medieval sermon was both a powerful mirror and a powerful tool throughout the history of the Middle Ages (Morenzoni, ed., 2013).

Select Bibliography Amos, Thomas Leslie, Eugen A. Green and Beverly Mayne Kienzle, ed., De Ore Domini: Preacher and Word in the Middle Ages (Kalamazoo, MI, 1989). Bataillon, Louis-Jacques, “Approaches to the Study of Medieval Sermons,” Leeds Studies in English n.s. 11 (1980): 19–35. Berkey, Jonathan P., Popular Preaching and Religious Authority in the Medieval Islamic Near East (Seattle, WA, 2001). D’Avray, David L., The Preaching of the Friars: Sermons Diffused from Paris before 1300 (Oxford 1985). Donavin, Georgiana, Cary J. Nederman and Richard Utz, ed., Speculum Sermonis: Interdisciplinary Reflections on the Medieval Sermon (Turnhout 2004). Kienzle, Beverly Mayne, ed., The Sermon (Turnhout 2000). Kienzle, Beverly Mayne and Pamela J. Walker, ed., Women Preachers and Prophets Through Two Millennia of Christianity (Berkeley, CA, 1998). Muessig, Carolyn, Preacher, Sermon, and Audience in the Middle Ages (Leiden 2002). Muessig, Carolyn, ed., Medieval Monastic Preaching (Leiden and Boston, MA, 1998). Roberts, Phyllis, “Sermon Studies Scholarship: The Last Thirty-Five Years,” Medieval Sermon Studies 43 (1999): 9–18. Schneyer, Johannes B., Repertorium der lateinischen Sermones des Mittelalters für die Zeit von 1150–1350 (Münster 1969–1990), 11 vols. Thayer, Anne T., “The Medieval Sermon: Text, Performance and Insight,” Understanding Medieval Primary Sources, ed. Joel T. Rosenthal (London and New York 2012), 43–58. Zajkowski, Robert W., “Sermons,” Handbook of Medieval Studies: Terms – Methods –Trends, ed. Albrecht Classen (Berlin and New York 2010), vol. 3, 2077–86.

Timothy Runyan

Ships and Seafaring A Ship Building The ship was a central feature of the medieval economy on the seas and inland waterways, including the lengthy Rhine and Danube Rivers. The Mediterranean Sea was home to the seafaring traditions of the ancient world. Subsequent developments would see the expansion of shipping along the Northern Seas—the Baltic, North Sea, and Atlantic Ocean including the Bay of Biscay. The seafaring traditions of the east—the Red Sea, Persian Gulf, and Indian Ocean, were distinct, but influenced developments in the west. This was especially true after the rise of Islam in the seventh century and the expansion of Arab seafaring. The European seafaring tradition is the product of distinct regional and external influences that are perhaps best identified in the construction of ships (Lewis and Runyan 1985). Ancient seafarers constructed ships using a variety of techniques. Roman ships were built by joining the hull planks using mortise-and-tenon construction. Rectangular shaped mortises were cut into the edges of planks and tenons were inserted to hold the planks together. Wooden dowels or nails were driven through the tenons to keep the planks from pulling apart. We have learned from investigations of Roman shipwrecks that the mortises were closely spaced, making for a very tight and sturdy hull. Only when the hull was formed were interior frames added to provide additional strength and to support decks. This form of hull-first construction did not limit the size of ships as one might suspect. The Romans constructed vessels in excess of 1000 tons for carrying grain and other bulk commodities. But this method of construction was very labor intensive and demanded skilled laborers (Casson 1995, 201–23; Morrison, ed., 1995, 127–32). The succeeding method of construction, frame-first construction, simply reversed the process and began by creating the frames that formed a skeleton of the ship. The planks were then attached. The strength of this ship was no longer the rigid hull, but the keel and framing timbers. Ships built in this fashion had several advantages. They were simpler to build, requiring fewer skilled workers— no more chiseling thousands of mortises and tenons. Their construction was less labor intensive. They could probably be built more quickly. They were lighter. These are important considerations to a merchant ship owner who must consider the cost of his vessel in relationship to the profit he hopes to earn through the carriage of goods. All of this conditioned by risk—many vessels never returned home, and therefore never made a profit. It also meant that the buyer wanted a

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ship that was suited to his needs. There were a variety of designs to choose from (Steffy 1994).The standard vessel for war and carriage of high value cargoes was the galley. Roman liburnae (galleys) were capable of sailing on their own or rowed. The galley was versatile and less subject to the winds or lack of wind, than a pure sailing ship. Oarsmen propelled the vessel in calms, or to direct her where the wind might not allow, or against an enemy. Galleys carried sails. Roman galleys had a single mast supporting a yard carrying a square sail, and usually a smaller square sail at the bow. This smaller sail was helpful in controlling this ship which was directed by a single rudder, or pair of rudders affixed to the stern quarters of the hull (Morrison, ed., 1995). Galleys were used by the Byzantine Empire as its primary weapon of war at sea. Built initially with one, and then a second bank of oars, these dromons (runners) could carry catapults and some were fitted with bronze-sheathed rams (Pryor and Jeffreys 2006). They enabled Byzantine victories over the Ostrogoths during the reign of Justinian. That power was quickly challenged by the Arabs in the seventh century. Alexandria was taken, followed by all of Egypt and Syria. The Arabs quickly took to the sea using local vessels and crews. Cyprus was taken, and at the “Battle of the Masts” off Asia Minor in 655 the Byzantine navy suffered a major defeat. The Arabs assaulted Constantinople by sea in 674, failing to take the city because of the use of a secret weapon. “Greek fire” is a combustible mixture of chemicals that was expelled from shipboard tubes (siphones) at enemy vessels that burned upon contact. The Chronicle of Theophanes credits Kallinikos of Heliopolis for devising a sea fire which ignited the Arab ships and burned them. The weapon was also another factor in the ability of the Byzantines to withstand continued attacks on Constantinople and elsewhere. Most sea battles to consisted of the hurling of projectiles, including arrows, lances and stones, followed by boarding and grappling handto-hand. Greeks and Romans relied on bronze rams affixed to a ship’s prow to destroy enemy ships, but that practice went out of favor. Galleys continued in use throughout the medieval era because of their military value and ability to operate when the wind was not advantageous. We must also allow that they were built in large numbers. Sources of medieval battles are often greatly exaggerated in order to emphasize the significance and scale of an event. But if the records are to be trusted, in 960 as many as three thousand Byzantine ships were involved in the battle for Crete (Lewis and Runyan 1985, 31).

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Fig. 1: Composed of a secret formula known only to the Byzantines, Greek fire was a combustible chemical that was “fired” from a tube. It was used in sea battles against the Arabs from the seventh century. From a 12th-c. Sicilian manuscript of the chronicle of Joannes Skylitzes. Biblioteca Nacional Madrid, Vitr. 26–2, fol 34v. Creative Commons BY-NC.

1. Evidence from Shipwecks There are a number of shipwrecks from the early medieval period that demonstrate the evolution of ship development. One example is the seventh century Yassi Ada shipwreck discovered off the coast of Turkey. A Byzantine merchant vessel that frequented the coasts of the eastern Mediterranean, the recovery of artifacts from the ship confirms the extent and variety of maritime trade during this period. The small single-masted vessel of about 60 tons was one of many ships that carried wine, grain, olive oil, and other items, usually sealed in amphorae. Over 700 amphorae littered the seabed at this site; most of them contained cheap wine, possibly destined for an army. The 20-meter long vessel was built using mortise-and-tenon construction for the lower hull, with the mortises widely spaced. The balance of the planking was attached directly to the ship’s frames. Maritime archaeology has added greatly to our understanding of the construction of early ships, and therefore of the extent and capability of early seafarers (Bass and van Doorninck, ed., 1982).

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One important contribution credited to the Arabs upon their entry into Mediterranean seafaring was the use of the lateen sail. This triangular sail may have originated among seafarers in the Indian Ocean. It possessed the advantage of allowing a vessel to sail closer to the direction of the wind. It was also more manageable than square sails. Today it is the shape of sails on yachts across the globe. Oared galleys soon carried the lateen sail, and merchant vessels did as well. The square sail was the better choice when the wind came from the stern and pushed the ship forward, but was less effective sailing against the wind, requiring constant tacking (moving side to side) to make forward progress. The lateen-rigged sailing ship became common in Mediterranean shipping and may have contributed to an increase in ship size from the tenth century. A Byzantine shipwreck discovered at Serçe Limani near Rhodes, Greece, dates to the eleventh century and was carrying crushed glass for recycling, one hundred amphorae of wine and other items when it sank. Archaeological investigations have revealed that it is a two-masted ship that carried lateen sails. It is further evidence of the adoption of the lateen sail and adaptation of the sail plan to include two masts. Lateen rigged sailing ships, usually with a length to beam ratio of about three to one, became the standard cargo carriers on the Mediterranean (Bass, ed., 2004).

B Arabs and Byzantines The Arabs became a force in Mediterranean naval affairs and shipping from the early seventh century. Success in military affairs required the construction and manning of fleets. Once those fleets began to appear, the Byzantines countered with the creation of their own standing fleets. The resulting conflicts continued from 649 until the eleventh century. The Arabs won the first major engagement at the battle fought off Lycia in southwestern Turkey. The Battle of the Masts likely was named because both sides flew standards of crescent or cross from their ship’s masts. Emperor Constans II led the Byzantine forces in person, but was forced to flee in disguise to avoid capture according to one source. This battle was lost, but it also was an indicator of a new approach to naval warfare by the Byzantines. Catapults to throw stones were mounted on large dromons (doublebanked warships) to disable enemy vessels. Missing was the traditional ram whose purpose was to hole and sink a ship. The Arabs besieged Constantinople in 674 and clearly benefited by their victory at sea. But Byzantine technology responded to the crisis as Greek fire was used in 679 to drive the Arab fleet away. A subsequent Islamic assault on the capital in 717–718 was repulsed. The reorga-

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nization of the Byzantine navy into regional fleets was done to better counter the Arab ability to reach the capital (Hourani 1995; Fahmy 1966). But the battleground shifted. Crete became the new target and was conquered in 826. Major Byzantine campaigns involving 177 ships in 911 and 109 ships in 949 failed to recover Crete. Both Crete and Cyprus were held until 965 when Byzantine control was restored. While the numbers can be challenged, records indicate that 19,600 sailors manned the 911 expedition, and 8,870 sailors participated in the failed 949 attack (Dimitroukas 2007, 507). Ships carried armies which required horses, suggesting the range of vessels built or enlisted for such major engagements. Recruitment of sailors was primarily from the maritime communities of the coasts where fishermen and merchant mariners made excellent recruits (Christides 1984). The naval conflict between Byzantium and Islam extended over 350 years during which the Muslim navies were successful in many theatres. The Byzantine monopoly on the Mediterranean was broken. The initiatives at sea were aided by the victorious armies on land that conquered important ports in Syria, Palestine and Egypt that were essential to naval development. The rise of the Seljuk Turks added the port communities of Asia Minor. The conquest of Egypt provided not only access from Alexandria but the inland resources of the Nile. Pressing across Africa, Tripoli fell and Carthage in 698. Ships provided the bridge to Europe as the Arab offensive crossed the Strait of Gibraltar in 711 and reached Spain. The caliphate understood the value of skilled shipwrights and navigators as well as others with maritime skills. The newly constructed naval base at Tunis employed men recruited for their abilities from across the empire to create a critically needed ship building center. Naval forces provided the impetus for the conquests of Malta (870), and then from Tunisia the conquest of Sicily in 902. The only major interruption to the Muslim conquest was the political change that came with the rise of the Abbasid caliphate in 750. The Umayyad survivor of the coup that ended his family’s rule established an independent caliphate at Cordova. The Shiite Fatimids in Tunisia gained power through the strength of their navy. They courted neither Baghdad nor Cordova. The unity of the Arab world was fracturing, on land and at sea. The Fatimids lost a sea battle to the Abbasids in 920, but ultimately prevailed to conquer Egypt in 969. Now focused more on the eastern Mediterranean states, the naval forces languished, contributing to the Byzantine recovery of Crete, Cyprus, and related commercial shipping. But it was the entry of the Normans into the Mediterranean that signaled the extent of change. Sicily was taken in 1091 along with Malta and southern Italy as part of what was a Christian recovery during an era of decline in Muslim naval power. Led by Venice and Genoa, a number of Italian city-states began their rise to prominence in both commercial and naval affairs. This shift in

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sea power lasted throughout the remainder of the medieval era. Christian fleets monopolized the trade routes and commercial terms at ports of the eastern Mediterranean while securing monopolies on the carriage of goods (Fahmy 1950; Pryor 2003).

C The Crusades Following the call by preachers and the pope for a recovery of the Holy Land from the infidels in November 1095, the First Crusade began a protracted “international” war involving ships that could transport knights, their horses, armies and pilgrims from Europe across the Mediterranean. These complex operations challenged the organizers to master the logistical needs of these enormous undertakings. Secure ports were required at each end of the voyage. The major ports of Syria, Palestine and Egypt were coveted by Crusader forces that needed secure harbors for their ships and supplies. This included not only supplies for the passage, but also to support the armies in the field. Commanders also needed access to their fleets should their armies fail and an evacuation was necessary. The fall of Jerusalem in 1099 during the First Crusade was primarily a military operation. But afterward the naval aspect of Crusade operations became more significant. The Muslim response was to fight to retain control of the ports and harbors as key strategic elements in the conflict. In this they were not very successful. Even the great Saladin who built a fleet that challenged the Crusaders and won a naval victory in 1183 on the Red Sea, was unable to prevent the western control of major ports. The Mamluk rise to power and control of the eastern Mediterranean coastal areas of Syria and Palestine did not advance naval development. There were few victories at sea and some significant losses, as off Limassol, Cyprus in 1270. This is the event that prompted the sultan to write a letter to the Christian ruler there proclaiming that a victory on land was of much greater consequence than one at sea. For the Christians, he declared, “your horses are ships,” while for us “our ships are horses.” The Seljuks from Anatolia did incorporate the maritime traditions of the people they conquered, mainly Christian seafarers along the coasts. They established raiding squadrons that at times acted more as privateers than state navies. The raids from Izmir so agitated the Christians that a fleet composed of ships from several Italian cities was organized to capture the city, which they accomplished in 1344. This lesson was not lost on the successor Ottoman Turks during their rise to power in the early fifteenth century. Mehmet II depended upon his large fleet of

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war galleys during the siege of Constantinople in 1453 in a victory that earned him the title of “Conqueror.” Byzantine seafaring was largely focused on the eastern Mediterranean, the Black Sea, the Sea of Marmara and the Aegean. Much of the shipping was confined to coastal navigation and sailing short distances to ports or to the many islands along the trade routes. Galleys were suited for these shorter ventures while larger sailing ships made the longer passages across the seas. Rhodes, where the Roman maritime law was codified, Cyprus and Crete remained important destinations and waypoints for seafarers. We know about these voyages from written sources, and most remarkably from the discovery and recovery of the Yassi Ada shipwrecks from the fourth and seventh centuries. The seventh century vessel was about 20 meters in length and 5 meters in beam. Its sailing rig is unknown, but it likely carried lateen sails on one or two masts (Bass and van Doorninck, ed., 1982). The build of the two ships reveal the transition in construction techniques that mark the movement from shell construction to frame-first or skeleton construction. In the earlier form, the planks that shaped the vessel were joined at their edges by mortises and tenons to create a shell or hull. Frames were then fitted into this hull. Skeleton construction is the technique whereby the keel and frames are assembled to create the skeleton of the vessel before the planking is attached. This technique can be cost effective in that fewer skilled workers may be required. By the tenth century many ships were constructed in this fashion, although the shell first technique continued to be employed in various forms. An example of ships incorporating elements of both techniques includes the amazing cache of more than two dozen ships discovered in Istanbul in 2005 during a major excavation project near the waterfront. These vessels are dated ca 1000 and are built with edge-joined planks up to the waterline and then finished off using the skeleton technique. Ships built using the skeleton technique could be of great size and carry multiple masts and sails. Such vessels were common in Western Europe. The best archaeological example is the eleventh century Serçe Limani shipwreck, raised from the seabed, conserved and reassembled for exhibition at a museum in Bodrum, Turkey (Steffy 1994; Bass, ed., 2004). The sailing ship was a preferred vessel for trade, but the vessel of war in the Mediterranean remained the oared galley. Initially the principal weapon was the galley itself when fitted with a bronze ram at the bow that could be driven into an opposing vessel. This was complemented by the use of Greek fire carried aboard Byzantine dromons, fast and effective war ships. Dromons usually had a single bank of about 50 oars; there were also bireme dromons. The move from one man to an oar to multiple men pulling a single oar was a later rethinking of the means of propulsion. More efficient, with the opportunity to make better use of interior

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space, ships underwent design modifications with the adoption of these changes. Standard vessel size was now more than 30 meters, enough size to accommodate cargo, two masts and sails in addition to the oarsmen. The stability and navigational capability of these vessels was augmented by the use of two side rudders (Pryor 1988; Pryor and Jeffreys 2006, Pryor, ed., 2006). Crusaders demanded ships that could carry not only men and supplies but also horses. Horses could be transported on sailing ships, but also on galleys. Chelandia were galleys adapted to carry horses through increasing the beam or width of the ship and the depth of the hold. These galleys did not sail. The rails were close to the water and they could be easily swamped by a following sea. Weather was a commanding factor in the decision to put to sea. Galleys had to carry large quantities of water. The oarsmen either had enough water or suffered from dehydration, and the attendant consequences. This meant that a substantial amount of the cargo was water, and the route traveled needed to include places where water could be obtained. The ships employed by the Latin West during the Crusades included a variety of types, or at least names, as many of them are not precisely identified. The chroniclers frequently change their descriptors of ships and rather than specifically identifying them by types, sometimes refer to vessels as naves or galée, or another term. The number of ships involved in the Crusades is impressive. England sent a fleet of 30 ships for the First Crusade. Those from France and the Italian states drive the number into the hundreds. Genoese, Pisan, and Venetian ships often dominate the records by number and appearance at key engagements. Ships carried not only the Crusaders, but also their gear, horses, supplies, foodstuffs, and weapons. Provisions were critical in maintaining large armies in a hostile environment with limited or unreliable sources of support. In sum, logistics was a determining factor in the outcome of overseas warfare. Ships were sometimes the lifelines of armies, either for support, or transportation in case of a retreat (Pryor 1988; Pryor 1994, 59–76).

D Italy and the West Venice, Genoa, Pisa, and Norman Sicily emerged as naval powers in the central and western Mediterranean by the First Crusade in 1095. They were never in harmony, often allied against one another rather than a common foe. Venice had opposed the Norman Robert Guiscard’s efforts to take the Balkans, and Pisa often opposed Venice. During the First Crusade in 1099 the Pisans attempted a landing at Rhodes to which the Venetians objected. In the ensuing battle, fifty Pisan ships were routed by a smaller Venetian force. Once Jerusalem fell, the Italian maritime

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powers and the Normans expanded their influence at sea. Most of this was through trade and the transportation of men and goods, and sometimes raiding and warfare. Pisa and Genoa allied to attack the Balearics. Amalfi never recovered as a maritime force following the 1181 assault by Pisa. The Normans and others traded along the coast of Africa from Morocco to Egypt while Pisa and Genoa joined Venice in a lucrative trade relationship with Constantinople (Lewis and Runyan 1985, 65). Venice mounted a crusade in 1122 that included 120 ships. The fleet sailed only as far as Corfu where the sailors spent the winter. Fulcher of Chartres says there were 15,000 men on board, whose accommodation must have been a challenge to the local population of this small island. After reaching Acre they won victories that secured Tyre and Fatimid power was reduced further after the fall of Ascalon in 1153. Muslim naval forces were pushed south into Egypt. This situation changed with the rise to power of Saladin who in 1177 began the construction of a fleet that challenged the western navies. He built ships that could transport horses, and he built at least 60 galleys for warfare at sea. His ships harassed the coast though failed to take Beirut. But he did win the significant land Battle of Hattin in 1187. Saladin’s attempt to secure the entire Mediterranean coast was only halted by the steady supply of troops and men in operations secured by western naval power. In fact, it was the interception of their grain supply ships that caused the starving Muslims to surrender Acre in 1191. The naval forces of the Latin states helped shape subsequent strategy to recover Jerusalem by taking Egypt. Attention now focused on Alexandria and Damietta which were the keys to victory. The initial plan for the Fourth Crusade called for an assault on Alexandria and the conquest of Cairo. The Venetian role in the subsequent change of plans resulting in the capture of Christian Constantinople is usually identified according to state interest. But the Venetian assembly of about 50 large galleys and 150 horse-carrying vessels (uisseri) was a huge force, one that was appropriate to a conquest of Egypt. While the spoils to the Venetians following the Latin conquest of Constantinople may have been substantial, victory in Egypt could have secured even greater riches. But that campaign required more knights and soldiers than those recruited for the crusade. The decision to redirect the expedition to Constantinople not only resulted in Latin rule from 1204 to 1261, but the demise of Byzantine naval forces (Murray, ed, 2006, III, 869–74). The tactics employed during the amphibious assault on Constantinople are dramatically described in an eyewitness account: On the Thursday after mid-Lent, all entered into the vessels, and put their horses into the transports. Each division had its own ships and all were ranged side by side; and the ships

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were separated from the galleys and transports … But for our sins, the pilgrims were repulsed…On the Monday they would return to the assault, and they devised further that the ships that carried the scaling ladders should be bound together, two and two …. And two ships that were bound together … the Pilgrim..and the Paradise, approached so near to the tower, the one on the one side and the other on the other … that the ladder of the Pilgrim joined on to the tower … When the knights see this, who are in the transports, they land and raise their ladders against the wall, and scale the top of the wall by main force, and so take four of the towers. And all began to leap out of the ships and transports and galleys helterskelter … and they draw horses out of the transports; and the knights mount and ride straight to the quarters of the Emperor (Geoffrey de Villehardouin 1957, 59–62).

Naval tactics coupled with competent seamanship enabled the Latin forces to topple the key towers that defended the protective chain across the Golden Horn. It was the removal of this barrier that allowed the battle to proceed to the city walls. Some of these tactics would be employed in the crusade directed initially at Damietta in the Nile delta in 1218. Partly due to the lack of appropriate shallow draft vessels and galleys, the crusaders did not succeed, even when supported by Emperor Frederick II. The naval forces launched by Frederick produced no stunning victories, but did force a peace in 1229. The saintly Louis IX attempted the conquest of Egypt and conscripted, hired and built ships for the undertaking. Damietta was taken in 1249, but that was the limit of his success. His fleet was caught in the shallow waters of the Nile delta and the Muslim galleys triumphed, isolating the army which was forced to surrender. The Christian states of Aragon, Catalonia and Castille in the western Mediterranean pursued the Reconquista in Iberia. James I of Aragon and Catalonia created substantial fleets that enabled the conquest of Majorca in 1229, and later of Seville. Trade expanded, reaching as far as the Levant. A rival soon emerged with the Angevins who claimed Naples and Sicily, initiating two decades of warfare. Aragonese strategies triumphed, largely due to the genius of naval commander Roger of Lauria. His abilities were complemented by the skilled Catalan shipbuilders and crossbowmen (Mott 2003, 107). Castile faced the challenges of managing naval forces on two coasts following the capture of Seville, and the subsequent conflicts with Portugal and England that drew Castilians into the Hundred Years’ War (1337–1453). For those activities on the Atlantic coast and Bay of Biscay, the Castilians needed vessels more suited to those waters, primarily cogs. However, in sea battles in the Mediterranean and with Portugal they continued to utilize galleys. Of note, is the victory won by a Franco-Castilian fleet of large sailing ships at La Rochelle in 1372 and subsequent raids along the English coast (Sherborne 1969). Genoa first cooperated with Pisa in attacking Muslim states from the eleventh century. Both states extended their commercial and naval presence to the eastern

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Mediterranean following the First Crusade. But they warred over control of Sardinia and other issues. Venice emerged as the principal contender for control of the lucrative eastern trade. Conflict accelerated after the 1290s with initial Genoese victories that came at a high price. Renewed warfare in 1350 eventually ended with the battle at Chioggia in 1380 at the southern end of the Venetian lagoon. The Genoese secured the city to besiege Venice and control the shipping lanes. In a remarkable turn of events, the Venetians besieged the besiegers who were without sufficient logistical support and cut off from reinforcements. During the fighting, Genoese naval commander Pietro Doria was killed while under fire from cannons mounted aboard the Venetian ships (Dotson 2003, 125–31). Genoa remained committed to the sea through the fifteenth century, with one qualification. It had a great merchant fleet, but its navy was weak. The preference of the dominant merchant families was not to pay for a standing war fleet, but to pay the forced loans in times of crisis and to provide their own ships. This was possible because of the ability of the Genoese shipbuilders to rapidly modify merchant vessels for naval service. To better protect those vessels, the Genoese adopted the convoy system (Balard 2003, 145). Venice relied on a similar set of principles that propelled its assent as a commanding maritime power. The creation of the Arsenal to build and maintain ships was the core of a naval program. The Venetians built high quality vessels and adapted new technologies as they emerged. Attention to detail and management by government was critical. The importance of Venetian naval power was understood to be linked to the larger interests of protecting trade, including use of the merchant convoys, and linked to the creation of a colonial empire (Doumerc 2003, 152). Compliant ports across the Mediterranean served as outlets for trade, and the provisioning of galleys and merchant ships. After 1420 all merchant galleys were built to the standard of the “Flanders galley” of about 250 tons. Merchants bid on the galleys, fitted them out once in their service, and operated them under a popular fixed schedule of shipping costs. The Arsenal received funding for modifications routinely until its final expansion completed in 1475. By this point the situation in the eastern Mediterranean had changed dramatically. The Ottomans swept across Asia Minor and into Europe, securing the Balkans with their victory at Nicopolis in 1396. Renewed conflict with the Genoese in the 1430s and the loss of some key ports in the east to the Ottomans were followed by the fall of Constantinople in 1453. The fleet was the necessary first line of defense and the only means of holding overseas territories. Those territories were critical in providing galleys to supplement those of Venice. But it would not halt the emergence of Muslim sea power. The Black Sea was taken, followed by assaults on strategic centers in the Mediterranean, including Rhodes which resisted conquest until 1522.

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E Iberia and the Caravel The near exclusive focus on the Mediterranean and Northern Seas came to an end in the fifteenth century as Europeans entered an age of oceanic voyaging and discovery. The cogs and keels were replaced by caravels, carracks and galleons that were fitted to explore the uncharted seas. Portuguese mariners initiated the passage around the Cape of Good Hope and into the Indian Ocean opening the route to the East Indies. On the Atlantic side the same sturdy caravels proved capable sailors in the competition to claim the New World following Christopher Columbus’s epic voyages of discovery. The evolution of the caravel is uncertain and there is little archaeological evidence. It is identified in the historical record from the thirteenth century as a vessel for transport and fishing. By the middle of the fifteenth century, caravels comprised the majority of Portuguese oceanic sailing vessels. They mounted two or three masts with lateen sails, and had length to beam ratios of about 5: 1. The caravel sailed close to the wind, a distinct advantage over square rigged vessels. But when a following wind was blowing, it was possible to re-rig a caravel with square sails, as Columbus did the Nina. The sail plan of caravels was modified as needed and as more masts were added. Square sails were added to the fore and main masts and lateen sails on the other masts, as in the four-masted Portuguese caravela de armada (Elbl and Phillips 1994, 93). Although the caravel was the key vessel in this early period of oceanic navigation, it was the galleon that would emerge as the most characteristic vessel on through the seventeenth century. The Vasa, built for the Swedish crown by Dutch shipwrights, is the lone surviving example. She sank on her maiden voyage in 1628 due to a lack of ballast and design issues. She was raised from Stockholm harbor in the 1960s and conserved for study and public display.

F Northern Europe Roman occupation of northern Europe and Britain ended in the early fifth century. The collapse of Roman authority was followed by several seaborne migrations. The most significant of these were by the Angles, Saxons and Jutes who crossed from North Sea coasts to Britain after 450. Their settlement required vessels capable of transporting large numbers of people across the open sea. The vessels were large clinker-built rowing vessels, though some argue they carried mast and sail. Archaeological evidence for early vessels includes the Hjortspring boat built in ca 350 B.C.E. and discovered in southwestern Denmark. Made of

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Fig. 2: The Oseberg ship dates to ca. 820, was built of oak and used for the burial of a woman of high status in southern Norway. The ship measures 22m in length, 5.2 m in beam. It carried a single square sail and could be rowed. Viking Ship Museum, Oslo. By permission Kultur Historisk Museum, Oslo.

planks, it is 9 meters long and 2 m wide. It is the earliest example of clinker construction (overlapping planks), which becomes the dominant form of ship construction in northern Europe.

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This early war vessel did not have a mast and sail. The 24 m Nydam boat from the 4th century was found nearby and is more advanced. The planks are joined by iron rivets clinched over iron roves (washers) instead of lashings. The Nydam boat was propelled by oars and controlled by a steering oar. The Sutton Hoo ship built about 600 C.E. and found in a burial site in East Anglia had no mast. Vessels of this type may have carried the Angles and Saxons to Britain (Haywood 1991; McGrail 1998). It is important to note the difference in shipbuilding techniques employed in the Mediterranean and southern Europe with those of northern Europe. The southern tradition depended on the use of mortise and tenon fasteners to join the hull planks, and the creation of the hull before adding internal frames. The northern tradition was to overlap the planks that formed the hull. These were joined by clench bolts (thus clencher, clinker, or lapstrake). This technique used more timber, but produced a strong but flexible hull (Steffy 1994; Unger 1980, 36–40). Viking raids on Europeans to the south began in the late eighth century. These raiders became colonists and traders, gaining control of the Shetlands, Hebrides and large sections of England. They also controlled parts of Ireland including Dublin. Fleets were raised by use of the leding, an obligation to supply ships on command of the ruler. Vikings’ mastery of the sea resulted from their construction and use of large double-ended ships, each propelled by a square sail on a single mast. A fine example of this vessel type is the Viking ship found at Oseberg, Norway. Built ca 820, the ship is 21 m in length. It has beautiful lines and was used for a burial ceremony. The Gokstad ship is a heavier built vessel 23 m in length also with a mast and square sail. Constructed to carry cargo as well as people, this ship performed well in the Northern Seas and Atlantic. Replicas have been sailed across the Atlantic in attempts to confirm the sailing capability of this vessel to transport colonists to the Faroes, Greenland, Iceland, and Vinland (America). Four ships found in 1957 at Skuldelev, Denmark, include two warships and two cargo ships. One of these is a knarr, a cargo vessel. A longship of 28 m was also found (Crumlin-Pedersen and Olson 2002). It may represent a drekkar or dragon ship, a type mentioned in Scandinavian sagas. Snorri Sturluson’s Heimskringla contains a graphic account of a naval battle in 1000 at Svolder: King Olaf (of Norway) had seventy-one ships … The king’s ship (the Long Serpent) was in the middle of the battle array, with the Short Serpent on one side and the Crane on the other. And when they began to lash the ships together, stem to stem and stern to stern … Now Earl Eirik brought his ship Barthi alongside the outermost ship of King Olaf, cleared it of its crew, and straightway cut the hawsers connecting it with the other ships, then attacked the ship next to it and fought till that was cleared too … There was such a shower of weapons

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directed against the Serpent that the men could hardly protect themselves … (Sturluson 1964, 231–37).

Viking superiority in seamanship and ship construction enabled their conquest of not only the peoples of the North Atlantic but those along the rivers of Eastern Europe. They faced a formidable opponent in the Anglo-Saxon king Alfred the Great (871–899), who turned back the Vikings on several occasions with his own long ships. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle states that Alfred’s long ships were built to new standards. It is unclear in what manner Alfred’s long ships differed from others. Alfred also ended the practice of buying off the Vikings with money—the Danegeld. Instead, he taxed his people and used the money to build a fleet to resist them. But once Alfred was gone, Viking attacks resumed until a Danish king sat on the Anglo-Saxon throne. Rival claimants to the English throne in 1066 prompted contender King Harald Hardrada of Norway to gather a large fleet for an invasion of England. His forces lost to Anglo-Saxon King Harold Godwinson at Stamford Bridge. A second invasion by sea was launched by Duke William of Normandy. A fleet was assembled to transport Duke William’s men and horses across the Channel to England. William’s fleet included more than 700 ships for the carriage of an estimated 14,000 men and a large number of horses. Horses were essential to armies led by mounted knights during the age of chivalry. The transport of horses requires large ships with stalls to accommodate and protect the horses on a rolling sea. None of these features are shown in the famous Bayeux Tapestry that provides a wonderful visual account of the invasion and conquest including the building of Viking-style ships and the transport of horses across the Channel (Gillmor 1984, 105–31; Rodger 1997). William won a great victory near Hastings in October 1066 that led to the conquest of England.

G British Isles and the Channel The Norman kings of England continued to govern their possessions in France which required a naval force. Henry II ruled Normandy, Maine, Anjou, Brittany, and through marriage he acquired Aquitaine. Naval power was a necessity in order to maintain control on both sides of the Channel. But rather than build a royal fleet, Henry impressed merchant ships. His son and heir Richard Lion Heart raised a navy for the Third Crusade from English and continental sources. He sent it into the Mediterranean through the Strait of Gibraltar and on to the Levant. His fleet helped conquer Cyprus, destroyed Saladin’s fleet off Egypt, and served in the invasions along the Palestinian coast. Richard’s successes were

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not matched by King John who lost Normandy and other lands to French king Philip II. King John established a navy for defensive purposes. He ordered the construction of galleys and put in place an effective system of royal impressment of merchant vessels. He also organized a naval administration to man, equip and pay for the fleet. His navy won several victories, including the capture of the pirate Eustace the Monk. The Crusades continued to attract recruits and required ships. Some Crusader fleets sailed from northern Europe. A Flemish fleet sailed from the North Sea through Gibraltar and on to Palestine during the Fourth Crusade. Fleets sailed from the Northern Seas to the eastern Mediterranean in the Fifth and Sixth Crusades during the thirteenth century. These enterprises mingled northern European vessels with Mediterranean ships, enabling mariners and builders to study the advantages found in each type. The result would impact shipbuilding in the north and south (Runyan 1991). Edward I initiated a number of conflicts requiring naval forces. In 1294, he ordered construction of 20 galleys, and three years later raised a fleet of over 300 ships. In 1303 he created the office of admiral. His naval organization facilitated his conquest of Scotland and Wales. The English Channel was the focus of conflict between the French and English. An undeclared war of piracy and privateering was one cause of the Hundred Years’ War (1337–1453). Naval activity accelerated as it was necessary to bridge the Channel in order to prosecute he war. The French clos des galées established at Rouen in 1293, became a center of naval operations and ship construction. Mediterranean shipwrights were hired to build galleys and Genoese mariners served as admirals of the fleets. Galleys served only military purposes as they were not effective as carriers of bulk cargo. Larger, high-sided vessels with decks and one or two masts emerged as the principal carriers in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The crown did not provide all of the naval forces. The Cinque Ports, including Dover and Winchelsea along the southeastern coast of England, provided vessels for the king by ancient custom in return for special privileges. In fact, privately owned shipping supplied the bulk of ships for royal expeditions through obligation and arrest. The establishment of a more permanent fleet of king’s ships with an administrative official to supervise their care and maintenance emerged during this era. The office of admiral and clerk of the king’s ships in England was mirrored in France, though unevenly. The creation of the office of admiral resulted in a more centralized navy, at least for a time. The English court of admiralty developed in the fourteenth century, and adjudicated cases in rem which allowed them to make monetary settlements. The justices of common law courts objected to this expansion of authority. But this did not impede the emergence of standing navies composed of purpose-built ships of

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war. Some of these vessels carried gunpowder weapons and were capable of keeping the sea under the command of professional sailors. The royal fleets did not always function well. These ships were sometimes more purpose-modified than purpose-built. There were gunpowder weapons aboard ships, but they were not expected to sink ships. Most guns were anti-personnel weapons. Sea-keeping was limited by the nature of the vessels, the environment and weather, and provisioning. This was not an effective standing navy (Friel 1995, 139–56; Runyan 1993).

H Maritime Law Maritime law in medieval Europe derived primarily from Roman and Byzantine traditions. It later expanded from the Mediterranean to influence developments in northern Europe. Much of that early tradition derived from the island of Rhodes, located on the major shipping routes of the eastern Mediterranean. The Lex Rhodia emerged as the standard for the determination of maritime disputes during the Roman era. Focused on commerce, the law addressed matters of concern to merchants and all those involved in the maritime trades. Examples include the recovery of cargo jettisoned to lighten a ship in peril on the sea. The origins of the Rhodian Sea Law are obscure, but it contains elements of Phoenecian and Greek maritime custom. The Byzantine emperor Justinian established a comprehensive body of law in the sixth century that incorporated much of Roman legal practice. A later modification of Justianian’s code was the Basilica, which incorporated many of the Rhodian sea laws. Those laws established a uniform body of maritime law throughout the Mediterranean. Merchants often crossed political and religious boundaries in search of profit. Christian trade with Muslims is confirmed by documentary evidence, and the archaeological record includes the eleventh century Serçe Limani shipwreck. Merchants benefited from laws that clarified business relationships and enabled the resolution of disputes in maritime trade. Examples include the rights of the investors who owned shares in a particular vessel or voyage, the patron (owner), the duties of pilots who guided vessels into ports, the obligations of the owner to the crew, responsibilities in case of shipwreck or piracy, including the jettison of cargo to save the ship. The Rhodian sea law was in use throughout the Mediterranean and Black Sea. Its scope was broad, and it was adopted by numerous cities and states engaged in maritime commerce. The laws provided a framework for the conduct of trade and business, provided protections, and defined the responsibilities of the parties to the enterprise. Elements are found in laws such as the eleventh century Tabula

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Amalfitana that derives its name from the port of Amalfi, near Naples. This popular body of maritime law was copied by Venice, Genoa, and other Mediterranean ports (Ashburner 1909; Khalilieh 2006). The maritime laws of the Bay of Biscay, the Atlantic, and the Northern Seas (English Channel, North Sea, Baltic Sea), have links to the Mediterranean. There are also laws related to other traditions, including the Norse. The Laws of Wisby, a port on the island of Gotland, was a compilation of Norse maritime customs and other laws. The laws included load limits for ships by directing the placement of marks on the hull to indicate maximum loading depths. This safety feature was the forerunner of the Plimsoll marks now in use. Key among the northern laws, are those of the island of Oléron, located off the coast of France near La Rochelle. Centered on the wine trade from Bordeaux to England and northern Europe, the jurads at Oléron were called upon to resolve maritime disputes. The Rolls (or Laws) of Oléron addressed all aspects of seaborne trade and were widely accepted from Spain to the British Isles and Baltic. The laws were codified in the mid-thirteenth century. They were also incorporated into the legal codes of the many towns that composed the Hanseatic League. The laws provide harsh punishments for certain infractions. If a pilot takes command of a ship and loses it resulting in the loss of life and cargo, he faces the loss of his right hand and eye. The laws also provide sanctuary aboard ship, usually at a shrine at the mainmast where crewmen can escape the wrath of a ship’s officer. Mariners had rights that included care due to illness or injury. Their food ration was spelled out, and if the ship carried wine or beer, they were entitled to a portion for meals (Ward 2009, 9–46). Another important maritime code was the Llibre del Consulat del Mar (Consulate of the Sea), which originated in Iberia in the thirteenth century. Spreading from Barcelona throughout Mediterranean Spain, Italy and France, it influenced the development of maritime law in northern Europe. The most complete and popular version was the Consulat del Mar of 1370; a printed version appeared in 1494. The Consulate addresses the commercial enterprise, including marine insurance (Jados, ed., 1975). Maritime law addressed the needs of ship owners, merchants, masters, mariners, investors and others involved in the carriage of goods in ships. The law codes at Oléron and Barcelona were regionally focused, but spread through adoption by partner trading communities. A legacy of the medieval era is maritime law. The law is international in scope. Specific elements of the law can be found in contemporary maritime law, including mariners’ rights and the safety provision setting maximum load levels for ships. Other elements were incorporated from the Rhodian Sea Law. Courts dispensed justice using the law as a guide. The English Court of Admiralty by the

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mid-fourteenth century recognized that the Laws of Oléron had the status of law. Maritime law and the dispensation of justice through maritime, admiralty, municipal or other courts is a valuable legacy of the medieval era.

I The Hundred Years’ War at Sea Leadership of the English naval forces during the Hundred Years’ War was given to English admirals who primarily served as administrators. This was unlike their counterparts in the Mediterranean. Their responsibility was to arrest ships and assemble them at the ports of embarkation and to prepare them for expeditions. Once at sea, the admiral could become active in directing the fleet. His flagship carried lanterns and flags or streamers to signal commands to the fleet. Nearly half of the admirals who served during the fifty year reign of Edward III served at sea as well as ashore. There were three English admiralty commands: north (from the Thames to Scotland), south (Thames to Bristol), and west (from Bristol to Carlisle). Naval strategy is difficult to discern in this period. French naval strategy included the recruitment of Genoese naval commanders to prepare fleets of galleys to attack England. French diplomats also worked to encourage the Scots to raid northern England in order to divert English military resources from the Channel. The English did establish an effective naval organization. Edward III utilized his authority to impress mariners and ships for the carriage of his armies to the continent. In 1340 he organized and sailed with a fleet of about 300 ships to attack a French fleet preparing for an assault on England. He won the battle of Sluys, a major English naval victory. The combined French, Castilian and Genoese fleet was destroyed while in the harbor. Chronicler Geoffrey le Baker writes that Edward III had “the wind and the sun at his back and the flow of the tide with him, with his ships divided into three columns … an iron shower of quarrels from crossbows and arrows from longbows brought death to thousands of people.” French losses may have exceeded 200 ships (Geoffrey Le Baker 1889, 68–69). More than 700 ships were raised by Edward I for his siege of Calais in 1347. A confrontation off Winchelsea in 1350 known as the battle of Les Espagnols sur Mer, was another victory. Edward III and his son the Black Prince participated in the battle. Chronicler Jean Froissart provides a graphic description of warfare at sea:

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Fig. 3: Lieven van Lathem, illuminator (Flemish, about 1430–1493, active 1454–1493); David Aubert, scribe (Flemish, active 1453–1479): A Naval Battle Between Gillion’s Troops and the Soldiers of the Saracen Prince, after 1464, Tempera colors, gold, and ink on parchment; Leaf: 37 × 25.5 cm (14 9/16 × 10 1/16 in.) The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, Ms. 111, fol. 21.

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Then King’s ship was stoutly built and timbered, otherwise it would have split in two, for it and the Spanish ship, which was tall and heavy, collided with a crash like thunder and as they rebounded, the castle of the King’s ship caught the castle of the Spaniard with such force that the mast on which it was fixed broke and it was flung into the sea. The men in it were killed or drowned. The king’s ship was so shattered water began to pour in … Then the King looking at the ship with which he had just jousted and said, “Grapple my ship to that one. I want to have it.” “Let that one go,” his knights answered, “You’ll get a better one.” So that ship went on and another big ship came up. The knights flung out hooks and chains and fastened their own ship to it. A fierce battle began between them, the English archers shooting and the Spanish defending themselves lustily. The advantage was by no means with them for, the Spanish ships being bigger and higher than theirs, they were able to shoot down at them and hurl great iron bars which did considerable damage. The knights in the King of England’s ship seeing that it was making so much water it was in danger of foundering, made desperate effort to capture the ship to which they were grappled. The Spaniard was taken, and all the men on board it thrown into the sea. Only then was the King told of the danger they were in of sinking and urged to move into the ship they had just captured. This he did. But finally the day was with the English. The Spaniards lost fourteen ships, while the rest sailed on and escaped (Froissart 1968, 118–19).

The Spaniards blockaded the entrance to the port of La Rochelle in 1372, setting the stage for a great sea battle. Froissart described the encounter: The next day, at high tide, The Spaniards weighed anchor and with a great noise of trumpets and drums formed a line of battle, and endeavored to enclose the English, who, observing the manoeuvre, drew up their ships accordingly, placing their archers in front. As soon as they came to close quarters the Spaniards threw out grappling hooks, which lashed the vessels together, so that they could not separate. The contest continues with great fury. Until nearly nine o’clock, when the Earl of Pembroke’s ship was boarded, himself made prisoner, and all with him either taken or slain. … On the afternoon of the day the Spaniards set their sails and departed, much rejoiced at their victory (Foissart 1901, 139–40).

The war provided opportunities for pirates and privateers to raid shipping and disrupt trade. Edward III’s successors did not value a standing navy resulting in the sale of the king’s ships. This left vulnerable the profitable Gascon wine trade centered at Bordeaux, and the trade in wool and cloth with the Low Countries. Those fleets often sailed in convoy for protection. Ships used in these campaigns were valued for their capacity to carry men, horses and war materiel. Large round-hulled cogs could accommodate almost any contemporary cargo. The cog had evolved over several centuries into a flatbottomed, high-sided vessel with a raked stem and decks supporting castles, sometimes fore and aft. It carried a square sail supported on a single mast that moved it at only a few knots per hour. The high freeboard (distance from the deck rails to the water) provided protection from boarding by smaller, but faster and more maneuverable galleys and other vessels. Cogs also provided protection for the cargo and to the mariners in the rough northern seas. Fore and after castles

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were added on to ships for military purposes. Later they became integrated into the hull lines. A top castle was added to the main mast for observation and as a station to fire arrows or hurl object down on an enemy vessel. The best surviving example of a cog was found along the Weser River at Bremen, Germany in 1962. Dated to 1380 it is a smaller cog rated at about 80 tons. Some exceeded 200 tons. The Bremen cog is 23.5 m long, with a beam of 7 m. It was steered by a tiller attached to a stern post rudder. The vessel has undergone extensive conservation to preserve its clinker-built hull formed by overlapping planks secured to frames by iron clinch bolts. More than 57 vessels in the English navy between 1337 and 1360 were cogs. Other large transport vessels known as hulks began to appear at the end of the fourteenth century (Ellmers 1994, 29–46; Runyan 1994, 47–58). England’s emergence as a maritime power coincided with the rise of the league of Baltic city states known as the Hanseatic League (Hansa). England’s position at sea was challenged over time by the Hanseatic League. This union of maritime communities located on the Baltic Sea and North Sea began to assert itself in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The league was centered in Lübeck with Hamburg, Bremen and sometimes Cologne, serving as major partners. The Hanseatic League consisted of over one hundred commercial centers and dominated trade in the Baltic. Hanseatic League offices were established in every trading center including the Steelyard in London. One source of financial power was the control of the herring trade and the related salt trade. After 1300, the Hanseatic League controlled Norway and Sweden. The Danes tried to fight its growing monopoly and lost. The treaty of Stralsund in 1370 reflects the decline of the Danish navy. Composed of merchant communities, the League behaved as a state and went to war to protect its interests, using some of the best ships available from its widespread membership. The power of the Hanseatic League declined by the fifteenth century due to internal differences, and the emergence of new forces such as the Netherlands (Dollinger 1970; Lloyd 1991; Hammel-Kiesow 2008).

J Conclusion The ship was the most important technological development of the late medieval era. Vessels continued to evolve to accommodate the weapons of war. The placement of cannons aboard ships required various changes, none more dramatic than the cutting of gun ports into the hull of vessels to accommodate cannon. Mounted on carriages that could be positioned to fire out the gun ports and then withdrawn, cannon turned ships into floating batteries with enormous destructive

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power. While early cannon were more effective as anti-personnel weapons than in other capacities, by the sixteenth century they changed the nature of ship construction and warfare at sea. The carrack, which replaced the cog as the major commercial vessel, also became a ship of war when fitted out with cannon. It was a blend of northern and southern European seafaring traditions. The carrack incorporated the southern carvel-built tradition of edge-joined planks, creating a smooth hull, and carried both northern square sails and the Mediterranean lateen rig (triangular sails) on 2 or 3 masts. This was the full-rigged ship that would enable the age of discovery and the European imposition of its might on much of the unexplored world (Runyan 1994; DeVries 1998, 389–99). Henry VII (1485–1509), and Henry VIII (1509–1547) built an English navy. Tudor naval administration was more formalized and effective. This is reflected in the construction of the great battleship Mary Rose in 1509, one of the earliest vessels fitted with gun ports. This innovation contributed to her loss in 1545 off Southsea Castle. While maneuvering to face the attacking French, she listed abruptly, and her gun ports filled with water sinking the ship. She sank quickly with a huge loss of life and considerable embarrassment to Henry VIII who witnessed the tragedy from shore. The Mary Rose was discovered in the 1970s and her hull was raised in 1982. She is undergoing conservation while on exhibit at Portsmouth, England (Friel 1994, 81–90).

Select Bibliography Bass, George, ed., A History of Seafaring Based on Underwater Archaeology (London 1972). Brogger, A. W. and Haakon Shetelig, The Viking Ships: Their Ancestry and Evolution (Oslo 1951). Casson, Lionel, Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World (Baltimore, MD, 1995). Fahmy, Aly M., Muslim Naval Organisation in the Eastern Mediterranean from the Seventh to the Tenth Century, 2nd ed. (1948; Cairo 1966). Friel, Ian, The Good Ship: Ships, Shipbuilding and Technology in England, 1200–1500 (London 1995). Gardiner, Robert and Richard W. Unger, ed., Cogs, Caravels and Galleons: The Sailing Ship 1000–1650 (London 1994). Hattendorf, John, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Maritime History (Oxford 2007), 4 vols. Hattendorf, John and Richard W. Unger, ed., War at Sea in the Middle Ages (Woodbridge 2002). Hourani, George, Arab Seafaring in the Indian Ocean in Ancient and Early Medieval Times, rev. by John Carswell (Princeton, NJ, 1995). Hutchinson, Gillian, Medieval Ships and Shipping (London 1994). Lane, Frederic C., Venice: a Maritime Republic (Baltimore, MD, 1973). Lewis, Archibald R. and Timothy J. Runyan, European Naval and Maritime History, 300–1500 (Bloomington, IN, 1985).

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Lloyd, T. H., England and the German Hanse 1157–1611: A Study of Their Trade and Commercial Diplomacy (Cambridge 1991). McGrail, Sean, Ancient Boats in North-West Europe: the Archaeology of Water Transport to AD 1500 (London and New York 1998). Morrison, John, ed., The Age of the Galley: Mediterranean Oared Vessels Since Pre-Classical Times (London 1995). Pryor, John H., Geography, Technology and War: Studies in the Maritime History of the Mediterranean 649–1571 (Cambridge 1988). Pryor, John H., Logistics of Warfare in the Age of the Crusades (Aldershot 2006). Rodger, Nicholas A. M., The Safeguard of the Sea: A Naval History of Great Britain, vol. 1: 660–1649 (London 1997). Rose, Susan, Medieval Naval Warfare, 1000–1500 (London 2002). Steffy, Richard, Wooden Ship Building and the Interpretation of Shipwrecks (College Station, TX, 1994). Unger, Richard W., The Ship in the Medieval Economy, 600–1600 (London 1980).

Ben Snook

Threats, Dangers, and Catastrophes A Overview “So far,” wrote Gerrit Schenk in 2007, “no one has written a comprehensive history of the engagement with disasters from an explicitly historical angle” (Schenk 2007, 11). One reason for this apparent lack of scholarly interest is the difficulty inherent in marshalling completely different kinds of disasters (flooding, earthquakes, famines, volcanic eruptions, and so on), which occurred in different places at different times and for different reasons, together under the umbrella of a single academic discipline. A geographer, a demographer, and a meteorologist might take a dim view of any methodology which considered seismic activity, plague, and extreme weather events as part of single, cogent field of academic study. However, as Schenk went on to observe, when one examines the psychological impact of these disasters, analyzing the psycho-social, literary, and cultural responses of medieval communities to the destruction wrought upon them by catastrophic events, the real causes of which lay far beyond their comprehension, then a viable argument for a field which might flippantly be termed “Medieval Disaster-Impact Studies” begins to emerge (Schenk 2007, 11–14). One unifying characteristic of threats, dangers, and catastrophes, which is as prominent in human responses to disasters today as it was in the Middle Ages, is the powerful sense of fear that they provoke. Fear, in the Middle Ages, was an emotion which transcended all political and social boundaries; and rightly so, since there was a lot to be afraid of (Delumeau 1989). For much of the millennium between ca. 500 and ca. 1500, public safety was more a matter of chance than design. Although laws to protect property and the individual certainly existed from an early date, their enforcement, even in Europe’s more “civilized” regions, was often irregular to say the least (Bowsky 1967; McRee 1994; Grewe 1984, 105–18; also, see the entry on Law in this volume). Law, moreover, was only effective under certain, particular circumstances. Many threats were entirely beyond its remit: attack by a foreign army was an ever-present danger, as was civil war; the arrival of a plague, earthquake, or other natural disaster had the potential to be more devastating still; a volcanic eruption might not only destroy the livelihoods of those people living in its immediate vicinity, but could also bring about dramatic and catastrophic climate change resulting in harsh winters and crop failures on a global scale. Violent weather patterns, particularly in Northern Europe, could produce cataclysmic storm surges which inundated low-lying coastal areas (Lamb 1991).

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As if the very real prospects of being slaughtered by barbarians, incinerated by a fire, drowned in a flood, cremated by a pyroclastic flow, or starved in a famine were not enough, the medieval imagination worked overtime to create a vast array of somewhat less rational threats. In a world in which scientific understanding and empirical investigation were in their infancy, and where they did exist were usually subjugated to beliefs informed by esoteric superstitions, notions of a little-understood “other” world, bursting with enigmatic and formless but potent threats to humanity were widespread. Christianity, which on the one hand offered the prospect of salvation from such otherworldly horrors, on the other brought with it a terrifying pantheon of new, supernatural creatures of its own, whose capacity for causing serious harm was immense. The irony here, perhaps, is that, more often than not, the real threat came from people’s reactions to these perceived dangers: deviance of any kind, be it physical, sexual, or spiritual, was often blamed on demonic intervention of some sort, and the efforts of the Church and its agents to counteract it, even when genuinely well-meaning, were rarely characterized by an overabundance of compassion (Moore 1987). In the long term, however, medieval disasters were not always as disastrous as they at first appeared. In the well-known case of the Black Death, massive depopulation seems to have led, in some areas, to improved standards of living and better wages for the peasantry; some even suggest that it kick-started a period of rapid technological, economic, and social development in Europe (Herlihy 1997; Byrne 2004). Likewise, the rebuilding of cities after major fires often gave rise to new architectural styles and improvements in town planning (Hansen 2005). While it can often seem callous to look beyond the death toll, contextualizing threats, dangers and catastrophes is fundamental if we are to understand the “grand narrative” of the European Middle Ages.

B The Psychology of Fear Fundamental in the identification of something as a “threat” in the Middle Ages (and ever since) was ignorance. Dangerous things which were well-understood, such as warfare, could be effectively coped with. Efficient countermeasures could be fabricated (armor, for instance), which reduced the likelihood of something unpleasant happening and therefore minimized the level of fear felt. Going into battle was certainly a stressful experience, but for most medieval soldiers, it was also a comparatively familiar process in which a favorable outcome might reasonably be expected. Notwithstanding collapses of morale when faced with defeat, medieval soldiers only tended to become abnormally scared when pitted against an unknown enemy or new technology. In literature, fear of the mundane was

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sometimes utilized as an illustrative device (Ribémont 2008), but it rarely carried with it the same sense of utter, hopeless terror as inhabited the medieval fear of the unknown. Otherness was, perhaps, the greatest source of medieval fear. Being part of a community was essential in the Middle Ages, not just for social reasons, but in order to sustain life itself. In the Anglo-Saxon context, Bede’s famous metaphor, found in his Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum (completed in 731), of the sparrow flying through the hall, demonstrates clearly the importance of the protected, communal setting as opposed to the cold, frightening and unknown world beyond its boundaries: You are sitting feasting with your ealdormen and thegns in winter time; the fire is burning on the hearth in the middle of the hall and all inside is warm, while outside the wintry storms of rain and snow are raging; and a sparrow flies swiftly through the hall. It enters in at one door and quickly flies out through the other. For the few moments it is inside, the storm and wintry tempest cannot touch it, but after the briefest moment of calm, it flits from your sight, out of the wintry storm and into it again. So this life of man appears but for a moment; what follows or indeed what went before, we know not at all. (II.13) (Bede 1969, 185)

The importance of the hall in Anglo-Saxon England, and in the Middle Ages more generally, has been well documented (Hume 1974; Thompson 1995; Magennis 1996; Pollington 2010). It offered safety, companionship, warmth, and sustenance; beyond it, there was a vast, dark, cold, hostile landscape of otherness, out of which emerged all kinds of unknown threats. In the poem Beowulf, it is from the unknown darkness beyond the hall that the horrific, man-eating creature, Grendel, emerges. There is no doubt that Grendel is intended to be an intensely frightening figure in the poem, but it is interesting that the key to the fear he causes is his ambiguity. Famously, the poem gives no idea of his appearance beyond his luminous eyes and his tough, calloused arm. The very reason that he is so frightening is because the poem implicitly invites its audience to fill in the hazy outline with its own worst fears. As such, Grendel becomes the epitome of medieval otherness, a half-imagined sum of all fears (Orchard 1995, 28–57). It was not just monsters who were other, though. The Anglo-Saxons could, themselves, be ostracized from their communities by some personal or national calamity (Magennis 1996). In the Old English poem, “The Wanderer,” the protagonist’s sense of fear is founded, above all, upon his separation from his lord and from society. He is not afraid of the other; he is afraid because he has, himself, become other (Gwara 2007), irreversibly separated from the comforts of his former, more sociable life:

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Where is the horse? Where is the rider? Where is the giver of treasure? Where are the seats at the feast? Where are the delights of the hall? Alas, the shining cup; alas the mailed warrior; alas the splendour of the prince. How that time has passed away, obscured by enveloping night, as if it had never been (lines 92–96) (Krapp and Dobbie, ed., 1936, 136).

The Anglo-Saxons were by no means alone in practicing and fearing exile; throughout medieval Europe, the potency of exile as a legal tool lay primarily in its capacity to turn a compatriot into an alien, forcing an individual to become part of the otherness that was feared so deeply by so many, creating the monstrous out of the mundane (Starn 1982). Otherness could also exist within a community and was often at the root of medieval prejudice toward minority groups. The best-known instance of this, perhaps, was the widespread belief that European Jewry was in some way involved in an ongoing plot to undermine the well-being of Christian society (Chazan 1997; Elukin 2007). As well as giving rise to some unpleasant and enduring myths about Jews, this underlying distrust had a disturbing tendency to erupt into violence, and pogroms were common in medieval Europe. The Jews, because of their religious and cultural otherness, were often convenient scapegoats in troubled times: for example, in the religious fervor stirred up by the Crusades, massacres of Jews in Germany, France, and England multiplied; the arrival of the plague in Central Europe in 1347 also provoked instances of violence against Jews, who were blamed for causing it, particularly in Switzerland and Germany. Even in Muslim Spain, which has often been seen as having been more tolerant toward minorities than Christian Europe, attacks on Jews were not unknown. In 1066, violence against the Jewish population of Muslim Granada (which was caused by popular resentment toward a particularly powerful and influential Jewish vizier in the city) led to a large number of deaths (Lewis 1984). Jews were not alone in being identified as outsiders within their own communities, though: executioners, prostitutes, lepers, and many other groups were, at different times, the subjects of sustained social discrimination (Moore 1987; Mellinkoff 1993). Fear was not always the cause of such prejudice, but it was often an important factor. In general, the more a particular group became separated from the social mainstream, the more fear it generated. A striking example of this phenomenon comes from western France. Here were found cagots, a caste of people who were subjected to shocking and sustained persecution across several centuries (Loubès 1995). Limited to only a few specific professions (many were carpenters), they were forced to live apart in their own communities and were only permitted to enter churches through special doors, which were too small to pass through easily so that the cagots would be humiliated by having to duck down to get through them. By the eighteenth century, interaction between cagots and everyone else was governed by law; considered “unclean,” they were forbid-

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den from sharing food or drinking vessels with non-cagots, and could be violently punished if such regulations were breached. Even as late as the 1850s, discrimination against cagots remained sufficiently widespread to come to the attention of an outraged Elizabeth Gaskell, who wrote an essay about it (“An Accursed Race,” first published in 1855). Stories about the origins of the cagots abounded: some believed they were descended from Saracen soldiers who had settled in Southern France in the early Middle Ages; others thought they were descended from heretical Cathars; a few suspected that they were the progeny of demons. Yet, all the available evidence suggests that cagots were no different racially, ethnically, linguistically, or religiously from anybody else. They were feared and discriminated against by the majority simply because they always had been. Differences were perceived where there were none, and upon those differences was constructed an immense edifice of fear and prejudice which was designed, more than anything, to dehumanize and to degrade (Pigeaud 2000). For much of the Middle Ages, a potent sense of imminent doom pervaded European thought. Christian civilization, it must have seemed, was under constant and dire threat from the innumerable agencies of chaos. Beyond its borders, both physical and spiritual, there lay an almost limitless wasteland of otherness threatening to encroach upon and to erode the proper order of things. Even within Christendom, communities of “deviants” supposedly presented a threat to life, wealth, and morality. It is important to remember that, even when a perceived threat seemed perfectly rational, its supposed cause often was not. At the heart of almost all medieval dangers, threats, and disasters there lay profound and unchallengeable ignorance which often manifested itself in acts of shocking cruelty, prejudice, and systematic victimisation in the name of any number of weird, esoteric, spiritual superstitions. Perhaps the greatest threat to order in the Middle Ages was fear itself.

C Natural Disasters I Volcanic Eruptions The impact of volcanic eruptions on medieval society could be dramatic (Oppenheimer 2011, 253–68). In the middle of the sixth century, widespread crop failures, famines, plagues (not least the devastating Justinian Plague which had wiped out, perhaps, as much as 40% of Constantinople’s population) and unusual meteorological phenomena (such as “dry fog”) have often been associated with the fallout from a major volcanic eruption (Gunn, ed., 2000). In 1258, an enormous volcanic eruption (possibly in South America) brought about

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significant climate change on a global scale, again causing a combination of agricultural decline, plague, and famine in Europe and elsewhere (Stothers 1999; 2000). However, volcanic eruptions large enough to have global consequences were very rare; moreover, few (if any) people in medieval Europe associated colder temperatures and strange weather with volcanic activity, which took place far beyond their horizons. The threat posed by volcanoes in the Middle Ages, therefore, was understood to be immediate, local, and comparatively small-scale. Without doubt, the most volcanically active part of medieval Europe was Iceland, where the locals regarded this potentially lethal phenomenon with remarkable ambivalence. Indeed, medieval Icelanders appear to have thought of volcanoes as less of a threat than a part of everyday life scarcely worth remarking upon: it is very striking that across the whole, considerable corpus of Icelandic Family Sagas, there is not one explicit reference to volcanoes or their effects (Falk 2007). That said, volcanic activity in Iceland was not without its consequences: the eruption of Hekla in 1104, for instance, caused the abandonment of farmsteads in the Þjórsárdalur valley (Dugmore et al. 2007), several of which have been excavated and found to be in remarkably good condition. In Southern Europe, a similar disinterest in volcanoes prevailed. In about 1030 (the precise date is a matter of some speculation), Mount Etna erupted. The resulting lava flow swept down the south-eastern slope of the volcano and spread for almost ten kilometers, reaching the sea. The effects of the eruption must have been devastating, not to mention terrifying, for the people living in the vicinity, and yet it warranted scarcely a handful of lines in extant written records. The same is true for much of Etna’s medieval history: geological evidence proves that the volcano was relatively active during the Middle Ages, yet its eruptions, which were presumably dramatic and life-threatening events, seem to have caused relatively little, wide-scale disruption (Tanguy et al. 2007). This is all the more surprising given the proximity to the volcano of Catania, an important cultural and political center and, in the fourteenth-century, the capital of the Aragonese dynasty which had seized Sicily from the House of Anjou. Perhaps, though, the apparent lack of interest in Etna can be attributed to the comparatively limited impact of the volcano’s eruptions. Whilst the destructiveness of the volcano should not be underestimated, its capacity for causing damage on a wide, let alone international scale was very limited. In fact, the benefits of living in the vicinity of Etna probably outweighed the dangers: the combination of the rich, volcanic soil with Sicily’s favorable climate galvanized the island’s agricultural economy for much of the Middle Ages (Chester, et al., 1985, 52–54; Epstein 1992). The same is true of Vesuvius, in the main. The volcano was certainly active in the early Middle Ages and several eruptions were recorded

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between the sixth and the eleventh centuries. Yet, none of these eruptions seems to have caused enough damage to have been considered a major catastrophe.

II Earthquakes Earthquakes were more widespread and were certainly more common in Europe and the Middle East than volcanic eruptions. As such, their impact on both the physical and the psychological landscapes of medieval Europe was markedly greater. Earthquakes were, perhaps unsurprisingly, often associated with larger catastrophes. In the Gospel of Matthew, an earthquake occurred at the moment of Christ’s death; at the same time, the sky mysteriously darkened and the tombs of ancient saints shattered as their inhabitants were resurrected (Matt. 27:51–52). In the Anglo-Saxon poem, “The Dream of the Rood,” the cross itself paraphrases Matthew’s account in verse: Then I saw the Lord of mankind hasten with much fortitude, for he meant to climb upon me. I did not dare then, against the word of the Lord, to give way there or to break when I saw the earth’s surfaces quake. (Bradley, trans., 1982, 161)

In early medieval England, where earthquakes were presumably not common events (although the “Annales Cambriae” record an earthquake in the Isle of Man in 684), one might imagine that the sense of fear and wonder provoked by the thought of the ground shaking would have been especially profound. Perhaps the most famous medieval earthquake (and there are several contenders for the title) was that which struck in the Italian region of Friuli in 1348. Some of the worst damage was in Venice, close to the epicenter, but the effects were also felt as far away as Rome and even Naples. The impact of the earthquake was extremely well documented by a range of Italian, German, and Austrian sources. They paint a vivid picture of society’s rapid deterioration into chaos: as the shaking commenced, people ran into the streets exclaiming in horror; Petrarch, recalling the event in a letter written two decades later, was in his library in Verona when the earthquake struck, and he remembered the sense of fear that gripped him as the shaking threw his books from the shelves around him; and, in a particularly remarkable instance, the bankers of Udine, terrified that the earthquake might be a divine comment on their financial practices, cancelled the interest on all debts for eighty days (Rohr 2003, 134). The relevance of this particular disaster was intensified by the arrival in the region, very shortly afterwards, of the Black Death. Many conflated the two events, seeing them as part of a broader campaign of divine retribution (Borst 1981; Carmichael 2008).

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Despite its prevalence in the sources, the Friuli earthquake probably caused relatively little damage, and the loss of life does not seem to have been that great (particularly not when set against the catastrophic death toll that resulted from the subsequent plague). The disasters which struck Aleppo in the twelfth century, however, were a different matter altogether. In 1137 and 1138, Aleppo suffered a particularly devastating series of quakes; the death toll has been estimated by some at almost a quarter of a million. Although this figure has been disputed and is probably an overestimate, it is fairly certain that Aleppo, previously a substantial and bustling city, was largely destroyed. Rather than being struck by a single earthquake, the city was the victim of an ongoing seismic event which resulted in a swarm of intense quakes and aftershocks over the course of several decades. Further serious earthquakes occurred in 1157 and 1170, which had a major impact upon political relations between Muslims and Christians in the Holy Land (Raphael 2010). In an area where seismic activity was relatively common, it is striking that it was often thought worthy of comment by contemporary chroniclers (Poirer and Taher 1980). Of the 1157 earthquake, the Damascene scholar and politician Hamza ibn Asad abu Ya’la ibn al-Qalanisi (d. 1160) wrote: Reports arrived from the north with the horrifying and disquieting news that Hamah, together with its citadel and all its houses and dwellings, had fallen down upon the heads of its inhabitants – old men, young men, children and women, a large number and vast assembly of souls – so that none escaped, save the merest handful. As for Shaizar, its suburb escaped, except for what had been destroyed earlier, but its famous castle fell down upon its governor, Taj al-Dawla … and his followers, save for a few who were without. At Hims, the population had fled in panic from the town to its outskirts and themselves escaped, while their dwellings and the citadel were destroyed. At Aleppo some of the buildings were destroyed, and its people left the town. As for the more distant castles and fortresses as far as Jabala and Jubail, the earthquakes produced hideous effects on them; Salamiya was ruined and all the places in succession therefrom as far as al-Rahba and its neighbourhood. (Gibb, ed. and trans., 1932, 338)

Clearly, this was a major disaster which had a massive impact upon the urban infrastructure of northern Syria, causing significant damage and loss of life. In contrast, Ibn al-Qalanisi’s reaction to it makes for an informative comparison with the usual Christian response to catastrophes. Although such views were by no means universal (Rohr 2003), European Christians were inclined to interpret earthquakes as a punishment from God (Clark 1965; Meier 2009; Severn 2012). However, the Muslim chronicler expressed his gratitude for what he considered to have been divine clemency: “had not the mercy and goodness of God overtaken His creatures and the cities,” he wrote, “there would have been a terrible disaster, and a serious and distressing situation” (Gibb, ed. and trans., 1932, 339–40). It is

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interesting to note, furthermore, that the Christian tendency to attribute natural disasters to the petulant outbursts of an enraged God is surprisingly enduring: following two earthquakes in 2001 in El Salvador, which killed almost a thousand people, 57% of survivors considered the event to have been an indicator of divine displeasure (Pérez-Sales et al. 2005).

III Plague Plague was not, in the Middle Ages, as frequent an occurrence as one might at first imagine. Although localized outbreaks of disease were quite common, most burned themselves out before they could spread beyond the confines of a relatively small locality or urban area. Few lasted longer than a season or, at most, a year. Medieval medicine, moreover, while not always sophisticated, could often be effective (Riddle 1974; Grmek and Fantini, ed., 1998, 259–90; Horden 2011). By the fourteenth century, quarantine, a technique which had long since been used to curb the spread of leprosy, was introduced in the Mediterranean to deal with other diseases (Gensini et al. 2004). Hygiene, too, was often a good deal better than some have since imagined (Palmer 1991). Indeed, it is worth considering that, in the millennium between the fall of Rome in 476 and the fall of Constantinople in 1453, only two outbreaks of disease can certainly be classed as pandemics, at least in the context of the Old World. The first was the Justinian Plague, which arrived in Europe in the middle of the sixth century (Horden 2005); the second, of course, was the Black Death of the mid fourteenth century. In contrast, in the century between 1889 and 1989, there were at least five major pandemics, two of which (Spanish Flu in 1918–1920 and, more recently, the AIDS pandemic) caused tens of millions of deaths, putting them very much in the same bracket as the Justinian Plague and Black Death. Plague, then, should certainly not be thought of as a medieval phenomenon (see now Ebola). In terms of impact, the most obvious, short-term effect of plague, wherever and whenever it occurred, was depopulation on a large, sometimes a massive scale. It has been estimated by some (although the figure is controversial) that the Justinian Plague could have wiped out as much as 40% of the population of Constantinople (Mango 1980, 68–70); the population of the Byzantine Empire as a whole (which, at the time, included Asia Minor, much of North Africa and the Middle East, Italy, and Southern Spain) may have been reduced by a third (Sarris 2002, 49). Later, the Black Death is generally thought to have reduced the population of Europe by between a quarter and a half (albeit with significant regional differences).

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The medium- and long-term results of this depopulation have been the subject of some debate (Gottfried 1983, xiii–xvii). A long-held view has been that the Black Death kick-started the transition from “medieval” to “modern,” bringing about radical transformations in almost every European institution (for instance: Gasquet 1908; Coulton 1929). This view has since been qualified somewhat (for instance: Hatcher 1994) and some of the early scholarship (Gasquet’s work, in particular) has been heavily criticized. Nevertheless, the idea that the mass depopulation of Europe led to, in some places, a general rise in living standards as a smaller population faced less competition for wages, land, and resources, remains popular (Penn and Dyer 1990). Indeed, there is little argument that the Black Death was a transformative event in medieval European history, which had far-reaching economic, social, political, religious, and cultural implications for the way Europeans lived (Herlihy 1997). The causes of medieval plagues have been much debated (Byrne 2012, 67– 69). Overall, a combination of factors seems the best explanation: urbanization, burgeoning trade links, failing harvests leading to reduced immunity, and a more mobile population are all likely to have played their part in spreading pestilence (Meier, ed., 2005). At the time, though, there was very little doubt as to the origins of these outbreaks. Procopius, a contemporary (and a keen critic) of the Emperor Justinian, blamed the plague that broke out during his reign on the poor behavior of the Emperor himself and, moreover, on God’s judgment upon him (Horden 2005, 134; Kaldellis, ed. and trans., 2010, 164–66). Almost a millennium later, Gabriele de’ Mussis (d. 1356), a lawyer from Piacenza, revisited much the same themes in his own account of the causes of the Black Death: God, king of heaven, lord of the living and of the dead, who holds all things in his hand, looked down from heaven and saw the entire human race wallowing in the mire of manifold wickedness, enmeshed in wrongdoing, pursuing numberless vices, drowning in a sea of depravity because of a limitless capacity for evil, bereft of all goodness, not fearing the judgements of God, and chasing after everything evil, regardless of how hateful and loathsome it was. Seeing such things he called out to the earth: […] “I pronounce these judgements: may your joys be turned in to mourning, your prosperity be shaken by adversity, the course of your life be passed in the never-ending terror. Behold the image of death. Behold I open the infernal floodgates. Let hunger strike down those it seizes; let peace be driven from the ends of the earth; let dissensions arise; let kingdoms be consumed in detestable war; let mercy perish throughout the world; let disasters, plagues, violence, robberies, strife and all kinds of wickedness arise. Next, at my command, let the planets poison the air and corrupt the whole earth; let there be universal grief and lamentation. Let the sharp arrows of sudden death have dominion throughout the world. Let no one be spared, either for their sex or their age; let the innocent perish with the guilty and [let] no one escape” (Horrox, ed. and trans., 1994, 14–15).

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Just as with so many other disasters, the Black Death was perceived in Christian Europe as a divine punishment visited upon humanity to punish it for its waywardness. The mechanism by which God delivered this punishment, so it was often thought, was astrological: Gabriele de’ Mussis, Geoffrey Chaucer, and William Langland were not alone in believing that the immediate cause of the pestilence should be put down to planetary alignments (Grigsby 2004, 107–09). As such, the psychological impact of the Black Death upon the survivors was immense (Renouard 1948; 1968). In a famous article published in 1921, James Westfall Thompson compared the psychological fallout from the Black Death with the impact of World War One (at the time, a very recent memory indeed) and argued that the consequences of the former were more enduring and more emotionally damaging (Thompson 1921). More recent scholarship has tended to confirm Thompson’s findings (Foster 1976; Lerner 1981). Perhaps one of the most persistent images of the aftermath of the plague, and one of the most poignant indicators of its devastating psychological impact, is that of the flagellant. These were individuals who, driven half mad by grief and fear, wandered the countryside under a strict, semi-monastic rule, mortifying their own flesh by whipping or beating themselves in penance for humanity’s sins (Gottfried 1983, 69–74). Islamic responses were, to some extent, similar; however, rather than seeing the plague as an outright punishment, some contemporary accounts sought to portray it as a gift, even a reward from God which made faithful Muslims into martyrs, thus enabling them to ascend to heaven ahead of schedule (Dols 1974; Lawrence 1995; Borsch 2005; Meri, ed., 2006, 235–37). Even the most cursory reading of the literature produced in response to the Black Death underlines the powerful psychological impact that mortality on so enormous a scale had on Christian, European thought. As if experiencing the plague were not bad enough in itself, descriptions of suffering often glory in hyperbolizing lurid details, lending the pestilence new and terrifying dimensions. In some accounts, victims become virtual zombies who charge around the countryside infecting as many people as they can before they die (Jones 1996). Elsewhere, the tone of European literature more generally became distinctly melancholic in the second half of the fourteenth century. The main narrative of Boccaccio’s Decameron (completed in 1351 or 1353), for instance, is framed by an account of a group of men and women fleeing plague-afflicted Florence and, as such, the whimsical stories they tell each other to pass the time can be read as a kind of escapism from the horrific reality of the outside world (Bernardo 1977). Likewise, Guillaume Machaut (d. 1377) adopted the plague as a contextual device in his Le Judgement dou Roy de Navarre, giving an otherwise conventional tale of courtly love a dark, malevolent subtext (Calin 1971; 1974). An altogether more down-to-earth (literally) reaction to the plague is the darkly-humorous, late

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medieval, Middle English poem, A Disputacioun betwixt þe Body and Worms in which a pilgrim who is fleeing the plague hears, in a dream vision, a debate between a recently buried body and the worms who are consuming it (Rytting, trans., 2000). The Worms, responding to the Body’s indignation at being eaten, are unequivocal in their justification of their actions: All the nine worthy: Alexander the Great, Judas Maccabeus, and David of old, Caesar and Hector and Guinevere’s mate, Godfrey and Joshua and Charlemagne bold, With all Trojan knights, each with honor untold, And beautiful Helen, so fair of visage, Polyxena, Lucrece, and Dido of Carthage. These – and more – were your equals in looks Yet dared they not to stir or move Once we possession of them took. For all venomous worms it does behove To do this labor, as soon they’ll prove. With us to stay they’re fully set: They’ll waste and devour you utterly yet. (lines 93–106) (Rytting, trans., 2000, 229)

IV Famine “In the year of our Lord 1315, besides the other adversities by which England was troubled, a famine came about in the land,” wrote Henry of Blaneford in his continuation to the “Annales” of John of Trokelow (Riley, ed., 1866, 92). “Going in to the city […] we see the poor and deprived, weighed down upon by hunger, prostrate, stiff and dead in the wards and in the streets” (Riley, ed., 1866, 95). Henry was describing the English branch of a Europe-wide disaster, known subsequently as the Great Famine, which caused, in all probability, several million deaths. The Famine is important for many reasons: it had far-reaching consequences for Europe’s political and religious establishment and was partly responsible for bringing about a major social revolution throughout the continent (Aberth 2010). It also gave rise to a new genre of “protest literature” directed against Europe’s inept ruling classes, of which the Middle English poem, “Poem on the Evil Times of Edward II,” also known as “The Simonie,” is a good example. A scathing attack on the negligence and corruption of the Church and the aristocracy, the text remains a powerful and compelling work of social protest (Dean, ed., 1996; Matthews 2010).

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Moreover, the Great Famine proves, if proof were needed, the fragility of medieval systems of food production and supply. Before 1300, circumstances had coincided to create the ideal environment for sustained population growth: a period of relative peace in Western Europe during the twelfth century enabled rural societies to thrive unhindered and, moreover, gave Europe’s economic infrastructure a chance to develop; furthermore, a series of improvements in agricultural technology (including new methods of ploughing, the advent of horse collars and so on) enabled previously barren land to be cultivated, significantly increasing the food supply; and finally, all this coincided with the so-called “Medieval Warm Period” which brought warm summers and mild winters to Europe for almost two centuries (Hughes and Diaz, ed., 1994). England’s population, it has been estimated, might have increased by as much as 500% in the centuries between 1100 and 1300; some suggest that France’s population rose even more sharply. Although medieval demography is at best an inexact science (at worst, it is little more than guesswork), these figures at least seem to demonstrate the rapidity and scale of Europe’s pre-fourteenth-century population explosion (Postan 1973; Russell 1987). Tempting as it is to think of the Great Famine as the inevitable “Malthusian Crisis” that terminated Europe’s unsustainable population growth (Postan 1950), the reality is more complex. The Great Famine was not caused by a single, dramatic event, but rather by a series of infelicitous coincidences. A combination of soil exhaustion, an increasing population, and poor weather (appalling harvests in the years before 1315 had sent bread prices soaring) all seem to have played their part (Kershaw 1973). At the same time, the mechanisms for transporting food over large distances simply did not exist; therefore, although harvests remained good in Southern Europe, Northern Europe was unable to benefit. Indeed, for much of the entire Middle Ages, localized famines were caused by the slightest changes. Even in good conditions when food should have been plentiful, administrative meddling, greed, and incompetence could cause serious shortages. In 362, a shortage of food in Antioch coincided with a visit to the city by the Emperor Julian. In order to relieve the crisis, Julian issued an edict introducing a maximum price on bread and imported large additional stocks of grain. These measures, however, had precisely the opposite effect: prices immediately rose to the new maximum price, and local landowners bought up as much of the freshly-imported grain as they could to prevent it flooding the market before selling it on at a higher price (Stathakopoulos 2004, 49–50). The Antioch famine is just one example of a much wider phenomenon: in many cases of famine, food was available, sometimes even plentiful, but prices were simply too high. Famine was not as common as a device in medieval literature as some other disasters. There are, however, a few memorable, literary famines. Notably, in the

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story of Apollonius of Tyre (an extremely widely-known text which circulated in many different versions throughout medieval Europe), the protagonist arrives at the city of Tarsus (in Asia Minor) just as a famine is beginning to take hold. Despite being a wandering exile, proscribed because he has solved a terrible riddle with which a king had tried to hide his own crime of incest with his daughter, Apollonius is somehow able to produce an enormous quantity of grain which he donates to the city. Out of gratitude, a statue is erected in his honor. This passage, as well as proving Apollonius’s generosity of spirit, perhaps played on a widely-held and fundamental medieval fear of famine (Archibald, ed., 1991).

V Flooding In January 1362, an enormous storm battered England, the Netherlands, and Northern Germany, producing widespread flooding which killed as many as 25,000 people in an event which became known, in Low Saxon, as the “Grote Mandrenke” (“Great Drowning of Men”). It was by no means the first event of its kind: two enormous floods in 1282 and 1287 had inundated huge swaths of lowlying territory in what is now the Netherlands, breaching the primitive sea defenses and drowning several thousand people (van Engelen et al. 2001). The second of these, known as “St Lucia’s Flood,” was, in part, responsible for the creation of the Zuiderzee (Buisman and van Engelen 1995). While flooding was more common in Northern Europe than it was in the south, the Mediterranean and Middle East were by no means exempt from such disasters. The regular flooding of the Nile was an annual cycle which had fuelled Egypt’s economic prosperity since antiquity (Borsch 2000); however, even this apparently beneficent inundation could be disastrous, as it was in 1371–1372, when the waters rose higher than usual, flooding urban areas and spreading disease (Tucker 2006). The potential of flooding to cause serious damage and loss of life is not in doubt. There is, moreover, little reason to believe that medieval populations were able to keep rivers, lakes, and seas in check in any meaningful, sustainable way before the fifteenth century at the very earliest (Fockema Andreae 1952). Perhaps it is for these reasons that flooding became a common topos in many European folkloric traditions. In some cases, a flood could be used as a literary device to demonstrate the vastness of a character or mythical item. For instance, a poem in the Black Book of Carmarthen (Jarman, ed., 1982), probably written in the middle of the thirteenth century, recounts a colorful story of a place called Maes Gwyddno (“the plain of Gwyddno”) which had lain formerly in Cardigan Bay. A woman called Mererid was responsible for tending a well there and, when she neglected

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her duty, the well overflowed, inundating Maes Gwyddno. Similarly, a Finnish folk tale, incorporated into the epic “Kalevala” in the nineteenth century, tells how the hero, Väinämöinen sustained a wound to his leg. The blood which gushed from the wound subsequently inundated the world (Bosley, trans., 1990, 84). In both cases, familiar events are exaggerated to an apparently absurd extent for literary effect. Perhaps the most common use of the flood as a literary device, however, was as a mechanism for cleansing and renewal. Undoubtedly, the “cleansing” flood which loomed largest in the medieval imagination was that recounted in the Book of Genesis. As well as influencing medieval flood narratives, Noah’s flood also provided an opportunity for the invention of origin myths which brought remote peoples and places into the immediate orbit of biblical history. For instance, the eleventh-century Irish compendium, Lebar Gabála Érenn (“The Book of Invasions”), contains material which inserts Ireland neatly in to the biblical narrative by recounting the impact of Noah’s flood on a lively cast of mythological, protoIrish, one of whom, Cessaire, is supposed to have been Noah’s granddaughter. Several other flood legends from Wales and Brittany contain comparable elements (Minard 2006, 754–55). Floods had other, literary uses, too. Just as Boccaccio’s characters fled from the plague in his Decameron, the characters in Marguerite of Navarre’s Heptaméron (published posthumously in 1558), which was directly inspired by Boccaccio’s work, and followed a very similar narrative pattern, were forced to seek shelter from a flood in the Abbey of Saint Savin. Here, as they tell each other stories to pass the time, the flood (along with several other natural disasters) looms constantly in the background, creating an effective framing device which, whilst perhaps not as insidious as Boccaccio’s plague, is no less threatening (Tetel 1973).

VI Fire Most medieval buildings, from the smallest huts to the most imposing cathedrals and fortresses, were timber-framed. Most medieval cooking was done indoors on an open fire, which was also used for warmth. The combination was not a happy one and had predictably devastating consequences. London suffered serious fires in 1130, 1132, 1212, 1220, 1227, and 1229; Rouen experienced thirteen major fires between 1200 (when the cathedral was largely destroyed) and 1250; and as much as three quarters of Amsterdam was destroyed by fire in the fifteenth century. It is perhaps not surprising, then, that medieval fire-management techniques became quite sophisticated in some places (Lloret and Maài 2001).

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Fire is unique in this section in that it is the only disaster with an explicable and unambiguous cause. While divine retribution or demonic mischief were sometimes cited as contributory factors in the outbreak of fires, the primary agency was usually unambiguously human, and was recognized as such in the Middle Ages. Indeed, many of the fires which did so much damage to medieval Europe’s cities were started deliberately. Such was the destructive potential of fire that punishments for arson tended to be severe. The second Statute of Westminster (1285) considered arson alongside homicide and rape as a crime of the highest order, punishable by death (Rothwell, ed. and trans., 1975, 428–57). Likewise, the Norman law code, Très Ancien Coutumier de Normandie, which dates from around 1200, imposed the death penalty on arsonists (Bloch 1977, 35). The same was true in fourteenth-century Florence and Siena, where convicted arsonists were routinely hanged (Stern 2004, 270–71).

D Supernatural Threats I Overview The French medievalist Jacques le Goff supposed that “in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries supernatural phenomenon were divided, in the West, into three categories, fairly and clearly delineated by three adjectives: mirabilis, magicus, miraculosus” (Le Goff 1985, 30). Mirabilis equated, more or less, to happenings, beings and things which were beyond conventional explanation; magicus to the harnessing of supernatural forces either for good or for evil; and miraculosus to explicitly Christian miracles (Le Goff 1985, 30–31). The forces described by these categories were by no means completely malign. The last, in particular, was inherently positive and beneficent, designed to prove divine potency. However, it seems fair to say that most supernatural threats, even before the twelfth century, emanated in some way from forces which could broadly be classed as mirabilis or magicus. In most cases, the supernatural was threatening because it harbored, for reasons which were often incomprehensible, a deeply-held desire to do serious harm to humanity. Some of these threats had their origins in ancient folk beliefs: in early England and Scandinavia, for instance, a belief in elves prevailed well into the Christian period. These creatures could be mischievous but also had strong positive, curative properties and certainly do not seem to have been “frightening” as such; in some circumstances they were quite the contrary (Hall 2007). The intentions of medieval monsters, on the other hand, were rather less ambiguous. They might chase, cheat, or even gobble up humans who came across

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them; demons were less likely to do physical harm (although this was not beyond them) than they were to taint and seek to claim one’s soul. As ancient folk beliefs became tangled up with Christian doctrine, so the supernatural took on Satanic characteristics which at once made it all the more threatening but also easier to defend against (Farkas, et al., ed. 1987; Bildhauer and Mills, ed., 2003). It is scarcely necessary to state that the vast majority of the supernatural beings described in medieval texts did not exist (one of very few exceptions, perhaps, is the sea monster described in the Old Norse texts, Övar-Odds Saga and Konungs skuggsjá, which may be identified with the giant squid). Rather, they are interesting because of what they represent: these creatures are idealized figures of fear distilled by decades if not centuries of reinvention into the most terrifying, threatening and shocking characters imaginable. These beings, perhaps more than any other source, tell us what medieval Europeans were most afraid of (Delumeau 1989, Dinzelbacher 1996).

II Monsters Medieval Europe had a very large population of monsters indeed. Some, like Grendel in the poem Beowulf, were essentially humanoid in their appearance and emotions, but monstrous, even demonic in their behavior (Orchard 1995, 28–57); others, like the dragon Fáfnir from the Icelandic Völsungasaga, were animalistic and otherworldly. The horrific draugr of Norse myth (an animated, decaying corpse which, immune to normal weapons and unnaturally strong, stalked the mortal world attacking people) was a terrifying and altogether supernatural being (Hume 1980). However, there is some debate as to whether such creatures as these were genuinely believed to exist during the Middle Ages or were little more than compelling devices with which to frighten wilful children. Although there may be reason to believe that, at one time, imagined Grendels could have existed beyond the confines of Beowulf (Lapidge 1982), the narrative of the poem took place during a pseudo-mythological pre-history, in geardagum (“in days of yore”) as the poet put it in the first line, clearly demarcating a time which was not “now.” While the themes and ideas of the poem may have had considerable relevance to the Anglo-Saxons, the characters were clearly not intended to be their contemporaries. Völsungasaga, too, is unequivocal in locating its narrative within a mythological frame. The monsters encountered in these texts, therefore, were probably not intended to be real as such, but rather were terrifying literary constructs designed chiefly to play a metaphorical role rather than to reflect real life. However, there were other kinds of monsters which, while not necessarily any more real, occupied a different part of the medieval imagination. The Won-

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ders of the East is a vernacular, Anglo-Saxon text, the earliest witness to which is found in the Beowulf manuscript. Taking the form of a series of letters addressed to the Roman Emperors Trajan and Hadrian, the narrative reports on the weird and fantastical creatures that the authors supposedly encountered on their trips to the East: 20. Then there is an island in the Red Sea where there is a race of people we call Donestre, who have grown like soothsayers from the head to the navel, and the other part is human. And they know all human speech. When they see someone from a foreign country, they name him and his kinsmen with the names of acquaintances, and with lying words they beguile him and capture him, and after that eat him all up except for the head, and then sit and weep over the head. 21. Going east from there is a place where people are born who are in size fifteen feet tall and ten broad. They have large heads and ears like fans. They spread one ear beneath them at night, and they wrap themselves with the other. Their ears are very light and their bodies are as white as milk. And if they see or perceive anyone in those lands, they take their ears in their hands and go far and flee, so swiftly one might think that they flew. (translated in Orchard 1995, 197)

Not all the creatures in the Wonders of the East are dangerous. The race of monsters with the large ears, for instance, despite their enormous height, seems quite timorous. Many, however, pose a serious potential threat to the uninitiated traveler: some are keen on eating people, while others are manipulative, covetous, and greedy. Overall, the text demonstrates a “mutual mistrust” (Orchard 1995, 27) between humans and monsters. The Wonders of the East does not stand alone, but is part of a larger genre of texts known as mirabilia, which have a continental as well as an English history (the Wonders of the East drew explicitly on some of them for its information), in which such fabulous and oddly-behaving monsters are encountered in abundance. The vernacular, Irish immrama (“voyages”) texts make for an interesting comparison with the mirabilia. Immrama contain plenty of compelling stories of weird monsters and mythical beasts (drawn from all kinds of sources, not least native Irish folk traditions) but, importantly, introduce Christian ethical structures into their narratives. In each of the three extant immrama (“The Voyage of Máel Dúin,” “The Voyage of the Uí Chorra,” and “The Voyage of Snegdus and Mac Riagla;” another text, “The Voyage of Bran,” is also sometimes classed as being of this genre), the protagonists rely to differing extents on prayer and Christian teaching to overcome the obstacles they face: Máel Dúin, having encountered islands populated by angry blacksmiths and multicolored sheep, and a sky which rained salmon, undergoes a profound conversion to Christianity (as well one might after being confronted with such things). Meanwhile, the Uí Chorra conclude their voyage (for the duration of which they were accompanied by a bishop,

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a deacon, and a priest) by building a church on the Iberian peninsula. The theme seems to reach its climax in the Navigatio Sancti Brendani (“Travels of Saint Brendan”), a Latin text which draws on the immrama tradition. Here, as the eponymous saint and his band of monks float around the North Atlantic, they encounter a gryphon, some more angry blacksmiths, and a variety of more or less malevolent sea creatures. Each time the group is threatened, Brendan, with characteristic sangfroid, averts disaster through prayer. Although the earliest manuscript witness to the Navigatio dates from the late ninth or early tenth century, there is good evidence that stories about him circulated from a much earlier date. The Navigatio itself was copied, altered, rewritten and translated repeatedly throughout the Middle Ages, spreading quickly throughout Europe (Mackley 2008). While its popularity may well have had something to do with its solemn, Christian message, it seems much more likely that it was the fantastic creatures and sensational encounters that drove its appeal. Whatever the cause of its prominence, the Latin Navigatio made accessible a text which combined the traditional features of the mirabilia and the immrama with a strong Christian message, prefiguring subsequent developments in related genres. By the thirteenth century, the monsters of the Early Middle Ages were no longer dealt with by secular heroes, but, just as in the Navigatio, by saints. In the famous Golden Legend (originally composed by Jacobus de Voragine, Archbishop of Genoa, in about 1260, but augmented considerably over subsequent centuries), St. Silvester, aided by a vision of St. Peter, was required to dispose of a dragon that was terrorizing Rome. Whereas Beowulf and Sigurd both charged in to tragic-heroic hand-to-hand combats with their dragons, Silvester calmly tied a length of twine around the mouth of his, baptizing Rome’s population along with a couple of pagan magicians while he was about it (Ryan, ed. and trans., 1993). The Golden Legend is the best known (and certainly was the most popular) of a much broader genre of miracle stories. Caesarius of Heisterbach’s Dialogus miraculorum (ca. 1214/1215–1225/1226), Jean de Mailly’s Abbreviatio in gestis miraculis sanctorum (a mid-thirteenth-century text which, at 525 pages in its 1947 translation, seems anything but an abbreviato), and Vincent de Beauvais’s Speculum historiale (also from the early-mid thirteenth century) all covered similar themes, attesting to the rampant popularity of the genre in Europe at the time (see also the contribution to this Handbook on “Monsters” by Mary Kate Hurley).

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III Demons Christianity brought with it new ways of averting the attentions of supernatural beings, but it also introduced a large and terrifying new family of potentially far more malicious creatures to the medieval intellectual landscape. Demons were the most numerous of these; but, despite their abundance, they lacked a precise definition for much of the Middle Ages. In the New Testament demons were represented as agents of Satan who sought to induce sin or apostasy through temptation or intimidation (they appear relatively often; for instance: Mark 1:23– 27; Luke 11:24–26; Matthew 17:15–16; Corinthians 11:13–15). However, the Bible largely left their precise nature, appearance, and number to the imagination of its readership. Partly for this reason, “demonology” emerged in the Middle Ages. As it attempted to fill in the blanks left by the Bible’s somewhat sparse descriptions, it transformed the study of demons and demonic behavior into a pseudo-scientific, academic discipline (Boreau 2004). For some, demons lacked physical bodies and so relied on influencing humans psychologically in order to work their mischief. What made these demons so frightening was the randomness with which they chose their victims. In one well-known (and much imitated) account from the sixth century, a nun became possessed after she had consumed a diabolical lettuce (Müller 2005). For others, demons were real, substantial creatures endowed with all manner of supernatural powers, whose capacity for causing fear rested, primarily, on their hideous appearance (Caciola 2006). In the eighth century, a remarkably colorful and almost contemporary hagiography, the Vita S. Guthlaci by an individual now known only as Felix, records how St. Guthlac retired to his cell in the fens of East Anglia to pursue a life of ascetic poverty. Whilst there, the saint came under sustained attack by groups of demons who tried to tempt and trick him (Colgrave 1956, ed. and trans., chpts. 30–34). For all that they were threatening and aggressive, in their appearance these demons were not presented as fearsome or alarming so much as foreign and a little peculiar. In one passage, their otherness was demonstrated by their tendency to speak Welsh (Colgrave, ed. and trans., 1956, ed., chpt. 34), the language of the Britons against whom Guthlac fought as a soldier earlier in his life. If anything, the ambiguity of their portrayal probably reflects Felix’s own uncertainty of exactly what a demon was supposed to look like. By the middle of the medieval period, however, demons had become hideously deformed, subhuman, and intensely disturbing creatures whose capacity to induce fear relied, chiefly, on their perverse and often ghastly subversion of human traits, both psychological and physical. Dante’s Inferno was populated by vast numbers of demons who were organized according to a clear hierarchy. Unlike Felix, Dante left his audience in little doubt as to the physical features of

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these beings. The Malebranche were a particularly malevolent breed of demons: black in color, they had wings, protruding horns and claws, and took some pleasure in torturing their charges, albeit rather incompetently. On one level, they are strangely human in their behavior: Dante uses them to satirize human deceitfulness and, at the same time, presents them as disorganized, bumbling and shambolic, using their uncoordinated actions and rather blasé approach to torture as a vehicle for dark, slapstick humor (Barillari 2003; Tulone 2007). On another level, though, the Malebranche are unmistakably bestial and otherworldly in their appearance, clearly distinguishing them from the tortured sinners who suffer their attentions. Perhaps the most memorable demons of the (late) Middle Ages, however, were those which crawled out of the imagination of the Dutch artist, Hieronymus Bosch (ca. 1450–1516). There is absolutely nothing ambiguous or indistinct about Bosch’s demons. In his famous triptych, “The Garden of Earthly Delights,” the pleasures of heaven are contrasted with scenes of infernal torture, administered by all kinds of deformed, demonic creatures. Bosch’s demons are animalistic, often having the heads of dogs or birds; they are a range of lurid, unnatural colors; most horrifying of all, they turn the tools of mortal human pleasure (dice, food, musical instruments, and so) into instruments of torture, tormenting sinners with the very things in which they had so overindulged whilst alive (Jacobs 2000; Silver 2001). It is perhaps fair to say that Bosch’s demons represented the culmination of the millennium-long evolution of the demon in European thought. Certainly, by the fifteenth century, the threat posed by demons to humanity had been defined and even rationalized; demons had come a long way from the malevolent but rather hazy creatures that had teased the unfortunate Guthlac in the fens. As the Church became increasingly prudish, demonic intercession acquired a sexual element and demons were believed, by some, to compel their victims to perform all manner of sexual acts. In many cases, even comparatively “normal” sexual behavior and desires were blamed on demonic forces (Elliott 1999; Ostling 2011, 209–26). The stubborn refusal of Satan and his demons to manifest themselves in the physical world, however, meant that countermeasures against them were often diverted toward the humans who were thought to have come under their influence. In the early fifteenth century, the aggressive preaching of the fanatical Saint Bernadino of Siena created a genuine, popular belief in a conspiracy of demon-worshiping witches hell-bent on the destruction of Christian, civil society. Although Bernadino was himself tried as a heretic, the hysteria he created led directly to the execution of several alleged “witches” in Rome (Mormando 1999). His hate-campaign, moreover, was an ominous precursor of the far more widespread fear of witches that gripped Europe over the coming centuries. The

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infamous Malleus Maleficarum (Hammer of Witches), which was composed in 1486 by Heinrich Kramer (d. 1505), a papal inquisitor, lent the popular panic an official, pseudo-academic dimension and, more damagingly, outlined the supposed practices and identifying features of witches in gratuitous detail (Mackay, ed. and trans., 2006; see the contribution to this Handbook on “Witchcraft and Superstition” by Christa A. Tucza). The text’s popularity lay, in part, in its explicit and often puerile descriptions of female sexuality, which excited and horrified its predominantly male readership in equal measure. Although there is some debate about the exact impact of the text, there is no doubt that it was a work of stunning ignorance, unapologetic misogyny, and wild superstition which fed a European preoccupation with witches that would last long enough to be transferred, with horrible consequences, to the New World (Brodel 2004; Levack 2006).

E Conclusions The prevalence of fear in the Middle Ages was indicative of the constant and near presence of death. Death’s “PR” was handled, chiefly, by the Catholic Church; even when death was not present, the agents of the Church invariably were, and, in order to secure the salvation of their souls, they readily encouraged their congregations to meditate upon their own, imminent mortality (Daniell 1998). Both within the Church and beyond it, reminders of the dead were everywhere: their distorted images bore mournfully and judgmentally down from stained glass windows; their names were chanted as part of the liturgy and were recorded, usually for a price, in the countless Libri uitae which became so popular during the Middle Ages; their tombs loomed out of gloomy cloisters, often bearing their likenesses in life alongside graphic carvings of decaying cadavers and, in order that the point not be lost, some variation of that well-known motto: quod fuimus estis, quod sumus vos eritis, “that which we were, you are; that which we are, you will be” (Cohen 1973). In the later Middle Ages especially, a widely-shared sensitivity to the universality of death is well attested by the widespread appearance of the “Dance of Death” allegory in art and literature (Gertsman 2010). Beyond this, it is fair to say that the majority of the literature produced in the Middle Ages, if not concerned explicitly with death, at least featured it at some point as a literary device. Some characters die spectacularly valiant deaths defending their people, fighting off dragons or being cut down by pagan barbarians; others slip peacefully and serenely away. What unites these accounts is the obvious discomfort of their authors (and, no doubt, of their audiences) about what happened next. Even the most devout Christian may have had some cause to doubt whether he was bound for heaven, for hell, or for the convenient catch-

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all in the middle, purgatory. This uncertainty, this fear of the unknown, perhaps more than anything else, lay at the heart of medieval fear, and had the power to transform almost everything in to a powerful threat.

Select Bibliography Aberth, John, From the Brink of the Apocalypse: Confronting Famine, War, Plague, and Death in the Later Middle Ages, 2nd ed. (1988; New York 2010). Byrne, Joseph P., Encyclopaedia of the Black Death (Santa Barbara, CA, 2012). Janku, Andrea, Gerrit Jasper Schenk and Franz Mauelshagen, ed., Historical Disasters in Context: Science, Religion, and Politics (London and New York 2012). Le Goff, Jacques, The Medieval Imagination, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Paris 1985; Chicago and London 1988). Le Goff, Jacques, L’imaginaire médiéval: essais (Paris 1985). Moore, R. I., The Formation of a Persecuting Society: Power and Deviance in Western Europe, 950–1250 (New York and Oxford 1987).

Ken Mondschein and Denis Casey

Time and Timekeeping A General Overview Timekeeping can be said to be a human universal. The British historian of science G. J. Whitrow in his book What is Time? traced a sense of time back to prehistory, hypothesizing it as derived from music and observation of nature: “A highly developed sense of rhythm enabled a tribe to function with precision as a single unit both in war and in hunting. Time is experienced by man in the periodicity of his own life as well as in the periodicity of the natural world” (Whitrow 1972, 4). Nonetheless, human societies have developed separate and sometimes very different means of reckoning time, as well as ascribing different imports to this reckoning. The development of a sense of time and timekeeping in medieval Europe, in both its intellectual and its practical aspects, is striking both for its debt to antiquity and for the unique innovations birthed by physical, social, and theological necessity—innovations that, in turn, influenced the intellectual, economic, and legal spheres. These included ideas of cyclical and linear time; the religious use and conception of time; the historical use of time in chronicles and legal documents; timekeeping, both natural and artificial; and the birth of the equal hour, which in turn affected both the social use and natural philosophy of time. We will therefore begin with the macrocosmic concerns of theology and natural philosophy, and then turn to the social use of time and, finally, the development of the mechanical clock and modern timekeeping regimes.

B Theology and the Natural Philosophy of Time I Theological Time Christian theology, positing the immortality of the soul; holding to a cosmology that began with Creation and will conclude with Judgment; and believing in an eternal and unchanging deity that nonetheless entered historical time in the person of Christ, existed in dynamic tension with classical philosophy on time and eternity. It is thus not surprising that Christian ideas of time provided grist for theologians. In his City of God XII, 13, Augustine specifically refutes the cyclical nature of time, and then states (XII, 14) that humanity was created in time without

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affecting God’s omniscience or eternal, unchanging nature. In XII, 15, Augustine places the creation of angels—transcendental omniscient beings whose awareness encompasses all times—as posterior to God but prior to the creation of the heavens. Moreover, since angels are changing creatures subordinate to the Creator, he makes this creation the beginning of time. This then leads into a discourse on whether, since the creation of the angels began time, they cannot be said after all to be coeternal with (and thus equal to) God. Interestingly enough, it is in the Confessions (ca. 397) that Augustine presents the nucleus of his thought on time. In XI, 6–8, he raises the question of how an eternal and unchanging God could speak to create the heavens and the earth, since that would involve action and therefore change. The answer, as anyone familiar with the Nicene Creed knows, is through Christ, the Word of God, who is coeternal with the Father and the Holy Spirit. He thus reconciles an eternal and unchanging God with a notion of creation in time and a Savior who works in human history. In his Consolation of Philosophy (ca. 525), Boethius explains that lived time is a continuum that “proceeds in the present from the past into the future,” but eternity embraces all moments. Intelligible time only exists in relation to eternity —which, being infinite, is unknowable (V, 6). Boethius obviated the problem of the eternity of the world by making a distinction between time, or tempus; the aevum, a temporal thing whose existence is drawn out infinitely (i.e., a soul, which, though it has an origin point, is immortal); and aeternitas, a truly eternal thing that embraces all moments at once. For our purposes, Boethius’s significance is that he established the orthodox view that would be inherited by medieval thinkers, and which would have to be reconciled with the Aristotelian view: that time and eternity are incommensurate, a concentration on eternity as an aspect of the Divine, and a lack of concern with the metric of time.

II Time in Scholastic Philosophy This orthodox view of theological time was shaken by the reintroduction of Aristotle’s Physics in the twelfth century. The Physics was the primary work to inform this new medieval philosophy on time, and, in turn, later scientific conceptions of time. In a sense, the Physics can be seen as a work entirely about time, dealing as it does with the properties of bodies in motion, which might be better understood in the Aristotelian sense as “change in accidentals,” or properties. First, in IV, 10, Aristotle raises many issues, pointing out that there is a plurality of opinion on whether time exists, whether it is infinitely divisible, and if there is such a thing as the “now.” He holds that time is not change itself, since

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change is measured in terms of time. Nor is it the heavenly sphere, for even a portion of the rotation of the heavens is time, and besides, if there were a plurality of heavens, the movement of each would be time. In IV, 11, Aristotle says that without motion, there is no perception of time; however, time is not motion, since if we are in darkness, sensing nothing with our bodies, our minds or souls (anima) still perceive time. Time, like magnitude, is a continuous quantity. Furthermore, things that stand still are still in time. Time is therefore not motion, but neither does time exist without motion. Finally, Aristotle concludes that time is nothing more than the “number of the motion with respect to the before and after”—in James of Venice’s twelfth-century Latin translation, numerus motus secundum prius et posterius. The attempt to reconcile the neo-Platonic and the Aristotelian positions, and to theoretically defend the growing science of timekeeping, would fill many Scholastic manuscripts. As Richard C. Dales has summarized the intellectual problem: “If the eternal is not subject to time but exists tota simul. … how is the term ‘duration’ to be understood at all with respect to that whose mode of existence is non-temporal?” (Dales 1988, 27). Dales suggests that reconciling these theologically necessary positions became a topic of contention in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, fueled by the universalizing Scholastic impulse to reconcile all worldly and supernatural phenomena under the divine plan, and causing an entire vocabulary of eternity and duration to be invented in the twelfth century. Roland J. Teske, on the other hand, has countered Dales’ opinion that this scholarly explosion was a result of refinement of intellectual problems within the body of patristic thought, using the writings of William of Auvergne as his counter-example: “…it was only, it seems, when the Aristotelian doctrine of the eternity of the world was thrust before the Christian thinkers of the West and when the problem of two senses of ‘eternity’ was realized that there was a pressing need to reach some clarity on the topics of eternity and time” (Teske 2000, 125). Likewise, the increasing emphasis on astronomically-based chronological measurement from the eleventh through the thirteenth centuries (see below), required a re-evaluation of the possibility of time-measurement. Commentaries on Aristotle provided one medium for this discussion. For instance, Richard Rufus of Cornwall (2003) in his commentaries on the Physics composed ca. 1235 includes Aristotelian arguments on the objective reality and measurability of time. Similarly, in Robert Kilwardby (Lewry, ed., 1987) we find explicit references to objective measurement. Alain Boureau goes so far as to argue that “we find with Kilwardby the first speculative defense of the quantification of time by instruments” (Boureau 1998, 41). Roger Bacon, ca. 1267, gives the epitome of the realist position on time: time is independent, unitary, is abstracted from and does not adhere to individual things, and flows without reference to moving things,

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though we can know of its passage from moving things. Bacon gives an additional, theological proof of this, using the doctrine of transubstantiation: just as there is no moment in which the Host is partially bread and partially the Body of Christ, but rather the whole is accomplished, so, too, can there not be two times. Moreover, astronomy is the most sure judge of time. Bacon then goes on to tell us there were precisely 2226 years, one month, 23 days, and four hours between the creation of Adam and the Flood (Brewer, ed., 1859, 142–46 and passim, 208). Thomas Aquinas, by comparison, is much less concerned with the metric of time and motion, and more with an Augustinian idea of the perception of time being a witness to the existence of God. As Helen S. Lang remarks of his Physics commentaries, Aquinas’s sense of “physics starts out from mobile things as an effect in order to reach the first cause of motion in the universe, the unmoved mover of Physics 8, whom Thomas identifies with God” (Lang 1992, 164). Pierre Duhem in his Le Système du Monde famously wrote that the first, most important step toward the conceptualization of an absolute, evenly-flowing, Newtonian sense of time was taken in 1277, when Étienne Tempier, Bishop of Paris, prohibited (at papal prompting) the teaching of 219 propositions debated in the University—most significantly, condemning in articles 80–89 the proposition that God could not accelerate the universe in a straight line (as the universe would then leave a vacuum behind it, an Aristotelian impossibility), as well as the proposition that God could not have created a multiplicity of worlds, had He so wished (Duhem 1956, 439–41). Rather, Tempier decreed, God could have created other worlds beyond the outermost sphere of fixed stars and moved the whole Ptolemaic universe which we inhabit into an outside space beyond and between these spheres. As Milič Čapek has summarized, “This space received the name ‘imaginary space’ (in contradiction to the ‘real’ space contained within the celestial spheres), and in analogy to it the concept of imaginary time was formed. Thus in order not to confine the divine power within the limits of the finite Greek universe, the first departure from the Aristotelian relational theory of time was made… the first step toward a separation of time from its physical content—which is the very essence of the absolutist theory of time—was made” (Čapek 1987, 607–08). An equally compelling case, however, might be made for the effects of the nominalist turn and the invention of the mechanical clock on the theorization of time. The arch-nominalist William of Ockham, living at the dawn of the age of the mechanical clock, defined the essence of time to be the very act of “telling time.” The pressing question for Ockham was what is this known thing, the “betterknown measure,” against which we compare time? Ockham answers that the outermost heavenly sphere, the primum mobile, is the absolute guide by which the motion of every other body is known (including the sphere of the stars). As

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Herman Shapiro summarizes, “‘Time,’ for Ockham, is a connotative term signifying directly the motion of an absolute existent—i.e., the prime mobile—and consignifying the soul which imparts number to this motion” (Shapiro 1957, 111, n. 274). Those who followed Ockham, such as Jean Buridan, followed this conception. “Because only the first and most regular motion is properly called ‘time,’ it is only the motion of this outer sphere that is time in the first and most proper sense,” as Dirk-Jan Dekker has summarized Buridan’s position (Dekker 2001, 155). Nonetheless, Buridan also displays some discontinuities, for instance, in this idea of time as an independent metric that did not rely on a soul to perceive it. According to Dekker, time for Buridan “is a successive thing (res successiva) and is thus identical to motion”; “… time signifies the same as ‘motion’… and is applicable as a measure”; and “[t]he existence of time does not depend on an activity of the intellective soul” (Dekker 2001, 152). Buridan’s student Nicole Oresme introduces other hallmarks of modern thinking on time, such as introducing the metaphor of the clockwork universe in his De Caelo, written between 1372 and 1377 (Clagett 1968, 6–7, n. 10). In the same work, Oresme also introduces the “traveller’s dilemma”: suppose one of three priests sets out from a central point eastward along a road that goes around the entire earth; his colleague sets out westward along the same road; and the third stays at home. Both travelers circumnavigate the globe and come back home on the day that the stay-at-home-priest celebrates Easter. However, the priest traveling westward has counted ten days, while the one traveling eastward has only counted eight days! Time is, therefore, an independent thing from any observed physical phenomenon, even if we tell time by such things—an opinion Oresme makes clear in his Physics commentaries. Clearly, over the course of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, a break from both the agnostic Augustinian orthodoxy of the unknowability of time and the development of a position indistinguishable from the “independent world of mathematically measurable sequences” that Lewis Mumford (see below) identified with Newton and modernity (Mumford 1934, 15).

III Christianity, Judaism and Islam: the Lunar Calendar in a Solar Calendar World It is no coincidence that Oresme chose to use the date of the celebration of Easter to make his point about the relationship between time and observation. In addition to the importance of contemplating the nature of time for the philosophical underpinnings of medieval Christianity, the importance of practical timekeeping

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for cultic practice in medieval Europe ought not to be underestimated. A great deal of intellectual energy was expended on chronological matters, particularly with regard to the delineation of the year, owing to the perceived necessity of accurately calculating the days on which particular festivals fell. The three Abrahamic faiths that dominated medieval Europe (Christianity, Islam, and Judaism) operated three separate calendars. The oldest of these three was the Jewish lunisolar calendar, which is divided into twelve lunar months (the amount of time it takes the moon to rotate around the earth [approximately 29.5 days]) that run from new moon to new moon and an additional thirteenth ‘embolismic’ month, which is inserted to ensure that the lunar calendar synchronizes with the solar year. In contrast, the Muslim calendar is purely lunar, being divided into twelve lunar months. Thus, there are approximately 33 Muslim years in every 32 solar years (Freeman-Grenville 1995, 2–4). As in so many other aspects of Christian culture, Christian chronography was heavily indebted to its Jewish and Roman antecedents. The Christian year is centered on the celebration of two main feasts: Christmas (which is fixed in the solar calendar) and Easter (which is moveable and dependent upon both the solar and lunar calendars). The most important of these was Easter, a celebration both of the resurrection from the dead of Jesus and the potential salvation of men more generally, and methods used to determine the correct date on which to celebrate Easter were the cause of major controversies within late antique and medieval Church and society. It is hardly surprising that the method of calculating the date of Easter Sunday should have been vigorously debated, when even fundamental aspects, such as the celebration of Easter upon Sunday, were not universally agreed upon in the early Church. One early Christian sect, the Quartodecimans, celebrated Easter on the fourteenth of the Jewish month of Nisan, regardless upon which day of the week it fell. The Quartodecimans could claim apostolic authority for so doing and such scripturally derived authority was at the heart of the issue, owing to the general acceptance that orthodoxy in belief was outwardly manifested through uniformity in ritual. Scriptural authority for liturgical practice was the same as that for belief; it followed, therefore, that a refusal to follow the liturgical customs sanctioned by scripture displayed the same attitudes that encouraged doctrinal heresy (Charles-Edwards 2000, 413). Unfortunately, the holy books were not prescriptive; they contained ambiguities and were in places contradictory and so their texts had to be interpreted and rules construed from them. Political pressures (and expediencies) frequently featured in the various attempts to overcome Easter controversies, such as Constantine’s demand for unity of practice at the Council of Nicaea or the political machinations surrounding the Synod of Whitby in seventh-century Northumbria (Mayr-Harting 1991, 101–13). Indeed,

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within individual kingdoms the celebration of separate Easters could seriously disrupt the communal life of royal courts and by extension society as a whole (Holford-Strevens 2010). By the third century most Christians agreed that Easter should fall on the Sunday after luna XIV (the fourteenth day of the first lunar month of spring), but agreed on very little else, except that the date was to be calculated, rather than based upon celestial observation (Blackburn and Holford-Strevens 1999, 801). Various traditions developed regarding the day upon, and the chronological limits within which, Easter should fall. In the middle of the fifth century Victorius of Aquitaine produced his popular Easter table, which ran in a cycle of 532 Easters, but problems with his methods resulted in the papacy commissioning another system of calculation, by Dionysius Exiguus, in the sixth century. Both were widely used in Western Christendom (alongside other systems, such as the Irish and British Latercus) and it was the eighth-century Anglo-Saxon author Bede who eventually secured the triumph of Dionysius over Victorius (Blackburn and Holford-Strevens 1999, 796). The methods for calculating Easter were generally based on increasingly good mathematics and ever worse biblical exegesis, with the latter taking precedence over the former (Charles-Edwards 2000, 395–96). In addition, the prioritization of calculation over astronomical accuracy led to such farcical situations as that of 664, when Dionysius’s table placed the new moon on the 4th of April, Victorius’s on the 3rd of April, and the Latercus on the 30th of March—whereas the new moon actually occurred on the 2nd of April (Blackburn and Holford-Strevens 1999, 706). Muslim Europe was blessedly free of such manmade problems; the Muslim calendar worked upon an observational principle, in which a new month did not begin until the new moon was perceived in the sky and calculations were, strictly speaking, merely a guide (Freeman-Grenville 1995, 4). Despite victory for the adherents of the Dionysian system in the eighth century, the matter was far from forgotten and study of computus (the science of calculation and the texts themselves) continued to be an important intellectual activity in Ireland (Ó Cróinín 2010) and indeed much of Europe during the subsequent centuries, as witnessed by the computistical writings of men such as Abbo of Fleury (tenth century) (Pfaff 2004), Roger of Hereford (twelfth century) (Burnett 2004), or Marianus Scotus of Mainz (eleventh century), who used his computistical knowledge to create a substantially new chronology for his universal chronicle (Verbist 2002).

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C Historical Time in the Middle Ages I Chronicle Writing and Identifying the Year A key factor in historical chronology is the identification of the year, which allows events in one year to be catalogued together and relative chronologies to be established. Identification of the year (whether solar or lunar) could be achieved through a variety of systems. During the Roman Republic and Empire the year was usually identified by reference to the name of the holders of the consulship. The result of this eponymous system was that long-term dating could only be as accurate as the consular lists upon which it was based. Cyclical dating systems, such as the financial fifteen-year cycle of Indictions instituted by Constantine the Great, provided fixed points of reference only within each cycle. Cyclical systems, like the Olympiads (the ancient Olympic Games’ quadrennial cycle) and in particular the Indictions, continued to be used frequently in the medieval period, long after they lost their original function in the West. Increasingly popular in the medieval period, however, was the use of regnal years (dating to a particular year in a ruler’s reign), which did not begin in the Empire until the reign of Justinian in the sixth century. Regnal years generally ran from an anniversary to the day preceding the following anniversary, though the anniversary in question could be that of the ruler’s accession (as practiced by the Byzantine emperors and Merovingian kings) or coronation (as practiced by the later kings of France, Holy Roman emperors, and popes) (Blackburn and Holford-Strevens 1999, 764–65). The method of identifying the year most familiar to the modern mind is dating by era; the reckoning of years in sequence from a particular starting point. A number of era systems were used in the middle ages, some of which are still used to this day. One system, counting years ab urbe condita (‘from the foundation of the city [of Rome]’) although actually rarely used in Rome, was nonetheless popularized by the fourth-/fifth-century historian and theologian, Orosius (Blackburn and Holford-Strevens 1999, 676). The Muslim calendar, used in parts of medieval Europe such as Al-Andalus (Spain), dates its (lunar) years from the Hijra (the Prophet’s departure from Mecca), while in the Judaeo-Christian world Anno Mundi (AM) dating (a measurement of the age of the world) was popularly used in world history chronicles. The precise starting dates of individual systems were frequently disputed, owing to the contradictory claims (and interpretations) of the sources of authority upon which they relied, for example the Hebrew and Vulgate (Latin) Old Testament traditions concerning the age of the world differ considerably from that of the Septuagint (Greek translation of the Old Testament). The form of era dating that eventually won out was Anno Domini (‘in the year of [Our] Lord’), a system of counting from the year of Jesus’ birth. Like other era systems,

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the starting date was disputed, not least because the dating criteria offered in the nativity narratives of the canonical Gospels of Luke and Matthew are irreconcilable. Nonetheless, the system of AD dating became dominant, owing to its use by Dionysius Exiguus in his Easter table and its subsequent popularization by Bede in his highly-influential De temporibus (703) (Kendall and Wallis, trans., 2010) and De temporum ratione (725) (Wallis, trans., 1999). The historian (both medieval and modern) was frequently required to master a number of these dating methods, as adherence to a single dating system was not mandatory and the employment of multiple dating systems in documents was not uncommon. In annalistic and chronicle texts, patterns of dating criteria are one possible method of identifying periods of chronicling practice and the presence of different textual strands (Mc Carthy 2008; Evans 2010). Medieval Irish annals, for example, generally identified a year by the characteristics of the Kalends (first day) of January, namely the feria (the day of the week upon which it fell) and frequently the luna (day of the lunar month upon which it fell). Thus when the Annals of Inisfallen noted in 990 that Kł. .iiii. f., i. luna, it is understood that the Kalends (Kł.) (i.e., first) of January was the fourth feria (the fourth day of the week, i.e., Wednesday) and the first day of the lunar cycle (Mac Airt, ed. and trans., 1951, 168–69). In 1317 the same text recorded no less than eleven dating criteria: The Kalends of January on Saturday, the fifteenth of the moon; the first year after bissextile, with Dominical Letter B and Tabular Letter A. (postpunctata); the seventh year of the Decemnovennial Cycle, the fourth of the Lunar Cycle, and the last of the Indiction; has five as the Concurrent, and is the tenth year in the Solar Cycle of Dionysius, and the twenty-first of the Solar Cycle according to Gerlandus (Mac Airt, ed. and trans., 1951, 424–25).

Within the subdivisions of the year Roman influence also extended to the names of months and days in various Romance and non-Romance languages (Ó Cróinín 1981) and the method of identifying individual days within the solar months. Days were identified by inclusively counting backwards from three fixed points, the kalendae (first), nonae (fifth or seventh), and idus (thirteenth or fifteenth) of the month, thus the 1st of January is Kalendis Ianuariis but the 31st of January is pridie Kalendas Februarias (i.e., the day before the kalends of February). Increasing Hellenization in the Byzantine Empire resulted in the abandonment of the Roman backwards dating system, but in the West, outside of Merovingian Francia, forward counting did not make significant progress until the eleventh century (Blackburn and Holford-Strevens 1999, 673).

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II Synchronizations: Bringing the Histories of the World into a Single Timeframe Just as those calculating the dates of religious festivals had to grapple with the complexities of asynchronous calendars, so too anyone wishing to write crosscultural history (or express the chronological progression of a foreign history using the domestic calendar familiar to their audience) would be faced with similar problems. The most significant figure to rise to the challenge was the latethird-/early-fourth-century bishop of Caesarea, Eusebius. His works became popular in the West through the Latin translations of Jerome and were frequently drawn upon for the preambles of medieval chronicles (Burrow 2007, 189), for example in Otto of Freising’s Chronica sive Historia de duabus civitatibus (Mierow, trans., 1966). Eusebius set himself the monumental task of writing the first-ever world history, in which he synchronized the regnal years of the nineteen most important world kingdoms in vertical columns and noted important events under their appropriate year. Eusebius, however, actually used three chronological systems: years elapsed since the birth of Abraham, the Olympiads, and regnal years of the aforementioned kings, pharaohs, emperors, etc. In constructing his chronology Eusebius, of course, faced many of the challenges outlined above (section C.I). The nineteen kingdoms operated a variety of lunar, solar, and lunisolar calendars, which never synchronized with each other. Similarly, reign lengths posed problems; some kingdoms used the anniversary principle, while others synchronized the second regnal year with the beginning of the following year according to the local calendar in use and each subsequent calendar year was equated with a regnal year (Burgess 1999, 28). In order to bypass this calculatory quagmire, Eusebius coordinated all the regnal years with the calendar used in his own Caesarea. Thus the ‘regnal years’ he records were not the actual regnal years of each ruler but rather “useful chronological place-holders for calendar years” (Burgess 1999, 30). The ultimate aim of Eusebius’s highly providentialist Chronicle was not to provide a rigorous chronological apparatus; rather it was intended to prove the superiority of the Hebrew religion (and more to the point its Christian successor), through making manifest its antiquity (Burrow 2007, 189–90). Similar motives inspired peoples on the fringes and adjoining the former Roman Empire, who were nonetheless heavily influenced by Roman Christianity. For example, the Irish (who had never been part of the Empire) faced the vexing problem of chronologically arranging their history (and pseudohistory) so that it synchronized with the histories of the peoples of the rest of the known world, which they encountered through Greco-Roman and early Christian sources. As a

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people converted to Christianity and convinced of the veracity of biblical history, the Irish were faced with the challenge of finding for themselves a place within historical traditions that did not explicitly include them. Irish authors produced a substantial body of pseudohistory that helped forge Irish identity, which had, as points of chronological reference, events in Biblical and Classical history. Indeed, they also borrowed from the substance of these works. Thus the origin legends of the Irish (such as Lebor Gabála Érenn [‘The Book of the Conquest of Ireland’] which purport to tell of the wanderings of the ancestors of the Irish) (Macalister, ed. and trans., 1938–1956) drew upon Orosius’s Historiae adversum paganos (Deferrari, trans., 1964) and were ultimately temporally anchored in a chronological model based upon Eusebius-Jerome (Jaski 2009, 68). The pervasive influence of Eusebian-style chronological tables may be seen in the recording of Irish history of the Christian era, for example in the parallel lists of kings and archbishops found in Bodleian Library MS Laud 610 (Meyer, ed., 1913, 478–79). The Irish were not alone in using the traditions of the Biblical and Classical world as a means of anchoring their origins within a universal chronology. According to the so-called seventh-century Chronicles of Fredegarius the Franks were descended from exiles of Troy (Krusch, ed., 1888, 45–47; 93). Likewise the Historia Brittonum, which was probably written in Wales ca. 830, claimed that the Britons were descended from Brutus/Britto, a wandering great-grandson of the Trojan hero Aeneas. (Morris, ed. and trans., 1980, 18–20; 59–61). As late as the twelfth century the great Icelandic historian Ari inn fróði Þorgilsson (Ari the Knowledgeable) combined AD dating with the terms-in-office of Icelandic lawspeakers in his magnum opus, Íslendingabók (Grønlie, trans., 2006), in order to integrate the history of recently settled (and even more recently Christianized) Iceland into world history (Würth 2004, 158).

III Calculating the End of Time The Book of Revelation posited an inherent problem for Christianity. On the one hand, it posited a future free of injustice and social ills. On the other hand, those protesting the order of the world, or merely seized by religius furor, might make religious claims of an impending judgment day and the thousand-year “kingdom of the saints.” The term “millennialism” itself shows the significance given to the thousand years spoken of in Revelation 20; we find the term, for instance in Radolfus Glaber’s chronicle written ca. 1000 and “the half-time after the time” in Botticelli’s Mystical Nativity. Such claims occur throughout the medieval period, though some of the most well-known, such as the 1534–1535 Münster rebellion, date from the Reformation.

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The fact that various medieval intellectuals made attempts at calculating the age of the world has important millennial implications. The purpose of the exercise of determining the age of the world was to fix the ending point, since the history of the world was generally held, followng Sextus Julius Africanus, to be organized into a Great Week: 6,000 years of historical time, and then, following the plan of Revelation, a thousand-year sabbatical kingdom of God on earth. The general trend in this calculus was that the more the writer had invested in this world, the further off the Apocalypse. This presents us with a moving date given by successive generations of authorities, who placed it more or less distant according to their proclivities. Thus, Hippolytus expected it in 500, Augustine, Jerome, and Gregory of Tours (who had to argue against the “false Christ of Bruges”) around 800, Bede around 1000. On the other hand, Joachim of Fiore (1135–1202) predicted it sometime in the thirteenth century. Later followers of Joachim such as Arnold of Vilanova also predicted immanent apocalyptic dates. Needless to say, the Church tended to frown upon such heterodox beliefs for their inherent destabilizing nature (Cohn 1990).

D The Social Use of Time I Life Rhythms Although many computistical pursuits were only performed by an educated minority of the population, ordinary medieval people would probably have been reasonably aware of the necessity of recording the passage of time for a variety of reasons, not least because their agrarian-based survival depended upon it. Even though different numbers and starting dates of seasons were recognized by various communities, the changes in weather that generally accompanied the lengthening and shortening of daylight were vital for all facets of agricultural life. Ploughing, sowing, harvesting, insemination, and slaughter were all determined with reference to both the solar calendar and the realities of climatic conditions. In addition, these activities were punctuated (and partially defined) by various festivals, many of which were probably intended to avert possible dangers as much as to celebrate past and present good fortune (Kelly 2000, 460–61). Many of these agricultural festivals were held during the summer and autumn months, which helped balance out the distribution of festivals in the social calendar, as most of the main Church festivals took place in Winter and Spring (e.g., Christmas and Easter) (Blackburn and Holford-Strevens 1999, 651). Just as festivals may be understood as attempts to ward off potential misfortune, particular importance was also attached to the designation of

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certain days as auspicious or inauspicious for certain activities. For example, the so-called “Egyptian Days” (of which it was believed that there were two in each month) were held to be particularly unlucky and it was considered unwise to engage in a variety of activities on such days—e.g., entering into contractual arrangements or starting journeys. The Roman Republic had occasionally sacrificed the smooth running of their calendar to the demands of superstitions or political pragmatism but the Christian requirement for fixing the date of Easter precluded such expediencies. The consequences of inappropriate activity on inauspicious days could be visited upon an individual or the community. A patient might be unnecessarily endangered by undergoing phlebotomy on an Egyptian Day, but when Richard I of England was crowned on one (3rd September 1189), the chronicler William of Newburgh noted in his Historia rerum Anglicarum that it proved extremely unlucky for the Jews of London, who were subject to a pogrom by their fellow townsmen. To William they appeared to have metaphorically gone from one Egypt to another (Howlett, ed., 1884–1889, I, 294). In addition to individual days, temporal boundaries (such as twilight or the beginning of winter) were also fraught with supernatural danger, especially when experienced at physical boundaries, where the convergence of multiple forms of liminality added to their potency (Mac Cana 1983, 127). Socially, linear and cyclical views of time were vital to the rhythms of life and medieval people would have been conscious of a “plurality of ‘times’” (Porter 2010, 1351). Seasons and tides followed expected cycles on a linear trajectory, while the life of individual beings too would follow a cycle, for example the progression from childhood (Classen, ed., 2005) to old age (Classen, ed., 2007), although this latter cycle was non-renewable. The juxtaposition of cyclical and linear time is brilliantly expressed in the Irish poem Aithbe damsa bés mara (“Ebb-tide has come to me as to the sea,” popularly known as “The Lament of the Old Woman of Beare”) (Ó hAodha, ed. and trans., 1989), in which an old woman staring at the sea recalls her youth among the kings of Cashel in the inland plain of Femen. In the words of John Carey: The ‘Lament’ makes extensive use of two natural images: the sea along the rocky coast of the Beare peninsula, and the rich plain of Femen in Tipperary. In terms of the argument of the poem, each has the same import, exemplifying the cyclical regeneration of nature in contrast with the linear existence of the human individual: the tide will return after every ebb, and grass sprouts again every year, but the Old Woman’s youth and beauty are gone forever. In terms of the poem’s narrative background, however, sea and land may be seen as reflecting another contrast: in age the speaker is associated with the bleak coast (as the very name ‘Old Woman of Beare’ and the associated local legends indicate); while her youth as consort of kings was evidently spent in the rich plain, with its chariots and royal strongholds. On different levels, then, the poem presents two distinct temporal oppositions:

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cyclical versus linear time (plain and sea versus woman), and past versus present (plain and youth versus sea and age) (Carey 1999, 31).

Just as the Old Woman of Beare foresaw an end to her own enjoyment of linear and cyclical time, so a variety of belief systems proposed that these cycles would ultimately come to a head in an unknown (but frequently considered imminent) point in the future, such as the Christian Apocalypse or Norse Ragnarok.

II Legal Usage For legal purposes, time did not need to be calculated using years or even their subdivisions, but could rather be measured in the more variable unit of the generation. This was particularly true when dealing with matters of inheritance, especially within kin groups. Not only was membership of a kin group defined through counting the ascent or descent of generations from a central figure, but the period required for certain inheritance processes to be completed might be measured in generations, rather than in years. Thus, just as the twelfth-/thirteenth-century Welsh lawbook Llyfr Cyfnerth notes that kin land is only shared out within a four-generation group, it also states that the children of a Welshwoman given in marriage to a foreigner do not come into possession of their share of her paternal homestead until the third generation (Charles-Edwards 1993, 211–15). Closely allied to the role of generation counting in inheritance was its function in regulating systems of social mobility (Jaski 2000, 171–72). In seventh- and eighth-century Ireland, the highest grade of commoner could rise to the rank of the lowest grade of noble, provided the property qualifications for nobility could be maintained over three generations (Kelly 1988, 11–12). The man of the third generation was known as a fer fothlai (“man of withdrawal”), as he was in the process of withdrawing from the ranks of the commoners and ascending toward lordship. His son would, in turn, become a fully-fledged lord (Binchy, ed., 1941, 10). Similarly, in Burgundy from 1275, a three-generation holding of a purchased fief conferred nobility, a process which would otherwise take forty years in Normandy or one hundred years in Brittany (Bush 1988, 74). Downward social mobility, however, was probably more common and it too was sometimes measured in generations. The polar opposite of the early Irish fer fothlai, was the fuidir (semi-freeman), whose descendants would become senchléithe (serfs bound to the land who were transferable with its ownership), should they fail to improve their status over three generations (Binchy 1984, 10–11). The calculation of Easter discussed above (section B. III) also determined the dates of many of the other feasts and rituals of the Church, such as Shrovetide,

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Ascension Day, and Whitsunday/Pentecost and a great deal of non-ecclesiastical business was organized and conducted with reference to these days or days determined in relation to them (in addition to fixed feasts, like Christmas). This included court ceremonies held at major feasts such as Easter and Pentecost or the falling due of rents and customs on particular days. For example, in England (from at least the early thirteenth century), the second Monday and Tuesday after Easter were known as Hockdays and were the chief payment days in spring (Blackburn and Holford-Strevens 1999, 627). Their corresponding payment day in autumn was Michaelmas (29th September), which was fixed within the solar calendar. The payment of Church dues by specific dates was frequently regulated in law but other legal processes might also be enjoined or forbidden at certain periods. Thus the 1008 law code of the Anglo-Saxon king Ethelred the Unready legislated that “ordeals and oaths are forbidden on feast-days and the legal Ember days, and from the Advent of the Lord until the octave of Epiphany, and from Septuagesima until 15 days after Easter,” while secular debts were also to be paid before or after these seasons (Whitelock, trans., 1955, 407).

III Urban and Rural Work Hours For purposes of everyday economic production, time regulation had to deal with much shorter periods. Chief amongst these were work hours. As Gerhard Dohrnvan Rossum summarizes, “In the cities, working time was determined in part by daylight, in part by the ringing of the Hours in various churches, in part by civic time signals” (Dohrn-van Rossum 1996, 293). In Paris, for instance, the transition from night to day was determined by such experiential values as being able to recognize a man in the street or distinguish between two coins, while civic symbols were epitomized by the curfew bell and the dinner bell (Gauvard 1991, 480–81). Claude Gauvard, in her De Grace Especial, made a comprehensive study of the use of hours in descriptions of crimes found in late fourteenth- and fifteenth-century letters of remission—some 3,752 from the reign of Charles VI (1380–1424) alone (Gauvard 1991, 491). In some 35% of Gauvard’s cases, the hour is specified. Gauvard divides the expression of time into several categories: clocktime (horlogére), used in 14.5% of cases where the hour was specified; ecclesiastical hours (ecclésiastique), 11.5%; “folkloric” (folklorique, customary expressions such as entre chien et loup), 4.0%; “alimentary” (alimentaire, such as around lunchtime), 27.5%; “solar” (solaire, such as “sunrise and sunset”), 29.0%. Besides these, 13.5% have “many qualifiers” (plusiers qualificatifs) or “others” (autres). Use of time was not what one would expect between classes: Gauvard notes that clerics were less likely to use clock-time (1.1%) than guild-members (7%), officers

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(4.5%), or even laborers (3%), but more likely than men-at-arms (0%); clercs were more likely, however, to use ecclesiastical time or folkloric time (16.3% each, as compared to 8.5%/0% for officers, 0% in each for men-at-arms, 4.5%/1.0% for guild-members, and 4.0%/2.0% for laborers). The canonical hours were initially eight, corresponding to the sequence of the Passion and the words of Psalm 119 (“seven times a day I praise you”): Matins (sunrise), Sext (midday), Compline (sunset), and Laudes (around midnight), to which were added the quarter-hours mentioned in the Bible, whose timing depended on the natural signals: Prime (shortly after Matins, around 06:00); Tierce (around 09:00), None (originally 15:00, but gradually moved closer to modern noon, to which it gives its name, over the course of the thirteenth century), and Vespers (18:00 more or less—later in summer, earlier in winter). Later, sext disappeared and nones moved to midday; the reasons for this are obscure. Dohrn-van Rossum points out that the idea of the modern regime of twenty-four equal hours—the “four o’clock” of Chaucer’s Parson’s Prologue— gained currency through the fourteenth century as the municipal mechanical clock became more widespread. Nonetheless, this was not an overnight transformation: according to Claude Gauvard, it was 5% under Charles VI, but 11% under Louis XI (r. 1461–1483). Gauvard also notes that measures of duration such as the half-hour, quarter-hour, and half-quarter hour gained currency. However, the older ways of reckoning time clearly still persisted, and clocks, such as the fifteenth-century example on the choir screen of Chartres cathedral, usually showed both equal and unequal hours. Moreover, the system of “Italian hours,” which were kept in Italy and some parts of Bohemia and even Poland and reckoned the day in twenty-four hours that began at sunset (as opposed to the “French hours” that began and ended at midnight) lasted until the mid-eighteenth century and beyond in certain places. One of the first guilds to have their labor organized by equal hours was the Parsian métier of the tondeurs de draps, or cloth-cutters. In 1384, we find that from the Feast of St. Remigius to Candlemas (February 2), they were required to go to work at 12 o’clock at night and work until daylight, whereupon they had a break until 9 o’clock. There was a further one-hour break at one PM , and then they worked to sundown. The rest of the year, they worked from sunrise to 9 o’clock in the morning, then had a one-hour break, and then worked to one o’clock in the afternoon, when they had either a one- or two-hour break, depending on the time of year. They were then required to return to work until sunset, at which time they had a half-hour to drink and refresh themselves at their work site. They were further enjoined not to quarrel about the work-times and not need to be reminded of them daily. However, it is important to remember that these regulations existed alongside other, more traditional measures of time.

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Hourly wages would have also simply been impractical in many situations. The cloth-cutters of Paris were clearly an exception in that they worked in a centralized factory system; most of the work in urban industries was accomplished through a putting-out system. And, as E. P. Thompson and other economic historians have observed, labor in the premodern period was hardly performed at a uniform rate, with workers observing a “Saint Monday” of slow production at the start of the week, and speeding up toward the end in order to earn enough for their needs and pleasures (Thompson 1967, 76). That this was true also in thirteenth-century Genoa is suggested by Epstein’s study of notarial casebooks, in which he notes a preponderance of business on Tuesdays and suggests that “E. P. Thompson’s ‘Saint Monday’ may be a custom as old as the work week” (Epstein 1988, 250–51). Wages and work hours in the post-Plague rural economy were often a source of conflict, and in turn gives us insight into timekeeping in the rural economy. Dohrn-van Rossum cites the well-known case of the vineyard workers of Sens and Auxerre in Burgundy to argue that church bells were becoming insufficient for measuring working time in the late fourteenth century. This was actually a series of ongoing conflicts, beginning in 1383, when the nobility, clergy, and bourgeois of Sens complained that the workers were demanding high wages and leaving the vineyards after only a half day’s work—“between midday and None, in any case long before sundown,” as Dohrn-van Rossum summarizes (Dohrn-van Rossum 1996, 294). A royal ordinance established a maximum wage and that they should work from sunup to sundown; an appeal to the Parlement of Paris was rejected. In 1392, suffering from war-related devastation to their businesses, the vintners of Auxerre obtained a similar order. This time, the workers’ protests led to widespread disturbance; they claimed that the half-day was traditional, that None had crept closer to the third or fourth hour of the afternoon—a timing for None that Dohrnvan Rossum notes was, in fact, more common to the thirteenth century, even if the workers employed the new-fangled clock-time to express their objections (Dohrn-van Rossum 1996, 294–96). Moreover, as we can see from the drafts of the acts, neither side could agree when work ceased—the “cliquest” (that is, the clicket or pre-ringing bell) to None, two o’clock, two-thirty, or three o’clock. In the end, the king tied the end of the day’s work to sundown; it was not until 1447 that the Parlement of Paris definitely tied them to clock-time and decreed work would end at the last stroke of the seven o’clock ringing. Running medieval universities likewise required a great deal of coordination for scheduling and duration of faculty meetings, examinations, and the length of lectures. By the very nature of their daily routines, the members of the University tended to be conscious of time, and perhaps at an earlier date, than other

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segments of society. We often find temporal notes appended to decrees as a usual part of the opening formula, to inform the reader that a decision had been reached in a lawful and customary assembly. Likewise, universities are some of the earliest institutions to make use of clock time. This academic concern for the equal hour is reflected not only in the legal decrees issued by the faculty, but also the Scholastic and theological concerns discussed above.

E The Development of Clock Time Time, as we have seen, is no less a social concept than a scientific one. These two ideas have become inextricably intertwined in Western histories of chronography, with a primary assumption being that the revolution of the hour-hand around the clock-face was a necessary antecedent to the revolution in production. As Lewis Mumford wrote, “The clock … is a piece of power machinery whose ‘product’ is seconds and minutes: by its essential nature it dissociated time from human events and helped created the belief in an independent world of mathematically measurable sequences: the special world of science” (Mumford 1934, 15). The central historiographical debate, then, centers on when the equal hours began to be kept, as opposed to mere prayer-times. The first observation that even a casual student of the history of time might make is that timekeeping and astronomy were inextricably intertwined. The Benedictine Rule, following earlier writers such as Cassian and in keeping with Psalm 119: 62 of the Vulgate (medio noctis surgam ad confitendum tibi super iudicia iustificationis tuae, “at midnight I rise to give thee thanks because of your righteous judgements”) and 119: 164 (septies in die laudavi te super iudiciis iustitiae tuae, “seven times a day I praise thee for your righteous judgements”), established the eight times-daily round of prayer. Times for work and prayer were specified, as well—in chapter XLVII of the Rule, the office of None is at the “middle of the eighth hour” from Easter to October, and from October to Lent, Tierce is at the “second hour.” These were not fixed times in the modern sense, but unequal hours that varied by the length of season, signalled by bells that were in turn regulated by water clocks which essentially functioned as timing devices. The whole system was maintained by astronomical tables and verified by observation. Monastic life was thus tied not only to the cycle of the seasons, but also the stars. More than knowing when to rise for prayer, because of the timing of Easter a good cleric had to be able to determine the equinoxes. Indeed, the first postclassical documentation of a water clock was for this purpose. Bede, in De Temporum Ratione, discusses the use of what is presumably such a device

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(horologica) to help find the vernal equinox. Similarly, in his Historiam ecclesiasticam gentis Anglorum, he quotes a letter from the abbot Ceolfrid to the same effect. Astronomy was chronometry, and chronometry was astronomy. Macrobius (fl. 395–423), whose writings were known to Bede, also mentions using a clepsydra for astronomical observations in Book 21 of his Commentariorum in Somnium Scipionis. However, gleaning information from the motion of the sky, or modeling it, wasn’t simply religious duty or abstract knowledge: it was a glimpse of the sublime. The preeminent medieval text on cosmology was Cicero’s Somnium Scipionis, the passage from his De Re Publica in which the Roman general and Stoic hero Scipio Aemilianus is raptured into the heavens to observe both the sublime motion of the heavenly spheres and hear their subtle music while at the same time realizing the infinite smallness of all human activities. The easilyChristianized moral message follows that while the sublunar world is to held in contempt, the virtuous have their reward in heaven. This passage was well-known to Bede, Abelard, and other medieval intellectuals from Macrobius’s commentary, which was not only a summa of ancient astronomy, but a primer of neo-platonic philosophy: Macrobius’s spheres are not only natural phenomena, but also manifestations of divine will. Humans, created in God’s image, can, if virtuous, take their place amongst the stars whose regular movements astronomers can track with their devices. It follows that regular motion, timekeeping, and godliness go hand-in-hand. For instance, Isidore of Seville’s fifth book of the Etymologiae was on “laws and time”; the two subjects are the regulators of the world. The wise use of time was also a trope of virtue. Candles were of religious, symbolic, and practical importance, and marking time by the burning of candles is a trope that occurs often in the lives of saintly kings. Asser, in his vita of Alfred the Great, has the king having six candles, each of twelve pence weight, burned every day in a specially-constructed horn lantern (Keynes and Lapidge, trans., 1983, 107–08). Each candle, in turn, was marked in twelve divisions, each of which would lasted twenty minutes. If true, the expense would have been exorbitant. Guillaume de Saint-Pathus’s vita of St. Louis gives great detail on his devotion and his singing the canonical hours with his chaplains, as well as the candle trope. This trope of candle-burning may explain why, even though Charles V ordered public clocks to be built in Paris, he himself made use of portable clocks and hourglasses (Dohrn-van Rossum 1996, 120). Christine de Pisan, in her biography of the king, notes that he burned candles to divide the day into three parts (Solente, ed., 1936–1940, 56). In his seminal 1960 Annales essay “Merchant’s Time and Church’s Time,” Jacques Le Goff argued that the critical leap in time-measurement, the ordaining of regular hours, came about as part of late medieval urbanization and the desire

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for ordering time (Le Goff 1982, 29–42). Le Goff challenged the wisdom of the previous generation of French medievalists, particularly Marc Bloch’s conception of a vague medieval “perpetual floating of time” (perpetuel flotment du temps) and Lucien Febvre’s dichotomy between premodern experiential “lived time” (temps vecù) and modern “measured time” (temps-mesurè) (Bloch 1939, 1.117; Febvre 1942, 426–34). Le Goff posited, instead, two competing systems: a particularly Christian ontology of time as having a beginning and an end—bookended, as it were, between Genesis and Revelations, and the commercialized time of the emerging merchant class of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. “The communal clock,” Le Goff further tells us, “was an instrument of economic, social, and political domination wielded by the merchants who ran the commune.” This time was rationalized as church time could not be, thus linking modern time regimes and capitalism. This thread was picked up by Gerhard Dohrn-van Rossum in his magisterial 1992 work Die Geschichte der Stunde (Dohrn-van Rossum 1996). Dohrn-van Rossum exhaustively traces the rise of the mechanical clock in thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Europe, attributing the mentality of keeping regular hours to the fourteenth-century technological innovation of public clocks, arguing that within the space of a mere two generations the pace of urban life that would hold until the late eighteenth century had been set. This development, in turn, often came from an unexpected quarter, spurred on by the desire of monarchs and princes to compete for prestige—often over the protests of merchants who saw such extravagances as unnecessary, thus replacing Le Goff’s Marxist idea of the development of timekeeping regimes with a more Whiggish one.

F Development of the Mechanical Clock The regularity of monastic prayer is why Lewis Mumford saw the monastery as the engine that produced the machine that produced time. Dohrn-van Rossum notes that by the year 1000, monastic water clocks were usually made to sound bells or another alarm, thus functioning as a sort of timing device (Dohrn-van Rossum 1996, 60–64). To give a simple example, in the device for keeping the unequal hours discussed by Vitruvius in Book IX of De Architectura a float placed on top of the water basin regulates the descent of a weight, which in turn drives a mechanical device such as a clock-face or bells. The primary observational device for taking the time from the sun and stars so as to calibrate the water clock would have been the astrolabe, which was introduced from the Muslim world in about the eleventh century and, as Emmanuel Poulle has shown, was also used to reckon the equal hours from the mid-thirteenth century on (Poulle 1999, 140).

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Indeed, the influence of Arabic science on Western timekeeping cannot be underestimated: As David King has stated, “virtually all innovations in instrumentation in Europe up to ca. 1550 were either directly or indirectly Islamic in origin or had been conceived previously by some Muslim astronomer somewhere” (King 2004, vol. 2, ix). The Muslim world was not only as tied to regular daily prayer as Latin Christianity (if not more so) and made use of shadow-angles and astrolabes to determine the proper times, but was, to a much greater extent than the West, the inheritors of Greek science (Saliba 1995; King 2004). Scholars in ninth-century Baghdad were capable of creating fairly complex water clocks (Hill, trans., 1979; 1981), and German chronicles speak of an immense mechanical astronomical simulation given to Frederick II in 1232 by Sultan al-Ashraf of Damascus (Dohrn-van Rossum 1996, 73–74). By the mid-thirteenth century, European water clocks had not only become quite complex, but attempts were possibly being made to keep track of twentyfour hour time (presumably, of equal hours). For instance, in his De Anima, written about 1240, Guillaume of Auvergne describes astronomers’ use of water clocks that moved “by water and weights,” though he notes that these are inaccurate. Still, just like the perpetual-motion machine that appeared in contemporary treatises, the idea of a reliable clock by which one can know the motion of the heavens to tell time in an objective sense and, presumably, thus synchronize the functioning of human society, was clearly present by the late thirteenth century. For instance, Robertus Anglicus, a professor at Montpellier, noted in his 1271 commentary on Johannes de Sacrobosco’s ca. 1230 Treatise on the Sphere that a good, accurate clock would keep time with the heavens (Thorndike 1949, 229–30). The era of the water clock ended in about 1300 or shortly thereafter. Its replacement was a mechanism that became standard until the late seventeenth century: The virge-and-foliot escapement. The “virge” part of the verge and foliot is named from the Latin virga, “stick” or “rod.” The escapement itself, or “crown wheel,” is a gear with vertical sawtooth-shaped teeth (thus the name “crown”). The virge has two tabs called “pallets” offset at such an angle that, as the crown wheel rotates thanks to the downward pull of the weights, the pallets will engage and rotate the virge, which in turn moves the weighted “foliot,” a weighted bar. A tooth on the opposite side then catches the other palette, rotating it back and returning the foliot to its original position. The verge-and-foliot serves to transform the downward pull of gravity into a regular oscillating motion, producing the characteristic “tick tock” as it rotates forward and back. Moreover, if the weights on the foliot are moved inwards or outwards, the period of the cycle can be adjusted, thus regulating the clock. An interesting precedent was the strobe clock, such as the one constructed by Richard Wallingford, twenty-eighth abbot of St. Albans. In his brief tenure

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between 1327 and his death of leprosy in 1335, he not only renovated the abbey and restored its privileges, as well as composed works on mathematics, but also designed (but did not complete) a remarkable clock. John D. North of the University of Groningen, who has made the definitive study of Richard of Wallingford his life’s work, has painstakingly reconstructed a hypothetical model of this clock (North 2004). Much as hour-candles became tropes of virtue, so, too did other timekeeping devices. A psalter from the beginning of the twelfth century (Paris, Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, 1186) attributed to Blanche of Castile shows on the verso side of its first folio a miniature of an astronomer taking measurements of the stars with an astrolabe while one assistant reads from a book in Latin and the other writes in a Latin manuscript—an appropriate subject for a psalter, considering that prayer times were set by observation. Dante, in his Paradiso canto 10, lines 139–48 considers the heavens as the clock that calls one to matins, and in 24:13–15 he sees Beatrice dancing with the other blessed like the gears of a clock. Heinrich Suso, the mystic of the Rhineland school, gave his Latin translation of his Das Büchlein der ewigen Weisheit (“Little Book of Eternal Wisdom,” written between 1327 and 1334) the title of Horologium Sapientie. A generation later, the chronicler Jean Froissart, in L’Horloge amoureuse (ca. 1369), made the parts of the escapement clock into a neo-Platonic allegory of love—incidentally giving us an excellent description of the inner workings of a fourteenth-century clock.

G Conclusion Medieval ideas of time are fascinating both for their similarity to our own and their inherent alterity. Though the need to order human society was no less than today, the worldview, and available means to measure time, were quite different. Since the premodern era was, in the words of Barbara Tuchman, a “world lit only by fire,” the length of daylight was the quotidian measure of time; since it was an agrarian society, the cycle of the year and growing season were also a primary indicator; since it was a Christian world, the liturgical cycle provided order to the year. In the longer term, subjective natural cycles such as generations were made the basis for law and custom. On top of this were conceptions derived from antiquity, such as the Indiction, and Christian natural history, such as Creation and Judgment. While many of these, such as the calendar, are still used today, we tend to be more removed from natural cycles, particularly those of light and darkness. Medieval thought was nonetheless the foundation of our own Enlightenment ideas of time. Not only was the Scientific Revolution founded on medieval

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astronomy, but it was in the Middle Ages that the mechanical clock, the physical embodiment of the measurable and absolute hour, was developed. This, in turn, opened the possibilities of abstract measurement of phenomena that led, ultimately, to the modern scientific conception of the world. In this way, far from being a peripheral subject, ideas of time and timekeeping, whether Christian or Enlightenment, can be said to be the basis for world-systems.

Select Bibliography Blackburn, Bonnie and Leofranc Holford-Strevens, The Oxford Companion to the Year (Oxford 1999). Burrow, John A., A History of Histories: Epics, Chronicles, Romances and Inquiries from Herodotus and Thucydides to the Twentieth Century (London 2007). Dohrn-van Rossum, Gerhard, History of the Hour: Clocks and Modern Temporal Orders, trans. Thomas Dunlap (1992; Chicago 1996). Dohrn-van Rossum, Gerhard, Die Geschichte der Stunde: Uhren und moderne Zeitordnungen (Munich 1995). Le Goff, Jacques, “Merchant’s Time and Church’s Time,” Time, Work, and Culture in the Middle Ages, trans. by Arthur Goldhammer (Chicago 1982), 29–42. Mumford, Lewis, Technics and Civilization (New York 1934). Murdoch, John, “From Social into Intellectual Factors: An Aspect of the Unitary Character of Late Medieval Learning,” The Cultural Context of Medieval Learning, ed. John Murdoch and Edith Sylla (Boston, MA, 1975), 271–339. Porter, Camarin M., “Time Measurement and Chronology in Medieval Studies,” Handbook of Medieval Studies: Terms – Methods – Trends, ed. Albrecht Classen (Berlin and New York 2010), vol. 2, 1350–68.

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Travel and Exploration in the Middle Ages A General Reflections Travel has been a very basic, day-to-day experience of human beings throughout time. Visiting work places, relatives, or cultic sites always includes personal movement and transportation, regional travel is therefore one of the few universal human experiences. In this article, however, “travel” will be understood as human movement over a larger geographic area; despite such a necessarily rather vague definition, the ambiguity between regional and trans-regional travel remains an underlying structure in the history of travel. There has been so much research done on the cultural practice of travel that it would not make much sense to outline all of it in chronological order. Doing so would necessarily obscure the omnipresence of historical research regarding travel and the highly interdisciplinary approach of this research. Several general overviews of travel in the Middle Ages do exist (e.g., Ohler 2004; Verdon 2007; Howard 2012; Reichert 2001), and research on topics such as travel literature and medieval cartography has been abundant not only in recent years (e.g., Kappler, ed., 1987; Ganz-Blättler 1990; Huschenbett and Margetts, ed., 1991; Ertzdorff and Neukirch, ed., 1992; André and Baslez 1993). Research that has been done on geographically widespread regional travel routes, population shifts, and smaller pilgrim sites is no less important than adressing the bigger picture; this research often allows us to gain more specific insights about how the medieval public experienced travel. Even when it is not specifically focused on the medieval experience of travel, current research often contributes to the history of travel. For instance, the study of high and late medieval universities investigates the international or regional origins of students and academic staff; the study of medieval piety and its material culture highlights the pilgrims’ origin and where they go; the study of major military events like the Crusades address questions of travel; and the study of the history of science deals with technological advances in such areas as astronomy or ship building that were crucial for the travel and navigation. The major shifts in the history of the study of travel tell us a lot about our contemporary understanding of history itself. Although piety and the history of pilgrimage have been in the focus of scholarly attention since the beginnings of historic research, the history of travel was not studied as a topic in itself until the French Annales school took a fresh approach to the history of commerce. Following the concept of “Alltagsgeschichte,” that is, the history of daily life, nowadays

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the material culture produced by travel is the focus of modern “Realienkunde” (research of material culture) and studies closely related to archaeology. An example of such an approach is the collection and scrutiny of medieval pilgrim and secular badges, to cite just one prominent example (Haasis-Berner 2003; Spencer 2010; for an overview of the geographically widespread origins of pilgrim badges found in London, see Spencer 2010, 22–23). In the last two decades, new shifts in the study of travel have occurred. In particular, the multicultural and multi-religious experience of the Middle Ages has attracted recent research, concentrating on the experiences of Jewish and Muslim populations in medieval Europe. Since 9/11 (2001), the study of the integration of, as well as the clashes between, Muslim and Christian cultures in the Middle Ages has gained more importance. The recent discourse on globalization has triggered interest in Asian history and challenged Eurocentic perspectives on the past. Consequently, today, research on medieval travel attempts to construct a global history and seems to focus on globalization, as well as on European exploration of not only the Islamic Near East, but of South, Southeast, and East Asia, as well. Therefore, the history of travel contributes to new global perspectives on cultural history. A brief look at this paradigmatic shift from Eurocentricism to global awareness will conclude this article (cf. F below).

B Reasons for Traveling I Commerce The reasons for traveling in the Middle Ages were multifold. Then, as now, commerce was one of the driving forces for trans-regional travel and exchange. The transition from antiquity to the early medieval world brought some significant shifts in both land and sea trading routes. According to the “Pirenne thesis,” posited by the famous Belgian historian Henri Pirenne (1862–1935), the fall of the Western Roman Empire in the fifth century and the rise of Islam in the seventh century made commerce in the Mediterranean Sea more difficult than it had been in the days of the Roman Empire (Pirenne 1970). Exquisite goods from the Near East became less available to the Latin West, and their rise in cost led to the development of cheaper replacements for expensive goods like Egyptian papyrus; papyrus was no longer used in the Occident by the tenth and eleventh centuries, and was replaced in European chanceries by locally produced parchment. It was not until trade intensified with the East in the high Middle Ages that papermaking was introduced to the West by similar trading routes through the Islamic world (Bischoff 2004, 21–28). However, there were other reasons why papyrus

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was abandoned in Europe, apart from its high cost; for example, it is fragile in northern climates. The “Pirenne thesis” is therefore controversial, and some scholars have stressed the continuity of Mediterranean trade routes rather than their collapse after the rise of Islam (Havighurst, ed., 1976; Hodges and Whitehouse 1983; Greene 2003, 219; Prevenier 2010, 496). The establishment of more intense trading relationships in the Mediterranean was especially driven by Italian cities, first those from southern Italy, such as Amalfi, and later those from northern Italy, like Pisa, Genoa, and Venice (Abulafia, ed., 2003). These cities played a crucial role in Mediterranean commerce and trade and played an important role in the Crusades and the economy of the Frankish settlements in Palestine (Lock 2006, 382–94). In contrast to the situation in antiquity, naval trading routes of the Middle Ages not only crossed the Mediterranean, but soon included the Atlantic coast as well. As Christianity spread to northern and eastern Europe during the course of the Middle Ages, trade between the peoples of the North and Baltic Seas developed. Towns in northern Germany engaged in trade with England and Flanders to the west, Scandinavia to the north, and Russia to the east. The Hanseatic League, formed in the thirteenth century, was a powerful consortium of cities that had vested interests in these trade routes. Its center was the town of Lübeck, on the western edge of the Baltic Sea (Selzer 2010; HammelKiesow 2008; Berggren, Hybel, and Landen, ed., 2002; Stoob 1995). As recent studies have shown, this trading network not only depended on the transportation of freight, but also relied on a highly mobile group of wealthy merchants (Poeck 2010). The Hanseatic League rapidly lost much of its influence over trade within Europe in the early modern period, but one of its members, the city of Hamburg, became a leading sea port in Northern Europe (Krieger 2006). Situated near the North Sea at the estuary of the river Elbe, this harbor, along with other English, Dutch, French, Portuguese, and Spanish ports, dominated the newly emerging Atlantic trade routes. Portugal and Spain were the most innovative and successful seafaring countries of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, since their closeness to northern Africa and the Atlantic was an advantage in the trade with India and the Far East (Reichert 2010, 68–74). Non-coastal areas were connected to these major naval trading networks by rivers and land routes. These internal routes were renewed and expanded as a result of increasing trade in the high Middle Ages (cf. C below).

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II Pilgrimage Trade routes were not only used for commerce and trade. They also provided an infrastructure for other kinds of trans-regional travel. Like most other religions, medieval Christianity embraced the idea of pilgrimage, and in the Latin West, the thriving cult of relics and the resulting desire to visit a holy shrine were the impetus for pilgrimages. Christian pilgrimages were phenomenologically comparable to the Islamic pilgrimage (the compulsory Hajj to Mecca) or Buddhist pilgrimages to the places linked to Gautama Buddha in Northern India. Medieval Christians saw pilgrimages as important opportunities to live out their beliefs. Three places in particular attracted pilgrims from all over the Latin West: Jerusalem, Rome, and, beginning in the ninth or tenth century, Santiago de Compostela. Pilgrims to Jerusalem prayed at the holy places connected with Christ’s life and passion, but also tried to acquire relics from Palestine. This was, for instance, the case for the delegation that the Frankish abbess Radegundis (ca. 520–587) sent to Jerusalem to acquire relics of the martyr Mamas (De Vita S. Radegundis, see Krusch, ed., 1888, 386–87). The visit of Saint Helen (ca. 249–329) to the Holy Land in the early fourth century was believed to have served the same purpose (Drijvers 1992). Such pilgrimages to the holy land were often undertaken by the elite and indicated the high prestige of their participants. Beginning in the eleventh century, pilgrimages became more and more popular, and pilgrims’ travel accounts provided information to curious casual readers and future pilgrims alike (Richard 1981). In the early twelfth century, the Anglo-Saxon traveler Saewulf (pilgrim around 1102/3) gave an account of his travels to Palestine (Howard 1980). In the same century, a treatise containing descriptions of the holy places in the city of Rome was written that told the pilgrim where to go and what to see (e.g., Mirabilia urbis Romae, see Valentini and Zucchetti, ed., 1946, cf. Miedema 1996). Apart from the major centers of pilgrimage such as Jerusalem, Santiago and Rome, a large number of regional sites also attracted crowds of pilgrims. The ongoing research on pilgrim badges (which were achieved in the course of these pilgrimages) has enabled us to get a first glimpse at the geographical acceptance of local pilgrimages and their importance for medieval piety (cf. A above). One example of a national site of pilgrimage is the shrine of Thomas Becket (ca. 1120– 1170) at Canterbury cathedral. The shrine was destroyed upon the order of King Henry VIII (1491–1547) in the sixteenth century (Butler 1995). The famous Canterbury Tales by Geoffrey Chaucer (ca. 1380–1400) are a testimony to the importance of this travel destination in late medieval England (Chaucer 1998). In the later Middle Ages, as pilgrimages became easier for the public, people seem to have been motivated to go on pilgrimages not only by piety but also by curiosity and a desire for adventure. Pilgrim reports from the fifteenth and

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sixteenth centuries became popular among those who stayed at home, although frequently these accounts were partly fictionalized (cf. E below). At the same time, piety ceased to be the most important reason for undertaking pilgrimages; especially for members of the European aristocracy, it became fashionable to go on “adventurous” pilgrimages, accounts of which survive in large numbers (e.g., Fouquet 2006; Reichert, ed., 2005). On the way to pilgrimage sites, members of Western nobility left graffiti behind that offers further proof for the attractiveness of such pilgrimages (cf. Kraak 1997). The sources tell us that pilgrimages to the Holy Land were (at least in the long run) unhampered by the fall of the Crusader states in 1291; on the contrary, after the fall of Acre, pilgrimages were organized by Venetian merchants and members of the Franciscan order in Palestine.

III Jewish and Muslim Travelers Although Ashkenaz tradition stressed local organization of the faithful, Jews had established connections with each other throughout the medieval world. They shared common beliefs, a common language, and a shared experience, and therefore felt a sense of community with others in the diaspora. The connections between Jews enabled trans-regional communication, supported the exchange of knowledge, and (especially during the early Middle Ages) fostered cooperation between Jewish merchants. The accounts of Benjamin of Tudela (traveled in 1159–1172/73) and Petachja of Regensburg (traveled ca. 1180) in the twelfth century allow us a glimpse into such travel activities within a vast realm reaching from the Levant and Mesopotamia to southern Russia and the Near East. The Holy Land was a main reference point for Jewish as well as Christian identity, and Jewish communities, especially in the West, were interested in making pilgrimages there. The anti-Jewish pogroms that took place at various times—during the Crusades, the Black Death, and the Spanish Reconquista—resulted in major migrations of Jewish communities. In particular, the completion of the Reconquista in 1492 led to the emigration of large numbers of Sephardic Jews from Spain to the eastern Mediterranean, north Africa, and the Americas (Haverkamp 2010). The Reconquista led to a significant Muslim migration, too, since Muslims from Al-Andalus who had settled in the Iberian Peninsula since the eighth century were slowly driven back to North Africa. Similarly, Muslims from Sicily and southern Italy fled from these regions after they were conquered by Normans in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. However, a significant number of Muslims resettled and were integrated into the Christian kingdoms that replaced the Muslim ones. Recent excavations in the city of Lucera have triggered research on Muslim communities in the south of Italy (Clemens and Matheus 2008). The

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already mentioned instruction in the Quran to visit Mecca on the Hajj compelled Muslims in other parts of the world to travel to the Holy Land and undoubtedly led to ties between Muslims under Muslim rule and those under Christian rule. Some Muslim travelers went the other direction and visited the Christian West, and their travel accounts are valuable sources of information about the societies they visited (cf. E below). However, Muslim society, on the whole, was less interested in trade with and in the culture of western Europe than it was in trade with, and the culture of, the Byzantine Empire and southern and central Asia. Most travelers from the Islamic world traveled to these regions.

IV Rome, the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy and Travel In the Christian West, the city of Rome was a major travel destination, not just because it was a pilgrimage site but because the ever-more-centralized Latin Church meant that petitioners of various sorts had to make visits to the papal court and to the curia. Investiture in clerical offices, papal grants and exemptions, and opportunities for advancement in the upper ranks of the Church made travel to Rome an unavoidable part of an ecclesiastical career. The economy of medieval Rome was deeply dependent on the money brought in by visitors. But the international network of the Church was not based on the city itself, but the Pope and the curia: “ubi papa, ibi Roma” (where the pope is, there is Rome). As a consequence, while the popes were in exile at Avignon in the fourteenth century, petitioners of all sorts went there instead of Rome. The medieval clergy did not only travel to Rome. Within the dioceses and the districts of a metropolitan bishopric, clerics of all ranks traveled to synods, and abbots visited the general chapters of their order. Travel became particularly important for several orders that developed during the high Middle Ages, since their systems of affiliation meant that frequent exchange was necessary among monasteries (Cluniac abbeys, Cistercians, etc.). Although the Rule of Saint Benedict (ca. 480–ca. 560) underlined the principle of “stabilitas loci,” it also allowed for exceptions to the rule (Die Regel des heiligen Benedictus, see Balthasar, ed., 1984, 237–38; 255; chpt. 50, 51, 67). Therefore, medieval monks and nuns traveled more frequently than one might expect. Monks had to travel because monasteries owned widespread properties and monks cared for the spiritual welfare of the laity (like in incorporated parishes), although different religious orders did different amounts of work outside of their monastic communities. Canons regular were priests united under a common rule, like those under the Augustinian Rule or in the order of Prémontré, founded by Norbert of Xanten (1080/85–1134) in the twelfth century. They were especially concerned with the spiritual welfare of the

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laity. The mendicant orders of the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries challenged the old Benedictine ideal of contemplation and “stabilitas loci” even more than did the canons regular (for a discussion of the different orders, cf. Dinzelbacher and Hogg, ed., 1997). Their preachers traveled long distances, like Saint Dominic (ca. 1170–1221), the founder of the Dominican order. Saint Dominic was born in Spain, became famous for his missionary work against the Cathars in southern France, and died in northern Italy. Early on, Franciscan and Dominican friars extended their missionary work to places as far as Palestine, the Mongol court, India, Siam, and China (cf. E below). Although the Rule of Saint Benedict restricted travel, Irish and Anglo-Saxon missionaries traveled in order to convert pagans even during the early Middle Ages. Christianity spread to the continent and northern Europe in the seventh and eight centuries, thanks to the work of monks like Columban (ca. 543–615), Kilian (d. ca. 689), Gallus (d. ca. 650), Virgil (ca. 700–784), Willibrord (ca. 657/8–739), and Bonifatius (ca. 672/5–754). Heterodox sects, as well as orthodox ones, used travel to make trans-regional contacts. In the twelfth century, heterodox preachers like Peter of Bruys (d. 1132/33), Henry of Le Mans (preached 1116–1145), and Arnold of Brescia (d. 1155) covered wide geographical areas in their travels. The beliefs of the Cathars in southern France can be traced back to the Bogomilic sect of southeastern Europe (Lambert 2001).

V War and Rule as Reasons for Travel War was another reason for travel in the Middle Ages, and some of the longest expeditions were fueled by religious ideals. From the eleventh century onward, the Crusades brought a large number of medieval knights and pilgrims from all over the Christian West not only to the Byzantine Empire and Palestine, but to other European and African destinations as well; these destinations included Tunisia and Egypt (cf. E below), southern France (the crusade against the Cathars), the Iberian Peninsula, and Prussia. Besides these often multi-ethnic endeavors, wars were constantly waged, fueled by rivalries of the European nobility on all levels. Such campaigns often became supra-regional. For example, in the early Middle Ages, the Normans of Northern Europe first raided other regions of Europe, then created principalities out of those regions. The dukedom of Normandy, the Kingdoms of Southern Italy and Sicily, and of England (the latter was conquered by the Normans in 1066 after the Battle of Hastings), and the Norman principalities in the Crusader states came from the efforts of these Northern European invaders and their offspring. Military expeditions led to cultural exchange, and the victors often forced their culture and language on the losers. A

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good example of this is the spread of the northern French langue d’oil. This language was first brought to England by the Norman invaders in the eleventh century, and later was spread to southern France by the Crusaders who defeated the Cathars and the nobility of the Languedoc region. A major reason for frequent travel by the ruler and his court was the peripatetic character of medieval kingship. The practice of moving from court to court continued far into the late Middle Ages, especially in Germany (Scales 2012, 80–83). Medieval rulers traveled extensively during their reigns. Charlemagne (ca. 747–814), for example, visited far-away places like Paderborn, Aachen, Tours, Orléans, Mainz, Pavia, Ravenna, and Rome in the year prior to his imperial coronation. Since the very foundations of medieval rule and power were the personal networks amongst princes and nobles, the king had to show his presence in as many parts of his realm as possible in order to perform his royal duties in front of his subjects. There was, however, a more practical reason for the medieval king’s extensive itinerary: in an economy that heavily relied on regional food production, moving around was a reasonable thing to do. Monasteries and “Pfalzen” (royal residences, cf. C below) had the resources to feed a ruler’s court for only a certain amount of time, and continual travel ensured that the burden was shared among a ruler’s subjects. It was only during the later Middle Ages that the king and his court stayed in one place for longer periods, and certain cities in which kings established a more permanent residence started to develop into modern political capitals (e.g., London, Paris, Vienna). From its very beginnings under Charlemagne, the medieval Roman Empire was made up of a combination of fairly independent provinces that were north and south of the Alps. The renovation of this empire under Ottonian rule in the tenth century led to the establishment of a German-speaking kingdom to the north of the Alps and an Italian-speaking part of the Empire in Upper Italy. Frequent travel over the Alps was necessary in order to rule these distant provinces, and the Italienzüge (campaigns to Italy) of the medieval emperors remained a constant necessity throughout the high and late Middle Ages. In 1137, Emperor Lothar III (1075–1137) died on his return to the Roman kingdom in the small Tyrolese village of Breitenwang. More than one hundred years earlier, the body of Otto III (980–1002) had taken a similar route from the Italian city of Paterno first to Augsburg, where his intestines were buried, then to Aachen, where his body was laid to rest. The great interest that the members of the Hohenstaufen family had in establishing their rule in northern and southern Italy during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries also led to a flow of northern warriors and knights to the Italian peninsula, although successful warfare always heavily relied on regional allies and troops. Similarly, the Hundred Years’ War between the kingdoms of England and France during the fourteenth and

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fifteenth centuries led to a regular exchange of warriors among the provinces held by each side. Besides the exchanges that were a result of war, diplomatic exchange also had important consequences for medieval society. Although a comparatively small number of persons were involved in this kind of exchange, it enabled the exchange not only of political messages but also of mutual knowledge. By Carolingian and Ottonian times, there were diplomatic ties between the Muslim and the Christian world, and chroniclers are describing the exchange of presents and envoys which allow us a glimpse inside these connections. We know, for example, of the existence of Abul Abaz, the elephant dedicated to Charlemagne by the Caliph Harun ar-Rashid (766–809) (Hack 2011), and the diplomatic mission of John of Vandières, abbot of Gorze (d. 974), to Cordoba in 953/956 (John of St Arnulf 1841). In the Frankish kingdoms, royal missi were sent to the provinces to establish the rule and will of the Carolingian Emperor (Kikushi forthcoming). During the high Middle Ages, the papal court slowly developed a network of envoys, and during the thirteenth century, legations of the Pope and of the French king sent to the Mongol Khan were among the first Westerners to bring back more precise knowledge about central and eastern Asia (cf. E below). However, only the ancient Roman Empire had a well-established system of dispatchers, a well-regulated system of roads, and regularly spaced coaching inns where horses could be changed. The loss of authority and political centralism in the early Middle Ages led to the downfall of this instrument of power (cf. C below).

VI Arts and Crafts Artisans of all kinds (e.g., builders, sculptors, stoneworkers, bricklayers, painters, mosaicists) also participated in the intense cultural and artistic exchange within the medieval world. The results of exchanges of ideas and skills between artisans from different regions can be seen in medieval architecture. Byzantine ideas spread to the West during the early and high Middle Ages, and sometimes these unmistakable influences can be traced to specific travel experiences. Churches with domes, like San Marco in Venice and Angoulême Cathedral, testify to the fact that the medieval West had knowledge of Byzantine architectural models. Westerners learned about church architecture in the Holy Land through making the pilgrimage to Jerusalem or going on a crusade, and these churches were frequently imitated in the West. The Church of the Holy Sepulchre and the concept of Solomon’s temple, in particular, were amongst such ideas that drew their apparently high prestige partly from imaginative ideals and partly from real

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buildings in Palestine; this fascination led to churches throughout the West (Ottmarsheim, Aachen, Cambridge, etc.) that were shaped like the Holy Sepulchre. Military orders like the Knights Templar were not the only ones to use the symbolic function of singular features of the churches of the Holy City of Jerusalem. Churches as far apart and different as the Temple in London, the Holy Sepulchre in Eichstätt, or the Capella Ruccelai in Florence (Florence, constructed by Leon Battista Alberti (1404–1472), all refer to (imaginative or real) architectural ideas of the East (cf. Naredi-Rainer 1994; 1999). Beginning in the twelfth century, the specialized workers who constructed the huge Gothic cathedrals often traveled from place to place after one church was finished and another building started; with these workers, architectural concepts were transferred throughout Europe (Kurmann 2006). The characteristic layout of the church towers of Laon Cathedral was copied in the towers of both Bamberg Cathedral and Naumburg Cathedral, and a sketch of the Laon Cathedral towers was included in the sketchbook of a contemporary artist, Villard de Honnecourt (active ca. 1220/30) (Barnes 2009, ed., color plate 22, fol. 10r). Medieval audiences understood the symbolism not only of the overall architectural construction of a church but also of specific features like the elevation plan of the interior design. This understanding is shown by the eleventh-century churches, like Sankt Maria im Kapitol at Cologne, that imitate the Church of Saint Mary in Aachen in such a sophisticated way that at least the convents and noble patrons of these churches must have had direct access and first-hand knowledge of the Aachen Cathedral—if they had not, the architectural allusion to Charlemagne would not have been understandable (and, as a result, not desirable to the patrons and church-builders) at all. The central octagon of Aachen Cathedral itself was imported from Cologne and/or San Vitalis in Ravenna. This borrowing underlines the importance of elite knowledge of major buildings within a considerable geographic area. The need for specialized personnel and craftspeople led to migrations of people and ideas within the Latin West. Technological advancements and their spread have left a trace within the material culture of the epoch that has been unearthed by archaeological research (Baeriswyl 2006). Specialization of craft and labor triggered major population shifts. For example, although risky, mining was lucrative and therefore encouraged people to settle down in regions that offered mining opportunities. One such region was late medieval and early modern Tyrol, with its rich deposits of silver, ore, and salt. Mining led to a major increase in the number of citizens in cities and villages like Hall in Tyrol and Schwaz. To sustain these populations, which were not self-sufficient, food had to be transported from the Austrian dukedom via the Danube and the Inn rivers. Similar developments happened in places like Stollberg/Harz and Jáchymov/ Joachimstal in Bohemia.

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These regional migrations of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries had their counterpart in the high medieval migration from agricultural villages to the emerging cities. This migration resulted in a significant shift of population density in many parts of Europe. The growth of cities, although hampered by the population decrease caused by frequent crop failures and plague that took place in the fourteenth century, accompanied late medieval developments. These movements could embrace broader geographic entities in the constant efforts to attract settlers and develop new, formerly uninhabitable wasteland. The migration of Germans into regions of central and eastern Europe that were under the control of mostly Slavic princes and the mutual development of intercultural communities there is one such later medieval example of population shifts. The search for better living conditions was a major reason for migration during the entire period. It triggered the migration of Germanic-speaking groups into the ancient Roman Empire at the very beginning of the Middle Ages, and some results of these migrations (like the establishment of Lombard dukedoms in northern and central Italy during the sixth century that eventually led to a political division of the Italian peninsula) had long-lasting effects. At several different points in time, Eurasian nomads entered the political scene of central and eastern Europe, often dramatically, like the Huns and Avars between the fifth and the eighth centuries, the Hungarians in the tenth century, and the Mongols in the thirteenth century. The scarcity of sources makes it difficult to identify some other long-term migrations with similar precision, but it seems reasonable to assume that Slavic settlers migrated to southeast Europe during the early and high Middle Ages.

VII Education Beginning in the high Middle Ages, the development of universities in Western Europe led to a constant and ever growing exchange of professors and especially students between various regions of Europe. The first foundations were international hotspots of education and attracted students from all over Europe: the famous medical schools of Salerno and Montpellier, the renowned school for theology in Paris, and the schools of law and medicine in Bologna. The high prestige and sought-out expertise of these institutions was well-known in medieval culture, and is referred to in the literary tradition, as well: in the late-twelfthcentury Middle High German poem Der arme Heinrich by Hartmann of Aue (active ca. 1170–1200), a knight suffering from leprosy famously tries to find a cure for his disease at Salerno (Hartmann von Aue 1996). Similarly, in Marie de France’s lai Les deus amanz (ca. 1190) the male lover travels to Salerno to receive a potion from his beloved’s aunt working there. Later universities, like Oxford and Cam-

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bridge in England or Coimbra in Portugal, often had a more regional and national orientation. In the Holy Roman Empire, northern Italian universities attracted a lot of students from regions north of the Alps, although new universities were successfully established there, too, like the universities at Prague (1348), Vienna (1356), Heidelberg (1386), and Ingolstadt (1472). Scientific and ethnological curiosity seems not to have been part of the calculations of medieval travelers. Although early reports of Europeans traveling to Asia during the late Middle Ages reflect some fascination with exotic and unknown cultures, the driving force behind these expeditions was always religious, economic, or diplomatic. Exploration for the sake of knowledge, like the expeditions of James Cook (1728–1779) or Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859) in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, seems to have been the result of a post-medieval development related to the world views of the Enlightenment. Medieval societies, however, laid the technical and intellectual foundations for such endeavors.

C Modes and Annoyances of Travel I Infrastructure, Personal Interaction, and Language Barriers The medieval Mediterranean world inherited the extensive infrastructure of the Roman Empire, but although the infrastructure remained broadly intact in the Byzantine Empire of the East, the question remains as to how they were maintained in the early medieval West. Systems such as the imperial “cursus publicus” (public transportation system), which allowed quick transfer of information from one end of the Roman Empire to the other (André and Baslez 1993, 204–06) were transformed within the new, decentralized political entities that followed the Roman Empire in the West. There was more continuity in the Byzantine Empire, since beginning in the late fourth century, the maintenance of the cursus publicus was one of the several tasks for the magister officiorum, shifting to one of the logothetes in the eighth century (Ostrogorsky 1996; Guilland 1971). In the West, great efforts were undertaken during the high Middle Ages to establish new trading routes and sustain the infrastructure that was necessary for an everexpanding European traffic system. There was an increased interest in roads and streets that crossed the major mountain ranges of Europe, like the Alps and the Pyrenees (see the contribution to this Handbook by Albrecht Classen on “Roads, Streets, Bridges, Travelers”). The network of roads crossing the Pyrenees was of vital importance for the Christian kingdoms in the north of the Iberian Peninsula. They also had to be maintained for the increasing number of pilgrims from all over Europe who took land routes through France and northern Spain and

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crossed the Pyrenees in order to visit Santiago de Compostela. The high medieval Song of Roland (late twelfth century) places its climax, and the death of its hero, right in the center of these mountains (Duggan, ed., 2005; Meredith-Jones, ed., 1936). The political and economic setting of the medieval West—the expansion of the Christian world to the far north of the European continent and an Empire in its heart with both an Italian and a German part—meant that the passages that led through the Alps became even more important for communication and trade within Europe than they had been in antiquity. Therefore, it is not surprising that the maintenance, fortification, and extension of these routes became a major endeavor during the high and late Middle Ages. It was not only the well-established roads like those over the Brenner and Reschen passes in Tyrol or the passes of the Eastern Alps, like those passing Mont Genèvre and Mont Cenis, as well as the Bernhard Pass, that were crucial. Also important was the search for and the opening of new routes. The greatest such endeavor was the extension of the Gotthard Pass during the transition between the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Hospitals and inns were built to accommodate goods and people on the road, and confraternities were set up to maintain the infrastructure (e.g., the Arlbergbruderschaft, who maintained the road at the Arlberg Pass in the central Alps; Widmoser and Köfler, ed., 1977). Beginning in the twelfth century, more and more ferries and bridges were built throughout Europe in order to ease overland travel problems, and taxes and tolls on transported goods became an important part of economic policy during the later Middle Ages (Landolt 2006). All over Europe, a tight network of inland waterways enabled navigation for transport. These networks mainly relied on natural waterways, although efforts to construct artificial waterways were occasionally undertaken. The most prominent example of such a construction project was the fossa carolina, or Charles’s Channel, that was intended to connect the river systems of the Rhine and Danube; according to the Reichsannalen (Imperial Annals), Charlemagne himself visited the construction site by ship via the Danube in 793, at a spot between the sites of the modern cities of Treuchtlingen and Weißenburg in Bavaria (Annales regni Francorum, see Rau, ed., 2008, 60–62). Navigation on the open sea was risky and difficult until the late Middle Ages, even though astronomy played an ever more significant role in navigation (see the contribution to this Handbook on “Astronomy”). Medieval sailors therefore preferred to keep close to the shore. The Mediterranean, Atlantic, and Baltic Seas were not only hubs of medieval trade, though; they facilitated both piracy and invasion (Bohn 2003, 10–19, and, for the case of England, Gorski, ed., 2012). Until the eleventh century, Norsemen from different parts of Scandinavia pillaged and plundered the British Isles and the French and northern German coasts in countless raids. These raids led to the creation of several Norman principalities (see B above). Although the political situation changed over

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time, Muslim pirates were active in the Mediterranean Sea during nearly the whole epoch. One of these raids on Rome in 846 led Pope Leo IV (d. 855) to fortify the Vatican part of the city around Saint Peter’s Basilica (Krautheimer 2004, 134–37). For most medieval people, the sea was feared as dangerous, treatening a death by drowning (ironically water was the element of baptism), and corpses lost at sea could not be properly buried. On the night of November 25 in the year 1120, in the so-called White Ship Disaster, a vessel which had started its voyage from Barfleur to England unexpectedly sunk and most of its passengers drowned, amongst them many princes of the royal court, as well as the crown prince William (d. 1120), the son of Henry I (1068–1135) (William of Malmesbury 1889, 2/497). Despite its dangers, sea travel was crucial for the medieval economy. Ancient trading routes across the Mediterranean Sea were not abandoned as a result of the Islamic expansion, and Italian cities became most important in the East-West trade (see B above). With the increase in trade during the course of the high and late Middle Ages, trade on new routes (like in the Baltic and Northern Seas) was intensified, and new ship designs like the Hanseatic “kogge” were created (for medieval ship designs and the problems with their classification, cf. Bill 2000 [Vikings], Dotson 2008 [Mediterranean], Hoffmann and Schnall, ed., 2003, Förster 2009 [late medieval Northern Europe]). At any rate, by the fifteenth century, European ship design and navigation techniques were not superior to those known in China or to those used by Arabian and Indian traders in the Indian Ocean; the ships that formed the huge Chinese expedition force of Zheng He (1371–ca. 1433/5) were far more elaborate than the tiny fleet of Christopher Columbus (1451–1506) at the end of the fifteenth century (Reichert 2010, 97–98). Nonetheless, the tradition of traveling over the open seas that was cultivated by the medieval Christian kingdoms on the Iberian Peninsula was one of the preconditions for the European expansion (cf. E below). In everyday life, the question of how well adapted medieval ship designs were for voyages on the open sea was of minor consequence. In a European landscape that was still much more savage than it is today, covered by forests, swamps, and marshes, the medieval traveler worried more about theft, robbery, and sudden illness than about major technical developments in navigation. Since the eleventh century, there were constant efforts to pacify broader regions, such as the “Peace of God” and the “treuga Dei” movements (“Gottes- und Landfrieden”) on the continent. But in general, medieval travelers were responsible for their own security and as a result sought company whilst on the road. Geoffrey Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales provides an excellent example of this kind of group travel (Chaucer 1998). Although the language barriers for travelers must have been substantial in a world divided into several very different linguistic regions (like the Romanic,

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Germanic, Slavic, Greek and Semitic tongues, to name only the most obvious language groups), these difficulties do not appear prominently in sources from the early and high Middle Ages (see the contribution to this Handbook by Oliver M. Traxel on “Languages”). We know of the activities of twelfth-century preachers in such places as Italy, France, and southern Germany. In all of these places, they obviously were capable of addressing their audiences successfully, although lay people there must have spoken different languages than they did. But preachers such as Bernhard of Clairvaux (1090–1153) or Arnold of Brescia were austere figures, their language only part of their impressive appearance, so they probably communicated their messages nonverbally as well as verbally, and a lack of foreign language skills was therefore less important (Constable 1996). In the later Middle Ages, different sources address more readily the problem of language barriers, and this increase in the awareness of the difficulty of communicating in a foreign language corresponds with the ever-growing distinction of European languages and the increase in the number of lay people who directly expressed their views and problems within our written sources. A late medieval German pilgrim song, Wer das Elend bauen will (He who wants to go to foreign lands), is a good example of this kind of source: a collection of versified advice for pilgrims, its text urges German Christians to confess before reaching the Italian peninsula since priests there will not be able to understand them at all: “Kommt er in die welsche Land, / Er findt keinen teutschen Priester” (Seckendorf 1807, 11; “When he comes to Italy, he does not find a German priest”). Pilgrim reports of the late medieval and early modern period try to prepare the reader for the language difficulties he might encounter. The German knight Arnold von Harff (1471–1505), for example, frequently provides lists of foreign words and scripts in his extensive travel account (Brall-Tuchel and Reichert, ed., 2007), and Ottheinrich von der Pfalz (1502–1559) does not neglect to characterize the members of his company of pilgrims by the individual languages they were able to speak and names even an interpreter whom they took with them to Palestine (Reichert, ed., 2005, 121). Wynkyn de Worde included in his Information for Pilgrims unto the Holy Land (1498) extensive lists of phrases in Greek, Turkish, and Arabic. Late medieval pratiche della mercatura (Advise for Merchants) address the language problem openly and qualify the problem for their merchant readers (Reichert 2010, 65; Fouquet 2006; Hollberg 1999). In the often regionally-focused world of the medieval Occident, xenophobia must have played an important role in negative travel experiences. In the thirteenth century, the liturgical handbook of William Durandus (ca. 1235–1296), for example, forbade the Christian burial of foreigners who were found dead, since their moral conduct in life and the state of sin in which they died could not be discerned properly (William Durandus 1995, 62). However, in both the Islamic

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and the Christian worlds, hospitality was part of the moral code. The most influential monastic rule in the Latin West, the Regula sancti Benedicti, stipulates in its 53rd chapter that monks must take in guests (Die Regel des heiligen Benedictus, see Balthasar, ed., 1984, 238–40). Medieval royal courts often traveled around their realms, and monasteries became very important in these moves, since they were able to accommodate and feed a large number of people. Imperial or royal palaces (Pfalzen) served the same purposes as monasteries for peripatetic courts. A less distinguished traveler still could hope not only to find shelter in monasteries or commercial institutions like hospitals or inns, but could count on the hospitality of members of his own kin group, professional colleagues and other members of the same social class or religious orientation. Medieval Christians trusted in particular saints who were supposed to help protect them from annoyances along the way. One of them was James, and several well-known legends illustrate his power to keep pilgrims safe on the way to his main sanctuary in Santiago de Compostela through miraculous means (Iacobo da Varazze 2007, 730–39). When threatened by armed robbery or the perils of the sea, travelers frequently turned to the maris stella, Mary; the famous Cantigas de Santa Maria by the Spanish King Alfonso X el Sabio (1221–1284) contain several songs versifying events and miracles in which the mother of Christ intervenes on behalf of travelers (Mettmann 1959–1972). Saint Christopher was believed to protect against an untimely death. Looking at the saint’s image daily was supposed to give the best protection, so his image decorated countless church walls and was distributed widely in early prints (cf. Rosenfeld 1937; Schmidt 2005). Since travelers were more likely than others to experience sudden death that did not allow penitence (or confession), the cult of this saint became closely linked to travel, and institutions that maintained the transportation infrastructure, like the already-mentioned confraternity from the Arlberg Pass in the Alps (see above), often chose this particular patron. The fervent veneration of Saint Christopher in the course of the fifteenth century thus could be interpreted as an indicator of the fact that an ever-broadening part of society was traveling more and more.

II Travel Times and Perception of Travel Researchers have long been interested in medieval travel times, and have calculated approximately what these travel times must have been, assuming various means of transport. Late medieval sources can be used to make such estimations. Court letters from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were marked with the outgoing date, and some chancelleries registered the incoming date on the back of these letters, too, thereby allowing an approximation of the messenger’s travel

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time. Norbert Ohler calculated that an average traveler on foot could cover a distance of approximately 20–40 kilometers per day; by horse, it could have been something more like 60 km. On rivers, travel time heavily depended on the direction of travel: downstream, 100 km per day was possible; hauled upstream, a boat could cover something like 20 km, just a sixth of the distance of a day’s downstream travel. On the sea, a galley with rowers and sail could travel much more quickly, up to 200 km per day, and ocean-going vessels may have covered even more distance each day (Ohler 2004, 108–12). One surprising aspect of pre-modern travel is the apparently nearly complete absence of interest in landscape and nature, two concepts that do not play a major role in the perception of geography before the late eighteenth century. From a premodern perspective, one travels in order to reach a particular goal, which is usually an inhabited, civilized site like a city, village, or sanctuary. The landscape in between the starting point of travel and the place one goes to is merely an obstacle, an unfriendly and dangerous place that has to be overcome in order for the to succeed. That this was the basic perception of travel seems at least likely when one looks at travel accounts from the late fifteenth century onward that usually characterize the landscape merely by naming the distance to another place (this is at least the suggestion of Landwehr 2008, 100–131, who applies Foucauldian discourse analysis to early modern travel literature). A perfect example of this is the anonymous prose novel Fortunatus (1509) (Roloff, ed., 1981).

D Geographic Concepts Recent scholarship has demonstrated that medieval concepts of the earth were not uniform, but rather ambiguous and diverse (Baumgärtner and Schröder 2010, 57). One reason for this is that there were two very different approaches to geography that influenced the world view of the Middle Ages: the biblical accounts and the astronomical and geographical knowledge of antiquity. Only seldom did these world views become contradictory in the eyes of medieval authorities, who in that case rarely sided with the Bible and challenged ancient concepts. We know by now that the concept of the “flat earth,” which was allegedly espoused by medieval scholars, was a myth invented in the nineteenth century (Classen 2007, 7–12). The syncreticism of old and new knowledge is seen in the map of the Byzantine world created by Cosmas Indigopleustes (ca. 550 C.E.), who imagined— very unusually for a medieval thinker—that the world was flat and the cosmos was shaped like a rectangular box, or a house with two floors (Dilke 1987b, 261–63; Euw 1989, 3; Schleicher 2014, 241–61). Manegold of Lautenbach (d. after 1103) criticized the cosmological concepts of Macrobius (fifth century) during the

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eleventh century (Brincken 1992, 199–200). But in many cases, the two world views, the biblical and the classical, seem to have been harmonized. Early and high medieval cartographers did not continue the Roman tradition of making maps that were useful for navigation (like the Tabula Peutingeriana, which dates to the fourth century and provides distances, streets, and gives the names of cities; Dilke 1987a, 238–42). However, maps were still created to propagate ideas about the earth’s geography that were based on both ancient and biblical concepts. Einhard (ca. 770–840), for example, states that Charlemagne owned a table that was decorated with a world map (Einhard 1911, 40). Often, medieval maps followed a T-O scheme: a circle symbolized the spherical form of the earth, and this circle was divided into three continents (Europe, Africa, and Asia) that together formed a “T” shape. In these maps, Asia was represented by half of the world’s land mass (compared to one-quarter for both Europe and Africa). This was not so much due to geographical knowledge about this continent, which is indeed larger than the others, but because Asia seemed the most marvelous: India seemed to be the source of wealth and the East was the place of countless miraculous creatures and paradise itself. The famous world maps of Ebstorf and Hereford depict scenes of Adam and Eve (eating the forbidden fruit, the expulsion from paradise) alongside legendary Eastern races like the cynocephaloi (Brincken 1992, 91–95; Woodward 1987, 310–11). The early cosmography of Aethicus Ister (probably eighth century) combines an account of the known geographical world with accounts of fantastic people and strange lands in Asia that were taken from ancient legends and literature like the Romance of Alexander (Neiske 2007, 177; Wood 2000). In contrast to medieval world maps from China (cf. Harley and Woodward 1994), the Latin West located the center of its world not within its own borders, but outside of them, in Jerusalem, which lies in or near the crossing of the bars of the “T” and at the junction of the three known continents; from this perspective, the Holy City is the navel of the world (cf. Wolf 2010). The medieval belief that the center of the world was outside of Europe was one factor that led to European expansion, first with the Crusades, then in the search for trade routes to the East, and finally over the Atlantic and beyond in order to reach China that way. From this perspective, it is not surprising that sea voyages led to the development of practical cartography in the later Middle Ages. Beginning in the thirteenth century, portolan charts came into use. These charts were made for planning and executing sea travels; they showed distances and ports in certain regions (Brincken 1992, 113–14; Campbell 1987). But most people did not use maps in their journeys, and knowledge of foreign regions was not achieved by the study of texts or maps, but by experience. Where texts came into play, they often described places and routes frequently used by pilgrims, like the high and late medieval

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descriptions of the city of Rome (cf. B above) or accounts of the pilgrimages to Jerusalem and Palestine, which were frequently compiled as early as the early Middle Ages (Neiske 2007, 179). Travel literature was immensely popular during the Middle Ages, and this not only holds true for voyages to real places (like Jerusalem), but for fantasy journeys, too (Ganz-Blättler 1990; Kappler, ed., 1987; Howard 1980; Grafetstätter, Hartmann, and Ogier, ed., 2011). From the Navigatio sancti Brendani (since the tenth century) to Dante’s Divina Commedia (ca. 1310/1320), travel descriptions often led the protagonist to fictive places in yet-unknown regions or into the eschatological otherworld (Semmler 1993; Prokofiev 2011; Dante Alighieri 1999). As with medieval maps, fabulous accounts were paired with sound geographical knowledge in travel literature, and this still holds true in the fifteenth century (cf. E below). It was only in the course of the early modern period that maps became easily reproducible and more precise; many technical advancements, including the use of copperplate engraving instead of wood printing, enabled works of cartographers like Gerardus Mercator (1512–1592) in the sixteenth century (Crane 2002).

E Exploration Although some knowledge of Asia and—to a lesser extent—Africa had been transmitted to the Middle Ages from antiquity, in early and high medieval Europe, ideas about these continents generally remained vague and certainties scarce. The Mediterranean remained the major arena for trade and cultural exchange. However, with the separation from the Eastern Orthodox Church and the rise of Islam, the medieval Occident was mostly cut off from direct contact with subSaharan Africa and central, southern, and eastern Asia. The only (indirect) proof that cultures existed beyond the horizon of the Latin West were the highly-prized goods that came from them (e.g., silk and spices). The attention of Western Christianity shifted to regions in the far north and east of the European continent that were never explored by the ancient Romans. The new Christian kingdoms in Scandinavia played a key role in exploring and colonizing the northernmost regions. Profiting from a relatively mild climate and possessing good seamanship that enabled them to travel vast distances on the open sea, the Vikings expanded not only to territories like Scotland and Ireland, but, at the end of the ninth century, landed in Iceland and established settlements there, too (O’Corráin 2000; Rafnsson 2000; Barrett, ed., 2003). In 986, Erik the Red (ca. 850–1005) founded the first Norse settlements in Greenland, and his son Leif Eriksson (ca. 970–ca. 1020) traveled to the eastern shores of North America, although the exact geographic extent of his travels is still debated. But it seems sure that there were

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several Viking expeditions to the Northeast corner of North America, and archaeological evidence for a Viking presence has been found in L’Anse-aux-Meadows in Newfoundland (Banck 2009, 76–80; Findeisen 2011). The settlements in Greenland, however, lost contact with those in Norway and Iceland, and subsequently vanished. Recent archaeological excavations and anthropological examinations of these settlements suggest that there was a rather tiny population (between 1,500 and 2,000 people) in Greenland. These studies suggest that a colder climate (known as the “Little Ice Age”), which started approximately around the year 1400, was the reason why these settlements failed over the long term (Lynnerup 1998; Fricke, O’Neil, and Lynnerup 1995). However, the discussion of the reasons for the Greenland settlement’s collapse is still open (cf. for instance Seaver 2011). In the East, the Baltic Sea first became a center of Viking exploration into Russia and eastern Europe. Scandinavians became part of the Kiev-centered state of the Rus during the ninth and tenth centuries (Noonan 2000; Banck 2009, 88–91), which was, in the high and late Middle Ages, an important trading link between northern Germany, Scandinavia and the Baltic (cf. B above). Asia was still attractive to the West for its trading commodities, however. Trade on the Silk Route, established by Muslim and Byzantine traders as well as merchants from Northern Italian sea ports, made these goods available throughout Europe (Höllmann 2007). The high profits gained by trade and the idea to exclude intermediate trade to maximize margins made medieval merchants supportive of expansionism. During the Crusades, Italian cities like Venice, Genoa, and Pisa, not only actively participated, but in several expeditions their fleets were crucial for the Crusaders’ success. In return, they achieved special trading rights and quarters within all major port cities in the Kingdom of Jerusalem. From there, Italian merchants were much closer to the trading routes of Central Asia. Similarly, Byzantine middlemen were eliminated (or at least their role was marginalized) after the Fourth Crusade, which had led to the conquest and pillaging of Constantinople in 1204, and established Venetian rule over several formerly Greek ports and islands in the Adriatic and Aegean Seas. But the history of the Crusades hints at another important point. In the mentality of the medieval Christian West, the idea of conquering the holy places in Palestine inspired knights and simple people alike. In their opinion, freeing Jerusalem from Muslim rulers must have looked like conquering the center of the known world. According to the medieval perspective, which was partly antique and partly Christian, this center was always assumed to be outside Europe and in Asia. This helps us to understand why the European expansion of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries had its roots in the Iberian kingdoms that were heavily engaged in taking back Muslim territory (the Reconquista) on the westernmost European peninsula. When the Reconquista ended in the fifteenth century (1492), the search for an

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easy passage to the riches of Asia consequently seemed the appropriate next step. But the exchange with Asia did not only go one way. There was a long tradition of confrontation between central Asian nomads and the medieval West. One of the most shocking events for the West was the sudden approach of the Mongols during the thirteenth century and the subsequent devastation of eastern Europe and the Near East. When the first notices of the Mongol approach reached the Christian West, intellectuals there were confronted with their own ignorance of the political geography of the East. They therefore tried to explain current events by tying them to foggy ideas and legends of these regions of the world: could the Mongols be identified with the biblical people of Gog and Magog, who were now released and appearance showed that the end of time was drawing closer? Or could these soldiers that attacked and struck the Islamic world be the forces of the legendary Prester John, whose Christian kingdom in the East now came to the rescue of the oppressed Crusader kingdoms and who eagerly waited for the West to unite their powers with his own to crush Muslim opponents? Soon, it became clear that Mongol rulers would not consider Westerners as equals, and the Khan demanded with harsh words the complete surrender of European rulers. This demand triggered a handful of diplomatic missions to the Khan’s court, and the descriptions of the travel of envoys like John of Plano Carpini (ca. 1182–ca. 1252) or William of Rubruk (active before 1257) are amongst the first extensive first-hand accounts of Asia, an until then nearly unknown continent (John of Plano Carpini 1929; William of Rubruk 1929). Direct contacts between Europe and Asia were possible for the first time in medieval history, since the Mongol empire stretched from China to eastern Europe. The reason that Westerners went on these long voyages, however, was not out of curiosity about foreign cultures, but in order to gain knowledge about a poorly-understood, although obviously mighty and threatening, enemy (Jackson 2005; Schmieder 1994). In the late Middle Ages, travels into central and eastern Asia must have been more frequent than our scarce sources may lead us to believe. Italian merchants were highly interested in trading routes to Asia and Genovese merchants were active in areas around the Black Sea. But for many Italians, the Black Sea was just the first step toward Asia. The fact that Europeans visited the Far East is highlighted by two tombstones found in Yangzhou in the 1960s: although carved by local Chinese artists, their design and Latin inscriptions imitate European grave markers of the time. They were made for two siblings whose father was a Genovese merchant in China (Reichert 2001, 188–92). The existence of specialized dictionaries for merchants in the Asian trade (see C above) suggests that there must have been a considerable number of Italian merchants on the late-medieval Asian trade routes. First-hand knowledge of these regions slowly started to spread

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to the West. Marco Polo’s famous account of his travels into China is not only an example of the spread of news from Asia, but highlights the fact that Venetian merchants were direct competitors of the Genovese when it came to exploring these new trading opportunities (Polo 1958). The total silence of Chinese sources regarding the Polos’ stay in Eastern Asia is startling and there has therefore been a long debate over whether Marco Polo (1254–1324) ever went into Yuan China at all or how fictional his description might have been (Reichert 2001, 193–97; Wunderli 1993). However, there is no doubt that his account became the main basis for the idea of the Far East in western European thought for the next centuries. Marco Polo’s account includes fantastic elements, but this is not a good argument for the spuriousness of his voyage, since such elements were an integral part of late-medieval accounts, even first-hand accounts, of Asia. Odoric of Pordenone (d. 1331), who traveled to India and China in the first half of the fourteenth century as a Franciscan missionary, gave an account that included legendary and fantastic features (Odoric of Pordenone 1929), but also widened European knowledge about Asia. He was the first, for example, to note that the Chinese bound the feet of their women and used cormorants for fishing (Odorich 1987, 14). It has already been mentioned that a mix of fiction and reality is a central characteristic of late medieval travel accounts, and this often makes it difficult to discern which parts of an account come from first-hand knowledge, and which are purely fictive (cf. D above). Arnold of Harff is a good example of this mixture of first-hand knowledge and fiction, since he provides extensive descriptions of places he probably never visited, like Mecca, Madagascar, and India. However, the popularity of his account was not hampered by these fictional descriptions at all, perhaps on the contrary (Brall-Tuchel and Reichert 2007). This common interest may not only have been the result of the fact that most people in the West could never prove these accounts wrong, but also of a major political shift. After the Western envoys had traveled to the Khan’s court in the thirteenth century, and after Italian merchants like Marco Polo and mendicants like Odoric of Pordenone had traveled to the East in the first half of the fourteenth century, things gravely changed, and the exploration of Asia became more and more dangerous and complicated. The gradual collapse of the Mongol Empire and the Plague (which was itself a ‘traveler’ on the well-used travel routes between Asia and Europe) had disastrous effects on European economy (Bergdolt 1994) and led to an end of the unusual circumstances that had made it possible to maintain contact over vast distances in the century before. From this perspective, it is not surprising that a fifteenth-century Western audience believed in accounts that only re-narrated fantastic descriptions and summarized knowledge that had been gained in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.

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It becomes clear that, from a global perspective, medieval Europe was not a bustling and rich place when we consider how many travelers undertook the voyage from the Islamic, Indian and Chinese worlds into the West. All sources lead us to believe that such voyages rarely happened, if at all. Apart from the already-mentioned raids of Central Asian nomads into eastern Europe, one of the only travelers who came to Europe from Central or Eastern Asia was the Nestorian monk Rabban Sauma (ca. 1230–1294), who visited the papal curia and Western Europe in 1287/8 (Reichert 2010, 97). The Islamic world was generally more interested in Asia than Europe, as demonstrated by the accounts of Ibn Battuta (1304–ca. 1368/77), who traveled to India and Central Asia in the fourteenth century, and Giyas ad-Din Naqqas (fifteenth century), who visited Beijing a century later (Ibn Battuta 1971; Ghiyathuddin Naqqash 1989). However, at least some accounts of Arabian travelers’ visits to Europe have survived, and sometimes they give glimpses into cultural practices otherwise unknown in written sources. The most famous example of this phenomenon is the account by Ibn Fadlan (tenth century) of the funeral of a Rus’ prince in Eastern Europe (Ibn Fadlan 2005; Classen, ed., 2013). In contrast with the frequent, although varying exchange with Asia, Africa played an inferior role in mutual exchange. As part of the Mediterranean and Islamic world, Northern Africa remained in the sights of Europeans, and it became both the target of, and a base for, military expeditions across the Mediterranean Sea. Islamic expansions into the Iberian and Italian peninsulas during the eighth, ninth and tenth centuries usually started in North Africa, and from the twelfth century onwards, Crusaders tried to conquer main ports along the Mediterranean coastline, like Tunis (during the Crusade of Louis IX of France [1214– 1270] in 1270), or Damiette and parts of Egypt (in the course of the Fifth Crusade around 1220). Sub-Saharan Africa was not a focus of medieval Europeans until the fifteenth century. At that point, having made progress in their nautical skills, the Portuguese started to navigate the Western African coastline down the Atlantic and established an African trading network. The search for a sea route to India led to the first contacts with these regions of Africa, but even well into the fifteenth century, intercultural exchange between Europe and Africa remained mostly restricted to the shores of the continent. Although few Asian travelers came to Europe, there are no records of independent travelers that came from sub-Saharan Africa to the North. The Americas were not the focus of Europeans at all, since the Vikings’ ventures to the northeastern shores of North America were short-lived and failed in the end (see above). It was the search for India that triggered the European expansion to these unknown continents, and when they were discovered, the idea of the mundus tripartitus, the world with just three continents, was chal-

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lenged (cf. D above). It was a well-established fact amongst intellectuals during most of the Middle Ages that the Earth was spherical. That knowledge, combined with the urge to find an alternative route toward India, as well as the steady improvement of nautical skills that made voyages over the open seas less dangerous, meant that it was just a matter of time before someone tried to sail westwards from western Europe, as Christopher Columbus did in 1492. In short order, other explorers, like Sebastiano Caboto (1472–1557), followed, and by 1500, a new, transatlantic world dawned. However, this did not prevent Europeans from superimposing their concepts about India onto the Americas, as Columbus did when he erroneously assumed that he had landed in Eastern Asia. Since Europeans used the name “India” to mean Japan, China, and India (Lower and Upper India on medieval maps), it seemed natural to call the American natives “Indians,” to distinguish “West” and “East Indies,” and to search for the medieval marvels of the East in the Americas; the Amazons became the namesake for the Amazon River, and Juan Ponce de Leon (ca. 1460– 1521), who was (probably anachronistically) supposed to have searched for the Fountain of Youth in Florida in the sixteenth century (cf. Fuson 2000; Reichert 2001, 219–21).

F New Perspectives: The History of Travel as part of Global History From the European perspective of the traditional medievalist, it seems remarkable that the Latin West endeavored intensely to get into contact with other regions of the world as early as the high Middle Ages, while the inhabitants of those other regions seem to have had so little interest in Europe. It seems likely that this imbalance was due to the relative scarcity of highly priced resources in medieval Europe which were sought after in the phase of an “archaic globalisation” (Bayly 2002). Consequently, India and Southeast Asia were the main focus of medieval European and Asian merchants since they could furnish markets with these goods. Chinese interest, for example, was focused on India and Southeast Asia, as the well-equipped expedition of Zheng He demonstrates (cf. C above). It could well be that the Indian and Chinese cultures developed a self-centered world view because merchants from the Eurasian continent sought them out; this self-centeredness could have led to a certain lack of interest in exploring the unknown regions of the world. Furthermore, in contrast to the Indians, Muslims, and Chinese, European Christians always thought of themselves as being on the edge of the inhabited world, and not at its center. The holiest places and paradise itself

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were thought to be in Asia, and together with the economic incentives provided by trade, this belief may have encouraged long-distance travel. The emergence of a new global history in the last decade has created a growing interest in these themes and provides a methodological base for answering the pressing questions triggered by remarks like those in the previous paragraph. Unfortunately, the controversy about the existence of a European sonderweg, or of a unique approach, that led to expansion and colonialism has centered in recent years on the nineteenth century. The medieval and early modern roots of the nineteenth-century development, however, have not been sufficiently explored. Of course, we would have to be very careful in blending concepts of colonialism and Orientalism, as they applied to the world since the seventeenth century at the latest, to the Middle Ages (Classen, ed., 2013). Nevertheless, further research into the mentality of medieval travel is needed and could provide new insights and substantial contributions to recent debates amongst historians of all epochs.

Select Bibliography Abulafia, David, ed., The Mediterranean in History (London 2003). Bork, Robert and Andrea Kann, ed., The Art, Science, and Technology of Medieval Travel (Aldershot 2008). Harley, John Brian and David Woodward, ed., Cartography in Prehistoric, Ancient, and Medieval Europe and the Mediterranean (Chicago and London 1987). Howard, Donald R., Writers and Pilgrims: Medieval Pilgrimage Narratives and Their Posterity (Berkeley, Los Angeles, CA, and London 1980). Howard, Michael C., Transnationalism in Ancient and Medieval Societies: The Role of CrossBorder Trade and Travel (Jefferson, NC, and London 2012). Ohler, Norbert, Reisen im Mittelalter, 4th rev. ed. (Munich 1986; Düsseldorf 2004). Reichert, Folker, Erfahrung der Welt: Reisen und Kulturbegegnung im späten Mittelalter (Stuttgart 2001). Sawyer, Peter, ed., Die Wikinger: Geschichte und Kultur eines Seefahrervolkes (Darmstadt 2000). Verdon, Jean, Voyager au Moyen Âge, 3rd ed. (1998; Paris 2007). Wunderli, Peter, ed., Reisen in reale und mythische Ferne: Reiseliteratur in Mittelalter und Renaissance (Düsseldorf 1993).

Graeme Dunphy

The Medieval University A The Rise of the University I The Twelfth-Century Background By the High Middle Ages, four loci for higher learning had emerged: monasteries, cathedrals, courts, and legal chancelleries. Monasteries were the earliest centers of education in Christian Europe, and in the Early Middle Ages had often been the only place where literate culture was kept alive. The greatest scholars of the eighth to tenth centuries were without exception monks, mostly Benedictines, and with the rise of a new intellectualism in the mendicant orders of the thirteenth century, the Franciscans and Dominicans, the status of the religious house as a key educational establishment was strongly reinforced. The schools which grew up around cathedral chapters, though also ecclesiastical establishments, are to be clearly distinguished from the monastic teaching environment. Bishops were responsible for sacred and often also for secular government, and required a functional administration for which young men had to be trained. Here the focus on legal competence was much stronger than in the monasteries. Despite occasional blossomings of intellectual life, such as those under Charlemagne (d. 814) in the Frankish realm or Alfred the Great (849–899) in England, secular courts only became educational centers on a regular and permanent basis rather later, and indeed one of the differences between the learning of the Christian and Islamic worlds may have been precisely that the courts of the Caliphs had a far more central role. Nevertheless, from the Carolingian period onwards it was understood that rulers themselves required schooling, and gradually the education of the nobility spread to the point where the lower nobility included an entire ministerial class. Finally, the rise of the cities in the eleventh and especially the twelfth centuries produced new schools providing basic education for the merchant classes, and especially in the Italian cities the legal chancelleries evolved into the site where the more able boys from these urban schools might go on to deepen their knowledge (Denifle 1885; Pedersen 1997). The first tentative beginnings of universities are to be traced to the second half of the twelfth century with the emergence of the structures which would evolve into the universities of Bologna and Paris. The former was a development of the Italian law school tradition, the latter a rationalization of the theologically focused cathedral schools. From these a wave of new centers of higher learning

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followed in the course of the thirteenth century. They arose to meet the needs of a changing society which could afford and urgently required better educational opportunities, and they arose in the cultural context of an age which was able to think in new ways about the aims and the methods of academic study. It would be fair to say that the universities originated in the cultural changes of the twelfth century, which were characterized by a widespread enthusiasm for new knowledge. Where medieval thinking ever since Augustine had regarded curiositas with some suspicion, teachers like Hugh of St. Victor (1096–1141) were now encouraging their pupils to “learn everything: you will see in time that nothing was redundant; there is no pleasure in limited knowledge” (Hugh 1939, Didascalion VI 3: omnia disce, videbis postea nihil esse superfluum. coartata scientia iucunda non est). For Hugh, of course, the importance of understanding lies in its opening up of spiritual truths, but it is only a small step from his approach to one in which knowledge is valuable for its own sake—a radically modern idea. While it has been argued that initially the universities militated against this trend by forcing the new knowledge into disciplinary straightjackets, there is no doubt that they made a great contribution to the intellectual advances of the subsequent centuries, and their appearance is in keeping with a Zeitgeist (Grundmann 1957). One change in intellectual culture which encouraged and perhaps even necessitated the emergence of universities was a narrowing of disciplinary specialization. The new sources of learning which had been brought to Latin Christendom from the Arab world meant that the twelfth century saw an increase in the received text corpus so substantial that it was no longer feasible for one master to cover all of it. Likewise the proliferation of new papal decrees made it increasingly difficult to gain an overview of canon law. The medieval ideal of the complete scholar who was an expert in everything had possibly never been a reality apart from a few remarkable individuals like the Venerable Bede (672/673–735), but in the twelfth century it slipped out of the realms of plausibility. The most sensible response for scholars and often for whole schools was to specialize. This made it almost inevitable that an educational structure divided into faculties would appear. The universities were a development of the urban schools, and the immediate reason for their emergence was that these were in an unsatisfactory state. Schools had been becoming more diverse, with a confusion of subjects and a growing proportion of the teaching done by lay people. Fearing loss of control, the Church had encouraged the introduction in 1179 of the Licentia docendi, a system of licensing teachers which had been designed to limit these developments. Despite this, the ecclesiastical authorities were not successful in regulating the education sector. The schools for their part were interested in emancipating themselves from the control of local Church authorities. There was therefore a need for structures

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which would allow both academic freedom and some guarantee of uniform standards. One problem for masters in medieval schools had always been that the best way for a young scholar to make his name was to oust his teacher. A famous example of this was Peter Abelard (1079–1142), who while studying under Guillaume de Champeaux (1070–1121) began to hold his own classes, and was so popular that Guillaume’s entire following defected to him, bringing him also Guillaume’s income (Pedersen 1997). Obviously, it was not a healthy situation if teachers felt threatened by their students excelling. A new system of grades was required to make younger academics dependent on their seniors for longer, establishing themselves gradually as they worked their way up. Other developments in twelfth-century society also contributed to the climate of change. The growth of cities and the new self-awareness of the urban patrician class meant an upsurge in desire for lay education and a whole new job market for those who achieved it. The general economic boom of the twelfth century meant that more people could afford to study, and also to travel to distant centers of learning, which resulted in increased student numbers and an increasing internationalization of school life. At the same time, the novel principle was emerging that a priest with a benefice could absent himself for purposes of study, and continue to receive the income of the prebend. This meant that young secular priests were enabled and motivated to continue their education where in previous centuries they would have been forced to settle into a parish and stay there. In these ways, new constituencies entered the educational sphere and had to be accommodated. Universities were founded on the initiative of masters and scholars to meet these needs (Rüegg and Ridder-Symons, ed., 1992; Verger 2003). They were in the first instance communities of scholars co-operating for their mutual interests, with economic as much as intellectual considerations at the forefront. They united large numbers of scholars whose organization had previously been fragmented, they negotiated rights and privileges, they organized accommodation. A basic curriculum was developed, the Studium generale, which came to have a continent-wide currency, and the Ius ubique docendi was worked out as a legal principle which stated that any graduate of any Studium generale had a Licentia ubique docendi—a license to teach anywhere. The authorities (episcopal structures in France, town councils in Italy) were initially skeptical, perhaps fearing a loss of their own status, but soon popes and kings were promoting universities as a means of raising the quality of lawyers and administrators in their service. The term Studium generale emerged from the law schools to describe the ‘general studies’ which exemplified the specific character of the new schools. The nuances are subtle, embracing both the sense of a broad, ‘general’ education the

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student had to have a thorough grounding in the Liberal Arts as well as a depth of understanding of at least one of the higher faculties of theology, law or medicine —and also of a ‘general’ recognition of standards in an internationally valid curriculum. One might contrast it with Studium particulare (not a terribly common phrase), implying both the mediocre and the provincial nature of what a boy might typically learn in his home town. But it is important to remember that by the mid-thirteenth century at the latest, the term Studium generale referred not only to the curriculum of studies, but to the organization itself: the University of Bologna was a Studium generale (Cobban 1975; Classen 1983). The body which provided the framework for this study was the universitas. The word means ‘guild,’ ‘corporation,’ ‘union’ or ‘sworn society,’ implying the cooperation of the entirety of the academic community which was so important for standardizing degrees. The most basic meaning of universitas is ‘completeness, universality’; in a medieval letter to a group of people, the address universitas vestra meant simply ‘all of you.’ Even in a more formal, legal sense, the word did not originally imply a group of scholars: the eleventh-century universitas mercatorum was a merchants’ union whose members took oaths to uphold their mutual interests, for example Universitas Mercatorum Italiae Nundinas Campaniae ac Regni Franciae Frequentantium (Union of Italian Merchants Visiting Markets in Champagne and the Kingdoms of the Franks) (Pedersen 1997). In the academic context, universitas initially applied to the body of scholars before narrowing to its now familiar, more focused institutional meaning. Likewise collegium, societas, and congregatio were all general terms for groupings of people before they took on specific corporate references. This belies the popular modern myth that ‘universities’ are so-called because their comprehensive subject range amounts to universal knowledge; rather, the word refers to the wholeness or communality of the social unit as opposed to the individual studying alone (Rashdall 1936; Isenmann 2003). The university, then, was an organization of free scholars, governed by themselves for the furthering of their own interests. From the beginning there were two patterns. In the Bologna model, the university was founded by the students, who then contracted their teachers, but only the students were members of the universitas scholarium. In Paris, by contrast, the universitas magistrorum et scholarium was the community of students and masters. All other medieval universities followed one or an other of these patterns (Classen 1983; Rüegg and Ridder-Symons, ed., 1992). The precise definition of a medieval university is a fraught question, not least because upon this definition rests the vexed issue of which universities have greatest antiquity—a point of unending interest to those who champion the honor of this or that modern institution. We certainly cannot pin it down to the word

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universitas, which in the early documents is relatively rare and often semantically ambiguous; though it is true that the beginning of the semantic development of this word is roughly coterminous with the origins of other more tangible features of university life. Typical patterns of student and teacher organization are probably the most important feature, but often there is too little documentary evidence to establish whether these were extant. Most authorities agree that the thirteenth-century intellectual concept of Studium generale is a prerequisite, though this was not everywhere understood by contemporaries in exactly the same way. The ability of an institution to grant the Licentia ubique docendi is often seen as crucial, since universities are degreeawarding bodies and this was the earliest degree. But it is not clear that Oxford ever did acquire this right, yet its university status is not in question. It is also not certain that this principle was always respected in practice: the older universities might certainly have looked with suspicion on qualifications from younger, smaller establishments (Rashdall 1936). In the mid-1260s, Alfonso X of Castile’s (1221–1284) legislative code Siete Partidas laid down two prerequisites for university status: first that there are masters present for all the seven liberal arts plus canon and civil law; and second that it could only be erected by a pope, emperor or king. But many of the early universities did not have all faculties, and the earliest were not created from above. We are therefore left with the slightly unsatisfying result that it is not always possible to tell whether one of the smaller schools is a university or not, nor to establish the date when a particular early university evolved out of older educational traditions in the same town. What is clear, though, is that when the majority of these features align, we observe earliest ancestors of our modern university (Cobban 1975).

II The Archetypal Universities The first two universities, Paris and Bologna, began to emerge shortly before 1200, though their statutes came later (Paris 1215, Bologna 1252), and only in the course of the thirteenth century did they gradually take on the institutional structure which became characteristic. Because they began as spontaneous and to some extent informal groupings, and because in their earliest phase they kept no systematic records, it is difficult to give a precise date to the beginnings of the phenomenon. In the nineteenth century, the University of Bologna appointed a committee to establish its date of foundation, and the resulting report suggested the date 1088, allowing the university to celebrate its octocentenary in grand fashion in 1888. However, the year 1088, which is in any case only a best guess in the absence of firm evidence, relates to the law school which preceded the

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university, not to the universitas movement itself. The Bolognese universitates probably emerged in the 1170s or 1180s, perhaps slightly ahead of those of Paris, in which case Bologna must be reckoned the oldest university in Christendom; but the process may then have moved faster in Paris, which may have been the first to take on its full institutional structure (Rashdall 1936). Arguably a third center should be included here, as the ancient and venerable school of medicine at Salerno may also have developed universitas-like structures around the turn of the thirteenth century and it was certainly the most influential model for medical faculties across the continent. The Salernitan school, which was of great importance in receiving and enlarging Greek and Arabic medical expertise, has been thought of as a proto-university, but in the medieval period it remained purely a center for medical teaching and it would be a mistake to view it as a Studium generale (Cobban 1975). Bologna, then, is the birthplace of the modern university. The city already had a long history of excellence in the teaching of law before university structures began to emerge. As in many North Italian cities, there was a strong chancellery tradition connected with the largely autonomous city governments, and young men of means could buy a pupillage in these legal offices. Separately from these, however, teachers of law emerged who gave lectures for a fee. It was one of the most influential jurists of the late eleventh century, Irnerius (1050–1125), who established the reputation of Bologna as a center for legal studies, effectively founding the Bolognese School of Glossators—though the word ‘school’ is here to be understood in the sense of ‘educational tradition,’ rather than as an institution. The so-called quattuor doctores, four law teachers popularly said to be Irnerius’ pupils, dominated Bolognian teaching of Roman (civil) law in the twelfth century: Bulgarus (d. 1166), Martinus Gosia (1100–1166/1167), Jacobus de Porta Ravennate and Hugo de Porta Ravennate (both twelfth c.). They raised the Bolognese school to the highest level of authority when they were consulted by Frederick I Barbarossa (1122–1190) in 1158 as experts in his dispute over imperial rights in Lombardy. Meanwhile Gratian (d. pre–1160), the most prominent canon lawyer in twelfth-century Bologna, codified ecclesiastical law in the Decretum Gratiani, which would be the most authoritative handbook on the subject for generations to come. Between them, they marked a turning-point in the academic study of jurisprudence, both Roman and canon, and attracted to their city one of the largest concentrations of students in Europe at the time. The so-called Authentic Habita, a document issued by Barbarossa in 1158 apparently at the request of the scholars from Bologna, granted privileges to Italian students, most importantly the right to travel safely to their place of study and the right to be tried by their professors, or if they preferred by the local bishop, rather than by a civil court if complaint were made against them by citizens. In the course

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of time, it was interpreted far more widely than had originally been intended, and came to have great significance as the basis for a privilegium scholarium which was claimed to rank alongside the privilegium clericorum: scholars, like clerics, stood outside the jurisdictions which pertained to ordinary people. Its original import, however, seems to have been to counterbalance a trend away from Roman law in the Bolognese law school. It was Hohenstaufen policy to promote the study of Roman law as a response to the growth of interest in the papal hierocratic doctrine championed by the scholars of canon law. As clerics, canon lawyers already enjoyed great privileges; by extending these also to lay students, Barbarossa (1122– 1190) struck a subtle blow in the imperial-papal power struggle. The result was an empowerment of lay students which helped to facilitate the universitas movement everywhere (Ullmann 1954; Kibre 1961; Cobban 1975). Although there is little documentation of student activities before 1200, a number of important clues suggest an increasing power of the students. Since teachers were paid by the students on a lesson-by-lesson basis, and students were free to move on to other schools at any time, teachers were dependent upon them; and the town itself, which had become economically dependent on the students, could be held to ransom if they threatened to leave en masse. In 1189 the Bologna council required all masters to swear an oath that they would not teach anywhere else. This can only be understood as a measure to prevent masters following their students in the eventuality of a walk-out. In this way the town sought to make a departure less attractive to the students, and to motivate the masters actively to discourage such ideas. That in turn must mean that students had actively made such a threat, which implies the presence of a guild flexing its muscles (Pedersen 1997). The growth of student power in Bologna was presumably a result of the conjunction of a number of socio-economic and political factors. The Italian concept of citizenship is certainly part of it; as only the status of citizen guaranteed personal protection and safeguarded property, sojourners lacked legal security, which gave the large number of foreign students an urgent motivation to organize in their own interests. The absence of any corporate organization of teachers, who were gradually being deprived of their independence by the commune, is obviously a second key factor, for if the masters had been in a position to steer the development of the new structures, a very different kind of university might have emerged; but the masters were dependent on the students. The result was a series of strong student guilds which protected their members, represented them in such material questions as organizing accommodation, contracted their teachers, and were not afraid to agitate in the political sphere when town policy could affect their interests. By 1204 these guilds had apparently grouped themselves into four universitates, and by the mid-thirteenth century had amalgamated

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into two, the universitas citramontanorum for Italian students, and the universitas ultramontanorum for students from elsewhere in Europe. Each of these elected its own leadership in the form of the student rector, and each was sub-organized in nationes according to the students’ home territory. Students lived and learned within these communities, and they, rather than the teachers or the town, gave the world’s first university its shape (Cobban 1975). By contrast with this ‘student university,’ Paris was a top-down organization, shaped above all by the masters. Paris, like Bologna, had a long history of educational excellence before the rise of the university. A foundation myth traced the origins of the university to Charlemagne (d. 814), and indeed the earliest known school in Paris, that of Remigius of Auxerre (841–908), was established at the end of the ninth century in the wake of the Carolingian renaissance, which had invigorated cathedral and monastic schools throughout the empire. By the twelfth century, the cathedral school at Notre-Dame had developed an international reputation for the teaching of theology, a reputation greatly enhanced by the activities of Peter Abelard (1079–1142). But Notre-Dame was not alone: twelfth-century Paris was home to a bewildering and fluctuating range of schools mostly concentrated on the left bank of the Seine, which together may have had as many as 5000 students by the end of the century. This combination of a large, international student body and a corps of teachers of great renown, together with the favorable geographical and political situation, were the prerequisites for the development of the Studium generale (Cobban 1975; Verger 1995). A guild of masters appears to have emerged in the third quarter of the twelfth century. The earliest documentary evidence for this is a reference by Matthew Paris 1200–1259) to a student being admitted “to the fellowship of the chosen masters,” apparently in the early 1170s (Matthew Paris, Gesta abbatum, from the life of John de Cella, Abbot of S. Alban’s: “Hic in iuventute scolarum Parisiensium frequentator assiduus ad electorum consortium magistrorum meruit attingere,” ‘He in his youth, having often attended the schools of Paris, earned the right to be admitted to the fellowship of the chosen masters’). The fact that no such reference is to be found in John of Salisbury (1120–1180), who studied in Paris until 1147 and filled his works with reminiscences of this time, suggests that the 1150s and 60s were the decades when the first formal organization of university teachers became established (Rashdall 1936). This community of masters united teachers from different schools across the city, and provided the basis for an universitas magistrorum et scholarium, a teacher-led academic body in which the students were affiliated as junior partners. In 1200 a riot resulting in the death of a number of students led the masters to appeal to the King, Philip II Augustus (1165–1223), who issued a charter granting privileges to masters and students. However it was not until 1215 that we can truly speak of official recognition of the guild of masters

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and associated scholars. The statutes enacted by Philip in that year gave the universitas full corporate status. In 1208–1209 the University of Paris successfully appealed to the Pope over the head of local bishops in an argument about the bishops’ right to excommunicate masters and scholars (Pedersen 1997). This early example of a university in litigation shows the pope supporting the Studia generalia, an alliance which would prove very fruitful for both sides. The pope was assured the loyalty of the teaching institutions, important particularly in conflicts between Pope and Emperor, and later during the schism when there were two popes in bitter enmity. The university for its part achieved a degree of emancipation from local supervision, instead being answerable to an authority which in most cases was too distant to interfere much. Both Paris and Bologna won such early victories, and repeatedly in the thirteenth century we can observe Paris fighting the battles which set precedents of autonomy for other centers. As the leading center for theological study in Europe, Paris attracted progressive and reforming ideas. Around 1220–1230 the new mendicant orders also came to be represented here, especially Dominicans, who dominated the theological faculties for much of their early history. Foremost among these were Albertus Magnus (1193/1206–1280) and Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274), who taught in Paris in the third quarter of the century. These mendicants contributed greatly to the reputation of Paris as a seat of learning, but as their influence grew they drew resentful criticism from regular clerical and from secular faculty, disputes which would plague the university for the remainder of the Middle Ages. Here too Paris had a dubious seminal role, as the activities of the mendicants and the conflicts associated with them were soon exported to later foundations on the Paris model. The archetypal role of Paris lies not only in the pattern of the masters’ university, but also in the development of the collegiate system. The problem of finding suitable (and affordable) accommodation in university towns was one of the major difficulties for medieval students, so it was not surprising that a guild structure would soon turn its attention to finding solutions for this. A college was effectively a student residence with a strong sense of community, and often with some tutoring of younger students by older ones conducted on the premises. Often they were founded by a wealthy patron, but were run by the universitas itself. The first college in Europe of which we have any certain knowledge was the Collège des Dix-Huit, founded in Paris in 1180 by a certain master Jocius from London to house 18 poor clerks for the duration of their studies. By the end of the medieval period, some 60–70 colleges had been founded in Paris, most famously the Sorbonne in 1257/1258. The Sorbonne was again a highly innovative foundation, being the first college in Europe to be erected exclusively for the use of graduate students, those who had already completed their MA.

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Table: University foundations by quarter century. Note that many of the dates are disputed. No date can be given in cases where an early university gradually evolved out of older schools. Italy

Bologna

France

–

Paris

Iberia

England, Scotland, Scandinavia

Central Europe

–

(Salerno) – Vicenza

1204 Montpellier –

Arezzo

1215

Padua

1222

Naples

1224

Vercelli

1228 Toulouse

Rome, Curia

1244

Siena

1246

Palencia

1209 Oxford Cambridge

1229 Salamanca

– –

1243

Piacenza 1248

Perugia

Avignon 1303 Orléans 1308

Treviso

1318

Rome, City

Cahors

Camerino

Seville

1254 Northampton

LisbonCoimbra

1290

Lleida

1300

1332 Valla1337 dolid

1346

1303 1306

Verona

1339 Angers

Pisa

1343 Grenoble

Florence

1349

1339 Perpignan

1350

Pavia

1361 Orange

1365 Huesca

1354

Ferrara

1391

1261

Prague

1348

Vienna

1397

Pécs

1365

Erfurt

1389

Heidelberg 1385 Cologne

1388

Buda

1389

Kraków

1397

The Medieval University

Italy

Turin

France

1405 Aix-enProvence Dôle

Catania

1444 Poitiers Caen

Iberia

England, Scotland, Scandinavia St Andrews

1715

Central Europe

1413 Würzburg

1402

1409

Leipzig

1409

1422

Rostock

1419

Leuven

1425

1454

1431 Barcelona 1450 Glasgow

1450

1432

Bordeaux 1441 Valence

1452 Zaragoza 1474

Trier

Nantes

1460

Freiburg/Br 1455

Bourges

1464

Greifswald 1456 Basel

1459

Ingolstadt 1459 Bratislava Palma

1483 Uppsala

Sigüenza 1489 Copenhagen Alcalá

1499 Aberdeen

Valencia 1500

1465

1477 Mainz

1476

1478 Tübingen

1476

1494 Frankfurt/

1489

Oder

III The Spread of the University Movement The university as an educational model spread very quickly from these first two centers. Bologna became the model for ‘universities of students,’ Paris the model for ‘universities of masters and students.’ As the movement consolidated and spread in the thirteenth century, and boomed in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, both models were copied with variations around the continent. Not surprisingly, the Bologna pattern was normative for Italy, but most French universities also followed Bologna, as later did universities in Scotland and elsewhere. Meanwhile Paris was influential in England and throughout central Europe. The earliest history of Oxford is even more poorly attested than Bologna and Paris. It is only from 1209 that the documents speak of a sustained and serious tradition of study there, but Oxford too evolved from nebulous twelfth–century beginnings. Though Oxford was not the seat of a medieval diocese and therefore had no cathedral school, teaching was certainly going on there before 1150. Some writers think that the first larger concentration of students may have occurred in

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the 1160s when Henry II (1133–1189), in conflict with the Archbishop of Canterbury Thomas Becket (1118/1120–1170) about the relation of the clergy to secular authority, issued a series of ordinances aimed at undermining the archbishop’s power base. One of these required English students in Paris to return to England, and it is likely that they would have congregated in Oxford, bringing Parisian ideas with them. We can therefore assume that Oxford emerged as an educational center in the last three decades of the twelfth century, and in 1192 Richard of Devizes (twelfth c.) complained that Oxford was so full of clerks that the town could hardly feed them (Aston and Catto, ed., 1984; Cobban 1988; Pedersen 1997). Like Paris, Oxford remained a strongly ecclesiastical university, and focused on teaching philosophy and theology, and Matthew Paris (1200–1259), interceding to the King on behalf of the university in 1257, spoke proudly of it as ‘the second school of the church’ (Matthew Paris, Chronica majora, vol. 5, 618: “Domine, pro Deo curam habe de ecclesia jam vacillante. Universitas enim Parisiensis, tot altrix et magistra sanctorum praelatorum, non mediocriter perturbatur. Si similiter uno tempore perturbetur Oxoniensis universitas, cum sit scola secunda ecclesiae, immo ecclesiae fundamentum, timendum est vehementer, ne ecclesia tota ruinam patiatur” (‘My Lord, with God’s help take care of the already changing Church. For the University of Paris, the nurturer and teacher of so many holy prelates, is to no small degree in uproar. If the University of Oxford, being the second school of the Church, is likewise one time in uproar, it is greatly to be feared that the whole Church might suffer ruin’). The figure most closely associated with Oxford in its formative years was the statesman, scholar, and Bishop of Lincoln, Robert Grosseteste (1175–1253), who may have been the first chancellor, and has been thought of as the founder of a distinctively English intellectual tradition. Oxford had rather less of a cozy relationship with the Papacy than Paris, in part perhaps because of Grosseteste’s rather prickly style, but papal privileges were obtained in 1254 (Aston and Catto, ed., 1984). This ecclesiastical orientation attracted men of conviction, including those whose radical views on religion might be controversial or even subversive. Like Paris, Oxford was dominated by the mendicant orders for much of its early history, which inevitably led to factionalism. But Oxford was also the home of the controversial philosopher William of Ockham (1287–1347) and of the Bible translators John Wycliffe (1320– 1384), and later William Tyndall (1494–1536). In particular, Wycliffe’s followers, the Lollards, presented a challenge to religious orthodoxy. At great personal risk, his students circulated copies of his Bible from Oxford around the country. Cambridge University grew up in the years after an exodus of scholars from Oxford in 1209 and was clearly established as a university by 1225. Because of the centralization of power in London, the territories of the English crown (including Wales and Ireland) had only these two medieval universities, both less than a

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day’s ride from the capital. In 1261 a university was founded at Northampton as an off-shoot from Cambridge, but this was dissolved again in 1265 because of representations from Oxford. As a result of the concentration of the nation’s learning on just two centers, these two gained enormous prestige. In the Elizabethan period, a third ‘English’ university was founded in Dublin to guarantee the dominance of Anglicized Protestants in Irish society, but England itself had no third center until the nineteenth century (though the first college of what would become London University was established in 1733). The first Welsh university was Lampeter (1828). Although Oxford and Cambridge today are often thought of as the universities where the medieval collegiate pattern has most obviously survived, they in fact came to the foundation of colleges rather late. The first, Merton College in Oxford, opened its doors in 1264, followed by University College, Oxford and Balliol College in ca 1280 and in 1282 respectively. The only thirteenth-century college in Cambridge was Peterhouse, established in 1284. However, all of these were graduate colleges on the model of the Sorbonne. Only with the founding of the royal College of the King’s Hall in Cambridge around 1317 did English undergraduates for the first time enjoy collegiate life (Cobban 1988). Apart from England, the spread of universities in the first quarter of the century was concentrated in the Italian cities. Like Bologna, the earliest Mediterranean universities were strongly focused on law. In 1204 a large proportion of the students in Bologna left and set up a short-lived University at Vicenza, Arezzo followed around 1215, and Padua in 1222. Meanwhile in Southern France, Montpellier seems to have emerged following the Italian model very early in the century. Montpellier is complicated. There the university began as a medical school, presumably influenced by Salerno. Universitas structures comparable to Bologna emerged at the beginning of the thirteenth century and in 1220 the statutes of the medical university received curial sanction, but it was not until 1289 that a Studium generale with a full set of faculties was founded there by Nicholas IV (1227–1292), and this followed the Paris model. However, it seems that the Bolognese and Parisian traditions were not easily accommodated within a single organization, and the two now institutionally recognized universitates stood aloof from one another, a situation which continued until the fall of the Ancien Régime (Gouron 1994). Because they began as initiatives of their own members, the first universities were obviously not anchored in a universally accepted or legally binding framework, so that for the early period there can be some argument as to what does or does not count as a university. For example, many smaller Italian schools in the twelfth century used the terminology of Studium generale to claim parity with the growing fame of Bologna, though in fact they clearly were not

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operating on the same level. Only as the century progressed did a more rigid legal understanding give a clearer delineation between universities and other educational establishments. The emergence of the university charter was an important part of this process. Although the universities in Bologna and Paris already existed in some form in the eleventh century, their autonomous nature meant that no external authority declared them to have a formal legitimacy at the point of their origin, and indeed no legal category existed for such a declaration. It was not until 1291–1292 that they were granted formal and retrospective recognition by Bulls of Nicholas IV (1227–1292). However, after Frederick II (1194–1250) erected a university at Naples in 1224 and Gregory IX (1145/ 1170–1241) did likewise at Toulouse in 1229, the idea began to emerge that it was among the prerogatives of a pope or emperor to issue a university charter, and in time it would be regarded as self-evident that a new university required a charter of foundation before it could begin operation. From this point on, new universities in the Empire were invariably founded from above, as part of a political calculation (Rashdall 1936). This pattern is also found, but even earlier and more strongly, in the Iberian tradition, where all universities were royal foundations. In 1208/1209, Alfonso VIII of Castile (1155–1214) founded the University of Palencia, and Salamanca, Seville, Valladolid, Coimbra and Lérida (Lleida) all followed in the course of the thirteenth century. The Siete Partidas of Alfonso X the Wise, of Castile (1121– 1284), an innovative attempt at a complete legislative code compiled in the years 1256–1265 or thereabouts, contained a section dedicated to universities which may be celebrated as Europe’s first comprehensive national statement of university policy. Salamanca is a good example of an early Hispanic university. The first attempt at a foundation by Alfonso IX of León (1171–1230) in the 1220s proved abortive, but the university was successfully established by a charter of Ferdinand III of Castile (1199–1252) in 1243. What is interesting constitutionally here is that despite the introduction of a Bologna-style student universitas, the new institution remained closely linked to the cathedral and was therefore much more directly a continuation of the old cathedral school than elsewhere in Europe; nevertheless, a papal Bull of 1255 explicitly recognizes that what the King had created was indeed a Studium generale. Like most early universities on the Bologna model, Salamanca built its reputation particularly on the study of law, but other subjects were developed in ways worthy of note: Salamanca was the first university ever to offer degrees in music (Rashdall 1936; González y Sáinz de Zúñiga and María 1957). It was in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries that the university movement began to spread rapidly to a large number of smaller centers. Especially in late medieval Germany we observe a proliferation of universities like that of thir-

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teenth-century Italy which in part is due to the fragmented political nature of those areas. The foundation of a university in one territory excited jealousy or ambition of neighbors until every important principality had its own (Rashdall 1936). What is perhaps most surprising is how late the universitas movementreached central and northern Europe: a century and a half after the emergence of the first archetypal universities, there were still none in Germany, the Low Countries, Bohemia, Poland, Hungary, Scandinavia, or Scotland. The first university in the Empire North of the Alps was founded in 1348 after Emperor Charles IV (1316–1378) had established his capital in Prague. The decision to make Prague the center of the Empire must have been controversial as the city had never previously played such a grand role in imperial politics, but Prague was his birthplace and the Kingship of Bohemia was his first title. As emperor, it may have been strategic for him to locate the court further east than in the past, straddling the German and Slavic parts of the empire. But if Prague was to take on this new significance, it had to be worthy of such a representational function. With this in mind, Charles built the new town of Prague, modeling it on Paris, where he had spent much of his youth. The Charles Bridge over the Vitava (Moldau) and the imposing Prague castle are only two of many landmarks in the city commissioned by him. It was in the context of this project of city building, but also in keeping with his love and patronage of the arts, that he founded in Prague what is now the Univerzita Karlova. Although previous emperors had used the imperial prerogative to found universities in competition with Popes, Charles was not in conflict with Rome, and chose to have the new university created both by his own imperial charter and by a papal bull, which Clement VI (1291–1352) issued in 1347. In what might be seen as a similar reconciling vein, his foundation charter attempted to merge what he saw as the most positive aspects of Bologna and Paris. Unfortunately, this met with limited success; as the scholars in Montpellier had already discovered, it was possible to apply elements of the two systems to different parties within the university, but not to the whole university at once. Thus the arts faculty attempted to follow the Parisian model, while the lawyers followed Bologna. The result was that in 1372 the two universities were formally separated (Moraw 1986; Šmahel 1994). Despite this setback, however, the University of Prague quickly became the most important intellectual center east of the Rhine, its fame (or infamy, depending on the perspective) boosted by the activities of its onetime rector Jan Hus (1369–1415), and it would remain the foremost university in the northern part of the Empire for at least a century. If we ignore a token attempt at university-founding in Kraków in 1364, the second university in central Europe was Vienna, established in 1365 by Duke Rudolf IV (1339–1365) of Austria, known as “Rudolf der Stifter” (Rudolf the

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Founder), and his brothers Albrecht and Leopold (1351–1386). As with other major works by Rudolf, such as the extension of St. Stephen’s Cathedral, this was a conscious attempt to match the achievements of the Emperor, and rivalries with Charles’s foundation in Prague mark much of its early history. The foundation charter is remarkable in its detail. Usually these documents were relatively brief, establishing merely the legal framework within which a detailed planning could take place, but the Vienna charter lays down a precise blueprint for the entire project, and thus allows us an invaluable insight into the aims and concerns of a founder. However, Pope Urban V (1310–1370) refused to ratify the charter, perhaps under pressure from the Emperor, who would not have been pleased to see Prague receive competition, and so the university had to be founded without a theological faculty. This was rectified twenty years later through a deed of privileges issued by Urban VI (1318–1389), who was motivated by quite a different political consideration: the desire to multiply rivals to Paris at a time when French academia had declared in support of the Antipope (Aschbach 1865). The Viennese theological faculty was not the only foundation to be encouraged by the Papal Schism. When the Avignon Papacy was declared in 1378, the Roman Pope was suddenly very interested in issuing charters. Four further central European universities were founded in rapid succession: Erfurt (1379), Heidelberg (1386), Cologne (1388), and Buda (1389). Erfurt, it has to be said, did not at that time get much beyond the charter stage: it was not until 1392 that a rector was appointed; but it was built on an older school which had been claiming to meet the standards of a Studium generale for many years. The others also remained relatively small to begin with. Interestingly, on the French side, only one new university was founded during the Schism: Aix-en-Provence. Obviously the Avignon popes felt confident enough in the power of Paris, Montpellier and Toulouse that they did not need to play this game. Most of the fifteenth-century foundations were in central and northern Europe, where there was still much catching-up to do. The bulk of these were in the territory of modern Germany; Leuven was the first university in what is now Belgium, Basel the first in Switzerland, and Bratislava the second in Bohemia. Two universities were founded in Scandinavia (Uppsala, Copenhagen) and three in Scotland (St Andrews, Glasgow, Aberdeen). There was a run of foundations in France in the first half of the century, and on the Iberian Peninsula in the second half. Italy on the other hand, being well-served by the schools founded in the previous two centuries, saw very little further expansion. By 1500 there were around 80 universities in Europe offering the Studia generalia, though the exact number will depend on definition. Although we can record so many successful universities, not all survived. Short-lived foundations at Vicenza and Northampton have been noted above, and

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there were others, which quickly ran into difficulties of funding or lack of students. There were also ‘paper universities’ for which charters or bulls were issued, but which did not in fact come into existence. Sometimes a first attempt at foundation failed, but later a second, independent attempt at a foundation succeeded, with the result that institutions sometimes appear in lists of medieval universities with unrealistically early dates of foundation. Such was the case with Salamanca (founded in the 1220s, refounded in 1243), Kraków (bull in 1364, actual foundation in 1397), Dublin (bull in 1312, actual foundation in 1592) or Lund (statutes in 1425, actual foundation in 1666). Since it is not always easy to tell from sparse records whether the characteristics of a university were present in a town or not, scholars are often unsure which foundations to put into the ‘paper’ category (Denifle 1885; Rashdall 1936).

B Town and Gown: The Intellectual and Social Climate in the Major Centers I The Urban Context It is striking that all medieval universities were located in towns. This is in large part because only the urban environment allowed scholars the freedom to form the kind of spontaneous informal structures which characterize the very earliest universitates, and in part also because in the period of expansion of universities the city authorities especially in Italy encouraged new foundations as status symbols. But even when the initiative did not derive from the urban context, when for example popes and emperors began to take an interest in founding new studia generalia as part of their wider political strategy, it seems never to have occurred to them not to locate these in major population centers. This is not obvious, since abbeys and monasteries founded by papal or imperial initiative were often in rural locations. One reason is that universities could not provide accommodation for their large number of students, and even when colleges were founded to meet this need, they seldom had enough capacity, so there had to be opportunities to rent rooms. Unlike traditional monasteries, universities were never conceived as complete and self-sufficient social systems, consuming the produce of their own fields, so that masters and students were dependent for all goods and services on a well-developed local economy. But conversely, university towns for their part derived considerable income from providing these services, not only to masters and students but also to the many visitors whom a renowned school might attract. Soon the local economy adapted to the presence of a

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university and became dependent on it. The symbiosis of town and gown was integral to the whole university concept (Von den Brincken 1977; Rüegg and Ridder-Symons, ed., 1992). It was, however, often a reluctant, begrudging symbiosis. There is much evidence to suggest that students did not identify closely with the towns in which they were resident, and that they were not always well liked by the townspeople. The idea of a privilegium scholarium, which encouraged even the youngest students to think of themselves as the social superior of anyone who had ‘merely’ learned a trade, cannot have helped cement good relationships. When townspeople found themselves in conflict with university members, the town councils would habitually take the side of the citizens, especially where economic interests were at stake. The universities often won these conflicts by appeals to the pope, emperor, or king. In the early student universities, the initiative for this generally came from the student alliances and nationes, in a professor university from the teachers’ guild, but either way, the towns soon learned to their chagrin that higher authorities saw such political advantage in winning the direct allegiance of the universities that they were willing to grant whatever prerogatives were required to bypass the authority of the town council. The relationship of town to gown varied greatly from place to place. The attempt has been made in the German context to distinguish ‘town universities’ from ‘princely universities,’ the former being establishments like Cologne which were founded by the municipality itself, where the townspeople had more invested in the project, both economically and emotionally (Petry 1961). Elsewhere towns had universities foisted upon them by feudal overlords. Obviously, the size of the university must have been a key factor in shaping the relationship with the town—or conversely perhaps, the capacity of a town may have determined in part how fast a university could grow—for the higher the ratio of students to townspeople, the greater the pressure on resources would have become. Only few universities grew very large in the thirteenth century. Paris and Bologna had 4–5 thousand students, Oxford, Cambridge, and Prague over 1000, and the others much more modest student communities. But as the Middle Ages drew to a close, the institutions gradually became larger. Riots and feuds between students and citizens were a perennial feature of this relationship. It is often difficult to tell whether student rowdiness provoked these, or whether the students were the victims of urban lawlessness; the surviving records tend to sympathize with the scholars, but we may imagine that fault could lie on either side. One of the earliest cases for which we have detailed information was the famous 1209 disturbance in Oxford. Apparently a student killed a local girl, inadvertently if we believe the university’s account, and fled the town. A mob of townspeople besieged the student’s lodgings and on failing to find him seized

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several of his friends and summarily executed them. Hostilities escalated, the university leadership and the town council failed to come to an understanding, and the entire body of masters and students left the city. Though some soon returned, others settled in Cambridge, founding England’s second university. Twenty years later, riots in Paris in 1228–1229 similarly resulted in the university disbanding, in this case for two years, causing economic hardship for the town until a settlement was made in the interests of the scholars. This was effectively a student strike, and one which was entirely successful. The autonomy of the universities had the important legal consequence that the individual members of the university (masters and students, but also employees, even booksellers) were not under the jurisdiction of civil authorities. Universities ran their own courts, which dispensed discipline and heard cases, even cases in which one of the parties was not a university member. In town and gown disputes, a townsman may have found himself compelled to appear before a university court, and the student had the advantage of having the case heard in an instance which was clearly favorable to him. This of course was a further cause for resentments among townspeople. A point of conflict lay in the question of whether the townspeople were required to contribute to the financing of the university. In thirteenth century Italy the practice gradually emerged that towns would pay salaries to the masters, presumably to make them less dependent on the students and more responsive to the wishes of the urban authorities. It is known that in the late fourteenth century in Erfurt the burghers provided small subsidies to the teachers. In Cologne, the earliest records of professors’ salaries from the years 1407–1409 show that these were funded by the town council (Koller 1977). There were also constant pressures for space. Much teaching took place in the students’ or masters’ accommodation, and for larger celebrations the town’s churches were used. In Vienna the university permanently occupied the south nave of St. Stephen’s Cathedral. But gradually the universities wanted larger buildings, including their own chapels, though not the large university churches of later times (Koller 1977). On the other hand, a close co-operation of students and burghers was possible in times of need, for example in time of war when civil defense was a matter of common interest. This can be observed for example in Prague during the Hussite wars, or in Vienna in the conflict between Frederick III (1415–1493) and Matthias Corvinus (1443–1490).

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II Student Life The right to study in medieval Europe was almost unrestricted, as there were no entrance qualifications and no disqualifications based on social class or country of origin, though it was usually a given that the student must be Christian and male. But there were two practical prerequisites. The first was the necessary competence in both spoken and written use of the Latin language, without which the attendance at lectures would have been pointless. A prospective student would approach a master in the hope of being taken on. The master would assess if the person was able, but since the masters had an interest in increasing their personal following, this would not be rigorous at the point of entry, so it would be enough if the Latin was adequate. It has been estimated that the minimum level of competence would be that achieved by a bright child in five years of lower-level education, which would have been available to boys from wealthier families through home tutors or exclusive lower schools, and to the luckier sons of poorer families through charitable and church schools. Since the majority of the peasantry and the urban poor had no easy access to elementary education, the university was de facto closed to them. The second prerequisite was the ability to finance a period of study. A precondition of university attendance was that the students brought with them the financial resources to keep themselves and pay their tuition. Travel, food, lodgings, study materials and unforeseen emergencies had to be budgeted for; study was not cheap. For the small minority of students who could live at home, some of these costs did not apply, but relatively few students were in fact native to the town where they studied, especially in the early days when the number of university towns was still small. For Cologne we have good information here: an average of 5.6% of all matriculations were local students, but at times this dropped to under 2%, so that up to 98% had to be able to fund a life away from home (Koller 1977). Student life was therefore dominated by material considerations: by the inevitable gulf between those students who came from families of means and those who did not, and by the constant struggle of the latter to make ends meet. The concentration of pawn brokers, often Jewish, in university towns is an indicator of how often young scholars ran into problems. Particularly in the case of Paris we have considerable evidence of student poverty (Rüegg and Ridder-Symons, ed., 1992). For those who did not have family finance, there were only limited sources of income. Apart from private tutoring, there is no evidence of students maintaining part-time jobs and the relationship of town to gown would not have encouraged this, though we can assume that some students were able to earn money during the summer recess. The Church provided livings for some, and many theology

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students were clerics with paid offices which allowed them time to study. There were some church and charitable scholarships for the genuinely poor; colleges originated as such charitable projects. Occasionally scholarships were available from funds donated by sponsors of the university, though even in the best cases there were only enough of these to support a tiny minority of the students, and they are best regarded as a kind of alms. In other cases, for example on the initiative of Robert Grosseteste (1175–1253) in Oxford in 1240 or by a donation of Edward I’s consort Eleanor of Castile (1241–1290) in Cambridge in 1290, a trust fund might be established to provide interest-free student loans against a surety. The journey to university, often many hundreds of miles to be covered on foot, was hazardous, especially as the students might be very young indeed, and potential highwaymen were well aware that they had to carry enough money to finance their studies. For this reason, students tended to travel in bands, and in some places professional fetchers would collect students from their homes and take them in a supervised and defended company safely to their destination (Pedersen 1997). The accommodation problem was frequently acute, especially in the early days when the university had no rooms of its own. While some might be lucky enough to be able to lodge with relatives or acquaintances, most were at the mercy of an often hostile rent market. On arriving in the town knowing no-one, students had to find local citizens prepared to rent a bed, and had to negotiate the rent themselves. Presumably the youngest would usually have had support systems, older companions perhaps, or help from masters, but these were not formalized and are not recorded. Conditions in lodgings would have varied greatly, and while a happy relationship with the homeowner might have provided an environment conducive to study, the opposite would have been true of dark, cold, unhygienic or cramped living space. In Bologna in 1189 Pope Clement III (1130–1191) intervened in a dispute about student rents, confirming an existing agreement that no student or master could rent a room if by doing so they were evicting another scholar who had occupied the room at a lower rent. Clearly rent inflation was a serious problem. The solution to this was obviously for the university to have its own buildings. Initially the universitas as a student guild did not even own its own auditorium for lectures, let alone accommodation blocks, but gradually the college movement gathered speed, and by the end of the fourteenth century it seems likely that in most universities the majority of students were living in these residential communities. Colleges provided safe and affordable accommodation, well away from moral distraction. Some colleges were intended for students belonging to certain affiliations, such as a particular religious order. Some had their own libraries. University buildings were remarkably modest architecturally, a rare exception being the splendid Collegium Carolinum in Prague. It was only in

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the sixteenth century that prestige buildings like King’s College in Cambridge became fashionable (Rüegg and Ridder-Symons, ed., 1992). It is difficult to establish the average age of students. Young men might come to university around the age of 14 or 15, or even younger and stay for only a few years, though there was no bar on a later start. On the other hand, some students especially in the higher faculties, studied for a decade or more and consequently were very much older. It has been estimated that the Bologna law students had an average age of 18–25, and some were nearer to 30; without this maturity, it seems unlikely that the ‘student university’ model could ever have come into existence (Cobban 1975). The relationship of students to their teachers must also have varied greatly. In the Bologna arrangement, especially in the early years, it must have been very tense. At the beginning of the academic session, students and teachers came to an agreement about topics and timetables for the lecture program. The material was divided into puncta, each to be covered in a fortnight. Students were paying for their instruction, and were entitled to deduct from their fees a substantial fine if the teacher failed to cover the material fully, expertly, or within the deadlines for each segment. As a surety for such fines, the lecturer had to deposit a sum of money with a banker acting on behalf of the students. This precarious professional situation continued until well into the thirteenth century, when salaries for lecturers were gradually introduced. Nevertheless, even in Bologna the teachers were authority figures in a moral as well as an academic sense. In the Paris model, the teachers stood above the students in a hierarchical structure, which encouraged them to see their responsibility as a holistic duty of education and nurture. Ideally the master was a moral counselor as well as an intellectual tutor, and this dynamic presumably became stronger when masters and students were living together in colleges (Cobban 1975). Teaching normally took the form of lectures, which might be held in private rooms or in a designated space. In Paris for example a distinction is documented between classes which were “secreto / occulte / in locis privatis / in domo propria vel aliena” on the one hand and those which were “publice / in locis comunibus / in scolis” on the other. Even when the classes were in a public space, however, only those who were entitled to attend might hear the lesson. For the Italian universities a distinction is recorded between ‘private’ and ‘solemn’ lectures, the former being those presented by bachelors, the latter by masters. Building on the lectures were other forms of learning, particularly repetition and disputation. Sessions of these might be held in the afternoon to consolidate the pedagogical effect of the morning’s lecture. Repetition involved the student giving the lecture back to the teacher by heart, whereas disputation involved the student debating the material (Maierù 1994).

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The most obvious difference between the Studium generale and other kinds of schools was the degree structure which gradually emerged and became relatively standardized in the course of the thirteenth century, with the hierarchy of Bachelors, Masters and Doctoral degrees which has survived to the present day. Graduation was not important for everybody: many would study for a year or two and make careers on the basis of what they had learned. Degrees were important for the minority who wished to have an academic career. The university statutes declared the canon, what a student had to have done before he could put himself forward for a degree. The bachelor’s degree was of course purely concerned with the trivium and quadrivium, which had been defined long before universities arose, and the three higher faculties of theology, medicine and law all had clearly formulated curriculums for their masters’ qualifications. However there was nothing comparable to the year structure of modern Anglo-Saxon universities, where a cohort progresses through its academic career together. Rather, each student studied until he was ready to present himself for the next exam (Rüegg and Ridder-Symons, ed., 1992). A high degree of mobility was a familiar feature of a student’s career: medieval students were almost nomadic, moving from university to university every few years, so that those who were aiming for an academic career could easily have studied at three or four universities before perhaps taking their degree from a fifth where graduating was cheaper. This mobility was easy because the exam systems and degree structures around the continent were identical at all universities, and of course Latin was the language of instruction everywhere. In universities which attracted students from a wide area, the students were often organized in nationes. In Bologna there were by the 1260s no less than thirteen nationes for students from north of the Alps (ultramontanes) and also nationes for the different parts of Italy (citramontanes). However it was not always the case that students from a particular country would be present in sufficient numbers to form a natio. When the Danish mathematician Peter Philomena de Dacia was in Bologna in 1291, for example, he associated himself with the German nation (Rüegg and Ridder-Symons, ed., 1992; Pedersen 1997). Although universities were fundamentally male establishments, there is some evidence in the Mediterranean world of women being admitted to studies. This should not be overstated, as it may only have occurred in exceptional cases and we do not know how far these women were integrated into the life of the university, but it is for example known that Beatriz Galindo (ca. 1465–1534), a daughter of the Leonese lower nobility, studied grammar at the university in her native Salamanca prior to traveling in Italy, where she graduated in Salerno, finally returning to Salamanca as a university teacher of rhetoric, philosophy and medicine. She was personal tutor to the children of Isabella I the Catholic (1451–

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1504), and also taught Catherine of Aragon (1485–1536) and Joanna of Castile (1479–1555) (Arteaga 2007). North of the Alps, this would not have been possible. In his autobiography, Martin of Leibnitz recalls that in his student days in Kraków in the early fifteenth century a woman attempted to study wearing men’s clothes. Apparently she succeeded in living in a student hostel for two years and was a model student. When she was discovered, she was immediately expelled and placed in a convent, but her misdemeanor was obviously not seen as grave, because she later rose to the position of abbess (Shank 1987).

C The University of Heidelberg: A Case Study Heidelberg was founded as a reaction to the papal schism of 1378. When the University of Paris, under pressure from the King, sided with the French claimant Clement VII (1478–1534), the students and masters were soon obliged to declare their fealty to Avignon. The Rhinelanders studying in Paris at that time, motivated by different political allegiances, supported the Roman Urban VI (1318– 1389), and were eventually forced to leave Paris. Neither of the two universities in the German empire were in a position to take on large numbers of academic refugees from France: Prague was experiencing a destabilizing upsurge of Czech national sentiment and there was plague in Vienna. A native of the Netherlands and former rector of Paris, Marsilius von Inghen (1340–1396), was one of those who were forced to return to Germany. In Worms he met the Count Palatinate Ruprecht I, the Red (1309–1390), whom he saw as an ideal patron for a new institution. Although Ruprecht had little academic education, not even a basic competence in Latin, he was a staunch opponent of the Avignon antipope, a subject on which he had conducted an animated correspondence with the French king, and he was a close friend and admirer of the Emperor Charles IV (1316– 1378), who had founded the university at Prague. Besides, Ruprecht governed a relatively young principality, which had been separated from the Bavarian sphere of influence by the Treaty of Pavia barely fifty years earlier, and had gained significantly in the imperial power structure with the permanent electoral dignity accorded by the Golden Bull of 1356. The establishment of a university in his capital at Heidelberg was therefore a tempting status symbol. As a result, it did not prove difficult to win the Count Palatinate’s support for the project (Hautz 1862; Benz 1975; Wolgast 1986). Inghen himself was placed in charge of the planning. It was decided that the university should be built closely on the Parisian model, with faculties of theology, canon law, medicine and liberal arts, but not of civil law, and led by a chancellor and a rector. The rector had to be a master from the liberal arts, and

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was elected to serve for a term of six months. Inghen himself was to serve as the first rector. In the course of 1385 a papal dispensation for the foundation was received from Genoa, issued by Urban, which was followed by a series of charters and privileges granted by Ruprecht. Buildings were prepared, masters appointed, and even the rent in student lodgings was fixed. In anticipation of an international student body, a division into nationes was proposed in the foundation charter, though it is not clear how far this national organization of the students was actually realized. Students began to gather, no less than 579 matriculating in the first year. However, there was an initial problem of a shortage of masters; to begin with there were only three teachers, one for theology and two for philosophy, and of these, only Inghen stayed. This shows the difference between a university founded by decree and one which evolved in a town with an existing academic tradition; but it was a temporary problem. The University of Heidelberg was ceremonially opened on 18th October 1386 with a mass in the Heiliggeistkirche (Church of the Holy Spirit) on the bank of the Neckar. Three days later, the first lectures were held (Rashdall 1936; Benz 1975; Raff 1983). The opening of the university marked a turning point in the history of the town, which from now on experienced both an influx of intellectuals and a marked increase in commercial activity. The university register (matricula), which survives intact from the very beginning, records the names of all masters and students, noting where the masters were educated, and it is a sign of the international attention that besides the expected migrants from Paris, Prague, and Vienna we also find Cambridge and Padua in the first few years. To give a flavor of this document, we might cite the opening lines: Incipiunt nomina iuratorum magistrorum et scolarium eidem vniuersitati in eadem rectoria ordine suo secundum formam iuramentorum prescriptorum et primo doctorum siue magistrorum in theologia: In primis magister Reginaldus, monachus monasterij de Alua, ordinis Cisterciensis, Parisiensis. Magister Conradus de Soltou, canonicus Hildesymmensis, Pragensis. Magister Wilhelmus de Fontibus, doctor Anglicus, Cantbergensis. Mag. Matheus de Cracouia, doctor in sacra theologia Pragensis. Mag. Marsilius de Inghen, doctor in sacra theologia

Each is named with his title and subject, sometimes his religious order, prebend or nationality, and finally the university where he graduated. Marsilius von Inghen (1340–1396) is inscribed elsewhere as canonicus ecclesie s. Andree Colonyensis, Parisiensis, but appears here with his Heidelberg doctorate. Beneath the teachers there follows a list of the students. From this and other sources, the biographies of the early Heidelberg scholars can be reconstructed very fully (Toepke 1884; Drüll 2002).

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Unlike in the great centers, Paris, Bologna and Oxford, the newer German universities did not have such an international pull for students. This is partly because the increasing numbers of universities in the second half of the thirteenth century meant that there was no longer such a need to travel for study, but also because it was difficult to compete with the reputation of the well-established institutions. After the first year, when the number of new students was boosted by locals who wanted to share the privileges but had no real intention of studying, the flow of new matriculations settled at around 130 per year, and remained one of the lowest of any university in central Europe. The majority were recruited from an extended catchment area on the Middle and Lower Rhine. When the foundation of universities at Cologne, Erfurt, and Leuven, and later Mainz provided competition within this catchment area, Heidelberg was squeezed, and at times its survival was in question. The college model of student accommodation was soon introduced. In 1389 the first college, the Collegium Jacobiticum was founded to house an entire monastery of Cistercians who had moved to the city to allow the monks to study. The first secular college followed the next year, the Collegium Artistarum, to house twelve teaching masters on the model of the Sorbonne, and in 1396 the Contubernium Dionysianum was founded as a residence for poor scholars. Heidelberg was quickly felt to be too small for its new purpose, and expansion work was commenced. Ruprecht’s successor Ruprecht II (1325– 1398) had all Jews expelled, ostensibly to make space for the scholars, then discovered that the population was too small for the newly enlarged city and compelled the inhabitants of several nearby villages to leave their homes and move into the urban area in order to guarantee the critical mass of population required to service the university. Thus the economics of the relationship between town and gown were felt powerfully from the very beginning (Ritter 1936; Benz 1975). Under Ruprecht III (1352–1410) the Heiliggeistkirche, which had been linked to the university from its inception, was completely rebuilt. Visitors to the church are often surprised that the side aisles are broader than the central nave. The reason is that the galleries above the aisles were intended to house the Palatine Library, and chains can still be seen which once would have secured the most precious manuscripts from theft. Although the collections of the palace, church and university were only formally united into the Biblioteca Palatina in the sixteenth century, they together constituted a resource for study and scholarship long before that, and many thousands of Latin and Greek texts were assembled to form one of the great European loci for the study of books. Although vernacular literature was not taught in the university, German texts were also collected, including the famed Codex Manesse, the most important source for Middle High

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German love poetry, and a Carolingian-period manuscript of Otfrid of Weissenburg’s Old High German Evangelienbuch. Student life can be reconstructed from references in statutes and regulations. The minimum age for matriculation was set at 14, but this was apparently not strictly enforced. The university took a fee for matriculation. It has been calculated that the total costs of studying in Heidelberg ran to about 20–25 guilders per year. After about two years of study in the arts faculty a boy would have mastered the trivium (Grammar, rhetoric and dialectic, i.e., Latin language, the ability to speak clearly and the ability to argue logically) and gained a bachelor’s degree. Some students never went beyond the Arts, as a long period of study could become too expensive. In law and medicine it took an average of five years to acquire a license to practice, and in theology there might be twelve years’ of study before the Licentia docendi was achieved. A doctor’s title involved further study beyond this (Wolgast 1986). From its members, the university required honestas et decentia. Given the age of the youngest students, the masters were obviously in loco parentis, and it was important to avoid conflict with the townspeople, so the conduct of students was subject to university rules at all times. In 1398 the use of foul language was made punishable with a fine of wax for the chapel. A 1442 document imposes a fine of half a guilder for going to a gambling den, and a whole guilder, together with an entry in the university’s book of shame, for a visit to a brothel. But masters were also subject to the discipline of the university. Records from 1454 prescribe that a master might be banned from entering the university library for a full year if he lent a book to someone who was not a member of the university. Among the many other peccadillos listed in the rule books were chasing pigs and geese, stealing from vineyards and orchards, visiting fairs in the surrounding villages, catching birds, climbing the city walls, singing love songs to local girls, and using duplicate keys to avoid the evening curfew. The Bishop of Worms was given the status of judex ordinarius of scholars, with a special official and a prison in Heidelberg. (A much later, sixteenth-century student prison in Heidelberg, the Studentenkarzer, was described by Mark Twain (1835–1910) and can still be visited.) This brought students the great privilege that in most cases they were not subject to the jurisdiction of town courts, and for the authorities it allowed a closer supervision of their conduct. Nevertheless, problems must have occurred, as the records regularly revisit the topic. In order to control the behavior of students, the pressure increased over the years for students to live in residences under the supervision of their masters, and in 1441/1442 a commission was set up to enforce standards in these residences (Thorndike 1971; Koller 1977; Wolgast 1986). The intellectual climate which emerged in and around the university was at its best formidable. A number of important teachers contributed to the reputation

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of the university in its early days. The Polish scholar Matthew of Kraków (1335– 1410) may serve as an example. Matthew was a prolific writer of theological works, including De consolatione theologiae (the consolation of theology), De modo confitendi (on the correct manner of confessing), De puritate conscientiae (on purity of conscience), De corpore Christi (on the body of Christ), and De celebratione Missae (on the celebration of the mass). These texts deal with everyday problems of liturgical practice in a relatively popular manner for the general —though still Latin-educated—reader, and show the university teacher attempting to instruct a public far beyond his own auditorium. With his De squaloribus curiae Romanae he entered the more controversial sphere of criticism of corruption within the Church, supported by the Heidelberg jurist Job Vener (1370–1447), who supplied him with extensive quotations from canon law. Although he was later appointed Bishop of Worms, Matthew maintained his residence in Heidelberg, and apparently continued to teach (Wolgast 1986). The papal schism which had given birth to the university in the first place continued to be a central theme in Heidelberg’s intellectual circles. The grotesque chaos of Western Christendom being split in its allegiance between two and for a time three different Popes demanded self-examination, and Matthew’s calls for moral reform in the church are part of these heated debates. The Heidelbergers maintained their support of Rome against Avignon, and it is a sign of the strength of feeling in the period that for the first thirty years of their history, an on-going antagonism raged between Heidelberg and Paris. That the matriculation register lists only nine of the masters active in the first decade as graduates of Paris, compared to 27 from Prague, may be interpreted as a sign of this hostility, as even more obviously may the regulation requiring students from Paris to repeat parts of their studies because—highly unusually in an era of open academic borders— Parisian certification was not recognized. When the Council of Constance was called in 1414–1418 to resolve the schism, the then Elector Palatine Ludwig III (1378–1436) was deeply involved and Heidelberg professors were called upon to act as his advisors. This Council of Constance was a defining moment for the European university movement, because both legal and theological expert opinion was crucial and university people came to the fore in helping to resolve the conflict. One of the main philosophical controversies of the period concerned the problem of universals. A fundamental dilemma of western philosophy from ancient times to the present day, it was fought out with particular vigor in the heyday of medieval scholasticism. The question at issue, which has wide-reaching consequences for philosophy even today, was whether properties pertaining to groups of objects by which they may be categorized, such as roundness or yellowness, have actual existence or are merely mental or linguistic constructs.

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Whereas the so-called realists argued that roundness is real, nominalists held that it is nothing more than a word (nomen = name). Heidelberg adhered firmly to the nominalist position, not surprisingly perhaps, given that Marsilius von Inghen (1340–1396) himself had been a stout defender of it. The argument flared up in 1406 when that ardent proponent of realism Jerome of Prague (1379–1416) attempted to settle at the university. As an adherent of Wycliffe (1328–1384), Jerome held radical views on many topics, and ten years later he would be executed for his admiration for Jan Hus (1369–1415), but it was his challenge to nominalism which led him into conflict in Heidelberg. He was expelled from the theological faculty, and when he continued to spread his views under the aegis of the Liberal Arts the university introduced a new mechanism of censorship which effectively prevented him from teaching. The advent of humanism in Heidelberg can be linked to the incumbency of Frederick I, the Victorious (1425–1476), in the third quarter of the fifteenth century. The first Elector Palatine to demand absolute political loyalty from the university and require students to undertake military service in defense of the town, he was also the first to interfere directly in teaching, demanding that the university tolerate both sides in the universals debate and encouraging an openness to what has been called the Northern Renaissance. In this he may have been influenced by Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini (1405–1464), who had visited Heidelberg before Frederick’s accession. Early humanists who studied in Heidelberg included Heinrich Steinhöwel (1412–1482/1483), Matthias von Kemnat (1430– 1476), and Peter Luder (1415–1472), and it was Luder who introduced serious humanistic lectures to the university. In his inaugural lecture he appealed to Frederick “to restore in his school the Latin language, which has almost sunk into barbarism.” It was also Frederick who brought the poet Michael Beheim (1420– 1470s) to Heidelberg, and his sister Mechthild was an important patron of new literature. Under Frederick’s successor, Philip the Upright (1448–1508), Heidelberg became one of the most important centers of German humanism, with Johann Wessel (1419–1489), Johann von Dalberg (1455–1503), Rudolf Agricola (1444/1443–1485), Johannes Reuchlin (1455–1522), Conrad Celtis (1459–1508), and Philipp Melanchthon (1497–1560) all active in the city for significant parts of their lives.

Select Bibliography Aston, T. H., gen. ed. and I. J. Catto, vol. ed., The History of the University of Oxford, vol. 1: The Early Oxford Schools (Oxford 1984). Cobban, Alan B., The Medieval Universities: Their Development and Organization (London 1975).

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Kibre, Pearl, Scholarly Privileges in the Middle Ages: The Rights, Privileges, and Immunities of Scholars and Universities at Bologna, Padua, Paris, and Oxford (London 1961). Maierù, Alfonso, University Training in Medieval Europe, trans. D. N. Pryds (Leiden 1994). Pedersen, Olaf, The First Universities: Studium Generale and the Origins of the University Education in Europe (Cambridge 1997). Rashdall, Hastings, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, rev. ed F. M. Powicke and A. B. Emden (1895; Oxford 1936), 3 vols. Rüegg, Walter, gen. ed. and Hilde de Ridder-Symoens, vol. ed., A History of the University in Europe, vol. I: Universities in the Middle Ages (Cambridge 1992). Thorndike, Lynn, University Records and Life in the Middle Ages (New York 1971).

Ben Snook

War and Peace A Overview In the Middle Ages, as now, war was everywhere. From the cataclysms which overwhelmed the Roman Empire in the fifth century to the religious massacres of the Crusades, to the dynasty-on-dynasty one-upmanship of the Hundred Years’ War, conflict was, arguably, the principal motor of social, economic and technological progress before 1500 (Whetham 2009; Classen and Margolis, ed., 2011, 1–80). For this reason, most medieval European communities were geared, first and foremost, for war. Even in times of peace, the language of battle was all-pervasive. In England, the northern territorial division known as a wapentake, deriving from the Old Norse vápnatak, retained an audible memory of the practice of brandishing weapons in affirmation of a statement made at a public meeting long after the practice had ceased. Personal names and sobriquets, too, often cashed in on the “street cred” that came from being associated with a particular weapon: we need only think of Richard de Clare (“Strongbow”), or of the third Earl of Salisbury, William Longspée (“Longsword”: one of several to bear the nickname). Prowess in battle could also earn a successful leader a suitably matcho moniker, as in the cases of William “the Conqueror” and his (distant) successor, the formidable Edward I, Scottorum Malleus (“Hammer of the Scots”). Some nicknames could be rather more prosaic: for all his diplomatic, religious, cultural, and economic achievements, the Byzantine Emperor Basil II (976–1025) remains “the Bulgar Slayer” (Βουλγαροκτόνος). In the Middle Ages, the business of killing was perhaps less efficient than it is today, but it was scarcely any less brutal, nor was it always on a smaller scale. At the Battle of Verdun in 1916, about 163,000 Frenchmen were killed; when the Mongols of Hulagu Khan sacked Baghdad in 1258, it seems likely that a similar number of soldiers and civilians were massacred in an orgy of destruction which all but wiped Baghdad off the map. Some Arab sources even put the number of dead in the millions (Amitai-Preiss 1998; Sicker 2000; Saunders 2001; Sverdrup 2010). At the Battle of Waterloo, the British contingent lost about 17,000 men; roughly the same number were probably killed when the combined armies of the Crusader States were demolished by Saladin at Hattin in 1187 (Runciman 1952). To make matters worse for the medieval soldier, there was no Geneva Convention to ensure his fair treatment if he were unlucky enough to fall into the

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hands of the enemy. In theory, Christian nations were kept in check by the moral scruples of the Catholic Church. However, the Church itself was by no means universally opposed to the torture and execution of captives, which was as likely to be carried out for financial or psychological reasons as it was for the sake of pure entertainment (Mitchell 2006). Following Joan of Arc’s capture and interrogation by the English-influenced Inquisition in 1430, she was condemned as a relapsed heretic and immolated in the market square in Rouen (Hobbins, ed. and trans., 2005). A similar fate had been meted out to captured Cathars in Southwest France two centuries previously (Costen 1997; Roquebert 1999). The Church and its agents sometimes made an effort to curb small-scale squabbles. More often than not, though, these efforts were too little too late, and ecclesiastical intervention was rarely effective in preventing a descent into violence (Verbruggen 1997, 346–47; Connell 2011). On the contrary, the Church could often be found encouraging rather than mollifying conflict. Arguably, the Crusades against the Muslims in the Levant remain the best-known instance of medieval, religious violence. Muslims were not the only victims, though: shortly after the last Cathar had gone up in smoke, in 1234, the Stedingers (Christian farmers of Frisian extraction in the Weser delta who had ended up on the wrong side of Gerhard II, Archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen over a tax dispute) had the misfortune to be all but wiped out by a “crusade” (Köhn 1979; Schmeyers 2004). The crusade was the ultimate tool of the medieval warmonger: by calling upon God to witness the slaughter being done in His name, so a campaign of shameless violence and aggression could be transformed into a Just War waged in defense of Christendom (Russell 1977). It is significant that the hypocrisy inherent in such thinking was not only recognized but keenly satirized by a handful of contemporary commentators whose works have come to form an important corpus of compelling, medieval, anti-war literature. After the war, if there was anybody left, came the peace. It is tempting to paint the Middle Ages as a time of wanton destruction when the darkest tendencies of the human condition were allowed to romp unchecked across the smoldering landscapes of war-ravaged Europe. However, most medieval states were, in reality, quite keen to avoid going to war if at all possible. It was ruinously expensive and often went catastrophically wrong. Accordingly, it is one of the great paradoxes of the Middle Ages that the goal of so many of the wars which came to define it was not so much plunder or glory (although these were certainly welcome side-effects) as the restoration of the peace. This was something that had been appreciated by St. Augustine in the fifth century, who observed in the De civitate Dei that “by means of war, therefore, [men] desire to achieve peace with glory; for what else is victory but the subjugation of those who oppose us? And when this is achieved, there will be peace” (Augustine 1998, De ciuitate Dei, XIX.12, 934).

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Subsequent European history is littered with examples of more or less successful acts of diplomacy aimed at staving off armed conflict. In the early Middle Ages in particular, it was not uncommon for marauding barbarians to be bought off: the Vikings, for instance, were masters of extracting increasingly large sums of gold from hard-pressed rulers in return for the temporary cessation of hostilities (Green 1981; Lawson 1984; Keynes 1986; Lawson 1990). Hostage exchange was also a common way of ensuring good faith. Sometimes these diplomatic efforts worked; often, though, war was unavoidable. Arguably, it was the practice of warfare which lent technological, philosophical and intellectual progress a particular urgency throughout the Middle Ages, as it has done ever since. As engineers contrived ever more ingenious ways of massacring people, so scholars dwelled endlessly on the morality of war, seeking to justify its pursuit in the eyes of history. Warfare occupied the technological genius of Leonardo da Vinci (1452–1519) every bit as amply as it obsessed the philosophical musings of Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274). Its impact was, in every way, enormous.

B Weapons and Tactics I War Gear The practicalities of how best to incapacitate the enemy intrigued the medieval imagination (Contamine 1987, 175–207; Bradbury 2004, 239–62). By far the most common and most adaptable weapon was the spear. Cheap and easy to make, it was just as useful for hunting and fishing as it was in battle. It could be thrown or used as an instrument for stabbing and slashing (DeVries 1992) and, thanks to it its length, it also had the advantage of keeping one’s opponent a respectable distance away. While the spear may not have been the most glamorous or high-status weapon, its importance in the Middle Ages is well attested by its ubiquity within medieval literature. In the “Ulster Cycle,” (the earliest manuscripts of which date from twelfth century, although the texts are certainly older) the Gáe Bulg (probably “belly spear”) was made from the bone of a slain sea monster which was given to the mythological hero Cúchulainn who used it to dispatch his troublesome foster brother, Ferdiad. In the Old Norse poem Skáldskaparmál (ca. 1220), we learn of Gungnir (“Swaying One”), the spear fashioned for Odin by the dwarves and purloined by the mischievous Loki. From time to time, even King Arthur had recourse to a spear, called Rhongomynyad in “Culhwch and Olwen” (the extant form of which was perhaps composed in the eleventh century, although the

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earliest manuscript witness dates from the fourteenth). Perhaps unsurprisingly, spears were just as common in the hands of lower-status soldiers as they were amongst the élite: in the “Song of Roland” (probably composed between 1040 and 1115), both the Franks and the Saracens are armed with spears, as is Roland himself; in the “Battle of Maldon,” which was probably composed shortly after the battle in 991, Byrhtnoth brandishes his spear at the Vikings, who promptly hurl theirs back at him; and in Anna Comnena’s Alexiad (ca. 1148), spears are put to good use by everyone from Byzantine generals to the Turkish, Cuman, and Norman foot soldiers against whom they conducted their campaigns. Perhaps the most famous spear of all was the Holy Lance which, in the Gospel of John, pierced Christ’s side (John 19:34). Several relics containing fragments of the Lance circulated in the Middle Ages, the most famous of which travelled from Jerusalem to Constantinople, then on to Paris, only to be lost in the French Revolution. Spears were every bit as widespread in daily life as they were in literature (Oakeshott 1960), and numerous sub-types of spearhead designed for a huge range of different tasks have been identified from Anglo-Saxon England alone (Swanton 1973). Moreover, just as the literary evidence suggests, the spear was by no means a weapon exclusive to the masses: the high-status Anglo-Saxon who was buried at Sutton Hoo was accompanied by a very respectable set of spears, though they may have been primarily intended for hunting rather than fighting (Bruce-Mitford et al. 1975–1983; Carver, ed., 1992). The basic concept of the spear evolved over time, giving rise to many more sophisticated variants. The pike was a sturdier, longer spear which was deadly when deployed against charging cavalry. It was put to particularly effective use by the Landsknechte (lansquenets) in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries (Von Seggern 2003). The halberd, similarly, had a long pole handle and combined a sharpened point with an axe-head and a hook, which was used to pull mounted troops from their horses. Favoured initially by the Swiss, it soon caught on all over Europe. Very probably, it was a halberd that killed Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy (1467–1477) at the Battle of Nancy in 1477, ending the Burgundian wars and setting in train a series of events which would lead to the accession of the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V (1519–1558) half a century later (Vaughan 1973). Whereas the spear was a weapon available to all, the sword was the Ferrari of the Middle Ages; an unambiguous indicator of status that was restricted, in the main, to royalty, the élite and the odd parvenu. Whereas a basic spear could be whittled by more or less anybody with a knife and half an hour to spare, a sword could take days or even weeks to forge, temper, and sharpen. The effectiveness of the sword in battle was undeniable and a huge variety of types, ranging from short swords designed for stabbing, to large, heavy, two-handed broadswords were in widespread use throughout Europe from the earliest times (Oakeshot

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1991; 1994). Again, Anglo-Saxon England alone has produced an enormous variety of swords and sword fragments (Ellis Davidson 1994), as has medieval Ireland (Halpin 1986). In literature, swords tend to be specialist weapons, which are usually more symbolic than spears. Their nomenclature provides valuable evidence of both their worth and the nature of their employment in Medieval Europe. In the eleventh-century Song of Roland, Hauteclare (“lofty, brilliant”), Précieuse (“Precious”) are expensively ornamented weapons inlaid with precious stones and metals; in the same text, the name of the treacherous Ganelon’s sword, Murgleis (“death brand”), is rather more to-the-point (Brault, ed., 1984; Bellamy 1987). Most famous of all is Roland’s own sword, Durendal (“enduring”), which has developed an exotic mythology all of its own. In the poem, the sword is said to have been a gift from an angel to Charlemagne, which apparently contained within its gilded hilt a tooth of St Peter, the blood of St Basil, some hair from the head of St Denis and a portion of the Virgin Mary’s robe. The residents of Rocamadour in the Lot claim (needless to say, spuriously) that Durendal might still be observed protruding from a cliff adjacent to the church of St Michael. The nomenclature of the swords used by Rodrigo Diaz de Vivar in El Cantar de Myo Çid (which was probably composed in the early twelfth century) is every bit as telling. Colada, its name probably a reference to the casting process used in forging it (Hathaway 1974), and Tizona (“burning brand”) were both put to good use by the Castilian against the Moors (Hamilton 1962). A weapon supposed to be Tizona survives at the Museum of Burgos in Northern Spain. Swords, then, were clearly regarded all over Europe as potent, high-status weapons; their value both in war and as markers of social rank was notable (Grünzweig 2009a; 2009b). Yet, for all their apparent desirability, fictional swords were not always reliable. Beowulf, for one, had a troubling habit of breaking his: both Nægling and Hrunting failed him at the worst possible moments, making for striking literary set pieces laden with meaning and symbolism (Hughes 1977). Indeed, the motif of broken swords was not uncommon in Northern European literature more generally, and there are several interesting Old Norse analogues (Garbáty 1962). Meeting one’s enemy in hand-to-hand combat required skill, dexterity, and a certain steadiness of nerve. Arguably, therefore, the most efficient weapons in the Middle Ages were those which enabled the bearer to deal with an enemy at a distance. So outraged was Europe’s highly-trained, expensively-equipped nobility by the notion that any one of them might be dispatched on the battlefield by a peasant with a bow, that the Second Lateran Council of 1139 was compelled to issue an anathema against the deployment of archers and crossbowmen in wars between Christians (Contamine 1987, 71). Indeed, archers were regarded so poorly

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that, at the Battle of Crécy, the French knights cheerfully charged down their own crossbowmen when they impeded their efforts to get at the English (Bradbury 1994, 2). Nevertheless, the popularity of the bow was undeniable and, like the sword and the spear, many variants evolved. The most ingenious users of long-range weaponry, though, were the Byzantines. Since at least the fifth century, they had deployed a flammable, chemical mixture known in the West as Greek Fire to great effect against their enemies (Haldon 2006). Initially a naval weapon, it was put to devastating use against Muslim and Russian fleets. The substance was subsequently refined for use on land via the medium of an early kind of flame-thrower; such weapons were described in some detail in the tenth-century Tactica of the Emperor Leo VI (886– 912). The same substance could also be packed into a small, ceramic jar and hurled at the enemy as a hand grenade. Remarkably well-preserved examples of such weapons survive (disarmed, thankfully) in the National Historical Museum in Athens (Forbes 1993).

II Tactics: Theory Traditionally, commentators on medieval warfare have judged Western European battle tactics in the Middle Ages to be mediocre at best and downright boneheaded at worst (Muraise 1964). However closer scrutiny of subject suggests that, in many respects, medieval tacticians may have been quite sophisticated in their thinking (Contamine 1987, 208–10). The way in which people thought about strategy in the Middle Ages varied immensely with time and geography. For some it was an art form within which could be glimpsed a terrible beauty; for others it was little more than a cruel necessity (Heuser 2010). However, despite the omnipresence of warfare in the Middle Ages, and whatever one’s views on the relative sophistication of medieval battle tactics, it is hard to deny that Western Europe produced very few military writers, per se, before the Renaissance. Rather, the standard, Western military manual for much of the Middle Ages was a work which emerged from the late Roman Empire: De re militari (Vegetius 1990; Reeve, ed. and trans., 2004). Perhaps composed during the reign of Theodosius I (378–395), the work is attributed to an otherwise anonymous individual known only as Vegetius (Goffart 1977; Barnes 1979); as with so many technical manuals, the text was highly fluid and was augmented, rewritten and excerpted to the extent that little authorial identity remains. Despite its antiquity, or perhaps because of it, De re militari was remarkably popular throughout the Medieval period and, moreover, obtained a readership well beyond its target demographic of soldiers and generals (Allmand 2004). In the eighth century, Bede cited Vegetius in his Vita

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S. Cuthberti (Jones 1932); a little less than a century later, it influence Hrabanus Maurus in his composition of his own treatise on tactics (Bachrach 2007). De re Militari itself covers a wide range of topics: the first book contains a series of instructions for the individual soldier (who should, according to Vegetius, be as able with a bow as with a sword, as well as being able to swim), the second book is more concerned with the practice of troops fighting in larger units, and book three offers practical advice about choosing a battlefield, preventing mutiny in the ranks, manoeuvring in battle, fording rivers and so on. The work ends with a collection of general and much-quoted maxims. Although remarkable for many reasons, perhaps what is most striking about De re Militari is the sturdy criticism that it makes of the late Roman army. By comparing the army of his own day with the force he perceived as having existed in previous centuries, Vegetius not only presents his reader with instructive archetypes, but also warns against decadence and sloppiness However, as heirs to the Roman tradition of military thought from which Vegetius himself had emerged, the undisputed masters of strategy in Medieval Europe were certainly the Byzantines. Relying on a complex structure of military districts, known as “themes,” the Byzantines were, for much of their earlier history, able to put a well-trained, well-equipped and well-led army into the field at almost any point between the Near East and Northern Italy (Haldon 1999). In part, their relative military success depended upon their transformation of warfare from a mere activity into an intellectual discipline in its own right. Numerous manuals of military strategy emerged from Constantinople between the fifth century and the fifteenth, a subgenre of which, known as poliorketika (πολιορκητικόν), dealt specifically with siege warfare. The Strategikon (Στρατηγικόν), usually attributed to the Emperor Maurice (582–602), underpinned much early Byzantine thinking on strategy (Dennis, ed. and trans., 1984). The Byzantine army of the sixth century was largely infantrybased, but was supported by auxiliary units of cavalry and artillery, much as the Roman army had been in earlier centuries. When functioning well, its success was undeniable: in Maurice’s reign, the Avars were beaten back beyond the Danube, the Sassanids were defeated at the Battle of Blarathon and the Lombards were checked in Italy following the establishment of the Exarchate of Ravenna (Whitby 1988). However, the use of organized, fast-moving, lightly-armored, bow-armed cavalry by Muslim armies posed a serious challenge to the superiority of the Byzantine infantry, who became vulnerable targets. Reacting to this, the Emperor Leo VI (886–912) commissioned his own military manual, known in Latin as the Tactica and in Greek as τῶν ἐν πολέμοις τακτικῶν σύντομος παράδοσις (“Brief Guidance as to the Tactics of War). In this text Leo recommended the use of a combined force of heavy cavalry and light horse archers against the Muslims,

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whom he regarded, rightly as it turned out, as the Empire’s most dangerous opponents. About half a century later, during the reign of the Emperor Nikephoros Phocas (963–969), there appeared the Praecepta militaria, or Στρατηγικὴ ἔκθεσις καὶ σύνταξις Νικηφόρου δεσπότου (“Presentation and Composition concerning Warfare of the Lord Nicephoros”) (Nikephoros Phokas 1995). In this text survives perhaps the longest and most detailed discussion of the formidable catphract (κατάφρακτοι), the Byzantine answer to the Western, mailed knight. Drawn mostly from the rural, land-owning middle classes, catphracts were based on the heavy cavalry employed by Eastern armies faced by the Byzantines. They were armed with a lance and some side-arms, wore heavy armour made from interlocking plates and were capable of delivering a devastating charge. The Praecepta militaria describes how they would be used in a wedge to target gaps in an enemy formation, or to attack high-status figures in the enemy lines (Eadie 1967). There are, in all, about thirteen extant texts from the Byzantine Empire which might be classed as military manuals in their own right (although there are plenty of others which discuss military matters alongside other subjects). Yet, despite its martial ingenuity, Byzantium always seemed somehow to be an empire in decline. Ongoing internecine warfare, the adaptability and religious fervour of the Muslims in the East, the rapaciousness of the Europeans (particularly the Sicilian Normans), and the devastation of Constantinople itself following the Fourth Crusade all took their toll. From the eleventh century onwards, the disintegration of the theme system meant that the Emperors had to rely increasingly on mercenaries whose loyalty and skill in battle was often something less than perfect.

III Tactics: Practice For all that Vegetius and the Byzantine strategists made warfare into an intellectual pursuit, the way in which armies fought in the Middle Ages was often governed more by the scale, weaponry, and composition of the forces in question than by the tactical intelligence of their commanders (Rogers 2009). In large part, tactical evolution was a reactive process: as one combatant developed a new way of fighting or brought a new weapon to the battlefield, so did the other set about finding a way to negate the advantage, and perhaps even to turn it into a disadvantage; more often than not, it was to the faction which reacted the quickest that victory came most readily (Verbruggen 1997, 14–15). The use of horses in Western European warfare and the subsequent evolution of countermeasures designed to negate the potency of cavalry on the battlefield demonstrate this cycle very effectively.

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In Northern Europe in the earlier Middle Ages, getting close to the enemy quickly was the most important thing. In the “Battle of Maldon,” the Anglo-Saxon commander Byrhtnoth seems to relinquish a superior tactical position by allowing the Viking army across a narrow causeway. The poem appears to criticize him tacitly for his ofermod (“overconfidence”); but, at the same time, this episode demonstrates the importance of getting to grips with the enemy in order to overpower them (or not, in Byhrtnoth’s case) in hand-to-hand combat (Scragg, ed. and trans. 1981). Although both the Anglo-Saxons and the Scandinavians used horses for transport, neither made significant use of cavalry in battle. The lack of stirrups, at least before the tenth century, made fighting on horseback impractical (Bachrach 1970; Seaby and Woodfield 1980; Fern 2005). So profound were the Anglo-Saxons’ misgivings about fighting on horseback that when, in 1055, Ralph “the Timid,” Earl of Hereford (1051–1055/1057) compelled his thanes to fight against the Welsh as knights in the Norman fashion, they turned tail and fled in disorder before the battle had even started, earning him his unfortunate sobriquet (Glover 1952). Elsewhere in Europe, however, horses were a far more common sight on the battlefield (see the contribution on horses to this Handbook by Cynthia Jeney). In the early period, it was the Muslims who excelled at mounted warfare. In the eighth century, the armies of the Umayyad Caliphate, which relied to a large extent on their cavalry, won a series of victories against the Christian, Visigothic rulers of the Iberian Peninsula. Although extant historical accounts of the mechanics of the conquest are not always as reliable as one might like, the impact of the well-drilled, fast-moving Muslim cavalry seems, nevertheless, to have been a decisive factor (Taha 1988; Glick 2005). In response to this threat, the Franks became the first medieval, Christian power to develop coherent countermeasures against the powerful Muslim cavalry. By packing their soldiers closely together and making effective use of long-handled spears, the Franks were able to defeat Muslim armies on several occasions in the 720s and ‘730s, most famously at the Battle of Poitiers in 732 (Bachrach 2001, Lopez Pereira, ed., 2009). Nevertheless, the horse soon became the main battle tank of Medieval Europe (Davis 1989; see also the entry on horses in this Handbook). The emergence of the professionally-drilled, heavily-armoured knight, drawn from amongst the ranks of the landed élite, brought about significant social and tactical evolution. While there is an extensive and ongoing debate over the relationship between the development of the knight and the growth of the feudal system in Europe, it seems fair to say that the social and cultural implications of mounted warfare were profound (Bloch 1939; Ganshof 1944; Beeler 1971; De Vries 1992, 95–122). Mounted knights were, moreover, extremely powerful on the battlefield and dominated Western European military strategy for a good three hundred years

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between the eleventh and the fourteenth centuries. But, as always, commanders who were unable or unwilling to field their own heavy cavalry began to develop effective countermeasures: infantry took to digging trenches in front of their positions and to driving long stakes into the ground designed to impale charging cavalry. Pikes and other long-handled weapons gained in popularity, as did ranged weapons. A well-trained, expensively-equipped knight was a force to be reckoned with in hand-to-hand combat but, as the English demonstrated at Agincourt in 1415 (Oct. 25), could be efficiently dispatched by a peasant with a longbow (De Vries 1994; Rogers 1998). Accordingly, the process of measure and countermeasure completed its cycle: as infantry became better trained and less susceptible to attack by armored cavalry, they came to dominate the battlefield once again. At the beginning of the fourteenth century, infantry-based armies won decisive victories against cavalryoriented forces at Courtrai (1302), Bannockburn (1314) and Morgarten (1315). The reasons for these victories were many; but, as always, the victory went to the side that was able to adapt faster and better (Verbruggen 1997, 111–203).

C Mercenaries I Overview Mercenaries were, in many ways, the management consultants of the Middle Ages: overpaid, unreliable and often incompetent, they usually ended up causing more problems than they solved. Often, the best an employer could hope for was that his mercenaries would only bankrupt him; at worst, they might well plunder his lands, massacre his people, betray him to his enemies, rob him of his fortune, usurp him and possibly murder him and his family for good measure. The twelfth-century chronicler Galbert of Bruges relates a particularly telling episode: when the army of Ghent threatened Bruges in 1127, bands of “mercenaries,” consisting mostly of criminals and outlaws, converged on the city with the intention of defending it. So horrified were the citizens of Bruges by their appearance that they refused outright to admit them to the city (Verbruggen 1997, 128– 29; Marvin 1998; Galbert of Bruges 1994). Indeed, many mercenaries were little better than thieves and brigands, and by the later fourteenth century, rogue companies of freebooters had become such a menace that successive popes resorted to granting crusade indulgences to those willing to fight against them (Housley 1982). While some mercenaries matched their enthusiasm for wealth-acquisition with a genuine feeling of obligation toward their employer, most seem to have

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been motivated primarily by greed and a powerful sense of self-preservation (Isaac 1999). One scholar characterized their activities as “criminal, and in some cases traitorous, treasonable and even heretical.” Some of their deeds, he continued, “if committed today, would hopefully be subjected to scrutiny by an international war crimes tribunal” (Fowler 2001, 1). Nonetheless, mercenaries are some of the more colourful characters of the Middle Ages. If the “Renaissance Man” embodied in combination all the artistic, scientific and literary achievements associated with his age, then the avaricious, violent, pusillanimous, ruthless mercenary may, perhaps, be understood in some senses as his medieval predecessor, exemplifying all the vices, weaknesses and unreformed human frailties which have so often been thought typical of the Middle Ages.

II Mercenaries Before 1200 The sale of military expertise to the highest bidder was by no means a medieval invention. In his De excidio Britanniae, perhaps written in the sixth century, the Romano-British polemicist, Gildas, paints a memorable picture of the Saxons invited to Britain by Vortigern in the fifth century: “On the orders of the ill-fated tyrant, they first of all fixed their dreadful claws on the East side of the island, ostensibly to fight for our country, in fact to fight against it. The mother lioness learnt that her first contingent had prospered, and she sent a second and larger troop of satellite dogs.” The Saxon mercenaries demanded supplies and, after these had been given, demanded more and more. Eventually they “swore that they would break their agreement and plunder the whole island unless more lavish payment were heaped on them. There was no delay: they put their threats into immediate effect” (Gildas, De excidio Britanniae XXIII, 26–27; Gildas 2002). Although more of a literary vignette than an exact, historical report, Gildas’s account amply illustrates the dangers associated with mercenaries. A millennium later, the reputation of mercenaries had scarcely improved. As if to echo Gildas’s complaints, Niccolò Machiavelli wrote in Il Principe (published in 1532): “The mercenary and the auxiliary are useless and dangerous; if a prince continues to base his government on mercenary armies, he will never be either stable or safe; they are disunited, ambitious, without discipline, disloyal; valiant among friends, among enemies cowardly; they have no fear of God, no loyalty to men. Your ruin is postponed only as long as attack on you is postponed; in peace you are plundered by them, in war by your enemies” (Machiavelli, Il Principe, XII, 47, 1965, vol I). Despite sage warnings such as these, mercenaries were rarely out of work in the Middle Ages. In the earlier period, they were often recruited on a casual basis

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from amongst neighbouring ‘barbarians’. The Vikings, for instance, made for particularly convenient soldiers of fortune, and the Annals of the Four Masters records fleets of Scandinavians being hired in Ireland as late as the twelfth century (O’Donovan 1848–1851, vol. II, 945). Other “barbarian” groups, including the Alans, Cumans, and Pechenegs, also found their services to be in demand, particularly from the Byzantine and Turkish empires (Vásáry 2005). Perhaps the most famous, and certainly the most reliable early mercenaries were the Byzantine Varangian Guard. Made up, in the main, of Scandinavians and Anglo-Saxons, the Varangians were particularly fierce in battle and (usually) remained loyal to the Emperor. However, there is some debate as to exactly what constituted a mercenary at this time. While the Vikings or the Cumans were employed on a casual basis, the Varangians were, in effect, a regular unit within the Byzantine military structure (DeVries 2008). None could be called a professional mercenary company as such. Rather, the specialist ‘Great Companies’ and condottieri with which the idea of the medieval mercenary is so often associated were later innovations.

III After 1200 Although the idea of the mercenary was not new, the merging of war and business, along with the large-scale professionalization of warfare were perhaps medieval inventions (Mallett 1999). In the fourteenth century, plague, famine and near-constant warfare led to sources of trained, armed men becoming seriously depleted. Market forces reacted to fill the gap, and over the course of the 1300s, numerous bands of mercenaries, known as Great Companies or Free Companies, emerged, selling their services to the highest bidder. Overall, Kenneth Fowler has identified almost a hundred individual mercenary captains active in the fourteenth century (Fowler 2001, 323–25). The careers of two of them, John Hawkwood (d. 1394) and Roger de Flor (d. 1305), offer instructive exempla. Ambitious, courageous and unapologetically nouveau riche, John Hawkwood was, in many respects, the original “Essex Man.” Although the sources for his early life are unreliable, he was certainly born in Sible Hedingham in North Essex; he may have served an apprenticeship in London, where he participated in a tournament at Smithfield in 1358. He fought for Edward III (1327–77) against the French and by 1360 he had become a routier roaming the devastated French countryside in search of plunder (Fowler 2004). Not so much mercenaries as gangs of brigands, routiers were demobbed soldiers, freebooting yobs renowned for acts of indiscriminate violence and pillage. Hawkwood subsequently found himself part of a mercenary force which blockaded the pope at Avignon and had

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to be bought off. Clearly a distinguished soldier already, he was then recruited to serve the Marquess of Montferrat in his war against the Visconti family of Milan, which took him into Italy. Over the course of his career there, he fought for Pisa against Florence; then for Perugia against the Papacy; then for the Visconti (against whom he had initially been employed in Italy) against Florence; then for the Papacy against the Milanese. From 1380 onwards, Hawkwood was generally (but not exclusively) contracted to Florence. The fluctuating nature of his employment demonstrates the fickleness of life as a mercenary; nevertheless, the respect afforded him in Florence (against whom he had led his troops more than once in his career) is a powerful testament to his skill and charisma. Certainly, Hawkwood was one of the foremost military commanders of his age and the White Company he commanded acquired a formidable reputation. At its center was a unit of soldiers recruited from Hawkwood’s native Essex whose loyalty to their leader was assured. Hawkwood also made decisive use of longbowmen which were, for the White Company, something of a ‘unique selling point’. Hawkwood’s men were generally well-disciplined and reliable and Hawkwood himself was uncharacteristically loyal to his employers. However, his career was not without its controversies: in 1376 and 1377, whilst in the pay of the papacy during the War of the Eight Saints, troops under Hawkwood’s command were involved in massacres at Faenza and Cesena. Of course, such behaviour was hardly unusual amongst mercenaries, and there were other condottieri whose conduct at the time was far worse. Nonetheless, it is important to remember that, despite all his bravery, courage and skill, Hawkwood was not as blameless as some commentators have been inclined to suggest. Hawkwood died in 1394 whilst preparing to return to his native Essex (his remains may or may not have been repatriated) and was memorialized by a grand, funerary monument in the Duomo in Florence. His exact wealth on his death remains a matter of speculation: on the one hand, he had certainly acquired numerous estates throughout Italy over the course of his career; but on the other, he complained, shortly before his death, that mounting expenses prevented him from being able to run his household. The career of a mercenary was not without its rewards, but it is interesting to note that even the most famous and successful soldiers of fortune were prone to the odd cash-flow crisis. Roger de Flor was a rather different sort of mercenary. For sheer theater, the Victorian author Richard Williams Morgan’s description of him is hard to beat; we meet de Flor in the cabin of his ship, at anchor off Sicily, at the “close of a splendid day in the mid-autumn of 1302”: The occupants of the seats around the table were five men, while a little to the right, and behind him who was placed at the upper end, sat a young girl with her hand resting on the man’s shoulder, and apparently deeply interested in the conversation. On the board were

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wine-cups and beakers; but it seemed as if they had not diverted much attention from the subject, whatever it was, that occupied the group. The man, to whom we have alluded as seated at the head of the board, was apparently about thirty-five years of age. The hair, which on other parts of his head still curled strong, and was black as the raven’s wing, was slightly grizzled and even worn away in the neighborhood of his temples and high broad forehead; as if he were more used to the pressure of the helmet than to the light cap of scarlet velvet, trimmed with fur, which at the present moment lay beside him. The expression of his countenance was that of a bold soldier, confident in himself, and accustomed to high command; and it might easily be seen, from an occasional flash of the eye, and the strongly compressed lines of the mouth, that, were he aroused, mercy would never interfere to prevent his execution of a purpose once determined on. (Williams Morgan 1845, 1–7).

Sadly, of course, the picture of the sharp-featured, martial hero of Williams Morgan’s imagination is something less than adjacent to the truth. Nevertheless, a more recent scholar characterized the Catalan Company, which De Flor led with such dash, as “perhaps the most fantastic military adventure of the later Middle Ages” (Burns 1954, 751). In 1302, the Peace of Caltabellotta had brought to a close an ongoing feud between the houses of Anjou and Barcelona. As a by-product, hundreds, if not thousands, of heavily-armed soldiers were left out of a job. Just as Hawkwood had employed troops left over from fighting the French, so de Flor found a rich source of recruits amongst demobbed Catalans; just as Hawkwood made effective use of English longbowmen, so De Flor employed almogavars, lightlyarmored, fast-moving, spear-armed troops typical of Christian, Spanish armies. De Flor was likely encouraged in his adventuring by his awkward past: after Acre, the last crusader stronghold in the Holy Land, had fallen to the Mamluks in 1291, De Flor seems to have made a living as a pirate in the Mediterranean, which had earned him a good number of prominent enemies, not least the Pope himself. Following some years in the service of Frederick II (III) of Sicily (1295– 1337), in 1302 or 1303, De Flor and his Catalans were pressed into service by the Byzantine Emperor Andronicus II Palaeologus (1282–1328). The Byzantine Empire was hardly worthy of the name by the beginning of the fourteenth century: having been heavily defeated by the Turks at the Battle of Bapheus in 1302, the Byzantines were in a desperate situation. De Flor offered a dim hope of salvation. The Catalans’ employment did not get off to an auspicious start: a brawl in Constantinople led, according to some (probably exaggerated) sources, to the deaths of as many as 3,000 of the city’s Genoese community. Nevertheless, the Catalans’ predisposition toward random violence was, for a time, channelled successfully against the Empire’s enemies. They inflicted a telling defeat upon the Turks at Tira and went on to raise the siege of Philadelphia (now Alaşehir), one of the few remaining Byzantine strongholds in Asia Minor. So impressed was the

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Emperor with De Flor, that he offered him his own niece in marriage and bestowed upon him a series of grand titles. However, the Catalans soon tired of fighting the Turks, and turned instead on their employers, attacking, looting and laying waste Greek towns in the area of Gallipoli where they were stationed. De Flor himself proved to be a particularly dangerous individual: he certainly maintained relations with Frederick of Sicily, his former employer, and may have been plotting to aid him in an attack against Byzantium. At any rate, De Flor was murdered at the behest of the Byzantine ruling dynasty in 1305 (Stetton 1973, 168–71). This was not the end of the Catalan Company, though. In 1310, they were employed by Walter V of Brienne (1296–1311), the Frankish Duke of Athens, to shore up the ailing duchy against its hostile Greek neighbours. The Catalans were, once again, effective in battle against Walter’s enemies. But their success left Walter with a difficult problem: a sizeable force of well-armed, battle-hardened Catalans on his territory with nothing to do. Walter marched against the Catalans and was killed along with much of his army at the Battle of Halmyros in 1311. The Catalan Company, its ranks now swelled with Turks, secured for itself the Duchy of Athens, which remained in Catalan hands until the end of the century (Stetton 1948). Rather than having to rely on the second-hand accounts of the Catalans’ victims, much of our information about them comes, unusually, from one of their own: Ramon Muntaner (d. 1336). His Chrónica depicts the Catalans as fierce warriors, which they were, but also sees them as honorable, even chivalrous soldiers who were in the service, above all, of God, which they certainly were not. When not in battle, Roger himself is usually portrayed as being lost in his own thoughts, in the midst of some great act of selfless charity, or deep in prayer. The account scarcely scratches the surface of a man who, by all accounts, had an enormous capacity for avarice, treachery and random violence. Nevertheless, for all that it glosses over the Company’s less savory activities (in which Muntaner likely played a full and profitable role), the Chrónica still provides a fascinating, blow-by-blow account of its early history and remains a unique and valuable insight into the lives and careers of men who were as remarkable as they were dangerous (Keightley 1979; Ramon Muntaner 2006).

D Crusades I Beginnings In 1063, Pope Alexander II (1061–1073) issued a bull which proclaimed the retaking of the Moorish-held city of Barbastro in Northern Spain a cause not just

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for the Christians of the Iberian Peninsula, but for all European Christians. Although there is some debate as to the authenticity of the bull, and although there is doubt as to whether Alexander intended participation in the siege to be an act of penitence resulting in absolution, it is reasonably certain that, following a zealous campaign of preaching centred on the house at Cluny, a multi-national army of Normans, Burgundians, Catalans, and Aquitainians laid siege to Barbastro and took the city by storm in 1064 (Tyerman 2006, 660–61; Ferreiro 1983). For some, this has been seen as a proto-crusade. Not only did the preparation and conduct of the siege prefigure the later, better-known campaigns in the Levant, but so did the outcome: Barbastro fell amidst a terrible slaughter of its defenders and citizens; but subsequently, once the victorious Christian army had melted away, the city was retaken with ease by the Moors in 1065 and the Christian gains, won at such cost, were lost. It would be impossible to consider warfare in the Middle Ages without mentioning the Crusades. But, at the same time, they present a subject of such vastness and complexity that Steven Runciman could, by his own admission, scarcely do them justice across three, sizeable volumes (Runciman 1951–1954). A recent encyclopedia of the crusades runs to a thousand entries across four substantial books (Murray, ed., 2006). Indeed, the immense historiography of the Crusades has become a subject worthy of study in its own right (Holt 2010). Part of this complexity stems from a general disagreement about what a “crusade” actually was. There was a time when we understood the crusades as a series of religiously-motivated campaigns launched by the Latin West against the Greek and Muslim East. However, such a view has long since been shown to be inadequate. The first crusade was officially launched by Pope Urban II (1088– 1099) in 1096; eight more “canonical” crusades (for want of a much better phrase) would follow, targeting Constantinople and Alexandria as well as Jerusalem. Each of these campaigns was a massive undertaking, which bankrupted its leaders, took hundreds of thousands of men and women on arduous marches across Europe and the Near East, and usually culminated in some unspeakable act of violence. Yet, these expeditions were just the official tip of an enormous iceberg. Throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the wars launched by the Christian Germans and Scandinavians against the pagan tribes of the eastern Baltic were routinely described as crusades (Christiansen 1997); in the 1440s, almost four centuries after Urban had sent an army against Jerusalem, the Hungarian general John Hunyadi (d. 1456) was able to brand his campaigns against the Turks in the Balkans a crusade; the language of the crusade was used by the Spanish about the Dutch Revolt in the sixteenth century, and it was used during the Wars of Religion in the seventeenth. When the British took Jerusalem from the Ottomans at the end of World War One, David Lloyd George, the British

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Prime Minister, wrote in his memoirs of “the capture by British troops of the most famous city in the world which had for centuries baffled the efforts of Christendom to regain possession of its sacred shrines.” In 1920, Henri Gouraud, the head of the French colonial government in Mandate Syria, following the brutal suppression of a Syrian revolt in Damascus, kicked Saladin’s tomb and, with an air of Gallic triumphalism, informed those present that the arrival of a Christian, “Frankish” army in Saladin’s capital should be seen as the ultimate victory that Pope Urban had sought nearly a millennium before. Even in 2001, the American president George W. Bush could speak, perhaps a little unwisely, of “this crusade … this war on terror.” We may be quite certain, then, that the crusades did not end when Thibaud Gaudin, Grand Master of the Knights Templar, fearing for his life after his knights had massacred a Muslim peace delegation, scuttled away from the besieged citadel at Acre in 1291, rendering its ongoing defense useless and effectively ending the Christian presence in the Holy Land.

II The Crusaders and their Opponents At a time when emperors and popes were often at loggerheads over the extent of their authority, the Crusade offered the opportunity to fuse sacred and secular ambition in a grand show of pageantry and martial prowess. In 1099, somewhat against the odds, the First Crusade succeeded in taking Jerusalem. However, following the city’s loss in 1187, numerous subsequent crusades were brought to grief in the valleys of Anatolia, or amongst the sands of Syria, or in the malarial swamps of the Nile Delta, all convinced that they would be saved by an awesome act of supernatural deliverance which never quite arrived. The armies of the First Crusade had come very close indeed to being variously drowned, starved and comprehensively routed several times and it is remarkable that the campaign culminated in so dramatic a victory for the Christians (France 1994). There were many factors behind its success: the determination and devotion of its leaders, the skill of its soldiers and simple good luck all played their part. Perhaps the key, though, was the disunity of the Muslim states of the Near East. At the beginning of the 1090s, the great Seljuk Empire, which dominated much of the area, had fractured into rival states and dynasties, each competing with the others for influence and territory (Başan 2010). At the same time, the Fatimid Caliphate, which controlled Egypt and Jerusalem itself, was wracked by domestic conflict and dynastic rivalries which weakened it significantly (Sanders 1998). There were also religious tensions between the Sunni Seljuks and the Shia Fatimids themselves. The failure of these disparate Muslim states to unite against the Crusaders (and the willingness of some to welcome a new foreign ally against

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local enemies) gave the Christians a misleadingly easy ride at the end of the 1090s. Such disunity, however, did not last long. By the beginning of the 1130s, a powerful warlord called Zengi (d. 1146) had united the Muslims of Aleppo and Mosul. Zengi was as liable to fight against fellow Muslims as he was against the Crusaders. Nevertheless, he laid siege to Crusader-held Edessa in 1144 and captured it after a short siege. Christendom was at once shocked into action and sent the Second Crusade (most of which either drowned or was massacred by the Turks in Asia Minor) to reinforce the crusader states, which had been established after the First Crusade (Prawer 1972 Riley-Smith 1983; Asbridge 2000; Barber 2009). Over the next century and a half, the same process was repeated over and over again: the Muslims gradually retook more territory (Jerusalem and Tyre in 1187, Antioch in 1268, Krak des Chevaliers, and Tripoli in 1271 and finally Acre in 1291) and, with each Christian loss, a new crusade was worked up in a frenzy of religious zeal and xenophobic uproar, and rapidly dispatched in the direction of the Holy Land. With the possible exception of the Sixth Crusade, which secured the temporary return of Jerusalem to Christian control in 1229 by largely peaceful means (Tyerman 2006, 770–824), these were generally disastrous. Initially, the Crusades fed a lively literary tradition in which the crusaders were presented as saintly, martial heroes. The Estoire de la Guerre Sainte, which was written after the Third Crusade at the end of the twelfth century by a clerk called Ambroise, made a hero not just of Richard ‘the Lionheart’ (1189–1199) but also of several lesser crusaders, creating a pantheon of crusading champions and martyrs. Of James of Avesnes (d. 1191), a relatively minor and somewhat rebellious aristocrat from Flanders, Ambroise wrote: “I think that Alexander, Hector and Achilles were not more worthy than he, nor better knights” (2848–51, 72–73) (Ambroise 2003); following James’s death at the Battle of Arsuf, Ambroise mourned his passing in the highest terms: “And he was worthy of being mourned, for he served God well, without fail. He had already chosen his place in heaven, his place was reserved, at the side of St James the apostle, whom he held as his patron and ours” (6667–74, 122) (Ambroise 2003). However, Western European popular sentiment was certainly not isolated from the unfolding military disasters overseas. In the thirteenth century, there arose a kind of anti-war movement, which did not stop short of criticizing even the papacy. In 1229, a Southern French troubadour, Guilhem Figueira, shocked by the violence and senselessness of the fourth and fifth crusades, and by the Albigensian Crusade which was, even as he wrote, laying waste much of his native Languedoc (Roquebert 1999), composed a famous critique of the hypocrisy he perceived as inherent within the crusading movement, D'un sirventes far. In a particularly well-known passage, he condemned the papacy unequivocally:

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“Rome, you do little harm to the Saracens, but you massacre Greeks and Latins. In hell fire and ruin you have your seat, Rome” (9–12, 392) (Guilhem Figueira 1938, 392). At about the same time, Guillaume le Clerc, a Norman, expressed similar sentiments in his Le Besant de Dieu (Guillaume le Clerc de Normandie 1973). Writers and poets had long since condemned war, especially when they perceived it has having been conducted for the wrong reasons. This, though, was the first time that the papacy had been so explicitly identified with the waging of an unjust war in such a sustained way. It seems reasonable to presume that, by the beginning of the thirteenth century, the vanity of the exercise was becoming clear to the European intelligentsia, who were not afraid to voice their concerns (Siberry 1985, 198–201).

E Peace I Popular Peace It is very striking that in both the academic and popular imaginations, “war and violence have attracted much more attention than peace and cooperation” (Wolfthal, ed., 2000, xii). In a medieval context, Peace Studies is a discipline which is, relatively speaking, still in its infancy (Holdsworth 1998; Van Eickels 2002). For all that it might appear to have been so, war was not inexorable in the Middle Ages. On the contrary: no ruler or state could sustain a full-scale war for more than a few years at most, and even the longest wars were frequently interrupted by regular truces and ceasefires. Periods of peace were far more prolonged, often lasting decades and even centuries. For instance, in the century and a half between 1047, when the revolt of Leo Tornikios was successfully repulsed, and 1203, when the Fourth Crusade arrived, Constantinople was not seriously threatened by any foreign power. Paris, in contrast, has been occupied by a foreign power three times since 1815. Perhaps it was these protracted absences of warfare that led to the growth of several pacifist movements in the Middle Ages. Perhaps the best-known and most popular of these was the “Peace of God” movement, by which the Catholic Church sought to limit violence and private warfare (Connell 2011). At the same time as mainstream Christianity was working hard to accommodate the necessity of warfare within its theology, several fringe sects enshrined pacifism as fundamental tents of belief (Haines 1982). For both Southern French Cathars and English Lollards, warfare was strictly condemned (Contamine 1987, 193–94) and while a cynic might wonder if this inherent pacifism might not have been a pivotal factor in the more or less successful persecution of these groups, it is striking never-

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theless that institutional non-violence could attract a significant spiritual following in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. However, pacifism was by no means a niche interest limited to only the highminded and the spiritually-touched. In general, the more protracted and brutal a war became, the more opposition it provoked. This was the case with the Crusades (see above), and it was also the case with the Hundred Years’ War. Over the course of the fourteenth century, there emerged a steady stream of criticism not just of the belligerent states and their leaders, but of war itself, which some have seen as indicative of a much broader, popular pacifism (Allmand 2001, 151–64). On the French side, Jean de Venette’s fourteenth-century chronicle and satirical poem, Les Voeux du Héron, both made a studied criticism of the military leadership of the French élite and of warfare more generally. Perhaps better known is the work of Philippe de Mézières. Writing at the end of the fourteenth century, de Mézières was a strong critic of the French and made an impassioned plea for an end to hostilities. To call him a pacifist might be going too far, though: his desire for peace was, ultimately, motivated by a strong belief that England and France should unite in a new crusade against the Ottoman Turks (Lowe 1997, 73–76). At the same time, criticism of the war was no less vocal on the other side of the English Channel. Richard Aungerville’s Philobiblon criticized war from an unusual perspective, lamenting the damage it was liable to cause to books and libraries. More substantial criticisms of the justification of the war were constructed by John Gower. War, he claimed in his Vox clamantis, was an act of avarice prosecuted at the expense of the public good (Barnie 1974, 120–23). The impact of the war on the home front, along with a strong restatement of the necessity that war be waged justly, was expressed in powerful terms (significantly, in the vernacular) by William Langland in Piers Plowman. Geoffrey Chaucer, too, makes several meaningful references to the irrelevance of war and to the scale of public suffering it caused in his Tale of Melibeus. This was not a coherent, anti-war movement and we must beware of reading too much in to statements and allusions which are often less than explicit (Porter 1983). Nevertheless, to state that there was, in both England and France, a widelyheld awareness of the futility and purposelessness of the Hundred Years. War does not seem unreasonable (Lowe 1997, 101–02).

II Royal Peace The maintenance of peace at home was also integral to the success of any medieval ruler. While some have thought that the development of a chivalric code and the propagation of courtly manners that went with it might have had an

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important role in containing military activity in Europe (Hasty 2002), there is, in fact, strong evidence from a very early date in royal decrees, charters and laws issued all over Europe, to suggest that the maintenance of peace at every level of society had always been a primary objective of medieval leaders (Renna 1980; Callender Murray 2006; Kershaw 2011, 8; Kumhera 2011). A good way of creating new peace and of guaranteeing it for the future was a foreign alliance. Literary descriptions of early, Germanic attempts at alliancebuilding place significant emphasis on the role of women as “peaceweavers.” As brides or hostages, a woman with familial ties on both sides of a feud could be effective in soothing the aggressive tendencies of her husband, sons, brothers or father (Eshleman 2000; Klein 2006). However, as the pathos-laden account of Hildeburh in Beowulf demonstrates (see below), such arrangements were not immune from failure with tragic consequences. Later-medieval alliance-building was more often based on the personal relationships between kings and their barons than on political ties between states (Holdsworth 1998; Benham 2011). The manner in which such alliances were made was usually tied up with a good deal of ritualistic, religious and legal process; often, a carefully choreographed performance of kneeling, kissing, embracing and mutual prayer was required, the particulars of which varied with time and geography (Petkov 2003, 2011). The construction of alliances often gave rise to a fantastically complex series of relationships between neighboring interests, which could nevertheless be effective in constructing power blocs, in isolating shared rivals, or in creating new borders. In twelfth-century France, rival dynasties from Barcelona and Toulouse vied for influence north of the Pyrenees, each binding to itself numerous smaller family groups and local magnates in order to create an interwoven patchwork of alliances (Pascua 2008, 198–207). In order to ensure that the peace was observed, hostages were often exchanged and marriages arranged; in the event of the alliance breaking down, these unfortunate individuals rarely came out of it well (Kosto 2002; Lavelle 2006). Hostage-taking was more popular in some cultures than others: the pseudo-historical Irish king Niall became known as Noígíallach (“of the nine hostages”) because of his penchant for hostage-taking (Ó Cróinín 1995; Ó Cróinín, ed., 2005). Whether or not Niall’s activities had any basis in historical fact, other evidence suggests that the use of both male and female hostages in medieval Irish diplomacy was by no means uncommon (Preston-Matto 2010). A useful corollary of hostage-exchange was the broadening of cultural contacts between nations and peoples (which, in turn, helped ensure future peace). In the second quarter of the tenth century, Hakon, the son of the Norwegian king, Harald Finehair (d. ca. 933), was brought up at the court of the great English king Æthelstan (924/5–939), where he was raised as a Christian and whence he

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acquired the nickname Adalsteinfostre on his return to Scandinavia. Indeed, Æthelstan’s court, where Norwegian princes rubbed shoulders with Breton scholars and Welsh warlords, became so cosmopolitan as to resemble, at times, the departure lounge of an international airport (Foot 2010).

E Conclusions Warfare was everywhere in the Middle Ages. But, wherever there was a war, there was also usually someone who was willing to satirize it. As always, the élite did quite well out of many medieval conflicts: they acquired land, plundered riches, and won new titles; and, if the worst came to the worst, there was every chance that a willing poet would knock up a suitably heroic ode to celebrate the glorious, sacred and selfless nature of their death. Most of the suffering was done by the poor; they were the ones who did the fighting, who were run through with lances, decapitated by axes, trampled by cavalry, or immolated by Greek Fire. It is no surprise, then, that it was from popular literature that the most stringent voices of opposition toward warfare emerged. The anti-war movement, pacifism, and war poetry are so often thought of as modern reactions to warfare. Of course, they are not. Even today, a poem from more than a millennium ago can still appear as powerful a comment on the short-sighted, purposeless and self-serving idiocy of war as anything produced in the mud of the Somme, the jungles of Vietnam, or the deserts or Iraq: Then Hildeburh commanded her own sons to be committed to the flames, their bodies to be burnt and consigned to cremation at their uncle’s side. The woman grieved and keened her lamentations. The warrior was raised up on to the pyre. That most enormous fire made of human carrion went whirling up to the clouds and roared in front of the burial mound. Heads melted, deep wounds, malignant sword-bites in the corpse, burst open when the blood spurted out. Fire, greediest of spirits, swallowed up all those of both nations whom the fighting there had carried off: their glory had slipped away. (Beowulf 2000, ll. 1114–25)

Select Bibliography Bradbury, Jim, The Routledge Companion to Medieval Warfare (London 2004). Classen, Albrecht and Nadia Margolis, ed., War and Peace: Critical Issues in European Societies and Literature 800–1800 (Berlin and Boston, MA, 2011). Contamine, Phillipe, War in the Middle Ages (Oxford 1987). DeVries, Kelly, Medieval Military Technology (Peterborough 1992). Keen, Maurice, ed., Medieval Warfare: A History (Oxford 1999).

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Lowe, Benno, Imagining Peace: A History of Early English Pacifist Ideas (University Park, PA, 1997). Rogers, Clifford J., “The Practice of War,” A Companion to the Medieval World, ed. Carol Lansing and Edward D. English (Oxford 2009), 435–54. Runciman, Steven, A History of the Crusades (1951–54; Cambridge 1987), 3 vols. Verbruggen, Jan F., The Art of Warfare in Western Europe During the Middle Ages, trans. Sumner Willard and S. C. M. Southern, 2nd, rev. ed. (1977; Woodbridge 1997). Verbruggen, Jan F., Die Krijgskunst in West-Europa in de Middeleeuwen IXe tot begin XIVe eeuw (Brussels 1954).

Ken Mondschein

Weapons, Warfare, Siege Machinery, and Training in Arms A Overview Feudal economy and society in the Middle Ages were for a large part organized around mobilizing for, and participating in, warfare. Accordingly, the development and procurement of weapons and armor, the construction and besieging of fortifications, and the realities in training for what was called the “profession of arms” both reflected and affected medieval culture. Weapons, armor, and fortifications were likewise imbued with social, political, and religious significance. In short, to bear arms was to make a statement about one’s place in the world. This reality affected all levels of the social pyramid. Moreover, how historians have evaluated these realities has been greatly revised in recent years. The military preeminence of the elite armored knight has been questioned, and the role of the common soldier, armed with pole weapons, or, especially, the English longbow, has come to the fore (Bachrach 2006; Rogers, ed., 1995). Rather than pitched battles, it is now obvious that the control of fortified places was key to medieval strategies (Morillo 2003; Gillingham 2004). The stark technological determinism favored by Cold War-era historiography, where military superiority arose from paradigm shifts in weapons technology, has likewise been revised in favor of a nuanced interpretation of gradual evolution of weapons and tactics in conjunction with social factors (Rogers, ed., 1995). Finally, the opinion of fighting techniques of the Middle Ages has been greatly revised, from Egerton Castle’s nineteenth-century opinion that “the rough untutored fighting of the Middle Ages represented faithfully the reign of brute force in social life as well as in politics” (Castle 1885, 6) to acknowledgement of sophisticated military discipline and training in arms. The cultural and sociological implications of these aspects of warfare are significant for our understanding not only of the medieval world, but also of the emergence of modern states and parliamentary democracies. Furthermore, in the past several decades, the historiography of arms, armor, and their use have come from being mainly an antiquarian interest to a fully invested part of academic discourse. The social-historical turn of the 1960s made clear the importance not just of generalship to the medieval war effort, but also of fundraising, organization, and procurement. Such studies have also made clear the true expense of campaigns. Likewise, scholars of medieval warfare have become increasingly interested in the mentality and culture of the medieval fight-

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ing-man. No study of weapons and their use can therefore be undertaken without an understanding of the economics and sociocultural context of war. We will first address three of the larger historiographical debates—battleseeking, technological determinism, and the role of infantry—before examining the material aspects of medieval warfare. First amongst these is the feature that defines the landscape, the castle, as well as the weapons designed to counter it, beginning with mechanical devices such as trebuchets and ending with gunpowder. We will then discuss the development of medieval iron smelting and manufacturing technology, and how these technological innovations affected weapons and armor. Finally, we will discuss the culture of training in arms and the cultural context and meaning of bearing weapons in both military and civilian contexts.

I Battle-Seeking The popular conception of medieval warfare is that of the large, set-piece battle with two opposing armies arrayed on either side of a chosen field—a conception that both reflects our society’s post-Clausewitzian bias and our cinema-influenced imagination. In reality, such occasions were quite rare: Field armies were expensive and difficult to maintain in a world without centralized bureaucratic states, castles and towns were strongpoints and could be defended with relatively few people, or even by women (Eads 2006). This led to one of the essential conundrums of medieval warfare: Sieges were difficult and dangerous, but leaving a manned garrison at one’s rear was strategically unwise (Bradbury 1992). Yet, since the “wager of battle” was even riskier than a siege—both hinging the fate of an entire campaign on a single hard-to-control event and exposing medieval commanders, who led from the front as their rank demanded, to capture or worse—such events were avoided if at all possible. Rather, sieges and armed raids, or chevauchées as they were termed in the Hundred Years’ War, were far more common. The aim in the latter was twofold: to destroy the economic base and shame the foe. As this mode of warfare closely follows the advice given by the fifth-century Roman writer Publius Flavius Vegetius Renatus in his De Re Militari, scholars have termed it “Vegetian warfare” (Rogers 2002). We can most easily see this, in the language of game theory, as a case of “prisoner’s dilemma”: Each commander has the option of seeking or avoiding battle, with the stakes being life and reputation. Should both foolishly rush to battle, both risk disaster and the likely scorn of their peers. Should one seek battle and the other avoid it, then the advantage lies with the battle-avoider in that he can choose his field. This characterizes much of the Hundred Years’ War, such as the campaign of Edward the Black Prince (1330–1376) that culminated in the

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Battle of Poitiers in 1356. In this case, the English commander’s raid through French territory provoked the French king, John II (1319–1364), to battle; Edward, by dint of being able to choose his ground, emerged with both, while Jean was captured to the detriment of both the French cause and his reputation. If both refrain from battle, both remain fairly safe, even if they do nothing to enhance their standing or reputation. Thus, Vegetian strategy tended to prevail throughout the medieval era, as was recognized by scholars such as R. C. Smail as early as the mid–1950s. As Smail pointed out, the history of the later Crusades was essentially what we would consider “Vegetian,” with control of castles and strongpoints key for the relatively outnumbered Europeans (Smail 1956). This conception has since been expanded to most of Europe (Morillo 2003; Gillingham 2004). Exceptions existed, of course. Civil wars such as the Wars of the Roses tended to seek likewise a definitive end with a minimum of destruction (Morillo 2003). Italian warfare was fully professionalized and likewise tended to limit economic destruction. Also, owing to a relative dearth of fortified strongholds and perhaps cultural factors, set-piece battles were more the norm in Anglo-Saxon England. The fate of England in 1066 was thus settled in two such encounters, Stamford Bridge and Hastings, with William the Conqueror largely completing his conquest within five years. Yet, some of the Normans’ first acts were to establish fortifications in the French style.

II Technological Determinism The Norman adoption of Frankish methodologies highlights an important point: When one speaks of medieval weaponry, what is generally meant is the Frankish way of war—that of the mounted and armored knight. This mode of fighting has lent itself well to various arguments that technological innovation either created this method of fighting (in the Carolingian era) or destroyed it (in the early modern period), with widespread social consequences inevitably ensuing. The most classic and widely cited of these arguments is the idea that the stirrup created feudalism, espoused by Lynn White, Jr. in his Sputnik-era Medieval Technology and Social Change (White 1962). In White’s words, “Few inventions have been so simple as the stirrup, but few have had so catalytic an influence on history. The requirements of the new mode of warfare which it made possible found expression in a new form of western European society dominated by an aristocracy of warriors endowed with land so that they might fight in a new and highly specialized way” (White 1962, 38). In other words, because mounted warriors could now brace themselves for a charge, a new way of life focused around supporting these new warriors.

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This argument was effectively dismantled by Bernard Bachrach, who, in his article “Charles Martel, Mounted Shock Combat, the Stirrup, and Feudalism,” assailed White’s assertions concerning Charles Martel’s organizational changes and seizure of church land in the wake of the supposed adoption of the stirrup (Bachrach 1970). Rather, as Bachrach and others have since argued, the story is not a neat chicken-and-egg situation. Rather, the expense of maintaining armored, mounted soldiers in the absence of a centralized state combined with the legacies of Roman and Germanic culture to give rise to medieval Europe’s unique socioeconomic system (Bachrach 1970; DeVries and Smith 2012). This is not to say that technology had no role in ensuring military supremacy, but technological innovation arises not from a single event, but as part of a network of contingent factors. To return to the stirrup debate, other innovations, such as improved horse breeding, a high-cantled saddle, and horseshoes were also needed to make cavalry more effective. Bachrach thus thoroughly dismissed the most important aspects of White’s thesis. Likewise, as Alan Williams has pointed out, production of armor and weapons is, in turn, based on iron production ability (Williams 2003). This, in turn, is limited by available technology, labor resources, and infrastructure. As medieval smelting and metalworking technology grew more sophisticated, so, too, did weapons grow more effective. However, the same social factors which allowed an improvement in smelting technology—the ability to raise labor and capital—would also have been advantageous in organizing military campaigns. Similarly, in the debate on efficacy of the longbow, more fully discussed below, one can similarly argue that this is beside the point: The longbow is a relatively simple piece of technology; what is expensive is the training to use it effectively. We could say the English advantage was not a simple curved piece of wood, but a free yeomanry who could be effectively mobilized to use it on the fields of France. Where technological determinism did certainly have a far-reaching effect was the innovation of gunpowder weapons (albeit one that, as we shall see, was dependent on, and operated in conjunction with, other factors) and in medieval European wars of expansion. While Muslim forces in Iberia or the Middle East enjoyed parity with, or even an advantage over Europeans, the European ability to construct armor, siege engines, crossbows, and other such weapons was a decisive advantage in other places. Robert Bartlett, citing the chronicle of Henry of Livonia, gives the specific example of the Baltic crusades as one place. Other peoples, either those faced with direct confrontation, such as the Scottish, quickly found it to their advantage to adopt the Frankish way of war. The exception to this were such circumstances as Wales, where the terrain and socioeconomic infrastructure were more advantageous to guerilla-style fighting (Bartlett 1993, 71–84).

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Fig. 1: Equestrian combat from Fiore dei Liberi’s Fior di Battaglia (Getty MS Ludwig XV 13), ca. 1410.

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III The Role of Infantry The question of knightly warfare also calls to the fore another question. Victor Davis Hanson, in his controversial Carnage and Culture: Landmark Battles in the Rise of Western Power (Hanson 2001), argues that the “Western way of war” is characterized by certain persistent characteristics, including civic militarism and superior technology. This book, much criticized for its reductionist cultural determinacy and emphasis on set-piece battle, nonetheless does raise an important point: The use of infantry in warfare, critical to armies in all periods and all times, is, the astute reader will notice, incompatible with the “Frankish way of war.” The question therefore remains: How important was the infantry? It is easy to imagine an “invisible infantry,” ignored due to biases of chroniclers drawn from the upper classes and writing for upper-class patrons save for when something remarkable happens. Historians, such as Charles Oman in his classic History of the Art of War in the Middle Ages (Oman 1924), seem to have absorbed this bias in repeating the supremacy of the cavalry shock charge, and it has been defended by such scholars as Verbruggen (2005). Against this, DeVries (1996) and Bachrach (2006) have pointed out the centrality of infantry to military policy and operations, while Rogers (1995) has posited a transformation in the fourteenth century. According to the new way of thought, leaders from the Carolingian era to the late Middle Ages and from Western Europe to the Levant, were careful to recruit and efficiently deploy infantry forces. This is not necessarily a new position: Smail argued for the defensive importance of infantry in the Crusades, though he saw this as “no evidence of professional expertise” (Smail 1956, 119–20). However, it does give a new centrality to the foot soldier even before the military revolution of the sixteenth century. Cavalry cannot garrison a fortress, and foot soldiers from pikemen to archers could not only effectively counter a cavalry charge, but were necessary for taking and holding ground. Crusade chronicles such as the anonymous Gesta Francorumand that of Fulcher of Chartres (1059–1127) reveal the defensive role of the infantry; even with allied cavalry repelled, a mass of closely arrayed infantry could still hold the field against Turkish light horsemen. Disciplined, defensive formations of infantry likewise held the field and this won the day in such as the Battle of Poitiers (sometimes called the Battle of Tours) in 732 and the march of the Crusaders in 1096–1097. At the Battle of Courtrai in 1302, well-equipped and disciplined Flemish burghers armed with spears and the spiked mace known as a goedendag were able to defeat the flower of French chivalry. Likewise, at Bannockburn in 1314, Scottish troops in disciplined formations were able to repel English cavalry. Crecy, Poitiers, and Agincourt are similarly famous for the English use of archers and dismounted cavalry to defeat French cavalry (DeVries

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1996). These remarkable fourteenth-century victories are the reasons why Clifford Rogers has pointed to an “infantry revolution” of the Hundred Years’ War, which, as we shall see below, had far-reaching effects in the political realm (Rogers, ed., 1995).

B Defensive Fortifications The military significance of castles has already been noted, but in keeping with the interrelation of civil and military power in the medieval milieu, a castle is more than just a fortress: It is also a residence and an assertion of political authority (Bradbury 1992). To place crenellations on a house required royal license in England, and as late as the seventeenth century, part of Richelieu’s plans to centralize monarchical authority in seventeenth-century France included the destruction of the chateaux of the nobility. Thus, a single word encompasses not only both a variety of building styles, but also the intertwined nature of political, legal, and military authority. While defensive fortifications were known in antiquity—indeed, town walls were the chief obstacle the late Roman Empire placed in the way of invading armies, and arguably remained so through the Carolingian era—the castle in the proper sense began in the ninth and tenth centuries, first as a means of defense against Hungarian and Viking raids and then as a means for local potentates to assert power. Though preceded in some ways by rural barbarian fortresses of late antiquity, so remarkable was this increase in fortification building that in the scholarly literature, to refer to the era of encastellation, is synonymous with the erosion of Carolingian authority. Such rulers as Fulk Nerra, count of Anjou (987– 1040) both fortified their own territory and suppressed similar efforts by their rivals (DeVries and Smith 2012, 187–207; Bachrach 1993, 538–60). These early fortifications often took the form of the motte and bailey castle —a wooden palisade surrounded by a ditch enclosed a courtyard (the bailey), with the tailings heaped into a mound on which a defensible wooden structure was built (the motte). Though vulnerable to fire, they were an effective defense against a hit-and-run raid and could be built fairly rapidly. Owing both to rebuilding on the same site and the perishable nature of the materials, none of these constructions remain today, though they are well attested by archaeology. The date when stone castles became widespread is controversial—Fulk Nerra may have been an early innovator in this regard—but there can be no doubt that by the year 1100, such fortifications, both fortress and residence, was established as a part of the physical and social landscape of northwestern Europe (DeVries and Smith 2012).

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While some of the first stone castles were mere rebuildings of the motte and bailey, replacing the wooden motte with a stone counterpart—the so-called “keep and bailey”—tall rectangular tower keeps, such as the White Tower in London, were preferred as more luxurious. Building such thick stone walls required not only the power to purchase or compel labor, but a large degree of architectural know-how. Such buildings were not only defensible, but contained domestic architecture halls, storerooms, kitchens, latrines, bedrooms, and chapels (DeVries and Smith 2012). In this way, the architecture both enclosed and shaped the mechanism of the state apparatus, and domestic terms came to refer to government positions—as can be seen in such terms in the English parliamentary tradition as “privy council” and “cabinet.” Contact with the Muslim world influenced and improved castle design, and the massive circular Muslim tower keeps along the Catalonian frontier may have been one inspiration for early stone castles. Crusader castles in the Holy Land could resemble the European tower keep, but the form that came to characterize fortifications in the Holy Land, and which influenced later European building, was, rather than a central keep, a complex defended primarily by curtain walls studded by towers. Such complexes, difficult to assault, impressive to the onlooker, and easier and more rapid to construct—but requiring more troops to defend —mirrored the fortified cities of the East. Perhaps the preeminent example of this type is the twelfth-century Krak des Chevaliers in modern Syria (DeVries and Smith 2012). In its final form, such constructions were nigh-impenetrable fortresses and served to daunt foreign enemies, potential rebels, and restive inhabitants of conquered territories alike. Charles V’s residence at Vincennes, built in the fourteenth century and completed in the fifteenth, exhibits many of the typical features of the medieval castle and will serve as an example. The curtain wall, surrounded by a moat and studded by nine towers that were originally over 40 meters tall, is more than a kilometer long. It has but two entrances: The one a small gate easily defended by pulling up or destroying a narrow bridge, the other defended by an elaborate barbican. The area inside the latter is a veritable killingground fronted by murder holes and arrow slits. Within the walls was a wide area for assembly, a chapel, and a keep (donjon in French). This donjon, six stories high with towers in each corner, is a fortress in and of itself, with its own defensive wall. Finally, during the age of gunpowder, the lower, larger trace italienne rose in place of the high stone wall. This, with its bastions, ramparts, slopes, ravelins, and overlapping fields of fire, quickly replaced the medieval fortress in the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries and reached a point of geometrical perfection in the seventeenth. This basic model of fortification remained in use well into the

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modern era, when the exploding shell and, finally, air power rendered it altogether obsolete.

C Artillery Artillery was one of the chief means by which a medieval fortress could be reduced. Such standoff weapons were much less risky to the besieger than a direct assault or mining, and swifter than the process of waiting for hunger and disease to take their toll. Early medieval armies inherited a variety of devices from the ancient world. While simple tools such as scaling ladders, siege towers, battering rams (and movable galleries to protect their users from attack from above) probably never fell out of favor, artillery was limited to devices that could mechanically propel missiles. This included forms of catapult such as the mangonel or onagers and the ballista, which worked on torsion principles—of a twisted rope in the case of the mangonel or onager (the latter named for the kick such a torsion system’s release created), and of a composite bowstaff in the case of a ballista. These are attested in Byzantine sources. The counterweight trebuchet—distinguished from the torsion catapult—first appeared in about the thirteenth century and was a great improvement over its predecessor. In this, a weight mounted on the shorter end of a lever arm is released, accelerating the longer end. At the terminus of the arc, the arm is stopped and the payload propelled to the target by its own inertia. Of special note is the incendiary weapon known as “Greek fire.” This was a burning liquid, most likely from natural petroleum, combined with a pressurized siphon to project the substance at the adversary (Haldon 2006). This was first attested in about the seventh century C . E . by Byzantine savants, though combining the siphon with the incendiary was really only an improvement on a weapon known since Hellenistic times. The Byzantines kept the technology a closely guarded secret, but the knowledge was lost by the thirteenth century. Other special ammunition included decapitated heads (as was done by the Crusaders at Nicea) or infected corpses (as was done by the Mongols), which would have an effect on the adversary’s morale and/or health. By far, however, the most effective projectile developed in the Middle Ages was the cannon ball. Gunpowder artillery, introduced in the fifteenth century, could reduce an otherwise invulnerable fortress and quickly rendered most forms of defensive architecture obsolete. With the stalemate of Vegetian warfare ended, leaders turned more to the wager of the battle. The age of the castle was over. In this way, Mehmet II’s use of cannon to batter a breach in the walls of Constantinople in 1453 was the end of an era in more ways than one.

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D The Knight and the Blast Furnace Before discussing personal weaponry, a brief note on the technological limits of medieval arms industry is appropriate. The prerequisite for a large-scale munitions industry producing is a sufficient supply of iron. To refine iron requires the heating of the iron oxides present in raw ore in a chemically reducing environment at about 1200 degrees centigrade. The earliest form of iron production is bloomery smelting, in which a structure of brick or clay is constructed and iron ore and charcoal are heated with a charcoal fire. The structure can then be opened or dismantled to obtain a mass of porous, low-carbon wrought iron with a fairly high slag content, which can be heated and forged to better distribute the slag. Furnaces were small and yields were low: Experimental archaeology has suggested between 3.8 and 6.5 kg of iron per smelt. Williams has concluded from this that while this might be fine for smaller implements such as swords, only relatively small armor plates could possibly be forged. Obtaining material suitable for weapons involved several further steps beyond such smelting. Steel is nothing more than iron with from 1 to 2% carbon inclusion; however, for the iron to melt and absorb carbon in the smelting process would have resulted in a mass of unworkable pig iron. One could break up and pick out the hardest bits of the bloom, as was done by Japanese swordsmiths, but this is inefficient. The European solution, as will be discussed below, was to add carbon in the process of forging the particular implement, be it sword or armor (Williams 2003, 7). The blast furnace came about in the thirteenth century (Jockenhövel et al. 1997). This was a vast improvement on bloomery smelting: By using flux (in the form of limestone) and continually pumping in oxygen (by bellows), superior yields could be produced. The process was likely spread by Cistercian monks, who were known as skilled metallurgist technological innovators and capitalists who, for instance, dominated the iron industry in the Champagne region throughout our period. As Williams points out, weights of excavated European blooms increased between the years of 1000 to 1400, representing gradually improving production (Williams 2003, 87–88). At first, these yields were relatively high in slag content, and thus, while able to produce wrought iron, were not as useful for weapons. As the problem of slag content was solved, this, in turn, allowed weapons and armor to be made of larger, more homogeneous, and higher-quality pieces of iron and steel. Such an industry was vitally dependent on waterpower: Waterwheels could vastly increase production of high-quality iron blooms by powering bellows to improve airflow, and thus yields, for the smelting process, as well as triphammers to hammer out the results. It was thus not until the later fourteenth

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century when waterpower was (arguably) freed from subsistence-agriculture grain milling in the population-depleted post-Plague environment, that the armoring industry really took off and plate armor became commonplace.

E Armor Without a doubt, metal armor represented a minority of that worn in the period in question—though it undoubtedly became more widespread in the late Middle Ages. Fabric and leather, as well as composites of such organic materials and metal, were inexpensive, easier to construct, and thus more common. Fabric armor known as a gambeson was worn underneath mail throughout the period to protect the wearer, absorb impact, form a secondary layer of defense, and provide a foundation garment to which pieces of armor were tied or “pointed.” After the introduction of full plate armor in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, a tightly fitting arming doublet provided the same function. In fact, we can easily see the mutual interdependence of the development of fashion and the development of armor, from the long hems and flowing lines of the thirteenth century that can be seen both in Gothic depictions of kings and saints and the mail hauberk of the knight, to the more tightly fitted silhouette of the fourteenth century with small waist and puffed-out chest, to the athletic profile of fifteenth century plate armor, which was tightly fitted to the wearer’s body. Later, in the sixteenth century, armor could even imitate the folds of civilian clothing or, in the case of the fantastic mannerist creations of the Negroli of Milan, reshape its wearer’s body to emulate that of Hercules or another mythological figure. Other forms of fabric defense included the padded fabric coat called a jupon, which was frequently worn over mail and plate armor as an additional defense in the late fourteenth century. Two long-lived and widely used fabric defenses were the coat of plates or brigandine, which consisted of metal plates riveted to a fabric or leather outer layer, and the jack, or padded coat. Louis XI of France specified in a 1483 ordinance that such a jack ought to have no less than twenty-five layers of linen, and preferably thirty, topped by a stag’s skin. This would have given excellent protection against both hand and missile weapons. Two beautiful examples of jacks, stained with rust from where they were no doubt reinforced with metal plackarts (stomachers), survive in the Holstentor Museum in Lübeck and the Altmärkisches Museum in Stendal (both northern Germany). Organic armors were not, of course, restricted to common soldiers, but could be objects of conspicuous consumption. René of Anjou, for instance, specifies in his Livre des tournois (BnF MS Fr. 2695) from ca. 1460 that tournament armor could be of cuir bouilli, that is, hardened leather, and the accompanying illustra-

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tion shows a fairly complex, shaped, and decorated piece of equipment. Likewise, the British Museum holds an ornately decorated late fourteenth-century rerebrace, or upper-arm defense, of cuir bouilli (MLA 56,7–1,1665). Owing to its general toughness, lightweight, and the large size of a hide, leather was particularly apt for horse armor. (One rare surviving example is in the holdings of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, accession 26.235.1–3). However, owing to their organic construction, such armors have rarely come down to us, and they did not greatly interest the nineteenth-century collectors whose acquisitions form most modern museum collections. Interpreting their presence and construction from artistic sources is fraught with problems, as medieval art was not naturalistic. Furthermore, since they are easily constructed out of what would have been commonplace materials, they do not represent the progression of medieval materials technology as well as metal armor does. We therefore will largely restrict ourselves to metal armor (Zijlstra-Zweens 1988).

I The Age of Mail Mail armor consists of iron drawn or hammered into wire, coiled into rings, hammered flat, and then interlinked into a mesh, with the ends of the rings closed by forge-welding or (more commonly) riveting. This mesh is then tailored into a garment. Such armor was ideally suited to early medieval technology: Not only could it be constructed out of whatever heterogeneous scraps of iron were at hand, but the softness of the iron was an asset, as it would deform, rather than snap, under stress (Williams 2003, 29–33; and passim). Furthermore, such a flexible armor could be worn by men of different sizes, and thus has a working life longer than that of the individual warrior. Thus, while labor-intensive (Williams estimates 750–1000 man-hours), in a milieu where iron production was limited, it was far more practical and economical than plate armor. Mail is of considerable antiquity; the first known examples date from third century B.C.E. Celtic grave finds, and was quickly adapted by the Romans. To save time, it has been hypothesized that the Romans might have made alternate rows of their armor out of solid pieces punched out of a sheet of metal, but Williams points out that no conclusive evidence exists that constructing such a sheet was feasible with contemporary technology, and it certainly was not with early medieval technology (Williams 2003, 31). Scale and lamellar armor were also used by the Romans, and may have been popular through the early Middle Ages. Their manufacture continued in Byzantium, to be sure. Early helms tended to be of the so-called Spangenhelm type, with several triangular plates riveted to the iron strapwork that gives the helmet its

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name. Like mail armor, this could be made from several pieces of heterogeneous iron. Another was the Lamellenhelm, where scale plates, such as those from a lamellar armor, were similarly attached to a framework. Such remained the primary forms of helmet from roughly the third century until the eleventh (Williams 2003, 35). Mail armor remained the primary defense of the early medieval fighting-man so lucky as to be able to afford such protection. While Bachrach theorizes that some Carolingian troops may have been issued some weapons from a central imperial depot, the expense of horse and armor, which could be as much as the cost of twenty cows, as well the need for extensive training that precluded other economic activity, required the cavalryman to be a full-time soldier who derived his income, and paid for his own equipment, from lands held from his overlord (Verbruggen 1997; Bachrach 2001, 63; 92; 100). Thus were laid the seeds of feudalism. Helmets began to assume the familiar “barrel” or “pot” shape in the eleventh century. While providing more complete coverage, these were still assembled from several pieces of rather ductile iron. An episode from the life of William the Marshal finds him after a tournament with his head on a blacksmith’s anvil, the smith laboring to remove the helm which had become so deformed with his opponents’ blows that the Marshal’s head was trapped therein.

II The Age of Plate Mail remained the primary defense well into the fifteenth century (and even later in the New World), though those who could afford to increasingly supplemented it by other sorts of protection. First, in the thirteenth century, this was pieces of iron or cuir bouilli plates riveted to a poncho-like garment and known as a “coat of plates.” During the course of the fourteenth century, as technological ability increased, these plates, such as those forming the coats of plates excavated at Wisby, Gotland, Sweden (which were probably antiquated when they were buried along with their vanquished wearers in 1361) grew larger, eventually becoming a full breastplate and backplate. By the beginning of the fifteenth century, this lost its fabric covering and became known as “white armor,” while the excess mail was discarded in favor of patches sewn to the supporting garment in vulnerable points (Williams 2003, 39–44, 918–19). Similarly, the old-style great helm, riveted together out of several small plates, was replaced by the bascinet raised from a single piece of metal. Even the horses of the elite began to be covered with large, protective plates of metal. However, cloth armored coverings always remained, even if they are rarely represented in museum collections. For instance, tyro

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jousters in fifteenth-century Iberia wore “white armor,” while experienced men wore surcoats over their harness (Fallows 2010, 80), while fabric-covered breastplates are depicted in many examples of fifteenth-century northern European art. Besides its decorative function, this would have kept the wearer cooler in the summer and warmer in the winter, as well as impeded rust. As noted above, the reason for plate armor superseding mail cannot be attributed solely to an arms race: The transition to armor made of large plates only took place in the wake of the post-Plague reorganization of the medieval economy. Hydropower resources, freed from grinding grain for a teeming population, could power the blast furnaces used to produce the steels used for plate armor. Rather than relying on the soft iron used in mail, powered machinery was now available to hammer out iron ingots and roll them into workable plates. Further, the increased wages found in the post-Black Death economy meant that plate became cheaper to make relative to labor-intensive mail (Williams 2003, 43). Lombardy was the preeminent center of European armor production. The reasons for this were several: The Cisalpine region, with its network of canals, had ample waterpower and a well-developed milling industry, and indeed, the first mill-powered blast furnace was found in Trent in 1214 (Munro 2002, 20). After the population decline of the Black Death eased the pressure on the grain mills there would have been ample surplus power, and the location had access to both raw materials and markets via the Alpine trade routes. Finally, armorers likely had access to capital both from well-developed moneylending practices and upperclass investment (the Visconti perhaps helped with the start-up costs of Milan’s iron-mills, as Duke Cosimo di Medici attempted to do in order to build a domestic Tuscan armor industry in the sixteenth century), and armorers such as the Missaglia and Negroli surely had access to family networks of credit. Also, armor is a product that, like English wool, was both in high demand and easily transportable. Francesco Datini, for instance, the famous merchant of Prato, carried on a lively trade in armor between Milan and Avignon in the 1360s. Though various legislation existed commanding freemen to keep arms, the primary consumers of the mill-driven manufacture of high-quality armor was the seigniorial class, who saw their earthly profession as fighting wars, taking part in tournaments, and arming and clothing retainers. While we can perhaps never know how much was spent on armor all over Europe in the period from 1348 on, we can say that the wealth of Europe, extorted through the tax system, was concentrated on buying these goods. In this sense, the growth of industrial mills used for armor production was driven by the seigniorial class—albeit as consumers, not producers. The idea of seigniorial consumption driving the growth of medieval industry, however, is an aspect of the debate that is yet to be amply explored.

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Williams’s survey of the microcrystalline structure of a variety of armors reveals a number of construction methods. Though Augsburg and Innsbruck were important armor-making centers, the pinnacle of the industry was fifteenthcentury Milanese armor, which was constructed almost universally from steel (rather than low-carbon iron). Other cities, such as Nuremberg and Augsburg also had thriving armor industries, but the quality of their metal never matched that of Milan. High-end Milanese armor was also hardened and tempered, usually by heating it and then slack quenching in a liquid medium other than water, such as oil, thus producing (provided the right material was used) a steel that was both hard and tough. Lacking accurate gauges of temperature, this would have been done entirely by the color of the heated metal. The exact process and quenching medium would have been a closely guarded craft secret. This industry enabled the Missaglia family of Milan to rise from the merely fabulously wealthy proprietors of a vertically integrated and franchised armor-making empire to the ranks of the minor nobility. The Italian armor industry only fell into decline in the upheavals of the sixteenth century, ceasing to use steel, placing greater emphasis on display than protection, and instead constructing pieces of greater thickness where protection was needed (Williams 2003). Milan was eclipsed by local armormaking centers, such as those at Greenwich, founded by Henry VIII.

F Personal Weapons I Early Middle Ages By late Merovingian times, the Franks had by and large abandoned their typical ethnic weapons such as the francisca axe and adopted military armaments based on those of the Roman Empire (Bachrach 2001, 84–85). Roman authors distinguished between the spatha, or cavalryman’s long sword, and the gladius, a shorter, thrusting sword for the infantry. Carolingian authors such as Rhabanus Maurus (ca. 780–856), in his paraphrase of Vegetius, likewise used these words for similar post-Roman weapons. Thus, those weapons descended from the widebladed, thrusting sax or scramasax were called gladii in the sources, while longer cutting or slashing swords were spathae (Bachrach 2001, 90). The ideal sword (or for that matter, spearhead or other hand weapon) combines several seemingly contradictory characteristics: It must be hard enough to take a sharp edge and damage its intended target, yet flexible enough to withstand the stresses of combat. Iron by itself is too soft to take an edge and will easily bend; a steel sword that is too hard can be made very sharp, but easily snap. These characteristics are best obtained by using a single homogeneous

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piece of steel that is then treated by some form of quenching to create the form of crystalline structure known as martensite, making it very hard but brittle, and then tempered to soften and toughen it. Folding and forging a heterogeneous piece steel into a blade is a second-best method, followed by forge-welding two pieces; creating an iron core with steel edges forge-welded on; and creating an iron weapon with edges hardened. Case hardening, in which the outer layers of an iron artifact are heated in the presence of carbon to produce a thin layer of steel, was mentioned by Theophilus around 1100 as an appropriate technique for small tools such as files, but was probably known much earlier (Williams 2003, 2012). Whereas Roman swords were frequently made of iron with edges hardened by tempering, early medieval swords were made from the second and third methods, that is, pattern welding. Sometimes called “false Damascus,” pattern welding was not unlike the process used by Japanese swordsmiths. To construct a sword with this process was a laborious process. First, the bloom would have to be broken up and picked through for pieces of superior-quality metal. Heterogeneous pieces of metal could be combined into one weapon, or a steel edge would be forge-welded onto a softer core. Though the literature predominantly treats sword blades, these techniques were also used for tools and weapons such as axes and lances (Williams 2003, 2012). “True” Damascus—wootz, or crucible steel—was made from iron ingots heated with charcoal and allowed to cool slowly, producing a relatively highcarbon steel. This was then forged into sword blades. The forging process both broke up the carbon structure that would have otherwise caused brittleness, and gave the characteristic “watered silk” pattern. Such blades were of superior quality, both strong and capable of taking a keen edge. As their name implies, the technique was predominantly practiced in the Muslim world, though crucible steel was an item of Baltic trade in the Viking era, and Scandinavian swords were made with a variety of methods (Williams 2003, 2012). The early medieval swordsmith would have been a treasured resource, and such craft knowledge as how to select materials, forge-weld them together, and temper and harden them (done entirely by the color of the metal) would have been closely guarded secrets. In the early ninth-century Carolingian Capitulare de villis, for instance, swordsmiths were one of the types of workers stewards were required to make an accounting of. We can easily see such men as providing an archetype for such characters as Wieland the Smith of Anglo-Saxon, Germanic, and Norse legend. Some weapons were even inscribed with makers’ names, such as Ulfbert and Ingelri, as marks of quality. These were, in turn, sometimes counterfeited, much as was done for sixteenth- and seventeenth-centuries swordsmiths such as Andrea Ferrara and Tomás de Ayala.

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II High Middle Ages By the eleventh century iron blooms had reached a size where pattern welding fell out of favor and swords began to be made of more homogeneous pieces of steel (Williams, 2003, 2012). One way in which the typical knightly sword of the high Middle Ages did not differ greatly from its earlier antecedents was its blade geometry, indicating roughly similar methods of use. What did change, however, were the furnishings. While the pommel adapted a “brazil nut” configuration, the quillons became more elongated, giving the weapon a cruciform shape. This latter change in form, more than anything else, bespeaks the place of the sword in medieval culture: The sword is synonymous with lawful authority and maintaining the order of the world. Roland’s sword in the eponymous Chanson de Roland (ca. 1160) is given him by Charlemagne; before dying the paladin remarks that “he who inherits it will say, ‘It was the sword of a noble vassal’”—that is, one who bears authority in the name of the king. This symbolism could be deployed for a variety of purposes: Quite counter to church fathers such as Augustine, who used weapons as relatively negative and pessimistic metaphors, Boniface VIII, in his 1302 bull Unam Sanctum, conceived of the authority of the Church as two swords, the spiritual and the temporal. This assertion of papal supremacy was a renovation of statements on the nature of secular and sacred authority by Eugenius III and St. Bernard (in his letter to the former), who were in turn perhaps indebted to Henry IV’s 1076 letter to the Bishops of Germany, and ultimately Christ’s ambiguous statement in Luke 22:38. This spiritual sense of the sword clearly affected, and might have in face proceeded from, the milites themselves. Religious inscriptions are common on such weapons, and the ceremony of knighthood took on many of the aspects of clerical ordination (Kaeuper 2009). Even if the other items in a knight’s panoply did not have the strong symbolism of the sword, they likewise had a powerful place in medieval mentalities and in the shaping of medieval society. A stunning mid-thirteenth century illustration in British Library Harley 3244, inserted as a frontispiece to William Peraldus’ encyclopedia of virtues and vices and explored by Richard Kaeuper in his Holy Warriors (2009), gives religious significance to every part of the knight and his equipment: The horse’s loins, which drive him forward on the charge, are “good will”; the saddle is “the Christian religion,” the sword is, as Paul had it, “the word of God”; his spear is “perseverance”; his shield bears the Holy Trinity. The metaphorical meanings of weapons are also deployed by other writers. For instance, a few decades after the composition of Harley 3244, Ramon Llull in his Llibre de l'orde de cavalleria, similarly interprets the knight’s sword, lance, and other weapons and armor. Perhaps the best-known example of this genre is the anonymous fourteenth-century Ordène

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de Chevalerie, in which the protagonist, Hugh of Tabarie, explains to Saladin the meaning of all the gear given to a man during his elevation to knighthood, such as spurs to run to do good, a white belt for chastity, and a two-edged sword to perform both “right and loyalty” (as William Morris’s 1893 translation puts it). In the thirteenth-century Prose Lancelot, Arthur forgets to perform the sword-girding part of the ceremony and this task unnaturally falls to Guinevere, thus foreshadowing and arguably predestining their illicit love. The sword was not the only knightly weapon to be imbued with symbolism. Other such weapons were also given significance. For instance, the protagonist of Getty Museum’s sumptuous manuscript of Vision of Tondal (created for Margaret of York, Duchess of Burgundy, ca. 1470) carries a poleaxe (a favored foot weapon of the northern European chivalry) everywhere with him as a symbol of his love of worldly glory. Lances also had significance—most notably the Holy Lance found by Peter Bartholomew in Antioch in 1098, with other examples of the relic similarly appearing in France and Germany. Weapons could also meet with opprobrium. Knightly equipment being a chance for conspicuous consumption, also drew censure from moralists. St. Bernard in his De laude novae militae excoriated the worldly knights who sported gilded horse tack, and such were forbidden to the military orders. The 29th canon of the Second Lateran Council in 1139 banned slingers and archers from using their art against fellow Christians under penalty of anathematization (it did not, as is commonly held, ban crossbows). This might be speaking only of “friendly” tournaments and sporting events, or a reference to the use of arrows in warfare. The crossbow itself debuted by the time of the First Crusade; Anna Comnena (1083–1153) describes it as a western invention unknown to the Greeks. It was improved by making the prod of a composite of wood, sinew, and horn, and then in the fifteenth century by tempered steel prods. With increased power came the need for mechanical means of drawing it. Thus, it could be a devastating weapon, but was slow, expensive, and heavy. The import attached to the English longbow is interesting from both the point of view both of history and historiography. The longbow, maintained uniquely in England while most of the rest of Europe had adopted the crossbow by the twelfth century, has become part of national myth, credited for the victories at Poitiers, at Crecy, and at Agincourt. Yet, the archers at these battles had the advantage of a strong defensive position: At the lesser-known but also significant battles of Verneuil and Patay, the French cavalry inflicted losses before the English could set up their palisade—devastating losses in the latter case. There is something of a controversy concerning the efficacy of the longbow. Kelly DeVries has taken a revisionist tack, stating that longbowmen “could not

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have caused the losses of life attributed to them by historians” and instead holds that harassing fire could force a charge into a fortified defensive infantry formation (DeVries and Smith 2012, 39). Against this, Clifford Rogers has maintained the effectiveness of the longbow as a weapon that could and did seriously wound or kill horses and men (Rogers 1998). Key to this discussion is draw weight, and thus penetration power, of the English longbow. Wooden artifacts, particularly those in constant use, do not survive their working lives, and so, until fairly recently, the penetration power of the longbow has been reckoned primarily from chronicle sources, such as Gerald of Wales’ account of a shaft penetrating a knight’s armor, thigh, saddle, and horse. The underwater archaeology of the longbows that sank with the Mary Rose, the pride of Henry VIII’s fleet, in 1545 provide us with more definite data. The bows so excavated have a variety of estimated draw weights, from 110 lb (45 kg) to about 180 lb (81.5 kg), with most between 150 and 160 lbs (68–72.5 kg)—very heavy for modern archers, but in keeping with what a man who had trained in archery since youth, and who was trained to “lay his body in his bow” (as Hugh Latimer put it), might be able to shoot accurately (Strickland and Hardy 2011, 13– 19). This would, at the median range, give a penetration power of 146 joules. According to Alan Williams, this is more than enough energy to penetrate 1.5 mm of mild steel. Actual ability to penetrate medieval armor and reach flesh would, of course, depend on many factors, including the metallurgy of the armor, the angle at which the missile struck a glancing surface, and the presence of a covering layer of fabric armor that could provide additional protection. Williams, taking into account every conceivable factor, concludes that most higher-end armor plate of the early fifteenth century would have been proof against arrows (Williams 2003, 927–49). This, of course does not account for less-protected parts of the body, or the all-important horse, remaining vulnerable.

III Late Middle Ages The greatest change in the hand weapons of the late Middle Ages was geometrical: The need to defeat plate armor led fighters of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries to prefer more acute angles in the form of pointed sword blades and penetrating spikes. Sword tempering was further developed, allowing long, thin estocs and acutely pointed longswords designed to penetrate the gaps in plate armor—and, eventually, in the latter half of the sixteenth century, the civilian rapier (Williams 2003, 12). The spike-like rondel dagger likewise was designed to punch through the weak points at the neck, shoulder, armpit, and groin where a man-at-arms was protected only by mail.

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Fig. 2: Fighting with swords in armor from Fiore dei Liberi’s Fior di Battaglia (Getty MS Ludwig XV 13), ca. 1410.

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However, as noted above, by far the greatest single innovation in late medieval warfare was gunpowder. In a very real way, the expense of large standing armies and gunpowder weapons that gave rise to nation-states by necessitating centralized bureaucracy. Williams notes that early handguns could penetrate lower-end contemporary armor (Williams 2003, 927–49). Armorers nonetheless kept pace with these innovations, and were able to offer armor “of proof” (that is, impenetrable to most bullets) into the seventeenth century—though such items could be very heavy, and were reduced in most circumstances to a breastplate and openfaced helmet. Of course, the real way in which gunpowder weaponry made itself felt was in the ability of swiftly reducing a fortress, thus ending medieval “Vegetian warfare” and placing power in the hands of those who could afford a standing army and the bureaucratic apparatus to keep it supplied. This, in turn, led to the consolidation of modern states.

G Personal Weapons and Training in their Use I Weapons Ownership Before examining training in arms of weapons, it is appropriate to discuss first the ownership of weapons in medieval society. In the Middle Ages, as now, the ownership of weapons was the subject of legal regulation—with the caveat that we have more documents commanding the ownership of weapons by men of a certain social level than we have restricting weapons ownership entirely. Men of sufficient property from Carolingian times until the end of our period had to own weapons or pay a fine. Weapons are frequently found in middle-class wills and inquistiones post mortem throughout Europe. English peasants were not forbidden bows, but rather commanded to practice assiduously their archery; prohibitions were only laid upon carrying the weapons into the woods. There can be no doubt that the bearing of weapons—and, we can assume, their use—was ubiquitous for all classes of free men. Moreover, in a world where bearing arms was synonymous with enfranchisement, weapons were also a fashionable statement of masculinity—a visible sign of readiness and ability to avenge impingement of honor or other insult. Daggers were an everyday dress accessory, while swords would only be worn if traveling or on campaign. “There is no man worth a leke, Be he sturdy, be he meke, but he bear a basilard [type of dagger or short sword],” as one fifteenth-century English rhyme found in Sloane MS 2593 fatuously put it. Chaucer’s miller carries a sword and buckler (the countryman’s weapon up until the late sixteenth century, as Shakespeare and George Silver make clear), and the audience of the fifteenth-

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century Robin Hood ballads would have been familiar with the quarterstaves and two-handed swords which the protagonist wielded. Not only do armed assaults and other crimes that make it apparent that weapons were near at hand frequently appear in legal records, but feuds between families and factions were not uncommon (Smail 1996); fencing masters such as Fiore dei Liberi give many techniques for dealing with a sudden attack by a dagger-wielding opponent. The town of London in the fourteenth century did not forbid the carrying of knives, but only that a knight’s sword be carried before him by a page who himself would carry no dagger, but only a basilard. The judicial duel was the ultimate legal sanctioning of violence—a way, in the absence of a strong state, court system, or police force, to confine conflict between factions or parties. Thus, as the judicial duel tended to exist more in situations where the legal system was weak; a late example was the de Carrouges/Le Gris affair in 1386, which was the last criminal duel to be ordered by the Parlement of Paris. However, an entire jurisprudence allowing for such proceedings in civil cases developed late in our period, beginning with Giovanni da Legnano in the late fourteenth century. The last officially sanctioned duel of this sort to occur in France was the Chataigneraie-Jarnac duel in 1547; the twentyfourth session of the Council of Trent forbade them in 1563, and so the duel remained an extralegal occurrence for settling private conflicts until its final extinction in the mid-twentieth century. The clergy were not immune to this societal bellicosity. Not only could monks and monasteries also be parties in judicial duels, but Joinville, in his Life of St. Louis (ca. 1309), gives the example of a clerk who hunts down and kills three soldiers-turned-robbers, and in turn is drafted by the king into the crusading army. Joinville also boasts that his own priest routed eight Saracens. University students in Oxford and Paris were addicted to sword and buckler fencing, to such a point that the universities had to compose regulations against it, and armed brawls of students against townsmen were not uncommon. (One resulted in the University of Paris strike in 1229 and Gregory IX’s issuing of the bull parens scientiarum in 1231.) Likewise, the earliest known work of European martial arts literature, the Walpurgis Fechtbuch (Cotton MS I.33, composed in a cathedral school in southern Germany ca. 1320) shows a priest, student, and woman named Walpurgis fencing with sword and buckler. The sword, as stated previously, was not worn in everyday civilian contexts. This changed in fifteenth-century Spain with the development of the espada ropera, or “dress sword.” This fashion quickly spread to the rest of Europe. For instance, in accounts of the Pazzi conspiracy, the fact that the Medici are wearing swords to church is not considered unusual. This would, in turn, influence the development of the rapier, the specifically civilian sword of the Renaissance. The

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Fig. 3: Mnemonic diagram of cuts with the attributes of a skilled martial artist from Fiore dei Liberi’s Fior di Battaglia (Getty MS Ludwig XV 13), ca. 1410.

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custom of wearing a sword as the visual sign of the gentle class continued until the French Revolution.

II Training in Arms There can be no doubt that, from wrestling as a country entertainment as depicted in the Robin Hood ballads to the elaborate tournaments of René of Anjou, the practice of martial arts was widespread in the medieval era. However, specifics are hard to come by. The profession of fencing master is documented as early as the thirteenth century, with those appearing in documents such as the tax rolls of Philip Augustus and the Florentine catasto of the fifteenth century. The profession might have originated from, or have been conflated with, that of the professional judicial-duel champion, and evidently had somewhat of a disreputable profession. Not only are there edicts banning fencing schools from municipalities such as London, but it was a profession a Jew could practice, with such documented in medieval Norwich and a wrestling master named Ott serving the princes of Austria in the fifteenth century. Urban guilds of archers and crossbowmen, first documented in Flanders in the early fourteenth century, had long existed in the Low Countries. These served training, club, trade, confraternal, competitive, urban-defensive, police, and political functions, besides being a tacit statement of the townsmen’s autonomy and enfranchisement (Crombie 2011). They were joined in the fifteenth century by the shooters’ and fencers’ guilds. Part of the function of these organizations was to restrict who could teach the use of arms. In the Holy Roman Empire, Fredrick III granted the Frankfurt-based Brotherhood of St. Mark, or Marxbruder, a monopoly on teaching fencing in 1478, and similar organizations came to exist in England, Spain, French towns, and the Italian city-states during the course of the sixteenth century. Along with this professionalization came an elevation of the status of the fencing master. Much as with wearing the sword, to learn to fence remained the sign of the gentleman, culminating ultimately with Louis XIV giving royal imprimatur to the Parisian fencing masters’ guild, granting it arms and elevating six of its number to the nobility.

III Women and Weapons If the bearing and use of weapons was a tacit statement of masculine enfranchisement, then the relationship of women and weaponry was particularly fraught with problems. Tellingly, Joan of Arc’s wearing of armor was seen as cross-

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dressing, and therefore prima facie evidence of witchcraft. Lombard law forbade women from carrying weapons or taking part in quarrels. Nonetheless, there exist numerous positive or at least neutral depictions of women using arms in both literary and historical works. These could be allegorical, such as conflicts of virtues and vices in the Psychomachia of Prudentius; historical, such as Amazons; or sometimes cryptic, as the figure of Walpurgis in MS I.33. A truly noteworthy literary example of women engaged in a tournament is the thirteenth-century anonymous German verse narrative “Frauenturnier” (Classen 2008). Valerie Eads has written about several circumstances in which women could legitimately make recourse to arms. The first was in extremis, such as in a besieged fortress or an attacked camp. This especially comes to the fore when Christian forces are outmatched, such as in the Crusades or the Baltic Crusades, and women defended the camp or acted as archers and siege machinery crews. Another circumstance is in personal self-defense. Obviously, the fact of women using weapons to defend self, home, and family in such circumstances is understandable, and was even valorized—but of women taking the offensive? In Icelandic literature, we do find examples of fighting women (Eads and Garber 2014). In the twelfth-century Grágás, the earliest Icelandic law code, it is theoretically possible for an unmarried daughter with no male relatives to prosecute a feud. Similarly, in Germanic law codes, women had recourse to the judicial duel in certain cases, particularly in unwitnessed cases of rape. The possibility that such combats actually did take place is indicated by at least two mentions in chronicles (Eads and Garber 2014). The fifteenth-century fencing master Hans Talhoffer shows techniques for such a combat, with the man armed with a club and forced to stand in a pit, while the woman assaults him with a rock wrapped in her veil. A later master in the same tradition, Paulus Kal, restores gender norms by having the man win. Amazons are more prominent in manuscripts produced under the patronage of women from prominent Crusading families (Derbes and Sandona 2004). Eads also cites the cases of those “Italian Amazons” of the late eleventh century (Adelheid of Turin, Beatrice of Lorraine, Matilda of Tuscany, and Sichelgaita of Salerno) who led armies through their family position and long habit of command. However, in these cases, it is not clear if they themselves wore armor or took part in the fighting (Eads 2006). For women to wield weapons was clearly unusual. Occasionally, and especially in extreme circumstances, it did happen. Yet, in this complicated relationship, we see much of the meaning imbued to weapons in the medieval world.

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IV The Social Meaning of Weapons and Armor As noted above, to perform the part of a gen d’armes was to claim enfranchisement. The Paston letters, for instance, are filled with references to arms, armor, and fighting; the family may have descended from Norfolk peasantry and lawyers, but as soon as they rose to landed estate, battle was part of the family business. In the same vein, Steven Muhlberger cites a 1382 incident when the burghers of Paris sought to pressure the young Charles VI (1368–1422) by appearing at the king’s entry to the city armed from head to toe like professional soldiers. “The king overawed the Parisians and the other burghers of northern France, brutally punishing various leaders and demonstrating forcefully that the burghers would not be able to assume the position accorded to ‘true men at arms,’ even if they had, for a moment, been able to dress the part…. The dissatisfied of the world, the ambitious, the disillusioned, and the social radicals all pressed their claims to greater wealth, respect, or authority on their successful use of arms” (Muhlberger 2005, 14–15). It was most likely in Germany that the genre of the “fencing” or “fightingbook,” or Fechtbuch (plural: Fechtbücher), originated. The Fechtbücher give us the best documentation of medieval martial practices and the place of teaching of arms, showing us sophisticated martial arts that used Aristotelian physics both to analyze and describe action that took place in space and time. They could take the form of elaborately planned illustrated manuscripts, such as the aforesaid Walpurgis Fechtbuch or the several contemporary and posthumous manuscripts of the Flower of Battle of Fiore dei Liberi (fl. 1380s–ca. 1409), who served the Visconti and d’Este families. Fechtbücher could also take the form of commonplace books, such as Nuremberg codex 3227a, which dates from 1389 and is the first record of the master Johannes Liechtenaur whose Aristotelian-tinged teachings formed the basis for a tradition that lasted at least until the seventeenth century, or the anonymous fifteenth-century British Library MS Harley 3542. We can gain an appreciation of the sociopolitical context of training in arms from the manuscript context of early Fechtbücher: Nuremberg codex 3227a, Historisches Archiv der Stadt Köln, W* 150, and MS Harley 3542 all contain alchemical treatises on metallurgy, and Fiore dei Liberi notes that his education included learning the “temper of iron.” (For a study and facsimile of Köln W* 150, see Bauer 2009.) From the jealously guarded smiths of the early Middle Ages to the fifteenth century, metallurgy was a technology of enfranchisement no less than swordsmanship. To be sure, to teach fencing professionally, certain prerequisites must exist: one must have a monetized economy and a clientele willing and able to pay for the services. However, to write down the necessaries requires more: It assumes

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patronage, not just a literate clientele, but also a literate master who has the education to record his pedagogical method in a static, two-dimensional form. Works such as I.33 and Fiore dei Liberi’s Flower of Battle, combining images and text, give us insight into this pedagogy: The master’s actions were copied by the student, just as an apprentice painter copied the master’s drawings. This literature, in short, participated fully in the intellectual paradigms of its day and recorded the knowledge for upward mobility. Such cannot help but call to mind Froissart’s description of Sir Robert Salle, governor of Norwich, who was born the son of a mason but rose to knighthood by his own ability. He was killed by the Peasants’ Rebellion in 1381 when he refused to join the rebels, but before he died, laid about him with his sword using techniques not unlike those described in the Harley MS and so killed a dozen men. Perhaps the ultimate performance of armigerousness was when two social equals confronted one another on a level playing field. This explains the many “deeds of arms” during lulls in the Hundred Years’ War: The realities of medieval Vegetian warfare allowed few opportunities for gens d’armes to distinguish themselves in the manner approved by their society. Indeed, no clear division existed between duel, tournament, and war: Jean II le Maingre and Galeazzo da Mantova (a student of Fiore dei Liberi) fought a 1495 duel over a point of honor that was halted before serious wounds occurred to either and was, in fact, more of a tournament-fight, while the 1351 Combat of the Thirty, an arranged deed of arms between English and French gens d’armes was lethal to at least twelve of the combatants. Of course, most such activities were not very dangerous at all; in the fifteenth and sixteenth century tournaments became pageants-cum-sporting events sponsored by the high nobility both to tie the grandees of emerging states together as well as being a strategy of social differentiation. These sorts of allegorical, political, but very real, tournaments continued through the Elizabethan era, such as the Accession Day tilts. Indeed, the tournament never really went away: Jousting and carousels continued through the eighteenth century, and, as late as 1839, Archibald William Montgomerie’s Eglington tournament reenactment had clear (Tory) political meaning. On the other end of the ideological spectrum, the participation of common people in warfare also had political implications. “That there is a relationship between military power and political power is self-evident; thus, it should come as no surprise that the growing importance of common infantry on the battlefield was reflected in the growing political influence of the commons, especially in those nations such as England and Switzerland, where the Infantry Revolution was the most completely embraced,” as Clifford Rogers has paraphrased Stanislav Andreski (Rogers, ed., 1995, 61). The fact that common people were not only

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subject to tax assizes to fund the new, larger armies, but also kept and bore arms in the service of their nascent countries, may have led ultimately not only to a feeling of enfranchisement on the part of the yeoman, but enfranchisement in fact—and, ultimately, modern parliamentary democracy.

H Conclusion The study of weapons, armor, and warfare in the Middle Ages, far from an antiquarian or peripheral pursuit, can help illuminate many aspects of medieval society. Technological progress, developing ideas of government, gender norms, and other fields all affected, and were affected by, the realities of warfare. Medieval society was one in which the use of weapons was a central concern. Likewise, we can say that the study of weapons and warfare, and attitudes pertaining thereto, should be a central question to modern students of the medieval era.

Select Bibliography Bachrach, Bernard S., Early Carolingian Warfare: Prelude to Empire (Philadelphia, PA, 2001). DeVries, Kelly and Robert Douglas Smith, Medieval Military Technology, 2nd ed. (1994; Toronto 2012). Eads, Valerie, “Means, Motive, Opportunity: Medieval Women and the Recourse to Arms,” Paper presented at the twentieth Barnard Medieval & Renaissance conference, War and Peace in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, 2006. http://deremilitari.org/wp-content/uploads/ 2012/09/Eads-MeansMotivesOpp.pdf [last accessed on April 4, 2014]. Mondschein, Ken, The Knightly Art of Battle (Los Angeles, CA, 2011). Muhlberger, Steven, Deeds of Arms (Highland Park, TX, 2005). Rogers, Clifford J.,“The Vegetian ‘Science of Warfare in the Middle Ages’,” The Journal of Medieval Military History, ed. Clifford J. Rogers, Kelly DeVries and John France (Woodbridge 2002), vol. II, 1–19. Rogers, Clifford J., “The Efficacy of the English Longbow: A Reply to Kelly De Vries,” War in History 5 (1998): 233–42. Rogers, Clifford J., ed., The Military Revolution Debate: Readings on the Military Transformation of Early Modern Europe (Boulder, CO, 1995).

Christa Agnes Tuczay

Witchcraft and Superstition A Introduction Generally the cross-cultural terms “witch” and “witchcraft” refer to a concept of malevolent sorcery. The often liberal use of labels such as “witch” and “sorceress” and the lack of contextual differentiation between those terms run the risk of arbitrariness. Implying a homogenous medieval discourse concerning the use of those terms ignores the fact that the concept evolved during the medieval and early modern periods; while any phenomenon is subject to misinterpretation over time, the notions of magic and witchcraft were especially vulnerable. Learned magic was often kept secret either intentionally or as a result of other factors, whereas witchcraft has always had a strong association with sexual immorality (Doggett 2009, 263). At first glance the terms “witchcraft” and the one applying to its practitioners, “witches,” seem inadequate and anachronistic as denotations of maleficent magic in antiquity and medieval times. Nevertheless, it is not only popular publications that use the terms “witch” and “witchcraft” for practitioners of magic and divination referring to different times ranging from ancient to modern societies. Attempts to distinguish between “witchcraft” and “sorcery” tend to neglect the social context of the stories and the narrative construction of the texts in which we encounter references to those phenomena. Another problem consists of the gender aspect in witchcraft-research in general. In most popular studies, “witch” and “witchcraft” are understood as topics almost exclusively related to women as the perpetrators and men as accusers. This makes conveniently possible to discuss social relations in light of those terms, omitting the religious and ideological aspects. Nevertheless, both men and women were involved in malevolent practices, although women appear more frequently in certain stories. The construction of witchcraft stories as “history from below,” that is, as underground stories, as commonly referred to in popular essays, implies hidden knowledge from “ancient” times, a “wise-women-magical-tradition” that led to its reinvention in modern-day Wicca religion (Hanegraaff 1996, 86–93). The common ingredients of the term ‘witch’ in continental witchcraft accounts include the witches’ flight, gatherings with a pact ceremony, and ritual intercourse with the devil. Those topics are summarized as the Synagogue Satanas and/or the Sabbath, to name the most well-known examples (Roper 2006, 104–24). These elements are, however, not characteristic of all European regions;

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for example, they are unknown in Old Norse and Celtic witchcraft stories. A closer inspection of these stereotypes reveals that they are older concepts that are not necessarily always stories about witchcraft. It is thus important to distinguish between witchcraft as a cross-cultural phenomenon and the specific European witchcraft accusations in the early modern witch-trials. Although the demonological literature focused on crimen magiae, the group of people involved was not homogenous at all. In order to distinguish witchcraft from learned magic, first the semantic field of malevolent sorcery and magical manipulation must be outlined. In this respect the frequently cited dichotomy of black and white magic and furthermore that of black magic and witchcraft have proven to be more confusing than helpful (Tuczay 2003, 14–18). Maleficium, or harmful magic, is a complex term, in most cases referring to a sorcerer/sorceress, in the late Middle Ages to a male or female witch. The incriminated group is suspected of casting spells, poisoning, manipulating the weather, and is commonly accused of sexual magic causing impotence, sterility, and infertility In late medieval times the following ideas, in previous ages distinct and independent of each other, are combined to create the cumulative figure of the witch: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Witches perform malevolent sorcery, harm by their occult powers. Witches are predominantly female. Witches are a Satanic sect, the most evil heretics. They make a pact with Satan during a ritual. Witches fly at night with a goddess on animals, later with the help of an ointment. They practice nocturnal gatherings (known as the synagogue, later the Sabbath) with sexual orgies, murder, and cannibalism. With Satanic help they are able to transform into animals and harm people in many respects.

B The Figure of the Witch – Antiquity I Goddesses In antiquity the term “witch” mostly relates to literary characters. The greatest ancient author, Homer (ca. 850 B.C.E.) introduces Circe and Medea as “archetypes of harmful sorceresses” (Bailey 2006, 26; Luck 1999, 120–23). What is remarkable about these figures is that both seem to be related to divinity, and therefore have magical powers and are removed from “normal” humanity. In the Greco-Roman

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pantheon there are deities connected with magic and sorcery: Female deities, often fertility goddesses, were associated with nighttime and consequently with the moon and the underworld. Their attributes were fragmented and assigned to different goddesses but none of them was as prominent as the goddess Diana. The Greek goddess Artemis or the Roman goddess Diana was not the typical moon goddess, but was expanding her sphere of power in Christianity, or rather in Christian interpretation. Since the 3rd century Diana worship gained momentum in Italy, Dacia, and Dalmatia, but also in Roman Gaul. Diana was worshipped as the protectress of women and hunters (Tschacher 1999, 234–39.) Antique literature characterized her as the patroness of sorcery, while St. Augustine’s reference to Iphigenia’s bodily rapture arranged by Diana brought her into Christian perception (Augustine 1972, 18, 19, 609). In late antiquity minor night goddesses like Hecate and Selene became prominent. They ruled over crossroads and were only visible to dogs, who howled at their appearing. Hence Diana, Hecate, and Luna figured as leaders of ghost armies in late antiquity. Hecate’s endorsement as the patroness of magic and sorcery goes back to Theocrit’s poem Sorceress (third century B.C.E.), which describes love magic performed by a young girl who summoned her for her help. In Mesopotamia, Greece, and Rome, manipulation and inducement, especially in sexual matters, seem to have been labeled as female magic and witchcraft (Faraone 1999, 26).

II Poisoning Literary sources refer to another related sphere of female activity: herb-lore and healing, but also knowledge of poisons. Therefore the attributions of veneficium and maleficium were connected at a rather early stage. It was acknowledged that those who could heal could also harm. The examples of malevolent sorceresses in Roman literature bring forth the herbalist attribute, as in Canidia in the Epodes of Horace, who operated in a female team that roamed cemeteries in order to gain the necessary ingredients for their philters and potions. In one episode Canidia abducts a young man, burying him alive in order to gain the liver from his body to use it for her magical potions. Surely the most gruesome of the ancient witch figures was Lucan’s (39–65 C.E.) horrific Erictho, who performed necromancy and therefore hoarded dead bodies for her various means of harmful magic (Tavenner 1992, 14–40). The exaggerated description of this horrible female seemed not only to have a great impact on the ancient concept of female magic but also shaped the idea of malevolent magic, later “translated” as witchcraft. The answers to the question as to why ancient literature depicted witches mostly as women are not entirely satisfying: because the authors were

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all male, certain realms of magic were dominated by night goddesses, and female monsters like the bloodthirsty strix performed not only as vampires. Historians explain the ancient concepts of witchcraft as an inherent connection between female sexuality and magical practice. This explanation gains plausibility especially if one examines the literary models of the witch-figures and compares it to underlying the sexual fear expressed in Institoris’s (or Heinrich Kramer’s) Malleus Maleficarum (or Hammer of Witches, 1487). This assumed background ought not to be overemphasized, but should not be overlooked either (Bailey 2006, 33; Stephens 2002, 32–57).

III The Pact The important question of whether the term is correctly used for the cumulative notion of the “witch” that was fully developed in the late Middle Ages or whether it is in many respects compatible with a half divine literary figure cannot be easily answered. The most remarkable attribute of a medieval and early modern “witch” was his or her explicit pledge to and contract with the devil. The pact stories in relation to acquisition of magical powers are numerous, but the idea of sexual intercourse with the devil forms no earlier than the late thirteenth century (Roper 2004, 82–104; Stephens 2002, 87–124). In antiquity there had not been a similar demonic pact, although literature depicted evil female forces with great power. A figure belonging to the explicitly evil realm existed in ancient Mesopotamia, where the concept of demons also developed. The classical harmful female sorceresses seem to be profoundly malevolent and working against humanity (Maxwell-Stuart 2011, 15; Brauner 1995, 55).

IV Female Magic In antiquity, beyond rituals handed down in the Magical Papyri, magical performance and performers are a permanent part of a learned, literary culture. Especially the motif of “the manipulative sorceress and her male lover victim” has shaped literary tradition. Well-known examples are: Circe and Odysseus, Pamphile and Lucius, Apollonius and Lamia of Corinth (Luck 1999, 110–58). A writer even better informed about magic and witchcraft was Apuleius of Madaura (125– 180 C.E.), whose work features one of the first accounts of a witch’s flight. In his Metamorphoses, better known as The Golden Ass, the witch Pamphile anoints her body, changes into a night owl and flies away. Not only does this story contain two aspects often discussed among medieval intellectuals, namely metamorpho-

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sis with the help of an ointment and flight, but it created a new type of tale, “the copied witch’s flight” (Flint 1999, 15; Frangoulidis 2008, 103; Ogden 2002, 145). In ancient Mesopotamia the witch evidently has a more prominent role as a demonic malevolent sorceress than as a sorcerer. The new Babylonian laws punish certain forms of female magic (Abusch 2002, 3–27; 89–98). Exodus 22: 18, maleficos non patieris vivere (Thou shalt not suffer a [male] witch to live) is often cited and explained in various ways. While the passage contains the male form, the late Middle Ages and early modern period translated it thus: thou shalt not suffer a female witch to live. In the late Middle Ages the biblical instruction to put a maleficus to death was exclusively read as referring to a female witch. The Hebrew concept of magic condemned not only the famous Lady of Endor, widely known as “witch of Endor,” but all magical practices. The woman of Endor was one of the exiled diviners who had been consulted by King Saul no less, who had given the command to drive out all sorcerers. On the eve of his battle with the Philistines the still permitted forms of divination did not work. So he turned to the diviner of Endor, who summoned the spirit of the famous prophet-seer Samuel for him. Later Hebrews scriptures disputed whether the woman was able to make Samuel rise from the dead, whereas Christian interpretation saw in her conjuring proof for her entwinement with the devil (Tuczay 2012, 298–300). Another evil woman myth concerns Adam’s first wife, the child-stealing and malevolent demonic figure of Lilith, also known in Mesopotamian tradition as Lilitu (Thomsen 2001, 18–56; Hurwitz 1980, passim). While the Jewish Hellenistic philosopher Philo of Alexandria (20–50 C.E.) has a pronounced though ambiguous opinion on learned or Persian magic, he strictly condemns an evil art to which women and slaves are devoted and a travelling cultic subculture group, claiming that they can manipulate the strongest human emotions like love and hate with philters and blessings (Flint 1999, 277–324).

C Norse and Celtic Witchcraft The witch figure in the Germanic world is the fertility deity of pagan religion. Her transformation from an ambiguous sorceress to a malevolent witch was fed and motivated by diverse traditions. The female witch was modeled on Greco-Roman literature and religion, Judeo-Christian as well as Norse mythology and indigenous folklore. The historiographer Gregory of Tours (538–594 C.E.), for example, describes in his Historia Francorum the boundary problems associated with the merging of Christianity and heathendom (Jolly 2002, 15). Continental early medieval culture displays greater Christian influence than, for example Iceland, which was only converted to Christianity in the tenth

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century. Much of the animosity toward fertility deities was due to the Christian misconception of pagan religion. The association of women with fertility and childbirth and the permitted reverence to the “positive energy” unleashed in the sexual act was reversed and replaced by the Christian tradition of the virginity cult. The development of the sorceress into the witch was a slow process inspired by the scholastic theologians. The emphasis on the ascetic tended to equate women with carnality. In the passing pagan world, Christianity became more influential and the pagan magical concept not only became less important but was demonized like many other aspects of heathen culture. ”Sexuality of the evil and seductive type had become a predominantly feminine trait by the Middle Ages” (Morris 1991, 131). Sex was associated not only with women but with paganism and fertility. The Pauline patristic view of feminine weakness in intellectual, physical, and moral spheres remained effective and influential for centuries and had an impact on the medieval conception of women and witches (Morris 1991, 133). Old Norse distinguishes between lifkona, or “herb woman,” and galdrkona, or “sorceress.” The male counterpart is called taufrmaðr. In saga literature the magical craft galdr often is taught by women. In some cases the Northern people learn magic from the Sami, who are famed for their magical knowledge. Often Norse witchcraft or spell craft is not acquired through studies of grimoires or apprenticeships but via a hereditary element. In the Laxdæla saga, the Kotkel familymembers, who were migrants to Iceland from the Hebrides, were described as being extremely skilled in witchcraft. The presentation of how acquisition of magical powers and knowledge takes place encompasses a comprehensive program of study, whereas in the more ethnographic data instruction on magic relates to single specific charms. Magical knowledge is often provided by a demonic pact or sometimes even a potion. One detail that distinguishes the sagas from most other medieval sources is that malevolent magic is treated as different from magic mainly tied to the diabolic pact. Although some texts also contain the pact theory, instruction in witchcraft and magic as portrayed in the sagas suggests something closer to pagan practice (Raudvere 2001, 73–86). The sagas thus differ from the norms of European textual sources by not employing the increasingly widespread continental view of witchcraft as deriving from a pact with the devil. Here Paul’s and St. Augustine’s (354–430 C.E.) misogynic attitudes and later Augustine’s and Thomas Aquinas’s (1225–1274 C.E.) pact theory were of great influence (Mitchell 2000; Raudvere 2001, 73–150). With the assumed relation to shamanism, a broader research field was opened (Wilby 2010; Pócs 1997; Ginzburg 1990; 1992; 1993; Buchholz 1971, 7–20).

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D Medieval Witchcraft Concepts and Canon Law I Pagan Seductresses, Lascivious Witches The Goddesses Artemis/Diana and Hecate, although not equal deities, had characteristics in common: Artemis the virgin goddess of death was not only the patroness of animals but also a mother goddess with malevolent and benevolent attributes. Hecate was often associated with demonism. The most popular fertility cult was that of Diana, possibly the Intepretatio Romana of a similar Germanic or Celtic deity who was mentioned from the fifth century onwards. Gregory of Tours (538–594 C.E.), among other chroniclers, knows of an idol of Diana near Trier which St. Vulfolaic had destroyed (Gregory of Tours 1974, 8.15; Tschacher 1999, 256–58). The obsession with both a Satanic or demonic pact related to heresy, later also to witchcraft, began to take shape in the twelfth century. The fully-fledged demonology and the accompanying “witch craze” and witch hunting of the fourteenth century lasted well into the seventeenth and in isolated incidents well into the nineteenth century. They surely have their genesis in this earlier period. Two especially demonized figures are the figure of the lascivious and the cannibal witch. Much of the bias against fertility deities was a result of Christian misconception and misunderstanding of pagan religion. The development of the sorceress into the witch was a gradual process inspired by the fantasy of the scholastic theologians. The new religious piety movement and the subsequent emphasis on asceticism tended to equate women with carnality. Worship of the Virgin Mary and canonization of female saints set the glorification of ideal role models against the sexualized pagan seductresses. Sexuality of the evil and seductive type had become a predominantly feminine trait by the Middle Ages. Paul and St. Augustine demonstrated a dislike of women in some of their writings, and the attitude of these two men influenced Christian ideas concerning women and paganism (Peters and Kors, ed., 2001, 43). To the men of the Church, virginity and humility were the most desirable female traits. Sex was associated not only with women but also with pagan fertility cults and with feminine fertility deities. The misogyny of the Rabbinic tradition was reasserted by St. Paul, even though Christ himself tended to teach the more positive qualities of women. St. Paul and also the Church fathers did not view women as equal either politically or socially and did not approve of women participating actively in church worship. In his scriptures St. Paul equated sexuality with sinfulness and female sexuality as initiatory. The Genesis story was and is often interpreted as a symbolic seduction, as the Church fathers reaffirmed. Augustine’s own life had not been celibate from the beginning, but when he

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converted from Manichaeism to Catholicism he rejected the pleasures of sexuality, especially sexuality without procreative intention and called it “the Devil’s gift” to mankind (Morris 1991, 132; Blauert 1990, 11–42; Roper 1994 passim). In sum, the transformation from “sorceress” to “witch” is a complex one because the culture of the early Middle Ages has been shaped by many different traditions. The female witch figure was created by Greco-Roman literature and religion, Jewish-Christian cultures, Norse and Celtic mythology, and also indigenous folklore. The “feminization of witchcraft” was a result of manifold influences: 1. the construction of the witches Sabbath from anti-heretical conspiracy stereotypes, 2. feminine mythological motifs and 3. clerical misogynist attitudes (Bailey 2002, 120–34). In the early church, Manichaeism, Gnosticism, and other deviant Christian traditions had a dualistic world view and were regarded as libertine. All those movements had one thing in common: they did not limit the role of women. For example, many women were attracted to Gnosticism because it treated them as men’s equals and allowed them certain powers and privileges. For example Tertullian (160–225 C.E.) fulminates about heretical women who dare to teach, heal, enact exorcism, and even baptize (Tertullian 2002, 41; Morris 1991, 134). The passage alludes to priestesses and healers but also to the resumption of men’s absolute superiority in a patriarchal society.

II Etymologies The etymology of the German word “Hexe” derives from the Old High German composite hagazussa. The composite of hag is related to Gallic aium, Cymric ke, Anglo-Saxon haga, and Old Norse hagi. Old High German glosses it with Latin indigo. All of these point to a boundary or fence = hag. Jacob Grimm put the second composite -zussa to lodix, that is “blanket.” According to Kluge’s Etymologisches Wörterbuch, -zussa derives from Indo-German *dheuos/dhus meaning “demon” (Kluge 1989, 308). Anglo-Saxon haegetesse is known as early as in the eighth century and is translated as striga, furia, but also as pythonissa, filia noctis. Claude Lecouteux emphasizes that hag is an indicating word of numerous composites, all in the connotating semantic field of sorcery. The enclosure with a fence also indicates a relation between the hag and the person who has something to do with that fence. Old Norse tunriða is translated as a “person, who rides on a fence,” which Lecouteux identifies as an elfish being, genius loci. In Gaul references to a Dusius a spiritus silvestris is evident, and therefore it can be concluded that the word hagazussa points to a Dusia of the fencing, a female Genius Loci, proving that the Hexe is not a German concept but that there is a whole variety of

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European notions: Old English hægetesse, also hag, parallel to Old German hagazussa (Lecouteux 1985, 57–70). The new English word “witch” derives from wicca = “male sorcerer” and “female sorceress” = wicce and is related to the Middle Low German verb wichelen = “to bewitch,” “to practice divination” (Lühr 1988, 354). The medieval French expression vaudoisie used until the middle of the fourteenth century had the meaning of (Waldensian) heresy, later witchcraft (Patschovsky 1991, 329). Institoris, in his Hammer of Witches, argues also with the ‘etymology’ of Latin femina: it stands for “fe” and “minus” because she “has and keeps less faith” (Institoris 2009, 165).

III The Night Travelers: Fairy Meals, Ladies of the Night Of great importance in the history of witchcraft is Regino of Prüm’s (840–915 C.E.) De ecclesiasticis disciplines (906 C.E.), an encyclopedic work for the Archbishop of Trier. The first book includes familiar cases of pagan rituals, fortune telling, and magic tricks. The second book, based on a Carolingian capitulary, is well known for its opening “Episcopi eorum” as Canon Episcopi. The text combines learned theories and folk beliefs and treats the problem of divination, charms, potions, love magic, and also the legend of the wild hunt. Magic is understood as devilish work, and those who engage in the art are to be punished by expulsion. The capitulary also condemns the idea of flying at night (Peters and Kors, ed., 2001, 58–60; Segl 1989, 5–35). Although the association of magic with demonic influence was taken seriously by medieval theologians, at that time it was clearly understood that folk belief and practices were more delusory than harmful. The Decretum of Burchard of Worms (1008–1012 C.E.) included not only Augustine’s De divination daemonum, but also Regino’s Canon Episcopi and other sources that prohibit pagan rites. Furthermore, it lists a wide range of magical rituals and superstitious beliefs: divination of various types, pagan rituals, binding and losing, image magic, love magic, weather magic, and invocation of demons (Peters and Kors, ed., 2001, 63–7). The nineteenth book of the Decretum, the Corrector, and an interposed penitential of the tenth century emphasize the belief in the nocturnal flight of women as Diana’s entourage with demonical aid in manifold variants. Belief in this demonic illusion was to be punished with a year’s penance. A similar passage condemns the belief in a journey with Diana, punishable with a two-year penance. Obviously the beliefs in fairies (striga, holda) and the nocturnal flight with Diana were at that time not identical. The popular German name holda for a good fairy is first named in the Corrector, as is the malevolent group of night travelers, the striga unholda, who were able to walk through closed doors, kill

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Christians, eat them, and resurrect them. This belief is to be punished with a seven- or three-year penance. In the tenth book he records the belief in “Diana paganorum dea vel cum Herodiade” (Bink 2008, 81–96; Schild 2007, 393–406). John of Salisbury mentions Herodias as empress of the night und connects her for the first time with malevolent demons (Peters and Kors, ed., 2001, 77–78). The thirteenth-century French Dominican Stephen de Bourbon wrote that the bonae res (good women) rode on sticks but that the malae res (evil women) rode on wolves (Broedel 2003, 104). The good ladies of the night are clearly fairy figures, dwelling at the intersection of learned and oral traditions like the wild women, Nornes or Parces. The central notion is the fairy meal: humans serve the nocturnal ladies a meal to safeguard their benevolence. The meal is first mentioned in the ninth century in the Poenitentiale Arundel, and then in 1010 when Burchard of Worms takes over the idea in his Decretum in which the ladies are called fairies. They are able to bestow mortals with the gift of shape-shifting, e.g., the ability to transform into a wolf. In Gervasius of Tilbury’s (1150–1228) Otia imperialia different but nevertheless similar ladies appear called “lamiae”: by night they visit houses, inspect baskets, barrels and bowls, and molest the sleeping. They can be observed while eating, burning candles, drinking human blood, and laying out human bones to connect them differently. Sometimes they take little children from one place to bring them to another. At the end of the twelfth century the worship of the night ladies by serving them a meal seems to be a lively custom according to the sources from all over Europe. William of Auvergne (1180–1249) distinguishes the Parces from the night ladies and mentions Abundia as their female leader. He explains the belief as an illusion, but mentions that when the ladies visit homes, the goblets better remain without a lid and the food uncovered, otherwise those creatures will grow angry and let the house fall from grace. There are different names referring to the night ladies like dominae nocturnae, dominae felices, bona res, lamiae and geniciales feminae. Adam de la Halle (1237–1286) knows Lady Morgue visiting the house with her retinue. (Whether this is a reference to the Celtic battle goddess Morrigan or Morgan la Fay, the sister of the legendary King Arthur, is a question that must be discussed elsewhere. Arthur appears in some sources as the leader of the wild host.) In the famous Romance of the Rose (ca. 1260–1270) Lady Abundance leads the estries (=strigae) but they don’t have a meal to eat (Guillaume de Lorris/Jean de Meun 1994, 284). In German-speaking countries the Franciscan preacher Berthold of Regensburg (1210–1272) ferociously rejected superstition, condemning the sinners who believe in and feed the ladies of the night, the holde (= benevolent) and unholde (= malevolent) etc. (Berthold of Regensburg 1965, II, 70) The Dominican Johannes

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Nider (1385–1438) provided evidence of the fairy meal, since he knows of the Alpine Percht driving around in her cart amid great mayhem. In the German sources the time of the meal is specified as the nights around Christmas: people prepare food for the night ladies to gain fertility for the next year (Tschacher 2000, 328). With Gratian (359–83) canon law gained authority and influence. Prohibition of pagan rituals was repeated as they continued, but the emphasis shifted to heresy. Gratian treats the question of magic in relation to heresy, depicting a cleric-magician who refuses to repent and the demons’ role in magical rituals. He expresses the need to excommunicate the magicians. Exegetical writing also linked magicians with heretics. 1258 Pope Alexander IV (1199–1261) allowed the persecution of witchcraft only if it could be clearly identified as heretical. The discernment between heresy and demonic sorcery or witchcraft was not at all well-defined, even for inquisitors. Historians claim that demonic sorcery or witchcraft increased especially in the late Middle Ages (Peters and Kors, ed., 2001, 70–1). In 1326, Pope John XXII’s bull Super illius specula condemned all magical practices that were based on a Satanic pact. The punishment for practitioners was excommunication. As paraphernalia for this kind of magic the pope mentioned magical rings, mirrors, etc., which pointed to learned magic, whereas the herbs or stones used by illiterate practitioners were not mentioned. Major late medieval courts often employed magicians, astrologers, and alchemists. They practiced learned magic for different purposes, among them entertainment, but also for the political advantage of their employers (Saunders 2010, 83–87; Bink 2008, 81–96; Henningsen 1990, 191–215; Fig. 1). The concept of the nocturnal flight laid out in the Corrector was handed down in canon law and became a common interpretative model for sorcery and belief in fairies. The belief in nocturnal trains was treated as a sideline compared to the great hunt of heresies of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. With the papal sorcery law in the second half of the thirteenth century and the extension of the heresy concept, the night flight with Diana came into focus once more. An example of demonization of the belief in fairies is Konrad of Würzburg’s romance Partonopier and Meliur (ca. 1290). When the protagonist comes to a strange island where invisible hands serve him and where he encounters an invisible woman in bed he immediately suspects demonic intervention, and when he later reports about his experiences, both his mother and the bishop push this interpretation even further, leading to a breakdown in the lovers’ relationship. The Dominican Bernard Gui (1261–1331), who served for many years as the inquisitor in Toulouse, commented extensively on witchcraft. His handbook, the Practica inquisitionis heretice pravitatis (The Practice of the Inquisition of Heretical Depravity, ca. 1324), was widely copied and influenced the future inquisitor-

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Fig. 1: Veneration of the devil, here in the shape of a ram, by a group of heretics, together with a flight through the air in the top part. Miniature in a French treatise against the crimes of sorcery, ca. 1460. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, from Rainer Decker, Hexen: Magie, Mythen und die Wahrheit. Darmstadt 2004, 33.

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ial practice. Gui’s handbook displays the beginnings of the confusion on the part of the Church authorities between elite magic and popular forms of sorcery that would later influence the idea of witchcraft. His handbook deals with popular sorcery, advising inquisitors to ask sorcerers about women called “the good ones” who fly at night (Tschacher 1999, 255–7; Bailey 2003, 198). At the end of the Middle Ages the theologians Alphonso de Spina (d. ca. 1491), Nicholas of Cusa (1401–1464), Alonso de Madrigal (1410–1455), and others considered the experiences of women who followed the bonae res as imaginary (Broedel 2003, 104; Tschacher 1999, 259–75). Upon investigation, it was proven that while the women believed that they were traveling, they were observed lying motionless in a trance; although the observers tested them by making a noise or even pricking them with needles or burning them, they remained in their stupor. Several years later, Alonso de Madrigal, Bishop of Avila, had completely changed his mind in that matter, and he surely was not the only one to maintain emphatically that those women really were able to fly. This trance experience made the concept compatible with shamanistic soul journeys and brought a new thread of discussion into witchcraft research. Many intellectuals dealt with the question of soul journey, demonical illusion or reality from the twelfth century onwards. The Dominician and reformer Johannes Nider (1380–1438) in his Formicarius, which would remain one of the most important sources for witchcraft evidence in the fifteenth century, reported the case of a woman who claimed to fly by night. A Dominican persuaded her to let him, among others, watch the procedure. She then took an ointment and smeared her body while repeating some charm. At once she fell into a deep trancelike sleep, and was seen to throw herself around so furiously that she fell down, injuring her head. When she woke up, she believed that she had flown with Venus, but the witnesses eventually convinced her that it had been a dream (Tschacher 2000; Bailey 2003, 11–54). Institoris (1430–1505), in his Malleus maleficarum, incorporated many of the characteristics of the ladies of the night into the new concept of witches. Nocturnal flight had been one of the characteristics of both the lamiae and the bonae res and the older representatives of sorcerers (Institoris 2009, 104–09). Institoris maintains that when witches want to fly, they take an ointment made from the limbs of murdered children and smear it over a chair or some other piece of wood, thus signaling for an invisible demon to come and shift them through the air. Sometimes, the demon appeared in animal form, but the common procedure was to anoint the salve. Clearly the Malleus integrated infanticide, the old lamiae characteristic (the medieval Jewish populace was also accused of and persecuted for this crime) and adapted it for misogynistic witchcraft construct. Similarly, Institoris combined the folk tradition, in which women in a trance-like state ride

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with the benevolent bonae res, with learned constructs. Thus the Malleus outlined two possibilities for how the witches could fly: When they wanted to go to the assembly of witches, either a devil could transport them, or, if that was inconvenient, they could invoke the devil and go to sleep. A bluish vapor would then proceed from their mouths, through which they were aware of everything that happened at the convention. If saints and magicians were carried by (angels or) demons, it was even more possible for women who worshiped the devil. And even Jesus, as quoted in the Bible, had been carried by demons. The substitution eventually implemented by the Malleus was to identify witches with the older beliefs of evil spirits, and the belief in fairy could be held as one of the many manifestations of witchcraft (Institoris 2009, 292–302; Fig. 2). Henry Boguet, the witch-finder of Burgundy, in An Examination of Witches (1590), quotes many accounts of the physical flight of the witches, but also mentions one George Gandillon, who one Holy Thursday night was lying in his bed for three hours as if he were dead in a trance-like state, and then suddenly came to himself; then later he was burned. Boguet also states that testimony taken from certain witches, who, having remained in their houses as if dead for two or three hours, confessed that at the time they were at the Sabbath in spirit. It was this type of flight that Carlo Ginzburg took as the base model for his theory rather than the physical forms of flight: while some late medieval thinkers regarded the physical flight as possible, it is clearly implausible and impossible for the modern reader. The spirit flight of the Benandanti is obviously the same phenomenon as the one Boguet, Institoris, Nider, and many others all spoke of. The difference is that the Benandanti’s flight was entirely part of a coherent belief system, so they could explain it to their inquisitors in the 1570s. In other parts of Europe references to this “travelling while asleep” are often encountered but widely scattered, and the account of the Sabbath was then added to it either by peers or the judiciary. But it should be noted that in Christian hagiographic records there are numerous instances of saints whose ecstasy manifested itself in the form of corporal levitation (Levack, ed., 2004, 128–39). The enlightened medical doctor and witch-hunt opponent Johann Weyer (1515–1588) mentions two examples in this respect: first the legend of St. Germain, who observed a meeting of the good people whom his hosts identified as neighbors. When he visited the so-called neighbors, it turned out they were all fast asleep. Questioning the good people he found out that they were devils impersonating the neighbors. The second example concerns Simon the Magician, who talked with Emperor Nero in his chamber and at the same time conversed with the stunned people outside (Weyer 1998, III, cap. 13, and 174–75). In the case of St. Germain one could explain the bilocation as a trance phenomenon similar to that ascribed to St. Anthony of Padua (1195–1231) for example (Behringer 1994, 64).

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Fig. 2: Witches, by Albrecht Altdorfer. In: Éva Pócs, Eksztázis, álom, látomás: vallásetnológiai fogalmak tu-dományközi megközelítésben. Budapest 1998, Plate XVI.

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IV Weather Magic Weather magic committed by the so-called Tempestari was known since antiquity. Agobard, Bishop of Lyon (769–840 C.E.), reports in his pamphlet Libra contra insulsam vulgi opinionem de grandine et tonitruis (A book against irrational belief of the people about hail and thunder) that in his area the gentry and nongentry believed that weather magicians were able to create a storm and jeopardize the harvest or even destroy it. It was thought that they blackmailed the peasants to give them money, otherwise they would send hail and storm or even rob the harvest and fly away with their cloud ships to the far-off and unknown country of Magonia. Agobard argued against the punishment for a belief in these stories, declaring the so-called Powers of the tempestari as illusion, because command over the weather belongs to God only (Behringer 2003, 66; Lea 2010, 415; Cohn 1993, 263). The much later verdict that witches destroy or poison the harvest links them not only with the tempestari but also with the demon of grain, the bilwiz, mentioned by the preacher Berthold of Regensburg (1210–1272) who considers the night-riders to be demons. In the last quarter of the fourteenth century many agreed that it was evil humans, Satanic heretics, who committed the crimes. Institoris lists hail-making and unleashing of storms by witches who make lightning strike humans and animals (Institoris 2009, 380–86).

V Sexual and Demonic Magic Another form of harmful sexual sorcery known from antiquity was also transferred to the figure of the witch: the tying and untying of knots in order to harm men’s sexuality. The tying and untying is analogous magic shaped after the castration of animals. In the Hammer of Witches it concerns magical impotence deriving from malignant women who bewitch the male organs (Institoris 2009, 323–30; Broedel 2003, 95; Stephens 2002, 315–18). Over a century later Pope Eugene IV (1383–1447) feared uneducated men and women who could allegedly perform terrible demonic sorcery by a mere word, touch, or sign. The “cumulative” concept of witchcraft, involving, among other things, the complete absorption of commonplace sorcery and performance of maleficium as essential ingredients, emerged in the 1430s in several treatises, connected in various ways with sorcery and heresy practiced in the Alpine regions and clearly formed through clerical preconceptions and prejudices. Well-educated minds (the first treatises on “cumulative” witchcraft were composed by both laymen and clerics) convinced themselves that certain simple people allegedly had power over potent demons, while even the Church’s own exorcists engaged in

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complex rites that still often failed to command them. The difference lay in the ancient notion of a pact between the sorcerer or witch and the demon, going back at least to the pact made by Theophilus (Bailey 2007, 131). Paul Neapolitanus adapted the Greek material and translated it into Latin. Earliest mention was made by the tenth-century canoness Hrotsvita of Gandersheim in her Lapsus et conversio Theophili vicedomini where the protagonist is transformed into a secular scholar. In the Legenda aurea Theophilus is the right-hand of the Bishop of Adona in Sicily and his successor. In Des Armen Hartmann’s Rede des geloubin (12th c.) Theophilus is mentioned for the first time in German literature (Tuczay 2003, 109–10).

VI The World Upside Down: Heretical Satanic Sects and Their Orgies The alleged ritual orgies were not the only rites the heretical groups were accused of performing (Dinzelbacher 2008, 405–28). Both Basilius (330–79 C.E.) and Augustine heard rumors about shameless wild dances that were followed by cohabitation in the dark (Zacharias 1980, 37). Both motifs were a recurrent topic in the medieval sect cliché. The reveries mentioned, along with many others, were rituals of paganism and the attempted extinction of pagan rituals and worship was not successful in all cases. But while many of the pagan deities were transformed either into demons, often similar attributes applied to Christian saints. Greco-Roman cults and their influences were often viewed as pagan, particularly anything hinting at sexual aberration (Cohn 1993, 35–101). Augustine’s pamphlet On the Customs of the Manichaeans narrates a later, oft-repeated story of the heretical orgy. He relates a story of a woman who went to a Manichaean gathering and later told that when the elect came and the light was extinguished, one of the people present tried to force her to have intercourse but she screamed and ran away (Cohn 1993, 16–102; Dinzelbacher 2001, 181–85; Zacharias 1980, 55–105; Dinzelbacher 2008, 405–28; 411). The Gnostics came also under suspicion of sexual debauchery. In his catalogue of notorious heretics, Panarion, Epiphanius of Salamis (310–403 C.E.) mentions a Christian world turned on its head: in the Gnostic orgies all participants are shouting “Agape” and the participants follow suit, and after cohabitation the semen is collected and consumed and declared corpus Christi and sanguine Christi as in the Eucharist. If the women present become pregnant the fetuses are aborted, then minced, spiced, and eaten (Patschovsky 1991, 319; Coudert 2008, 231–80). What is significant not only for Satanic heretics but also pagan cults and secret gatherings of Christians and Jews is the conspiratorial element in all those reports und subsequent traditions. All these orgies are performed in order to

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conspire against an institution, religion etc. (Oexle 1985, 151–214). Manifold and very different groups and cases were accused of “hatred of mankind.” The question remains as to which of those many traditions shaped the late medieval Satanic sect and witch cliché. In Guibert of Nogent’s (1055–1125) autobiography, two brothers were accused of secret congress, promiscuity, infanticide, and the making of a Eucharist with the infant’s ashes. Similar stories are rumored about the heretics of Orleans. Then nearly 100 years later Konrad of Marburg sent his inquisitional report to Pope Gregory IX, who integrated the stories of heretical orgies in his Vox in Rama. Caesarius of Heisterbach (ca. 1180– ca. 1240) wrote about the sect of the Luciferians, as did the Middle High German poet The Stricker (ca. 1220–150) in his verse treatise Klage (Stricker 1978, vv. 505– 40) and then David of Augsburg (?–1272), presumed author of the treatise Tractatus de inquisitione haereticorum (after 1256; David von Augsburg 1878, 181–235). From the thirteenth century onwards the different traditional lines met and dispersed in geographically distant regions. While this tradition was “made” by and for inquisitors, the Church composed a homogenous picture of a Luciferian sect in its persecution of heretics (Patschovsky 1991, 324; Dinzelbacher 2008, 411). An anonymous text presumably from Lausanne (Switzerland), Errores Gazariorum of 1450, was the first to relate an orgiastic festival where a stick together with the flying ointment was given to all new witches after they had worshiped the devil by kissing him on his posterior (Ostorero et al., ed., 1999, 419–39; Bailey 1996, 419–39). A central issue in antiquity, harmful magic or malevolent magic, was discussed well into to the Renaissance. The medieval terminology for “witch” and “witchcraft,” however, does not imply Satanic witchcraft as it came to be understood as invoking rituals of the witches’ Sabbath or intercourse with the devil; before 1375 there were very few cases of prosecution for witchcraft in Europe. The few that occurred were located mainly in England and Germany. Charges usually concerned sorcery, sometimes with invocation of demons, and were often politically motivated. After 1375 the charge of demonic magic became prominent and the number of trials increased. From 1500 onward witch-hunts gained significance and momentum. During the reign of Elizabeth I, witchcraft became a major concern in England (Bailey 2003, 139–48), but the same applies to France, Spain, Savoy, Italy, and Germany (Blauert 1990, passim). According to demonological discourses, witches went far beyond offering demons limited acts of worship: they apostatized, formally denying Christianity and surrendering themselves with body and soul to the Devil. They were able to perform malevolent sorcery with the aid of powerful demons with just a few words or gestures, but only because they themselves had already become servants of Satan (Institoris 2009, 281–92).

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E Witches in Medieval Narrative Literature Romances never use the term “witch.” The underlying notion presumes an often entirely backward medieval period and a purely progressive early modern period, whereas in fact witchcraft, demonology, and persecution of those acts were primarily early modern, not medieval phenomena. While Stephen of Bourbon (1190–1261), inquisitor of Southern France, portrayed the holden on broomsticks while the unholden rode on wolves in his collection of exempla, Tractatus de diversis materiis predicabilibus, Anecdotes, in Gervase of Tilbury’s (1150–1228) Otia Imperialia the concept has an ambiguous character. On the one hand he suggests that “night riders” are non-human, but on the other hand he speaks of the “night riders” as flying human beings. Then he tells the widely known story of a woman who participated in the night ride and broke the taboo of speaking the holy name of Jesus Christ and fell from the sky into the river Rhône. He even supports the concept that women prefer to change into the shape of cats. The reception of ancient literature obviously led to a conflation with the Roman striga with the night riders of local cultures and developed a backlog of the pejorative meaning (Cohn 1993, 162–80; Ginzburg 1993, 121–38). In the Golden Legend, Jacobus de Voragine (1230–1298) tells the well-known story of St. Germain of Auxere, who finds accommodation in a strange house and notices after the evening meal that the table has been set again. When he asks what new guests are expected he learns that ladies of the night are coming into the house, and for them the table is set. St. Germain stays awake and sees many demons appear in human form. Hans Vintler, in his Pluomen der tugent (early fifteenth century) picks up the story of St. Germain but changes the motifs of the Golden Legend by narrating a Sabbath story with flight and cannibalism. From this source it is obvious that at that time the witches and night riders are not the same concept (Jacobus de Voragine 1993, 413–15). John of Salisbury (ca. 1120– 1180), always skeptical in his Policraticus, mentions as leader of the night people Herodias and concludes that both concepts, the holden and the unholden, are dreams of the uneducated (John of Salisbury 1990, 24; 107; 109; Helbling-Gloor 1956, 75–92; Tschacher 1999, 256–7). Alongside these references to folk beliefs, the reception of antique literature introduced sorceresses like Medea, Circe, and Erictho into courtly romances, if not as protagonists, then as important forces behind the scenes. Herbort of Fritzlar (1180–1217) pays great attention to Medea in his Liet von Troye (vv. 551– 849). Medea not only has power over the weather, the elements, and illness, but is also able to summon demons who bestow her with knowledge of the future. She has studied the art of magic in Toledo, like many other renowned medieval learned magicians. A manipulative poisoner is portrayed in Chrétien de Troyes’s

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romance Cligés: Thessala, hailing from the notorious country of magicians, Thessaly, brews a potion for a bridegroom, fooling him into thinking he is with his beloved, Fenice (Kieckhefer 1989, 57–64; Tuczay 2003, 305–22). An ambiguous role is played by the well-known sorceress and fairy Morgana in Old French, Old English, Middle High German, and other vernacular medieval literature. The originally Celtic mistress over the realm of the dead grows into a personification of vain luxury. Her changing presentation extends from a divine healer to a fairy or an evil, jealous poisoner. Her manifold abilities such as shape shifting, magical flight and her demonic paramour who fulfills her every wish, present her as a precursor of the lascivious witches. On the other hand, she is famed for her healing and protective ointments, but her dubious character comes to the surface when she tricks knights into dwelling in her country, entertaining them with illusions while keeping them as her prisoners (Tuczay 2003, 320–22; Saunders 2010, 279; Haage 1986b, 63–83). Records of sorcery trials are reflected in the 1314 romance Friedrich von Schwaben, in which the stepdaughter Angelburg is accused of having blinded the king, is then put to trial by her evil stepmother, the dwarf queen Jerome, and is eventually punished with a life in transformed shape. Scant attention has been devoted to Johannes of Soest’s work Die Kinder von Limburg of 1480, in which the innocent protagonist Magaretha is accused of sorcery and is subsequently imprisoned to be burned at the stake. The responsible personnel such as the sheriff and hangman are portrayed appallingly realistically. The scenery is reminiscent of the historical case of the Bavarian barber-surgeon’s daughter Agnes Bernauer, who was accused of having performed love magic on her lover, the Bavarian Duke Albrecht, and was executed in 1435 in Straubing. In Hugo of Langenstein’s (1271–1298) dramatic romance Martina the protagonist is not only accused of sorcery and witchcraft, but is named hexe: “do bist in wider zeme hegxse gar vngeneme” (You are a repulsive witch) (Hugo von Langenstein 1856, 106, v. 40). In Heinrich Wittenwiler’s satirical, allegorical poem Der Ring (ca. 1401) scores of witches (“hexen”) participate in the battle of the two villages. Dame Häche, a still well-known figure in the Basel carnival today, leads the troop (Wittenwiler 1931, vv. 8827–30).

F Witchcraft Theories and the “Reality” of Witchcraft Witchcraft and especially witch trials research began in the 1970s and have resulted in a wealth of publications from very different disciplines and approaches. Many studies have explored the rise of an explicit demonology in the

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late Middle Ages and the important relationship between witchcraft and demonology, for example Dyan Elliot in her study Fallen Bodies (Elliot 1999). Norman Cohn has investigated the witch figure as the application of demonized strategies previous leveled against early Christians in his Europe’s Inner Demons, and Richard Kieckhefer has repeatedly examined the rise of clerical interests in demonology and the so-called black arts (Kieckhefer 1989, 151–77). Numerous recent publications reflect the persistent research interest in this topic, such as Michael D. Bailey’s Magic and Superstition in Europe, Battling Demons, and Walter Stephens’s Demon Lovers, to name the most prominent ones (Bailey 2006; Stephens 2002). Cohn’s chapter “How the Great Witch-Hunt Did not Start” (Cohn 1993, 181– 201) demonstrates that late thirteenth- and fourteenth-century trials in southern France and Italy were the beginnings of alleged “movements.” In his monograph European Witch-Trials Kieckhefer convincingly explains that notions of “devil worshippers” were passed from the intellectual elite to peasants during trials and had no basis in peasant belief (Cohn 1993, 202–33; Kieckhefer 1976, passim). Myriads of publications are concentrated on the gender–aspect of witchcraft; a new line of argumentation constitutes the shamanistic parallels. Since Carlo Ginzburg’s findings in Friaul, many researchers have explored the shamanistic “roots” (Wilby 2010; Pócs 1997; Ginzburg 1990; 1992; 1993; Buchholz 1971, 7–20). Another important approach and a new opening for a cross-cultural research represents Peter Dinzelbacher’s Heilige oder Hexen (2001; Saints or Witches) that focuses on the ambivalent attitude of the Christian Middle Ages toward pious women and witches (Fig. 3). Early researchers have pictured a type of omnipotent evil enchantress or seductress, an early femme fatale with magical powers. This portrait of a witch seems to be wholly inconsistent with the realities of magical practice in the past. Others have insisted that medieval writers were completely indebted to antique literary models, the marvelous, or the mythology of other cultures such as the Celtic belief in fairies. Different research disciplines agree that a relationship between the popular beliefs in striga, Domina Percht, and fairies have parallels with the Diana cult of late antiquity (Tschacher 1999, 240). Sorceresses could be benevolent or malevolent, while in the Christian context the sorceress became demonized and a witch figure. The most exaggerated of her evil characteristics, her sexuality, became a taboo in the Christian understanding. She was rumored to ride on beasts, to be a shape-shifter or even to copulate with an animal. In English protocols of witch-trials the animal companions or guardian demons of the witches are mentioned who are called familiars. In the later Middle Ages the Sabbath stereotype that was applied to the early Christians, then to the Templars and heretical groups, was applied to the witches as well. They were said to engage

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Fig. 3: Witches, by Hans Baldung Grien (1484/85–1545), woodcut from 1508. In: Rainer Decker, Hexen: Magie, Mythen und die Wahrheit. Darmstadt 2004, p. 43.

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in orgies and have intercourse with the Devil, who often appeared in the form of an animal (Hanegraaf 1995, 213–42; Patschovsky 1991, 324). These readings have led to exaggerated comparisons between empirical healers and sexualized fairies or between love magic and infanticide. The host of connotations, almost entirely negative, never applies to empirical practitioners. An important question since the Canon Episcopi (the flight of the women under patronage of a goddess, see above) focuses on the “reality” of the beliefs and accusations. While witchcraft researchers unanimously agree that the accusations were all false, and while also the better part assume that the flying ointments were never in use, a small group of scholars has tried to parallel the latter with ritualistic use of hallucinogenic substances in tribal societies. Evidence for at least a curious use in early modern times is mentioned for example by Bever (Bever 2008, 93–151).

G Superstition Degrading of the old religion as superstition in theological discourse is, according to Mary Douglas, crucial in the interplay between “continuity and change.” Especially the Middle Ages are commonly portrayed as superstitious. Misunderstanding concerns not only the Middle Ages but also the classical world and other periods by neglecting the many skeptical intellectuals who lamented the degree of popular ignorance and superstition. In our own time the discrepancy between superstitious and rational thinkers is not much different (Harmening 1979, passim; Baumann 1989 passim; Bailey 2013, 7–34). Superstition is defined as belief or practice that is irrational. Therefore superstition is not always a meaningful category for any period of time; rather it is best applied to a sector of a certain society. In Western Civilization the uneducated have always been looked upon by the educated as superstitious, and women especially were commonly identified as irrational and prone to every kind of seduction. In the eighth book of his Etymologies, Isidore examined both belief per se and superstition. Especially in the ninth chapter of this book he fulminates against the evildoings of magicians he equates with malefici (Isidore von Sevilla 1997, passim). Their abilities are manifold: They can influence the elements, make sacrifices to demons which enable them to manipulate the minds of men, and even perform necromantic ritual by summoning demons. Secular laws of the early medieval world did not distinguish between ambiguous magic, black or deceitful demonic magic, and magic implying the supernatural to benign spiritual ends, distinctions made by the classical philosophers. The earliest secular laws condemned magic according to the harm it caused. The Theodosian

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code repeated late imperial prohibitions against consulting soothsayers, astrologers, diviner augurs and seers, classifying the practitioner of magic as a maleficus, but the list cited concerned diviners, not magicians. Those malefici were not thought to belong to a certain class or race; maleficium of any kind was characterized by secrecy, deceit and treason. The code accepted certain forms of protective magic, such as the use of simple prognostications, the observance of plants, animals, weather, and symptoms of illness, to name the most common types. The Church echoed the prohibitions against magic found in Roman law and in emerging secular law codes in the ruling of Frankish and Visigoth synods and councils. The emphasis was on popular practices, the use of amulets, astrology, and pagan rituals. Such rulings were recorded in various canon law collections, the most influential of which was that of the monk Dionysius, which was widely distributed and, in a form furnished with additions by Pope Hadrian I (700–795 C.E.), employed by Charlemagne (742–814 C.E.). The Indiculus superstitionum et paganiarum lists thirty pagan or magical practices: pagan ritual, medical magic, divination, incantation sorcery, weather magic and love magic (Charlemagnes’s Admonitio generalis followed the canons in its comprehensive prohibition, drawing explicitly on biblical tradition. Sorcery, magic and enchantment are forbidden (chapter 18) and are to be punished by the death penalty. Later canon laws repeat this adding their contemporary concerns. As such discriminative practices as divination, dream interpretation, casting lots and the aforementioned beliefs in night folk are all gathered under the label of superstition, the term embracing very different irrational beliefs; one can recognize a strong tendency to denote primitive uneducated folk beliefs as superstitious. Looking back to antiquity, the superstitious attitude was the province of gladiators, slaves in general, and women. Superstitious beliefs like the concept of the goddess train are discussed in the penitential treatises of Regino of Prüm, Burchard of Worms, Gratian, and others (see above). The Franciscan preacher Berthold of Regensburg occasionally responds to superstitious folk beliefs and especially rejects divinatory practices (Schönbach 1900, passim). In the last third of the twelfth century the Parisian theologian Johannes Beleth and the bishop Etienne Tempier condemned all books and manuscripts dealing with conjurations and necromancy (1277). At the same time the summae of Thomas Aquinas, Benedikt of Massili (1200–1263), and William of Auvergne (around 1249) were published. Thomas has often made it clear that he rejected conjurations, interpretations of signs and divination. The interaction of humans with demons and especially the interpretation of signs he criticized and rebuked as invitation to the demons to relate with mankind: this implicit affinity to the demons he called implicit pact (Kieckhefer 1997, 1–22).

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The late medieval representatives of Decalogue Literature, the so-called Vienna school, Nikolaus of Dinkelsbühl (1360–1433), Stephan of Landskron (1412–1477), and Heinrich of Langenstein (1325–1397) attack various types of superstition (Baumann 1989, passim). Their successors, especially the aforementioned Johannes Nider responded to late medieval superstitions and mentioned witchcraft, conjurations of the dead, possession, divination, and manifold superstitious practices. Institoris (1430–1505) included parts of Nider’s Formicarius literally in his Malleus Maleficarum, or Hammer of Witches (Bailey 2003, 29–54). The Heidelbergian theologian Nicolaus of Jauer (1355–1435) wrote the Tractatus de superstitionibus which had a wide distribution and reception. Although he followed Thomas Aquinas with his idea of the implicit and explicit pact he denied it that humas would be able to force the devil, which has much more power than man but is unable to create something new (Fürbeth 1992, 100–08). The Tyrolean Hans Vintler (middle of the fourteenth century–1419), Michel Beheim (1416–1475), and Bernardin of Siena (1380–1444) include lists of superstitions in their didactic work. Johannes Hartlieb’s (1400–1468) Puoch aller verpoten kunst ungelaubens und der zaubrey (1455/1456) is rightly looked upon as one of the most detailed treatises of magical and divinatory practices of medieval times. The preacher Geiler of Kaysersberg (1445–1510) deals with superstitions and witchcraft in his Emeis or Anthill arguing for punishment of the indicted (Peters and Kors, ed., 2001, 236–37). The personal physician of the Duke of JülichKleve, Johannes Weyer (1515–1588) in his De praestigiis daemonum takes opposition to witch trials by explaining the belief in witches’ flrf 1ight as a result of narcotic ointments (Tuczay 2012, 60–62).

Select Bibliography Bailey, Michael D., Magic and Superstition in Europe: A Concise History from Antiquity to the Present (Lanham, MD, 2006). Bailey, Michael D., Battling Demons: Witchcraft, Heresy and Reform in the Late Middle Ages (University Park, PA, 2003). Bever, Edward, The Realities of Witchcraft and Popular Magic in Early Modern Europe: Culture, Cognition, and Everyday Life (Basingstoke 2008). Blauert, Andreas, ed., Ketzer, Zauberer, Hexen: Die Anfänge der europäischen Hexenverfolgungen (Frankfurt a. M. 1990). Clark, Stuart, Thinking with Demons: The Idea of Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe (Oxford 1996). Haage, Bernhard, “Dichter, Drogen und Hexen im Hoch- und Spätmittelalter,” Würzburger medizin-historische Mitteilungen 4 (1986): 63–83. [= Haage 1986b] Kieckhefer, Richard, European Witch Trials: Their Foundations in Popular and Learned Culture, 1300–1500 (Berkeley, CA, 1976).  

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Luck, Georg, “Witches and Sorcerers in Classical Literature,” Witchcraft and Magic in Europe: Ancient Greece and Rome, ed. Bengt Ankarloo and Stuart Clark (Philadelphia, PA, 1999), 91–158. Middleton, John, ed., Magic, Witchcraft and Curing (Garden City, NY, 1967). Mitchell, Stephen, Witchcraft and Magic in the Nordic Middle Ages (Oxford 2011).

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1905

Classen, Albrecht, Sexual Violence and Rape in the Middle Ages: A Critical Discourse in Premodern German and European Literature (Berlin and New York 2011). [= Classen 2011c] Classen, Albrecht, “Der Gürtel als Objekt und Symbol in der Literatur des Mittelalters. Marie de France, Nibelungenlied, Sir Gawain and the Green Knight und Dietrich von der Glezze,” Mediaevistik 21 (2008, published in 2010): 11–37. [= Classen 2010a] Classen, Albrecht,“Einleitung,” Tiere als Freunde im Mittelalter: eine Anthologie, ed. Gabriela Kompatscher, with the collaboration of Albrecht Classen and Peter Dinzelbacher (Badenweiler 2010), 7–31. [= Classen 2010b] Classen, Albrecht, ed., Laughter in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times: Epistemology of a Fundamental Human Behavior, Its Meaning, and Consequences (Berlin and New York 2010). Classen, Albrecht, “The Dialectics of Mystical Love in the Middle Ages: Violence/Pain and Divine Love in the Mystical Visions of Mechthild of Magdeburg and Marguerite Porète,” Studies in Spirituality 20 (2010): 143–60. [= Classen 2010c] Classen, Albrecht, “Travel Space as Constructed Space: Arnold von Harff Observes the Arabic Space,” German Studies Review 33.2 (2010): 375–88. [= Classen 2010d] Classen, Albrecht, Deutsche Schwankliteratur des 16. Jahrhunderts: Studien zu Martin Montanus, Hans Wilhelm Kirchhhof und Michael Lindener (Trier 2009). [= Classen 2009a] Classen, Albrecht, “Farting and the Power of Human Language, with a Focus on Hans Wilhelm Kirchhof’s Sixteenth-Century Schwänke,” Scales of Connectivity, ed. Paul Maurice Clogan, Medievalia et Humanistica NS 35 (2009): 57–76. [= Classen 2009b] Classen, Albrecht, “Spatiality in Gottfried von Straßburg’s Tristan: Social and Lived Space within the Courtly World,” Tristania 25 (2009): 25–47. [= Classen 2009c] Classen, Albrecht, “Urban Space in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Age: Historical, Mental, Cultural, and Social-Economic Investigations,” Urban Space in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Age, ed. idem (Berlin and New York 2009), 1–146. [= Classen 2009d] Classen, Albrecht, ed., Urban Space in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Age (Berlin and New York 2009). Classen, Albrecht, “Der Mythos vom Rhein: Geschichte, Kultur, Literatur und Ideologie: Die Rolle eines europäischen Flusses vom Mittelalter bis zur Gegenwart,” Mittelalter-Mythen, ed. Ulrich Müller and Werner Wunderlich (St. Gall 2008), vol. 5, 711–25. [= Classen 2008a] Classen, Albrecht, “Masculine Women and Female Men: The Gender Debate in Medieval Courtly Literature with an Emphasis on the Middle High German Verse Narrative Frauenturnier,” Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 43.2 (2008): 205–22. [= Classen 2008b] Classen, Albrecht, ed., Sexuality in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Time: New Approaches to a Fundamental Cultural-Historical and Literary-Anthropological Theme (Berlin and New York 2008). Classen, Albrecht, “Introduction,” Old Age in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance: Interdisciplinary Approaches to a Neglected Topic, ed. idem (Berlin and New York 2007), 1–84. [= Classen 2007a] Classen, Albrecht, ed., Old Age in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance: Interdisciplinary Approaches to a Neglected Topic (Berlin and New York 2007). Classen, Albrecht, “The Dog in German Courtly Literature: the Mystical, the Magical, and the Loyal Animal,” Fauna and Flora in the Middle Ages, ed. Sieglinde Hartmann (Frankfurt a. M. et al. 2007), 67–86. [= Classen 2007b] Classen, Albrecht, The Medieval Chastity Belt: A Myth-Making Process (New York 2007). [= Classen 2007c]  

1906

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Classen, Albrecht, The Power of a Woman’s Voice in Medieval and Early Modern Literature (Berlin 2007). [= Classen 2007d] Classen, Albrecht, “Mauritius von Craûn and Otto von Freising’s The Two Cities: 12th- and 13thCentury Scepticism about Historical Progress and the Metaphor of the Ship,” German Quarterly 79.1 (2006): 28–49. Classen, Albrecht, ed., Childhood in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance: The Results of a Paradigm Shift in the History of Mentality (Berlin and New York 2005). [= A. Classen, ed., 2005] Classen, Albrecht, Der Liebes- und Ehediskurs vom hohen Mittelalter bis zum frühen 17. Jahrhundert (Münster et al. 2005). [= Classen 2005a] Classen, Albrecht, “Philippe Ariès and the Consequences: History of Childhood, Family Relations, and Personal Emotions: Where Do We Stand Today?, ” Childhood in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, ed. idem (Berlin and New York 2005), 1–65. [= Classen 2005b] Classen, Albrecht, ed., Discourses on Love, Marriage, and Transgression in Medieval and Early Modern Literature (Tempe, AZ, 2004). Classen, Albrecht, Late-Medieval German Women’s Poetry: Secular and Religious Songs (Cambridge 2004). [= Classen 2004a] Classen, Albrecht, “Love, Marriage, and Transgression in Medieval and Early Modern Literature: Discourse, Communication, and Social Interaction,” Discourses on Love, Marriage, and Transgression in Medieval and Early Modern Literature, ed. idem (Tempe, AZ, 2004), 1–42. [= Classen 2004b] Classen, Albrecht, “Die deutsche Predigtliteratur des Mittelalters im Kontext der europäischen Erzähltradition: Johannes Paulis Schimpf und Ernst (1521) als Rezeptionsmedium,” Fabula 44 (2003): 209–36. Classen, Albrecht, “Foreigners in Konrad von Würzburg’s Partonopier und Meliur,” Meeting the Foreign in the Middle Ages, ed. Albrecht Classen (London and New York 2002), 226–42. [= Classen 2002a] Classen, Albrecht, ed., Meeting the Foreign in the Middle Ages (London and New York 2002). Classen, Albrecht, “To Fear or not to Fear, that is the Question: Oswald von Wolkenstein Facing Death and Enjoying Life—Fifteenth Century Mentalitätsgeschichte Reflected in Lyric Poetry,” Fear and Its Representations in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, ed. Anne Scott and Cynthia Kosso (Turnhout 2002), 274–94. [=Classen 2002b] Classen, Albrecht, Verzweiflung und Hoffnung: Die Suche nach der kommunikativen Gemeinschaft in der deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters (Frankfurt a. M. 2002). [=Classen 2002c] Classen, Albrecht, Frauen in der deutschen Literaturgeschichte: Die ersten 800 Jahre (New York 2000). Classen, Albrecht, “Außenseiter der Gesellschaft im späthöfischen Roman, Volksbuch und Volkslied: Eine literar-soziologische und ethnologische Untersuchung,” Europäische Ethnologie und Folklore im internationalen Kontext: Festschrift für Leander Petzoldt zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. Ingo Schneider (Frankfurt a. M. et al. 1999), 351–66. [= Classen 1999a] Classen, Albrecht, Deutsche Frauenlieder des fünfzehnten und sechzehnten Jahrhunderts: Autentische Stimmen in der deutschen Frauenliteratur der Frühneuzeit oder Vertreter einer poetischen Gattung (das Frauenlied)? (Amsterdam 1999). [= Classen 1999b] Classen, Albrecht, “Jüdisch-deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters und der Frühneuzeit als Dokumente des Kulturaustauschs: Mit besonderer Beachtung jüdisch-deutscher Volkslieder des 16. Jahrhunderts,” Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Gemanistik 50 (1998): 185–207.  

 

Secondary Literature

1907

Classen, Albrecht, “Die guten Monster im Orient und in Europa: Konfrontation mit dem ‘Fremden’ als anthropologische Erfahrung im Mittelalter,” Mediaevistik 9 (1997): 11–37. [= A. Classen 1997] Classen, Albrecht, “Why Do Their Words Fail? Communicative Strategies in the ‘Hildebrandslied,’” Modern Philology 93.1 (1995): 1–22. Classen, Albrecht, “Kommunikation im Mittelalter,” Europäische Mentalitätsgeschichte, ed. Peter Dinzelbacher (Stuttgart 1993), 424–47. [= A. Classen 1993a] Classen, Albrecht, “‘The Other’ in Medieval Narratives and Epics: The Encounters with Monsters, Devils, Giants, and Other Creatures,” Canon and Canon Transgression in Medieval German Literature, ed. idem (Göppingen 1993), 83–121. [= A. Classen 1993b] Classen, Albrecht, “Die narrative Funktion des Traums in mittelhochdeutscher Literatur,“ Mediaevistik: Internationale Zeitschrift für interdisziplinäre Mittelalterforschung 5 (1992) 11–37. Classen, Albrecht, ed., Women as Protagonists and Poets in the German Middle Ages: Feminist Approaches to the Study of Middle High German Literature (Göppingen 1991). Classen, Albrecht, “Erotik als Spiel, Spiel als Leben, Leben als Erotik: Komparatistische Überlegungen zur Literatur des europäischen Mittelalters,” Mediaevistik 2 (1989): 7–42. Classen, Albrecht, “Hans von Westernach: Der Pfalzgraf hieß da ziehen baß: Politische und militarische Dichtung des deutschen Spätmittelalters,” Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 26 (1987): 133–51. Classen, Albrecht and Connie Scarborough, ed., Crime and Punishment in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Time (Berlin and New York 2012). Classen, Albrecht and Lukas Richter, Lied und Liederbuch in der Frühen Neuzeit (Münster et al. 2010). Classen, Albrecht and Marilyn Sandidge, ed., Friendship in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Age: Explorations of a Fundamental Ethical Discourse (Berlin and New York 2010). Classen, Albrecht and Nadia Margolis, ed., War and Peace: Critical Issues in European Societies and Literature 800–1800 (Berlin and Boston, MA, 2011). Classen, Carl Joachim, Die Stadt im Spiegel der Descriptiones und Laudes civitatum in der antiken und mittelalterlichen Literatur bis zum Ende des 12. Jahrhunderts (Hildesheim and New York 1980). Classen, Constance, The Deepest Sense: A Cultural History of Touch (Urbana, IL, 2012). [= C. Classen 2012] Classen, Constance, ed., The Book of Touch (Oxford and New York 2005). [= C. Classen, ed., 2005] Classen, Constance, “Foundations for an Anthropology of the Senses,” International Social Science Journal 49 [153] (1997): 401–20. [= C. Classen 1997] Classen, Constance, David Howes and Anthony Synnott, Aroma: The Cultural History of Smell (London and New York 1994). Classen, Constance, Worlds of Sense: Exploring the Senses in History and Across Cultures (London and New York 1993). [= C. Classen 1993] Classen, Peter, Studium und Gesellschaft im Mittelalter (Stuttgart 1983). Claster, Jill N., Sacred Violence: The European Crusades to the Middle East, 1095–1396 (Toronto 2009). Clayton, John, “The Otherness of Anselm,” The Otherness of God, ed. Orrin F. Summerell (Charlottesville, VA, and London 1998), 14–34. Clayton, Mary, “Homiliaries and Preaching in Anglo-Saxon England,” Peritia 3 (1985): 207–42. Clemens, Lukas, Tempore Romanorum constructa: Zur Nutzung und Wahrnehmung antiker Überreste nördlich der Alpen während des Mittelalters (Stuttgart 2003).

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Clemens, Lukas and Michael Matheus, “Christen und Muslime in der Capitanata im 13. Jahrhundert,” Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 88 (2008): 82–118. Clemens, Raymond and Timothy Graham, Introduction to Manuscript Studies (Ithaca, NY, 2007). Cline, Ruth Huff, “The Influence of Romances on Tournaments of the Middle Ages,” Speculum 20 (1945): 204–11. Coarelli, Filippo, ed., Pompeji (Bergisch Gladbach 1979). Coatsworth, Elizabeth and Michael Pinder, The Art of the Anglo-Saxon Goldsmith (Woodbridge 2002). Cobban, Alan B., The Medieval English Universities: Oxford and Cambridge to c. 1500 (Aldershot 1988). Cobban, Alan B., The Medieval Universities: Their Development and Organization (London 1975). Codellas, Pan S., “The Pantocrator, the Imperial Byzantine Medical Center of XIIth Century A. D. in Constantinople,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 12 (1942): 392–410. Coffman, George R., “Old Age in Chaucer’s Day,” Modern Language Notes 52.1 (1937): 25–26. Coffman, George R., “Old Age from Horace to Chaucer: Some Literary Affinities and Adventures of an Idea,” Speculum 9.3 (1934): 249–77. Cohan, A. S., ed., Theories of Revolution: an Introduction (London 1975). Cohen, Esther, The Modulated Scream: Pain in Late Medieval Culture (Chicago and London 2010). Cohen, Esther, The Crossroads of Justice: Law and Culture in Late Medieval France (Leiden and New York 1993). Cohen, Jeffrey Jerome, “The Future of the Jews of York,” Christians and Jews in Angevin England: The York Massacre of 1190, Narratives and Contexts, ed. Sarah Rees Jones and Sethina Watson (Rochester, NY, and Woodbridge 2013), 278–93. Cohen, Jeffrey Jerome, Hybridity, Identity, and Monstrosity in Medieval Britain: On Difficult Middles (New York 2006). [= J. J. Cohen 2006] Cohen, Jeffrey Jerome, “The Flow of Blood in Norwich,” Speculum 79.1 (2004): 26–65. Cohen, Jeffrey Jerome, “Hybrids, Monsters, Borderlands: The Bodies of Gerald of Wales,” The Postcolonial Middle Ages, ed. idem (New York 2000), 85–104. Cohen, Jeffrey Jerome, ed., The Postcolonial Middle Ages (New York 2000). Cohen, Jeffrey Jerome, Of Giants: Sex, Monsters and the Middle Ages (Minneapolis, MN, 1999). [= J. J. Cohen 1999] Cohen, Jeffrey Jerome, “Monster Culture (Seven Theses),” Monster Theory: Reading Culture, ed. idem (Minneapolis, MN, 1996), 3–25. [= J. J. Cohen 1996] Cohen, Jeffrey Jerome, ed., Monster Theory: Reading Culture (Minneapolis, MN, 1996). [= J. J. Cohen, ed., 1996] Cohen, Jeffrey Jerome, “The Limits of Knowing: Monsters and the Regulation of Medieval Popular Culture,” Medieval Folklore 3 (1994): 1–37. [= J. J. Cohen 1994] Cohen, Jeremy, Sanctifying the Name of God: Jewish Martyrs and Jewish Memories of the First Crusade (Philadelphia, PA, 2006). [= J. Cohen 2006] Cohen, Jeremy, Living Letters of the Law: Ideas of the Jew in Medieval Christianity (Berkeley, CA, et al. 1999). [= J. Cohen 1999] Cohen, Jeremy, ed., From Witness to Witchcraft: Jews and Judaism in Medieval Christian Thought (Wiesbaden 1996). [= J. Cohen, ed., 1996] Cohen, Jeremy, “The Muslim Connection or On the Changing Role of Jews in High Medieval Theology,” From Witness to Witchcraft: Jews and Judaism in Medieval Christian Thought, ed. idem (Wiesbaden 1996), 141–62. [= J. Cohen 1996]

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1909

Cohen, Jeremy, The Friars and the Jews: The Evolution of Medieval Anti-Judaism (Ithaca, NY, 1982). [= J. Cohen 1982a] Cohen, Jeremy, “The Jews as the Killers of Christ in the Latin Tradition from Augustine to the Friars,” Traditio 39 (1983): 1–27. [= J. Cohen 1982b] Cohen, Kathleen, Metamorphosis of a Death Symbol: the Transi Tomb in the Late Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Berkeley, CA, 1973). Cohen, Mark R., The Voice of the Poor in the Middle Ages: An Anthology of Documents from the Cairo Geniza (Princeton, NJ, 2005). Cohen, Mark R., Under Crescent and Cross: The Jews in the Middle Ages (Princeton, NJ, 1994). [= M. R. Cohen 1994] Cohen, Mark R., “The Neo-Lachrymose Conception of Jewish-Arab History,” Tikkun 6.3 (May–June 1991): 55–60. Cohn, Samuel K., Jr., Lust for Liberty: the Politics of Social Revolt in Medieval Europe, 1200–1425: Italy, France, and Flanders (Cambridge, MA, 2006). Cohn, Samuel K., Jr., Creating the Florentine State: Peasants and Rebellion, 1348–1434 (Cambridge and New York 1999). Cohn, Norman, Cosmos, Chaos, and the World to Come: The Ancient Roots of Apocalyptic Faith (New Haven, CT, 1993). [= Cohn 1993a] Cohn, Norman, Europe’s Inner Demons: The Demonization of Christians in Medieval Christendom, rev. ed. (1975; Chicago 1993). [= Cohn 1993b] Cohn, Norman, The Pursuit of the Millennium: Revolutionary Millenarians and Mystical Anarchists of the Middle Ages, rev. and exp. ed (1957; New York 1990). Cohn, Norman, The Pursuit of the Millennium: Revolutionary Millenarians and Mystical Anarchists of the Middle Ages, rpt. 3rd ed. (1957; London 1984). Cohn, Norman, Europe’s Inner Demons (Chicago 1975). Cohn, Norman, The Pursuit of the Millennium: Revolutionary Millenarians and Mystical Anarchists of the Middle Ages, rev. and exp. ed (1957; Oxford 1970). [= Cohn 1970a] Cohn, Norman, “The Myth of Satan and his Human Servants,” Witchcraft Confessions and Accusations, ed. Mary Douglas (London 1970), 3–16. [= Cohn 1970b] Cohn, Samuel, “The Black Death and the Burning of Jews,” Past and Present 196 (August 2007): 3–36. Coing, Helmut, ed., Handbuch der Quellen und Literatur der neueren europäischen Privatrechtsgeschichte, vol. 1: Mittelalter (1100–1500) (Munich 1973). Colas, Raymond and Vincent Pitts, Du palais du roi au palais de justice: l’histoire du palais de la cité (360–1439) (New Haven, CT, 1999). Colbert, Edward P., The Martyrs of Cordoba (850–859): A Study of the Sources (Washington, DC, 1962). Coldstream, Nicola, Medieval Architecture (Oxford 2002). Coldstream, Nicola, Masons and Sculptors (Toronto and Buffalo, NY, 1991). Cole, Penny J., “Humbert of Romans and the Crusade,” The Experience of Crusading I: Western Approaches, ed. Marcus Bull and Norman Housley (Cambridge 2003), 157–74. Cole, Penny J., “‘O God, the Heathen Have Come into Your Inheritance’ (Ps. 78.1): The Theme of Religious Pollution in Crusade Documents, 1095–1188,” Crusaders and Muslims in TwelfthCentury Syria, ed. Maya Shatzmiller (Leiden 1993), 84–111. Cole, Penny J., The Preaching of the Crusades to the Holy Land, 1095–1270 (Cambridge, MA, 1991). Cole, Thomas and Mary G. Winkler, ed., The Oxford Book of Aging (Oxford and New York 1994).

1910

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Cole, Thomas, David T. Van Tassel and Robert Kastenbaum, ed., Handbook of the Humanities and Aging (New York 1992). Coleman, Edward, “The State of Research: The Italian Communes. Recent Work and Current Trends,” Journal of Medieval History 25 (1999): 373–97. Coleman, Edward, “Sense of Community and Civic Identity in the Italian Communes,” The Community, the Family and the Saint: Patterns of Power in Early Medieval Europe. Selected Proceedings of the International Medieval Congress, University of Leeds, 4–7 July 1994, 10–13 July 1995, ed. Joyce Hill (Turnhout 1998), 45–60. Coleman, Janet, Ancient and Medieval Memories (Cambridge 2005). Coleman, Janet, “Property and Poverty,” The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought. C. 350–1450 (Cambridge et al. 1991), 607–48. Coleman, Joyce, Public Reading and the Reading Public in Late Medieval England and France (Cambridge 1996). Collins, Amanda, Greater than Emperor: Cola di Rienzo (ca. 1313–54) and the World of FourteenthCentury Rome (Ann Arbor, MI, 2002). Collins, John J., “From Prophecy to Apocalypticism: The Expectation of the End,” Encyclopedia of Apocalypticism, ed. idem and Bernard McGinn (New York 1999), vol. 1, 129–61. Collins, John J. and Bernard McGinn, ed., Encyclopedia of Apocalypticism (New York 1999), 3 vols. Collins, Marcia, The Dance of Death in Book Illustration (Columbia, MO, 1977). Collins, Minta, Medieval Herbals: The illustrative Traditions (London 2000). Collins, Roger, Charlemagne (Toronto 1998). Collins, Roger, “Literacy and the Laity in Early Medieval Spain,” Uses of Literacy in Early Medieval Europe, ed. Rosamond McKitterick (Cambridge 1990), 109–33. Collins, R., Early Medieval Spain: Unity in Diversity, 400–1000 (New York 1981). Collins, R. and A. Goodman, ed., Medieval Spain: Culture, Conflict, and Coexistence (Houndmills et al. 2002). Colliot-Thélène, Catherine, “Chronologie und Universalgeschichte,” Geschichtsphilosophie und Kulturkritik: Historische und systematische Studien, ed. Johannes Rohbeck and Herta NaglDocekal (Darmstadt 2003), 21–49. Colvin, Howard, Architecture and the After-Life (New Haven, CT, 1991). Comrie, Bernard and Greville G. Corbett, ed., The Slavonic Languages (London 1993). Conant, Kenneth, Carolingian and Romanesque Architecture, 800–1200, 4th ed. (1959; New Haven, CT, and London 1978). Conant, Kenneth, Carolingian and Romanesque Architecture, 800–1200, 3rd ed. (1959; New Haven, CT, 1973). Condon, Margaret, “The Last Will of Henry VII: Document and Text,” Westminster Abbey: The Lady Chapel of Henry VII, ed. Tim Tatton-Brown and Richard Mortimer (Woodbridge 2003), 99–140. Congourdeau, Marie-Hélène, “La Peste noire à Constantinople de 1348 à 1466,” Medicina nei secoli 11 (1999): 377–89. Congourdeau, Marie-Hélène, “Mètrodôra et son oeuvre,” Maladie et société à Byzance, ed. Evelyne Patlagean (Spoleto 1993), 21–96. Connell, Brian, Amy Gray Jones, Rebecca Redfern, et al., A Bioarcheological Study of Medieval Burials on the Site of St. Mary Spital: Excavations at Spitalfields Market, London E1, 1991– 2007 (London 2012). Connell, Charles W., “Issues of Humanity in the Rhetoric of Crusade Preaching,” Humanity and the Natural World, ed. Richard G. Newhauser and David Hawkes (Turnhout 2013), 241–64.

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1911

Connell, Charles W., “Origins of Medieval Public Opinion in the Peace of God Movement,” War and Peace: Critical Issues in European Societies and Literature, 800–1800, ed. Albrecht Classen and Nadia Margolis (Berlin and Boston, MA, 2011), 171–92. Connell, Charles W., “Western Views of the Origin of the ‘Tartars’: an Example of the Influence of Myth in the Second Half of the Thirteenth Century,” The Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 3 (1973): 115–37. Connor, R. D., The Weights and Measures of England (London 1987). Conrad, Larry I., “The Arab-Islamic Medical Tradition,” The Western Medical Tradition 800 B.C. to A.D. 1800, ed. Larry Conrad, Michael Neve, Vivian Nutton, et al. (Cambridge 1995), 93–138. Conrad, Larry, Michael Neve, Vivian Nutton, et al., ed., The Western Medical Tradition 800 B.C. to A.D. 1800 (Cambridge 1995). Constable, Giles, The Abbey of Cluny: A Collection of Essays to Mark the Eleventh-Hundreth Anniversary of its Foundation (Berlin 2010). Constable, Giles, “Carolingian Monasticism as Seen in the Plan of St Gall,” Le monde carolingien: Bilan, perspectives, champs de recherche. Actes du colloque international de Poitiers (28–30 novembre 2004), ed. Wojciech Falkowski and Yves Sassier (Turnhout 2009), 199–218. Constable, Giles, “The Historiography of the Crusades,” The Crusades from the Perspective of Byzantium and the Muslim World, ed. Angeliki E. Laiou and Roy Parvez Mottahadeh (Washington, DC, 2001), 1–22. Constable, Giles, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, MA, 1996). [= Constable 1996a] Constable, Giles, “VI. The Language of Preaching in the Twelfth Century,” Culture and Spirituality in Medieval Europe, ed. idem (Aldershot 1996), 131–52. [= Constable 1996b] Constable, Giles, Three Studies in Medieval Religious and Social Thought (Cambridge, MA, 1995). Constable, Giles, “The Language of Preaching in the Twelfth Century,” Viator 25 (1994): 131–52. [= G. Constable 1994] Constable, Giles, “The Ceremonies and Symbolism of Entering Religious Life and Taking the Monastic Habit, from the Fourth to the Twelfth Century,” Segni e riti nella chiesa altomedievale occidentale (Spoleto 1987), 771–834. Constable, Giles, Letters and Letter-Collections (Turnhout 1976). Constable, Giles, “A Report of a Lost Sermon by St Bernard on the Failure of the Second Crusade,” Studies in Medieval Cistercian History Presented to Jeremiah F. O’Sullivan (Spencer, MA, 1971), 49–54. Constable, Giles, “The Second Crusade as Seen by Contemporaries,” Traditio 9 (1953): 213–79. Constable, Olivia Remie, “Chess and Courtly Culture in Medieval Castile: The Libro de Ajadrez of Alfonso X, el Sabio,” Speculum 82 (2007): 301–47. Constable, Olivia Remie, Housing the Stranger in the Mediterranean World: Lodging, Trade, and Travel in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Cambridge 2006). Constable, Olivia Remie, Trade and Traders in Muslim Spain: The Commercial Realignment of the Iberian Peninsula, 900–1500 (Cambridge 1994). [= O. R. Constable 1994] Constas, Nicholas, “Death and Dying in Byzantium,” Byzantine Christianity, ed. Derek Krueger (Minneapolis, MN, 2006), 124–45. Conta, Gioia, “Vie di pellegrinaggio nel Medioevo in area Alpina: Pellegrini ‘romei’ e ‘palmieri’ attraverso l’Alto Adige,” Die Erschließung des Alpenraums für den Verkehr im Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit, ed. Erwin Riedenauer (Bozen 1996), 145–95.

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Contamine, Phillipe, War in the Middle Ages (Oxford 1987). Contreni, John J., ed., Learning and Culture in Carolingian Europe: Letters, Numbers, Exegesis and Manuscripts (Farnham and Burlington, VT, 2011). Contreni, John J., “Counting, Calendars, and Cosmology: Numeracy in the Early Middle Ages,” Word, Image, Number: Communication in the Middle Ages, ed. John J. Contreni and Santa Casciani (Florence 2002), 43–83. Contreni, John J., “The Carolingian Renaissance: Education and Literary Culture,” The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 2: c.700–c.900, ed. Rosamond McKitterick (Cambridge 1995), 709–57. Contreni, John J. and Santa Casciani, ed., Word, Image, Number: Communication in the Middle Ages (Florence 2002). Coogan, Robert, Babylon on the Rhone: A Translation of Letters by Dante, Petrarch, and Catherine of Siena on the Avignon Papacy (Potomac, MD, 1983). Cook, Barrie J., “En monnaie aiant cours. The Monetary System of the Angevin Empire,” Coinage and History in the North Sea World, c. AD 500–1250: Essays in Honour of Marion Archibald, ed. Barrie J. Cook and Gareth Williams (Leiden 2006), 617–86. Cook, David, “Apocalyptic Incidents During the Mongol Invasions,” Endzeiten: Eschatologie in den monotheistischen Weltreligionen, ed. Wolfram Brandes and Felicitas Schmieder (Berlin 2008), 293–312. Cook, David, “The Beginnings of Islam as an Apocalyptic Movement,” War in Heaven/Heaven on Earth. Theories of the Apocalyptic, ed. Glenn McGhee and Stephen O’Leary (Sheffield 2005), 79–94. Cook, David, Studies in Muslim Apocalyptic (New York 2002). Cook, Martin, Medieval Bridges (Princes Risborough 1998). Coolman, Boyd Taylor, Knowing God by Experience: The Spiritual Senses in the Theology of William of Auxerre (Washington, DC, 2004). Coope, Jessica A., The Martyrs of Cordoba: Community and Family Conflict in an Age of Mass Conversion (Lincoln 1995). Cooper, Alan, Bridges, Law and Power in Medieval England, 700–1400 (Woodbridge 2006). Cooper, Helen, The Structure of the Canterbury Tales (Athens, GA, 1983). Cooper, Lisa H. and Andrea Denny-Brown, ed., The Arma Christi in Medieval and Early Modern Material Culture (Surrey and Burlington, VT, 2014). Copeland, Rita, Pedagogy, Intellectuals, and Dissent in the Later Middle Ages: Lollardy and Ideas of Learning (Cambridge 2001). Copsey, Richard, Carmel in Britain: Studies on the Early History of the Carmelite Order, vol. 3: The Hermits from Mount Carmel (Rome 2004). Coquery, Natacha, Francois Menant and Florence Weber, ed., Écrire, compter, mesurer: Vers une histoire des rationalités pratiques (Paris 2006). Corbin, Alain, “Charting the Cultural History of the Senses,” Empire of the Senses, ed. David Howes (Oxford and New York 2005), 128–39. Corbin, Henry, Alchimie comme art hiératique (Paris 1986). Corcoran, Simon and Janet DeLaine, “The Unit Measurement of Marble in Diocletian’s Prices Edict,” Journal of Roman Archaeology 7 (1994): 263–73. Cordery, Leona F., “Cannibal Diplomacy: Otherness in the Middle English Text Richard Coer de Lion,” Meeting the Foreign in the Middle Ages, ed. Albrecht Classen (New York and London 2002), 153–71.

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Herlihy, David, “Age, Property, and Career in Medieval Society,” Aging and the Aged in Medieval Europe: Selected Papers from the Annual Conference of the Centre for Medieval Studies, University of Toronto, held 25–26 February and 11–12 November 1983, ed. Michael M. Sheehan (Toronto 1990), 143–58. Herlihy, David, “Growing Old in the Quattrocento,” Old Age in Preindustrial Society, ed. Peter N. Stearns (New York 1982), 104–18. Hermand, Xavier, “Réformer une abbaye au XVe siècle: L’exemple de Florennes,” Revue bénédictine 122 (2012): 342–65. Hermand, Xavier, Jean-François Nieus and Étienne Renard, ed., Décrire, inventorier, enregristrer entre Seine et Rhin au Moyen Âge: Formes, fonctions et usages des écrits de gestion (Paris 2012). Herrin, Judith, “The Quinisext Council (692) as a Continuation of Chalcedon,” Chalcedon in Context: Church Councils 400–700, ed. Richard Price and Mary Whitby, rpt. ed. (2009; Liverpool 2011), 148–68. Herrin, Judith, Byzantium: The Surprising Life of a Medieval Empire (Princeton, NJ, and London 2007). Herrin, Judith, “The Pentarchy: Theory and Reality in the Ninth Century,” Cristianità d’Occidente e cristianità d’Oriente (Secoli VI–XI), Settimane di Studio della Fondazione Centro Italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo, LI (Spoleto 2004), vol. 1, 591–626. Herrin, Judith, Women in Purple: Rulers of Medieval Byzantium (London 2001). Herrin, Judith, “Public and Private Forms of Religious Commitment among Byzantine Women,” Women in Ancient Societies: ‘An Illusion of the Night,’ ed. Léonie J. Archer, Susan Fischler and Maria Wyke (Basingstoke and London 1994), 181–203. Herrin, Judith, The Formation of Christendom, rev. paperback ed. (1987; Princeton, NJ, 1989). Herrin, Judith, “Women and the Faith in Icons in Early Christianity,” Culture, Ideology and Politics: Essays for Eric Hobsbawm, ed. R. Samuel and G. Stedman Jones (London and Boston, MA, 1982), 56–83. Herring, Peter, “Cornish Medieval Deer Parks,” The Lie of the Land: Aspects of the Archaeology and History of the Designed Landscapes in the South West of England, ed. Robert Wilson‐ North (Exeter 2003), 34–50. Heuser, Beatrice, The Evolution of Strategy: Thinking War from Antiquity to the Present (Cambridge 2010). Heusinger, Sabine von, Die Zunft im Mittelalter: Zur Verflechtung von Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft in Straßburg (Stuttgart 2009). Heutger, Nikolaus, Bursfelde und seine Reformklöster, 2nd ed. (1969; Hildesheim 1975). Hewitt, B. George, “Caucasian Languages,” Encyclopedia of the Languages of Europe, ed. Glanville Price (Oxford 1998), 57–81. Hewitt, Herbert J., The Horse in Medieval England (London 1983). Hewitt, Herbert J., The Organisation of War under Edward III (Manchester 1966). Hexter, Ralph J. and David Townsend, ed., The Oxford Handbook of Medieval Latin Literature (Oxford 2012). Heymel, Michael, “Lieder am Krankenbett und in der Sterbebegleitung: Ars moriendi früher und heute,” Theologische Beiträge 34 (2003): 60–70. Heyworth, Gregory, Ovidian Romance and the Cult of Form (Notre Dame, IN, 2009). Hicks, Eric, ed., trans. and intro., Le Débat sur le Roman de la Rose: Christine de Pisan (Paris 1977).

1970

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1971

Hindman, Sandra, “Pieter Bruegel’s Children’s Games, Folly, and Chance,” The Art Bulletin 63 (1981): 447–75. Hines, John, “Units of Account in Gold and Silver in Seventh-Century England: Scillingas, Sceattas and Pæningas,” Antiquaries Journal 90 (2010): 153–74. Hines, John, “The Conversion of the Old Saxons,” The Continental Saxons from the Migration Period to the Tenth Century: an Ethnographic Perspective, ed. Dennis H. Green and Frank Siegmund (Woodbridge 2003), 219–313. Hinnebusch, William A., The History of the Dominican Order (Staten Island, NY, 1966–1973), 2 vols. Hinton, David A., The Alfred Jewel and Other Late Anglo-Saxon Metalwork (Oxford 2009). Hirsch, Renée Johanna, Doodenritueel in de Nederlanden vóór 1700 (Amsterdam 1921). Hirsch-Reich, Beatrice, “Joachim von Fiore und das Judentum,” Judentum im Mittelalter: Beiträge zum christlich-jüdischen Gespräch, ed. Paul Wilpert (Berlin 1966), 228–63. Hitchcock, Richard, Mozarabs in Medieval and Early Modern Spain: Identities and Influences (Aldershot 2008). Hobbins, Daniel, The Trial of Joan of Arc (Cambridge, MA, 2005). Hobsbawm, Eric, Primitive Rebels: Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movement in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Manchester 1959). Hobson, Barry, Latrinae et Foricae: Toilets in the Roman World (London 2009). Hochstetler, Donald Dee, “The Meaning of Monastic Cloister for Women According to Caesarius of Arles,” Religion, Culture and Society in the Early Middle Ages: Studies in Honor of Richard E. Sullivan, ed. Thomas F. X. Noble and John J. Contreni (Kalamazoo, MI, 1987), 27–40. Hocquet, Jean-Claude, Anciens systèmes de poids et mesures en Occident (Aldershot 1992). Hodges, Laura F., Chaucer and Costume: The Secular Pilgrims in the General Prologue (Cambridge 2000). Hodges, Richard, Dark Age Economics: The Origins of Towns and Trade AD 600–1100, 2nd ed. (1982; London 1989). Hodges, Richard and David Whitehouse, Mohammed, Charlemagne, and the Origins of Europe: Archeology and the Pirenne Thesis (Ithaca, NY, 1983). Hoffman, Adina and Peter Cole, Sacred Trash: the Lost and Found World of the Cairo Geniza (New York 2011). Hoffmann, Gabriele and Uwe Schnall, ed., Die Kogge: Sternstunde der deutschen Schiffsarchäologie (Hamburg 2003). Hoffmann, Hartmut, Gottesfriede und Treuga Dei (Stuttgart 1964). Hoffmann, Richard C., “Fishing,” Medieval Science, Technology, and Medicine: an Encyclopedia, ed. Thomas Glick, Steven J. Livesey and Faith Wallis (New York and Oxon 2005), 175–76. Hoffmann, Richard C., “Carp, Cods, Connections: New Fisheries in the Medieval European Economy and Environment,” Animals in Human Histories: the Mirror of Nature and Culture, ed. Mary J. Henninger-Voss (Rochester, NY, 2002), 3–55. Hoffmann, Richard C., Fishers’ Craft and Lettered Art: Tracts on Fishing from the End of the Middle Ages (Toronto and London 1997). Hoffmann, Richard C., “Economic Development and Aquatic Ecosystems in Medieval Europe,” The American Historical Review 101.3 (1996): 631–69. Hoffmann, Richard C., “The Protohistory of Pike in Western Culture,” The Medieval World of Nature: A Book of Essays, ed. Joyce E. Salisbury (New York 1993), 61–76. Hoffmann, Richard C., “Fishing for Sport in Medieval Europe: New Evidence,” Speculum 60.4 (1985): 877–902.

1972

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1973

Hooley, Dan, “Prelude: Classical Mountain Landscape and the Language of Ascent,” Heights of Reflection: Mountains in the German Imagination from the Middle Ages to the Twenty-First Century, ed. Sean Moore Ireton and Caroline Schaumann (Rochester, NY, 2012), 20–34. Hopper, Vincent F., Medieval Number Symbolism: Its Sources, Meaning, and Influence on Thought and Expression, 1st paperback ed. (1938; New York 2000). Hopper, Vincent F., Medieval Number Symbolism: Its Sources, Meaning, and Influence on Thought and Expression (New York 1938). Hoppin, Richard H., Medieval Music (New York 1978). Horden, Peregrine, “Medieval Hospital Formularies: Byzantium and Islam Compared,” Medical Books in the Byzantine World, ed. Barbara Zipser (Bologna 2013), 145–64. Horden, Peregrine, “What’s Wrong with Early Medieval Medicine?,” Social History of Medicine 24 (2011): 5–25. Horden, Peregrine, Hospitals and Healing from Antiquity to the Later Middle Ages (Aldershot 2008). Horden, Peregrine, “A Non-Natural Environment: Medicine without Doctors and the Medieval European Hospital,” The Medieval Hospital and Medical Practice, ed. Barbara S. Bowers (Aldershot 2007), 133–46. Horden, Peregrine, “How Medicalised Were Byzantine Hospitals?,” Medicina e Storia 10 (2006): 45–74. Horden, Peregrine, “Mediterranean Plague in the Age of Justinian,” Cambridge Companion to the Age of Justinian, ed. Michael Maas (Cambridge 2005), 134–60. [= Horden 2005a] Horden, Peregrine, “The Earliest Hospitals in Byzantium, Western Europe, and Islam,” The Journal of Interdisciplinary History 25 (2005): 361–89. [= Horden 2005b] Horden, Peregrine, “The Christian Hospital in Late Antiquity: Break or Bridge,” GesundheitKrankheit: Kulturtransfer medizinischen Wissens von der Spätantike bis in die frühe Neuzeit, ed. Florian Steger and Kay Peter Jankrift (Cologne, Weimar, and Vienna 2004), 76–99. Horden, Peregrine, “The Millennium Bug: Health and Medicine around the Year 1000,” The Year 1000: Medical Practice at the End of the First Millennium, ed. Peregrine Horden and Emily Savage-Smith, Social History of Medicine 13 (2000): 201–19. Horden, Peregrine “Saints and Doctors in the Early Byzantine Empire: the Case of Theodore of Sykeon,” The Church and Healing. Papers read at the twentieth summer meeting and the twenty-first winter meeting of the Ecclesiastical history society, ed. William J. Sheils (Oxford 1982), 1–13. [rpt. in Peregrine Horden, Hospitals and Healing from Antiquity to the Later Middle Ages (Aldershot and Burlington, VT, 2008), no. XI.] Horn, Walter, “On the Origins of the Medieval Bay System,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 17.2 (Summer 1958): 2–23. Horn, Walter and Ernest Born, The plan of St. Gall: A Study of the Architecture & Economy of, & Life in a Paradigmatic Carolingian Monastery (Berkeley, Los Angeles, CA, and London 1979). Hornaday, Aline G., “Visitors from Another Space: the Medieval Revenant as Foreigner,” Meeting the Foreign in the Middle Ages, ed. Albrecht Classen (London and New York 2002), 71–95. Horner, Patrick J., “Preachers at Paul’s Cross: Religion, Society, and Politics in Late Medieval England,” Medieval Sermons and Society: Cloister, City, University, ed. Jacqueline Hamesse et al. (Louvain-La-Neuve 1998), 261–82. Horrocks, Geoffrey C., Greek: A History of the Language and Its Speakers, 2nd ed. (1997; Oxford and Malden, MA, 2010). Horrocks, Geoffrey C., “Greek,” Encyclopedia of the Languages of Europe, ed. Glanville Price (Oxford 1998), 211–24.

1974

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1975

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1976

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1986

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1987

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1988

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1989

Keupp, Jan, Mode im Mittelalter (Darmstadt 2011). Keynes, Simon, “England, 700–900,” The New Cambridge Medieval History, ed. Rosamond McKitterick, 2nd ed. (Cambridge et al. 1995), 18–42. Keynes, Simon, “A Tale of Two Kings: Alfred the Great and Æthelred the Unready,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 5th ser. 36 (1986): 195–217. Keynes, Simon and Rory Naismith, “The Agnus Dei Pennies of King Æthelred the Unready,” Anglo-Saxon England 40 (2012): 175–223. Keyser, Paul, “The Origin of the Latin Numerals 1 to 1000,” American Journal of Archaeology 92 (1988): 529–46. Khalilieh, Hassan S., Admiralty and Maritime Laws in the Mediterranean Sea (ca. 800–1050) (Leiden 2006). Khalilieh, Hassan S., Islamic Maritime Law: An Introduction (Leiden 1998). Kibre, Pearl, “Hippocrates Latinus: Repertorium of Hippocratic Writings in the Latin Middle Ages,” Traditio 31 (1975): 99–126; 32 (1976): 257–92; 33 (1977): 253–95; 34 (1978): 193–226; 35 (1979): 273–302; 36 (1980): 347–72; 37 (1981): 267–89; 38 (1982): 165–92; republished as a monograph: Hippocrates Latinus. Repertorium of Hippocratic Writings in the Latin Middle Ages (New York 1985). Kibre, Pearl, Scholarly Privileges in the Middle Ages: The Rights, Privileges, and Immunities of Scholars and Universities at Bologna, Padua, Paris, and Oxford (London 1961). Kidson, Peter, “Panofsky, Suger and St. Denis,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 50 (1987): 1–17. Kieckhefer, Richard, “The Devil’s Contemplatives: The Liber Juratus, The Liber Visionum and the Christian Approbation of Jewish Occultism,” Conjuring Spirits: Texts and Traditions of Medieval Ritual Magic, ed. Claire Fanger (Stroud 1998), 250–65. Kieckhefer, Richard, Forbidden Rites: A Necromancer’s Manual of the Fifteenth Century (Stroud 1997). Kieckhefer, Richard, “The Office of Inquisition and Medieval Heresy: The Transition from Personal to Institutional Jurisdiction,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 46 (1995): 36–61. Kieckhefer, Richard, “The Holy and the Unholy: Sainthood, Witchcraft, and Magic in Late Medieval Europe,” Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 24 (1994): 355–85. Kieckhefer, Richard, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge 1989). Kieckhefer, Richard, Repression of Heresy in Medieval Germany (Philadelphia, PA, 1979). Kieckhefer, Richard, European Witch Trials: Their Foundations in Popular and Learned Culture, 1300–1500 (Berkeley, CA, 1976). Kiefer, Frederick, ed., Masculinities and Femininities in the Middle Ages and Renaissance (Tempe, AZ, 2009). Kiem, Karl, Die Waage: Ein Bautyp des „Goldenen Jahrhunderts“ in Holland (Berlin 2009). Kiening, Christian, Schwierige Modernität: der “Ackermann” des Johannes von Tepl und die Ambiguität historischen Wandels (Tübingen 1998). Kienzle, Beverly Mayne, Hildegard of Bingen and Her Gospel Homilies: Speaking New Mysteries (Turnhout 2009). Kienzle, Beverly Mayne, “Medieval Sermons and Their Performance,” Preacher, Sermon and Audience in the Middle Ages, ed. Carolyn Muessig (Leiden 2002). Kienzle, Beverly Mayne, ed., Cistercians, Heresy and Crusade in Occitania, 1145–1229 (Rochester, NY, 2001). Kienzle, Beverly Mayne, ed., The Sermon (Turnhout 2000).

1990

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1991

Kirschbaum, Engelbert, ed., Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, with Günter Bandmann et al. (Rome, Freiburg, et al. 1968–1972), 4 vols. Kirschbaum, Engelbert, with S. Zajadacz-Hastenrath, “Fabelwesen,” Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, ed. Engelbert Kirschbaum with Günter Bandmann et al. (Rome et al. 1970), vol. 2, 1–4. Kirschenbaum, Aaron, “Jewish and Christian Theories of Usury in the Middle Ages,” Jewish Quarterly Review 75 (1985): 270–89. Kisch, Guido, Sachsenspiegel and Bible (Notre Dame, IN, 1990). Kisch, Guido, “The Yellow Badge in History,” Historia Judaica 19 (1957): 89–146. Kiser, Lisa J., “Margery Kempe and the Animalization of Christ: Animal Cruelty in Late Medieval England,” Studies in Philology 106 (2009): 299–315. Kiser, Lisa J., “Animal Acts: Animals in Medieval Sports, Entertainments, and Menageries,” A Cultural History of Animals, ed. Linda Kalof and Brigitte Resl (Oxford and New York 2007), vol. 2, 103–26. Kislinger, Ewald, “Der Pantokrator-Xenon, ein trügerisches Ideal?,” Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 37 (1987): 173–79. Kittler, Friedrich, “Buchstaben – Zahlen – Codes,” Audiovisualität vor und nach Gutenberg: Zur Kulturgeschichte der medialen Umbrüche, ed. Horst Wenzel, Wilfried Seipel and Gotthard Wunberg (Vienna 2001), 43–49. Kitzinger, Ernst, “Reflections on the Feast Cycle in Byzantine Art,” Cahiers Archéologiques 36 (1988): 51–73. Kitzinger, Ernst, Byzantine Art in the Making: Main Lines of Stylistic Development in Mediterranean Art, 3rd-7th Century (1977; Cambridge, MA, 1980). Kitzinger, Ernst, “The Cult of Images in the Age Before Iconoclasm,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 8 (1954): 83–150. Klaniczay, Gábor, ed., Procès de canonisation au Moyen Âge: Aspects juridiques et religieux (Rome 2004). Klaniczay, Gábor, “Speaking about Miracles: Oral Testimony and Written Record in Medieval Canonization Trials,” The Development of Literate Mentalities in East Central Europe, ed. Anna Adamska and Marco Mostert (Turnhout 2004), 365–95. Klein, Holger A., “Sacred Things and Holy Bodies: Collecting Relics from Late Antiquity to the Early Renaissance,” Treasures of Heaven: Saints, Relics, and Devotion in Medieval Europe, ed. Martina Bagnoli, Holger A. Klein, C. Griffith Mann, et al. (London 2010), 55–68. Klein, Holger A., “Eastern Objects and Western Desires: Relics and Reliquaries between Byzantium and the West,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 58 (2004): 283–314. Klein, Peter K., “Introduction: The Apocalypse in Medieval Art,” The Apocalypse in the Middle Ages, ed. Bernard McGinn (New York 1992), 159–99. Klein, Stacey S., Ruling Women: Queenship and Gender in Anglo-Saxon Literature (Notre Dame, IN, 2006). Kleinau, Elke and Claudia Opitz, ed., Geschichte der Mädchen- und Frauenbildung, vol. 1: Vom Mittelalter bis zur Aufklärung (Frankfurt a. M. and New York 1994). Kleinberg, Aviad, “Proving Sanctity: Selection and Authentification of Saints in the Later Middle Ages,” Viator 20 (1989): 183–205. Kleinhenz, Christopher, “Intertextual Approaches to the Divine Comedy,” Italica 63.3 (1986): 225–36. Kleinhenz, Christopher and Keith Busby, ed., Medieval Multilingualism: The Francophone World and Its Neighbours (Turnhout 2010).  

1992

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1993

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1994

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1996

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1997

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L L’Estrange, Elizabeth, “Gazing at Gawain: Reconsidering Tournaments, Courtly Love, and the Lady Who Looks,” Medieval Feminist Forum 44.2 (2008): 74–96. La coscienza cittadina nei comuni italiani del duecento: Atto del XI convegno del Centro di Studi sulla Spiritualità medievale (Todi 1972). La Guardia, Rena, ed., I luoghi della moneta: le sedi delle zecche dell’antichità all’età moderna: atti del convegno internazionale 22–23 Ottobre 1999, Milano (Milan 2001). La médecine au temps des califes: A l’ombre d’Avicenne. Exposition présentée du 18 novembre 1996 au 2 mars 1997, Paris, Institut du Monde Arabe (Paris and Gand 1996). La Roncière, Charles B. de, Histoire de la Marine Française (Paris 1899–1900). Labarge, Margaret Wade, Medieval Travellers (New York and London 1982). Lacarra, María Eugenia, El Poema del Mio Cid. Realidad histórica e ideología (Madrid 1980). Lachaud, Frédérique, “Dress and Social Status in England Before the Sumptuary Laws,” Heraldry, Pageantry and Social Display in Medieval England, ed. Peter Coss and Maurice Keen (Woodbridge 2002), 105–24. Lacy, Norris J., “The Evolution and Legacy of French Prose Romance,” The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Romance, ed. Roberta Krueger (Cambridge 2006), 167–82. Lacy, Norris J., ed., The New Arthurian Encyclopedia (New York 1991). Lacy, Norris J., “Yvain's Evolution and the Role of the Lion,” Romance Notes 12 (1970): 198–202.

1998

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1999

Lamoreaux, John, “Early Christian Responses to Islam,” Medieval Christian Perceptions of Islam: A Book of Essays, ed. John Tolan (New York 1996), 3–31. Lampe, G. W. H., ed., The Cambridge History of the Bible: The West from the Fathers to the Reformation (Cambridge 1969). Lampert, Lisa, Gender and Jewish Difference from Paul to Shakespeare (Philadelphia, PA, 2004). Landau, Peter, “Der Begriff ordo in der mittelalterlichen Kanonistik,” Studien zum Prämonstratenserorden, ed. Irene Crusius and Helmut Flachenecker (Göttingen 2003), 185–99. Lander, J. R., “Bonds, Coercion, and Fear: Henry VII and the Peerage,” Florilegium Historiale: Essays Presented to Wallace K. Ferguson, ed. J. G. Rowe and W. H. Stockdale (Toronto 1971). Landes, David S., The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some are So Rich and Others So Poor (New York 1998). [= D. S. Landes 1998] Landes, Richard, “Can the Church be Desperate, Warriors be Pacifist, and Commoners Ridiculously Optimistic? On the Historian’s Imagination and the Peace of God,” Center and Periphery: Studies on Power in the Medieval World in Honor of William Chester Jordan, ed. Katherine L. Jansen, G. Geltner and Anne E. Lester (Leiden 2013), 79–92. Landes, Richard, Heaven on Earth: The Varieties of the Millennial Experience (New York 2011). Landes, Richard, Encyclopedia of Millennialism and Millennial Movements (New York 2000). [= Landes 2000a] Landes, Richard, “The Historiographical Fear of an Apocalyptic Year 1000: Augustinian History Medieval and Modern,” Speculum 75 (2000): 97–145. [= Landes 2000b] Landes, Richard, Relics, Apocalypse and the Deceits of History: Ademar of Chabannes, 989–1034 (Cambridge, MA, 1998). [= R. Landes 1998] Landes, Richard, “Between Aristocracy and Heresy: Popular Participation in the Limousin Peace of God, 994–1033,” The Peace of God: Social Violence and Religious Response in France around the Year 1000, ed. Thomas Head and Richard Landes (Ithaca, NY, and London 1992), 184–218. Landes, Richard, “Lest the Millennium be Fulfilled: Apocalyptic Expectations and the Pattern of Western Chronography, 100–800 CE,” The Use and Abuse of Eschatology in the Middle Ages, ed. Werner Verbeke, Daniel Verhelst and Andries Welkenhuysen (Leuven 1988), 137–211. Landes, Richard, Andrew Gow and David Van Meter, ed., The Apocalyptic Year 1000: Religious Expectation and Social Change 950–1050 (New York 2003). Landes, Richard and Thomas Head, ed., The Peace of God: Social Violence and Religious Response in France around the Year 1000 (Ithaca, NY, 1992). Landes, Richard and Steven Katz, Paranoid Apocalypse: A Hundred-Year Retrospective on the Protocols of the Elders of Zion (New York 2011). Landini, Laurentio C., The Causes of the Clericalization of the Order of Friars Minor 1209–1260 in the Light of the Early Franciscan Sources (Chicago 1968). Landolt, Oliver, “Von der Marginalisierung zur Kriminalisierung – Die Ausgrenzung mobiler Bevölkerungselemente in der spätmittelalterlichen Eidgenossenschaft,” Das Mittelalter 16: Marginalität im Mittelalter, ed. Nicole Nyffenegger, Thomas Schmid and Moritz Wedell (2011): 49–71. Landolt, Oliver, “Mobilität und Verkehr im europäischen Spätmittelalter: Mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Verkehrspolitik innerhalb der Eidgenossenschaft,” Europa im späten Mittelalter: Politik – Gesellschaft – Kultur, ed. Rainer C. Schwinges, Christian Hesse, and Peter Moraw (Munich 2006), 489–510.

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Lotter, Friedrich, “The Position of the Jews in Early Cistercian Exegesis and Preaching,” From Witness to Witchcraft: Jews and Judaism in Medieval Christian Thought, ed. Jeffrey Jerome Cohen (Wiesbaden 1996), 163–86. Loubès, Gilbert, L'Énigme des cagots: histoire d'une exclusion (Bordeaux 1995). Loughlin, Stephen, “The Complexity and Importance of timor in Aquinas’s Summa Theologiae,” Fear and its Representations in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, ed. Anne Scott and Cynthia Kosso (Turnhout 2002), 1–16. Lourie, Elena, Crusade and Colonisation: Muslims, Christians and Jews in Medieval Aragon (Aldershot 1990). Louth, Andrew, “Why Did the Syrians Reject the Council of Chalcedon?” Chalcedon in Context: Church Councils 400–700, ed. Richard Price and Mary Whitby, paperback ed. (2009; Liverpool 2011), 107–16. Louth, Andrew, “Byzantium Transforming (600–700),” The Cambridge History of the Byzantine Empire c. 500–1492, ed. Jonathan Shepard (Cambridge and New York 2008), 221–48. [= Louth 2008a] Louth, Andrew, “Justinian and His Legacy (500–600),” The Cambridge History of the Byzantine Empire c. 500–1492, ed. Jonathan Shepard (Cambridge and New York 2008), 99–129. [= Louth 2008b] Louth, Andrew, “The Emergence of Byzantine Orthodoxy, 600–1095,” The Cambridge History of Christianity, vol. 3: Early Medieval Christianities, c. 600-c. 1100, ed. Thomas F. X. Noble and Julia M. H. Smith (Cambridge and New York 2008), 46–64. [= Louth 2008c] Louth, Andrew and Augustine Casiday, ed., Byzantine Orthodoxies, Papers from the Thirty-sixth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, University of Durham, 23–25 March, 2002 (Aldershot and Burlington, VT, 2006). Lowden, John, The Making of the Bibles Moralisées (University Park, PA, 2000). Lowden, John, Early Christian and Byzantine Art (London 1997). Lowe, Benno, Imagining Peace: A History of Early English Pacifist Ideas (University Park, PA, 1997). Löweneck, Max, ed., Peri Didaxeon: Eine Sammlung von Rezepten in englischer Sprache aus dem 11./12. Jahrhundert. Nach einer Handschrift des Britischen Museums, rpt. ed. (Erlangen 1896; Amsterdam 1970). Loyn, H. R., “Gesiths and Thegns in Anglo-Saxon England from the Seventh to Tenth Century,” The English Historical Review 70.277 (1955): 529–49. Lubac, Henri de, Exégèse Médiévale: Les Quatre Sens de l’Écriture (Paris, 1959–1964), 4 vols. Lucas, A. T., “Washing and Bathing in Ancient Ireland,” Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 95.1–2 (1965): 109–10. Lucas, A. T., “Sweat House, Co. Wicklow,” Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 82.2 (1952): 180–81. Lucas, H. S., “John Crabbe: Flemish Pirate, Merchant and Adventurer,” Speculum 20 (1945): 334–50. Lucas, John Scott, Astrology and Numerology in Medieval and Early Modern Catalonia: the Tractat de prognostication de la vida naturals dels hòmens (Leiden and Boston, MA, 2003). Lucchesi Palli, Elisabeth, with L. Hoffscholte, “Drache,” Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, ed. Engelbert Kirschbaum et al. (Rome et al. 1968), vol. 1, 516–24. Luchitskaya, Svetlana, “Chess as a Metaphor for Medieval Society,” Saluting Aron Gurevich: Essays in History, Literature and Other Related Subjects, ed. Yelena Mazour-Matusevich and Alexandra S. Korros, trans. Yelena Mazour-Matusevich (Leiden 2010), 277–321.

Secondary Literature

2009

Lutchitskaja, Svetlana, “L’image des musulmans dans les chroniques des croisades,” Le Moyen Age 105 (1999): 717–35. Lutchitskaja, Svetlana, “Barbares nations: Les peuples musulmans dans les chroniques de la Première croisade,” Autour de la première croisade, ed. Michel Balard (Paris 1996), 99–107. Luck, Georg, “Witches and Sorcerers in Classical Literature,” Witchcraft and Magic in Europe: Ancient Greece and Rome, ed. Bengt Ankarloo and Stuart Clark (Philadelphia, PA, 1999), 91–158. Luck, Georg, Magie und andere Geheimlehren in der Antike (Stuttgart 1990). Luck, Georg, Arcana Mundi: Magic and the Occult in the Greek and Roman Worlds (Baltimore, MD, and London 1985). Lüdtke, Alf, ed., The History of Everyday Life: Reconstructing Historical Experiences and Ways of Life, trans. William Templer (Frankfurt a. M. 1989; Princeton, NJ, 1995). Lüdtke, Alf, “What Is the History of Everyday Life and Who Are Its Practitioners,” The History of Everyday Life: Reconstructing Historical Experiences and Ways of Life, ed. idem, trans. William Templer (Frankfurt a. M. 1989; Princeton, NJ, 1995), 3–40. Lühr, Rosemarie, Expressivität und Lautgesetz im Germanischen (Heidelberg 1988). Lüneburg, Heinz, Von Zahlen und Größen: Dritthalbtausend Jahre Theorie und Praxis (Basel, Boston, MA, and Berlin 2008). Lunt, Horace G., Old Church Slavonic Grammar, 7th ed. (1955; Berlin and New York 2001). Lurie, Alison, The Language of Clothes, paperback ed. (1981; New York 1983). Luscombe, David, “Thought and Learning,” The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. 4: c. 1024–c. 1198, Part 1, ed. idem (Cambridge 2004), 461–98. Lütjens, August, Der Zwerg in der deutschen Heldendichtung des Mittelalters, rpt. ed. (1911; Hildesheim 1977). Lütteken, Laurenz, “Notation VI: Mensuralnotation,” Notation, ed. Andreas Jaschinski, elaborated rpt. (Kassel 1997; Kassel and Stuttgart 2001), 105–28. Lütteken, Laurenz, “Notation VI: Mensuralnotation,” Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Allgemeine Enzyklopäadie der Musik. Zweite, neubearbeitete Ausgabe, 29 vol., ed. Ludwig Fischer (Kassel 1994–2007), vol. 7 (1997), coll. 323–39 and 421–25. Lutz, Eckart Conrad, Spiritualis fornicatio: Heinrich Wittenwiler, seine Welt und sein ‘Ring’ (Sigmaringen 1990). Lützeler, Heinrich, Der Turm des Freiburger Münsters (Freiburg i. Br. 1955). Lützelschwab, Ralf, “Anspruch und Wirklichkeit—zur Stellung der Dominikanerkardinäle unter Clemens VI. (1342–1352) und Innocenz VI. (1352–1362),” Päpste, Privilegien, Provinzen: Beiträge zur Kirchen-, Rechts- und Landesgeschichte, Festschrift für Werner Maleczek zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. Johannes Gießauf, Rainer Murauer and Martin Schennach (Vienna 2010), 277–90. [= Lützelschwab 2010a] Lützelschwab, Ralf, “Cardinalis albus—On the Career of the Cistercian Monk Guillaume Court (†1361),” Cistercian Studies Quarterly 45 (2010): 141–67. [= Lützelschwab 2010b] Lynch, Joseph H., The Medieval Church: A Brief History (New York 1992). Lynch, Kathryn L., The High Medieval Dream Vision (Stanford, CA, 1988). Lynnerup, Niels, The Greenland Norse: A Biological-Anthropological Study (Copenhagen 1998).  

 

2010

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M Mac Cana, Prionsias, Celtic Mythology, rev. ed. (1970; London 1983). Maccarrone, Michele, “Le costituzioni del IV concilio lateranense sui religiosi,” Nuovi studi su Innocenzo III (Rome 1995), 1–45. Maccullach, J. A., “The Mingling of Fairy and Witch Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century Scotland,” Folklore 32.4 (Dec 1921): 227–44. Mach, Michael, “From Apocalypticism to Early Jewish Mysticism?” Encyclopedia of Apocalypticism, ed. John J. Collins (New York 1999), vol. 1, 229–64. Machan, Tim W., Textual Criticism and Middle English Texts (Charlottesville, VA, 1994). MacKay, Angus, Spain in the Middle Ages: from Frontier to Empire, 1000–1500 (New York 1977). Mackenzie, David, “Galician,” Encyclopedia of the Languages of Europe, ed. Glanville Price (Oxford 1998), 185–88. MacKillop, James, The Dictionary of Celtic Mythology (New York 1998). MacKinney, Loren C., Medical Illustrations in Medieval Manuscripts (London 1965). MacKinney, Loren C., Early Medieval Medicine with Special Reference to France and Chartres (Baltimore, MD, 1937). MacKinney, Loren C., “The People and Public Opinion in the Eleventh Century Peace Movement,” Speculum 5 (1930): 181–206. MacKinnon, Kenneth, “Scottish Gaelic,” Languages in Britain and Ireland, ed. Glanville Price (Oxford 2000), 44–57. Mackley, Jude S., The Legend of St Brendan: A Comparative Study of the Latin and Anglo-Norman Versions (Leiden 2008). MacMullan, Ramsay, “The Search for Orthodoxy A.D. 325–553,” Viator 38.1 (2007): 1–17. Maddicott, J. R., “The County Community and the Making of Public Opinion in Fourteenth-Century England,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser. 28 (1978): 27–43. Maddicott, John R., The Origins of the English Parliament, 924–1327 (Oxford and New York 2010). Maddox, Donald and Sara Sturm-Maddox, ed., Melusine of Lusignan: Founding Fiction in Late Medieval France (Athens, GA, 1996). Magdalino, Paul, “The History of the Future and Its Uses: Prophecy, Policy and Propaganda,” The Making of Byzantine History: Studies Dedicated to Donald M. Nicol, ed. Roderick Beaton and Charlotte Rouché (Brookfield, VT, 1993), 3–34. Magdalino, Paul and Maria Mavroudi, ed., The Occult Sciences in Byzantium (Geneva 2006). Magennis, Hugh, Images of Community in Old English Poetry (Cambridge 1996). Magennis, Hugh and Mary Swan, ed., A Companion to Ælfric (Leiden and Boston, MA, 2009). Magnusson, Roberta J., Water Technology in the Middle Ages: Cities, Monasteries and Waterworks after the Roman Empire (Baltimore, MD, 2001). Magoulias, Harry J., “The Lives of the Saints as Sources of Data for the History of Byzantine Medicine in the Sixth and Seventh Centuries,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 57 (1964): 127–50. Magoun, Francis Peabody, Jr., History of Football from the Beginnings to 1871 (Bochum-Langendreer 1938). Magoun, Francis Peabody, Jr., “Football in Medieval England and in Middle-English Literature,” The American Historical Review 35 (1929): 33–45. Maguire, Henry, “The Heavenly Court,” Byzantine Court Culture from 829 to 1204, ed. idem (Washington, DC, 1997), 247–58. Maguire, Henry, Icons of Their Bodies: Saints and Their Images in Byzantium (Princeton, NJ, 1996).

2011

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Mahoney, Michael S., “Mathematics,” Dictionary of the Middle Ages, ed. Joseph R. Strayer (New York, NY, 1989), vol. 8, 205–22. Maiden, Martin, A Linguistic History of Italian (London and New York 1995). Maier, Bernhard, Die Religion der Germanen, Götter, Mythen, Weltbild (Munich 2003). Maier, Christoph T., Crusade Propaganda and Ideology: Model Sermons for the Preaching of the Cross (Cambridge 2000). Maier, Christoph T., Preaching the Crusades: Mendicant Friars and the Cross in the Thirteenth Century, 1st paperback ed. (1994; Cambridge 1998). Maierù, Alfonso, University Training in Medieval Europe, trans. D. N. Pryds (Leiden 1994). Maine, Henry, Early Law and Custom (London 1883). Mainstone, Rowland J., Hagia Sophia: Architecture, Structure and Liturgy of Justinian’s Great Church, 2nd ed. (1988; New York 2001). Maire-Vigueur, Jean-Claude, Cavaliers et Citoyens. Guerre, conflits et société dans l’Italie communale XIIe-XIIIe siècles (Paris 2003). Maitland, Frederic William, Constitutional History of England (Cambridge 1946). Majeska, George, “The Emperor in His Church: Imperial Ritual in the Church of St. Sophia,” Byzantine Court Culture from 829 to 1204, ed. Henry Maguire (Washington, DC, 1997), 1–11. Mäkeler, Hendrik, “Nicolas Oresme und Gabriel Biel: Zur Geldtheorie im späten Mittelalter,” Scripta Mercaturae 37 (2003): 56–94. Makki, Mahmoud, “The Political History of Al-Andalus 92/711–897/1492,” The Legacy of Muslim Spain, ed. Salma K. Jayyusi (Leiden 1992), 3–87. Maksymiuk, Stephan, The Court Magician in Medieval German Romance (Frankfurt a. M. et al. 1992). Malay, Jessica L., “Thomas of Erceldoune’s Lady: The Scottish Sibyl,” Viator 41.2 (2010): 361–73. Malia, Martin, History’s Locomotives: Revolutions and the Making of the Modern World (New Haven, CT, 2007). Mallett, Michael, “Mercenaries,” Medieval Warfare: A History, ed. Maurice Keen (Oxford 1999), 209–29. Mallett, Michael, “Horse-Racing and Politics in Lorenzo’s Florence,” Lorenzo the Magnificent: Culture and Politics, ed. Michael Mallett and Nicholas Mann (London 1996): 253–62. Mallett, Michael, Florentine Galleys in the Fifteenth Century (Oxford 1967). Maloba, Wunyabari, Mau Mau and Kenya: an Analysis of a Peasant Revolt (Bloomington, IN, 1993). Managan, Robert, “‘Loves luste [sic] and lockes hore’: Medieval Attitudes Towards Aging and Sexuality,” Human Values and Aging Newsletter 4 (1981): 5–6. Mandrou, Robert, Die Fugger als Grundbesitzer in Schwaben, 1560–1618: Eine Fallstudie sozioökonomischen Verhaltens am Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts (Göttingen 1997). “Manessische Handschrift” (Große Heidelberger Liederhandschrift [Codex Manesse]), http:// digi.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/diglit/cpg848 [last accessed on March 2, 2014]. Manfroni, C., Storia della marina italiana, vols. I and II (Livorno 1897–1902). Mangan, Michael, Performing Dark Arts: A Cultural History of Conjuring (Chicago 2007). Mango, Cyril, ed., The Oxford History of Byzantium (Oxford and New York 2002). Mango, Cyril, The Art of the Byzantine Empire 312–1453, Sources and Documents, rpt. ed. (1986; Toronto et al. 1993). Mango, Cyril, Byzantium: the Empire of New Rome (London and New York 1980). Mann, Horace K., The Lives of the Popes in the Early Middle Ages, vol. 2: The Popes During the Carolingian Empire, 795–858 (St. Louis, MO, 1906).  

2012

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Mann, Jill, From Aesop to Reynard: Beast Literature in Medieval Britain (Oxford and New York 2009). Mann, Vivian, “Romanesque Ivory Tablemen,” Ph.D. diss. New York University 1977. Mann, Vivian, Thomas F. Glick and Jerrilynn Dodds, ed., Convivencia: Jews, Muslims, and Christians in Medieval Spain (New York 1992). Manselli, Raoul, La religion populaire au Moyen Âge: problèmes de méthode et d’histoire (Montreal 1975). Manselli, Raoul, “La Christianitas medievale di fronte all’eresia,” Concetto, storia, miti e immagini del medioevo: Studi sulle eresie del secolo XII, ed. Vittore Branca (Rome 1973), 90–133. Mantello, Frank A. C. and Arthur G. Rigg, ed., Medieval Latin: An Introduction and Bibliographical Guide (Washington, DC, 1996). Manuel, Frank and Fritzie Manuel, Utopian Thought in the Western World (Cambridge, MA, 1979). Manuwald, Bernd, “Traum und Traumdeutung in der griechischen Antike,” Traum und Träumen: Inhalt, Darstellung, Funktionen einer Lebenserfahrung in Mittelalter und Renaissance, ed. Rudolf Hiestand (Düsseldorf 1994), 15–42. Marcigliano, Alessandro, Chivalric Festivals at the Ferrarese Court of Alfonso II d'Este (New York 2003). Marcus, Ivan G., Rituals of Childhood (New Haven, CT, 1996). Marganne, Marie-Hélène, “Etiquettes de médicaments, listes de drogues, prescriptions et réceptaires dans l’Egypte gréco-romaine et byzantine,” Pharmacopoles et apothicaires: Les “pharmaciens” de l’Antiquité au Grand Siècle, ed. Franck Collard and Evelyne Samama (Paris 2006), 59–73. Margolis, Nadia, An Introduction to Christine de Pizan (Gainesville, FL, et al. 2011). Marinis, Vasileios, “Defining Liturgical Space,” The Byzantine World, ed. Paul Stephenson (London and New York 2010), 284–302. Mark, Robert, Experiments in Gothic Structure (Cambridge, MA, 1982). Marks, Richard and Paul Williamson, ed., Gothic: Art for England 1400–1547 (London 2003). Markus, Robert, Gregory the Great and his World (Cambridge and New York 1997). Markus, Robert, Saeculum: History and Society in the Theology of St Augustine (Cambridge 1989). Marnette, Sophie, “Narrateur et point de vue dans les chroniques médiévales: une approche linguistique,” The Medieval Chronicle 1 (1999): 174–90. Marnette, Sophie, Narrateur et points de vue dans la littérature française médiévale: Une approche linguistique (Bern 1998). Marold, Edith, “Die drei Götter auf dem Schädelfragment von Ribe,” Runica, Germanica, Mediaevalia, ed. Wilhelm Heizmann (Berlin 2003), 403–17. Marrou, Henri Irénée, Histoire de l’éducation dans l’antiquité, 6th, rev. ed. (1948; Paris 1965). Marrou, Henri Irénée, “L’évangile de vérité et la diffusion du comput digital dans l’antiquité,” Vigiliae Christianae 12 (1958): 98–103. Marrou, Henri-Irénée, Saint Augustin et l’augustinisme (Paris 1955). Marrou, Henri-Irénée, L’ambivalence du temps de l’histoire chez saint Augustin (Paris 1950). Marrou, Henri-Irénée, Saint Augustin et la fin de la culture antique (Paris 1938). Marschler, Thomas, Auferstehung und Himmelfahrt Christi in der scholastischen Theologie bis zu Thomas von Aquin (Münster 2003). Marsden, Richard, “The Bible in English,” The New Cambridge History of the Bible, ed. Richard Marsden and E. Ann Matter (Cambridge 2012), vol. 2, 217–38. Marsden, Richard and E. Ann Matter, ed., The New Cambridge History of the Bible, vol. 2 (Cambridge 2012).

Secondary Literature

2013

Marshall, Louise, “Purgatory in the Medieval Imagination: The Earliest Images,” Imagination, Books and Community in Medieval Europe, ed. Gregory C. Kratzmann (South Yarra 2009), 213–19. Marshall, Peter, Beliefs and the Dead in Reformation England (Oxford 2002). Marshall, Richard K., The Local Merchants of Prato: Small Entrepreneurs in the Late Medieval Economy (Baltimore, MD, 1999). Martène, Edmond and Casimir Chevalier, Histoire de l’abbaye de Marmoutier (Tours 1874–1875), 2 vols. Martín Viso, Iñaki, “Circuits of Power in a Fragmented Space: Gold Coinage in the Meseta del Duero (Sixth–Seventh Centuries),” Scale and Scale Change in the Early Middle Ages: Exploring Landscape, Local Society, and the World Beyond, ed. Julio Escalona and Andrew Reynolds (Turnhout 2011), 215–52. Martin, Dennis D., Fifteenth–Century Carthusian Reform: The World of Nicholas Kempf (Leiden 1992). Martin, Gottfried, Klassische Ontologie der Zahl (Cologne 1956). Martin, Janet, Treasure of the Land of Darkness: The Fur Trade and its Significance for Medieval Russia (Cambridge and New York 1986). Martin, Lawrence T., “The Two Worlds in Bede’s Homilies: The Biblical Event and the Listeners’ Experience,” De Ore Domini: Preacher and Word in the Middle Ages, ed. Thomas Amos, Eugen A. Green and Beverly Mayne Kienzle (Kalamazoo, MI, 1989), 27–40. Martin, Lawrence T., ed., Somniale Danielis: An Edition of a Medieval Latin Dream Interpretation Handbook (Frankfurt a. M. 1981). Martin, Therese, ed., Reassessing the Roles of Women as ‘Makers’ of Medieval Art and Architecture (Leiden 2012). Martineau-Génieys, Christine, La thème de la mort dans la poésie française de 1450 à 1550 (Paris 1978). Martines, Lauro, Power and Imagination: City-States in Renaissance Italy (Baltimore, MD, 1988). Martines, Lauro, Lawyers and Statecraft in Renaissance Florence (Princeton, NJ, 1968). Martines, Lauro, The Social World of the Florentine Humanists, 1390–1460 (Princeton, NJ, 1963). Marty-Dufaut, Josy, L’amour au moyen âge: de l'amour courtois aux jeux licencieux (Marseille 2002). Marvin, Julia, “Cannibalism as an Aspect of Famine in Two English Chronicles,” Food and Eating in Medieval Europe, ed. Martha Carlin and Joel T. Rosenthal (London and Rio Grande, OH, 1998), 73–86. [= J. Marvin 1998] Marvin, Laurence W., “‘…Men famous in combat and battle…’: Common Soldiers and the Siege of Bruges, 1127,” Journal of Medieval History 24 (1998): 243–58. [= L. W. Marvin 1998] Marx, C. W., The Devil’s Rights and the Redemption in the Literature of Medieval England (Cambridge 1995). Maschke, Ernst, “Die Brücke im Mittelalter,” Die Stadt am Fluß, ed. idem (Sigmaringen 1978), 9–39. Masi, Michael, “Boethian Number Theory and Music,” Boethian Number Theory: A Translation of the De Institutione Arithmetica, ed. idem (Amsterdam 1983), 23–30. Masi, Michael, ed., Boethius and the Liberal Arts: A Collection of Essays (Bern et al. 1981). Masschaele, James, “The Public Space of the Marketplace in Medieval England,” Speculum 77 (2002): 383–421. Masseti, Marco, “Pictorial Evidence from Medieval Italy of Cheetahs and Caracals, and Their Use in Hunting,” Archives of Natural History 36 (2009): 37–47.  

2014

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Massman, H. F. and E. G. Graff, Vollständiger alphabetischer Index zu dem Althochdeutschen Sprachschatze (Berlin 1846). Mate, Mavis E., “Work and Leisure,” A Social History of England, 1200–1500, ed. Rosemary Horrox and W. M. Ormrod (Cambridge and New York 2006), 276–92. Mate, Mavis E., “The Role of Gold Coinage in the English Economy, 1338–1400,” Numismatic Chronicle, 7th series, 18 (1978): 126–41. Mathews, Thomas F., The Clash of Gods: A Reinterpretation of Early Christian Art (Princeton, NJ, 1993). Mathews, Thomas F., “The Transformation Symbolism in Byzantine Architecture and the Meaning of the Patokrator in the Dome,” Church and People in Byzantium, ed. Rosmary Morris (Birmingham 1990), 191–214, [rpt. idem, Art and Architecture in Byzantium and Armenia (Aldershot and Brookfield, VT, 1995), XIII]. Mathews, Thomas F., “The Sequel to Nicaea II in Byzantine Church Decoration,” Perkins Journal of Theology XLI/3 (1988): 11–21, [rpt. idem, Art and Architecture in Byzantium and Armenia (Aldershot and Brookfield, VT, 1995), XII]. Mathews, Thomas F., The Early Churches of Constantinople: Architecture and Liturgy, 3rd printing (1971; University Park, PA, and London 1980). Mathiesen, Robert, “A Thirteenth-Century Ritual to Attain the Beatific Vision from the Sworn Book of Honorius of Thebes,” Conjuring Spirits: Texts and Traditions of Medieval Ritual Magic, ed. Claire Fanger (Stroud 1998), 143–62. Mathiesen, Robert, “The Church Slavonic Language Question: An Overview (IX–XX Centuries),” Aspects of the Slavic Language Question, vol. 1: Church Slavonic – South Slavic – West Slavic, ed. Roccardo Picchio and Harvey Goldblatt (New Haven, CT, 1984), 45–65. Mathisen, Ralph W., “Bishops, Barbarians, and the “Dark Ages”: the Fate of Late Roman Educational Institutions in Late Antique Gaul,” Medieval Education, ed. Ronald B. Begley and Josesph W. Koterski, S. J. (New York 2005), 3–19. Matossian, Mary A. Kilbourne, Poisons of the Past: Molds, Epidemics, and History (New Haven, CT, 1989). Matsuura, Koïchiro, “Foreword,” Preservation of the Frozen Tombs of the Altai Mountains, ed. David Tresilian, UNESCO (Paris 2008), 9. http://whc.unesco.org/uploads/news/docu ments/news-433–1.pdf [last accessed on February 13, 2015]. Matt, Daniel, The Essential Kabbalah: The Heart of Jewish Mysticism (San Francisco, CA, 1994). Matthews, David, Writing to the King: Nation, Kingship and Literature in England 1250–1350 (Cambridge 2010). Matthews, William, “The Wife of Bath and all her Sect,” Viator 5 (1974): 413–43. Matus, Zachary, “Reconsidering Roger Bacon's Apocalypticism in Light of His Alchemical and Scientific Thought,” Harvard Theological Review 105 (2012): 189–222. Mauss, Marcel, The Gift: the Form and Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies, trans. W. D. Halls, with a foreword by Mary Douglas (London 2002). Mavroudi, Maria, “Exchanges with Arabic Writers During the Late Byzantine Period,” Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261–1557). Perspectives on Late Byzantine Art and Culture, ed. Sarah Brooks (New York, New Haven, CT, and London 2006), 62–75. Mavroudi, Maria, A Byzantine Book on Dream Interpretation: The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and its Arabic Sources (Leiden, Boston, MA, and Cologne 2002). Maxwell-Stuart, P. G., Witch Beliefs and Witch Trials in the Middle Ages: Documents and Readings (London 2011). Maxwell-Stuart, P. G., Witchcraft in Europe and the New World, 1400–1800 (New York 2001).

Secondary Literature

2015

Mayer, H. E., The Crusades (Oxford 1988). Mayhew, Nicholas J., “Modelling Medieval Monetisation,” A Commercialising Economy: England 1086 to c. 1300, ed. Richard H. Britnell and Bruce M. S. Campbell (Manchester 1995), 55–77. Mayhew, Nicholas J., “From Regional to Central Minting, 1158–1464,” A New History of the Royal Mint, ed. Christopher E. Challis (Cambridge 1992), 83–178. Mayr-Harting, Henry, Ottonian Book Illumination: An Historical Study, 2nd ed. (1991; London 1999). Mayr-Harting, Henry, Ottonian Book Illumination: An Historical Study (London and New York 1991). [= Mayr-Harting 1991a] Mayr-Harting, Henry, The Coming of Christianity to Anglo-Saxon England, 3rd ed. (1972; London 1991). [= Mayr-Harting 1991b] Mazzini, Innocenzo, “Le traduzioni latine di Ippocrate nei secoli V e VI. Limiti e caratteristiche della sopravvivenza del corpus ippocratico fra tardo-antico e alto medioevo,” Formes de pensée dans la collection hippocratique, ed. François Lasserre and Philippe Mudry (Geneva 1983), 483–92. Mazzini, Innocenzo, “Caratteri comuni a tutto l'Ippocrate latino tardo-antico e conseguenti considerazioni su alcuni emendamenti al testo,” I testi di medicina latini antichi. Problemi filologici e storici. Atti del I Convegno internazionale Macerata-S. Severino M., 16–28 aprile 1984, ed. Innocenzo Mazzini and Franca Fusco (Rome 1981), 63–74. Mc Carthy, Daniel P., The Irish Annals: Their Genesis, Evolution and History (Dublin 2008). McCabe, Anne, “Imported materia medica, 4th–12th Centuries and Byzantine Pharmacology,” Byzantine Trade, 4th–12th Centuries: The Archaeology of Local, Regional, and International Exchange, ed. M. Mundell Mango (Aldershot 2009), 273–92. McCabe, Anne, A Byzantine Encyclopaedia of Horse Medicine: The Sources, Compilation, and Transmission of the Hippiatrica (Oxford 2007). McCash, June Hall, ed., The Cultural Patronage of Medieval Women (Athens, GA, 1996). McCash, June Hall, “The Swan and the Nightingale: Natural Unity in a Hostile World in the Lais of Marie de France,” French Studies 49 (1995): 385–96. McClanan, Anne L., “The Empress Theodora and the Tradition of Women’s Patronage in the Early Byzantine Empire,” The Cultural Patronage of Medieval Women, ed. June Hall McCash (Athens, GA, 1996), 50–72. McCleery, Nancy Ann, The Abacus in the Medieval English Exchequer (Urbana-Champaign, IL, 1957). McClelland, John, Body and Mind: Sport in Europe from the Roman Empire to the Renaissance (London and New York 2007). McClelland, John and Brian Merrilees, ed., Sport and Culture in Early Modern Europe / Le Sport dans la Civilisation de l’Europe Pré-Moderne (Toronto 2009). McClure, George W., “The Artes and the Ars Moriendi in Late Renaissance Venice. The Professions in Fabio Glissenti’s Discorsi morali contra il dispiacer del morire, Detto Athanatophilia (1596),” Renaissance Quarterly 51 (1998): 92–127. McCluskey, Stephen C., Astronomies and Cultures in Early Medieval Europe (Cambridge 1998). McCluskey, Stephen C., “Medieval Astronomy,” History of Astronomy: An Encyclopedia, ed. John Lankford (New York and London 1997), 320–24. McConnell, Winder, “Mythos Drache,” Dämonen, Monster, Fabelwesen, ed. Werner Wunderlich and Ulrich Müller (St. Gall 1999), 171–84. McConnell, Winder, ed., A Companion to the Nibelungenlied (Columbia, SC, Rochester, NY, and Woodbridge 1998).

2016

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Secondary Literature

2017

McGuire, Brian Patrick, Friendship and Community: The Monastic Experience, 350–1250 (Ithaca, NY, 1988). McInerny, Ralph, Philosophy from St. Augustine to Ockham: A History of Western Philosophy, vol. 2 (Notre Dame, IN, 1970). McIntosh, Marjorie. K., “Money Lending on the Periphery of London, 1300–1600,” Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 20.4 (1988): 557–71. McKendrick, Scot, The History of Alexander the Great: An Illuminated Manuscript of Vasco da Lucena’s French Translation of the Ancient Text by Quintus Curtius Rufus (Los Angeles, CA, 1996). McKinnell, John, Meeting the Other in Norse Myth and Legend (Woodbridge and Rochester, NY, 2005). McKitterick, Rosamund, Charlemagne: The Formation of European Identity (Cambridge and New York 2008). McKitterick, Rosamond, “Women and Literacy in the Early Middle Ages: 6th–9th Centuries,” Books, Scribes and Learning in the Frankish Kingdoms, 6th–9th Centuries, ed. eadem (Aldershot and Brookfield, VT, 1995), 1–43. McKitterick, Rosamond, ed., Carolingian Culture: Emulation and Innovation (Cambridge 1994). McKitterick, Rosamond, ed., Uses of Literacy in Early Medieval Europe (Cambridge 1990). McKitterick, Rosamond, The Carolingians and the Written Word (Cambridge and New York 1989). McKitterick, Rosamond, The Frankish Church and the Carolingian Reforms, 789–895 (London 1977). McLaughlin, Megan, Consorting with Saints: Prayers for the Dead in Early Medieval France (Ithaca, NY, 1994). McLaughlin, Megan, “The Woman Warrior: Gender, Warfare and Society in Medieval Europe,” Women’s Studies 17 (1990): 193–209. McLean, Teresa, The English at Play in the Middle Ages (Windsor Forest 1983). McLees, C., Games People Played: Gaming-Pieces, Boards and Dice from Excavations in the Medieval Town of Trondheim (Trondheim 1990). McManus, Damian, A Guide to Ogam (Maynooth 1991). McMillin, Arnold, “Belorussian,” The Slavic Literary Languages: Formation and Development, ed. Alexander M. Schenker and Edward Stankiewicz (New Haven, CT, 1980), 105–17. McNair, Mike, “The Origins of the Jury: Vicinage and the Antecedents of the Jury,” Law and History Review 17 (1999): 537–99. McNeill, John and Helena M. Gamer, ed. and trans., Medieval Handbooks of Penance: a Translation of the Principal libri poenitentiales and Selections from Related Documents (New York 1965). McNeill, John and Richard Plant, ed., Romanesque and the Past: Retrospection in the Art and Architecture of Romanesque Europe (Leeds 2013). McRee, Ben, “Peacemaking and Its Limits in Late Medieval Norwich,” The English Historical Review 109 (1994): 831–66. McSheffrey, Shannon, Marriage, Sex and Civic Culture in Late Medieval London (Philadelphia, PA, 2006). McTaggart, Anne, “What Women Want?: Mimesis and Gender in Chaucer’s Wife of Bath’s Prologue and Tale,” Contagion: Journal of Violence, Mimesis, and Culture 19.1 (2012): 41–67. McTighe, Thomas P., “Eternity and Time in Boethius,” History of Philosophy in the Making, ed. Linus Thro (Washington, DC, 1982), 35–62. McTurk, Rory, ed., A Companion to Old Norse-Icelandic Literature and Culture (Oxford 2005).

2018

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2019

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2020

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2021

Meyerson, Mark D., The Muslims of Valencia in the Age of Fernando and Isabel: Between Coexistence and Crusade (Berkeley, CA, 1991). Meyerson, Mark D. and Edward D. English, ed., Christians, Muslims, and Jews in Medieval and Early Modern Spain (Notre Dame, IN, 1999). Meynial, Eduard, “Remarques sur la reaction populaire contre l’invasion du droit romain en France aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles,” Mélanges Chabaneau (Erlangen 1907), 557–84. Micheau, Françoise, “Les hôpitaux dans les pays d’Islam,” A l’ombre d’Avicenne. La médecine au temps des califes. Exposition présentée du 18 novembre 1996 au 2 mars 1997 (Paris and Gand 1996), 243–45. Michel, Artur, “The Earliest Dance Manuals,” Medievalia et Humanistica 3 (1945): 117–31. Michelena, Luis, “The Latin and Romance Element in Basque,” Towards a History of the Basque Language, ed. José I. Hualde, Joseba A. Lakarra and Robert L. Trask (Amsterdam and Philadelphia, PA, 1995), 137–69. Micros, Marianne, “Robber Bridegrooms and Devoured Brides: The Influence of Folktales on Spenser’s Busirance and Isis Church Episodes,” Oral Traditions and Gender in Early Modern Texts, ed. Mary Ellen Lamb and Karen Bamford (Aldershot 2008), 73–84. Middlefort, Eric, “Madness and the Millennium of Münster, 1534–1535,” Fearful Hope, ed. Christopher Kleinhenz and Fannie J. Lemoine (Madison, WI, 1999), 115–34. Middleton, John, ed., Magic, Witchcraft and Curing (Garden City, NY, 1967). Midelfort, H. C. Erik., “Witchcraft, Magic, and the Occult,” Reformation Europe: A Guide to Research, ed. Steven Ozment (St. Louis, MO, 1982), 183–209. Miedema, Nine Robijntje, Die “Mirabilia Roma”: Untersuchungen zu ihrer Überlieferung mit Edition der deutschen und niederländischen Texte (Tübingen 1996). Mieli, Aldo, La science arabe et son rôle dans l’évolution scientifique mondiale, with additions by Henri‑Paul‑Joseph Renaud, Max Meyerhof and Julius Ruska (Leiden 1938). Mieszkowski, Gretchen, “Old Age and Medieval Misogyny: The Old Woman,” Old Age in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance: Interdisciplinary Approaches to a Neglected Topic, ed. Albrecht Classen (Berlin and New York 2007), 299–319. Migliorino, Francesco, Fama e infamia: problemi della societá medievale nel pensiero giuridico nei secoli XII e XIII (Catania 1985). Mikaberidze, Alexander, ed., Conflict and Conquest in the Islamic World (Santa Barbara, CA, 2011). Milani, Giuliano, I comuni italiani: secoli XII-XIV (Rome 2005). Mildner-Flesch, Ursula and Heinz Krüger, Totentänze aus 6 Jahrhunderten (Ratingen 1982). Miles, Brent, “Lyouns Full Lothely: Dream Interpretation and Boethian Denaturing in the Alliterative Morte Arthure,” Arthuriana 18 (2008): 41–62. Miles, George C., The Coinage of the Visigoths of Spain, Leovigild to Achila II (New York 1952). Mileson, S. A., Parks in Medieval England (Oxford 2009). Miller, Maureen C., “Masculinity, Reform, and Clerical Culture: Narratives of Episcopal Holiness in the Gregorian Era,” Church History 72 (2003): 25–52. Miller, Maureen C., “Religion Makes a Difference: Clerical and Lay Cultures in the Courts of Northern Italy, 1000–1300,” The American Historical Review 105 (2000): 1095–130. Miller, Maureen C., The Formation of a Medieval Church: Ecclesiastical Change in Verona, 950–1150 (Ithaca, NY, 1993). Miller, Susan, The Shame Experience (Hillsdale, NJ, 1985). Miller, Tanya Stabler, “Mirror of the Scholarly (Masculine) Soul: Scholastics, Beguines and Gendered Spirituality in Medieval Paris,” Negotiating Clerical Identities: Priests, Monks and Masculinity in the Middle Ages, ed. Jennifer Thibodeaux (New York 2010), 238–64.

2022

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Index of Names In the index of names I have tried to use the most common spelling and have provided alternatives in brackets as used by the individual authors or as they appear elsewhere. The names are listed, of course, in an alphabetic order, but at times it is not always clear whether the first or the second name should be in the first position, which is typical of the medieval world. There are crossreferences in cases when a person is identified in various manners, such as Frau Ava, who could also be listed under the letter A, or Paracelsus, who is often referred to primarily as Theophrastus. I have also endeavored to reflect the different spellings of names in various languages, such as in English and German. For the sake of consistency, none of the official titles, such as king, bishop, pope, etc., are capitalized in the index, irrespective of other common usage.

Abbo of Fleury 1238, 1663 Abd al-Rahman I, emir of Córdoba 289 Abd al-Rahman II, emir of Córdoba 761 Abd al-Rahman III, emir of Córdoba 289, 500, 752, 762–763 Abel 1169, 1180 Abelard, Peter 179, 181, 184, 204, 213–214, 222, 226, 389, 493, 502, 527, 591, 620, 622, 884, 913, 924–925, 1360, 1373, 1400, 1675, 1707, 1712 Abraham bar Hiyya 261–263 Abraham ibn Dawud (also: Abraham ibn Daud) 261 Abraham ibn Ezra 262–263, 793 Abraham 23, 117, 498, 562, 743, 1666 Abrahim el Jenet 257 Absalom 214 Abu al-Harith, bishop 759 Abu Ali al-Khyyat 108 Abu al-Qasim al-Zahrawi 983–984 Abū ʿImran Mūsā ibn Maymūn ibn ʿUbayd Allāh; 1135–1204 1288 Abu Ishaq 767–768, 770 Abu Kamil 1242 Abu Maʿshar al Balkli (also: Abu Masar) 108, 123 Abu Yahya 241 Abu Zayd 240 Abu-Bakr Muhammed ibn Zakariya Al-Raz (also: Abu Bakr ar-Razi; Al-Razi; Rhazes; Rasis) 113, 334, 345, 728, 730, 980 Abul Abaz (elephant) 1688 Abuʾl Wafa 1237 Abundia 1795

Acart, Jean 720 Accursius 469, 845 Accursius, Franciscus 845, 851 Achard of St. Victor, abbot and bishop 906 Achilles 864 Achmet 334 Actaeon 713, 719 Adalberon, bishop of Laon 172 Adalbert de Vogüé 1118 Adalbert, saint 1556 Adam (Genesis 2-5) 23, 39, 103, 137–138, 142, 1385, 1790 Adam de la Halle (also: Adam le Bossu) 449, 899, 914, 1199–1200, 1795 Adam of Bremen 333, 884 Adam of Buckfield 337 Adam of Saint Victor 884, 906 Adam, Jehan 1236 Adamnanus 1089 Adelard of Bath 108, 123, 334–335, 1238, 1241 Adelphus, bishop 502 Adelpurga, duchess of Benevento 1400 Ademar of Chabannes 494, 1198, 1421, 1426 Ademar, Guilhem 1399 Adenet le Roi 888 Adona, bishop 943 Adrian I, pope 841, 1387 Adrian IV, pope 1456 Aelfric (also: Ælfric; Ælfric of Eynsham), abbot 139–140, 332, 435, 797, 807, 817, 1581–1582 Aelia Eudocia Augusta 1394 Aelian (also: Claudius Aelian) 1308

2118

Index of Names

Aelius Donatus 396, 398, 797, 875, 1016 Aelred of Rievaulx (also: Aelred de Rievaulx), abbot 566, 569–571, 884, 906, 1035, 1123, 1590 Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini 1733 Aeneas 340, 720, 894 Aesop 29, 36, 38, 880, 1016, 1295 Æthelberht, king of Kent 92, 807 Æthelburgh, queen 282 Æthelred of Wessex 283, 569 Æthelstan, king of the English 284, 1755–1756 Aethelstan, king 152 Æthelwærd (historian) 139 Æthelwold, bishop of Winchester 96, 897–898 Aethicus Ister 1697 Aetius (also: Aetius of Amida) 960, 972, 988 Agathias 879–880, 1099 Agila 620 Agnes, saint 298 Agobard of Lyon, bishop 836, 1467, 1801 Agricola, Georg 1090 Agricola, Mikael 830 Agricola, Rudolf 394, 1733 Agrippa → Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa Ahmad al-Fargani 123 Aidan, saint 92, 1388 Aillil 442 Aimon de Bourbon, archbishop of Bourges 1107, 1494–1495 Akropolites, George 879 Alain de Lille (also: Alain of Lille, Alanus ab Insulis) 218, 335, 537, 844, 1255, 1444, 1583, 1591–1592 Albéric de Besançon 455 Alberic of Monte Cassino 217 Albert (also: Saint Albert Avogadro) 1131, 1290 Alberti, Leon Battista 1689 Albertus Magnus (also: Albert the Great, Albertus) 18, 25, 40, 104, 108, 113, 124, 337–338, 345–346, 537, 539, 590, 626, 884, 993, 1023, 1027, 1287, 1290, 1392, 1568, 1713 Albertus Pictor 601 Al-Biruni 980

Albrecht VI 301 Albrecht von Eyb 935 Albrecht von Halberstadt 455 Albrecht, brother of → Rudolf IV, duke of Austria 1720 Alcuin of York 93, 122, 145, 172, 286, 332, 387, 569, 620, 796, 879, 1234, 1246, 1297, 1341, 1343, 1388, 1400, 1420 Aldhelm 93 Aldo Manuzio 995 Aldo Mieli 963 Alexander II, pope 1351, 1749 Alexander III, pope (also: Orlando Bandinelli) 902, 1357, 1360, 1364, 1389, 1545 Alexander IV, pope 1132, 1472, 1796 Alexander Neckam 587 Alexander of Tralles 976 Alexander of Villedieu (also: Alexander de Villa Dei) 398, 1214, 1240, 1242 Alexander the Great 106, 501, 678, 983 Alexander VI, pope 1076 Alexios I Komnenos (also: Alexius I Comnenos; Aléxios I Komninós), Byzantine emperor 824, 1464 Alfanus 991 Alfonsi, Petrus → Petrus Alfonsi Alfonso III, king of Aragon 144 Alfonso IX, king of León 1718 Alfonso VI, king of León and Castile 237–238, 258, 804, 888 Alfonso VIII, king of Castile 1718 Alfonso X, king of Castile (also: Alfonso X el Sabio; Alfonso X the Wise) 108, 123, 126–127, 144, 261, 556, 585, 593–594, 599–600, 804–805, 1199, 1695, 1709, 1718 Alfonso XI, king of Castile 698 Alfred the Great (also: Alfred, king of Wessex) 95, 283–284, 687, 797, 807, 881, 1624, 1675, 1705 Algazel (also: Al-Ghazali) 334 Al-Ghafiqi 980 Alhazen 400 Al-Ḫwārizmī 1214, 1240 Ali ibn al-Maghribis 1237 Alighieri, Dante → Dante Alighieri Alisoun Pearson 461

Index of Names

Al-Kamil Muhammed, sultan of Damascus 708 Al-Karaji 1237 Al-Khwarizmi (also: Al-Hwārizmī; Muhammad ibn Musa al-Hwārizmī) 261–262, 400, 1212–1213, 1240 Al-Kindi (also: Al-Kindī) 334, 981 Al-Mamun 238 Al-Mutamid 238 Alonso de Madrigal 1798 Alpert of Metz 1050 Alphonso de Spina 1798 Al-Qadir 238–239 Al-Tabari 260 Al-Tartushi of Cordoba 189 Al-Uqlidisi 1241 Alvarus, Paul 757–759 Alvitr, Hervor 439 Amalasuintha 281 Ambrogio Lorenzetti 558–559, 1397 Ambrogio Visconti 169 Ambroise, clerk 1752 Ambrose, bishop of Milan, saint 18, 40, 121, 320, 565, 569–570, 672, 773, 837, 1016, 1042, 1271, 1392, 1400, 1550, 1577–1578 Ambrosiaster 837 Americo Castro 232–233 Ammonius of Alexandria 136, 1217 Amphilochius, bishop of Iconium 942 Anastasius I, Roman emperor 280, 1339 Anastasius I 280 Anawati, George 962 Andreas Capellanus 228, 293, 528, 720, 920–921, 923–925, 927, 934 Andreas Vesalius (also: Andreas Vesal) 995–996 Andreuccio da Perugia 408 Andrew of Fleury 1421 Andrew of St. Victor 146, 631 Andrew the Apostle 716 Andrew Tiraqueau 859 Andronicus II Palaeologus, emperor of the Byzantine Empire 1748 Aneirin 816 Angiolieri, Cecco 890 Anglo–Norman canonist 849 Anna (Kings 1) 143

2119

Anna Comnena (also: Anna Komnene; Anna Komniní) 824, 879, 1738, 1775 Anne de Beaujeu, princess of France 718 Anne of Bohemia, queen of England 1520 Anne of Brittany 1398 Anne of Brittany, queen of France (also: Anne of France) 602 Anne, queen of Scots 457 Anonymous IV 1200 Anonymous of Béthune 1400 Anonymous of Passau 497 Anselm II of Lucca 842 Anselm of Canterbury, saint 146, 183, 323, 389, 510, 566, 570, 618, 621–622, 1388, 1392, 1430, 1572 Anselm of Laon 146 Anselme le Bail, Dom, abbot of Scourmont 1113 Ansgar of Hamburg-Bremen 189 Anthony of Padua 1596, 1799 Anthony the Great 1114 Antoine Edouard Jeanselme 961 Antoninus of Florence 1545 Antonio de Nebrija 885 Antonius of Padua 1131 Antonius 1544 Antony Minucci of Pratovecchio 469 Aphrodite 435 Apicius 483 Apollinaris, saint 1386 Apollonius 1789 Appet, Jacob 949 Apuleius of Madaura 938, 1789 Arator 1016 Arawn 445 Arbeo, bishop of Freising 882 Archibald William Montgomerie 1784 Archimedes 123 Archpoet 884 Arculfus 1089 Aretaeus 957 Argante, queen of Avalon 436 Ari inn fróði Þorgilsson 1667 Ariosto 170 Aristides, Aelius 975 Aristotle 24–25, 47, 49, 52, 105–106, 110, 112–113, 123, 215, 260, 262, 329,

2120

Index of Names

336–337, 399, 411, 537, 565–566, 576, 581, 590, 693, 875–876, 878, 1021, 1023, 1027, 1042, 1246, 1287, 1290–1291, 1293, 1301, 1303, 1331, 1381, 1393, 1487, 1491, 1562–1563, 1565, 1568–1569, 1658 Arius 502, 1459 Armer Hartmann 1802 Arnaldus de Villa Nova (also: Arnold of Villanova) 345, 993, 1111, 1668 Arnaud Amaury, abbot 178, 1590 Arnaud Daniel 890 Arnaut de Maureil 889 Arnold of Brescia 1686 Arnold von Harff 826, 933, 1522, 1694, 1701 Arnolfo di Cambio 1396 Arnoul Gréban 899 Aroés 949 Arrian 678 Arruntius Stella 1384 Artaud, Antonin 406 Artemidorus 334, 344, 952 Artemis 435, 1788, 1792 Artemius 976 Arthur, king of the Britains 26, 34, 170, 437, 549, 607, 693, 894–895, 1775 Ascelin of Augsburg 126 Asklêpios 987 Asser, bishop of Sherborne 95, 284, 1675 Athanasius I, patriarch of Constantinople 635, 1544 Athanasius of Alexandria 1392 Athelstan 687 Attaliates, Michael → Michael Attaliates Attila 997 Aubert 61 Aubin of Angers, saint 877 Audefroi le Bastart 914 Audo 1504 Audofleda 85 Augustine of Canterbury, saint 1335 Augustine of Hippo (also: Saint Augustine) 18, 28, 46, 107, 115, 117, 120, 131, 145, 172, 221, 320–321, 331, 334, 339, 386, 397, 482, 494–497, 505, 515, 527, 565, 568–569, 614, 616, 619, 660, 664, 670, 672, 797, 807, 877–878, 880–881, 897, 933, 939, 941–942, 944, 952, 1016,

1023, 1025–1029, 1103–1105, 1110, 1128, 1168–1174, 1176–1178, 1191, 1245–1246, 1250–1251, 1256, 1284, 1290, 1293, 1295–1296, 1321, 1392, 1400, 1411, 1420, 1459, 1467, 1470–1471, 1473, 1491, 1577–1578, 1606, 1657, 1668, 1706, 1736, 1788, 1791–1792, 1794, 1802 Augustinus Triumphus 346 Augustus, emperor of the Roman Empire 107, 616, 678, 1311, 1383, 1513 Ausiàs March 803, 893 Ausonius 878 Ava → Frau Ava Aventinus, Johannes 1237 Averroes (also: Ibn Rushd) 260, 399, 537, 752, 754, 1331, 1373, 1568 Averroës 1303 Avicenna (also: Abu ʿAli al-Husayn ibn Sina; Abu Ali al-Husayn ibn Abd Allah ibn Sina) 113, 334, 337, 400, 537, 728, 991, 995, 1287, 1289, 1303, 1568 Azzo (also: Azo of Bologna) 845 Bacon, Roger 108, 124, 217, 400, 846, 884, 947, 1111, 1131, 1287–1288, 1290, 1331, 1560, 1569, 1659 Baconthorpe, John 1132 Badis, king of Granada 766–767, 769 Balbus 1060 Baldassare Bonaiuti 1283 Baligant 887 Bálint Úljaki 830 Ball, John 1499, 1510 Bar Kohba (also: Simon bar Kokhba) 1102 Barbour, John 808 Bardi (family) 1156–1157 Barral of Marseille 1399 Bartholomeus Anglicus (also: Bartholomew the Englishman) 337, 539, 551, 1023, 1564 Bartholomew of Brescia 845 Bartholomew of Chasseneuz 859 Bartolo di Fredi 1396 Bartolomeo da S. Concordio 215–216 Bartolomeo da Saliceto 852 Bartolus de Saxoferrato (also: Bartolo da Sassoferrato) 469, 851–852, 855, 862, 1491–1492

Index of Names

Basil I, Byzantine emperor 709 Basil II, emperor of the Byzantine Empire 1735 Basil of Caesarea, saint (also: Basil the Great) 546, 638, 640, 942, 977, 1392, 1739, 1802 Bassian, John 469 Bataille, Georges 302 Bataille, Nicholas 1398 Baudri, archbishop of Dol 1444, 1586 Baugulf, abbot of Fulda 387 Bavo, saint 716 Beatrice (di Folco) Portinari 890 Beatrice of Nazareth 180 Beauneveu, André 1399 Bede (also: The Venerable Bede) 93, 122, 145, 179, 340, 437, 618, 662, 666, 687, 797, 878, 881, 1017, 1042, 1106, 1179, 1212, 1235, 1237, 1245, 1253–1254, 1296, 1335–1336, 1338, 1341, 1392, 1636, 1663, 1665, 1668, 1674–1675, 1706, 1740 Bede the Venerable 1388 Beheim, Michael (also: Michel Beheim) 301, 892, 1733, 1810 Behem, Hans 1509 Bela IV, king of Hungary 1396 Belaset 790 Beleth, Johannes 1809 Belia 790 Belinus, king of the Britons 1525 Belisarius 281 Belvis (family) 247 Bembo, Pietro 886 Ben Jonson 432, 457, 459 Benda, Julien 1330 Benedict Biscop, abbot 93 Benedict II, pope 1386 Benedict IX, pope 1455 Benedict of Aniane 96, 1119 Benedict of Nursia (also: Saint Benedict) 122, 226, 386, 540, 978, 1116, 1118–1119, 1135, 1388 Benedict XI, pope 1129, 1375 Benedict XII, pope 671, 1135 Benedict XIII, pope 1475 Benedikt of Massili 1809

2121

Benedikt Ried (also: Benedikt Rijt) 68 Bening, Simon 1003 Benjamin Franklin 1403 Benjamin of Tudela 1684 Benno, bishop of Meissen, saint 716, 1545 Benoît de Sainte-Maure 876, 894, 1400 Benzlin of Heimsheim 1075 Beowulf 42, 492, 510, 887, 1650, 1652 Berachiah ben Rabbi Moshe 790 Berachiah haNaqdan 785–787, 793 Berengar of Tours 884 Beringer, Anne 462 Berlinus 1239 Bernard of Clairvaux (also: Bernard de Clairvaux; Saint Bernard of Clairvaux) 64, 164, 177, 182–183, 321, 539, 566, 605, 618, 620, 626, 1113, 1123, 1125, 1365, 1388, 1392, 1430, 1435, 1441, 1444, 1446, 1452, 1467, 1473, 1553, 1564–1567, 1584, 1587, 1589–1590, 1592, 1609, 1694, 1775 Bernard of Parma 845 Bernard of Tiron 494 Bernard Trevisan (also: Bernardus Trevisanus) 114 Bernardino of Siena (also: Saint Bernardino of Siena) 321, 589, 606, 1053, 1161, 1596, 1654, 1810 Bernart d’Auriac 889 Bernart de Ventadorn 909, 914, 1199, 1400 Bernauer, Agnes 1805 Bernelin 1240 Bernhard von Breidenbach 1522 Bernward, bishop of Hildesheim 91 Berossos 1096 Béroul 355, 542, 850, 894 Bersuire, Pierre 337 Bertha, queen of Kent 92 Berthold of Regensburg 1131, 1598–1599, 1795, 1801, 1809 Bertran de Born 890, 909, 914 Bertrand d’Argentre 859 Bertrand de Bar-sur-Aube 888 Bertrand de la Tour (also: Bertrand de Turre) 1130, 1603–1604 Bessarion, cardinal 124 Bismarck, Otto von 1374

2122

Index of Names

Blanche of Castile, queen of France 1395, 1678 Blanche of Lancaster 891 Blannbekin, Agnes 1553 Boccaccio, Giovanni 200, 296, 339, 341, 408, 567, 572–574, 577–578, 717–718, 733, 800, 885, 890–892, 896, 930, 1284, 1306, 1318, 1417, 1533, 1540, 1644, 1648 Bodel, Jean 604, 887, 892–893, 895, 899, 914, 1391 Bodin, John 460 Boethius (also: Anincius Manlius Severinus Boethius) 95, 121, 262, 284, 340, 397, 565, 574, 576, 796, 817, 875, 878, 880– 881, 892, 896, 1025, 1028–1029, 1188– 1189, 1214, 1221, 1243–1251, 1255–1256, 1293–1294, 1560, 1569, 1658 Boethius of Dacia 337 Boiardo, Matteo Maria 170, 892 Bolland, Jean 1549 Bonaventure (also: Saint Bonaventure) 321, 592, 672, 874–875, 1131, 1245, 1255, 1393, 1545 Boncompagno da Signa 1361 Boniface (also: Bonifatius; Saint Boniface; Winfrid of Nursling) 569, 666, 715, 1336–1337, 1374–1375, 1514, 1544, 1686 Boniface IV 1386 Boniface VIII, pope (also: Benedict Gaetani) 172, 402, 849, 851, 1370, 1374, 1377, 1462, 1774 Boniface, St. 1325 Bonifatius Ferrar (also: Bonifacio Ferrer) 144 Bonizo, bishop of Sutri 1362 Bonne de Luxembourg 1398 Bonnus, Petrus 113 Bonvesin de la Riva 191 Borghi, Pietro 1248 Bosch, Hieronymus (also: Jerome Bosch) 717, 983, 1654 Boso of Provence 188 Botticelli, Sandro 1667 Boyle, Robert 110 Bracciolini, Poggio → Poggio Bracciolini Bradwardine, Thomas 566, 1605 Bragi inn gamli Boddason 439

Brahe, Tycho 127 Bran 443 Brant, Sebastian 424 Branwen 445 Bretel, Jehan 1199 Brews, Margery 225 Bridget of Sweden (also: Saint Birgitta) 1134, 1336 Bromyard, John 589 Browne, William 432, 463 Bruder Wernher 454 Bruegel (the Elder), Peter 597 Brun of Cologne 289 Brunhilda, queen of Austrasia 281 Bruni, Leonardo 169, 885 Bruno Latini (also: Brunetto Latini) 567 Bruno of Cologne, saint 1122 Bruno of Longobucco 729 Brunton, Thomas, bishop of Rochester 1605 Brussel, Nicolas 465 Brutus 894, 1172–1173, 1401 Bucephalus (horse) 678 Buddha, Gautama (also: Prince Siddharta) 1311, 1683 Bulgarus Bolgarini 401, 843 Bulgarus 843–844, 1710 Bungus, Petrus (also: Pietro Bongo) 1089, 1257 Burchard, bishop of Worms 431, 841, 1794–1795, 1809 Burgundio of Pisa 843, 993 Buridan, Jean 1661 Burton, Robert 460 Buvalelli, Rambertino 890 Byrhtnoth 283, 285 Caboche 209 Caboto, Sebastiano 1703 Cade, Jack 1492 Caecilianus 1384 Caedmon 881 Caelius Aurelianus 960, 972 Caesar → Gaius Julius Caesar Caesarius of Arles 175, 180, 604, 1133, 1578 Caesarius of Heisterbach 317, 605, 1548, 1590, 1652, 1803

Index of Names

Caffaro (di Rustico da Caschifellone) 202 Cain 1169, 1179 Calcidius 329–331, 339, 941 Caligula 1383 Calixtus II, pope 1123 Canart, Paul 965 Canidia 1788 Capeluche 1501 Capgrave, John 174 Cardenal, Peire → Peire Cardenal Carloman I, king of the Franks 86 Carloman II, king of the Franks 709 Carpaccio, Vittore 701 Cassian, John 1115, 1277, 1674 Cassini, Giovanni Domenico 1068 Cassiodorus 176, 386, 397, 546, 878–879, 978, 1105, 1115, 1244, 1248–1250 Cassius Dio 130 Castiglione, Baldassare 598 Cathalan, Antoine 1243 Catherine of Aragon, queen of England 1728 Catherine of Siena (also: Saint Catherine of Siena) 227, 511, 722, 1134, 1376 Cato 398, 876 Catullus 906 Cavalcanti, Guido 890 Caxaro, Peter 829 Caxton, William 140, 229, 455, 598, 735 Celestine III, pope 1298 Celestine V, pope 1366 Celtis, Conrad (also: Conrad Celtes) 394, 1733 Cephalus 719 Cercamon 889, 1399 Cervantes, Miguel de 171 Chad, saint 816 Chantereau-Lefebre, Louis 465 Charibert, king of Paris 877 Charlemagne (also: Charles the Great), king of the Franks 61, 73, 86–89, 91, 93, 95, 136, 145–146, 206–207, 279, 285–286, 288, 340, 343, 387, 470, 473, 540, 597, 599, 640, 698, 708–709, 711, 796, 809, 811, 841, 883, 887–888, 1062–1063, 1106, 1118, 1139, 1142, 1264, 1284–1285, 1297, 1324–1325, 1334–1335, 1337–1344, 1346, 1349, 1351, 1354–1355, 1360, 1394,

2123

1400, 1420, 1455, 1514–1515, 1521, 1527–1528, 1598, 1687, 1705, 1712, 1739, 1809 Charles d’Orléans (also: Charles, duke of Orléans) 869, 871 Charles du Moulin 465, 859, 862 Charles I, king of England, Ireland and Scotland 462–463 Charles IV (also: Charles le Bel; Charles the Fair), king of France 857 Charles IV, king of Bohemia, Holy Roman emperor 68, 301, 1531, 1555, 1719, 1728 Charles Martel 470, 1337 Charles the Bald, king of the Franks, Holy Roman emperor 95, 288, 801, 883, 1342 Charles the Bold, duke of Burgundy 211, 1402, 1738 Charles V (also: Charles the Wise), king of France 108, 274, 276, 296, 298, 484, 866, 1395, 1398, 1401–1402, 1675, 1738, 1765 Charles V, king of France 1395 Charles VI 1783 Charles VI, king of France 167, 209, 214, 298, 1492, 1671–1672 Charles VII, king of France 1398 Charon 550 Chartier, Alain 892 Chastellain, Georges 892, 1401 Chaucer, Geoffrey 33, 47, 49, 75, 131, 140, 154–157, 296, 341, 408, 420, 453, 477–479, 482, 526, 529–530, 541, 548, 556, 560, 567, 573–580, 695, 720, 778, 784, 794, 808, 868, 876, 891–892, 894–896, 906, 930–932, 948, 1018, 1277, 1281, 1283–1284, 1292, 1294, 1298, 1306, 1309, 1318, 1335, 1358, 1477, 1521, 1537, 1540, 1569–1570, 1644, 1672, 1683, 1693, 1754, 1778 Chera 790 Chichele, William 1529 Childebert II, Frankish king of Austrasia 877 Childeric I, Frankish king 85–86 Chilperic II, Frankish king 620, 877, 1504 Chiquart 485 Chlothar I, king of the Franks 617

2124

Index of Names

Chlothar II (also: Clothar II), king of the Franks 281–282 Choniates, Nicetas 879 Chrétien de Troyes 32, 34, 40, 46, 296, 446, 448, 542, 566, 607, 693, 718–719, 850, 892, 894, 905, 909, 925–926, 1313, 1532, 1804 Christine de Pizan (also: Christine de Pisan) 163, 215, 226, 298–299, 403, 866–867, 871, 876, 892, 914, 931, 1401–1402, 1487, 1492, 1675 Christopher Columbus 124, 886, 1621, 1693, 1703 Christopher of Mitylene 880 Christopher, saint 1695 Chrodegang, bishop of Metz 1119 Chrysippus Fanianus, Johannes 104 Chrysostom, John, archbishop of Constantinople 638, 1392, 1473 Cicero 107, 117, 207, 226, 228, 320, 329, 565, 568–574, 576–577, 580–581, 799, 837, 875, 880, 885, 891, 1016, 1042, 1096, 1292, 1295, 1341, 1491, 1563, 1675 Cino of Pistoia (also: Cino Sinibuldi) 850–851 Circe 1787, 1789, 1804 Cisneros, cardinal 272–273 Clara d’Anduza 912 Clare of Assisi (also: Saint Clare of Assisi) 1134 Clarembald of Arras 1247, 1255 Claricia of Exeter 782, 784 Claude Bernard 964 Claudian 878 Claudius, bishop of Turin 146 Cleblat, Estevan 450 Clement II, pope 1455 Clement III, pope 1429, 1725 Clement IV, pope 1366 Clement of Alexandria 664, 1392 Clement of Rome 1391 Clement V, pope 1375–1376, 1462 Clement VI 1370 Clement VI, pope (also: Pierre Roger) 301, 1390, 1719 Clement VII, pope 172, 1463, 1728 Cleopatra 457 Clothilda (also: Clotilde; Saint Clotilde) 1460

Clovis I, king of the Franks 86, 136, 616, 1460 Cnut, king 1273 Coelius Sedulius 1016 Cola di Rienzo 1501 Colombe, Jean 545, 1010 Coluccio Salutati 1015, 1053 Columba (also: Columbanus; Saint Columba) 386, 756, 819, 1118, 1388, 1514, 1686 Columella 1384 Comestor, Peter 141–142, 144, 402, 1592 Comtessa de Dia 908, 912 Conla son of Conn 444 Conon de Béthune 914, 1198 Conrad III, king of Germany 843 Conrad of Eberbach 1123 Conrad of Megenberg 395 Constance Fitzgilbert 1400 Constans II, emperor of the Byzantine Empire 1613 Constantine Manasses 880 Constantine the African 337, 728, 875, 991–992 Constantine the Great (also: Constantine I), emperor of the Roman Empire 82–84, 87, 188, 628, 637, 642, 839, 968, 975, 991, 1103, 1324, 1336, 1339, 1385, 1394, 1550, 1662, 1664 Constantine V, emperor of the Byzantine Empire 642 Constantine VI, emperor of the Byzantine Empire 642 Constantine VII (also: Constantine Porphyrogenitus), emperor of the Byzantine Empire 879 Cook, James 1691 Copernicus, Nicolaus 105, 125 Coquille, Guy 859 Cordero, Martín 886 Corlieu, Auguste 958 Cormac 444 Cornelius Nepos 877 Corvinus, Matthias 1723 Cosimo I di Medici, duke of Florence 611, 1771 Cosmas and Damianos, saints 975–976, 979 Cosmas Indicopleustes 128, 1696

Index of Names

Cosmas the Syrian 1043 Cotto, Johannes (also: Johannes Affligemensis) 1194 Couldrette (also: Coudrette) 41, 450, 933–934 Coustain, Pierre 1397 Cranach the Elder, Lucas 699 Cranach the Younger, Lucas 699 Crescenti (family) 1345 Crétin, Guillaume 892 Criseyde 577, 720 Cristóbal de Villalón 886 Cromwell, Oliver → Oliver Cromwell Cú Chulainn 441–442, 698 Cujas, Jacques 466 Culhwch 446 Cuthbert, saint 96 Cyprian, bishop of Carthage 320, 527, 942–943, 1016 Cyril (the Philosopher), saint 820 Dagobert I, king of the Franks 281–282 Dain, Alphonse 965 Dajjal 1098 Dalfi d’Alvernha 1399 Damasus I, pope 134 Damasus II, pope 1455 Damian, Peter 588, 619, 1364, 1456, 1458 Daniel (biblical figure) 330, 1295 Dante Alighieri 38, 105, 123, 143, 341, 410, 510, 543, 547–548, 550–552, 561, 567, 654, 662–664, 667, 669, 796, 798–800, 876, 885, 890–892, 896, 906, 919, 1018, 1088, 1284, 1294, 1370, 1373, 1376, 1405, 1421, 1653, 1678 Dardanos 938 Dares Phrygius 893 Datini (family) 1156, 1158 Datini, Francesco (also: Francesco di Marco Datini) 1040, 1054, 1771 David I, king of Scotland 716 David Kimhi, rabbi 659 David of Augsburg 1803 David of Oxford 789 David, Gerard 190 David, king of Israel 1340 De Flor 1748–1749

2125

Degarré 453 Demetrios Pepagomenos 988 Democritus 104, 113, 938, 1563 Denis, king of Portugal 716 Denis, saint 1739 Deschamps, Eustache 226, 484, 871, 899, 1185, 1306 Desprez, Josquin 1202 Deusdedit, cardinal 842 Deutsch, Niklaus Manuel 325 Dhuoda 388, 620, 1258 Diana 435, 460, 713, 719, 1788, 1792, 1794, 1796, 1806 Diane de Poitiers 718 Dictys Cretensis 893 Dido 720 Diego de Acebo, bishop of Osma 1128 Diego de San Pedro 893 Diels, Hermann 959 Dietmar von Aist 889 Dietrich of Freiberg 1599 Dietrich 688 Dietrich, Albert 962 Dietz, Friedrich Reinhold 958 Dino del Garbo 995 Dino of Mugello 845 Diocles of Carystus 986 Diocletian 884, 1062, 1385, 1394 Diodorus Siculus 1302 Diogenes Laertius 1300, 1302 Dionysius Exiguus 1235, 1663, 1665 Dionysius the Pseudo-Areopagite 533 Dioscorides 763, 962, 972, 974, 976, 978, 980–981, 996 Dominic de Guzman (also: Saint Dominic) 178, 1127, 1686 Dominic Gundisalvus (also: Dominicus Gundissalinus) 261 Domitian, Roman emperor 1385 Domitius Marsus 1383 Donatello 1284 Donin, Nicholas 266, 1475 Doon of Mayence 888 Doria, Percivalle 919 Doria, Pietro 1620 Doria, Simon 890 Douglas, Gavin 809

2126

Index of Names

Douglas, Mary 1808 Dove, James (also: Jacobus Columbi) 469 Dryden, John 892 Duarte, Dom (also: Edward), king of Portugal 694 Dubler, Cesar 962 Dudo of Saint-Quentin 473 duke of Bedford 298 Dunash ben Labrat 764 Dunbar, William 809 Dunlop, Bessie 461 Duns Scotus (also: John Duns Scotus) 885, 1021, 1374 Dunstan, saint 96 Durand of Huesca 1367 Durand, Guillaume 163 Durand, William (also: William Durandus) 845, 1694 Dürer, Albrecht 1417 Eadberga, abbess of Thanet 666 Eadberht, king 1263 Eadfrith, bishop of Lindisfarne 176, 1388 Eadmer of Canterbury 622 Eadric the Wild 541 Earl Eirik 1623 Earl of Pembroke 1630 Eberhard of Béthune 398 Eble II of Ventadorn 889, 1399 Eble III of Ventadorn 1399 Ecclesius, bishop of Ravenna 1386 Ecgbert of York 879 Edgar, king 1265 Edward I, king of England 77, 166, 225, 607, 683, 685, 692, 777–778, 780, 790–792, 846, 1401, 1468, 1519, 1525, 1532, 1625, 1628, 1735 Edward III, king of England 166, 685, 1421, 1525, 1628, 1630, 1746 Edward IV, king of England 220 Edward of Norwich, duke of York 588, 699, 712 Edward the Confessor, king of the English 285, 884 Edward, the Black Prince 1628, 1759 Egbert, king of Wessex 283–284 Eike von Repgow 1499

Einhard (also: Eginhard, Einard) 285–286, 597, 879, 1338, 1697 Einhard 1342 Ekbert (brother of St. Elisabeth of Schönau) 495 Ekkehard I of St. Gall 798 Ekkehard of Aura 673 El Cid (also: Rodrigo Diaz de Vivar) 888, 1480, 1739 Elcana 143 Eleanor of Aquitaine 225, 292–293, 902, 920, 1198, 1284, 1400 Eleanor of Castile 1725 Elias Cairel 1399 Elias de Barjols 889, 1399 Elias, prophet 1132 Elidorus 450 Eliot, T. S. 1322 Elisabeth of Lorraine-Vaudémont, countess of Nassau-Saarbrücken 932 Elisabeth of Schönau, saint 225, 495 Elizabeth I, queen of England and Ireland (also: Elizabeth Tudor) 171, 456, 486, 700, 710, 718, 1521 Elliot, Dyan 1806 Ellis of Rochester 687 Embrico of Mainz 502 Emeric, king of Hungary 1465 Emicho, count 1466, 1471 Empedocles 537, 938, 1295 Engelbert, Ulrich 1290 Engels, Friedrich 1439 Engjëlli, Pal 826 Enguerrand de Monstrelet, chronicler 211, 214 Enide 34, 46, 448 Ennodius of Pavia 385 Enrico degli Scrovegni 1396 Enrique de Villena 486 Epictetus 320 Epiphanius, bishop of Salamis 1802 Erasmus of Rotterdam 324, 394, 610, 1596 Erec 26, 34, 46, 448 Erictho 1788, 1804 Erik the Red 1698 Ermengaud, Matfre → Matfre Ermengaud Ermenrich of Ellwangen 618, 620

Index of Names

Esau 713 Eschenbach, Wolfram von → Wolfram von Eschenbach Eschenloher, Peter 202 Esteve, Joan 889 Ethelred the Unready, king of the English 1671 Etienne Barbette 1498 Etienne du Castel 931 Etienne Tempier 1809 Euclid 123, 262, 943, 1244, 1248–1249 Eudes de Sully (also: Odo de Sully) 1389 Eudes of Châteauroux (also: Odo of Châteauroux) 1603 Eudes, archbishop of Rouen 183 Eugene III, pope 185, 1365, 1450, 1470, 1587 Eugenius IV, pope 858 Eulalia, saint 884 Eulogius of Cordoba, saint 521, 757–760, 770 Eusebius Gallicanus 1578 Eusebius of Caesarea 499, 518, 633, 1103, 1105, 1217, 1220, 1235, 1392, 1666–1667 Eusebius the Syrian 1043 Eusebius 1102 Eustace the Monk 1625 Eustace, saint 28, 716 Eustache de Pavilly 1499 Eusthatios Makrembolites 880 Evagrius Ponticus 1113 Evagrius the Historian (also: Evagrius Scholasticus) 879 Eve 23, 137–138, 528, 1385 Everwin 1584 Everyman 899 Ewig, Eugen 188 Eznik of Kolb 825 Fabianus 1016 Fabius Rusticus 1384 Fabri, Felix 1523 Falstaff, John 458 Fantosme, Jordan 1402 Faris, Bishr 962 Faust 943 Feld, Stephen 1571 Feliciano, Francesco 1248

2127

Felix V, antipope 858 Felix 1653 Ferdinand I, king of Spain (self-claimed emperor) 238 Ferdinand I, Holy Roman emperor, king of Germany 861 Ferdinand II, king of Aragon, king of Castile and Leon 269, 271–274, 276, 1468 Ferdinand III, king of Castile 242, 1718 Fernando (Columbus’s son) 124 Ferrara, Andrea 1773 Ficino, Marsilio 114, 885 Fides of Conques, saint 1553 Figueira, Guilhem 1752–1753 Filippo Strozzi (the Elder) 1055 Finn mac Cumall 443 Fiore dei Liberi 1779, 1783–1784 Fitzgerald, Edward 108 Flaccus 1384 Flamel, Nicolas 114 Flavius Arrian 700 Flórez, Andrés 886 Floridus of Perugia 1552 Fortunatus 281–282 Fra Dolcino 1111 Francesco Carmagnola 169 Francis Child 452 Francis I, king of France 608, 698, 886 Francis of Assisi, saint (also: Francis Bernardone) 28, 52, 178, 541, 554, 562, 611, 732, 1129, 1327, 1336, 1362, 1366–1367, 1393, 1415, 1589, 1592, 1596 Francis of Paola 1545 Franco 233, 236 Frau Ava 156 Frederick I, Holy Roman emperor (also: Barbarossa) 185, 294, 390, 409, 843, 884, 1456, 1465, 1467, 1518, 1710–1711 Frederick I, the Victorious 1733 Frederick II (also: Frederick of Hohenstaufen), Holy Roman emperor 26, 49, 585, 693, 698, 706, 708, 919, 1062, 1076, 1079, 1108, 1366–1367, 1377, 1414, 1456, 1465, 1477, 1492, 1516, 1619, 1718 Frederick II (III), king of Sicily 1748–1749 Frederick III, king of Germany, Holy Roman emperor 301, 1723

2128

Index of Names

Freind, John 958 Freud, Sigmund 508 Friedrich von Hausen 889 Froissart, Jean, chronicler 166, 257, 865–867, 876, 892, 1304, 1401–1402, 1628, 1630, 1678, 1784 Fugger (family) 1156–1158 Fulbert 181 Fulcher of Chartres 517, 521, 1585, 1618, 1763 Fulk III (also: Fulk Nerra), count of Anjou 1764 Fulk of Neuilly 1587, 1601 Fulk V, count of Anjou and king of Jerusalem 709, 1587–1588, 1601 Gabriele de’ Mussis 1643–1644 Gace Brulé 914 Gadifer 949 Gaetani (family) 1374–1375 Gaffurius, Franchinus 1251 Gaimar, Geoffrey 1400 Gaius Calpurnius Piso 1383 Gaius Cilnius Maecenas 1383 Gaius Julius Caesar 188, 876, 880, 1530 Galahad 894 Galbert of Bruges 1496, 1744 Galeazzo da Mantova 169, 1784 Galen (also: Galen of Pergamum) 334, 337, 400, 722, 728, 730, 875, 959, 972, 974, 976, 979–980, 992, 1287–1289, 1303 Galerius, emperor of the Roman Empire 82 Galileo Galilei 108, 110, 131, 1222 Galindo, Beatriz 1727 Galippus 261 Galla Placidia 129 Gallus (also: Saint Gall) 1118, 1384, 1686 Ganelon 887 Garcia 238 Gardevîaz (dog) 43 Garin of Monglane 888 Garipontus 400 Gaston III, count of Foix (also: Gaston Febus; Gaston Phoebus) 26, 539, 589, 706, 866, 1402 Gaucelm Faidit 914 Gaucelm, Raimon 889 Gaudry (also: Waldric), bishop of Laon 1496

Gautier de Compiègne 502 Gautier de Dargies 915 Gawain 170, 453, 510, 694, 711 Geber 109, 112–113 Gediminas, king of Lithuania 712 Geiler of Kaysersberg (also: Johann Geiler of Kaysersberg) 1600, 1810 Gelasius I, pope 838, 1339 Genghis Khan 1513 Gennadius of Massilia 877 Gentile da Foligno 995 Geoffrey de Villehardouin 1619 Geoffrey le Baker, chronicler 1628 Geoffrey Luttrell, sir 1521 Geoffrey of Auxerre 1257 Geoffrey of Monmouth 170, 437, 894, 1172, 1313, 1525 Geoffrey V of Anjou 292 Geoffroi de Charny 163, 166–167, 607–608 Geoffroy “à la grand’dent” 33 Geoffroy IV de la Tour Landry 229, 598 Geometres, John 880 George III, king of England 1090 George, saint 883 Gerald of Wales (also: Giraldus Cambrensis) 178, 432, 450, 555–556 Gerard d’Amiens 447 Gerard I, bishop of Cambrai 172 Gerard of Cremona 123, 261–262, 334, 400, 728, 992 Gerberga, abbess of Gandersheim 176 Gerbert de Montreuil 607 Gerbert of Aurillac (also: Pope Sylvester II) 123, 388, 1213, 1238–1239, 1420 Gerhard II, archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen 1736 Gerhoh of Reichersberg 1330, 1365, 1371 Gerlandus (also: Garlandus) Compotista 1235, 1239–1240 Germain of Auxere, saint 1804 Germain of Paris, saint 715, 877, 1799, 1804 Germanus of Constantinople (also: Saint Germanus of Constantinople) 645–646 Gerson, Jean 323, 570–571, 580, 857, 1377, 1493, 1600 Gervase of Tilbury 432, 451, 1795, 1804 Gessner, Conrad 1308

Index of Names

Gezo 622 Ghibellines (family) 1048 Ghiberti, Lorenzo 554 Giacomino Micheloni of San Giorgio (also: Jacobinus de Sancto Giorgio) 469 Giacomino Pugliese 919 Giacomo della Torre (also: Jacopo da Forlì) 995 Gibbon, Edward 279 Gilbert of Poitiers 146, 618, 620–621, 1247 Gilbert of Sempringham, saint 174 Gilbert of Tournai 1603 Gildas (also: Saint Gildas) 437, 1745 Giles of Rome (also: Aegidius Romanus) 215–216, 672, 860, 1132, 1492, 1561 Giles, saint 715 Gilles de Rais 210 Gilles li Muisis 1053 Gino di Neri Capponi 1501 Giorgi (George) II, king of Georgia 710 Giorgio Barbarelli da Castelfranco (also: Giorgione) 1304–1305 Giotto (di Bondone) 554, 1396 Giovanni d’Andrea 851 Giovanni da Legnano 1779 Giovanni de Dondi 127 Giovanni di Paolo Morelli 562, 1053 Giraut de Bornelh 890 Gisela (daughter of Charles the Great) 388 Gísli Sursson 342 Giyas ad-Din Naqqas 1702 Glaber Rodulfus (also: Raoul Glaber; Ralph Glaber) 493, 1106, 1108, 1667 Godeman 96 Godfrey of Bouillon 1588 Godfrey of Fontaines 1504 Godric of Finchale 1044 Goffredus de Trano 845 Golain, Jean 1401 Gomez 759 Gontier de Soignies 915 Gonzalo de Berceo 553, 560, 804 Gorlois 437 Gottfried von Straßburg 19, 26, 33–34, 42–43, 45–46, 48, 542, 711, 713, 719, 850, 894, 909, 926 Gowdie, Isobel 461

2129

Gower, John 541, 855, 892, 934, 1294, 1298, 1421, 1754 Graindor de Brie 888 Gratian 181, 401–402, 520, 843–844, 847, 862, 875, 1710, 1796, 1809 Gréban, Simon 899, 1391 Gregory I, pope (also: Pope Gregory the Great) 92, 95, 145, 331, 340, 510, 661, 807, 873, 881, 1016, 1043, 1118, 1130, 1333, 1363, 1366, 1368, 1376, 1386, 1455, 1548, 1552, 1562, 1578, 1581, 1606 Gregory II, pope 343, 1336, 1386–1387 Gregory IV, pope 1387 Gregory IX, pope (also: Hugolinus; Ugolino of Ostia, Cardinal) 402, 845, 1017, 1129, 1361, 1366–1367, 1377, 1472, 1602, 1718, 1803 Gregory IX, pope 1366 Gregory of Nazianzus 638, 977, 1392 Gregory of Nyssa 638 Gregory of Tours 384–385, 608, 616–617, 620, 878, 1043, 1277, 1426, 1504, 1548, 1668, 1790, 1792 Gregory Palamas 638 Gregory the Great 1333 Gregory VI, pope 1348 Gregory VII 1326 Gregory VII, pope (also: Hildebrand of Sovana) 97, 173, 240, 297–298, 842, 882, 1284, 1326–1327, 1350–1352, 1354, 1360, 1428–1431, 1456, 1470 Gregory VIII, pope 1464 Gregory X, pope 1366, 1435–1436, 1445 Gregory XI, pope 1376, 1462 Grendel 380, 433, 510, 887, 1168, 1176– 1182 Grendel’s mother 1177 Grimaldi, Luca 890 Gringalet (horse) 694 Gringoire, Pierre 899, 1391 Groote, Geert 394 Grosseteste, Robert 216, 399, 1211, 1366, 1376, 1716, 1725 Grünemberg, Konrad 1525 Gualtiero de’ Bardi 1396 Guerric of Igny (also: Guerric d’Igny), abbot 183, 1123, 1590

2130

Index of Names

Guest, Lady Charlotte (also Lady Charlotte Schreiber) 444 Guffredo da Bussero 191 Guglielmo Cavallo 965 Gui, Bernard 496, 1401, 1451, 1796, 1798 Guibert of Nogent 174, 180, 390, 394, 502, 1434, 1553, 1586, 1803 Guibert of Tournai 1602 Guicennas 706 Guichard of Langres 850 Guido delle Colonne 892, 919–920, 1401 Guido of Arezzo 1193–1194 Guigo I 1122 Guillaume de Deguileville 546, 1022 Guillaume de Lorris 341, 895, 933, 1306 Guillaume de Machaut 186, 867, 869, 876, 892, 1018, 1200–1201, 1390, 1644 Guillaume de Nangis 1400 Guillaume de Nogaret 1375 Guillaume de Saint-Pathus 1675 Guillaume Du Fay 1198, 1202 Guillaume le Clerc 1753 Guillaume le Jupponier 1505 Guillaume Pellicier 996 Guillaume Tirel (also: Taillevent) 484 Guinevere 453, 1775 Guingamor 717, 719 Guinizzelli, Guido 890 Guiot de Dijon 915 Guiot de Provins 844 Guiscard, Robert 1617 Gundobad, king of the Burgundians 840 Gundrada (granddaughter of Charles the Great) 1400 Gunther, bishop of Bamberg 1106 Gutenberg, Johannes 205 Guthlac 1653–1654 Guthlac, saint 1653 Guy de Châtillon 1401 Guy de Chauliac 728, 733–734, 984 Guy of Como 849 Guy Terreni (also: Guido Terrena) 1132 Guy, bishop of Le Puy 1494 Guyart des Moulins 142 Gwydion 445 Gwyn ap Nudd, king of the Tylwyth Teg 446

Häche 1805 Hadamar von Laber 720 Hadewijch of Antwerp 811, 1567 Hadrian I, pope 1809 Hadrian 281, 1344, 1394, 1651 Hadubrand 297, 882 Hafs ibn Albar al-Quti 759 Hagar 498 Haimo 146 Hainault (family) 1401 Haistulf, archbishop of Mainz 1581 Hakon (son of Harald Fairhair, Norwegian king) 1755 Hallfreðr Óttarsson vandræðaskald 367 Hamza ibn Asad abu Yaʾla ibn al-Qalanisi 525, 1641 Hancock, Agnes 461 Hans von Westernach 861 Harald Fairhair, king of Norway 1755 Harald Hardrada, king of Norway 1624 Hariulf 667 Harold Godwinson, king of England (also: Harold II of England) 1624 Harold, king of England 132 Harrington, James 466 Hartlieb, Johannes 952, 1810 Hartmann von Aue 45, 156, 362, 455, 492, 812, 894, 905, 909, 1413, 1415, 1533, 1540, 1690 Harun ar-Rashid, caliph of the Abbasid Caliphate 122, 1688 Hasdai ibn Shaprut 762–766, 769 Hawkwood, John 169, 694, 1746–1748 Hecate 458, 1788, 1792 Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich 160 Heiberg, Johan Ludwig 959 Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim (also: Agrippa; Cornelius Agrippa) 102, 104, 110, 118, 1304 Heinrich of Melk 321 Heinrich von dem Türlin 947 Heinrich von Morungen 454, 890 Heinrich von Mügeln 48 Heinrich von Veldeke 905 Helen, saint 1683 Helena 1394 Helgeland, Brian 606

Index of Names

Hélinand de Froidmont 1590 Helladius 943 Heloïse 181, 185, 222, 226, 913, 924, 1400 Hendrik van Veldeke 810 Henno-with-the-Teeth 41 Henri Gouraud 1751 Henry (Heinrich) of Langenstein 1810 Henry Boguet 1799 Henry de Lacy, earl of Lincoln 1401 Henry de Mondeville 728 Henry Frederick, prince of Wales 459 Henry I, king of England 31, 263, 292, 297, 545, 708, 1693 Henry II, king of England 587 Henry II, king of France 586 Henry III, Holy Roman emperor 1455 Henry IV of Germany 1326 Henry IV, king of England (also: Henry Bolingbroke) 1492 Henry IV, king of Germany and Holy Roman emperor 173, 294, 712, 808, 1342, 1349–1352, 1428–1431, 1456, 1466, 1470 Henry of Blaneford 1645 Henry of Bracton 847, 854, 1491 Henry of Cossey 531 Henry of Grosmont, duke of Lancaster 715 Henry of Lausanne (also: Henry the Monk; Henry of Le Mans) 1363, 1365, 1439–1440, 1686 Henry of Livonia 831, 1761 Henry of Poitou 436–437 Henry of Saltrey 665 Henry of Segusio (also: Hostiensis) 845, 1114 Henry Suso (also: Heinrich Seuse) 1600, 1678 Henry the Lion, duke of Saxony 31, 62 Henry the Younger (also: the Young king) 292 Henry VI, king of Germany and Holy Roman emperor 1198, 1297, 1465 Henry VII, king of England 899 Henry VIII, king of England 608, 1010, 1632, 1683, 1772, 1776 Henry Wellcome 963 Henry, Jehan 725 Henryson, Robert 809, 892 Heracleides of Pontus 128

2131

Heracles 713 Herbort of Fritzlar 1804 Hereford, Nicholas 140 Hereward the Wake 541 Heribert Rosweyde 1549 Heriger, abbot of Lobbes 1238–1239 Herla, Briton king 451 Herman of Carinthia 260 Hermann of Reichenau (also: Hermannus Augiensis; Hermannus Contractus; Hermann the Cripple) 126, 1238 Hermes the Egyptian 114 Hermes Trismegistus (also: Mercurius) 115, 947, 983 Hernando de Talavera 269, 272–273 Herne the hunter 458 Hero of Alexandria 947, 949 Herod 1390 Herodianus 1215 Herodias 460, 1795 Herodot 937 Herrad of Landsberg, abbess of Hohenburg 533, 1235 Herrick, Robert 432, 463 Hesiod 555, 1295 Hieronymus de Moravia (also: Jerome de Moravia) 1248 Higden, Ranulf 885 Hilary of Poitiers 1392 Hilda of Whitby, saint 180, 183 Hildebert (of Lavardin) 1439 Hildebrand of Sovana 1456 Hildegard of Bingen 150, 180, 184–186, 225, 335, 495, 614, 620, 898, 979, 1110, 1134, 1198, 1284, 1390, 1584, 1589–1591, 1608 Hilton, Walter 1018, 1030–1031, 1034 Hincmar of Rheims, archbishop of Reims 879, 944, 1388 Hippocrates 400, 957, 959, 979, 992, 1287–1289 Hippolyta 713 Hippolytus of Rome 839, 1105, 1668 Hiudan (dog) 43 Hoccleve, Thomas 421, 867, 1421 Holbein, Hans the Younger 325 Holcot, Robert 337, 857

2132

Index of Names

Holofernes 436 Homer 103, 864–865, 893, 1787 Homobonus of Cremona 1545 Honoratus, saint 1388 Honorius Augustodunensis 334, 616, 619, 625, 901, 904, 1367 Honorius III, pope 1367, 1386, 1602 Honorius of Thebes 943 Hopkins, Matthew 1308 Horace 527, 885, 1016, 1291–1293, 1297– 1298, 1383, 1569, 1788 Hotman, François 466 Hrothgar, king 887 Hrotsvitha of Gandersheim (also Hrotsvit of Gandersheim) 176, 180, 389, 500, 897–898, 943, 1802 Hubbus, king 766 Hubert van Eyck 562 Hubert, saint 715–716 Hugh Candidus (also: Hugh The White) 1348 Hugh of Cluny, abbot 1430, 1458 Hugh of Fouilloy 22 Hugh of Lincoln 790, 1477 Hugh of Saint Victor 592, 615–616, 618, 621–622, 906, 1217, 1448 Hugh of Tabarie 1775 Hugh, abbot of Cluny 1456 Hugo de Porta Ravennate 1710 Hugo of Langenstein 1805 Hugo van der Goes 1054 Hugo von Montfort 892, 909 Hugo von Trimberg 429 Hugo, saint 716 Hugonet, Guillaume 227 Hugues de Payens 164 Hulagu Khan 1735 Humbert of Romans 529, 1435–1436, 1438, 1445, 1585, 1602–1603 Humbert of Silva Candida (also: Humbert of Moyenmoutier) 842, 1348, 1364, 1456 Humbert of Silva Candida, cardinal 1350 Humboldt, Alexander von 1691 Humilty of Faenza (also: Saint Humility) 1591 Hunayn ibn Ishaq 968 Hunyadi, John 1750 Hus, Jan (also: John Hus) 823, 1377, 1417, 1441, 1461, 1606, 1719, 1733

Hyginus 875, 1058–1059, 1069, 1072–1073, 1075–1076 Iacopo Sannazaro 892 Ianuarius 1043 Iblis 943 Ibn Al-Athir 525 Ibn al-Baytar 980 Ibn al-Jazzar 993 Ibn al-Nafis 980 Ibn al-Shatir 125 Ibn al-Zarqiyal 123 Ibn ʿArabi 116 Ibn Battuta 1702 Ibn Butlan 981 Ibn Fadlan 1702 ibn Gabirol 768 Ibn Hafsun 753 Ibn Quzmān 828 Ibn-Sīnā 728, 981 Ice de Gebir 275 Igerna 437 Ignatius of Antioch 1391 Imbert, John (also: John le Masuyer) 859 Ingelri 1773 Íñigo López de Mendoza y de la Vega 893 Innocent II, pope 620, 1387 Innocent III, pope 496, 1328–1329, 1355, 1358, 1361, 1366–1367, 1587–1589, 1602 Innocent IV, pope 845, 1366, 1370, 1441, 1472, 1477, 1492 Innocent V, pope 1129 Innocenzo Mazzini 967 Ioannes Argyropoulos 991 Ioannikios 993 Iohannes Archiater 988 Iohannes Zacharias Actuarius 988 Iordanes 1060 Iphigenia 1788 Irenaeus, bishop of Lyons (also: Saint Irenaeus) 28, 107, 1391, 1459 Irene, Byzantine empress 87, 642–643, 1338 Irigoin, Jean 965 Irnerius 842, 844, 860, 862, 1710 Isaac (also: Ishaq) 756 Isaak of Stella 1123, 1126 Isabeau of Bavaria 299

Index of Names

Isabella I, queen of Castile and Leon (also: Isabella the Catholic) 269, 271–273, 1468, 1727 Isabella of Portugal 1397, 1400 Isabella, queen of France 296 Isaiah 1008 Ishmael 498 Isidore of Seville (also: Isidorus Hispalensis) 20–23, 121, 132, 216, 332, 335, 397, 400, 435, 498–499, 504, 588, 620, 878, 942, 944, 947, 951, 1016, 1025–1026, 1060, 1168, 1173–1177, 1189, 1213, 1216, 1245, 1248, 1250, 1257, 1277, 1296, 1392, 1675, 1808 Isolda le Brun 792 Isolde (also: Isolde the Fair) 42–43, 46, 48 Ister → Aethicus Istifan ibn Basil 968 Iuvencus 1016 Ivo of Narbonne 523 Ivo, bishop of Chartres 842 Jabir ibn Hayyan (also: Geber) 110, 117, 236 Jābir ibn Hayyān 109–110 Jābir 112 Jacob ben Judah of London 785, 787 Jacob ben Machir (also: Prophatius) 126 Jacob ben Meir, rabbi 1467 Jacob of Liège (also: Jacobus Leodiensis; Jacques de Liège) 1248, 1251 Jacob van Maerlant 810 Jacob, apostle, saint 1521 Jacobus de Cessolis 590, 600, 605–606 Jacobus de Porta Ravennate 1710 Jacobus de Voragine (also: Jacopo da Varazze), archbishop of Genoa 942, 1129, 1548, 1596, 1652, 1804 Jacopo Berengario da Carpi 995 Jacopo di Cione 1396 Jacopone da Todi 673 Jacquemart de Hesdin 1399 Jacques de Brézé 718 Jacques de Vitry 518, 589, 844, 1445, 1510, 1572, 1583, 1592, 1595–1596, 1601–1603 Jacques 1601 James I, king of Aragon 237, 240, 1619

2133

James IV, king of Scotland 698 James of Arena 845 James of Avesnes 1752 James of Revigny 850–851 James of the Marches 606 James of Venice 1287, 1659 James Stuart (also: James I, king of England and Ireland and James VI, king of Scotland) 459 James, saint 99 Jan van Eyck 190, 562, 1397 Janes 938 Jans Enikel (also: Jans of Vienna) 201 Jaufre Rudel 889, 914, 1399 Jean d’Arras 33, 41, 449, 933–934 Jean de Bruges 1398 Jean de Galles 218 Jean de Joinville 164, 1779 Jean de Mailly 1548, 1652 Jean de Meun (also: Jean de Meung) 114, 226, 341, 566, 568, 571–574, 850, 895, 925, 933, 1292, 1294, 1306 Jean de Venette 1754 Jean II le Maingre 1784 Jean le Bel 1401 Jean Le Noir 1398 Jean Le Viste 1398 Jean Lemaire de Belges 892 Jean of Hainault 1401 Jefferson, Thomas, president 1403 Jeffries, Anne 461 Jehan de Douai 1499 Jeremiah 1368 Jerome of Prague 1733 Jerome, saint (also: Eusebius Sophronius Hieronymus) 28, 32, 93, 134–136, 143, 145, 216, 504, 527–528, 530, 797, 877, 1016, 1105, 1220, 1392, 1400, 1420, 1555, 1666–1668 Jesus Christ (also: Jesus of Nazareth) 21, 23–24, 27, 33, 39–40, 42, 46, 106–107, 111, 114, 117, 138, 142, 501, 504–507, 518–520, 522, 528, 594, 604, 616, 620, 622–624, 626, 632–634, 643–646, 649, 714, 743, 759, 897–898, 1017, 1097, 1102–1103, 1294, 1296–1297, 1324, 1329, 1337, 1339, 1355, 1369–1370, 1385,

2134

Index of Names

1390, 1396, 1399, 1460, 1475, 1479, 1481, 1553, 1662, 1664 Joachim du Bellay 886, 891 Joachim of Fiore 506, 532, 673, 1100, 1110–1111, 1365, 1601, 1668 Joan of Arc 210, 227, 685, 1736, 1781 Joanna, queen of Castile 1728 Joannes Teutonicus (Zemeke) 845 Job 330, 722 Johann Müller of Königsberg, see also Johann Mueller (also: Regiomontanus) 124 Johann von Dalberg 1733 Johann von Solms-Lich, count 1523 Johannes de Grocheio 1203 Johannes de Muris 1196, 1251 Johannes de Sacrobosco (also: John of Holywood) 124, 1214, 1241–1242, 1677 Johannes of Alexandria 960 Johannes of Rheinfelden 606 Johannes of Soest 1805 Johannes of Tepl 931 John Bourchier, Baron Berners 447 John Cassian 1388 John de Bramble 551 John de Neusom 685 John II Komnenos, emperor of the Byzantine Empire 712 John II 1760 John II, king of France (also: John the Good; Jean le Bon) 296, 1398 John III, duke of Bavaria-Straubing 1397 John of Abbeville 1602 John of Capistrano 606 John of Damascus 499, 518 John of Gaunt 1508 John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster 891 John of Lancaster, duke of Bedford 543 John of Legnano (also: Joannis de Lignano) 852, 858 John of Moncy 850 John of Paris 1421 John of Plano Carpini, see John of Plano 523, 1700 John of Rupescissa 1111 John of Salisbury 334, 336, 346, 395, 493, 587, 604, 698, 846, 1492–1493, 1712, 1795, 1804

John of Seville 123, 261 John of Speyer 1466 John of Trokelowe 1645 John of Vandières, abbot of Gorze 1688 John of Viterbo 187 John the Baptist 1102 John the Evangelist, saint 49, 1009, 1271 John the Fearless (also: John II, duke of Burgundy) 214 John VI Kantakouzenos, emperor of the Byzantine Empire 879 John VI, pope 1386 John VII, pope 1386 John VIII, pope 188 John XII, pope 89, 1455 John XV, pope 1545 John XXII, pope 184, 402, 671, 851, 1374, 1376–1377, 1390, 1526, 1599, 1796 John XXIII, pope 858 John, duke of Berry (also: Jean, Duc de Berry; Jean de Berry) 296–298, 449, 545, 712, 1010, 1399, 1508 John, king of England 292, 1359, 1376, 1500, 1519, 1531, 1625 Jonah 1007 Jonas, bishop of Orléans 172 Jordanes 815 Jordanus de Nemore (also: Jordanus Nemorarius) 1240, 1244, 1248 Jordanus Ruffus of Calabria 693 Joseph [ben Baruch] of Clisson 793 Joshua 1172 Jouvenal des Ursins 1501 Jovinian 527 Juan Arias Davila, bishop of Segovia 269 Juan de Mena 892 Juan de Valdés 886 Juan Manuel, don 804 Judah ben David Hayyuj 827 Judah Halevi 768 Judas 698, 715 Judith of Bavaria 1400 Julian of Norwich 722, 738, 1036 Julian the Hospitaller, saint 715–716 Julian, Roman emperor 1646 Julien of Vézelay 1590 Julius Argentarius 1386

Index of Names

Julius Caesar 501 Justina 942–943 Justinian I, emperor of the Byzantine Empire (also: Justinian the Great) 85, 281, 385, 634, 636, 638, 647, 838, 897, 967, 975, 1017, 1334, 1386, 1394, 1626, 1643, 1664 Juvenal 28, 527, 1383 Kadmon, Adam 116 Kallinikos of Heliopolis 1611 Kâlogrenant 492 Kaufringer, Heinrich 429, 895, 930–931 Kedleston, Robert 1361 Kekaumenos 637 Kemal al-Din 525 Kempf, Nicholas 857 Kepler, Johannes 259, 1090 Khalid ibn Yazid ibn Muawiyya 113 Khayyam, Omar 108, 1214, 1241 Khrap, Stefan 831 Kilian 1686 Kilwardby, Robert 1247, 1659 Kinnamus, John 879 Kirk, Robert 463 Klingsor 948 Köbel, Jacob 1215 Komnene, Anna → Anna Comnena Konrad of Marburg 1803 Konrad von Würzburg 454–455, 906, 928, 1796 Konrad, priest 1515 Kramer, Heinrich (also: Henricus Institoris) 219, 1789, 1794, 1798–1799, 1801, 1810 Kriemhild 50, 527 Krumbacher, Karl 958 Kühn, Karl Gottlob 957 Kürenberg, Der von 48, 889 Kurt Sprengel 957 Kushyar ibn Labban 1241 Lactantius 40, 140, 1552 Lagadeuc, Jehan 818 Lambert de Saint-Omer 867 Lamia of Corinth 1789 Lancelot 170, 296, 437, 448, 454, 456, 512, 694

2135

Landini, Francesco 1201 Landulf the Elder (also: Landulf of Milan, Landulf Senior) 1501 Lanfranc 389, 1388 Langland, William 75, 341, 1018, 1294, 1298, 1376, 1417, 1535, 1537, 1540–1541, 1565, 1571, 1644, 1754 Langton, Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury 1217, 1359, 1375, 1583, 1592, 1602 Lanval 448 Latimer, Hugh 1776 Laudine 32 Laura 890 Laurentius of Amalfi 1238 Lauretus, Hieronymus 1257 Lawrence, saint 1386 Layamon (also: Laȝamon) 894 Le Gras 1508 Leclercq, Jean 1116 Lefèvre, Jean 1305 Leibniz, Gottfried Willhelm 1209, 1247 Leif Eriksson 1698 Leo I, pope (also: Leo the Great) 181, 837, 1366, 1392 Leo III, pope 87, 286, 642, 1338, 1342, 1344, 1455 Leo IV, pope 1693 Leo IX, pope 97, 298, 842, 1326, 1348–1349, 1455 Leo the Deacon 634 Leo V, emperor of the Byzantine Empire 642 Leo VI, emperor of the Byzantine Empire 634, 1741 Leo VI, emperor 1740 Leo VII, pope 1387 Leo X, pope 698 Leoba 1336 Leocritja 757 Leonardo da Vinci 892, 1737 Leonardo Pisano (also: Leonardo of Pisa; Fibonacci) 1214, 1234, 1237, 1242 Leonhard of Görtz 1520 Leoniceno, Niccolo 995 Leonin (also: Leoninus) 186, 1200 Léonin 1389 Leontius, bishop of Fréjus 1388

2136

Index of Names

Leopold of Austria 1545 Leopold, brother of → Rudolf IV, duke of Austria 1720 Leupold, Jacob 1237 Levi ben Gerson, astronomer 127 Leviticus 330 Licinius, emperor of the Roman Empire 82 Licoricia of Winchester 789–790 Liechtenauer, Johannes 1783 Liedingerus, duke of Saxony 470 Lilith (also: Lilitu) 1790 Limbourg brothers 545, 554, 1010, 1399 Lister, Geoffrey 1508 Littré, Emile 957 Liutprand, bishop of Cremona 616 Livy 850, 874, 1016, 1295 Lleu 445 Lloret, Jerónimo 1257 Llull, Ramon → Ramon Llull Llywelyn ap Gruffydd, prince of Wales 225 Lochner, Stefan 533 Lombard, Peter 141, 146, 402, 874–875, 902, 1016–1017, 1592 Lopez de Loyola, Ignatius (also: Inigo Lopez de Loyola) 1336 Loren Carey MacKinney 962 Lorenzo de’Medici 169, 892, 1055 Lotario dei Conti di Segni 1297 Lothair I, emperor of the Romans and king of Italy 801 Lothar III, Holy Roman emperor 1687 Lothar of Segni (also: Lothario de Segni; Pope Innocent III) 97, 321, 495, 515, 518, 528, 532, 782, 848–849, 898, 1130, 1297–1298, 1328, 1355–1359, 1361, 1363, 1366, 1369, 1371, 1374–1375, 1390, 1415, 1435, 1441, 1457, 1465, 1469, 1472, 1481, 1587–1591, 1600–1601, 1604 Louis I, duke of Anjou 1398 Louis I, duke of Orléans 214–215 Louis I, king of Hungary 1396 Louis II, king of Italy and Roman emperor 1043 Louis III of France, king of West Francia 883 Louis III, Count Palatine of the Rhine 1732 Louis IV of Bavaria, king of Germany, king of Italy, Holy Roman emperor 1374

Louis IX, king of France (also: Saint Louis IX) 142, 216, 848, 1361, 1395, 1401, 1465, 1469, 1602, 1619, 1702 Louis Napoleon 1329 Louis the Child, king of East Francia 1285 Louis the German (also: Louis II), king of Eastern Francia 667, 706, 801, 882–883 Louis the Pious, king of the Franks, emperor of the Holy Roman Empire 87, 89, 761, 879, 1264, 1266, 1285, 1342, 1400 Louis VI, king of the Franks (also: Louis the Fat) 185, 884, 1496 Louis VII, king of France 292, 920, 1106, 1444 Louis VIII 1266 Louis XI, king of France 718, 1395, 1492, 1672, 1768 Louis XII, king of France 1398 Louis, saint 164, 1675 Lovato dei Lovati 798 Lucan 943, 1384, 1788 Lucius Calpurnius Piso 1384 Lucius III, pope 1472 Lucius 1789 Lucretius 1295 Luder, Peter 1733 Luis de Guzmán, don 144 Luitprand, bishop of Cremona 1345 Luke 28, 1665 Luna 1788 Luther, Martin 324, 886, 1109, 1132, 1138, 1164, 1331–1332, 1371, 1373, 1415, 1517 Lützelburger, Hans 325 Lydgate, John 529, 550, 892, 1018, 1022 Lynceus 1560 Mab 458, 463 Machiavelli, Niccolò 709, 1745 Macrobius (also: Theodosius Macrobius) 117, 121, 329–331, 336, 339, 527, 529, 1244, 1675, 1696 Macsen Wledig 446 Magni, Nicolaus (also: Nicolaus of Jauer) 346, 1810 Magor 712 Maimonides (also: Moses Maimonides; Moses ben Maimon; Abu Imran Masa ibn

Index of Names

Maymun ibn Ubayd Allah; Acronym Rambam) 254, 338, 827, 1288 Malalas, John 880 Mallet, Gilles 866, 1402 Malory, Thomas 170, 448, 455, 512, 544, 552, 688, 694, 892, 895 Maltman, Stein → Stein Maltman Mamas of Caesarea (also: Mammes of Caesarea) 1683 Man, Andro 461 Manannán 444 Mandeville, John (also: Sir John Mandeville) 492, 524, 526, 552, 933 Manegold of Lautenbach 1696 Manfred, king of Sicily 49 Manfredus de Monte Imperiali 985 Mani, Persian prophet 493, 502 Manilius, Marcus 132 Manrique, Jorge 893 Manuel, Juan → Juan Manuel, don Map, Walter 41, 178, 432, 450–451 Maragone, Bernardo 202 Marbodius of Rennes (also: Marbode) 527, 884 Marcabru 889, 914, 1399 Marcadé, Eustache 899, 1391 Marcel, Etienne 1491, 1504–1505 Marcel, saint 877 Marcellus Empiricus (also: Marcellus of Bordeaux) 960, 972 Marchettus of Padua 1196 Marcus Aurelius 87, 281, 674, 1058, 1060 Marcus Terentius Varro 228, 951, 1253 Margaretha of Schwangau 931 Margherita, wife of Francesco Datini 1040 Marguerite de Navarre 930, 1648 Maria Prophetissima 112 Marianus Scotus 884, 1663 Marie de France 29, 36, 38, 448–449, 694, 700, 865, 876, 892, 894–895, 927, 1533 Marie of France, countess of Champagne 293, 920–922 Marjodo 33 Mark 28, 33, 35 Mark, king 19, 34 Mark, saint 1051

2137

Markward von Annweiler 1412 Marot, Clément 891 Marot, Jean 892 Marquard of Lindau 324 Marquess of Montferrat 1747 Marsiglio of Padua (also: Marsilius of Padua) 1356, 1373, 1421, 1447–1449, 1491 Marsilius von Inghen 1728–1729, 1733 Marsilla, Muslim king 887 Martial 1016, 1383–1384 Martial, saint 1426 Martianus Capella 128, 385, 397, 875, 878, 1017, 1215, 1244 Martin le Franc 892 Martin of Cochem 1549 Martin of Leibnitz 1728 Martin of Paris 1588 Martin of Tours, saint 877, 1387, 1394 Martin Sylliman 845, 851 Martin V, pope (also: Odo Colonna) 858, 1377 Martino, Maestro (also: Martino de Rossi) 487 Martinus Gosia 1710 Martorell, Joanot 803 Marx, Karl 1094, 1439 Marx, Walther 168 Mary (also: Virgin Mary) 157, 305, 528, 560, 593, 605, 622–623, 649, 1329, 1385–1386, 1475, 1485, 1553, 1695, 1739, 1792 Mary of Woodstock 1401 Mary, duchess of Burgundy 227, 709, 718 Maso di Banco 1396 Master James of St. George 77 Matfre Ermengaud 925 Matholwch, king of Ireland 445 Matilda of Scotland, queen of England 1400 Matilda of Tuscany, countess 1349, 1429–1430 Matilda, Holy Roman empress 297 Matthew d’Afflitto 469 Matthew of Kraków 1732 Matthew Paris 284, 523, 609, 662, 775, 780, 1009, 1526, 1712, 1716 Matthew, apostle 24, 28, 330, 523, 655, 661, 1411, 1665 Matthias von Kemnat 1733

2138

Index of Names

Maurice de Sully, bishop of Paris 1389, 1583 Maurice, emperor of the Byzantine Empire 1741 Maximian, emperor of the Roman Empire 884 Maximianus (also: Maximinianus Etruscus) 1293–1295, 1297–1298 Maximianus 1386 Maximilian I, Holy Roman emperor (also: Maximilian of Austria) 227, 301, 698, 704, 721, 860, 1520 Maximus Confessor (also: Maximus the Confessor; Maximus of Constantinople) 499, 650 Maximus Planudes 880 Mazzei, Lapo 1054 Mechthild of Magdeburg 510, 671, 812, 1134 Mechthild von Hackeborn 1134 Médard of Noyon, saint 877 Medb 442–443 Medea 1787, 1804 Medici (family) 1054, 1156, 1158, 1779 Mehmet II, sultan of the Ottoman Empire 1615, 1766 Meir ben Elijah of Norwich (also: Meir of Norwich) 785–787, 791 Meister Eckhart (also: Eckhart von Hochheim) 510, 1599 Meister Ingold 589–590, 609 Melanchthon, Philipp 1733 Meleagant 694 Meleager 713, 719 Melusine 33, 41, 449 Memling, Hans 190, 1054 Mercator, Gerardus 1698 Mercator, Isidore 841 Merlin 437, 455–456, 948 Meschinot, Jean 892 Mesrop Mashtots (also: Mesrop Maštocʿ) 825, 832 Methodius, saint 820 Metrodora 986 Meyerhof, Max 962–963, 967 Michael Attaliates 879 Michael I Cerularius, patriarch of Constantinople 1456

Michael III, emperor of the Bytantine Empire 642 Michel, Jean 899, 1391 Mimnermus 1300 Minerva 460 Miralhas, Joan 889 Mirian III, king of Iberia 716 Mirk, John 738 Missaglia (family) 1771–1772 Mogenet, Joseph 966 Molière, Jean Baptiste 896 Molinet, Jean 892, 1401 Mombrizio, Bonino 1549 Monachus, Guilelmus 1251 Mondino de Luzzi 995 Moniot d’Arras 915 Monk of Salzburg (also: Mönch von Salzburg) 892 Montano d’Arezzo 1396 Monte, Pietro 170 Mordred 437 More, Thomas 603 Morgan la Fay (also: Morgana; Morrigan; Morgan la Faye) 437, 448, 453, 456, 949, 1795, 1805 Morienus 113 Morris, William 1775 Mosé Arragel de Guadalajara, rabbi 144 Moses ibn Ezra 768 Moses of Leon 116 Moses 103–104, 115, 260, 507–508, 562, 743, 938, 1101 Mostacci, Jacopo 920 Muhammad (also: Mahomet; Mahoun; Mawmet), Islamic Prophet 259, 499– 503, 521, 532, 742–743, 756, 764, 1104, 1480–1481 Muhammad al-Battani 123 Muhammed ibn Umail al-Tamimi (also: Zadith Senior) 113 Mulcaster, Richard 591 Muntaner, Ramon 1749 Müntzer, Thomas 1100, 1111 Muriel of Oxford 789–790 Murner, Thomas 530 Musa, Antonius 960 Myrepsus, Nicolaus 988

Index of Names

N’Alaisina Yselda 911 N’Azalais de Porcairagues 911 Na Carenza 911 Na Castelloza 911 Nahmanides 254, 266–268 Napoleon Bonaparte, emperor of the French 1100 Narcissus 718 Nasir al-Din al Tusi 1241 Nebuchadnezzar 108, 1295 Nectanebos 948 Negroli (family) 1768, 1771 Neidhart 429, 890 Nelkenbrecher 1232 Nemesios of Ems 976 Nennius 894 Nepos, Cornelius → Cornelius Nepos Nero, emperor of the Roman Empire 117, 129, 1383, 1385, 1799 Newton, Isaac 106 Niall of the Nine Hostages, Irish king 1755 Niccolò da Reggio 993 Niccolò de’ Niccoli 1015 Nicholas I, pope 1366 Nicholas II, pope 1350, 1473 Nicholas IV, pope 1717–1718 Nicholas of Cusa 131, 394, 609, 1377, 1448, 1798 Nicholas of Lyra (also: Nicholas de Lyre) 147 Nicholas of Myra (also: Saint Nicholas) 604, 716 Nicholas Oresme (also: Nicole Oresme) 339, 1252, 1276, 1487, 1493, 1661 Nicolas de Clamanges 1504 Nicolas of Bohier 859 Nicomachus (also: Nicomachus of Gerasa) 1243–1244, 1249 Nider, Johannes 1795, 1798–1799, 1810 Nikephoros II Phocas, emperor of the Byzantine Empire 1742 Nikephoros 644 Niketas Eugenianos 880 Nikolaus of Dinkelsbühl 1810 Nimrod 713 Nithard 883 Noah 23, 1170 Noker von Zwiefalten 1411

2139

Norbert of Xanten 1120, 1685 Notker I of St. Gall (also: Notker Balbulus; Notker the Stammerer; Notker the German 122, 376–377, 473, 711, 1342 Notker III of St Gall (also: Notker Labeo) 812 Oberon 447, 455, 458, 460, 463 Obertenghi (family) 1496 Oberto dall’Orto 469, 845 Obrecht, Jacob 1202 Ockeghem, Johannes 1202 Ocreatus 1241 Odilo of Cluny 1107 Odington, Walter 1255 Odo of Cheriton 601 Odo of Metz 87 Odo, abbot of Cluny 527, 1121 Odo, count of Déols 1107, 1494 Odo, earl of Kent 1398 Odoacer 280 Odon of Morimond 1257 Odoric of Pordenone 1701 Odysseus 698, 711, 713, 1789 Offa, king 1271 Olaf, king of Norway 1623 Olga, princess of Kiev 718 Oliver Cromwell 462 Oliver 887 Olivi, Peter John 1131, 1448 Olivier de La Marche 220, 1402 Olwen 446 Onulf 333 Oppa, bishop of Seville 236 Oribasius 958, 960, 972, 982, 988 Origen 135, 659, 664, 939, 1256, 1392, 1566 Orion 713 Orosius 616, 881, 1664, 1667 Orpheus 452, 540 Oswald von Wolkenstein 534, 892, 909, 931–932, 1522 Oswald, saint 96 Otfrid of Weissenburg 138, 883, 1731 Ottheinrich von der Pfalz (also: Otto Henry, Elector Palatine) 1694 Otto I, Holy Roman emperor (also: Otto the Great) 89, 91, 129, 289, 617 Otto II, Holy Roman emperor 89–90, 1520

2140

Index of Names

Otto III, Holy Roman emperor 89–91, 388, 842, 1345, 1552, 1687 Otto of Freising (also: Otto I, bishop of Freising) 194, 614, 616, 618, 621, 884, 1666 Otto Papiensis 849 Ovid 105, 111, 226, 527, 541, 565, 573, 720, 876, 880, 890–892, 906, 920–921, 923–924, 1016, 1302, 1305, 1307–1311, 1315–1316 Owsei Temkin 961, 967 Pablo Christiani 267–268, 1475 Pachymeres, George 879 Pacioli, Luca 1237, 1242 Pagus, John 1247 Palmieri, Nicoletta 967 Pamphile 1789 Pandarus 720 Pandulf of Capua 1239 Paolo da Certaldo 1054 Paolo dal Pozzo Toscanelli 131 Papias of Hierapolis 1102 Paracelsus (also: Theophrastus) 110 Parix, Juan 450 Parler, Peter 68, 70 Partenope de Blois 719 Parthenius 1504 Parzival (also: Perceval) 26, 890, 894 Pascalis Romanus 334, 345 Paschal II, pope 1387 Paschasius Radbertus 388 Pascual, Pedro 1481 Passavanti, Jacopo 346 Paston (family) 165, 225 Paston III, John 225 Patrick, saint (also: Patrick, Bishop of Ireland) 515, 819 Paul Neapolitanus 1802 Paul of Egina (also: Paul of Aegina) 960, 972, 982–983, 988 Paul of Nicaea 988 Paul of Taranto 113 Paul the Deacon 1342, 1388, 1400, 1608 Paul the Silentiary 647, 880 Paul, saint 107, 505, 1007, 1338, 1369, 1544, 1792

Paula de Gonzaga 1520 Paulinus II of Aquileia 796, 1342 Pausanias, Geographer 937 Pecham, John 1560 Pécsi → Tamás Pedro the Cruel, king of Castile and León 257, 698 Pegolotti, Francesco Balducci 1049, 1242 Peire Cardenal 846 Peire de Maensac 889, 1399 Peire Vidal 909 Peirol 889 Pelagius II, pope 1386 Pelagius 500 Pelayo of Asturias (also: Pelagius of Asturias) 236 Penthesilea 713 Pentheus 713 Pepagomenos, Demetrios → Demetrios Pepagomenos Pepin III, king of the Franks (also: Pepin the Short) 86, 1264, 1337–1338 Pepin the Short 1337 Peppone 842 Pepys, Samuel 730 Peraldus, William 1565–1566, 1774 Percht, Pagan Goddess 1796, 1806 Perdigon 889, 1399 Pero Tafur 1524 Perotin (also: Perotinus) 186, 1200 Pérotin 1389 Perrin d’Angicourt 914 Persius 527, 1016 Peruzzi (family) 1157 Petachja of Regensburg 1684 Peter and Paul, saints 1075, 1326, 1336 Peter II, king of Aragon 1399 Peter III, king of Aragon 551 Peter of Ancarano 852, 858 Peter of Belleperche 850–851 Peter of Blois 335, 844, 884 Peter of Breslau 1600 Peter of Bruys 494, 1363, 1439–1440, 1686 Peter of Celle 566 Peter of Cornwall 22 Peter of Limoges 1560, 1562 Peter of Pisa 387, 1342

Index of Names

Peter of Poitiers 142, 999 Peter Olivi (1248–1298) 1111 Peter Philomena de Dacia 1727 Peter the Ceremonious, king of Aragon 257 Peter the Chanter (also: Peter Cantor) 1441, 1583, 1592, 1602–1603 Peter the Hermit 1434, 1437, 1586, 1588 Peter the Venerable 177, 260, 335, 503, 505, 566, 570, 1121, 1439–1440, 1458, 1475, 1481, 1590 Peter, saint 141, 604, 716, 1271, 1303–1304, 1329, 1378, 1434–1435, 1440, 1552, 1586–1587, 1652, 1739 Petit, Jean 214 Petitcreiu (dog) 43 Petrarch (also: Francesco Petrarca) 226, 296, 339, 553, 560, 571, 588, 800, 885–886, 890–892, 919, 1018, 1371, 1376, 1537, 1640 Petrus Alfonsi 263, 266, 493, 502–503, 591, 1475 Petrus Damiani 1118 Petrus de Cruce 1196, 1200 Petrus Tudebodus 500 Peurbach, Georg von 124 Phenenna 143 Philaretus 992 Philes, Manuel 880 Philip II, king of France (also: king Philip Augustus) 292–293, 920, 1088, 1361, 1395, 1465, 1588, 1625, 1712, 1781 Philip II, king of Macedon 678 Philip III, king of France 1401 Philip IV, king of France 1126, 1374–1375, 1377, 1395, 1450, 1462 Philip of Valois, king of France (also: Philip VI) 482, 857 Philip the Chancellor 1198 Philip the Good (1396–1467) 1397 Philip the Good, duke of Burgundy 1397, 1401 Philip the Upright, Elector Palatine 1733 Philip van Artevelde 1491 Philipp von Bicken 1523 Philippa of Hainault 1401 Philippe de Beaumanoir 847, 895 Philippe de Mézières 1754

2141

Philippe de Vitry 1196, 1200 Philippicus 1270 Philo of Alexandria 1256, 1790 Philo of Byzantium 949 Philostratos 938 Photios I, patriarch of Constantinople 632, 634, 880 Piccolomini, Aeneas Silvius → Aeneas Pierre d’Ailly 1377 Pierre de Langtoft 509 Pierre de Montereau (also: Pierre de Montreuil) 1395 Piers Gaveston, earl of Cornwall 166 Pietro d’Abano 991, 993–994, 1303–1304 Pietro della Vigna 919 Pillio of Medicina 469, 845 Pintoin, Michel 1504, 1509 Pippin III 1263 Pisanello 715 Pisides, Georgius 880 Piso (family) 1291–1292 Pithou, Pierre 465 Pius IX, pope 1329 Placentine 469, 843, 845, 849 Placentius 860 Plantagenet (family) 1400 Plato of Tivoli 261–262 Plato 102–106, 117, 130, 329, 537, 590, 938, 941, 950, 1021, 1029, 1301, 1566 Plautus 1292 Pliny the Elder 24, 28, 47, 93, 938, 1060, 1168, 1308 Plotius Tucca 1383 Plutarch 937, 1300 Pocapaglia 844 Poggio Bracciolini 901, 930, 935, 1015, 1053 Poliziano, Angelo 892 Polo, Marco 524, 933, 1514, 1519, 1701 Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna 1391 Pompeius Strabo 1383 Ponce de León, Juan 1703 Pontius Pilate 501, 505 Porenzoni, Antonio 806 Porete, Marguerite 1443 Porphyrios 331 Porphyry 399, 875, 941

2142

Index of Names

Porus, king 678 Praun, Hans 1040 Prester, John 524, 532, 1111, 1700 Priam 575 Priamo della Quercia 550 Primat 1400 Priscianus Caesariensis (also: Priscian) 398, 797, 875, 1016, 1212, 1215, 1252–1254 Priscillian 131 Proclus 939, 1300 Procopius of Caesarea 188, 1394, 1643 Propertius 1383 Prosdocimus de Beldamandis 1251 Prosper of Aquitaine 877–878 Proterius 943 Proust, Marcel 1322 Prudentius 837, 1782 Psellos, Michael 880 Pseudo-Albert 1290 Pseudo-Apuleius 960 Pseudo-Boethius 1239 Ptolemy (also: Claudius Ptolemy) 105, 108, 123, 127, 260, 262, 400, 537, 875, 880, 1303, 1523 Ptolemy of Lucca (also: Bartholomew of Lucca) 860, 1493 Publius Flavius Vegetius Renatus 215, 693, 1740–1742, 1759, 1772 Pucelle, Gerard 848 Pucelle, Jean 1009 Purvey, John 140 Pythagoras of Samos 102, 117, 565, 938, 1194, 1295, 1300–1302 Pythia 950 Quintilian 1237 Rabanus Maurus (also: Hrabanus Maurus; Rhabanus Maurus) 22, 146, 332, 588, 617, 879, 883, 979, 1216, 1252–1254, 1258, 1388, 1400, 1578, 1581, 1741, 1772 Rabban Sauma 1702 Rabi ibn Zayd, bishop of Elvira 759 Radegund (also: Radegunde; Radegundis) 877, 1591, 1683 Radulfus Niger (also: Raph Niger) 842

Raimbaut d’Orange 1399 Raimbert de Paris 888 Raimon de Miraval 889 Raimondin 33 Rainer of Forli 851 Ralph “the Timid,” earl of Hereford 1743 Ralph of Coggeshall 451, 662 Ralph of Harcourt 850 Ralph of Laon 146 Ramon Llull 113, 163, 337, 675, 803, 1331, 1774 Ramon Martini (also: Raymundus Martinus) 267–268, 1475, 1481 Ramon of Penyafort 267–268 Rauf de Bohun 1401 Raymond d’Aguilers 500–501, 525 Raymond du Temple 1395 Raymond VI, count of Tolouse 1469 Raymond VI, count of Toulouse 1367 Reccafred, bishop of Cordoba 758 Redwald, king of East Anglia 93 Regino of Prüm 841, 1794, 1809 Reinmar von Hagenau 890 Rémi of Rheims, saint 877 Remigius of Auxerre 146, 1712 Renart, Jean 607, 850 René of Anjou 167 René of Anjou, king of Naples 544, 1768, 1781 Renerus 848 Reuchlin, Johannes 1733 Reuwich, Erhard 1523 Reynard the Fox 36 Reynolds, Walter, archbishop of Canterbury 1421 Riccoldo of Monte Croce 498, 504, 518, 524 Richard Aungerville (also: Richard de Bury), bishop of Durham 1754 Richard de Clare, 2nd earl of Pembroke 1735 Richard de Fournival (also: Richard de Fornival) 915, 1560 Richard FitzNeal (also: Richard FitzNigel; Richard of Ely; Ricardus Thesaurarius), bishop of London 587, 1210, 1236 Richard I, king of England (also: Richard the Lionheart) 31, 292–293, 532, 541, 594, 1465, 1467, 1624, 1669

Index of Names

Richard II, king of England 296, 543, 1492, 1520 Richard III, king of England 899 Richard of Devizes 1716 Richard of Saint Victor 146, 335, 618, 621, 906 Richard of Wallingford 127 Richard Rufus of Cornwall 1659 Richard the Pilgrim 1400 Richardis of Strade 225 Richelieu, cardinal 1764 Ries, Adam 1243 Rieter, Sebaldus 1523 Riga, Petrus (also: Peter Riga) 141–142, 1017 Rigaud, archbishop 1524 Rigaut de Berbezilh 914 Rinaldo d’Aquino 920 Ripley, George 114 Ristoro d’Arezzo 537 Roaz of Glois 948 Robert de Basevorn 218 Robert de Blois 592 Robert De Boron 948 Robert de Clari 1393 Robert de Courçon 1393, 1583 Robert de Luzarches 65 Robert Mannyng of Brunne 335, 1034 Robert of Anjou, king of Naples 852, 1396 Robert of Arbrissel 494 Robert of Flamborough 1033 Robert of Ketton 260 Robert of Knaresborough 541 Robert of Molesme, saint 177, 1388 Robert of Namur 1401 Robert of Rheims (also: Robert the Monk) 1434, 1586 Robert of Sorbon 179 Robert Recorde 1243 Robert the Bruce (also: Robert I), king of Scots 691 Robert the Strong 288 Robertus Anglicus 1677 Robertus de Handlo 1196 Robynes, John 854 Rodrigo (also: Roderic), king of the Visigoths 236 Roger de Flor 843, 1746–1747, 1749 Roger Mortimer, 1st Baron Mortimer 1525

2143

Roger of Hereford 1663 Roger of Lauria 1619 Roger of Wendover 662, 670 Roger the Norman, count of Sicily 828–829 Rogier van der Weyden 1397 Roland of Arles, archbishop 188 Roland 887, 1774 Rolandus 844 Rolle, Richard 1568 Romanos 988 Romulus Augustulus, emperor of the Western Roman Empire 280 Rose of Viterbo 1591 Rotgaud, duke of Friuli 470 Rothari, king of the Langobards 1496 Rotrud (daughter of Charles the Great) 388 Rüdiger of Pöchlarn 490 Rudolf IV, duke of Austria 1719 Rudolf of Swabia (also: Rudolf of Rheinfelden) 1430 Rufinus of Aquileia 1566 Ruiz, Juan 892, 925, 934, 1533 Rupert of Deutz 336, 622, 625 Ruprecht I, elector palatine (also: Ruprecht the Red) 1728–1729 Ruprecht II, elector palatine 1730 Ruprecht III, elector palatine 1730 Rüsch, Nicolaus 202 Rustichello da Pisa 894 Rutebeuf 895, 899, 1391 Sacchetti, Franco 169, 901, 930 Saewulf 1683 Said of Toledo 261 Saint Louis, 1214–1270 1395 Saint-Pol (family) 1400 Saladin, sultan of Egypt and Syria 293, 532, 1464, 1615, 1618, 1624, 1735, 1751, 1775 Salle, Robert 1784 Sallust 527, 565, 878 Salmon, Pierre 1492 Saltrey → Henry of Saltrey Salutati, Coluccio 1015, 1053 Salutati, Coluccio → Coluccio Salutati Salvatore De Renzi 958 Salvianus of Marseille 616–617 Samuel ben Manasseh 257

2144

Index of Names

Samuel ha-Nagid (also: Ismail ibn Naghrila) 766, 768–770 Samuel 766–767, 1790 Sanchez-Albornoz, Claudio 232–233 Sancho the Great (also: Sanco III), king of Navarre 238, 240 Sancho the Wise (also: Sancho VI), king of Navarre 706 Sanudo, Marino (the Elder) 1526 Sarton, George 960 Satan 23 Saul 758 Saul, king 1790 Savonarola, Girolamo 589 Saxo Grammaticus 885 Schedel, Hartmann 1523 Scholastica 177 Scipio Aemilianus (also: Scipio Africanus the Younger) 1675 Scipio Africanus 891, 1420 Scot Eriugena, John (also: Johannes Scotus Eriugena) 146, 618, 1246, 1342 Scot, Reginald 459–460, 947 Scott, Walter 452, 464, 583 Scotus, Michael 25, 52 Sedulius Scotus 1341 Segarelli, Gerard 1111, 1509 Selene 1788 Sempronia (family) 527 Seneca 320, 526, 529, 565, 876, 1295, 1384 Sergius of Res’ayna 968 Seuse, Heinrich → Henry Suso Sextius Placitus 960 Sextus Julius Africanus 880, 1668 Shakespeare, William 107, 432, 440, 457–458, 463, 567, 608, 1281, 1292, 1318–1322, 1778 Shimon bar Jonah 1324 Shota Rustaveli 832 Sidney, Philip 171 Sidonius Apollinaris 385, 878 Sidonius 608 Siegfried 42, 50, 455, 698, 711–712 Siger of Brabant 885, 1373 Sigibert (also: Sigebert) I, king of Austrasia 281, 877

Sigismund, Holy Roman emperor 1463 Sigmund von Lupfen 861 Sigurd 1652 Sigvatr Þorðarson 439 Silver, George 1778 Silvester, saint 1652 Simeon of Durham 184 Simeon Stylites 1115 Simo Januaensis 994 Simon of Hesdin 1401 Simon of Paris 850 Simon of Trent 1477 Simon the Magician (also: Simon Magus) 1799 Sinclair, Isobel 461 Sir Gowther 43–44 Siricius, pope 181 Sixtus III, pope 1385 Snorri Sturluson 342, 438–439, 605, 814, 1623 Socrates 103 Solomon ibn Gabirol 766, 768 Solon 1295, 1299–1300 Sophocles 1308 Spearhavoc 285 Spenser, Edmund 171, 456, 462–463 Sprenger, Jacobus 219 Statius 878, 891 Stein Maltman 462 Steinhöwel, Heinrich 1733 Steinschneider, Moritz 959 Stendhal 866 Stephan of Landskron 324, 1810 Stephanos of Alexandria (also: Stephanus of Alexandria; Stephanus of Athens) 112, 960, 967, 969 Stephen II, pope 86 Stephen IX, pope (also: Frederick of Lorraine) 842, 1348 Stephen of Beneciacum 1494 Stephen of Bourbon 844, 1596, 1795, 1804 Stephen of Sawley 1036 Stephen of Tournai 1432 Stephen, duke of Slavonia 1396 Stephen, king of England (also: Stephen of Blois) 292 Stephen, King 1265 Stobaeus, Joannes 115

Index of Names

Stonors (family) 225 Strabo 937 Straw, Jack 1508 Stricker, The 1803 Strutt, Joseph 583 Stubbes, Phillip 584 Suetonius 129, 877 Suger, abbot 56, 67, 100, 179, 185, 884 Sulpicius Severus 873, 1544 Susanna 782 Suzanne 602 Sverrir Sigurðarson 342 Swithun, bishop of Winchester 332 Symeon the New Theologian 638 Tacitus 940, 1383 Taddeo Alderotti 995 Taddeo di Bartolo 1397 Tafur → Pero Tafur Talhoffer, Hans 1782 Taliesin 816 Tamar, queen of Georgia 718, 832 Tamás Pécsi 830 Tancred 845 Tassilo III, duke of Bavaria 716 Tatian the Assyrian 136, 138, 883, 897 Tauler, Johannes 1600 Tempier, Stephen 1373, 1660 Terence 88, 529, 898, 1292 Terentius Priscus 1384 Tertullian 331, 527, 659, 897, 1042, 1392, 1459, 1793 Thales 1300 Theobald I, king of Navarre (also: Theobald IV, Count of Champagne) 890, 914–915, 1198 Theocrit 1788 Theoderic 1394 Theodore Balsamon 635 Theodore Metochites 880 Theodore of Stoudios (also: Theodore the Studite) 640, 880 Theodore of Tarsus 825 Theodore Prodromos 880 Theodoric (also: Theoderic) the Great, king of the Ostrogoths 85, 87, 136, 206, 280–281, 967, 1293

2145

Theodosius I, emperor of the Roman Empire 837, 1740 Theodosius II, emperor of the Byzantine Empire 1394 Theodota 975 Theodulf, bishop of Orléans 387, 640, 796, 1342 Theophanes Chrysobalantes 972 Theophanes the Confessor 499–500, 880 Theophanu Skleraina 90, 1520 Theophrastus → Paracelsus Theophylaktos, bishop of Ohrid 633 Theudebert I, king of Austrasia 1504 Thibaud Gaudin 1751 Thibaut de Blaison 915 Thibaut of Langres 1257 Thiégaud 1496 Thiemo 500 Thierry of Alsace, count of Flanders 1496 Thierry of Chartres 1255 Thietmar of Merseburg 617 Thomas à Kempis 1417 Thomas Aquinas 18, 27, 104, 124, 134, 147, 338, 506, 513, 538, 555, 566, 589–590, 626, 655, 660, 671, 860, 884, 933, 939, 942, 947, 1023, 1027, 1129, 1248, 1287, 1393, 1421, 1470, 1473, 1487, 1492–1493, 1561, 1660, 1713, 1737, 1791, 1809–1810 Thomas Becket (also: Saint Thomas à Becket) 698, 1010, 1683, 1716 Thomas of Britain 894 Thomas of Cantimpré 1561 Thomas of Chobham 218 Thomas of Erceldoun (also: Thomas the Rymour) 451 Thomas of Froidmont 335 Thomas of Monmouth 787, 1477 Thoth 103, 114 Thüring von Ringoltingen 33, 41, 450, 455, 933–934 Tiberius 1383 Tibullus 906 Tinctoris, Johannes 1202, 1251 Titania 458 Titus Calpurnius Siculus 1384 Todeschi, Nicolas 858

2146

Index of Names

Tomás de Ayala 1773 Tommaso Portinari 1054 Tornikios, Leo 1753 Torquemada 234 Tory, Geoffroy 886 Toschi, Vivian 845 Trajan 1385, 1387, 1651 Tranchant, Jean 1243 Trevet, Nicholas 1401 Trevisa, John (also: John of Trevisa) 140, 339, 539, 1564 Tristan 19, 26, 33–35, 42–43, 46, 48, 698, 713, 1533 Tristram 455, 707 Troilus 720 Trota of Salerno (also: Trotula) 400, 964 Tuotilo 1198 Turchillus 1239 Turpin, archbishop of Reims 182 Tusculani (family) 1345, 1349 Twain, Mark 1731 Twiti, William 706 Tyndall, William 1716 Tyrrye, Joan 461 Ubaldi, Angelo 851 Ubaldi, Baldo 469, 851, 858 Ubertino da Casale 1111 Uc de Pena 889, 1399 Ucello 694 Ugo Benzi 995 Ugo da Porte Ravennata 843 Ulfbert 1773 Ulrich of Lilienfeld 410 Ulrich von Liechtenstein 607 Ulrich von Zatzikhoven 454, 894 Ulrich, bishop of Augsburg 1545 Ulrich, duke of Württemberg 861 Ulysses 599 Umar ibn Hafsun 752–753 Urban II 1355 Urban II, pope (also: Odo of Chatillon) 97, 521, 842, 1355, 1433, 1435, 1444, 1446, 1464, 1466, 1471, 1585, 1603, 1750–1751 Urban V, pope 1375, 1390, 1720 Urban VI, pope 172, 1463, 1720, 1728

Urban VIII, pope 1546 Uros Milutin III, king of Serbia 978 Ursicinus, bishop of Ravenna 1386 Ursula 1544 Usuard 1547 Vacarius 846 Valentinian I, emperor of the Roman Empire 837 Valerius Maximus 1401 Valla, Lorenzo 799, 885 Varius Rufus 1383 Varro → Marcus Terentius Varus 132 Vasari, Giorgio 55–56, 1305 Vásquez Buján, Manuel 967 Veckinchusen, Hildebrand 1054 Venantius Honorius Clementianus Fortunatus 281, 877–878 Vener, Job 1732 Venerable Bede → Bede Venus 435 Venus, Lady 607 Vernet Ginés, Juan 962–963 Vesconte, Pietro 1526 Vicente Ferrer 1598 Victor II, pope 1455 Victor, bishop of Capua 136 Victorius of Aquitaine 1221, 1663 Victricius of Rouen 1552 Vidal, Peire → Peire Vidal Villani, Matteo, chronicler 1487 Villard de Honnecourt 602, 609, 1689 Villon, François 892 Vincent of Beauvais 216, 337, 529, 592, 892, 1652 Vintler, Hans 1804, 1810 Viollet-le-Duc, Eugene 61 Virgil (also: Vergil) 340, 512, 547, 550, 559, 561, 664, 720, 876, 878, 885, 890–892, 942, 948–949, 1008, 1016, 1295, 1311, 1383, 1686 Virgilius Maro Grammaticus 1216 Visconti (family) 169, 1747, 1771, 1783 Vitruvius 55, 1059, 1300, 1676 Vladimir the Great, Grand prince of Kiev 651, 822

Index of Names

Vladislav II, king of Bohemia (also: Vladislav Jagellonský) 595 Voltaire 896 Vǫlundr 439 Vortigern 437, 1745 Wace 436, 876, 894, 1400, 1499 Wagner, Ulrich 1243 Walafrid Strabo (also: Walahfrid Strabo) 146, 340, 979, 1388 Waldandus 470 Waldo, Peter (also: Peter Valdes; Peter Waldes) 496, 1364, 1460, 1583 Wallace, William 704 Wallingford, Richard 1677 Walsh John 461 Walter V, count of Brienne 1749 Walther von der Vogelweide 47, 51, 560, 890, 916–920, 1413–1414, 1539 Wat Tyler 1461, 1506, 1509 Weland 439 Welser (family) 1158 Wenceslas IV, king of Bohemia and Germany 139 Werner von Teufen (also: Wernher von Tiufen) 25 Wernher der Gartenære 1527 Wessel, Johann 1733 Weyer, Johann (also: Johannes Weyer) 1799, 1810 Whittington, Richard 1529 Wibold of Cambrai, archbishop 604 Wickersheimer, Ernst 961 Widmann, Johannes 1243, 1259 Wieland the Smith 1773 Wilbert, archbishop of Ravenna 1429 Wilfrid, bishop of York 1520 Wilhelm Firmatus, saint 52 William Clito, count of Flanders 1496 William de Wadington 1034 William fitz Stephen 587, 610 William I (also: William the Conquerer), king of England; also: William II, duke of Normandy 291–292, 431, 446, 538, 540, 689, 698, 790–791, 1277, 1398, 1624, 1735, 1760 William I, duke of Aquitaine 177, 889, 1121

2147

William II, king of England (also: William Rufus) 545, 712 William IX, duke of Aquitaine 802, 889, 1198, 1399–1400 William le Brun 792 William Longspée, earl of Salisbury 1735 William Marshal, earl of Pembroke 166, 587, 607, 609 William of Aragon 345 William of Auberive (also: Guillaume d’Auberive) 1257 William of Auvergne 947, 1287, 1659, 1677, 1795, 1809 William of Champeaux (also: Guillaume de Champeaux) 389, 1707 William of Conches 333, 395, 537, 621 William of Malmesbury 178, 291 William of Moerbeke 52, 590 William of Newburgh 451, 1669 William of Ockham O.F.M. 885, 1021, 1373–1374, 1377, 1447, 1660 William of Ockham 1716 William of Orange 888 William of Rubruk 1700 William of Tripoli 518 William of Vaurouillon 339 William Oldys 1321 William the Ninth 909–910 William X, duke of Aquitaine 1399 William, abbot of Hirsau 1429 William, abbot of Saint Thierry 620 William, archbishop of Tyre 884 William, Brownem 463 Williams Morgan, Richard 1747 Willibrord 1336 Willibrord 1336, 1686 Willigis, archbishop of Mainz 1527 Willimot, Joan 461 Wirnt von Grafenberg (also: Gravenberg) 515, 948 Witelo 1560 Wittenwiler, Heinrich 409, 1805 Wladislaus, duke of Bohemia, king of Bohemia 1587 Władysław II Jagiełło, grandduke of Lithuania 698 Wolf, Hieronymus 628

2148

Index of Names

Wolfger of Erla, bishop of Passau, patriarch of Aquileia 296, 1278 Wolfram von Eschenbach 26, 43, 296, 341, 421, 490–491, 515, 541–542, 549, 557, 704, 894, 916, 919, 926, 948, 1414 Woolf, Virginia 1322 Wulfila 136, 815, 1212 Wulfstan, bishop of Worcester and London, archbishop of York 1581–1582 Wyclif, John (also: John Wycliffe) 140, 147– 148, 1018, 1377, 1441, 1461, 1604–1606, 1716, 1733 Wyclif, John (also: Wycliffe) 1417 Xanthos of Lydia 937 Xenophon 677–678, 693, 706, 709 Ximena, Doña 888

Yahya ibn Ishaq 752 Yehuda ben Asher ben Yehiel 256 Yekutiel ibn Hassan 768 Yi-fu Tuan 1571 Yom Tob of Joigny 791 Ysengrin 38 Yvain 32, 448 Zabarella, Francis 469, 858 Zaccaria, Benedetto 1053 Zachary I, pope 86, 631 Zayda 240 Zbyněk, archbishop 1606 Zelivský, Jan 1510 Zengi 1752 Zeno of Verona, saint 716

General Index In the General Index I have included a maximum of reference words to make this Handbook as transparent as possible. Its intention is, of course, to lay foundations for future research and to serve as a reference work for many years to come. The extensive inclusion serves specifically to cover as much ground as possible, and the future reader will determine whether this effort was justified and worthwhile or not. I like to believe that the former will be the case. In order to achieve this goal, I had, of course, to rely on all individual contributors who marked essential key words for the index. I rather err on the side of inclusivity than on the side of exclusivity.

1215 Barons’ Revolt 1491 1381 Peasants’ Revolt (also: 1381 Rising) 702, 853, 1492, 1499, 1503–1504, 1506–1510 Aachen Gospels 88, 90 Aachen 61, 73, 87–89, 96, 279, 286, 294, 1119, 1340–1341, 1527, 1687 abacus literature (also: abacus treatises) 1221, 1223, 1240–1241 abacus 393, 1206, 1213, 1235–1237, 1238–1240 Abbasid 289, 711, 973, 1100, 1104 – Abbasid caliphate 1614 – Abbasid compromise 743 abbess 175, 183 abbey 61, 68, 70–71, 1005 – Abbey of Cluny 1387 – Abbey of Meaux 854 – Abbey of Reichenau 173 – Abbey of St. Martin’s at Tours 1013 – Abbey Sweepers 200 abbot 175, 1117 abbreviation 1004 Aberdeen 1720 abortion 964 Accession day 1784 accessories 419 Acheron (river) 550 acolyte 175 Acre 498, 504, 1051, 1438, 1618, 1752 acrostic 785–786 acting (also: actors) 592, 864, 866, 897, 899 adab 763, 765 addition (maths) 1236 addition 1236 adelantati 250–251 adiastematic → neumes

adlocutio 81 administration 1218 – administrative efficiency 1228 – administrative manual 587 admiral 1625, 1628 – admiralty commands 1628 Adonis 719 adoptionism 758, 1460 adornment 415, 428–429 Adrianople 678 Adriatic Seas 1699 adultery 944 adventus 81, 286–287, 1348–1349 adversary 1375 advisor 282, 286 Aegean Seas 1699 aequalitas 1232 aeromancy 102 Æsir 367, 438 aesthetic 415 affective Piety 1017 affectus → senses affer 681 Affrus → Equus Caballus Africa 1268, 1273, 1682, 1698 afterlife 319–320, 327 Agarenes 498 Agen 1531 Agincourt 1744, 1763, 1775 Aglets 420 Agnus dei 731 agriculture 478, 481–482 agrimensor 1058, 1060, 1233, 1239 AIDS 1642 Ailill 443 aisles 647–648

2150

General Index

Aix-en-Provence 1720 Akkadians 655 alamis 251 Al-Andalus 237, 243, 289–290, 741–742, 747–750, 754, 761–762, 766, 769–770, 804, 1684 Alans 1746 Alaşehir (also: Philadelphia) 1748 alba 889, 910 Albaicin 273 Albanian 826 albarello 988 albi → coin Albigensian 495–496, 1365, 1367, 1441, 1469, 1588–1590, 1752 – Albigensian crusade 1464 – Albigensian inquisition 1472 alcohol 987 aldermen 1050 alea → dice Alemannic 812 Aleppo 525, 1641 Alexander 540 – Alexander romances 948 – Alexandria 105, 630, 839, 967, 990, 1235, 1611, 1618 – Alexandrian Galenic program 971 álfablót 439 Alfred Jewel 95 alfschot 454 algebra 1214 Algeciras 753 Algorismi 1241 algorithm treatises 1214, 1241–1242 algorithm 1216, 1240 aljama 249–250, 252, 263 aljama 250–251 aljamiado 249, 275 Allah 104 allegory 111, 141, 223, 697, 707 – allegorical readings 143 – allegorical representation 143 alliance 297, 1755 allods 1412 almanacs 118 Almohad 243, 248, 256, 746 Almoravid 238, 746

alms 1269, 1407–1408, 1416 – almsgiving 1410 alphabet 395, 1004, 1014, 1017, 1216, 1218 – alphabet collections 1212 – alphabetic graphs 1013 – alphabetical order 219 alphanumeric notation 1212 Alps 1271, 1340, 1344–1345, 1348, 1353, 1512, 1572, 1687 – Alpine passes 1524 Alpujarras 273, 276 Alsace 533, 1043 Alsatian Franciscan 530 Alsfeld (Hesse) 1063, 1083, 1086 Altai mountain range 677 altar 326, 645, 647–648 – altar panels 1010 alum-tawed leather 1011 Alzey 1083 Amalfi 1618, 1682 Amazon 1703, 1782 amber 1049 ambler 684 Ambo 646–648 Amboise 1396 Ambulatory 64 Americas 1684, 1702 amicitia 573 amicitia – ami 573 Amiens 65, 67, 100 amin 250–251, 264 Ammonian Sections 1217 amor heroes 908 amphibians 23 amphitheatre 80 Amsterdam 1155 Anabaptists 1097, 1100, 1111 Anagni 1375 anagogic 146 anargyri 987 Anchoress 184 anchorites 184 Anchoritism 1134 Ancien régime 315, 1717 ancient DNA (also: aDNA) 734, 996 Andalusia 289, 985

General Index

Andarax 273 angel 28, 943, 945, 950 – angelic pope 1332, 1335, 1365–1366, 1379 angelology 102 Angers 391, 717, 849, 1398 Angevin 292–293, 801, 846, 1619 – Angevin Empire 292 angle (also: angler) 710, 718 Angles 772, 1623 Anglo-Frisian Futhorc 881 Anglo-Norman 143, 291–292 – Anglo-Norman courts 291 – Anglo-Norman kings 291 Anglo-Saxon 91–94, 279, 282–286, 290–291, 297, 806, 1009, 1624 – Anglo-Saxon burial sites 679 – Anglo-Saxon church 1336 – Anglo-Saxon England 282, 679, 1335, 1760 – Anglo-Saxon kingdoms 283 – Anglo-Saxon laws 940 – Anglo-Saxon mission 1337 – Anglo-Saxon nobility 282–283, 291 – Anglo-Saxon period 140 – Anglo-Saxon society 283 – Anglo-Saxon warrior culture 285 – Anglo-Saxon world 994 Angoulême 1688 Angria 811 anima 1025–1028, 1030, 1189 animal 480, 595, 610, 681, 1560 – animal auxiliaries 701, 712 Anjou 288, 292, 848, 1764 Annales school 315, 467, 1210 Anno Domini 1664 Annus mundi 1338 Annwn 445–446 anonymity 869–871, 873 antelopes 611 anthrax 683 Anthropogenic Global Warming 1098 anthropology 952 – new anthropology 976 anthropomorphism 23, 29 Anthropophagi 523 Antichrist 494, 499, 503, 508, 521, 530–534, 882, 1098, 1338, 1365–1366 – Antichrist’s appearance 1366

2151

anticlerical 1459, 1462 Anti-Converso riots 269 antidotaria 974 anti-Judaism 156 – anti-Jewish libel 1479 – anti-Jewish 1483 – Christian anti-Judaism 1479 Antioch 525, 629–630, 839, 967, 1752 antiphonal 1016 – Antiphonal music 1389 anti-pope 1728 – Anti-papal polemic 1373 antiquity 279–281, 1381, 1389, 1392 anti-Roman polemic (also: anti-roman satirists) 1327, 1364 anti-Semitism 1479 Antwerp 1155 Apartheid 741 ape 611 apices 1238 apocalypse 495, 510, 531, 656, 660, 1584, 1597, 1670 – apocalyptic author 1330, 1365 – apocalyptic fears 1338 – apocalyptic literature 1330, 1332, 1365 – apocalyptic masterwork 1365 – apocalyptic rhetoric 1366 – apocalyptic schemes 1365 – apocalyptic thinking 1365 – apocalyptic writer 1365 – apocalypticism 1094 apocryphal 873 apograph 1004 apostle 671 – apostle to the English 1335 – apostle to the Germans 1336 – apostolic foundation 631 – apostolic poverty 1364, 1366 apothecaria 1572 apothecary 727, 729 apprentice 1006 apse 648–649 – central apse (also: bema) 648 – northern apse (also: prosthesis) 648 – southern apse 648 Aquitaine 292–293, 833, 1193, 1195, 1750

2152

General Index

Arab 289, 295, 498, 1343–1344, 1515, 1611, 1613 – Arab conquest 1042 – Arab raiders 1344 – Arab science 502 – Arab seafaring 1610 – Arab world 742, 1706 – Southern Arabia 984 Arabic 388, 826, 828, 945, 992 – Arabic influence 979 – Arabic manual 706 – Arabic mathematics 1240 – Arabic translation 962 – Arabization 742, 748, 757–758, 760 arabiyya 765 Aragon 237–238, 247, 249–250, 257, 263, 271, 274, 289, 1048, 1619 Aramaic 827, 834 – Aramaic language 134 arcades 61, 191 archaeological finds 422, 425 archaeology 1042 – archaeological excavations 416 – archaeological finds 416 – archaeological human remains 965 – archaeological records 1210 archbishop 636, 1359–1360 archery 587, 591, 594 archetype 640, 644 architecture 129, 202, 280, 286, 289–290, 293–294, 1009 architectus mundi → God ars antiqua → notation (music) ars nova → notation (music) Arezzo 391, 1717 Argentina 963 Arianism 840, 1460 – Arian Christianity 1459 – Arians 1455 Aries 130 aristocracy 278, 280–283, 285, 287, 289– 291, 293–298, 1574 – aristocratic fashion 1574 – aristocratic status 285 – aristocratic styles of eating 1574 – aristocratic women 295, 297 Aristocrats 290–291

Aristotle 1160 – Aristotelian number theory 1245 – Aristotelian philosophy 1373 – Aristotelian psychology 1565 – Aristotelian tradition 1561 arithmetic 397, 590, 609, 875, 1188, 1220–1223, 1239–1241, 1244, 1248, 1250–1251, 1254–1255 – arithmetic books 1215, 1228, 1236, 1243 – arithmetic calculations 1213 – arithmetic knowledge 1222 – arithmetic number theory 1257 – arithmetic properties 1205, 1249, 1255 – arithmetic proportions 1222 – arithmetic rationality 1219 – arithmetic schools 1243 – arithmetic treatise 1216, 1241 – arithmologia 1244, 1254 – arithmology 1254 – Boethian arithmetic 121, 1222, 1244 Ark of the Covenant 521 Arlberg 1692 – Arlberg Pass 1695 – Arlbergbruderschaft 1692 Arles 188, 385 Arma Christi 604 Armageddon 1108, 1385 Armagnac 1500 Armenia 630, 825, 956, 992 armilla 127 armorials 1008, 1010 arms (also: armor) 436, 689, 705, 1043, 1055 Arras 1199, 1397 arrow slits 77 ars subtilior → notation (music) Arsenal 1620 arson 1649 – arsonists 1649 art (also: ars) 185, 399, 544, 550, 554, 558, 561, 1244, 1252, 1381, 1384, 1394 – ars dictaminis 390 – ars moriendi 320, 323–324 – art of letters 1215 art 278, 289, 1277, 1385 Arte del Cambio 1050 Arte della Lana 1050 Artemis 713

General Index

Arthur 30, 296, 437, 446, 453, 456, 544, 549 – Arthurian legends 349, 553, 607 – Arthurian literature 895 – Arthurian romance 347–353, 362, 365–366, 369, 477, 606 – Arthurian tales 373 articles of faith 1359, 1363, 1373 artifact 1324 artisan-bishop 285 artist 296, 1006, 1383 artistic 1384 Artois 1198–1199 artwork 1002 Ascalon 1618 ascenders → scripts Ascension Day 1670 asceticism 638–639 – ascetics 1544 Aschaffenburg 1527 Ascoli Piceno 1083 ashlar 58, 61–62, 67, 76 Asia 127, 1333, 1681, 1698, 1700 – Asia Minor 721 – Central Asia 274, 1699 – Eastern Asia 1701 – Southeast Asia 1703 – Western Asia 704 assassins 525 assaying 1148 asses 611 Assisi 1057, 1063, 1068–1072, 1130, 1362 assizes 600 – Assize of Clarendon 847 – Assize of Northampton 847 Assyrians 678 Asti 1495 astral conjunctures 983 astrarium 127 astrolabe 110, 125, 262–263, 1222 astrologer 941 astrology 120, 949, 983, 1211 astromancy 102 astronomy 120, 397, 590, 875, 951, 993, 1188, 1211, 1220–1221, 1241, 1244, 1254, 1392 – astronomia inferiora 104 – astronomical calendars 983

2153

– astronomical cycles 1235 – astronomical instruments 1222 Asturias 237 Atalanta 713, 719 Athelney 95 Athens 990 Atlantic bibles 1017 Atlantic Ocean 1682, 1692 atrium (also: atria) 646, 648 Attic system 1215 Attic-olympic foot 1079 auctor 873–876, 886 auctoritas 873, 875–876 – auctoritas regalis potestas 838 – auctoritas sacrata pontificum 838 audience 865–867, 893–894 audientia episcopalism 839 Augsburg 64, 1072, 1687, 1772 augures (also: auguries) 944, 951 Augustinian 190, 725, 1051, 1416, 1458, 1476, 1480 – Augustinian Friars 1132 – Augustinian Hermits 392 Aum Shin Rikyo 1098 aurality 1402 Aureil 1446 Aurillac 388 aurochs 702, 711–712, 721 Austrasia 281 Austria 1014, 1152, 1388 austringer 719–720 Authentica habita 390 authenticity 873, 875 author 1376 authority 280, 290, 873, 1340, 1352 authorship 870–873 autobiography 222 – autobiographical narrative 204, 221 – autobiographical writing 327 autograph manuscript 867, 872 automata 947, 949 automatic speech 950 Autun 516 Auxerre 387 Avalon 436–437, 448 avarice 1365 – clerical avarice 1363

2154

General Index

Avars 1690, 1741 aventiure 347, 363, 370 – aventiurehafte Dietrichepik 376 Averroism 1373 Avignon 733, 1338, 1374–1376, 1417, 1462–1463, 1475, 1531, 1685, 1728 – Avignon papacy 100, 1331, 1375, 1720 – Avignon popes 1374–1376 Ayyubid 521 azymes (unleavened bread) 632 Babylon 106, 109, 1365 – Babylonian captivity 1376 – Babylonian 655 baccalarius sententiarius 402 backgammon 602 Bad Langensalza 1076 Bad Saulgau 1083 Badajoz 239 badgers 611, 698 badges 1681 – livery badges 298 Baghdad 122, 289, 498, 764, 967–968, 993 Bahai 1095 bailey 76, 1765 – bailey castle 1764 – motte and bailey 76 – motte 76, 1764–1765 bain-marie 112 balade 914 Balder (also: Baldr) 440 Balearics 240 Balkans 704, 1334 balladas (also: dansas) 889 ballads 452 Balliol College 1717 ballista 1766 balneum Mariae → bain-marie balsam 985 – balsam tree 984 Baltic 1041, 1048–1049, 1502, 1782 – Baltic crusades 164 – Baltic fishermen 708 – Baltic langauges 823 – Baltic Lithuanian 822 – Baltic Sea 189, 1682, 1692

Bamberg 91, 389, 1083, 1531, 1689 – Bamberg Cathedral 129 ban (also: hereban) 474 bandages → orthopaedics bank notes 1139 Bank of England 1210 bankers 1050 Bannockburn 1744, 1763 banquet 80 banshee 449 barbarian 279–281 Barbastro 1749–1750 barber 200 – barber surgeons 200 Barcelona 201, 241, 264, 267–268, 1264, 1627, 1755 barding 689 Barfleur 1693 Barking 93 barns 62, 73 Baronial Movement of 1258–1267 1500 barons 278 barrel vaults → masonry vaults barrows (also: tumuli) 59, 679 Bar-sur-Aube 1047 bascinet 1770 baseball 608 Basel 202, 325, 1720 basilard 1779 Basileia 635, 1090 basilica 83, 646, 1385–1386, 1394 – Basilica of Saint Mary in Travestere 1387 – Basilica of the Holy Cross in Florence 1396 Basoche 856 Basque 708, 833 Basra 112 Bath 93 bathhouse 80 bathing in hot water springs 610 Battle of Poitiers 1743, 1763 battle 282 – battagliola (also: mock battle) 596 – Battle at Chioggia (1380) 1620 – Battle of Bapheus 1748 – Battle of Crécy 1605, 1740 – Battle of Hastings 446 – Battle of Hattin 1618

General Index

– Battle of Les Espagnols sur Mer 1628 – Battle of Maldon 283 – Battle of Nancy 1738 – Battle of Poitiers 607 – Battle of Sluys 1628 – Battle of the Field of Blood 517 – Battle of the Masts 1613 batzen → coin Bauernkrieg 860–861 Baumaß 1077, 1081–1082, 1089 Bavaria 812, 1692 Bay of Biscay 708 bay 62–63 – bay system 62 Bayeux tapestry 132, 674 bays 71 Bayt al-Hikmat 968 beans 686 bear 37, 611, 699, 702, 708, 711, 716, 721 – bear-, boar, and bull-baiting 587, 610 – bear-baiting 584, 610 beast 19 – beast epics 29 beati 1545 – Beatific knowledge 655 – Beatific vision 671–673, 939 Beaugency 1528 beaver 720 Bebenhausen 1088 Bec 389 bed thegn 687 Bedford 1528 Bédieriste 1004 Bedouin 675 beggars 733, 1161 begging 1410 – begging poems 880 beguinage 394, 1134 beguine 184, 394, 727, 1111, 1134, 1443 Beijing 1702 bel captenemen → proper behavior Belarusian 822 Belgium 1397 bell 1570–1571 Bellinzona 1526 belts 420 – silver belts 419

2155

Benedictine 72, 100, 483, 1050, 1053, 1135, 1408, 1457, 1705 – Benedictine monasticism 1016 – Benedictine monks of Bouveret 1006 – Benedictine Order 177, 1289 – Benedictine Rule 221 Benedictional of Saint Aethelwold 96 benefice 174, 465, 1361 Beneventan Minuscule 1014 Benevento 838, 1265 Bennetsbridge 1531 Benrath Line 812 berbers (also: berberization) 289, 747–748 Bergen (also: Bryggen) 1050, 1210 Bern 1570 Bernhard Pass 1692 Berry 859 berserkr 381 bestiary 21–23, 25, 27, 30–32, 35, 39–41, 47, 49, 707, 1008, 1175 – bestiary of the five senses 1560 Bethlehem 1394 – Bethlehem Chapel 1606 Béthune 1198, 1400 Beverley (Yorkshire) 195 Béziers 1590 Biasca 1526 bible 27, 32, 656, 1000, 1002, 1005, 1007–1008, 1016 – bible commentaries 1011 – Bibles Moralisées 1008 – biblical figures 1219, 1254 – biblical maxim 1364 – biblical paraphrase 142 biblical figures 1257 Biblioteca Palatina 1730 bifolium (also: bifolia) 999, 1003, 1011 bilingual lexica 994 bilingualism 761 bill of exchange 1046, 1138, 1142, 1154–1155, 1160, 1163–1164 billiards 608 bills 1165 Binding 1011 Bingen 1527 biodiversity 984 biographies 583

2156

General Index

birchbark 230 – birchbark inscriptions 1210 – birchbark letters 205 bird 19, 21, 23–24, 28, 30, 35, 40–41, 46–53, 610, 697–698, 700–703, 720 – avian symbolism 46–47 – avian 21, 26, 46, 48, 50–51 – birds of prey 595, 701, 704, 706 biretta → cap Birka 189, 1042 Birkenau 1083 birth control 964 Biscayans 1048 bishop (also: episkopos) 175, 284–285, 636, 638, 1362, 1366, 1705 – bishop of Lincoln 1376 – bishop of Rome 1326, 1333, 1348–1349, 1353, 1363, 1374, 1377 bison 702, 711, 721 Black Death (ca. 1347–ca. 1351) 982 Black Death 165, 532, 1052, 1164, 1274, 1276, 1331, 1370, 1462, 1478, 1503, 1537–1538, 1635, 1640, 1642–1644, 1684 black money 1269, 1276–1277 Black Sea 1700 Blackfriars 392 bladder stones 984 blancmanger 478 Blarathon 1741 blasphemy 593–594, 605 bleeding 983–984 blessings 1790 Blickling 1581 Blois 1395 blood 1355, 1477–1478, 1483 – bleeding 984 – blood circulation 980 – blood libel 1477–1480 – blood sacrifice 1479 – bloodletting 723, 730, 734 bloomery smelting 1767 boar 19, 26, 32–33, 699, 709, 711–712, 717, 719–721 – boar-hunt 33 board 603 Bobastro 753

Bobbio 386, 1118, 1531 Bodrum 1616 body 1564 Bogomil (also: Bogomilism) 1460, 1582–1583 Bohemia 595, 1267, 1388, 1689, 1719 Bollandists 1549 Bologna 154, 390–392, 399, 843–844, 851–852, 991, 995, 1005, 1017, 1068, 1128, 1329, 1361, 1495, 1498, 1690, 1705, 1708–1713, 1715, 1717–1719, 1722, 1725–1726, 1730 bond-men 780 bone skates 610 bonfire of the vanities 589, 606 book money 1145 Book of Hours 398, 403, 482, 562, 597, 605, 610, 1001–1002, 1005, 1008–1010, 1012, 1017, 1535 book 296, 303, 1216 – book decoration 1006 – book patronage 297 – book production 295 – book trade 1006 – book-collector 284 bookkeepers 1052 bookkeeping 1215, 1218, 1254 bookmarks 1012 Boppard 1087 Bordeaux 385, 1439 Bosnian 821 botteghe d’abacco → counting bounding lines → scripts Bourges 1107, 1494, 1517 – Bourges cathedral 604 – Bourges Peace League 1108 Bourse square 1051 bowling 584, 589, 608–609 – bowling alleys 596 boxing 591–592 boycott 1051 Brabant 810 braccio Fiorentino 1079, 1088 Bracteates (also: Hohlpfennig) 1141 brassage 1147 Bratislava 1720 Braunschweig 62 Brazolaro 1083

General Index

bread 477–478, 482, 485, 1269 Breitenwang 1687 Bremen cog 1631 Brenner 1692 Breslau 202 Bretagne 847 Brethren of Purity → Ikhwan al-Safa Breton 717, 817 breviaries 1000, 1002, 1016 brevis, breve → notation (music) bridal mysticism 905 Bride of Christ → Roman Church bridges 78, 596 – Charles Bridge 78, 1531, 1719 – drawbridge 77 – Ponte Vecchio (also: Old Bridge) 78, 1529, 1531 Brigittines 1134 Brindisi 1088 Britain 284 British Isles 1329, 1335, 1341 Britons 283 Brittany 859 Brogne 1121 brokers 1052 bronze casting 87 brooch 419 brotherhood 565 brown bread 309 brownbaker 686 Bruges 190–191, 1048–1051, 1054, 1155, 1199, 1398, 1496, 1498 Brunswick 1083, 1500 Brussels 1397 Bruzi 824 Brythonic 816 bubonic plague 28, 199, 1283 Buda 1720 Buddhism (also: Buddhist) 655, 668, 1096 Büdingen 1079 Bulgarian 820–821 bull 211, 611, 1361, 1374 – bull-baiting 593, 608 bullion 1141, 1147, 1149 – bullion economy 1278 buon governo 305 burgage 75

2157

burghers 201 burghs 95 Burgos 1287 Burgundy (also: Burgundian) 211, 281, 418, 567, 815, 834, 840, 859, 1262, 1397, 1399, 1401, 1500, 1750 – Burgundian chanson 1202 – Burgundian courts 299 – Burgundian laws 840 – Burgundian wars 1738 burial 325 – burial rites 679 Bursfelde 1135 Bury-St. Edmunds 854 bushel 1229 butcher 413 – butcher’s market 196 butler 687 buttery 69, 74–75 buttons 419, 427 byres 73 Byzantine (also: Byzantium) 98, 115, 279–280, 628, 704, 712, 1337–1339, 1386–1387, 1389, 1394, 1456, 1464–1466, 1481, 1500, 1611–1614, 1740–1741 – Byzantine architecture 281 – Byzantine Church 633, 636–637 – Byzantine court 281 – Byzantine east 1339, 1365 – Byzantine emperor 1053 – Byzantine empire 102, 122, 880, 1261, 1334, 1342, 1455, 1463, 1685, 1742, 1748 – Byzantine exarchate 967 – Byzantine foot 1071 – Byzantine hospitals 961 – Byzantine identity 628 – Byzantine political theory 633 – Byzantine rite 648 – Byzantine styles 418 – Byzantine theology 650 – Byzantine throne 1338 Byzantine emperor 1334, 1339 Byzantine Empire 1044 Caballus 682 Cabochien Revolt (also: Cabochien) 1492, 1499, 1501, 1508

2158

General Index

Cabochien revolt 1504 Caesarea Philippi 1324, 1329 Caesaria 1133 caesaropapism (also: caesaropapist) 636, 1339 cagots 1637–1638 Cairo 123, 1051 calculation (also: calculating) 1205–1206, 1214–1215, 1219, 1221–1223, 1233–1237, 1239, 1241, 1259 – calculating stones 1239 – calculation aids 1221 – calculation instrument 1241 – calculation schools 1259 – calculation techniques 1241 – procedures of ~ 1222 calculi 1236, 1238 calculus articularis → finger counting calendar 596–597, 1662, 1666, 1668–1669 – calendar reckoning (also: computatio) 1221, 1234 – calendrical calculations 1235, 1254 – calendrical computation 1258 caliphate 289 caliphs 289, 1705 calligraphic 1013–1014 Calydonian boar 719 Camaldoli 1122 Cambrai 192, 1495 Cambridge 73, 154, 391–393, 1088, 1716–1717, 1722–1723, 1725–1726, 1729 camel 24, 611 Camino Frances 1521 camping closes (also: playing places) 596 Canaan 1101, 1173 canine 37, 42–44 cannibalism 380, 481–482, 524–526, 1482 cannons 1631 Canon 3 630–631 Canon 28 630–631 canon law 875, 944, 1358, 1361, 1457, 1706, 1728, 1796 – canon lawyer 1374 canon tables 1217 canoness 175, 1133 canonist 635, 638, 1357, 1359 canonization 1545

Canons regular 174 canon 1357, 1359, 1363, 1369, 1409 Canossa 1326, 1352 canso de crozada 889 cansos 889 Canterbury 92, 96, 724, 854, 1359, 1421, 1517, 1683 cantles → saddlery canto 890 cantor 1187, 1193 cantrix 1187, 1193 cantus 1185–1186, 1244, 1251 canzone 919 cap (also: biretta) 213 Capella Ruccelai (Florence) 1689 Capetian 288, 292, 1372 – Capetian dynasty 1372 – Capetian France 1372 – Capetian kings (also: Capetian monarchs) 292, 1372 capitalism (also: capitalistic) 1162–1164 capitals 64 capitularies 1340 Capua 1528 caput mortuum → dead head caracals 701 caravel 1621 – caravela de armada 1621 cardinal clergy 1359 cardinal numbers → number words cardinals 1353, 1359, 1375 – College of Cardinals 671, 1348, 1350 Cards 606 caritas 925 Carmelites 190, 392, 1131, 1416, 1458 carmen 1185 carnival 357–358, 596, 856, 1508 carnivalesque 377 Carolingian 58, 60–61, 86–89, 97, 161, 279, 285–286, 288, 585, 702, 841, 879, 885, 1041, 1047, 1193, 1198, 1338, 1344, 1349 – Carolingian authority 1343 – Carolingian church 1341 – Carolingian coinage 1264 – Carolingian collapse 1344 – Carolingian correctio 1192 – Carolingian dynasty 1337

General Index

– Carolingian emperors 1328 – Carolingian Empire 286, 585, 1265, 1347 – Carolingian era 1341, 1343, 1579 – Carolingian exegesis 145 – Carolingian minuscule (also: Caroline minuscule) 88, 96, 286, 1013, 1015, 1341 – Carolingian Order 1343, 1346–1347 – Carolingian period 1234 – Carolingian re-awakening 1325, 1331, 1338, 1341–1343, 1360 – Carolingian reform program 1581 – Carolingian Renaissance 86–88, 121, 145, 279, 285, 332, 386–387, 1191, 1338, 1341, 1467 – Carolingian rulers 1582 – Carolingian scholarship 1341 carrack 1632 Carthusian 98, 1016, 1122, 1127, 1135, 1458 – Carthusian Order 177 Cartmel Priory (Cumbria) 531 cartography 125, 1680 cash 1138, 1142 – cashless 1142 caskets 295 casters of lots (also: sortileger) 951 Castile (also: Castilian) 144, 237–238, 246, 256, 258, 269, 271–274, 289, 298, 423, 804, 1048, 1152, 1276, 1495, 1597, 1619 castle 58–59, 71, 76–78, 290–291, 293 – Castle Combe 1529 – Castle Karlštejn 1555 – Castle Rising 71 catacombs 1385 – Catacomb of Domitilla 561 Catalonia (also: Catalan) 237, 258, 274, 388–389, 486, 733, 803–804, 1597, 1748–1750 – Catalan Company 1748–1749 – Catalan Cookbooks 487 Catapults 1613 cataract 730 catasto 1781 catchwords 1011 Cathar (also: Catharism; Cathars) 100, 178, 495–496, 528, 889, 1128, 1130, 1439–1441, 1443, 1459–1462, 1469–

2159

1470, 1472, 1483, 1583–1584, 1590–1591, 1596, 1638, 1686, 1736, 1753 – Cathar heresy 1457 cathartics 984 cathedral 58, 68, 71, 78, 297, 1571 – cathedral canons 1358 – cathedral chapters 1358, 1705 – cathedral church 1005 – Cathedral of Trier 1553 – cathedral schools 145, 179, 289, 1216, 1239, 1241, 1244, 1360 Catholicism (also: Catholics) 109, 461, 759 – Catholic Church 880, 1392 – Catholic Reformation 1332 – Catholic unity 1376 cauldron 445 causeways 1514 cauterization 983–984 cavalry shock charge 1763 cavalry 1763 celar 910 celestial city → heaven celibacy 181–182, 632 cellaress 175 Celtic (also: Celts) 511, 700, 704, 717 – Celtic Christianity 1335 – Celtic languages 816 – Celtic literature 347–348, 350–351, 373, 940 cemeteries 326, 733 cenobitic 639 Centaur 1176 Centcelles 84 central Europe 1364 Central French (also: Francien) 801 Central Italy 1337, 1342, 1344, 1348, 1353–1354, 1359 century 1334 ceremony 1210 cesspit (also: cesspool) 408–409 chain of being 103 chained books (also: chained libraries) 1012 chain-lines 1001 Chair of St. Peter 1366, 1379 chamber 74–75 chamois 702 Champagne 282, 287, 474, 847, 1266 – Champagne fairs 1047

2160

General Index

champion 1536 chancebooks → dream books chancel barrier 647 chancellery 1710 chancellor 1728 Chancery Standard 808 changeling 451, 457–458 chanson 455 chansonniers 872 Chansons de geste 353–354, 362, 374, 376–378, 431, 447, 521, 585, 865, 887–888, 893, 896, 1011 chantefable 896, 928 chapel 64, 66, 72, 77 – chantries 72 chaplains 174 chapters 1216 – chapter numbers 1217 characteres 1238 chariot 677 – chariot-races (also: chariot-racing) 588, 611 charity 1161, 1409–1410 charlatan 938 charms 945–946, 1791, 1794 Charroux 1426, 1582 charters 204, 208, 210, 283 Chartres 24, 100, 389, 426, 518, 604 chase 34, 36, 43, 1536 – chase a force 709 Chasse of Saint Valerie 520 Chastelet de Paris 857 chastity 182 Chataigneraie-Jarnac duel 171, 1779 Chateau Gaillard 293 checkers 601, 609 cheetahs 611, 701 cheiromancy 111 Chelandia 1617 Chelles 183, 388 Chemise bindings 1011 cheque 1155 Cheshire 853 chess 295, 584–592, 598–603, 605–606, 608–609 – chess moralities 601 – chess pieces 592, 600 – chess problems 599–600

– chessboard 601–602 – playing chess 606 chevalier 675 Chevington 854 chicks 24 chien courant 44 children 597 Chimaera 1176 chimneys 74 China 677, 701, 708, 985, 993, 1278, 1686, 1701, 1703 – Chinese empire 981 Chinon 1395 chivalry 159, 295, 607, 688 – chivalric code 1754 – chivalric ideals 293 – chivalric virtues 711 Chivert 244 choir book 1000, 1003, 1007, 1011–1012, 1018 choir stalls 584 choristers 398 Christianity (also: Christian; Christendom) 82, 107, 136, 284, 289–290, 872–873, 876, 878–879, 887, 889–890, 895, 897, 1000, 1095, 1324, 1329, 1333, 1336, 1338, 1355, 1358, 1368–1369, 1384–1385, 1394, 1454–1456, 1458–1461, 1463–1471, 1474–1484 – Christian anthropology 991, 996 – Christian blood 1477 – Christian Church 283, 424, 1339, 1342, 1366, 1369, 1373 – Christian creeds 658 – Christian East 1339, 1355 – Christian emperors 1368 – Christian empire (also: Christian imperium) 1336, 1342 – Christian faith 1369 – Christian hagiography 877 – Christian heresy 1481 – Christian history 1174 – Christian humanism 1596 – Christian koine 824 – Christian land 1368 – Christian mercenaries 290 – Christian monasteries 541 – Christian moral tradition 1561

General Index

– Christian response to catastrophes 1641 – Christian Roman Empire 1339 – Christian saints 1802 – Christian salvation 669 – Christian sensorium 1561 – Christian society 1368 – Christian states 1465 – Christian tradition of dream lore 330 – Christian traditions 348 – Christian violence 1471 Christian-Muslim 1464, 1480 christiformitas 1557 Christmas 596, 897, 1662, 1668, 1671 – Christmas crèche 611 chronicle (also: chronicler) 210, 583, 662, 655, 896, 1018, 1219 Church Slavonic → Slavonic church 285, 287, 298, 596, 636, 878–879, 897–898, 1326, 1346, 1377, 1384–1385, 1387, 1389, 1391, 1393–1394 – church ales 596 – church councils 594 – Church courts 175 – church decoration 645 – Church fathers 18, 20, 527, 588, 939, 1391–1392 – church mural 417, 425 – church of St. Ethelbert 425 – Church of the Holy Sepulchre 73 – church path 1526 – church portals 655 – Church saw theatre 1391 – churchmen 1361 – church-state relations 1339 – churchyard 596 cinnamon 1049 Cinque Ports 1625 Ciompi 1498, 1501, 1507, 1509 – Ciompi revolt 169 circumcision 152, 274 circumscription 643–644 circus 595, 611 Cistercian 72, 98, 177, 570, 665, 716, 1015, 1127, 1193, 1458, 1469, 1474, 1587–1588, 1767 – Cistercian monastic ciphers 1212 – Cistercian order 1121–1122

2161

Cîteaux 1123, 1393, 1590 citramontanes 1727 City of Christ → heaven city 1354 – city chronicles 187 – city communes 193 – city councils 187, 195 – city of men 1170 – city types 188 – city walls 193 civil law 391, 1728 civil liberty 193 civil society 979 civil war 1500–1502 civilis sapientia 838 civilization 288 civitas 590 claimant 1348, 1372 Clairvaux 1388 clans 1328 class distinctions 1573 class textbooks 967 classical 890 – classical authors 877–879, 890, 892 – classical culture 279 – classical literature 864 – classical myth (also: classical mythology) 713, 718 – classical texts and commentaries 1001, 1017 – classicists 1004 clencher 1623 clergy 172, 201, 634, 646–649, 712, 1006, 1346, 1574 – clergymen 200 – clerical chancel 75 – clerical education 179 – clerical orders 175 – clerical taxes 1330 – clericalization 1130 – clerics 646–647, 1361 clerk 175, 201, 695, 1052 Clermont 385, 1355, 1433–1434, 1444, 1585, 1603 cliens 1382 – clientela 1382 clients 1010

2162

General Index

climate 481 – climate change 1634, 1639 clinker 1623 – clinker-built 1621 cloak 419 clocks 127, 305 cloisters 596 clos des galées 1625 closure 1127 cloth 1050 – cloth workers 423 clothing 303 – clothing culture 416 – clothing edicts 416 – clothing laws 423 – clothing lexis 417 – clothing studies 416, 422 – clothing styles 419 – clothing trade 416 – dagged clothing 424 clove 1049 Cluny (also: Cluniac) 96, 98, 841, 1121–1122, 1429, 1439, 1456–1458, 1582 – Cluniac order 177 cniht 688 coat 306 cockfighting 584, 587, 610 cockthreashing 609 code 1210 codex 297, 999 – Codex Amiatinus 93 – Codex Aureus of St. Emmeran 88 – Codex Manesse 1730 – Codex Medicus Graecus (Austrian National Library, Vienna) 982 codicology 965 coenobites 175 cofia de tranzado 419 cog 1621, 1630–1631 Coimbra 1691, 1718 coin 1144, 1147 – batzen 1150 – coin debasement 1146, 1152 – coinage 280, 1261–1278 – coined silver 1147 – coins and coin substance 1152 – ducat 1143, 1150–1151

– florin 1141, 1144, 1150–1151, 1156 – groat (also: Groschen; gros tournois) 1143–1144, 1150–1151 – grosso 1269 – gulden 1151 – heller 1144 – kreuzer 1139, 1151 – mite 1139, 1144 – penny (also: albi) 1139, 1141–1143, 1151, 1231, 1263, 1268 – pound (also: libra) 1139, 1142–1143, 1231 – shilling (also: solidus) 1142–1143, 1151, 1231, 1262, 1270, 1274 – thalers 81, 1139–1142, 1144–1145, 1147–1152, 1155, 1163, 1165 Colada 1739 Coldingham 184 Coler 1426 collations 213 collective numbers → number words collector 285 college – Collège de Montaigu 1596 – Collège des Dix-Huit 1713 – College of Cardinals 1353, 1359, 1376 – College of Sorbonne 179 – College of the King’s Hall 1717 – Collegium Artistarum 1730 – Collegium Carolinum 1725 – Collegium Jacobiticum 1730 collegium 1708 Cologne 67, 90–91, 188, 202, 389, 392, 520, 848, 1051, 1268, 1530, 1689, 1720, 1722–1724, 1730 colombage → timber framing colonettes 63, 65, 67 columna centenaria 1058, 1060 columnar abacus 1238 columns 62, 64, 1002 Combat of the Thirty 166, 1784 combs 295 comedies 897 comets 132 comitatus 194 commedia dell’arte 899 commenda 1156 commendation 466

General Index

commentary 143, 145–146, 851, 1017 – commentator 874–875 Commercial Arithmetic 1242 commercialism 1573 – commercial arithmetic 1232, 1236, 1259 – commercial book production 1006 – commercial manuscript workshops 1005 – commercial production 1010 – commercial revolution 1042, 1045–1046, 1052, 1153, 1158, 1161, 1164, 1274, 1279 commodities 294, 296, 1041 common good 1491–1492 common life (vita communis) 1133 common sense 1568 common sensibles 1565 Commoners 703 commune (also: communal) 1493–1496, 1501 – communal movement 1364 Communes 1495–1496 communication 81 communion 1483–1484 communism 1096, 1100 community 285, 1167 compagnia 1046 companions 1497 compartment 1008 Compiègne 1395 compiler (also: compilator) 874–875, 880 complexion 723 compline → Divine Office composition 864, 1371 Compostela 234 computatio romana → finger counting computus → finger counting (designations) computation 1207 – computational literature (also: computistic literature) 1221, 1235 – computistical poems 1235 computus digitalis 1237–1238 concept of epilepsy 961 concept of witchcraft 1801 conciergerie 1395 conciliarism 858, 1332, 1377–1378, 1463 – Conciliar Movement 1332 conclave 1359 Concordat of Worms 1351–1352, 1362 condottiere 1053, 1746–1747

2163

conduct 204, 220, 229 – conduct books 153, 228 – courtesy books 220, 289, 598 conductus 1200 confanonier 690 confessio 222 confessors 1544 conflict resolution 605 congregation (also: congretgatio) 1127, 1708 coniuratio 193, 1487 conjuring 1790 – conjure demons 951 Conques 61, 64, 72 conquest (also: conqueror) 282, 290–291 – conquest of Baghdad (1258) 990 consanguinity 292 consilia 844, 862, 995 – consilia evangelica 1113 consolatio 222 conspiracy 1487 Constance 1377 Constantine bridge 1530 Constantinople 280, 585, 588, 611, 628–631, 636, 638, 646, 839, 967, 990, 1051, 1099, 1334, 1338, 1340, 1356, 1394, 1588, 1611, 1613, 1699 – New Rome 630, 633 consuetudines → customaries consuls 193, 1050 contemplation 1169 contemptus mundi 1297 content lists 1010 contractions 1004 contracts 1006 Contubernium Dionysianum 1730 convent of St. Nikolaus 1600 Conventual Franciscans 1111, 1131, 1331 conversatio morum → vota substantialia conversation 223, 227–228, 597, 608 converses (also: conversi) 177, 1124 conversion tables 1233 conversion 1339, 1369 converso 269 convivencia 244, 269, 740 cookbooks 484, 486–487 cookshops 478

2164

General Index

Copenhagen 1720 coperti 191 copper 1142 Coptic 956, 992 copying 135, 1003 Corbie 24, 387 Cordis affectio 924 Cordoba 116, 123, 242, 245, 258, 289, 751–753, 755–756, 758–760, 766, 991, 1688 Cornish 817 Cornwall 283 Coronation Gospels 88 coronation 597, 635 corporations 1156 corpse road 1526 Corpus Hippocraticum 969, 975 correspondences 111 corrodies 727 cortezia 910 Corvey 90, 1516–1517 cosmographic concepts 128 cosmopolitan 296 cosmos 129 costume features 422, 426–427 cotes 421 cotton 1049 couched 1001 council 194, 637–638, 1357, 1363, 1455, 1457, 1463 – Council at Hieria 642–643 – Council of Aachen 387 – Council of Basle 857 – Council of Braga 131 – Council of Chalcedon 630, 638 – Council of Charroux 1494 – Council of Clermont 1355 – Council of Constance 323, 858, 1135, 1377–1378, 1461, 1463, 1732 – Council of Florence 668 – Council of Nablus 520 – Council of Nicaea 1459, 1662 – Council of Paris 343 – Council of Pisa 858, 1463 – Council of Toledo 632 – Council of Trent 134, 171, 319, 1779 – Council of Trullo 632

– Council of Vienne 501 – Second Council of Lyons 1445 – Second Council of Nicaea 332, 649, 1340, 1550 councillor 195 councils 638 counting 1205–1206, 1223–1224, 1229, 1246–1247, 1259–1260 – counting board 1239 – counting cloth 1239 – counting notations 1209 – counting schools (also: botteghe d’abacco) 1242 – counting sticks 1209 – counting table 1239 – counting verbally 1207 – counting words 1208, 1225, 1227, 1247 counts 278, 294, 1264 – counts of Champagne 1047 couriers 678 courser → Equus Caballus coursing 700 court 34–35, 278–282, 284–286, 289, 291, 294–299, 1705 – court astrologer 299 – court biographer 284 – court culture 281–282, 294 – court life 283 – court of love 293 – court roles 1537 – court school 282, 1341 – court staff 295 – courtier 278, 282, 284, 286, 289, 293, 297, 598 – courtliness 288 courtesy books → conduct courtesy 159, 162 courtier bishop 289 courtly 30, 33, 45–46, 294 – courtly activities 290 – courtly amusements 598 – courtly epics 30 – courtly life 286 – courtly love 227, 295, 607, 1360, 1379 – courtly manners 1754 – courtly officials 286 – courtly pastimes 606

General Index

– courtly romance 349, 351, 353, 355, 362, 364, 374–377, 925 Courtrai 1744, 1763 courts of justice 1520 courts of law 1049 coutumiers 847, 858 cow 701 craftsmanship (also: craftsman) 295, 1052 crane 710 creation 614–622, 624–626 Crecy 1763, 1775 Credenza of Saint Ambrose 1497 credit 1138, 1142, 1209, 1269, 1279 – credit economy 1210 Credo 1201 Crémieu 1087 crenellation 70–71, 79 Crete 1614, 1616 cricket 608 crimen magiae 944 crinet 689 Croatian 821 crops 481–482 cross staff 127 cross 640, 644–645, 1271 crossbow and musket shooting 609 cross-domed 648 cross-in-square 648 Croton 1302 crown 291 crows 709 crucible steel 1773 crucifixion 1009 cruck 71 crupper 689 crusade 178, 290, 293, 295, 418, 956, 1010, 1100, 1329, 1354–1356, 1365, 1367, 1369–1370, 1419, 1422, 1446, 1457, 1460–1461, 1463–1471, 1473, 1481, 1625, 1637, 1680, 1684, 1699, 1735–1736, 1750, 1752, 1754 – crusade cycle 888 – crusade songs 916 – crusader states 164, 1329, 1464 – crusader 293, 1457, 1464–1467, 1469, 1470, 1615, 1763

2165

– crusading violence 1467, 1469 – Northern crusades 1470 cryptographs 1212 cult – cult of icons 640–641 – cult of images 641–642 – Cult of Santiago 233 – cultic purity 1362 – cults of the dead 668 culture 185, 278, 282, 285–286, 296 – cultural activities 291 – cultural development 281 – cultural difference 1175 – cultural history 314 – cultural life 1329 – cultural markers 282 – cultural production 284 – cultural unity 1380 – cultural waves 1372 Cumans 1746 Cumbric 816 cupping 723, 983–984 curia 1353 curiositas 1706 Curonian 823 cursus publicus 1691 curtain wall 1765 cusped archways 64 custodies placitorum coronae 848 customaries (also: consuetudines) 307, 1114 customs 1127 cuttings 1514 cycle(s) of diseases 983 Cymru 816 cynocephaloi 1697 Cyprus 1574, 1611, 1614–1616, 1624 Czech 823 dagged clothing → clothing daggers 423 dagging 420–421, 427 Damascus 127, 289, 499, 504, 525, 1751, 1773 damask 1049 Damiette 1618–1619, 1702 Damme 1050 damnum emergens 1160

2166

General Index

Dance of Death (also: Danse macabre) 324–325, 1417 dancing 584, 588–589, 592–593, 596, 598, 601, 608 Danes 283–284, 566 Dankwarderode 62 dansas → balladas Danse macabre → Dance of Death descender → scripts distributive numbers → number words donjon → keep (also: donjon) Danube 1530, 1689 Daoine Sidhe 441 Dar al Harb 1104 Dar al Islam 740, 1104 Darnall 853 darshan 1593 daub 59 Davidic messianism 1102 dawn songs 909, 916 day labourers 200 deacon 175 dead head (also: caput mortuum) 111 death of the author 871 death 1655 debasement 1146–1148, 1150, 1152 – debased coins 1148 debating 587 – debate poems 911 – debate songs 916 debilitata senectus 1297 debts 1209 decempeda 1079 decimal system 1236, 1241 decoration 67, 1003, 1006 – decorative blind arcades 71 – decorative letters 1007 – decorative motifs 418 – decorative technique 420 decree 1361 decretals 1357 dedicatees 867 deeds of arms 161 deer 26, 29, 34–35, 700–701, 709, 716, 719–720 – deer parks 707 – deer poaching 705

defecation 406, 410 Delphi 950 demand 1044–1045 demesne 595 – demesne lord 681 demi-grisaille 1009 demon 433–434, 450, 454–455, 943, 945, 950–951, 1638, 1650, 1653–1654, 1789, 1802 – demonic invention 946 – demonic lover 948 – demonic magic 944, 1808 – demonic pact 947, 1791–1792 – demonic possession 433 – demonic sorcery 940 – demonology 102, 1653, 1804–1805 Demonic magic 946 denarius 1139, 1141–1143, 1231, 1267–1269 denier 1263, 1268, 1275 Denmark 469, 1044, 1264 dentils 79 denunciation 848 denutrition 983 depopulation 1642 deposit banking 1155 derashah 1593 dérimage 896 desacralization 1348 desecrating 1483 – desecrating the host (also: desecrating the Eucharist) 1478, 1483 desert father 1113, 1122 Destrier 682 determinatio 213 deuterions 1000 devaluation 1152 devil (also: diabolic) 21, 35, 434, 449, 454, 459–460, 462, 601, 604, 698, 716, 944, 948–949, 1790 – Devil’s Bridge 1513 – devil’s power 950 – diabolic pact 1791 – diabolic tricks 950 devotio moderna 1009, 1135, 1196, 1600 dextrarius 690, 1524 dhimma (also: dhimmi) 243, 743–746, 749, 761–762, 769

General Index

diadem 294 diagnosis 983, 992 diagrams 1221–1222, 1251 – diagrammatic representation 1215, 1222 – diagrammatics 1221 diakonikon 648 dialectic 875 dialecticism 849 diaspora 1407 Dice games 594 dice 583–584, 588–589, 593–594, 599, 601–606 – alea 602 dictamen 218, 1185 – dictaminal 226–227 dictionaries 994 didactics 1222 – didactic diagrams 1223 – didactic poems 880 diet 484 – diet calendars 961 Dietrichepik 347, 362, 365, 377 digitus 1058 Dijon 1121 dining hall 1572 diocese 175, 1326, 1332, 1357–1359, 1362 – diocesan bishop 1362, 1367 Diocletian’s persecution 975 Dioscorides 957 diplomacy 280–281, 293, 297–298, 608 – diplomat 284 – diplomatic gift 298 – diplomatic relations 298 Dirhams 1141 dirt 406 disc thegn 687 discretio 1117 disease 359–362, 433, 440, 454, 481, 964 – disease as punishment 976 dispatch 211–212 dispensation 1129 disputation (also: disputatio) 213, 215, 591 disputation (also: disputatio) – disputatio de quodlibet 396 dissimulation 1493 dissonance 1250 distillation 987

2167

distinctiones 1592 distribution 1209 divan 833 Dives and Lazarus 656 divination 102, 118, 938, 944, 950, 952, 1786, 1790, 1794, 1809 – divination system 951 Divine Office 176 – compline 176 – lauds 176 – matins 176 – none 176 – prime 176 – sext 176 – terce 176 – vespers 176 – divine author 147–148 – divine intention 148 – divine law 1359 – divine mercy 667 – divine monarchy 1339 – divine right monarchy 1352 – divine vision 943 diviner 949, 1790 divisio numerorum 1243, 1249–1250 division 1236, 1238, 1241, 1256 – golden division (also: divisio aurea) 1236 – iron division (also: divisio ferrea) 1236 divorcees 1409 docetism 1460 doctrine 1358 Dodona 950 dodrans 1060 doe 34, 719 dog 26, 34–35, 37–38, 42–44, 48, 610–611, 698–701, 706, 710, 715, 717, 720 dogma (also: dogmatic) 972, 1339 dolce stil nuovo 806, 890, 919 Dolcinites 1102 dolls 597 Dolomitic Ladin 806 dome 648–649 domed-octagon 648 domesday 681–682 domestic servants 284 domestication 676 Domfront 690

2168

General Index

Dominican 72, 178–179, 190, 392, 503, 529, 589–590, 592, 606, 1135, 1367, 1416, 1436, 1443, 1445, 1451–1452, 1458, 1705, 1713 – Dominican Order 1435–1436 Domus aurea 129 Domus Conversorum 780, 782, 784 donation 285 Donatism (also: Donatists) 494, 757 Donegal 664 donum dei 113 Dorestad 1042–1043, 1264 Douai 1498 double house 184 double monasteries 183–184 double-entry bookkeeping (also: double-entry accounting) 1046, 1155, 1157 doublet 420–421, 427 dove 21, 47 Dover 1625 dowels 1610 dragon ship (also: drekkar) 1623 dragon 30, 32, 41–42, 449, 452, 1650, 1652 drama 287, 292, 898 draugr 368 dream books 343–344, 346 – chancebooks (also: dream chancebook) 343 – dream books proper 344 – dream lunars 343 dreams (also: dreaming) 454, 952, 975, 986–987, 1570 – dream interpretation 1809 – dream poem 339 – dream vision 339 – medieval dream theory 329 Dreistab → triquetrum drekkar → dragon ship dress 280, 306 drinking 286 – drinking parlors 200 Drogo Sacrementary 88 dromons 1611, 1613, 1616 drove road 1526 drugs 940 druid 940, 948 dryads 431

dry-point 1007 dualism 1460, 1462 Dublin 1623, 1717, 1721 – Dublin Bridge 1531 ducat → coin duchy 292 – Duchy of Athens 1749 – Duchy of Spoleto 1344 ductus 1013 Duero 239 duke 294 – duke of Berry 524 – duke of Burgundy 165, 1054 – duke of Normandy 292 Dunstable Swan Jewel 298 Dura Europos 83 Durendal 1739 Dusia 1793 Dusius 1793 dustboard (also: gubar) 1213–1214, 1239, 1241 Dutch 810, 1009, 1017, 1621 dwarf 434, 438, 440, 447, 514 – Dverga heiti 366 – Dvergatal 366 dynamism 282, 284, 286 eagle 28, 30, 47–50, 700, 1561 ealdorman 283 earl 283, 285, 294 early Byzantine rite 646 ears 1564 Earth-centered universe 128 earthly city 1169 earthly fire 659 earthly paradise 653–654 earthquake 1634, 1640–1642 – Friuli earthquake 1641 earthwork 59, 76, 1514 East Anglia 1263 East Central German 812 East Franconian 812 East Low Franconian 810 East Middle German 812 East Upper German 812 Easter 897, 1012, 1107, 1234–1235, 1661–1663, 1665, 1668–1671

General Index

– Easter Sunday 633 – Easter table 1663 Eastern Arabo-Islamic 981 Eastphalia 811 East–West schism 836 Ebro Valley 260 Ebstorf 624, 1697 ecclesiastical 1384, 1386–1387, 1389, 1391, 1394, 1396 – ecclesiastical abuses 1326 – ecclesiastical generosity 285 – ecclesiastical governance 1350 – ecclesiastical institutions 1344 – ecclesiastical leaders 282 – ecclesiastical life 1362 – ecclesiastical officials 284 – ecclesiastical reform movement 1326, 1348, 1378 – ecclesiastical reformers 1353 – ecclesiastics 285 échanson 221 eco system 52 ecocritical 47 economic (also: economy) 296, 1274 – economic history 1210–1211 – economic practices 1210 – economic sectors 296 – economic theory 1160 ecumenical 638 – ecumenical council 637, 1377 – ecumenical movement 1332 – ecumenical patriarch 631 écuyer d’écurie 221 écuyer tranchant 221 Eddic lay (also: Eddica minora) 347, 357, 365–367, 380–383 Eddic poems 348 Eden 538, 552, 555 Edessa 517, 1587 edhilingui 1502 Edict of Milan 1385 Edict of Prices 1062 Edict of Villers-Cotterêts 886 editiones principes 957 education (also: edification) 154, 284–286, 289, 713, 1016, 1561–1562, 1566, 1568–1569

2169

– education of children 1561 – educational treatise 591 effigies 416 egalitarian millennium 1094 egg-and-dart moldings 79 Eglington Tournament 583, 1784 Egypt 106, 274, 630, 1000, 1047, 1101, 1647, 1686 – Egyptian Day 1669 – Egyptian empire 677 – Egyptian feet 1072, 1076–1078 – Egyptian folktale 656 – Egyptian Royal cubit 1062, 1076, 1088 Eibelstadt 1072 Eichstätt 1689 Eigenkirchentum 841 Eight Circle of Hell 1370 Eikōn 639 Einsiedeln 1121 ekphrosis 1095 El Transito 248 Elbe 1530 Elches 272 Elder Futhark 813, 881 Electuaries 734 electuary 725, 730 elegiac 285 elementals 110 elephant 21, 41, 611 elevatio 1544 elf (also: elfish) 349, 353, 355, 358, 362, 368, 1649 – Elfland 431 elf-shot 433–434, 461 elite 278, 282, 285, 288, 290–291, 296 elixir 113 elk 702, 721 ell of Regensburg 1068 ellende 490 Elston 70 Ely 1277 emanation 116 embankments 1514 embellishments 418, 421 embroidery 421 emetics 984 emic 722

2170

General Index

emigration 990, 993 emperor 281, 294, 633–636, 651, 1012, 1326, 1329, 1334, 1338–1343, 1350–1352, 1365–1366, 1368, 1372, 1377 emphyteusis 862 empire 286, 635, 1325, 1334, 1338–1343, 1348–1352, 1372 empress 643, 1338 Empyrean 669 enameled 419 – enameled bindings 1012 – enameled mounts 1012 encastellation 161 enclosure 1116, 1120, 1134 – enclosed garden 654 encyclopedias 707 Endemousa Synodos 637–638 endowments 298 enemies of God 945 Enghien 1397 England (also: English) 127, 260, 263, 277, 283–284, 290–296, 298, 423, 699–700, 706, 708–709, 720–721, 806, 1000, 1006, 1009–1010, 1013, 1015, 1041, 1044, 1050, 1154, 1262, 1264–1265, 1267–1271, 1274–1275, 1278, 1285, 1298, 1304–1305, 1371, 1377, 1387–1388, 1390, 1400–1401, 1683, 1692 – English church 1336 – English civil wars 463 – English elites 1375–1376 – English financial administration 1209–1210 – English Jews 776 – English kingdom 1376 – English mission 1335 – English nation 1376 – English Royal Court 1220 – English Royal family 292 – English treasury 1236 – English wool 1049 – Englishmen 1048 Enlightenment 1333 ensenhamens 889 entertainers 949 entertainment 291, 947 entourage 284, 291

entrepreneurship 1140 envenomation 986 environmental causality 971 envoys 284 eorl (also: eorlcund) 283, 285, 291 epexigetical drawings 1009 ephemerides 118 Ephesus 629 epic 710, 864, 893, 1016 – epic poetry 341, 428, 864–865, 882, 887–888 epidemics (also: epidemic diseases) 198, 481, 982 epidemiology 982 epigrams 877, 880 Epiphany 596 episcopacy 1379 – episcopal inquisition 1362 – episcopal office 1335 – episcopates 1350 episkopos → bishop epistles 879–880 epitaphs 327, 880 equine 45 equitation 694 equity 843 Equus Caballus (breed) 676, 680 – affrus (also: affer) 681 – averus (also: aver; averium) 681 – caballus 681 – cart horse (also: carectarius; equus carectarius) 682 – cavalry horses 675 – courser (also: hunter; chevauchée) 34, 45, 682, 684, 1759 – domestic horse 676 – draft horses 675 – equus ferus 676 – hercatorius (also: hercator) 682 – Icelandic horse 675, 684 – jousting horse 682 – jumentum 682 – Norwegian Fjord 675 – palefridus (also: palfrey) 45, 681–682, 684, 1524 – runcinus (also: rouncey) 45, 681–682, 684, 1524

General Index

– stott 681 – summarius (also: sumpter) 682, 684, 1524 – warhorse (also: charger; destrier; grant chival; great horse) 45, 681–682, 685, 689–690, 692, 1524 era 1664 Erbach 1078 eremitism 639, 1122, 1132 Erfurt 1528, 1720, 1723, 1730 ergots 983 – ergot poisoning (also: ergotism) 198, 983 Ermine Street 1525 eroticism 905 eruption of Hekla 1639 Erzgebirge 1143 eschatology 1093 eschaton 1095 esotericism 102 Essen 91 Essenes 1097, 1102 Essex 283 estates 283, 287, 291, 295 estimation 1568 estocs 1776 Estonian 811, 831 Étaíne 441 etalon 1230–1231 Étampes 192 etchings 1009 Eternal City → Rome ethical code(s) 987 Ethiopia (also: Ethiopian; Ethiopic) 134, 521–523, 655 ethnogenesis 84, 92 Etna 1639 etymology 1208 Eucharist 632, 644, 648, 650, 1461, 1478, 1484 Euclidean elements 1240 Europe 260, 262–263, 296, 1000, 1324, 1329–1330, 1332–1333, 1342, 1346, 1355, 1362–1363, 1369, 1372, 1377–1378, 1380, 1391, 1398 – Central Europe 1152 – Eastern Europe 656 – European battle tactics 1740 – European civilization 1330

2171

– European continent 1348, 1379 – European High Middle Ages 1324 – European Jewry 1370 – European royalty 290 – Northern Europe 1397 – Southern Europe 1393 – Western Europe 1346, 1354, 1360, 1388–1389, 1397 Eusebian apparatus 1217 Eusebian canons 1217 evangelical poverty 1363 Evangelist authors 28, 1007 evangelist 1008 excommunication 513, 1347, 1426, 1431–1432 excrement 406, 410 excretions and retentions 980 executioners 200, 1637 exegesis 145, 614–615, 1663 – exegetical writings 1017 exempla 707, 1572, 1592 exemplars 1003 exemption 1121 exile 1637 exorcism (also: exorcist) 175, 945 experience of disease 964 exported 1010 expulsion 775, 782, 791–792 expunged 1005 extraction of kidney 984 extra-medical practices 964 extramission (theory of vision) 645, 1560 extreme unction 321, 737 eyes 1564 – eyeglasses 1003 – structure of the eye 980 Eynsham 139, 1581 fable 27, 29, 36, 53, 601, 786–787, 895 fabliau 604, 895 face-to-face communication 1207 Fachwerk → timber framing figurae → notation (music) faculties 1569 – faculty psychology 1569 fairs 1048 – fairs of Champagne 1048

2172

General Index

fairy (also: faerie; fay) 431, 940, 948, 1794–1795, 1805, 1808 – fairy godmother 447 – fairy meal 1795 – fairy mistress 444, 447–449, 452 – fairy seer 442 – Fairyland 431 faith 1373 falcon 19, 26, 46, 48, 50, 592, 700, 704, 710, 716 – falconer 698, 709, 716, 719 – falconing 25–26, 706 – falconry manuals 706–707 – falconry 48, 592, 697, 700–701, 704–707, 710, 713–714, 716, 719–720 fallow deer 721 familiars 1806 family 287, 297 – family histories 1010 – family members 1046 famine 477–478, 481, 678, 683, 1645 – Antioch famine 1646 – Great Famine 481, 1416–1417, 1501, 1645–1646 fantasy 1568 Far East 1701 farces 899 Faremoutiers 183 farm hands 200 Faroes 1623 farriers 686 – King’s Farrier 687 farthing 1139, 1144 fashion 418 fasting 632 Fates (also: Fata) 431, 438 Father of Europe 1334–1335 Fathers (and Doctors) of the Church 658, 660, 977 fathom 1061, 1064, 1067–1068, 1072, 1074, 1077 Fatimid (also: Fatimid Caliphate) 1104, 1614, 1618, 1751 fawn 719 fear 1634 feasts (also: feasting) 291, 598, 608, 1574 – feast days 596, 611

Fechtbuch 1783 feed grain 686 feet of Aigina 1067, 1083 feet of Gudea 1074 fencing 593, 1783 – fencing schools 168 feng shui 117 Fenian cycle 443 feodalis 465 fer fothlai 1670 feria 1665 Ferrara 1397 ferrets 701 ferry boats 1528 fertility 1791 – fertility cult 1792 – fertility deity 1790 – fertility goddesses 1788 Feryr 438 festivals 1668 Fetternear Banner 519 feudal 287–288 – feudal bookkeeping 1220 – feudal homage 1369 – feudal order 1343 – feudal revolution 467 – feudal society 287 – feudal system 465, 1227, 1743 – feudalism 25, 465, 467, 1344 – feudalization 1266 fiction 296 fides quarens intellectum 1372–1373 fiefs 465, 468, 1412 field hockey 608 field measuring 1233 field 537–538, 554–559, 563, 596 Fifth Crusade 532, 1465, 1589 figurae numerorum 1215–1216 filiation 1124 Filioque 632 filth 408, 412 fin’amor 905, 925, 1198 financial records 779–780 finery 415, 425, 428 finger counting (designations) 1206, 1237 – calculus articularis 1237 – computatio romana 1237

General Index

– computus 121, 1237, 1254, 1663 – finger calculation 1238 – flexus digitorum 1237 – gestus computationis 1237 – indigatio et manualis loquela 1237 – loquela digitorum 1237 – loquela per digitos 1237 finger numbers 1212 finger signs 1256 Finland 708 Finnic languages 830 – Finnish 830 Finno-Ugric languages 829 Fiorentino 1143 fire 1635, 1648–1649 – firearms 698 – fire-management 1648 – fires of hell 653 – fires of purgatory 667 – nature of fire 673 First Council of Constantinople 630, 839 First Crusade 97, 500–501, 509, 517, 521, 532, 1355, 1429, 1433, 1437, 1444, 1446, 1451, 1465–1468, 1471, 1476, 1479, 1588, 1615, 1617, 1751–1752 First Entrance 646, 648 First Lateran Council 181 First Nicean Council 1234 First Spanish Republic 232 fish 19, 23–24, 35, 39, 51–52, 189, 593, 610, 697–698, 701–709, 713–714, 716, 718, 720, 1041 – fish ponds 704, 707 – fished 713 – Fisher King 716, 718 – fisheries 704, 708 – fisherman 701, 709, 716 – fishing manuals 706 fissure 1379 fistulae 730 fitna 237 Fjord 684 flagellant 1644 Flanders galley 1620 Flanders 211, 708, 784, 810, 1044, 1047–1050, 1055, 1152, 1154, 1496–1497, 1502, 1507, 1510

2173

flax 189 Flemish 1009, 1047, 1496, 1498, 1502–1503, 1505 – Flemings 1573 – Flemish towns 1048 flexus digitorum → finger counting flight into Egypt 521 flight 1790 flood 1635 Florence (also: Florentine) 70, 93, 131, 187, 191, 200, 393, 611, 733, 839, 852, 858, 1046, 1049, 1054–1055, 1079, 1155–1156, 1158, 1201, 1268–1270, 1396, 1495, 1498, 1504, 1507, 1529 – Florence silver belts 420 – Florentine Arte die Calimala 1050 – Florentines 1048, 1053 florid organum 1389 Florida 1703 florin → coin fluted columns 79 flux 1767 flying buttress 55, 64, 66–67 fodder 686 folk belief 349, 351, 356, 359, 372, 939 folklore 110 folksongs 880 Fondaco dei Tedeschi 1050 fondaco 1050 Fontainebleau 1395 Fonte Avellana 1122 Fontevrault 184 food 287, 301 – food and drink 980 – foodstuffs 981 foot – football 584, 594, 608 – foot of Aigina 1067 – foot of Bologna 1068 – foot of Gudea 1061 – foot of Vindonissa 1057, 1063, 1070, 1072, 1076 – foot races 592 – foot soldiers 1763 – footwear 421 forest 25–26, 537–545, 549, 558, 562–563, 595, 702–703, 710, 719, 1536

2174

General Index

forgery 1209 forge-welding 1773 formulae 864, 976 fornaldarsǫgur 347–348, 363, 365, 369–370 Fornetes folm 379 Fornjótr 379 fortresses 290–291, 293 fortune telling 606 fossa Carolina (also: Charles’s Channel) 1692 Fosse Way 1525 fountains 1123 – Fountain of Youth 1703 Four Doctors 843 Four Horsemen 508 four humors 1287, 1289 Fourth Crusade 631, 971, 990, 993, 1269, 1356, 1465, 1588, 1618, 1625, 1742, 1753 Fourth Lateran Council 141, 390, 496, 520, 730, 847, 1128, 1130–1131, 1589, 1596 Fourth Sphere 1373 Fourth Watch 1365 fowl 24, 36 – fowler 700, 714 – fowling 697–698, 700, 709, 713, 720 fox 26, 29, 35–39, 611, 715 fractions → number words fractures → orthopaedics Fraga 257 fragrances 651 frame-first construction 1610 France 123, 263, 265, 267, 277, 287–288, 291–294, 296, 298, 416, 423, 699, 704–706, 708–709, 784, 1007, 1012, 1014, 1048, 1266–1267, 1269–1270, 1276, 1298, 1304, 1326, 1347, 1353, 1360, 1369, 1371–1372, 1374–1375, 1377, 1388–1391, 1393, 1395, 1397, 1400, 1686 – Southern France 1363–1364, 1375 franchitas 252 Francia 281, 1271, 1338 Francien → Central French Franciscan 72, 100, 178–179, 190, 391, 503, 532, 589, 592, 606, 1053, 1111, 1129, 1373–1374, 1416, 1436, 1443, 1448, 1451, 1458, 1705 – Franciscan movement 1331 – Franciscan Order 1415

Franconia 124, 137, 139, 1044 Franconian notation → notation (music) Franco-Papal Alliance 1337–1338 Franco-Provençal 801 Franco-Prussian War 1329 Frankfurt am Main 1528, 1531 Frankish 161, 281–282 – Frankish empire 1340 – Frankish kingdom 1336–1337 – Frankish law codes 151 – Frankish nation 1338 – Frankish nobles 286 – Franks 86, 501, 611, 712, 1043, 1338, 1343, 1455, 1460, 1462, 1467 Frankpledge rolls 999 fraternities 1574 Fraticelli 1451 fraud 1370 Free Companies → Great Companies freebooters 1744 freeholds 853 Freiberg 1267 Freiburg im Breisgau 192, 1063, 1069, 1072–1075, 1086, 1090 Freiherren 169 French 144, 288, 291, 293, 296, 706, 801, 1048, 1268 – French bishop 1375 – French cardinals 1375 – French clergy 1374–1375 – French court 299 – French crown 1375 – French king 292 – French literature 296 – French monarch 1328, 1375 – French monarchy 293, 1375 – French peasants 703 – French pocket bibles 1015 – French popes 1375 – French Revolution 1100, 1489 – French scribes 1013 – French vernacular translation 142, 144 – French warriors 290 “French” or “ars nova” notation → notation (music) fresco 558, 583, 585, 655, 1385, 1390, 1396

General Index

Freya; Freyja → Frija Freyr 439 friars 178, 606, 1005, 1017, 1362, 1374, 1458, 1475–1476 Frickenhausen 1080 Friesach 1267 Frija (also: Freya; Freyja) 438, 440 frilingi 1502 Frisia (also: Frisian) 807, 809, 1043, 1263, 1336 Friuli 806, 1640 – Friuli earthquake 1641 – Friuli-Venezia Guilia 806 frontier thesis 236 frontispieces 1010 frumenty 478 fuidir 1670 Fulda 90–91, 387, 483, 979, 1120 “fulle” friend 576 full-page illuminations 1017 full-rigged ship 1632 funduq 1050 funerary monuments 417 fur 189, 309, 419, 1041, 1049, 1573 furnishings 197 gabelle 482, 1148 gables 74 Galen’s theories 961 Galenic Plague 982 Galicia (also: Galician) 298, 804 – Galician-Portuguese 805 Galilean 517 Gallen Psalter 674 galleries 647 galley 1048–1049, 1611, 1617, 1619, 1625 – galley system 1055 Gallicanism 858, 862 gamble 588 – gambler 593–594, 604–605 – gambling boards 602 – gambling houses 594–595 – gambling 586–589, 593–594, 601, 603–606 game drive 699 game parks 595, 708 game preserves 711

2175

games – ball games 587–588, 590, 593, 596, 608–609 – board and dice games 593 – board games 585, 588–590, 592–593, 598–600, 603 – brandubh 592 – card games 584, 589, 605–606 – children’s games 597, 602 – combat games 587 – contemplative game 604 – dice games 589, 592, 603–605, 608 – fidcheall 591 – fortune-telling games 598 – game boards 583, 599 – game of spheres 609 – game theory 1045 – games of chance 603 – games of skill 603 – gaming table 604 – manual for board and dice games 585 – mathematical games and puzzles 603 – nard 602 – nine-men’s-morris 602 – number games 609 – parlor games 228 – shooting games 589 – strategy games 599 – tafl 592, 603 – targeting games 609 – throwing and targeting games 609 Gandersheim 91, 389, 1133 gaps 889 garbage 412 Garden of Eden 548, 653–654, 700 gardens 595 garderobe 74, 408 gargoyles 79 garment 416–417, 419–420, 425, 427 Garter 165 Gascony 1446 – Gascon wine trade 1630 – Gascon 802 gate of hell 662, 667 gatehouse 77 gathering 1000, 1002, 1011

2176

General Index

gauge (also: gauger; gauging) 1064, 1086–1087, 1230–1231 Gauging 1230 Gaul 1389 Gaulish 817 gazelle 719 Geats 566 Gehenna 658 geldings 690 Gelnhausen 1079 gematria 117 Gemeinden 859 gems 287 gender 299, 310, 1786 genealogical chronicles 999 generosity (also: largueza) 910 geniza 223, 230, 957, 1044, 1409 – geniza traders 1045 Genoa (also: Genoese) 188, 202, 1041, 1043, 1045–1049, 1052, 1269, 1495, 1614, 1617, 1619–1620, 1682, 1699, 1729 – Genoese notarial records 1041 Genossenschaft 467 – Genossenschaftsrecht 837 genotypes 676 Genovino 1143, 1269 gentilhomme 165 gentlemen 291 gentry 1412 genus numerorum 1245–1246 geocentric 105 geography 278 geomancy 102, 117 geometric and military compass 1222 geometry 121, 397, 590, 1188, 1222, 1239, 1244 Georgian 831, 956, 992 Geraardsbergen 1397 Gerbertian abacus 1213, 1238–1239 Gerichtsherrschaft 859 German empire 1349, 1362 German 294, 706, 1051, 1141, 1158 – German court 1349 – German crown 1350–1351 – German emperor 1328, 1350 – German Empire 404 – German kings 1345, 1348

– German merchants 1050 – German nobility 1350 – German Ottonian dynasty 1345 – German Peasants’ War of 1525 702 – German penny 1152 – German popes 1348 – German princes 294 Germanias 275 Germanic 279, 711, 1209 – East Germanic 815 – Germainc north 1336 – Germanic emperor 136 – Germanic Languages 806 – Germanic language family 136 – Germanic law 702 – Germanic literature 297 – Germanic mythology 347–349, 357–358 – Germanic sorcery 940 – Germanic vernaculars 139 – North Germanic 813 – North Sea Germanic 809 – West Germanic 806 Germany 294, 393, 418–419, 699, 704, 716, 784, 899, 1000–1001, 1011, 1014, 1018, 1144, 1151–1152, 1154, 1157, 1159, 1266–1268, 1278, 1326, 1352, 1369, 1388, 1391, 1719 Gernrode 91 Gero Cross 90 Gesamtkunstwerk 56 gesith 283 gesso 1007 gestus computationis → finger counting getwerc 352, 362, 370–371 Ghent 1398, 1496, 1499, 1507 ghetto 776–778, 792 ghost dance 1097 ghost money 1139, 1142 ghosts 317 Ghubar Numerals 1213 giant 433, 438, 440, 448, 453, 1170–1172 Gibraltar 1048 gift 284, 288, 291, 297–298 – gift-giving 282, 285, 297, 1263 gilos 910 Gimignano 1396 ginger 1049

General Index

giraffe 708 girdle bindings 1011 girdled tunic 419 giro 1155, 1164 gladiatorial combat 588 glanders 683 Glasgow 1720 glass 1049 glassware 1042 globalization 1681 gloria 1201 glosses 144, 219, 435 – glossators 845 – glossed bibles 1002, 1005, 1015–1017 – glossing 1010, 1016 gluttony 306, 482, 589 Gniezno 1556 – Gniezno Doors 91 gnomes 110 gnosticism 104, 107, 1793 God of Love 576 God 538, 1331–1332, 1339–1340, 1362, 1369, 1373–1374 – absolute sovereignty of God 1373–1374 – architectus mundi 132 goedendag 1763 Gog and Magog 509, 524, 532, 1103, 1173, 1700 Goídel 818 – Goidelic 818 Gokstad ship 1623 gold 287, 1007–1008, 1019, 1140–1142, 1147, 1261–1263, 1273, 1278 – gold coins 1140, 1146, 1268, 1271, 1275–1276 – gold leaf 1007 – gold solidi 1261, 1274 – gold thread 419 – Golden Bull 1728 – Golden Calf 507 – Golden Fleece 111 – Golden Horn 1619 – goldsmith 285, 1140 golf 608–609 goliardic 889 Goliards 892 Gondishapur 968

2177

Gorze 1121 Gosians 843 Goslar 1081 gospel 136, 138, 640, 644–646, 648, 1007–1008, 1217, 1324 – Gospel book of Ebbo of Reims 96 – Gospel book of Otto III 90 – gospel books 1012, 1016 – gospel readings 1017 gossip 597 Gothic – Baroque Gothic 60–62, 64–68, 70–71, 99–100, 136, 186, 678, 815 – Gothic language 136 – Gothic miniscule 1068, 1074–1075 – Gothic period 1015 – Goths 511, 704, 840, 1103 Gotland 1627 Gotthard Pass 1692 government 285, 1327 gown 419–421 gradual 410, 1016 graffiti 1684 grail 170 grain hoarding 1042 grain 480–481, 483, 485–486, 1041 grammar 121, 397, 875, 879–880, 885, 1206, 1215–1216, 1244 – grammar schools 404 – grammar studies 404 Granada 238–239, 269–274, 289, 766– 768 Grande Chartreuse 1122 grandes tailles 1148 grangerized cuttings 1010 graphē 644 graphite 1001 graphs 1013 gravediggers 200, 408 Great Companies (also: Free Companies) 1746 Great Debasement 1146 Great Entrance 646, 648 Great Palace 633 Great St. Bernard Pass 1512 Greece 661, 1381 greed 589, 1327

2178

General Index

Greek 135–136, 824, 1004, 1016, 1019, 1171, 1334 – Greek alphabet 136 – Greek alphanumeric system 1216, 1236 – Greek Bible 135 – Greek east 1339, 1342 – Greek Fathers 527 – Greek fire 1611, 1613, 1616, 1740, 1756 – Greek manuscript of Niketas 984 – Greek Orthodox Church 628 – Greek philosophers 281 Green Children 451 Greenland 416, 1623, 1698 Gregorian 1457–1458, 1465, 1476, 1483 – Gregorian Chant 186, 1191, 1386, 1389 – Gregorian reform 181, 1326, 1346, 1422, 1428, 1440, 1456, 1459, 1585 – Gregorian reformers 1459 Grenoble 1122 greyhound 44, 710 grimoires 939, 1791 groat → coin groin vaults → masonry vaults Grosse Ravensburger Handelsgesellschaft 1157 grosso → coin grotesques 64 Grubenhaus 73 Grundherrschaft 859 Guadalquivir valley 242 gubar → dust board Gubbio 1079 Guelphs and Ghibellines 1048, 1500, 1502 Guidonian hand 1187, 1194 guild 200, 1006, 1041, 1781 – guild halls 75 gulden → coin gunpowder weapons 1626 guns 1626 Gutnish 814 Gwenedeg (also: Vannetais) 818 gynecology-obstetrics 986 Gyrfalcons 708 hackneys 45 Hades 655, 658 Hadith 499, 504

Hadrian’s Wall 1511–1512 hag 381, 383 Hagia Sophia 634, 647–648, 651 hagiography 879, 883, 1546 Haguenau 1084 hair-lines 1015 Haithabu 189, 1042–1043 Hajj 1683, 1685 halal butchering 274 halberd 1738 half-timber 58–59 hall churches 70 Hall (Tyrol, Austria) 1689 hall 58–60, 62, 69, 71–72, 74, 77, 596, 1636 Halley’s comet 107, 132 hallucinogenic substances 1808 Hamburg 1051 hammerbeams 71, 75 Hamwic 1042 handbooks 944 handwriting 1003 hangmen 200 Hanse 811, 831, 835, 1047–1048, 1050–1052, 1210, 1627, 1631, 1682 – German Hanse 1046–1047, 1055 – Hansa of London 1050 – Hanseatic Diets 1051 – Hanseatic region 1210, 1232 – Hanseatic towns 1154 – Hanseatic trade 1046 – Hanseats 1048–1049 haplotypes 676 hare 699–700, 710, 717 Harelle 1508 harmony 130, 1250–1251 Harran 967, 991 Harrowing of Hell 654, 658 hart 34–35 haruspices 951 harvesting 1668 Harz 1267, 1689 Hastings 1760 hat 415, 1573 Hatfield 679 hatred 590 haughtiness 308

General Index

Hauteclare 1739 Hautvillers 88 hawk 26, 592, 700, 704–705, 710, 716, 718 – hawkers 1573 – hawking manual 585 – hawking 584, 588, 591, 610, 697, 700–701, 704–705, 710, 712, 714, 716–719 hazard 594, 604 headings 1003, 1010, 1218 headwear (also: headdresses) 416, 419 healing 1788 – healer 727, 1805 – healing charm 359–361, 365 – healing cult 975 – healing methods 975 – healing saints 976 – health 413 hearing 1560, 1562–1565, 1567, 1571–1572 heaven 653, 656, 668, 881–882, 884, 887, 890 – anthropocentric and a theocentric heaven 672 – celestial city 668 – City of Christ 670 – heavenly city 671, 1169 – heavenly Jerusalem 56, 72, 669–670 – heavenly spheres 669 Hebrew 135, 388, 827, 834 – ancient Hebrew prophets 1368 – Hebrew alphabet 1044 – Hebrew Bible 656 – Hebrew deeds 788 – Hebrew magical concepts 945 – Hebrew translations 959 Hebrides 1791 hegemonic status 1372 Heidelberg 154, 706, 1531, 1691, 1720, 1728–1733 Heilbronn 1084 Heiliggeistkirche 70, 1729–1730 Heilsgeschichte 133 heirs 283, 297 Hejaz 675 Heldendichtung 348 heliocentric model 125 hell 604–605, 653, 656, 882, 890, 898 – hell mouth 426, 659, 662

2179

– hellfire 659, 667 – pit of hell 662 Hellenistic Age 1339 Hellenophone 879 heller → coin Hellweg 1516 hemmed 419 hen 24 herald 207–208, 211 heraldic (also: heraldry) 30–31 herb-lore 1788 heredity 279 Hereford 291, 1528, 1697 Hereford map 501, 509 herepath 1526 heresy 1128, 1367, 1459–1463, 1471–1472, 1474, 1476, 1481, 1483, 1662, 1792, 1796 – heresiology (also: heresiological; heresiologists) 1459–1460 – heretical Christians 1482 – heretical depravity 1472 – heretical movement 1363 – heretics 1367, 1459, 1469, 1472–1476, 1482–1483, 1796 heriot 681, 688 heritage 288 Herjólfsnes 416 Hermeticism 114 hermit 175, 184, 1544 Herodianic signs 1215 heroes (also: heroic) 138, 283, 285 heron 710 – heronries 707 Herrschaft 467 Hessett 425 hexachords 1194 hexagesimal system 1236 hidalgos 165 hierarchy 290, 1206, 1259, 1564 – hierarchical ordering 1565 hierosyne 635 High German 812 – Old High German 137, 827 High Gothic style 67 high-cantled saddle 1761 high-collared 419 Hijra 1664

2180

General Index

Hildesheim 389 hind 34, 715–716, 720 Hinduism (also: Hindu) 655, 668, 1339 hippodrome 585, 588, 611 Hirsau 1429 Hispania 1384, 1389 Hispanic Jewish community 144 historian 879, 896 historiography 1220 history (also: historical) 296, 707, 877–878, 1009, 1391–1392, 1400, 1402 – historical branches of the humanities 1206 – historical metrology 1232 – historical plague epidemics 996 – history of calculating 1234 – history of mentalities 314 – history of science 1206 – history of writing 1210, 1228 history of magic and experimental science 962 Hjortspring 1621 hobby 683–684 hobelars 691 Höchstetter 1158 hockdays 1671 Hohenstaufen 688, 1412, 1711 Hohlpfennig → Bracteates Holland 810, 1050 holloways 1514 holy – Holy Cross 716 – Holy Family 521 – Holy Ghost 613, 619–625, 873 – Holy Grail 716, 894 – Holy Land 293, 498, 501, 504, 524, 533, 611, 1108, 1126, 1131, 1400, 1434, 1437–1438, 1445, 1586–1587, 1589 – holy lengths 1088–1089 – holy names (also: nomina sacra) 1004 – holy pope 1366 – Holy Roman Emperor 286, 293–294, 1120, 1144, 1151 – Holy Scripture 134, 1217 – Holy See 1325, 1330, 1342, 1345, 1357, 1359, 1361–1362, 1367, 1371, 1375, 1378 – Holy Sepulchre 72, 1088, 1394 – Holy Spirit 1392

– Holy Thorn Reliquiary 1399 – Holy War 1354 Holyrood Abbey 716 homilies (sermons) 1016, 1018 homo hispanus 233 homo sapiens 18 homoerotic 567 homosocial 567 honor civitatis 201 hooded crow (also: nebelcrâ) 47 Horae 1001 horned headdress 426 horologium 1570 horoscope 105, 107, 118 horse 45–46, 287, 596, 611, 675, 701, 717, 1617, 1624, 1630 – horse breeding 680, 685 – horse race (also: horse racing) 587, 592, 596, 610–611 – horse skeletons 679 – horse thegn 687 – horse-carrying vessels (also: uisseri) 1618 – horse-collar 693 – horse-holding 679 – horse-litters 684 – horseshoes 609, 1761 – horse-walking 679 – transport of horses 1624 horsebread 686 horses 46, 611, 1524, 1617–1619 hose 420–421 Hospitallers (also: Knights of Saint John) 164, 1126 hospitals manuals 961 host desecration 1478, 1483–1484 hostages 1755 hostellers 1052 Hôtel-Dieu (Paris) 979 hôtels particuliers 1395 hounds 26, 34, 699, 705, 710, 717 House of Canossa 1349 household 295 – household guidebook 592 Hrunting 1739 hubby 1524 Huesca 245, 255 Hufnagel neumes 1193

General Index

hulks 1631 human 26–27, 32, 34–36 – humankind 27 humanism (also: humanist) 202, 885, 890, 1053 – humanist learning 1378 – humanist movement 1378 – Humanistic Minuscule 1015 Humiliati 1443, 1459, 1596 humilitas (also: humility; umilitas) 873, 910 humor 722–723, 729 – humoral scheme (also: humoral system) 980, 1289 – Humorism 334 humoral system of Greek medicine 980 Hundred Years’ War 165, 167, 223, 418, 422, 1270, 1377, 1417, 1504, 1506, 1605, 1619, 1625, 1628, 1687, 1754, 1759 Hungarian (also: Hungary) 712, 829, 1396, 1690, 1719, 1764 hunger 482 Huns 712, 1515, 1690 hunt (also: hunting) 25–27, 29, 33–37, 43–44, 46, 48, 50, 286, 295, 539, 556, 584–585, 587–588, 592–593, 596, 599–601, 608, 610 – fox hunt 36 – hunt a force 34, 697, 700, 721 – hunted 34, 595 – hunter 34, 595, 684 – hunting auxiliaries 708 – hunting manual 589 – hunting parks 587 – hunting parties 610 – hunting with birds and dogs 587, 610 – huntsmen 610 – illegal hunting 697, 703, 713, 718 Huntingdon 291 Huon 447 Hussite 100, 1102, 1111, 1461, 1509 – Hussite movement 1507 – Hussite revolt 1502 – Hussite revolution 1509 – Hussite wars 1723 Hy Brazil 442 hybridity (also: hybrids) 280, 1167 Hydaspes 678

2181

Hydra 1175 hydromancy 102 hygiene 407, 1642 Hyksos 677 hylozoism 104 hymns 877, 884, 1197 iatromagic 940, 946 iatrosofia 975 Iberia 236, 289, 699, 721, 752, 1018 Iberian Peninsula 1044 ibex 702 Iceland 1623, 1698, 1791 Icelandic romances 362 ice-skating 587, 610 Icknield Way 1525 icon 639–640, 643, 1353 – iconoclasm 640–643, 649–650 – iconoclast (also: iconoclastic) 643, 649 – iconoclastic contoversy 332, 641 – iconomachy 641 – iconophile 640–645 – iconostasis 649 iconoclasm 641–642, 1555 iconoclasts 643–644 iconography 1340 icons 640–646, 1544 ideal landscape 538 identity 282, 285–286, 294, 298, 628 ideology 278 idolatry 640 Idris 115 Iðunn 381 idus 1665 idyllic 542 Ikhwan al-Safa (also: Brethren of Purity) 112 il-derosh 1593 Ile de France 801, 1266, 1372 illiterate 496–497 illness 434, 461–462 illumination (also: illustration) 296, 1003 – illuminator 296, 1003, 1005 – illustrated herbals 989 – illustrations of scribes 1003 – illustrations representing plants 978 illusion 948–950 imagination 1568–1569

2182

General Index

imagines 1023 Imitatio Christi 1543 immrama 1651–1652 imperial – imperial authority 1374 – imperial church 1346 – imperial coronation 1339, 1348, 1351 – imperial court 293–294, 1374 – imperial dignity 1338 – imperial elevation 1340 – imperial government 1349–1350 – imperial ideology 633 – imperial legal tradition 1368 – imperial monasteries 1120 – imperial state 1339 – imperial synods 1119 – imperial territory 1376 – imperial throne 1338 – imperial title 1338, 1343, 1345 – imperialists 1350 Imperium 634 in summa 1227 incarnation 644, 649 inception 213 incubation 946 – incubatory dreams 975 – incubatory practice 987 incubus 440, 450, 454 indexes (also: indexing) 1010, 1217 India 122, 708, 973, 980, 1104, 1686, 1701, 1703 – Indian method of calculation 1206, 1234, 1240–1242 – Indian Ocean 1613, 1621 – Indian sub-continent 1339 indictions 1664 indigatio et manualis loquela → finger counting indigenous 365 individualists 1045 Indo-Germanic 1208 – Indo-Germanic counting words 1208 indulgences 1138, 1164 infamy (also: infamia) 1432–1433 infanticide 1808 infantry 1763 Inferno 561

infeudation 1328 infidels 1369 infirmaress 175 Inglis 809 Ingolstadt 1691 Ingvaeonic 809 initials 1002, 1006 – flourished initials 1007 – frog spawn initials 1007 – historiated initials 1005, 1007 – puzzle initials 1007 – strapwork initials 1007 – white-vine initials 1007, 1015 – zoomorphic initials 1007 ink 1002 – inkhorns 1003 – inkwells 1002 – liquid gold ink 1007 – white ink 1007 Inn 1689 inquisition 144, 460, 513, 1129, 1367, 1438, 1441–1442, 1457–1458, 1460, 1471–1473, 1476 – inquisitorial procedure 849 – inquisitorial 1454, 1472 – inquisitors 1461, 1472, 1483, 1803 inscriptions 1012, 1210 insects 23 insemination 1668 institution 1044, 1324 instruments 964 – instrument of calculation 1221, 1235 instrumentum ex causa cambii 1155 insular 88, 90, 94, 96 intellectual – intellectual centers 279 – intellectual culture 1216 – intellectual property 869 – intellectual pursuits 284 – intellectual rituals 80 intelligence 1569 intentio auctoris 870, 872 intercessors 1543 intercourse with the Devil 1808 interest 1159–1160 intermarriage 1368, 1370 international religious orders 1362

General Index

intersensoriality 1571 intervals 1250 intromission theory 1560 intuitive divination 950 invasion 283, 1692 – invaders 283 inventions 949 – inventors 949 inventories 279, 1227 investiture 415, 1351 – Investiture Contest 1349–1350, 1352, 1362, 1428, 1431 – Investiture Controversy 193, 1266, 1456, 1470 – investiture crisis 1470 investment 1157 invocation of demons 945, 1794, 1803 Ipswich 92 Iraq 675, 764 Ireland 656, 664, 1013, 1118, 1388–1389, 1623, 1698 Irish Gaelic 818 Irish monasticism 1388 Ishmaelites 498–500 Islam 497, 500, 503–504, 642, 759, 1095, 1475, 1480–1481, 1682 – Islamic astronomy 1235 – Islamic civilization 740 – Islamic courts 290, 1045 – Islamic lunar calendar 123 – Islamic scientific and mathematical learning 389 – Islamic world 705 – Islamization 748, 751, 757–758, 760 Islamic 289 Isle of Man 1640 Israel 117, 714, 1368–1369, 1437 Israelites 501, 507, 520 Istanbul 127, 1616 Italian Humanists 1015 Italy (also: Italian) 124, 280–281, 294, 418, 423, 701, 784, 799, 1000–1001, 1006– 1007, 1017, 1044–1045, 1048–1049, 1054–1055, 1159, 1164, 1264, 1266–1269, 1279, 1305, 1326, 1328, 1330, 1332–1335, 1345, 1350, 1355, 1364, 1367, 1376, 1388–1389, 1398, 1682

2183

– Italian and Flemish textiles and silks 1041 – Italian courts 296 – Italian humanist manuscripts 1001 – Italian humanists 1006 – Italian jackets 423 – Italian kingdom 1343 – Italian manor of St. Giulia 1043 – Italian peninsula 1344 – Italian poetry 1018 – Italian Renaissance 1010 – Italian republicans 1371 – Northern Italy 1326, 1341, 1353 – Southern Italy 1349, 1684 iterative numbers → number words itinerant 278, 284, 286–287, 291, 294 ius commune 838 ius ubique docendi 1707 iuvenis 1285 ivory 295, 719 – ivory carving 583, 697 – ivory casket and mirror cases 584, 601 – ivory game pieces and boxes 586 – ivory tablets 1012 – ivory writing tables 601 Ivrea 1158 Izmer 1615 Jáchymov (also: Joachimsthal) 1689 jacket 420 Jacob’s staff 127 Jacquerie 1505–1506 Jaen 762 jaiants 378 Jamaica 124 Japan 1703 Jarrow 386 jealousy 590 jeopardy 594, 600 Jerusalem 98, 532–533, 630, 659, 671, 768, 839, 1089, 1126, 1394, 1434, 1465, 1522, 1587–1589, 1615, 1617–1618, 1683, 1698–1699, 1752 Jesi 1076 Jesus movement 1368 jewelry 298, 303, 309, 419, 1049 Jewish (also: Jew) 200, 289, 482, 705, 714–715, 717, 733, 776–777, 827,

2184

General Index

1043–1044, 1324, 1339, 1358, 1368–1370, 1454, 1466–1469, 1471, 1474–1480, 1482–1484, 1503, 1637, 1684, 1724, 1730, 1781 – Jewish authorities 1368 – Jewish cemeteries 1369 – Jewish clothing and property 1370 – Jewish converts 1368–1369 – Jewish districts 776 – Jewish liberties 1368 – Jewish magician 943 – Jewish minority in England 777, 792 – Jewish population 1368 – Jewish proselytism 1368–1369 – Jewish religious establishment 1368 – Jewish scriptures 705 – Jewish sermons 1593–1595 – Jewish traders 1043 – Jewish translations 144 – Jewish violence 1467, 1479 – Jewish worship 1369 – Jewry 1637 – Jews and Christians 778 – Jews’ rights 1368 Jihad 1097, 1100 Jihadis 1102 jizya 239, 244, 742–745 Joachimsthal → Jáchymov joi → joyfulness Jonestown 1097 jongleurs (also: joglars; juggler) 604, 948, 1202 Jouarre 183 journeymen 200 jousts (also: jousting) 596, 606–609, 690 joyfulness (also: joi) 910 Judaic lunar calendar 1234 Judaism 81, 115, 1096, 1368, 1370, 1467, 1474–1476, 1481 Judea 1385 juderia 249, 263–264 judex ordinaries 1731 Judgment Day 882, 1347, 1552 judicial duel 1779, 1781 judiciales 1251 juggler → jongleurs Julian solar calendar 1234

Jülich-Kleve 1810 jurisperiti 843, 862 jury 847 jus in bello 160, 167 just war 1470–1471, 1473 justice 284, 1412 Justinian Plague 1638, 1642 justitia 1412 Jutes 772 Kabbalah 102–103, 115–116 Kairouan 991 kalendar 1010, 1012, 1017 kalends (also: kalendae) 1665 kaliyuga 1096 kalpas 1095 Karelian 830 Kaufleutestuben 1051 Kaupang 189 Kazakhstan 677 keep (also: donjon) 76 kenning 367, 381–382, 439 Kent 92, 283, 854, 1263 Kharijism 748 – Kharijite berber 748 kibitzing 600 Kiddush ha-Shem 1469 Kiev 822, 1699 Kievan Rus’ 585 Kin of Cain 1177, 1182 king of Arms 208 king of England 292, 1367 king of France 977, 1374 king post 69, 71 king 281–282, 284–287, 290–292, 294, 1010, 1374–1375 King’s College 1726 Kingdom of Sicily 706 kingdom 283–284, 1372 kirtle 420 kitchen 74, 77 Klerikerklöster 1119 knackers 200 knarr 1623 knight 278, 288, 291, 294, 675, 688, 1760 – knighthood 290, 688 – knightings 597

General Index

– knightly errantry 607 – knightly tournament 1329, 1360, 1379 – Knights of the Round Table 542, 544 – Knights Templar 689, 1689, 1751 Knights Templar 1125 kogge 1693 koine 824 Komi 831 Königsklöster 1119 Kontors (also: Kontore) 1050, 1052 Krak des Chevaliers 1752, 1765 Kraków 404, 1719, 1721, 1728 kreuzer → coin Kurd 525 kurgans 677 Kutná Hora 1272 Kuwait 675 labor (also: laborer) 287, 1406, 1414, 1537 labor manuum 1116 laces 420 lady 278 – ladies of the night 1795 – Lady of Endor 1790 – Lady of the Lake 437, 456 – Lady Opinion 299 Lagny 1047 Lago Averno 664 lai 431, 447–449, 452, 719, 895 laity 298, 646–649 Lake Constance 1157 Lamellenhelm 1770 lamiae 1795 Lancaster of Bohun 298 land charters 279 land 278, 283, 287, 290–291, 297–298 landed nobles 283 land-owners 278 Landsknechte (also: lansquenets) 1738 Landtag 861 language 43–44, 51, 290, 1049, 1052, 1207 langue d’oil 801–802, 1199 Languedoc (also: langue d’oc) 801–803, 1199, 1365, 1367, 1442, 1488, 1589 Laon 192, 387, 1495–1496, 1689 lapis philosophorum 110 lapstrake 1623

2185

largueza → generosity lark 720 larrons 353 Las Navas 290 Last Judgment 311, 321, 511, 516, 533–535, 654, 656, 661, 664, 666, 669–672, 1093, 1335 latae sententiae 1432 lateen 1613 – lateen rig 1632 – lateen sail 1613, 1616, 1621 Lateran 1354 – Lateran basilica 1115, 1338 – Lateran Council 507, 1358, 1361, 1363, 1369, 1379, 1431–1432, 1441, 1457, 1465, 1472, 1601, 1604 – Lateran legislation 1370 – Lateran palace 1338, 1345 – Latern bureaucracy 1344 Latercus 1663 Latin 296, 631, 796, 1004, 1008, 1013, 1017–1018, 1372, 1375, 1724 – Latin Averroism (also: Latin Averroists) 1331, 1372–1373 – Latin character set 1216 – Latin Christians 1333 – Latin Church 1335, 1349, 1354, 1359, 1377 – Latin Church Fathers 1420 – Latin glossaries 1016 – Latin grammars 1016 – Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem 142 – Latin rite Christians 1326 – Latin verse 1011 – Latin West 1339, 1342, 1348 – Latin-English glosses 435 latreīa 640 latrine 74, 76, 306, 406–408 – latrine-cleaners 408 Latvian 811 lauds → Divine Office Lausanne 1439 – Lausanne Cathedral 129 lauzar 910 lauzengiers 910 lavriotic 639 law 280, 286, 397, 401, 1627, 1634, 1710 – law books 283

2186

General Index

– lawer popes 1360, 1371 – lawspeakers 1667 – lawyers 201 – low code 593 – low of God 1347, 1359 lay – lay brothers 182 – lay investiture 1350–1351 – lay monks 177 – lay nave 75 – lay preaching 1366 – lay sisters 177 – laymen 1017 lazzi 1502 Le Confraternite de St. Nicholas 857 Le Mans 1439, 1495 Le Puy 1582 League of the Public Good 1492, 1501 learned magic 1787 leather scabbards 584 Lechitic 823 lectern 1003 lectio divina 386, 1116 lectionaries 1016 lector 175, 392 lecture (also: principium) 204, 212–214, 219 ledgers 1006 leechbooks 433 leeches 984 legal 298 – legal chancelleries 1705 – legal documents 204, 208–209 – legal ordinances 1224 – legal prescriptions 987 – legal tracts 1011 legate 1349, 1353, 1360 legendaries 1548 legends 878, 896 legislation 1367 legitimacy 280 Lehnswesen 469 Leibherren 861 Leibherrschaft 859 leisure 286, 295 Lent 482, 596, 1107, 1581 Lenten 1581, 1596 Leon 237–238, 298, 753, 755, 1495

leopards 611 leprechauns 351 leprosy (also: lepers) 198, 722, 724, 732, 1637, 1642 – leper houses 732 – leprosy exhibitions 199 Lérida (Lleida) 249, 1718 lèse-majesté 1488 letter 145, 205, 210–212, 217, 224–227, 583, 1215 lettres d’attente 1007 leuga 1060 Leuven 1720, 1730 Levant 1684 Levedia 712 Lewis Chessmen 592, 600 lexicology 962 libel 1477 liberal arts 397, 399, 1708, 1728 libertas 1358 libertas ecclesiae 1350 libido dominandi 1379 libra → coin library 206, 228, 230, 296, 989, 1017, 1019, 1118 Libri uitae 1655 liburnae 1611 Licentia docendi 1706–1707, 1709 Liège 389 ligatures 1004 lighting 651 Lille 847, 1496 limbo 653–654, 663 Limburg 810, 1531 limners 1006 Limoges 520, 1426, 1504 Limousin 1446 Lincoln 790, 1272, 1366 Lindisfarne 92–94, 1388 – Lindisfaren Gospels 93, 1388 Lindwurm 42 lingua franca 993–994 linguistic multiplicity 992 lion 28–32, 37, 40, 49–50, 611, 714 Lisbon 245, 391, 1397 lists 1221 Litany of the Saints 1017

General Index

literacy 204–205, 207, 212, 295–296, 865, 868, 1206, 1209–1210 literal sense 139, 141, 147 literary 1384, 1400 – literary measure 1063, 1082, 1091 literate 497 literature 278, 289, 295, 397, 864, 866, 869–870, 876–882, 884, 886, 891, 898, 1381, 1391 lithotomy 730 Lithuanian 712 litterae 864, 1215–1216 litteratus 864 Little Ice Age 1699 liturgy (also: liturgical) 645–646, 1016, 1121, 1187, 1197, 1571 – liturgical drama 898, 1390 – liturgical hours 1570 – liturgical processions 646 – liturgical song 1251 – liturgical time 1570 – liturgical volumes 1001 – liturgy of the Eurcharist 646 – liturgy of the Word 646 Liutizi 1502 Livonia 1126 loans 1046 loathly lady 453 locational memory 1217 locus amoenus 19, 340, 364, 538, 547–548, 550, 559–560, 654 locusts 709 locutio figurata 1256 Loggia dei Mercanti 1083 logic 121, 392, 397–398, 591 logica 1023 logicians 147 logisticae 1244, 1254 logistics 1255 logothetes 1691 Loire 94, 468, 1530 Loki 438 lollards (also: lollardy) 497, 1111, 1417, 1461, 1591, 1605, 1753 Lombard (also: Lombards; Lombardy) 194, 393, 473, 838, 1199, 1267, 1333, 1337, 1710, 1741

2187

– Lombard Italy 1271 – Lombard kingdom 1341 – Lombard kings 1328 – Lombard law 1782 – Lombard wars 1334–1335 London 73, 92, 188, 201, 425, 676, 678, 1043, 1048, 1154–1155, 1272–1273, 1503, 1528–1529, 1573, 1581, 1681, 1713, 1717, 1765 – London Bridge 1529 – London Steelyard 1050 – Roman London 686 – St. Mary Spital 725 – St. Paul’s Cathedral 1605 – Tower of London 290 long, “longa” → notation (music) longbow 1758, 1761, 1775 – longbowmen 1747, 1775 longhouse 73 longship 1623 longswords 1776 long-toed shoe (also: crakow; pike; poulaine) 421 loquela digitorum → finger counting lord 282–283, 287–288, 290, 297, 465, 468 lordly estates 1055 loros 633 Lorraine 801 – Lorraine cycle 888 Lorris 192 Lorsch 24, 88, 387 – Lorsch Gospels 89 lots 604 lotteries 586 Lough Derg 664–665 louvers 74 Louvre 129, 1395, 1398 love 598, 600–601 – love letters 225–226 – love magic 1794, 1808–1809 – love-chase 720 – lovers 293 Low Countries 1009, 1011, 1018, 1049, 1055, 1719 Low German 137, 811 Lübeck 194, 196, 325, 811, 1051, 1079, 1086, 1500, 1682, 1768

2188

General Index

Lucca 1048, 1267, 1495 Lucera 1684 Lucerne 1531 lucrum cessans 1160 ludi 595 ludus clericalis 604 luna (also: lunar) 1665–1666 – lunar calendar 1662 – lunar eclipse 124 – lunar month 1662 – lunarium 999 – lunisola calendar 1662, 1666 Lund 1721 lunellum 999 Lusignan 449 Luttrell Psalter 674, 1521 Luxeuil 183, 386, 1118 – Luxeuil Minuscule 1014 luxury cloth 1049 luxury 285, 287, 295–298 lycanthropy 38 Lycia 1613 Lycurgus cup 84 lygisǫgur 348, 363, 365 lynx 702, 1560–1561 Lyon 385, 387, 1366, 1429 lyric poems 884, 888 lyrical 864 maamunim 1104 Maccabees 1095, 1102, 1365 Macedonian 820–821 macrocosm 111 Madagascar 1701 madness 452 madrasat (schools) 979, 990 Madrid 1517 maecenas 1403 mæren 895 maestri d’abacco 1242 Magdeburg 91, 1120 Maghrib 747–748 – Maghribi collectivists 1045 – Maghribi or Geniza merchants 1044 – Maghribi traders 1045 Magi of the Gospel 951

magic 102, 434, 731, 937, 1140, 1786, 1791 – antique magic 939 – magic as anti-religion 952 – magical papyri 950 – magical rites 938 – magico-medical treatises 349 – mechanical magic 948 Magical Papyri 1789 magister officiorum 1691 Magna Curia 919 magnates 291 magnitude 1228–1229 Magonia 1801 Magyars 511, 712, 1343, 1515, 1582 maids 200 mail armor 1769–1770 Maillotin Revolt 1488, 1507 Main 1527 Maine 292 Mainz 64, 91, 188, 1271, 1527, 1530, 1687, 1730 Mainzer Landfrieden 1516 major domo 1337 major orders → order majuscule → scripts Makars 809 Malaga 766 maldits 889 Malebranche 1654 Mallorca 240–241, 243 malmariée 914 Malmesbury 92 malnutrition 983 Malta (also: Maltese) 829, 1126, 1614 Malthusian Crisis 1646 Mamluk 956, 1615, 1748 – Mamluk Egypt 994 Mandate Syria 1751 mangonel 1766 Manichaean (also: Manichaeism) 494–495, 941, 1793, 1802 maniculae 1010 Mantua 1397 manual labour 1124 manual 204, 215, 583, 705–706, 710 manufacturers 425

General Index

manuscript 206, 219, 228, 290, 296, 697, 864, 866–867, 869–870, 872, 874, 878–879, 881–883, 1216 – dated and datable manuscripts (also: manuscrits datés) 1006 – manuscript culture 867, 1004, 1211 – manuscript illuminations 583, 655 – manuscript pattern books 1007 – manuscript preparation 136 – manuscript studies 867 – manuscript tradition 870 – organizing and indexing manuscripts 1211 manuscripts (particular) – “Bayeux” manuscript 1199 – “Buxheim Organ Book,” Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Mus. ms. 3725 1197 – “Chansonnier du Roi” BnF fr. 844 1199 – “Gruuthuse” manuscript 1199 – “Robertsbridge” fragment, British Library Add. 28550 1197 – Auckinleck manuscript 452 – Black Book of Carmarthen 1647 – Bologna, Museo internazionale e biblioteca della musica Q15 1201 – Chilandar manuscript 993 – codex “F” (Florence, Biblioteca medicea laurenziana, plut. 29,1 1200 – Codex Oxford St. John’s College MS 17 1221 – Faenza, Biblioteca comunale 117 1197, 1203 – Ivrea, Biblioteca capitolare 115 1201 – M. S. Bodley 764 22 – manuscript Parisinus latinus 6823 985 – Paris, BnF fr. 9346 1199 – Sloane ms. 1986 486 – Squarcialupi codex, Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, ms. mediceo palatino 87 1201 – The Hague, Royal Library, 79 K 10 1199 – Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek 2856, “Mondsee-Wiener Liederhandschrift” 1199 Manx 820 mappaemundi 489, 492, 532–533, 535 maps 1167 Maragheh 127

2189

Marburg a. d. L. 1081 maréchal 687 mares 690 marginalia 1167 – marginal drolleries and grotesques 1008 marine insurance 1046, 1155, 1164 maritime law 1626–1627 market 1137, 1160–1164, 1259 – market economy 1163 – market exchange 1162–1163 – market halls 75 – market towns 187, 190 – marketplace 1572 Marrakesh 238 marriage (also: married) 292, 297–299, 634, 1049 – married clergy 1326 marriage 297 Marseille 188, 385, 1115 marshals 689 martensite 1773 martyr 1543–1544, 1546 – martyrdom 285, 1122 – martyria 629 – martyrized 975 – martyrology 1547 marvels 942 Marxism-Communism 1095 masculinity 182, 608 – masculine identity 182 masonry vaults 62 – barrel (or tunnel) vaults 62 – groin vaults 62 – rib vaults 56, 64–65, 67–68, 71 masonry 61 mass burials 683 mass produced 606 mass 1016, 1187, 1202 – Mass Ordinary 1201 massacre 518 – Massacre of the Innocents 518 master 1006 – master builder 380, 383 – master general 1128 – Master of the Horse 687 – Master of the King’s Horses 687 – master’s models 1008

2190

General Index

mastiff 44, 700 material 416, 420, 424–425, 427–428, 651 – material culture 422, 428, 1680 – material exchange 282 – material goods 287–288, 297 – material standard measures 1231 – material wealth 278, 287 – materiality 278, 295, 298 mathematics 1206, 1243 – mathematical compilations 1011 – mathematical knowledge 1219 – mathematical model 981 – mathematical rationality 1205 – mathematical thought 1234 matière de Rome → matter matière de Troie → matter matins → Divine Office matriculation fees 404 matron 1400 matter 893 – matière de Rome 905 – matière de Troie 905 – matter of Araby 599 – matter of Britain 455, 607, 893–894 – matter of France 447, 893–894 – matter of Rome 599, 893 – Nibelungen matter 363, 367, 370, 372 matzah 1484 Maubuisson 1395 maxims 877 mayor 195 meadow 537–538, 545, 559–563 – meadows for grazing 686 mean value 1064, 1067 measles 980 measure 1219 – act of measuring 1215, 1218, 1223–1224, 1229 – measurage fee 192 – measurand 1219, 1225–1226, 1228 – measure of capacity 1231 – measure of length 1231 – measurement control 1230 – measurement instruments 1229–1231 – measurement uncertainty 1229 – measurement units 1229 – measurement 1225, 1228

– practice of measuring 1205, 1228–1230, 1232 measurement 1206, 1219, 1223, 1225–1226, 1230 meat 309 Mecca 123, 245, 764, 1104, 1683, 1685 mecenate 1383 mediality 1206–1207 medical 484 – medical care 1408 – medical ethics 964 – medical imaging 996 – medical institutions 989 – medical recipes 1011 – medical setting 964 – medical specialties 986 – medical treatises 360 – medicalization of history 996 – medico-healing cult 975 medicine 111, 131, 397, 400, 481, 484, 875, 1254, 1642, 1710, 1728 – broad spectrum medicines 974, 976 – medicinal supplies 685 – names of medicines 993 medieval dream theory → dreams Medieval papacy 1370, 1374 Medieval Studies (also: medievalists) 865, 871, 1004 medievalism 582 Medina 742–743, 1104 Mediterranean 1329, 1692, 1698 – Mediterranean Rome 1336 – Mediterranean Sea 1681 – Mediterranean world 1334 mediums 950 mediumship 951 Meißner Groschen 1143 melancholy 460 mêlée 295, 607, 682, 691 – mêlée tournament 607 Melk 1135 Melothesia Theory 130–131 Melun 192 memoria 317, 319, 1020–1021, 1025, 1027–1028 – memento mori 28, 320, 324, 426 – memorable 1007

General Index

– memorial brasses 417 – memorisation 142 – memorized 999, 1013 – memorizing 1004 – memory aids 590 – memory practices 1215 – memory recollection 1023 – memory 1020–1034, 1036–1037, 1217, 1568–1569 menageries 595, 708 mendacity 1127 mendicant 70, 72, 392, 1458, 1474–1476, 1483 – mendicant controversy 1132 – mendicant friars 178, 1006 – mendicant orders 190, 201, 1113, 1127, 1362 – mendicant studia 391 mensa ponderaria 1087 mensural notation → notation (music) mental disorders 980 mental distress 981 mental illness 724 mercenaries 1744–1745 merchant mentality 1054 – accounting for the hereafter (also: comptabilité de l’au-delà) 1054 merchant 295, 695, 1039–1040, 1279 – merchant guilds 1050–1051 – merchant nations 1050 – merchant time 1570 – merchant-apprentice 1048 – merchants’ books 1220 Mercia 807, 1263, 1265 mercury 112 merels 584, 599, 601–602 – merels board 602–603 Mergentheim 1516 Merida 761 mermaid 41 Merovingian 279, 281–282, 286, 595, 702, 1262, 1338 – Merovingian aristocrats 281–282 – Merovingian court culture 282 – Merovingian kingdom 1274 – Merovingian law code 151 Merton College 126, 1717 Mertonians 400

2191

Mesopotamia 1684, 1788–1790 messenger (also: missi) 683, 1688 – messenger song 916 – missi dominici 1349 messiah 1369 Messina 1051 metal 189 – metallism 1139 – metallistic systems 1139 – metal-work 1012 metamorphosis 1789 metempsychosis 668 meter 1057–1058, 1063 methods of learning 964 metrical narrative 141 metrical system 1224, 1233 metrology 1223 – metrological characters 1211 – metrological object 1072–1073, 1079–1080 – metrological practice 1228 – metrological systems 1233 metropolitan 636–637 – metropolitan bishops 636 – metropolitan councils 637 – metropolitan see 188 Metz 88, 96, 1500 Meuse Valley 1042 mezura 910 mice 709 Michaelmas 1671 Michelstadt 1063, 1069, 1078–1079 microcosm 111 Middle East 1044, 1574 – Middle Eastern costumes 1009 Middle English 140, 296, 808 Middle High German 1208–1209 – Middle High German literature 350, 352, 364–365, 371, 373, 377–379 Middle Low German 811 midrash 1593 midwife 451, 724, 729, 986 Milan 191, 387, 1267, 1271, 1351, 1495, 1497, 1501, 1517, 1550, 1772 miles in marestala 693 milieu 1206–1207 military (also: militia) 159, 281, 283–284, 288, 293–294

2192

General Index

– military order 164, 1113, 1470 – military service 283 millennialism 1093 Milly 192 mime 897 Mímir 379 Mimming 379 miniature 1009 – miniature weapons or domestic items 597 minim, “minima” → notation (music) ministerial (also: ministerials; ministeriales) 168–169, 196, 288, 294, 688, 1412 ministerial (also: ministerials; ministeriales) – vavasour 1412 – vavassori 1412 ministry regis 687 Minnelieder (also: Minnesang) 889, 911, 915, 919, 926, 1199 – minnesinger (also: Minnesänger) 454, 889, 915–916 minor orders → order Minorca 245 Minster Lovell Jewel 95 minstrels 1202 mint 1141, 1144, 1147–1150, 1152 – mint equivalent 1147 – mint master 1147 – mint price 1148 – minting 1140, 1145, 1147–1148, 1150 minuscule → scripts mi-parti hose 426 mirabilia gulae 487 mirabilia 1651–1652 miracle plays 587 miracles 898, 945, 1391 – miracle stories 587, 1123 – miraculous healing capacities 977 Mirror for Princes (also: regimen principum) 220, 228, 590, 593, 1492 mirror 949 – mirror backs 295 – mirror cases 295, 719 mise-en-page 1002 misericords 583–584 misogynistic 643 missal 1002, 1007, 1012, 1016 missi dominici → messenger

missionaries 1120 mite → coin Mithraism 107 mnemonic devices 1008 mnemotechnic 1192 – mnemotechnical scheme 1217–1218 modal notation → notation (music) models of perception 1252 Modena 1313 modern metric units 1233 Moissac 501 Moldau 1719 mole 709, 1560–1561 molecular biology 965 Molesmes 1123 monarch 286 monarchy 297 monastery 32, 145, 286–287, 295, 297–298, 638–639, 1005–1006, 1216, 1259, 1705 – monastery abacus 1238 – Monastery of Lorsch 979 – Monastery of St. Catherine 641 monastic 175, 287, 642, 704 – monastic congregation 1121 – monastic inmates 1006 – monastic institutions 285 – monastic letters 225 – monastic reform 88, 96, 98 – monastic rule 978 – monastic school 179, 387, 403 – monasticism 63, 1474 monetization 1145 money 283, 291, 295, 297, 1145, 1151, 1261, 1269–1270, 1274, 1276–1277, 1279 – moneta effetiva 1142 – moneta numeraria 1143 – monetarism 1162 – monetary currencies 1236 – monetization 1145 – money of account (also: monete di conto) 1142–1143 – money-changers 1050, 1052 – moneyer 1262, 1264–1265, 1271, 1273 – moneylending 780, 788–789 – monnaie noire 1269 Mongol 523–524, 526, 981, 993, 1515, 1690, 1700, 1766

General Index

– Mongol court 1686 – Mongol Khan 1688 – Mongolia 677 monk 28, 32, 175, 643, 695, 1336 monkey 708, 1560–1561 Monkwearmouth-Jarrow 92–93 Monmouth 1529 monoceras → unicorn monochord 609, 1187–1188 monophonic chant 1389 monopoles 1487 Monreale 64, 132 monsters 64, 433, 1011, 1649–1650 – monster theory 373 Mont Cenis 1692 Mont Genèvre 1692 Mont Sainte-Geneviève 390 Mont Ventoux 571 Montanism (also: Montanists) 1100, 1105 Montclus 265 Monte Cassino 24, 177, 400, 728, 968, 991–992, 1118, 1121, 1387–1388, 1393 Montpellier 126, 390–391, 401, 727–728, 849, 991, 996, 1690, 1717, 1719 Moor (also: Moorish) 247, 1007 moral decline 1574 moral identity 1566 moral readings 1016 moral treatises 944 morality plays 425, 898, 1390 moreria 249, 255, 263–264, 271, 276 Morgarten 1744 moriscos 274–276 Morocco 784 mort apprivoisée 315 mort de soi 315 mort de toi 315 mort interdit 315 mortises and tenons 58, 1610, 1616, 1623 mos italicus 850–851 mosaic 280, 583, 599, 1386, 1390 Moscow 822 Moselle 1530 mosques 979 motet 1200, 1202 mound 76 Mount Carmel 1131

2193

Mount Etna 1639 Mount of Olives 1394 mountain 537–538, 545, 551–552, 554, 563 mounted soldiers 1761 mounted warfare 676, 678, 690 mourning 315 mouth 1560, 1564 mouvance 868–869 Mozarab (also: Mozarabic) 258, 754, 759, 761, 804 – Mozarabic Spain 1000 Mudejar 246–248, 270, 273, 275–276 – Mudejar style 248 Mughal 1104 mule 678, 681, 683 Mulhouse 202 multiculturalism 741 multilingualism 761 multiplication 1236, 1238, 1241 – multiplication tables 1220–1222 multipliers → number words multisensoriality (also: multisensuality) 1563, 1571–1572 mundus inversus → world upside-down mundus tripartitus 129, 1702 Munich 1079 Münster 1084 – Münster Anabaptists 1095 – Münster rebellion 1667 Münsterhof Square 197 Müntzerites 1102 Murcia 245, 753 Murgleis 1739 murmure 1487 murrain 683, 686 Musée Condé, Chantilly 131 muses 103 music 121, 278, 289, 397, 584, 588, 590, 609, 1001, 1245, 1248, 1251–1252, 1389, 1718 – absolute musical ear 1061 – music theory 1244, 1248, 1250–1252 – musica civilis 1203 – musica humana 130, 1188, 1190 – musica instrumentalis 130, 1188, 1190–1191 – musica mensurabilis 1196 – musica mundana 130, 1188, 1190

2194

General Index

– musica 1186–1187, 1192, 1198, 1244, 1250–1251 – musical conservatory 289 Muslim 188, 289–290, 423, 482, 498, 704, 1000, 1358, 1369–1370, 1454, 1463–1464, 1466, 1469, 1480–1482, 1484, 1582, 1589 – Muslim civilization 1574 – Muslim pirates 1043 – Muslimim 1104 Muwallad 742–743, 745, 747, 749, 752, 761 mxedruli 832 mystery plays 898, 1390–1391 mythology (also: mythological) 30, 347–350, 356–358, 365, 373, 382, 891, 1168, 1171 – mythological symbolisms 35 Nægling 1739 Nahe 1527 nains 351, 354 Naples 391, 1199, 1267, 1396, 1640, 1718 Narbonne 385, 1107–1108, 1517 nationalist 56 – nationalist divisions 1376 – nationalist spirit 1371 nationes 1722, 1727 nativity 1009 – nativity scene 611 natural language quantifiers → number words nebelcrâ → hooded crow neumatic notation → notation (music) nature 1174 – natural environment 985 – natural history 1392 – natural magic 118, 946 – natural philosophy 392 – natural science 1175 Naumburg 1689 naval organization 1628 Naval 265 Navarre 237–238, 246, 249, 706 – Navarro-Aragonese 804 nave 647–648 navigation 125

Nazareth 1368 Nazism 1096, 1100 Near East 754, 1324, 1684 – ancient Near East 661 neckline 419 necromancy 102, 937, 942, 951 needy 1406–1408 Nejd 675 neo-classical 899 Neoplatonic (also: Neoplatonism) 56, 565, 614, 889, 938–939, 941 – Neo-Platonic concept 120 – Neoplatonist dream lore 329 Nephilim 1172 Nestorian 503 net 699–701, 714 Netherlands 277, 416, 1001, 1009, 1014, 1017, 1270, 1336, 1397 neumes 1192 – adiastematic (also: staveless) 1193 – neumatic styles 1193 Neustria 281 New Historicism 233 new pastoralism 1362–1363 New Rome → Constantinople New Testament 23, 656, 661 New World 1574 Nibelungen matter → matter Nicea 1766 nicolaitism 1346–1347 night folk 1809 night riders 1804 nightingale 47, 50–51, 700 nightmare 440, 454 Nile 545 – Nile Valley 677 Nimes 1446 Nina 1621 Nine Worthies 170 Nineveh 1008 Nippur cubit 1061–1062 nirvana 668 Nisan 1662 Nivelle 91 Nivernais 859 nixes 455 Noah’s flood 1648

General Index

nobility (also: noble; nobilitas) 25, 27, 35–36, 45, 48, 278–279, 281–291, 294–298, 1055 – nobilis 287–288 – nobility of spirit 287 – noble character 285 – noble life 295 – noble status 283 – noblesse 165 nocturnal 127 nomina sacra → holy names Nominalism 1331, 1373 – Nominalist epistemology 1373 nomokanones 635 nonae 1665 none → Divine Office Nordic 813 Nördlingen 1516 Norfolk 71, 291, 1783 norm 1224, 1226, 1229–1232 – norm of measurement 1230, 1232–1233 Norman 60, 143, 188, 290–292, 687, 704, 721, 772, 801, 1267, 1387, 1684, 1686, 1750 – Norman conquest of 1066 290–291, 296, 466, 1760 – Norman dukedom 292 – Norman nobility 290 – Norman princes 1349 – Norman revolt of 997 702 – Norman Sicily 1617 – Normandy 292–293, 484, 1686 – Norman-French 291 – Norms of Measurement 1230 Normans 1230, 1614 Norn 809, 814 nornes (also: norns) 439, 1795 Norse 279 – Norse Greenland 700 – Norse poetics 284 – Norse witchcraft 1791 North Africa 238, 241, 245, 247, 270–271, 274, 747, 749, 1044 North Sea 189, 1042, 1048, 1263, 1625 North Upper German 812 Northampton 1088, 1717, 1720 Northern crusades → crusade

2195

Northern Italy 1342 Northumberland 386 Northumbria 284, 807, 1264, 1341, 1662 Norway 189, 1210, 1388, 1507, 1699 nosology 964 nota quadrata → notation (music) notae 1216 notaries 201, 1047, 1052 notation (music) – “French” or “ars nova” notation 1196 – “Trecento” notation 1196 – ars antiqua 1196 – ars nova 1196 – ars subtilior 1196, 1202 – brevis (or breve) 1196 – figurae 1196 – Franconian notation 1196 – long (“longa”) 1196 – mensural notation 1195 – minim (“minima”) 504, 1196 – modal notation 1195–1196 – neumatic notation 1191 – nota quadrata 1193 – pragmatic notation 1196 – semibreves 1196 – semiminims 1196 – stroke notation 1197 notation (numbers) 1205–1207 Notre Dame Cathedral (Paris) 61, 66, 100, 1389 Notre Dame School 186 Novgorod 1050–1051, 1210 novitiate 1117 Noyon 1495 number symbolism (also: number symbols) 1206, 1227, 1256 number theory 1214, 1221, 1223, 1243–1244, 1246, 1255 – Boethian number theory 1252, 1255 number words 1206–1208 – cardinal numbers 1207, 1252, 1254, 1258 – collective numbers 1208 – compound number words 1208 – distributive numbers 1208 – fractions 1208, 1238 – iterative numbers 1208 – multipliers 1208

2196

General Index

– natural language quantifiers 1208 – ordinal numbers 1207 numeral system (also: numeric system) 1206–1208, 1211, 1236 numerals 1208 – Arabic numerals 219, 1046 – Ghubar numerals 1212–1213, 1238–1239 – Gothic numerals 1212 – Hindu-Arabic numerals 1206–1207, 1211–1216, 1239, 1241, 1243 – Roman numerals 1046, 1206–1207, 1211, 1213, 1216, 1236 numeri corporales 1245, 1251 numeri judicandi (also: judiciales) 1246, 1251 numeri occursores 1245, 1251 numeri progressores 1246, 1251 numeri recordabiles 1246, 1251 numeri sonantes 1245 numeri unciarum 1253 numeric system → numeral system numerology 102, 104, 117–118, 1255, 1257 nummerorum conflictus → rithmomachy oboedientia → vota substantialia nuns 183–184, 1133 Nuremberg 124, 195, 423, 1040, 1086, 1772, 1783 nutmeg 1049 Nydam boat 1623 nymphs 110, 431, 435 Nyons Bridge 1531 oared galley 1616 oats 686 obedience (also: obediensa) 910 Oberammergau Passion Play 899 oblates 177, 180, 386 Observant Franciscans 1131, 1451, 1596 Occitan 802 Occitania 495–496 occult sciences 943 Ochsenfurt 1069, 1080, 1087, 1526, 1528 Odin (also: Wodan; Óðinn) 381, 438–440 odor 1564, 1567, 1572 œstels 95 ofermode → pride offal 413

office 1010, 1187 official letters 210 ogam 834 Ogbourne 854 oikonomia 629 ointment 1790 Old Church Slavonic → Slavonic Old Danish 814 Old East Low Franconian 810 Old East Norse 814 Old English 137, 139, 143, 284, 1018 – Old English literature 349, 360, 379 – Old English poetry 283 Old French 480 – Old French chantefable 480 – Old French dwarves 352 – Old French literature 347, 349, 353, 365, 376–377 Old Icelandic 814 Old Norse 814 – Old Norse literature 342, 348–350, 354–355, 357–360, 363–364, 371, 378–381 – Old Norse mythology 348, 358, 373–374, 381 – Old Norse poetry 914 Old Norwegian 814 Old Ottoman 833 Old Prussian 823 Old Saxon 137–138, 811 Old Swedish 814 Old Testament 23, 32, 82, 135, 773, 1007, 1171 Old West Low Franconian 810 Old West Norse 814 Oléron 1627 olive oil 1049 olympiads 1664, 1666 onagers 1766 ontology of numbers 1243, 1245 ophthalmology 986 Oppenheim 1086 optics 1562 – optical illusions 949, 1562 – optical tricks 949 opus divinum 1116 opus magnum (also: great work) 110

General Index

oracle 950 – oracular dreams 952 oral 222, 864–866, 869, 871 – oral storytelling 865 – oral tales 285 – orality 203, 227, 230, 864–865, 867, 1210, 1402 Oran 275 orb 129 ordeal 847 order (also: ordo) 1113, 1121 – major orders 175 – minor orders 175 – Order of St. James of Altopascio 164 – Order of St. Michael 165 – Order of the Golden Fleece 165 – Order of the Knights Templar 73 – Order of the Temple 1587 – ordines iudiciorum 847 – ordo canonicus 1119 – Ordo Sancti Benedicti 1127, 1135 – ordo scholasticus 1361 ordinal numbers → number words ordination 1247 Ore Mountains 1143 organs 1192 organum 1192, 1195, 1200, 1389 orgies 1808 Oriel College 126 original sin 325 Orkney 809 Orléans 192, 391, 847, 849, 851, 1505, 1687 orthodox (also: orthodoxy) 628–629, 650, 1339 orthopaedics 984 – bandages 984 – bone manipulations 984 – fractures 984 os Domini 1594 Oseberg 1623 Osma 1127 osteopathology 965 Ostrogoth 279–281, 815, 838, 1334, 1386, 1394, 1611 – Ostrogoth court 281 – Ostrogoth Italy 1262 Other (also: Otherness) 1167, 1636–1638, 1653

2197

otherworld 438, 441, 443–445, 448, 452, 456 otters 698, 701 Ottmarsheim 73, 1689 Ottoman 164, 1620 – Ottoman caliphate 1104 – Ottoman empire 975, 995 – Ottoman turks 522, 1615 Ottonian 60, 89–90, 97, 287, 289, 294, 1350 – Ottonian adventus 291 – Ottonian court chapels 289 – Ottonian dynasty 286 – Ottonian emperors of Germany 1340 – Ottonian policy 1345 oudeburg 190 Oudenaarde 1397 Ouranos 668 Over 853 owl 50–51 ownership 295 oxen 674, 683, 686 Oxford 24, 154, 391–393, 399, 854, 991, 1005, 1131, 1287, 1503, 1526, 1690, 1709, 1715–1717, 1722, 1725, 1730, 1779 pacifism (also: pacifist) 1753–1754, 1756 packhorse 684, 1524 pact 943, 1802 – pact ceremony 1786 – pact theory 942, 1791 – pact with the devil 942–943, 949, 1791 padding 421, 427 – padded doublets 424 Paderborn 1088, 1687 Padua 131, 391, 851, 858, 991, 993, 995, 1201, 1288, 1290, 1303–1304, 1396, 1717, 1729 pagan (also: paganism) 715, 1358, 1470, 1481, 1791 – pagan belief 356–358, 361, 372 – pagan practice 1791 – pagan religion 1790–1792 painters 1396–1397 paintings 699 palace 287 Palatine Chapel 73 Palatine Library 1730 Palazzo del Capitano del Popolo 1069

2198

General Index

Palazzo della Signoria 1076 Palazzo Pubblico 1396 Palazzo Vecchio 1396 Paleae 844 palefridus → Equus Caballus Palencia 1718 paleography 1013 Palermo 260 Palestine (also: Palestinian) 517, 1339, 1368, 1682, 1698 palimpsests 1019 palio 586, 596, 611 – Palio dei Cocchi 611 palisade 76 pallium 1357 Palma 241 palmistry 111 pamphlet 462 pandect 144, 1016 panegyric 877–878, 880 panel diptych 426 panetier 221 pan-European 1371 – pan-European assembly 1358 – pan-European body 1348 – pan-European cultural ideal 1332 – pan-European cultural identity 1378 – pan-European cultural perspective 1378 – pan-European cultural universalism 1372 – pan-European culture 1324, 1333, 1337, 1348, 1371, 1380 – pan-European flock 1362, 1375 – pan-European institution 1326, 1348, 1353 – pan-European leadership 1353 – pan-European monarchy 1354 – pan-European political event 1351 – pan-European world 1363, 1370 pan-national principle 1361 Pante 285 Pantheon 130 pantomime 897 pantry 69, 74–75 papacy (also: papal) 630, 1324–1333, 1336–1338, 1342–1346, 1348–1354, 1357–1365, 1369–1372, 1374–1379, 1385, 1454–1458, 1462–1463, 1472, 1476, 1483

– papal curia 1365 – papal throne 1372 – high medieval papacy 1362, 1368 – late medieval papacy 1377 – medieval papacy 1328–1329 – papacy’s flight to Avignon 1374 – papal action 1328 – papal affairs 1328, 1331 – papal allies 1362 – papal antigonists 1377 – papal army 1359 – papal attitude 1364, 1369 – papal authority 1325, 1356, 1359, 1364, 1374, 1379 – papal bureaucracy 1379 – papal business 1374 – papal chancellor 1360 – papal chancery 211 – papal circles 1350 – papal claims 1336 – papal clerical tax 1357 – papal commission 1367 – papal conduct 1370 – papal consent 1374 – papal contribution 1378 – papal councils 1379 – papal court 1160, 1327, 1330, 1356–1357, 1361, 1365–1366, 1370 – papal curia 1353, 1360 – papal decision 1374 – papal decretals 1357 – papal disapprobation 1379 – papal discretion 1357 – papal documents 1375 – papal Election Decree of 1059 1350 – papal election 1333, 1377 – papal emissary 1342 – papal exemption 1356 – papal flight 1376 – papal government 1327, 1338, 1356, 1364, 1375, 1379 – papal influence 1326 – papal inquisition 1367 – papal judgments 1379 – papal judicial mechanism 1367 – papal kingdom 1328 – papal law 1359

General Index

– papal leadership 1366 – papal legate 1349, 1361 – papal legislation 1357 – papal mission 1335 – papal monarch (also: papal monarchy) 1326–1327, 1329, 1335, 1345, 1354, 1356–1359, 1366–1368, 1370, 1373–1374, 1376, 1378–1380 – papal office 1359 – papal over-lordship 1379 – papal palace 1375 – papal patrimony 1334–1335 – papal plan 1360 – papal policy 1368–1369 – papal pornocracy 1343, 1345 – papal power 1327, 1359, 1364, 1379 – papal primacy 632, 1349 – papal pronouncements 1369 – papal protection 1357 – papal protégé 1375 – papal provision of benefices 1357 – papal reform era 1365 – papal reform party 1349 – papal reform polemicists 1364 – papal reformers (also: papal reforms) 298, 1350, 1354, 1362 – papal regime 1335, 1345 – papal republic 1337 – papal responses 1366 – papal schism 100, 229, 1463, 1720, 1728 – papal standing 1327 – papal state 1328–1329, 1335, 1353, 1359, 1376, 1379 – papal summons 1363, 1367, 1369 – papal supremacy 1355–1356, 1359 – papal temporal power 1373 – papal territory 1359 – papal throne 1328, 1344–1346, 1348, 1360, 1376 – papal universalism 1330, 1372–1373 – papal-imperial relations 1350 paper 1000, 1017, 1049, 1209 – paper manuscripts 1011 – papermold 1001 Papyrus 999, 1016, 1681 – Papyrus rolls 1006 paraclete 924

2199

Paradise 547, 653–654, 669–670, 890, 898, 1373 paragraphs 1216 Parcae (also: Parces) 431, 1795 parchment wallets 1011 parchment 999, 1002, 1005–1006, 1017, 1019, 1681 Paris Hotel-Dieu 725 Paris 66, 99, 124, 141, 154, 191, 266, 282, 296, 390–392, 399, 426, 727, 846, 991, 1005, 1010, 1043, 1047, 1128, 1131–1132, 1195, 1199, 1269–1270, 1275, 1287, 1304, 1361, 1373, 1389, 1393, 1395, 1398, 1488, 1498, 1500–1501, 1503, 1505, 1507–1508, 1530, 1573, 1687, 1705, 1708–1709, 1712–1713, 1715, 1718–1719, 1722–1724, 1726, 1728–1730, 1732, 1779 parish 70, 72, 75 – parish priest 174 Parisian 1502 – Parisian court 282, 298 – Parisian master 1361 park 595, 679, 700, 703, 1536 Parlement of Paris 1673, 1779 Parma 1509 parody 1364 parousia 1103, 1105 particular judgment 661, 672 partnership 1046, 1156–1157, 1164 pas d’armes 167 Paschal Tables 1220, 1235 Passion Cycle 1009 Passion of Christ 307, 522, 604, 715, 897 passional 1548 Passover 1234 pastoral care 1010, 1120 Pastoureaux 265 pastourelle 899, 909–910, 914, 932, 934 Patay 1775 Paterno 1687 pathocoenosis 965–966 pathogens (also: pathogenic) 965 – pathogenic cause 984 – pathogenic substances 984 pathological matter 984 patients 964

2200

General Index

patriarch (also: patriarchal) 630, 633–637, 651, 1334 – patriarchal council 637 – patriarchate 630–631, 636, 638 – Patriarchate of Constantinople 631, 635 patriciate 201 Patristic dream lore 331, 334 patron (also: patroness) 139, 284–286, 296–297, 299, 867, 1002, 1006, 1008, 1381–1382, 1384–1385, 1389, 1394, 1396–1398, 1400–1402 – patrocinium 1382 – patron saints 715–716 – patronage 281–282, 284, 289–291, 296, 298, 898, 1381, 1383, 1385, 1387, 1389–1391, 1394, 1398, 1402 – patroness of animals 1792 – patronized 296 – patrons of the guild of apothecaries 987 pattern books 1009 Paul’s Cross 1605 Paulicians 1460 Pauline Epistles 1007 pauper 303, 1414, 1497 – pauperes clerici 1414 – pauperes mulieres 1414 Pavia 85–86, 387, 839, 1267, 1687 pawn pledges 1010 Pax Dei → peace peace 289, 293, 1347, 1355 – Peace and Truce of God (also: Pax Dei) 162, 494, 1100, 1107–1108, 1347, 1351, 1355, 1419, 1422, 1425–1426, 1431, 1444, 1450, 1452, 1470, 1494–1496, 1585–1586, 1693 – peace councils 1347 – Peace of Caltabellotta 1748 – Peace of Constance 843 – Peace of God movement 1347, 1582, 1585 – peace treaties 597 – peaceweavers 1755 peacock 708 peas 686 peasant 35, 278, 287, 297, 309–311, 478, 480, 482, 699, 703–704, 710, 712–713, 1275, 1279, 1574

– peasantry 35, 278 – Peasants’ Crusade 1587 Pechenegs 1746 pecia 991, 1005 pedagogical aids 586 pedes Drusiani 1076, 1089 pegged pieces 603 Pellena 546 Peniscola 240 penitential 841, 944, 946 – penitential manuals 335, 1011 – penitential psalms 1017 penknife 1002–1003 penny → coin pens 1002 pentarchy (also: pentarchic) 630–631, 839 Pentateuch 1255 Pentecost 1330, 1671 pen-trials 1010 penwork 1007 people’s assemblies 193 People’s Crusade 1108 peplos 419 pepper 1041, 1049 per distinctions 1015 perfect numbers 131 performance 864 – performer 864, 871 – performing music 1251 perigraphō 644 Périgueux 385 peripatetic 284 permanence (also: permanent) 282, 284 Permic 830–831 perpendicular 60, 68 Perruzzi 1156 persecution (also: persecutory) 1454, 1473–1474, 1482–1483 Persia (also: Persian) 107, 112, 678, 972, 981, 992–993 – Persian manual 706 persona 871, 873 personal letters 204, 223 personal names 435 Perugia 851, 1083, 1397 pes Drusianus 1058–1059, 1071, 1076, 1091

General Index

pes monetalis 1058, 1060–1061, 1069, 1071–1072, 1076, 1079, 1088, 1090 pes Romanus 1057–1058 Peterhouse 1717 Petit Pont 390 petitions 1409 Petrine ministry 1325 Petrine office 1353 Petrine throne 1359 pewter 1574 peytral 689 phantasmata 1023 pharmaceutical remedies 983 pharmaceutical technology 987 phenomenality of number 1205 phenotypes 676 Philadelphia → Alaşehir Philistines 520, 1790 philologia 1215 philosophy (also: philosophical) 281, 877, 890, 941, 1391, 1402 – philosopher king 281 – philosophers’ stone 110 – philosopher’s game 603 philters 1790 phlebotomy 1669 phoenix 21, 40 physical education 591 physician 131, 724, 727–729 physiological dream books 345 Piazza Armerina 83 Picard (also: Picardy) 801, 1199 Pictish 834 pictores 1006 pictorial cycles 1009 pied de Roi 1063, 1088 piety 285, 298, 1254 – affective piety 1009 – counted piety 1218 pigeons 611 pigments 1002 pigs 712 pigskin 1011 pikemen 1763 pikes 424 pilgrim 64, 724, 1125, 1336, 1471, 1681 – pilgrim Chaucer 453

2201

– pilgrim route 1526 – pilgrim way 1526 – pilgrimage 64, 97, 99, 1118, 1477, 1520, 1683 pipe rolls 790, 999, 1220 piracy (also: pirate) 1043, 1625–1626, 1692 Piran 412 Pirenne thesis 1681–1682 Pisa 202, 839, 843, 1495, 1682, 1699 pisces 130 Pistoia 851, 1079 piyyut 785–786, 827 place value 1236 place 1571–1572 plague 198–199, 229, 314, 320, 326, 481–482, 724, 982, 1370, 1417, 1634, 1637, 1641–1644, 1701, 1728 – Plague of Justinian in Byzantium (sixth c.) 982 plainchant 1191, 1197 Plantagenet 292 – Plantagenet Empire 292 Platonic 941, 1160 plaustra 674 playing cards 586, 599, 602, 605–606 playing places → camping closes plays 897–898 pleasure 295, 1563, 1566, 1569, 1571 – pleasure of sin 1563 pleats 421 plebs (also: Plebeian) 697, 1497 plenitudo potestatis (the fullness of power) 1358 Plessis-lez-Tours 1396 plow 1537, 1541 – cold-turning plough 191 – ploughing 1668 plowman 1537 plumed hat 426 plummet 1001, 1007 plunder 288 pluralism 1376 Po 1530 poach (also: poachers; poaching) 587, 610, 697, 699, 703, 711, 713, 718

2202

General Index

podestà 169, 844 poem (also: poetry) 284–285, 289, 872, 877–882, 884, 887–892, 1018 – narrative poem 1376 poena detentia 1160 poetic meter 1235 pogroms 1369, 1637 pointed arch 56, 60, 64, 67–68, 79 pointed shoes 308 poison 940, 985–986, 1787–1788 – accidental poisoning 986 Poitevin 801 Poitiers 293, 604, 1426, 1439, 1763, 1775 Poitou 859 Poland 125, 393, 485, 1267, 1388, 1719 polar bear 708 pole star 127 pole weapons 1758 polecats 701 polemical literature 1351 policy 1369 Polish 703, 721, 823 politics 278, 1330 – political crusades 1356 – political exile 669 – political power 290, 1054 polities 292 poll tax rolls 1537 Polling 716 polo 611 polyphony 186, 1201, 1389–1390 – polyphonic chant 1389 pommels → saddlery pontage 1516, 1531 Ponthieu 293 pontiff 1344, 1360, 1367, 1374–1375 pontificate (also: pontificial) 1008, 1329, 1333, 1335, 1348–1349, 1351, 1355, 1357–1358, 1361 Pont-Saint-Bénezet 1531 pooka 441 Poor Clares 1134 pope 631, 1267, 1325–1330, 1332–1336, 1338–1340, 1343, 1345, 1348–1372, 1374–1376, 1377, 1379 – pope’s absolution 1352

popolo (also: populus; popular) 1420, 1434, 1439, 1442, 1444, 1446, 1449, 1487, 1491, 1497–1498, 1501 – popolo minuto 1498 – popular anti-clerical preachers 1363 – popular culture 1368 – popular sentiment 1367 – popular unrest 1151 population growth 190 Porta delia Pescheria 1313 portcullis 77 portents 1174 porter (also: porteress) 175 portolan charts 1532, 1697 portraiture 1010 Portugal (also: Portuguese) 271, 784, 804, 1048, 1388, 1597, 1619, 1682 – Portuguese mariners 1621 portway 1526 positurae 1015 postal service 206, 678 posting stations 684 Post-Vulgate Cycle 895 potens 1414 potion 1791, 1794 pottery 1042 poulaine → long-toed shoe pouncing 1009 pound → coin practice of measuring → measure pragmatic notation → notation (music) poverty 481, 1130, 1161, 1404 powdered gold (“shell gold”) 1007 practical 1242 – practical arithmetic 1244 – practical calculation 1244, 1255 – practical mathematics 1235 – practical rationality 1230 practitioners of magic 1786 praestigiator 948 Praestigium 947 Prague 68, 1528, 1531, 1606, 1691, 1719, 1722–1723, 1725, 1728–1729, 1732 – Prague castle 68, 595 – St. Vitus 68 Prato 1046, 1054, 1771

General Index

prayer 946, 1008, 1010 – prayer books 1001 – prayer texts 999 preaching 1017, 1120, 1127–1128, 1132, 1444 – preaching manual 589 pre-Christian 889, 897 Précieuse 1739 precious metals 1041 precious stones 1012, 1049 pre-Conquest England 1016 predations 1370 predicting the future 950 prediction of Christ’s birth 951 prelates 1010 prelector 866, 869 pre-metric measures 1057 pre-metric standards 1090–1091 Premonstratensians 1120, 1584 Prémontré 1120, 1685 pre-reform church 1364 presbyter 175 presenting jury 848 preserve 700, 712–713 press-marks 1012 prestige 948, 950 pretz → virtuosity preudome 591, 607 prices 1160, 1274 – price revolution 1158 prickings 1001 pride (also: ofermode) 285, 308, 425–426, 589, 1573 priest 139, 175, 634 – priesthood 634–635 – priest-king 1340 primacy 630–631 – primacy of law 837 primary abbeys 1123 prime → Divine Office Primers 1017 prince (also: princely) 278, 294–295, 298, 1351 – princely court 294 principate 858 principium → lecture print 205–206, 216, 866, 1018 – print culture 1004

2203

– printers 1018 – printing 118, 204–205, 216, 231 prioress 175 prison 599 private 296 privateering 1625 privilegium clericorum 1711 privilegium scholarium 1711 privy 308, 407–409, 412 probability 594, 603 – probability theory 594 Probatio Pennae 810 problem collections 599, 602 procession 646, 648 prodigies 1174 proeza → prowess professional scribes 1005 prognostications 1809 prohibition 448–450 Projecta casket 84 prologue 140 proofreaders 1005 propaganda 285, 1132 proper behavior (also: bel captenemen) 910 properties of numbers 1249–1250 proportion 79, 131, 1064, 1206, 1250, 1252 Proprietary Church 1346, 1352 prose 865, 882, 895–896, 1018 prosimetrum 896 proskȳnesis 640 prosody 1235 prosopopeia 110 prosthesis → apse prostitute 200, 1405, 1409, 1637 protection 287 protest literature 1645 Protestant 109, 461, 1164, 1376 – Protestant artisans 1327 – Protestant revolt 1379 – Protestant woodcuts 1371 – Protestantism 886 prototype 640, 644–645 proto-written notations (also: proto-written signs) 1211 provincial ministers 1130 Provins 1047 prowess (also: proeza) 290, 910

2204

General Index

Prussia 1126, 1686 psalms 1017, 1191 psalters 1008, 1016–1017 pseudohistory 1666–1667 psychological component of human life 986 psychology 980 – psychological component of the illness process 987 – psychological faculties 1568 Ptolemaic family 1077 Ptolemaic foot 1058–1059, 1072–1073, 1075–1076 Ptolemaic measure 1074 Ptolemaic system 111 public 296 – public debates 204, 212, 214 – public health 956 – public opinion 1491 – Public Record Office 1210 – public records 788 – public rituals 202 puer 1285 – puer criminis 151 – pueri oblati 1117 pugillares 1003 pulse 983 punctuation 1015 punctus flexus 1016 Punic foot 1076, 1081 purgare rationem 1236 purgatory 105, 316, 319, 632, 653–654, 656, 722, 890, 1164 – purgatorial fires 667 purging (also: purges) 723, 734, 984 Purim 785 Puritan 584–585 pursuivant 208 puy 1202 puzzles 592 pygmies 110 pygon 1070–1071 Pyrenees 258, 263, 1691 pyroclastic flow 1635 pyromancy 102 Pythagorean 105 – Pythagorean arithmetic 1244

– Pythagorean ideas 121 – Pythagorean music theory 1250 – Pythagorean number theory 1245, 1251, 1254–1255 – Pythagorean Table (also: mensa pythagorica) 1223 – Pythagoreanism 1255, 1302 Pythonic spirit 951 qadi 250, 756 qadis 251 Qairawan 968 Qasīm 675 Quadratum geometricum 1222 quadrivial (also: quadrivium) 121, 131, 180, 397, 399, 590, 1187, 1234–1235, 1239, 1241, 1244–1245, 1248, 1251, 1393, 1727 – quadrivial arithmetic 1243, 1256 – quadrivial arts 1244 – quadrivial geometry 1234 Quakers 1095, 1100 qualities of sound 1252 quantification 1219, 1224, 1247, 1259 quantity 1207, 1223, 1229, 1259 – quantity theory 1162 quarantine 1642 Quartodecimans 1662 quaternions 1000, 1011 Quedlinburg 389, 1133 queke 602 Quellenforschung 960 quenching 1773 Quentovic 189 Querelle de la Rose 1307 Querelle des femmes → Querelle de la Rose Questiones Disputate 843 Questiones Dominorum 843 Quierzy 1395 quillons 1774 quills 1002–1003 quinions 1000 quires 1000 – quire signatures 1011 Qumran 1102 Quo warranto 853 quodlibeta 213

General Index

quoits 609 quotidianity 301, 306, 310 rabbinic tradition 1792 rabbinical courts 234 rabbit 701, 720–721 racing horses 611 radiating chapels 64 rafts 1528 ragman’s roll 598 Ragnarok 1670 raids 283 rake 1001 ram 23, 611 rank 1208, 1252, 1254, 1259–1260 – ranking 1209 ransom 293 raptors 697, 701, 704, 710 ratio → reason rationality 910 Ravenna 85–87, 280, 647, 839, 967, 1386, 1394, 1687, 1741 Rayonnant 66–67 razos 871 reading 593, 1015 – reading aids 1212 – reading glasses 1573 – reading notations 1211 – reading practices 1216 reality 297 realpolitik 1366 reason (also: ratio) 1189, 1569 receipts for taxes 1210 reception 864–865, 868 recess 591 recipes 228 recitation 1015 recluses 184 recoinage 1264 recollection 1020–1021, 1023–1028, 1030–1032, 1037 Reconquista 235, 289–290, 502–503, 740, 994, 1464, 1684, 1699 records 779–780, 793 – records of financial exchange 780 – records of sale 792 recroigne 686

2205

rector 174, 1728 Reculver cross 96 recycled 1019 red deer 699, 721 Red Jews 531–532 redemption 667 refashioned 416, 420 refectory 1572 reform (also: reformers) 90, 1454–1459, 1463, 1493 – reform ad melius 1352 – reform agenda 1326, 1348 – reform councils 1349 – reform era 1354, 1363 – reform papacy 1326, 1348–1349, 1351, 1354, 1360, 1362 – reform popes 1326, 1349, 1354, 1360 Reformation 109, 163, 326, 460, 530, 584, 668, 1018, 1136, 1164, 1332, 1367, 1378– 1379, 1454, 1461, 1463, 1550, 1667 Regensburg 1060, 1063–1064, 1067–1069, 1084, 1367, 1528, 1530–1531 regimen principum → mirror for princes regimen 981 region 279, 290 regnal year 1664, 1666 regnum Christi 837 regulae → rules regular canonry (also: Canons Regular) 174, 1120 regular clergy 174–175 Reichenau 24, 90, 387, 389, 979 Reichskammergericht 860, 1520 reign 280–282, 293 Reims 88, 96, 100, 123, 841, 1450 – Reims Cathedral 141 reincarnation 668 reindeer 701 relics 641, 643, 946, 1019, 1326, 1552 – contact relics 1552 – primary relics 1552 religion (also: religious) 278–279, 284, 756 – religious and lay communities 1362 – religious component in medicinal prescriptions 975 – religious dissent 1367 – religious establishment 1368

2206

General Index

– religious healing 976 – religious leaders 290 – religious reform 1346 – religious sacrifices 80 – religious symbolism 1205 reliquaries 600, 1553 Remensas 1497, 1506 Remiremont 183 remnants 424 remounts 678 Renaissance 55, 64, 68, 70, 80, 124, 215, 885, 891, 899, 976, 1391, 1403 – Northern Renaissance 1733 – Renaissance Economics 1161 – Renaissance Italy 1002, 1332 – Renaissance papacy (also: Renaissance popes) 1344–1345, 1378 – Twelfth-century Renaissance 333, 892, 1360, 1474, 1476, 1480 rents 1274 reputation 282, 298, 1045 Reschen 1692 rescript government 1327 reserves 703 residences 291 resistance 1490 responsa 234, 765 ressourcement 1352 restauro equorum 680 resurrection 882, 1169 retainer 282–285, 297 retinue 284, 291, 294 retributive justice 654 retrospective diagnosis 964, 966 Reutlingen 1089 revolt 292, 610, 1489–1490, 1502, 1505 revolution 1487, 1489 – Agricultural and Commercial Revolutions 1363 – American Revolution 1100 Rhaeto-Romance 806 Rheims 388–389, 1420 Rhenish Franconian 812 rhetoric 121, 397–398, 591, 875 – rhetorical scheme 1218 Rhine 94, 1266, 1268, 1527, 1530, 1692 Rhineland 810, 1524

rhinoceros 611 Rhodes 1126, 1613, 1616–1617, 1620, 1626 Rhodian sea laws 1626 Rhône 1376, 1530 – Rhône delta 188 rhythm 1245–1246, 1251 Rialto 1050 rib vaults → masonry vaults Richard III 996 riddarasǫgur 362, 365 riding 591 – riding horses 593 – riding post 684 Riedlingen 1069, 1081 Rievaulx 1123 Riga 201 Rimini 1084 Rioja 1530 riot 609 Ripon 522 – Ripon gryllus 522 Ripuarian Franks 840 rise of purgatory 666 risks in trade 1046 rithmomachy (also: rithmomachia; nummerorum conflictus; Zahlenkampfspiel) 603, 1222 ritual 943, 946, 964 – ritual cannibalism 1477 – ritual child murder 1370 – ritual murder 787, 1477–1480, 1483 – ritual use of blood 1477 river 537–538, 545–546, 550, 559, 562–563 road map 1532 robes 415 Rocamadour 1739 Roda 255 rodents 701 rolls 999 Roman 279–281, 702, 721, 1277, 1328, 1338, 1344, 1348, 1353, 1365, 1621, 1626 – Roman art 80 – Roman authors 1016 – Roman Britain 678 – Roman cardinal 1348, 1353, 1361, 1377 – Roman cavalry 692 – Roman Christianity 1336

General Index

– Roman Church (also: Bride of Christ; Whore of Babylon) 1325–1326, 1328, 1330–1333, 1337, 1340, 1342–1346, 1348, 1350, 1353, 1356–1357, 1359, 1361–1362, 1365–1367, 1370–1371, 1378 – Roman circuses 586 – Roman cities 187 – Roman clans 1345 – Roman clergy 1363, 1365 – Roman culture 938 – Roman curia 1327, 1330, 1353, 1363, 1367, 1376 – Roman emperors 280, 1368 – Roman Empire 279, 286, 611, 876, 880, 897, 1041–1042, 1261, 1333, 1337–1338, 1384–1385, 1394, 1691 – Roman faction 1375 – Roman Inquisition 1367 – Roman law 1357, 1471–1472 – Roman maritime law 1616 – Roman martyr 1326, 1336, 1342 – Roman numeral system 1215 – Roman pilgrimages 1336 – Roman pontiff 1326, 1328, 1343, 1354, 1356–1357, 1362, 1370 – Roman reformers 1345, 1349–1350 – Roman republic 81 – Roman rite 1335–1336, 1340 – Roman roads 678 – Roman rule 1338 – Roman satire 1364 – Roman ships 1610 – Roman spectacle 585, 588 – Roman state 1339 – Roman synod of Lent 1430 – Roman universalism 1336, 1348 – Western Roman Empire 1326 romana computatio 1237 Romance languages 141, 796, 1209 romance 26, 296, 451, 606, 681, 710, 719, 888, 893–896, 948, 1009, 1011 – romance literature 427, 429 Romanesque 60–64, 67, 71, 73, 97–99, 186, 1266 Romanitas 91, 95, 1335–1336, 1376 romans antiques 894

2207

Romansh 806 Romanticism 583 Rome 83–87, 89, 91–93, 95, 97–98, 188, 279–281, 286, 391, 630–631, 633, 638, 641, 661, 839, 949, 1128, 1265, 1267, 1271, 1278, 1297, 1300, 1311, 1324–1327, 1329–1330, 1333–1336, 1340, 1343– 1346, 1348–1349, 1353–1354, 1357– 1358, 1362–1365, 1375–1379, 1381, 1384–1386, 1429, 1501, 1522, 1530, 1572, 1640, 1683, 1687, 1698 – classical Rome 285 – Sack of Rome 1103 – St. Peter’s Basilica 327, 1550, 1553 Roncaglia 843 Roncesvalles 1521 Ronda 753 rondel 1776 roosters 609 ros/ors 1524 Rosh ha-Shanah 785 Rothenburg ob der Tauber 1062–1063, 1076–1077 Rouen 1508 roulette 602 round arches 62, 64 round table 607, 894 routines 1218, 1228–1229 royal 202, 284 – royal chancery 1005 – royal court 278, 282, 284, 286, 289, 291, 293–294, 296 – Royal Courts of Justice 1573 – royal entries 597 – royal family 284 – royal forest 540 – Royal Golden Cup 298 – royal inventories 419 – royal privileges 1361 – royal residence 284 – royal taxation 1375 – royalist 461, 463 – royalty 31, 295, 298 rubrication (also: rubricated) 1002, 1007, 1218 ruins 595 rule of faith 1373

2208

General Index

rulership (also: ruler; rulers) 286, 290, 298, 636, 1370 rules (also: regulae) 1114, 1127 rules for daily bodily hygiene 977 ruminatio 1216 rumores 1487 Runcinus 682 rune 834, 881 – runic inscriptions 881 – runic script 881 Running 609 rural and urban space 1572 rural aristocracy 287 rural homes 1574 Rus (also: Russes) 651, 1699 Russia (also: Russian) 189, 524, 651, 822, 1041, 1210, 1684 – Russian Federation 677 rustici 1497 Ruthenian 822 S. Jacques 1128 Saami 701 Sabbath 1786 – sabbatical millenium 1105 sacerdotal 636 Sacerdotium 634 sack of Rome 1387 Säckingen 1530 sacral Christian kingship 1340, 1352 sacralization 1352, 1355 sacramentaries 1008 sacred history 1368 sacrifice 283, 285 – sacrificed horses 679 saddlery 692 – cantles 692 – pommels 692 – saddlers 692 saffron 1049 saga literature (also: sagas) 611, 940, 1791 Saint Agnes cup 1399 Saint Denis 24, 56, 67, 179, 387, 1043, 1047 Saint Gall 1118 Saint Germain-des-Près 1275 Saint Germer de Fly 180

Saint Martin 286 Saint Peter’s Basilica 1693 Saint Quentin 1495 Saint Savin sur Gartempe 1531 Saint Tropez 188 Saint Valerie 520 Sainte Chapelle, Paris 1395, 1553 Saintongeais 801 saints 434, 596, 940, 946, 977, 1007, 1017, 1329 – saints’ legends 715 – saints’ lives 884, 898, 1016, 1549 Sala della Pace 1396 Salafism 1097 Salamanca 391, 945, 1597, 1718, 1721, 1727 salamanders 110 Salerno 390, 400, 727–728, 955, 991–992, 1690, 1710, 1717, 1727 – Salian emperor 1342, 1348, 1378 Salians 1350, 1412 Salins 1524 salisatres 951 salt 112, 189, 1041, 1232 – salt tax 482 Samarkand 127 Sámi 382 San Apollinare Nuovo 85 San Gimignano 76 San Marco in Venice 1688 San Petronio 1068 San Vitale 85, 87 San Vitalis in Ravenna 1689 San Zeno 91 sanctimoniales 1133 sanctorale 1007 sanctuary 647, 975 Sanhedrin 1368 Sankt Maria im Kapitol at Cologne 1689 Sanskrit 992 Sant’ Ambrogio in Milan 1556 Santa Croce 70 Santa Maria la Blanca 248 Santa Maria Nuova 723, 729 Santi Quattro Coronati 1387 Santiago de Compostela 64, 99, 234, 1522, 1683 sar 1095

General Index

Saracen 353–355, 374–378, 497–502, 514, 518, 520–522, 524–525, 531–533, 1121, 1387, 1515, 1638 – Saracen gryllus 522 – Saracen jaiants 382 Sarmatians 676 sartorial discourses 423 sartorial display 415, 423, 425, 427–428 sartorial laws 424 Sassanian (also: Sassanid) 1261, 1741 Satan 137, 663–664, 715, 1653–1654 – Satanic sect 1803 satires 880 – satiric literature 1330 – satirists 1364 saturna regna 1295 Savafid 1104 Saverne 1084 Savoy Hospital 727, 729 Saxon (also: Saxons; Saxony) 471, 772, 1272, 1500, 1502, 1623 scabinei 840 Scandinavia (also: Scandinavian) 189, 285, 393, 656, 703–704, 708, 721, 813, 1154, 1267–1268, 1278, 1399, 1698, 1719 – Scandinavian clothing culture 416 – Scandinavian paganism 284 sceattas 1271 scenthounds 700 schedulae 1003 Schinderling 1150 schism 631–632, 1357, 1462 – Great Schism 1331, 1372, 1376–1377 scholars 281, 1161, 1341 scholarship 1347 scholastic 219, 1159–1162 – scholastic credo 1372 – scholastic enterprise 1373 – scholastic method 1331 – scholasticism 25, 212, 230, 296 – Scholastics 1162 Schöllenen Gorge 1513 School of Athens 967 School of Béziers 889 School of Chartres 333 School of Gondishapur 991 School of Salamanca 1162

2209

schooled 713 schools 591, 1120, 1325, 1360 schuch 1069 Schwäbisch-Gmünd 70 Schwaz 1689 sciences 1381, 1391 – scientia de numero relato ad sonos 1251 – scientific manuscripts 1009 – scientific thought 1205 scillingas (also: thrymsas) 1263 Sciopod 519, 524 scorpions 985 Scotland 393, 543, 699, 1044, 1388, 1698, 1715, 1719 Scots 808, 1048 Scottish Gaelic 809, 819 Scourmont 1113 screens passage 75 scribe 145, 296, 865, 867–869, 872, 874– 875, 885, 1002–1004, 1006 – scribal colophons 1006 scriptor 874 scriptoria 387–388, 868, 1013, 1259 scripts 136, 205, 1013 – ascenders 1013 – bounding lines 1001, 1013 – descender 1004, 1013 – display scripts 1013 – majuscule 1013 – medieval Gothic scripts 1015 – minuscule 1013–1014 – scriptura continua 1013 scriptural citations 1016 scriptural text 1002 scrolls 1003 scrophula 977 scutage 209 Scythian 676, 680 sea mammals 698 seals 698 seasons 597 Second Coming 506, 1330, 1365 Second Crusade 178, 500, 517, 1435, 1464, 1467, 1752 Second Dark Age 1343–1344, 1354 – Second Dark Age culture 1343 Second Lateran Council 181, 1739, 1775

2210

General Index

second sight 461, 464 second-hand market for books 1005 secret 910 sector 1222 secular 1384, 1390, 1394 – secular canonry (also: Canons Secular) 174 – secular clergy 174 – secular patronage 1399 – secular priests 174 securitas 569 sedentarization 1048 sedition 1487, 1493 See of Constantinople 629–630 Segovia 269, 275 seigniorage 1147–1149 seigniorial jurisdiction 467 Seine 94 seismic activity 1634 self-help (also: self-help books) 204, 228–229 Seljuks 826, 979, 1615, 1751 – Seljuk Empire 1751 – Seljuk Turks 1614 Selschop 1046 semibreves → notation (music) semiminims → notation (music) Semitic languages 827 semitone 1194 Sempione 1526 senatorial 281 senchléithe 1670 Sendeve 1046 Sendgerichte 1520 senectus mundi 1294, 1296–1297 senex 1284–1285, 1292–1294 – senex amans 1292–1294 – senex sapiens 1290 senses 651, 1561, 1563–1565, 1567 – affectus 1569 – external senses 1561, 1563–1564, 1566, 1568, 1572 – hierarchy of the senses 1566, 1573 – inner senses 1563, 1568–1569 – physical senses 1563, 1566, 1568–1569 – senses of the body 1563, 1567 – sensology 1559

– sensorium 1559–1560, 1562, 1567, 1571, 1573 – sensory communities 1573–1574 – sensory model 1570 – sensory overload 1573 – sensory regimes 1572–1573 – sensory studies 1559, 1571 sensus communis 1023 sensus numerum 1245 sensus spirituales 1566 Serbian 821 Serce Limani 1626 – Serce Limani shipwreck 1613, 1616 serfs 772, 780 serifs 1014 sermon 204, 212, 214, 218–219, 222, 227, 229, 497, 583, 590, 604, 606, 944, 1562 – sermon collections 1129 serpent 23–24, 27, 35 servant 278, 287 – servant of the servants of God (also: servus servorum Dei) 1334–1335 – servants of Satan 1803 service 282 – service books 1016, 1019 servitia 1155, 1160 servitium debitum 465 servitude 772, 780, 792 settlements 284 seven crystalline spheres 129 seven deadly sins 425, 589 seven knightly skills 591 seven liberal arts 121 Seville 236, 238–240, 270, 945, 1718 sew 419 – sewing techniques 416 sext → Divine Office sexual contact 1370 sexual magic 1787 shaffron 689 Shaftesbury 95 shahada 759 shaman 938, 940 shapeshifter (also: shape-changer) 444, 449 sheep 24, 712 sheiks 251 shelter 287

General Index

Sheol 655 Shepherd’s Crusade of 1320–1321 1503 shetaroth 788 Shetland 809 Shiite Fatimids 1614 shilling → coin ship 1610, 1631 Shipton-on-Stout 854 shit 406, 410 Shoah 1369 shoeing 686 shoes 419, 421, 424 shooting tournaments 609 short jacket 419, 421 short tunic 419 Shrovetide 1670 – Shrovetide plays 933 Shura 251 Siam 1686 Siberia 708 – Southern Siberia 680 Sicily 123, 260, 393, 704, 706, 740, 763, 784, 985, 993, 1268, 1383, 1574, 1614, 1619, 1684 – Sicilian School 740 – Sicilian 706 – Sicilians 919 sickness 908 Siena 391, 839, 843, 858, 1158, 1396–1397, 1487, 1498, 1517 sight 1565, 1571 sighthounds 700 sign 1171, 1174 – sign language 176, 1122 – signes de renvoi 1005 silhouette 419 silk 425, 1011, 1049, 1573 – Silk Road (also: Silk Route) 985, 1513, 1699 – silk worms 985 silphium 975 silver 287, 1007, 1043, 1140–1142, 1146–1149, 1151–1152, 1261, 1263, 1267, 1269, 1271, 1276, 1278, 1574 – silver coins 1148 – silver gulden 1151 – silver or gold market 1148

2211

– silversmiths 1140 – silverware 1142 simony 193, 1326, 1346–1347 sin 482 – sin of curiosity (also: sinful curiosity) 1572 Sinai 641, 647 singing 584, 592, 596, 598, 608 Sion (also: Sitten) 1526 Siren 41, 130 siverntes 889 six non-naturals 980 Sixth Crusade 1465, 1752 skaldic verse (also: skalid poetry) 348, 365, 439 skeleton construction 1616 skeleton technique 1616 sketches 1008 skeuophylakion 646 skirt 419 Skuldelev, Denmark 1623 sky god 669 slaughter 1668 slaves 284 – slave trading 1042 – slaves to the king 780 Slavic 992 – East Slavic 822 – Slavic invasions 1334 – Slavic languages 820 – South Slavic 821 – West Slavic 822 Slavonic 956 – Church Slavonic 821–822 – Old Church Slavonic 820, 835 sledding 610 sleeve 309, 419–421, 426 sloth 589 Slovak 823 Slovenian 821 Sluis 1051 small bells 420 smallpox 980 smell 1560, 1563–1565, 1567, 1571–1572 smock 420 snaffle bit 679 snake 35, 38–39, 41, 715, 985 snares 699–700, 714, 720

2212

General Index

socage 853 soccer 608 social mobility 288, 295, 1519, 1670 social – social change 288, 290 – social deviance 952 – social hierarchy 290 – social identity 1573 – social mobility 282 – social network analysis 1040, 1047 – social networks 1157 – social stratifications 289 – social structure 282 – social transformation 290 societas 1708 society 278, 287, 289, 296–297 Soisson 100, 494 sokemen 853–854 sola fide 1373 sola scriptura 134 solar 69, 74, 1662, 1666 – solar calendar 1662, 1668, 1671 – solar year 1662 solea 646–648 solidus → coin solmization 1218 Sömmer 1086 somnium 330 song 289, 593, 864–865, 890 songbird 46–47, 51 Sonic culture 1570 sonitus (also: sonus) 1186, 1189 sonnet 890–891, 919 Sorbian 822 Sorbonne 1713, 1717, 1730 sorcerer (also: sorceress; sorcery) 219, 937 sortilegers → casters of lots sotties 899 sound 651, 1571 – soundscape 1570, 1573 Southampton 92 Southsea 1632 sovereign rulers 294 sowing 1668 Spain 123, 144, 236–237, 240, 248, 254, 256–263, 268, 270–271, 276–277, 289–290, 418–419, 423, 704, 708, 747,

752, 762–763, 766, 770, 784, 1014, 1041, 1043, 1104, 1109, 1262, 1264, 1268, 1279, 1384, 1388, 1391, 1574, 1682 Spangenhelm 1769 Spaniards 1049 Spanish 710, 803 – Spanish American War 232 – Spanish and Catalan 144 – Spanish aristocracy 290 – Spanish Flu 1642 – Spanish Golden Age 899 – Spanish Inquisition 233 – Spanish jennet 683 – Spanish Order of Santiage 164 – Spanish peninsula 418 – Spanish Saracen mode 419 – Spanish vernacular translations 144 sparrowhawk 46, 719–720 spear 442, 1738 species numerorum (also: species of numbers) 1208, 1227, 1244, 1252, 1254 – numeri adverbialis 1252 – numeri cardinales 1252 – numeri denuntiatiui 1252 – numeri dispertiui 1252 – numeri multiplicativi 1252 – numeri ordinales 1252 – numeri ponderales 1252 spectacle 595 speculative arithmetic 1207, 1254–1255 speculative interpretations of numbers 1205 speculative music theory 1251 speech 1560, 1562, 1565 Speyer 56 sphaira 129 sphygmology 986 spices 1041, 1049, 1572–1574 spider 985, 1560–1561 Spielleute 1202 Spielmannsepik 347–348 spirit of reform 1362 Spirit 1369 spiritual – spiritual concerns 1371 – spiritual Franciscans 1374, 1459 – spiritual mission 1371 – spiritual senses 1563, 1566–1568

General Index

– spiritual signification 139, 147 – spiritual unity 1370, 1379 – spiritual universalism 1324–1325, 1331–1332, 1343, 1362, 1379 Spolia 87 St. Albans 127, 523 St. Amand 387 St. Andrews 1720 St. Foy 61, 64, 72 St. Gall 61, 88, 126, 386–387, 724, 978, 1120, 1389 St. Gilles 1440 St. Gotthard 1513, 1526 St. Inglevert Jousts 166 St. Jacques 392 St. Lucia’s Flood 1647 St. Martial of Limoges 494 St. Michael, Hildesheim 91 St. Patrick’s Purgatory 664–665 St. Riquier 88 St. Sophia 585 St. Stephen’s Cathedral 1723 St. Thomas Eastbridge 724 St. Victor 390 stabilitas loci → vota substantialia stablemen 685 stadium 1060 Stadtwerkschuh 1072 Staffordshire Hoard 94 stag 28, 34–35, 46, 48, 715–720 – stag-hunt 33 stained glass 56, 67, 79 – stained-glass window 583, 601, 604 stalked (also: stalking) 699 stallion 685, 690 Stamford Bridge 1760 standard deviation 1064 standard measure 1224, 1230–1232 standardized biblical gloss 146 Star Cloak 129 Star of Bethlehem 132 Star of David 1370 stational liturgy 648 stationer 1006, 1009 statistics 1059 status 278–279, 281–283, 286–288, 291, 296–299

2213

– status ecclesiae 1359 – status symbole 298 statutes (also: statuta) 1114, 1124, 1127 stave churches 58 staveless → neumes stroke notation → notation (music) Stedingen (also: Stedingers) 1496, 1505, 1510, 1736 stemmas (also: stemmata) 1005 stencils 606 Stendal 1768 stilnovismo 890 stirrup 692, 1761 stock exchanges 1155 Stoffgeschichte 347, 350 Stoic philosophy 938 Stollberg 1689 stone sculpture 583 stone towers 76 stone vaulting 64 stone-throwing 608–609 storage of numbers 1207 storytelling 892 stoves 197 Strada Regina 1527 strangles 683 strapwork 1769 Strasbourg 78, 521, 1600 stucco 61 stud 685 Studentenkarzer 1731 students 295, 1005, 1017, 1361 studia generalia (also: studium generale) 391–392, 1128, 1372, 1713, 1721 studia particularia 1128 studia provincialia 1128 studium generale 1707–1710, 1717–1718, 1727 Stühlingen 861 stycas 1264–1265 stylus 1001 Styx 545 subdeacon 175 subjectivity 872 subjects 287–288 sub-lunar world 983 subsistence hunters (also: subsistence hunting) 697, 699, 710

2214

General Index

successor 1339, 1358 – successor of Saint Peter 1330, 1339, 1349, 1365, 1367, 1375 suffragan (also: suffragan bishops) 636 suffrages 1010, 1017 sugar 1049, 1574 suicide 605 sulfur 112 Sumerians 655 summa 22 summule 843 sumptuary 424 – sumptuary laws 307, 1370. 1416 – sumptuary legislation 417, 420, 423, 425 superbia 308 supernatural 1649–1650 – supernatural threats 1649 superstition 952, 1669, 1808 suppression of heretics 1367 supra-metropolitan bishop 636 surcoats 1771 surgery 983 – surgeon 724, 727, 729 – surgical instruments 983 Sutri 1348 Sutton Hoo 93–94, 1623, 1738 Sutton 1529 swan maiden 439, 451 swanneries 707 Sweden (also: Swedish) 189, 423, 831, 1388, 1621 sweetness 1574 swimming 591, 609–610 swine 24 Switzerland 1342 sword 1738 – swordsmith 1767, 1773 sylphs 110 symbol (also: symbolic) 21, 28, 34, 37, 45–51, 1219 – symbolic bird 40 – symbolism 23, 28, 30, 38, 49 – symbolizing 33 synagogues 1368 synesthesia 1567 synod 1348 – Synod of Frankfurt 1340

– Synod of Leon 1597 – Synod of Whitby 92, 1662 synoptic tables 1217 syntactic conventions 140 synthronon 647–648 Syria (also: Syrians) 630, 675, 1043 Syriac 134, 956, 968, 972, 991–992 – Syriac Christianity 134 – Syriac versions 959 system of measurement 1225, 1233 system of units and norms 1231 Tabanos 756 tablatures 1197 table manners 477 tables of contents 1217 tables 584, 592, 594, 599, 602, 608, 1220–1221 tableware 1574 tabula 602 tabular form 983, 1220 tabulated 981, 989 tachygraphic 1014 tacketed 1000 tafueries 264 Tagus 238–239 taifa 237, 239, 761, 770–771 taille 1148 tailoring 421 – tailoring innovations 418 Taiping 1095, 1100 Takanah 784–786 tally stick 1206–1207, 1209–1211, 1228, 1258 Talmud (also: Talmudic) 115, 1475–1476, 1484 – Talmudic literature 656 Tanakh 773 tanners (also: tanning) 679 Taoist 1096 tapestries 583, 697, 1397, 1399, 1402 – Bayeux Tapestry 610, 1624 – Unicorn Tapestries 39, 715 taqiyya 275 taqwim as-sihah 981 tarot or trump cards 606 tarpan 702 Tartars 511, 523–524, 533, 933 Tartarus 658

General Index

taste 1560–1561, 1563–1567, 1571, 1574 – taste of divinity 1574 Tausendjähriges Reich 1093 tavern 604 taxes 1209, 1228, 1274 – tax administration 1228 taxis 629 teaching 990, 1017, 1215 techniques of writing 1229 Tegernsee 387 Tel Megiddo 1385 temperance 589, 1563 Templar 164, 1450, 1452, 1806 temple of Minerva 1069 temple of Solomon 501 templon 647, 649 temporal authorities 1361 tenant farmer 680 tennis 584, 608 – tennis balls 608 – tennis court 596 tenon 1623 – tenon joints 58 tensos 889, 911 terce → Divine Office tercel 592 terraceways 1514 terror 1100 tertiaries 184 tetramorph 129 Teutoburg Forest 132 Teutonic Knights 164, 1126, 1470 text – text history 965 – textblock 1002, 1011 – textbooks 991, 1005 – textual communities 1004 textile 416, 418, 422, 425 – textile production 416, 418 textura 1068 thalers → coin Thames 1530 Thanet 93 thatch 59, 73 theater 595, 897–899, 1390 – theater actors 899 – theatrical performances 596

2215

thegn 283 theīa latreīa 640 theocratic kingship 1352 theodicy 1093 Theodosian code 1808 theologian 897 theological 1391–1392, 1400 theology 278, 392, 397, 402, 875, 877, 1173, 1392–1393, 1728 – theology of images 649 theory – theory of images 649 – theory of numbers 1244 – theory of the icon 640 theosis 632, 645, 649–651 therapeutic compendia 976 therapeutic miracles 975–976 Theriac 730, 734 thermometer 110 thermoscope 110 thesaurization 1273 theurgy 943 thing 1327 Third Crusade 293, 521, 1467, 1624 Third Lateran Council 198, 496, 506, 782, 1432 Þjórsárdalur (Thórsárdalur) valley 1639 Thor 438 Þórr 381 threat of epidemics 187 three estates 467 three-field crop rotation 191 throne of God 129 throwing 587 thrymsas → scillingas Tiber 1387 tic-tac-toe 602 Tiel 1050 Tihany 830 tilt 691 timber framing (also: Fachwerk; colombage) 58 timber 189 timetikē proskȳnesis 640 tin 1049 Tintagel 711 tinted drawings 1009 tippets 420

2216

General Index

Tír na nÓg 441 Tira 1748 Titans 659 tithe 1330, 1369 Tizona 1739 Todi 1077 toilet 407 Toise de Pérou 1057 Toledo 123, 238–239, 248, 256, 258, 260–262, 388, 755, 761, 945, 968, 992, 1214, 1240, 1287, 1804 tomb 129, 327 – tomb paintings 82 – tombs of the apostles and martyrs 1345 Tonnerre 725 tonsure 182 topos 868 Torgau 1528 Tortosa 272 torture 1472–1473 Torun 125 Totnes 1516 Toulouse 391, 846, 849, 851, 1128, 1393, 1588, 1718, 1755 Touraine 847 Tournai 733, 1053, 1397 tournament 161, 166, 301, 584–587, 589, 594, 596, 598, 601, 606–611, 691, 1379 Tours 88, 286, 1266, 1687 – Tours Bibles 88, 1016 – Tours scriptorium 286 town 1721 – town chronicles 201 – town halls 75 – town streets 596 – town walls 78 toxicology 985 toy 597 trace italienne 1765 tracery 64, 68 tracht 419 – tracht changes 419 tractate 843 trade (also: trading) 1209, 1214, 1224–1225, 1229, 1231, 1233–1234, 1242, 1263 – trade of eastern drugs 984 – trading cities 187, 189

tradition 103, 115, 287 tragedies 897 train 418 trance 950 transformation 950 transient 282 Transjordania 675 translatio imperii 1314 translation 135–136, 140, 1018 translator 139 transmission 864–865, 869 – transmission of knowledge 988 transubstantiation 1460, 1483–1484 Transylvania 1388 trap 713 travel 686, 1680 – travel literature 1680 travis 686 treason 1488 treasure bindings 1012 treatise 697, 706, 709, 718 Treaty of 817 1342 Treaty of Meaux 846 Trebbia 1531 Trecento 1201, 1376 – Trecento humanists 1372 – “Trecento” notation → notation (music) Tree of Death 137 Tree of Jesse 505 tree of life 116 tree-diagram 425 tremissis 1262, 1274–1275 Trent 1771 trepanation 359 Treuchtlingen 1692 treuga Dei 1693 trial by ordeal 944 tribute 285 tricks 947, 949–950 Trier (also: Trèves) 1530, 1794 triforium 65 trilingual 143 trinions 1000 Trinitarian 613 Trinity 619–620, 622, 625–626, 671 trinket boxes 719 trinoda necessitas 1530

General Index

Tripoli 1752 triquetrum (also: Dreistab) 127 trivial 1244 trivium 117, 121, 180, 397–399, 1252, 1393, 1727, 1731 trobar → troubadour Trojan 1172 – Trojan war 893, 1172 tropes 1197 troubadour (also: trobador; trobairitz; trouvère) 296, 477, 871, 889–890, 892, 903, 908–911, 914–915, 926, 1199 – trobar clus 889 – trobar leu 889 – trobar ric 889 – trobar 1198 – trouvère songs 911 – troubadour poetry 888–891 – troubadour poets 1365 trousers 419 trouthe 575, 577 trouvère → troubadour Troyes Cathedral 516 Troyes 1047, 1266 truss 71 Tuatha Dé Danann 441–442 Tuchin 1488, 1496–1497, 1499, 1504, 1509 Tudela 244 Tudor 70 – Tudor inventories 298 – Tudor roses 298 tumuli → barrows tunic 416, 420, 426 Tunis 1702 Tunisia 1686 tunnel vaults → masonry vaults Turkey 1612 Turkish 826, 832, 992 Turks 124 Tuscany 839, 1279 twelfth century Renaissance 892, 1474, 1476 Twelve Days of Christmas 596 twerc 362 Twrch Trwyth 446 Tylwyth Teg 441, 446 tympanum 99

2217

typikon 639 tyranny 1492–1493 Tyre 1618, 1752 Tyrol 1689 Ukrainian 822 ulama 272 Ulster cycle 442 Ulstermen 442 ultramontanes 1727 Umayyad 289, 499, 747–748, 1104, 1614 – Umayyad Caliphate 113, 1743 Umbria 1362 umilitas → humilitas Unde vi 847 underclothes (also: undergarments; undershirt) 415, 418, 420 undercrofts 74–75 underworld 452 undines 110 unicorn (also: monoceras) 39–40, 715 uniformity (uniformitas) 1116, 1123 unit 1224, 1229, 1232 – unit of measurement 1208, 1219, 1224–1225, 1228–1231 – unit of quanity 1226 – units of weight 1231 unity (unitas) 1123 – unity of the senses 1567–1568 universal 1732 – universal authority 1372 – universal chronicles 1220 – universal Church 1359 – universal history 884 – universal perspective 1325 – universal realities 1373 – universal rights 1372 – universalism 1362 universitas mercatorum 1708 university (also: universitas) 390, 591, 991, 1001, 1005, 1010, 1017, 1127–1128, 1325, 1331, 1360–1362, 1372, 1393, 1680, 1705, 1708, 1710–1711, 1713, 1717–1718, 1721 – universitas citramontanorum 1712 – universitas magistrorum et scholarium 1708, 1712 – universitas mercatorum 1526

2218

General Index

– universitas scholarium 1708 – universitas ultramontanorum 1712 – universitas movement 1719 – university circles 1373 – University College, Oxford 1717 – university communities 1361 – university enterprise 1361 – university lecture 212 – university movement 1327, 1361 – University of Bologna 298 – University of Oxford 126 – University of Padua 127 – University of Paris 295–296, 1006, 1331, 1361, 1779 – university system 1331 Uppsala 1720 urban 479 – urban artisans 1574 – urban chancelleries 201 – urban citizenry 187, 193 – urban designs 1574 – urban elite 1054–1055 – urban fringe groups 187 – urban historiography 201 – urban law 192 – urban leagues 1492 – urban processions 648 – urban space 1573 – urbanization 296 urine analysis 983 urology 986 uroscopy 729 Ursa Major 127 usury laws 1155, 1160 usury 506, 1159, 1369, 1379 usus pauper 1131 uterine vellum 1000 Utica 1173 utopia 1101 – utopianism 1096 Utrecht 194 vagabonding 1410 Valencia 239–243, 246, 249–250, 254–255, 270–271, 274 Valenciennes 1398 valensa 912

Valentine’s Day 548 validity 1209 Valladolid 391, 1718 Vallumbrosans 1127 valor 910 Vandal (also: Vandals; Vandalic) 279, 385, 815 – Vandal Africa 1262 vanir 438 vanity 303 Vannetais → Gwenedeg Varangians 1746 – Varangian Guard 1746 variance 869 Vasa 1621 Vascones 833 vassal 287, 465, 468 Vatican 1338 vavasour → ministerial Vé 381 vegetables 309 vellum 999 velvet 427 Vendômois 468 venerate (also: veneration) 640, 643, 645 – veneration of icons 643 – veneration of images 642 venery 26 Venetian (also: Venice) 191, 298, 393, 776, 852, 1043, 1046–1052, 1055, 1147, 1267–1270, 1305, 1614, 1617–1618, 1620, 1640, 1682, 1699 – Venetian cloth of silver 423 – Venetian ships 1617 venison 1574 venom 985–986 Vepkhistqaosani 832 Vercelli 391 vermin 702, 709 vernacular 203–204, 226, 994, 1005, 1372 – vernacular anti-Roman texts 1365 – vernacular Bible translation 143, 1364 – vernacular Bible versions 136 – vernacular compositions 1372 – vernacular language 142, 1372 – vernacular literacy 203 – vernacular literature 295–296, 1364

General Index

– vernacular manusripts 1018 – vernacular pamphlets 1375 – vernacular scriptural translation 136 – vernacular translation 137 Verneuil 1775 Verona 387, 1201, 1640 verse 864–865, 882, 895–896 – verse adaptations 139 – verse bible epitomes 1017 – verse writing 591 versiprosa 865 vespers → Divine Office vessels 303 Vexin 1517 Vézelay 63, 1444, 1587 Via Appia 1512 Via Aurelia 1512 Via Cassia 1512 Via Claudia 1512 Via Flaminia 1512, 1514 Via Julia Augusta 1512 viande 484 vicars 174 Vicenza 391, 1498, 1717, 1720 victory 284, 290 vidas 871, 1200 Vienna 124, 523–524, 1687, 1719, 1723, 1728–1729 Vienne 1531 Viking 94, 283–285, 511, 687, 704, 814, 1043, 1278, 1343–1344, 1515, 1581–1582, 1623–1624, 1693, 1698, 1737, 1746, 1764 – Viking invaders 285 – Viking invasions 284 – Viking piracy 1043 – Viking ship 1623 Vili 381 village society 939 villas 284 villenage 853 Vilnius 712 Vincennes 1765 vineyards 481 Vinland 1623 Violence 1463 virago 183 Virgatumgehen 394

2219

Virgilian 1384 virginity (also: virgin) 182, 1544 virtue 288, 1042, 1544 virtues and vices 1782 virtuosity (also: pretz) 910 virtus 326, 1550 Visigothic (also: Visigoths) 279, 281, 289, 802–803, 815, 840, 1103, 1262, 1460, 1467 – Visigothic Arianism 759 – Visigothic Arians 504 – Visigothic Iberia 1342 – Visigothic Minuscule 1014 – Visigothic rulers 1743 – Visigothic Spain 1271 vision 645, 651, 949–950, 1562, 1566, 1571 – vision literature 661 visual – visual deception 947 – visual language 989 – visual narratives 295 – visual perception 980 – visual performance 287 vita apostolica 1439 vita canonica 1113 vita communis 1116 vita monastica 1113 vita regularis 1113 vita religiosa 1113, 1127, 1133 Vivarium 386, 1115 Vogt (sing.), Vögte (pl.) 861 volcano 1639 – volcanic eruption 1638–1639 vota substantialia 1116 – conversatio morum 1116 – oboedientia 1116 – stabilitas loci 1116, 1127 vox 1189 vulgus 1497 vulture 1560 wager of battle 849 wages 1160 Waghen 854 Waldensian 139, 178, 496, 528, 1130, 1330, 1363–1364, 1367, 1415, 1439, 1441,

2220

General Index

1443, 1446, 1460–1462, 1472, 1474, 1591, 1596 Wales 543, 678, 1388 Walloon 801 wandering bandsmen 200 war 282, 289, 600, 1735 – warhorse 688 – war machines 950 – war warfare 1635 wardrobe accounts 417, 421–422, 428 Warkworth 1529 warrens 708, 1536 warrior 278, 282–283, 288, 290 – warrior society 282 Wasserburg am Inn 1083 waste 198, 406, 413–414 water 309 – waterfowl 702 – waterpower 1767 Watling Street 1525, 1532 wattle 59 Waverley 1123 Wawel Cathedral, Cracow 327 wealth (also: wealthy) 287, 294, 296–297 weapon (also: weaponry) 287, 297, 303, 689, 698–699, 705, 709, 1042 Wearmouth-Jarrow 73, 93, 386, 1335 weasels 701 weather 946, 1787 weave (also: weaving) 419 weddings 597 weight 1003, 1224 Weil der Stadt 1069, 1075–1076, 1090 Weißenburg 1692 Weisthümer 861 welfare feudalism 853 well poisoning 1478 Welsh 717, 816 Wendish 822 werewolf 38 Wessex 284 West Central German 812 West Low Franconian 810 West Saxon 283–284, 1265 Western church 1363 Western civilization 1329, 1333, 1336–1337 Western culture 1355

Western Europe 1343 western fashion system 418 Westminster 1121, 1573 – Westminster Abbey 1135 – Westminster Hall 71 Westphalia 811 Wetzlar 1069, 1082 – Wetzlar cubit 1082 whale 708 wheat 189 Whitby 386 white bread 309 White Company 1747 White Ship Disaster 1693 White Stag 26 White Tower 290, 1765 Whitsunday 1671 Whore of Babylon → Roman Church Wiccean 940 widows 1409 Wienhausen 904 wild animal hunts 588 wild boar 702, 1561 wild folk (also: Wilde Leute) 373, 377–378, 524 wild host 1795 wild hunt 451, 717, 1794 wild man 378, 521–522 wild pigs 705 wild women (also: Wilde Weiber) 378, 1795 Wilde Leute → wild folk Wilde Weiber → wild women wildfowl 700 Wiltshire 854 Wimbourne 93 Winchelsea 1625 Winchester 96, 1195, 1272 – Winchester School 96 Windsor Park 692 wine 309, 1042–1043, 1049, 1573–1574 Wingham 854 winter 610 – winter sports 609 Wisby 1770 wisdom 281 witch 220, 434, 458–459, 946, 1654, 1786

General Index

– witch craze 952, 1792 – witch hunt 346, 1792 – witch trials 1787, 1805 – witchcraft 28, 219, 459–462, 945, 952, 1786 – witches’ flight 1786 Witengemote 840 Wodan → Odin Wolf 24, 28–29, 32, 36–38, 699, 702, 709, 721 wood 33, 1041 – woodblock illustrations 1018 – woodblock 606 – woodcuts 1009 – woodland 1536 wooing song 916 wool 425, 1041, 1050 – woolen hose 421 – wool-mistress 175 workshops 1005, 1009 world upside-down (also: mundus inversus) 717 worms 23, 91, 1728 worship 640, 645 wounds 724, 729 wrath 590 wrestling 584, 588, 592–593, 596, 608–609 – wrestling bouts 609 writing 396, 1002 – writing practices 1205, 1218 – writing traditions 1218 written documents 1207 Württemberg 861 Würzburg 1526, 1528, 1530 – Würzburg cubit 1072 Wusun 676 xenophobic 1051 Xhosa Cattle-Slaying 1097

Xiongnu 676 xucuri 832 Y2K 1098 Yangzhou 1700 Yassi Ada 1616 – Yassi Ada shipwreck 1612 Yawm ad-Din 1104 Yawm al-Qiyāmah 1104 Y-chromosomal features 676 yeomen halls 74 Yersinia pestis 734, 996 Yiddish 813, 827 – Eastern Yiddish 813 – Western Yiddish 813 Ymir 381 Yom Kippur 785 York 92, 94, 506–507, 1043, 1272, 1581 Younger Futhark 813, 881 youthfulness (also: joven) 910 Ypres 1496, 1498 yuga 1096 Yule 357–358 Zahlenkampfspiel → rithmomachy Zaragoza 239, 255–256 Zealots 1097, 1102 zebra 64 Zeitgeist 1706 zigzags 1514 Zionism 741 zodiac 116 – zodiacal configurations 983 – zodiacal signs 129 zoos 708 Zoroastrian 655 Zurich 197, 532 Zytglogge 1570

2221

Index of Works In the index of works every title is listed systematically by the first letter, whether this might be a noun, an article, or a preposition. Hence, as strange as it might seem at first, “De Architectura” is listed under the letter D and “The Wife’s Lament” appears under the letter T. To avoid confusion, no title has been italicized since it is not always clear whether a work is to be regarded as an independent creation of longer proportions (romance) or only as a poem, a play, or a short treatise. Capitalization of Latin titles varies, depending on the way how the individual authors have spelled them. Modern works, even though at times important for the overall argument, such as Monty Python and the Holy Grail or Tolkien’s Lord of the Rings, are not included here. Names of authors or poets are deliberately not included here; the reader can find them in the respective articles. In some cases I have added the English translation of a work because it is well known and usually referred to in that language. But I did not and could not aim for consistency.

A bok of sweuenyng 344 A chantar m’er de so q’ieu no volria 912 A Disputacioun betwixt þe Body and Worms 1645 A i discreti lettori 1222 A Knight’s Tale 606 A Midsummer Night’s Dream 440, 447, 457 Aachen Gospels 173 Ab ioi et ab ioven m’apais 912 Ab lo cor trist environat d’esmay 913 Ab urbe condita libri (The History of Rome) 874, 1295 Abbreviatio in gestis et miraculis sanctorum 1548, 1652 About Magic 938 Abrogans 812 Acta Sanctorum 1549 Acts of the Apostles 145, 951 Ad abolendam 1472 Ad extirpenda 1473 Ad liberandam 1589 Ad reprimendum 852 Ad Romanum Romanae Curiae Subdiaconum 321 Admonitio generalis 343, 387, 1062, 1598, 1809 Admonitio morienti et de peccatis suis nimium formidanti 323 Adversos Jovinianum 527 Adversus Haereses (Against Heresies) 107, 1391 Advision Cristine 299

Ælfric’s Glossary 432, 435 Aeneid 340, 720, 891–892, 1008, 1013 Aesclepius 115 Affected Parts 969 Affections 970 Against Celsus 939 Against the Inveterate Obstinacy of the Jews 505 Against the Jews 504–506 Ain New geordnet Rechen biechlin 1215 Airs, Waters and Places 960, 970–971 Aisling Oengusa 441 Aithbe damsa bés mara 1669 Alaric’s Breviary 838 Albani Psalter 516 Alexanderlied 454 Alexiad 824, 879, 1738 Alfonsine Tables 123 al-Fusul fi al-Hisab al Hindi 1241 Algorismus vulgaris 1214, 1241–1242 Aliae species deriuatiuorum numerorum 1253 Aliscans 354, 375, 888 al-Jabr w’al Muqābalah 1214, 1241 Allegory and Effects of Good and Bad Government 1397 Alliterative Morte Arthure 544 Almagest 105, 123, 260, 262, 400 al-Qānūn fī al-ibb (Qanun) 1287 Altram Tige dá Medar 441 Alvíssmál 367, 438–439 Amadas et Ydoine 449 Amicus and Amelius 928

Index of Works

Amis and Amiloun 568, 572–573, 575, 577, 928 Amores 1307–1308 Amorosa visione 891 Amors, que porra devenir 915 Amos 713 An Accursed Race 1638 An introduction of Algorisme: to learn to reckon wyth the Pen or wyth the Counters 1243 Analecta Bollandiana 663 Analetica numerorum 1257 Anatomy for Beginners 969 Ancient Medicine 970 Ancor che l’aigua per lo foco lasse 920 Ancrene Wisse 1035 Anecdotes historique 844 Anelida and Arcite 891 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 436, 540, 798, 807, 881, 1624 Annales 1645 Annales Cambriae 1640 Annales Stadenses 409 Annals of Inisfallen 1665 Annals of the Four Masters 1746 Antapodosis 617 Anthill 1810 Antony and Cleopatra 457 Antwerp-London Glossary 435 Aphorismi (Aphorisms) 400, 970–971, 992, 1288 Apocalypse of Baruch 661 Apocalypse of St. Paul 661, 670 Apocalypse of St. Peter 661 Apocalypse of the Virgin 661 Apocalypse of Zephaniah, the Book of Enoch 660 Apocalypse Tapestry 1398 Apocrypha 1555 Apologeticus pro Christianis 1392 Apophthegmata Patrum (Sayings of the Desert Fathers) 1114 Apostles’ Creed → Symbolum Apostolorum Apparatus 469 Appendix Virgiliana 1383 Aristandros and Kallithea 880 Arithmetica decem libris demonstrata 1248

2223

Arithmetica 1236 Ars amatoria 720, 920 Ars Grammatica 398 Ars Medica 400 Ars moriendi 229–230, 735 Ars poetica 1292, 1298, 1569 Arte & Crafte to Knowe Well to Dye 735 Arte Cisoria o tratado dell’arte de cortar del Culchillo 486 Arte para bien leer y escribir 886 Articella 400, 992 As You Like It 1281, 1320–1322 Aspremont 887 At em al freg tems vengut 911 Athanasian Creed 658 Auberi le Bourgoing 353–354 Aucassin and Nicolette 155, 481, 896, 928 Aurora 141–142, 1017 Austrfararvísur 439 Authentic Habita 1710 Authenticum 469, 838 Auto de los reyes magos (The Play of the Magi Kings) 898 Avicenna Latinus 1287 Avicenna’s Canon 995 Aymeri de Narbonne 888 Bald’s Leechbook 434 Ballad of the Hanged Men 892 Ballade des pendus 892 Bamberg antidotarium 974 Bárðar saga Snæfelsáss 381 Baruch 140 Basel Epigram 823 Basilica 1626 Baška Stone Tablet 821 Bataille Loquifer 353–354 Battle of Catraeth 688 Battle of Maldon 1738, 1743 Bayeux Tapestry 610, 1624 Beatitudes 1364 Behende vnd hubsche Rechenung auff allen Kauffmanschafft 1243 Belthandros and Chrysantza 880 Benedictus Deus 671 Beowulf 42, 74, 284–285, 379–380, 432–433, 436, 566, 694, 807, 865, 881, 887, 1168,

2224

Index of Works

1170, 1176–1177, 1182, 1281, 1285–1286, 1399, 1539, 1636, 1650–1651, 1755–1756 Berthe aux grands pieds (Bertha Broadfoot) 887 Bestiaire d’amour 1560 Bible Historiale 142 Bible moralisée 507, 520, 531, 604, 716 Bible 23, 28, 51, 104, 115, 402, 502, 614, 714, 815, 844, 872, 875–878, 892, 896–898, 1289, 1299, 1390, 1392, 1402 – Acre Bible 142 – Alba Bible 144 – Augsburg Bible 139 – Geneva Bible 1217 – Greek Old Testament 135 – Hebrew Bible 1324 – Hebrew Old Testament 135, 144 – Hebrew Scriptures 713, 719 – Hussite Bible 830 – Latin Vulgate (also: Vulgate Bible; Vulgata) 134–137, 142, 144, 527, 797–798, 1289, 1341, 1392 – New Testament 134, 144–145, 505, 528, 714, 716, 824, 886, 1217, 1324, 1368, 1390, 1404 – Old Latin (Vetus Latina) 135 – Old Testament 84, 134–135, 139–140, 144–145, 436, 503, 505, 507, 654, 886, 1163, 1664 – Old Testament Apocrypha 115 – Oxford Bible 531 – Vulgate Psalms 759 – Vulgate Scriptures 145 – Wenzel Bible (also: Wenceslas Bible) 139 – Winchester Bible 185 – Wycliffite Bible 140 Bisclavret 449 Biskupasögur 342 Boece 574, 576, 1569 Boeve de Haumtone 353–354 Boke of Curtasye 486 Bonus Socius 599 Book of Armagh 819 Book of Ceremonies 633 Book of Chivalry 163 Book of Daniel 107, 499 Book of Dede Korkut 833

Book of Deer 820 Book of Figures 532 Book of Formation → Sefer Yetzirah Book of Genesis 139, 1648 Book of Job 1017 Book of Kells 176, 522 Book of Knighthood and Chivalry 675 Book of Leinster 442, 819 Book of Margery Kempe 222 Book of Marvels 524 Book of Revelation → Revelation Book of the Courtier 598 Book of the Duchess 341, 578, 891, 1306, 1570 Book of the Dun Cow 819 Book of Wisdom 1255 Book on the Order of Chivalry 163 Branwen daughter of Llŷr (Branwen ferch Llŷr) 445 Breuddwyd Macsen Wledig 446 Breuddwyd Rhonabwy 373, 446 Breviari d’amor 925 Breviario Sunni (Segovian Book) 275 Breviary of Charles the Bold and Margaret of York 1399 Brevis ordinacio de predicacione crucis 1601 Brevis Summula Proportionum 1251 Britannia’s Pastorals 463 Britton 846 Brut 436, 894, 1018 Bruxelles antidotarium 974 Buch von den Wienern 301 Bucolicum carmen 891 Buxheimer Orgelbuch 1203 Caedmon’s Hymn 881, 887 Cain and Abel 773 Cáin Lánamna 901 Calculus 1221 Cambridge Songs 907 Cançon ferai molt maris 915 Canon 67 1369 Canon 68 1369 Canon 69 1369 Canon 70 1369 Canon Episcopi 1794, 1808 Canon of Medicine 728 Cant spiritual 893

Index of Works

Canterbury Psalter 522 Cantigas de Santa Maria 556, 593–594, 605, 1199, 1695 Cantilena 829 Cantilène de Sainte-Eulalie 883, 887 Cants d’amor 893 Cants de mort 893 Canzoniere (Song Book) 890–891, 919 Capitulare de Villis (Capitulary of Manors and Farms) 555, 1773 Capitulla 877 Carmen de algorismo 1214, 1240, 1242 Carmen de virginitate 435 Carmina Burana 587, 593, 798, 907 Carmina cantabrigiensia 907 Carmina 878 Carta caritatis 1122 Castle of Perseverance 899 Categoriae decem (Categories) 399, 1245–1247 Cath Maige Tuired Chonga 441 Catherine, Called Birdy 731 Catholicon 818 Catilinae coniuratio 527 Causes and Symptoms of Diseases 969, 971 Cent Nouvelles Nouvelles 934 Champfleury 886 Chançons royaulx 226 Chanson d’Antioche (Song of Antioch) 500–501, 888, 1400 Chanson de la Croisade Albigeoise 496 Chanson de Roland (Song of Roland) 170, 182, 472, 490, 501, 566–567, 599, 694, 801, 864, 887, 903, 1515, 1692, 1738–1739, 1774 Chanson de Saisnes 887, 893 Chansons de Geste 501, 512 Chanteir m’estuet por la plux belle 915 Charter of Lorris 192 Chasse 718 Chaucers wordes unto Adam, his owne scriveyn 868 Children’s Games 597 Chirurgia Magna 728 Chirurgia 983 Christ and Satan 140

2225

Christiana religio 1264 Chronica de gestis consulum Andegavorum 288 Chronica majora 523, 609, 662, 1392 Chronica sive Historia de duabus civitatibus 1666 Chrónica 1749 Chronicle of Theophanes 1611 Chronicles of Alfonso III 290 Chronicles of Fredegarius 1667 Chronicon Anglicanum 451, 662 Chronicon centulense 667 Chronicon novaliciense 1552 Chronique 211 Chroniques 866, 1304 Chronographia 880 Chronographiai (Chronicle) 880 Circa instans 985 City of God 115, 660, 672, 1168–1170, 1173, 1657 Civis Bononiae 599 Claris et Laris 448 Clementine Decretals 402 Clericis Laicos 1374–1375, 1462 Cligés 40, 607, 894, 1805 Close Rolls 792 CMG 962 Coan Prognoses 970 Codex Abrogans 882 Codex Argenteus (Silver Bible) 136, 815 Codex Fuldensis 136–138 Codex Iustinianus 840, 842 Codex Manesse 25, 601, 719, 812, 904 Codex Regius 438 Codex Secundus 842 Codex Sinaiticus 1002 Codex Wirceburgensis 819 Coimpert Mongáin 443 Collectio canonum 842 Collectio hispana chronologica 839 Collectio hispana systematica 839 Collectio Salernitana 958 Collectio tripartita 842 Collection des médecins grecs 958 Collection in Seventy–Four Titles 842

2226

Index of Works

Colloquies 610 Comedy of Errors 457 Commedia 667 Commentarii in Gerberti regulas de numerorum abaci rationibus 1238 Commentary on Daniel 1105 Commentary on Plato’s Timaeus 329, 333 Commentary on the Dream of Scipio 329, 333 Commentary on the Liber Extra 845 Compendium Historiae in Genealogia Christi 142, 999 Compendium Numerorum mysteria 1257 Compendium studii 846 Complaint to his Purse 1277 Computus 1235, 1240 Concerning Monarchy → De monarchia Conciliator differentiarum quae inter philosophos et medicos versantur 994, 1303 Concordantiae Caritatis 410 Concordat of Worms 1456 Concordia discordantium canonum 843 Confessio Amantis 541, 934, 1298 Confessio philosophi 1209, 1247 Confessiones (Confessions) 120, 221, 321, 877, 941, 1023, 1025–1026, 1028, 1295–1296, 1392, 1658 Constitution of Melfi 987 Constitutiones Clementinae 851 Constitutions of Farfa 407 Consuetudines of Hirsau 407 Consulat del Mar (1370) 1627 Continuation 607 Contra academicos (Against the Academicians) 877 Contra Petrobrusianos 1439 Contra sectam siue haeresim Saracenorum 503 Contra Symmachum 837 Conversi estis 857 Conversion to Islam in the Medieval Period 750 Corpus agrimsensorum 1233 Corpus Aristotelicum 1304 Corpus Hermeticum (Hermetic corpus) 114–115 Corpus Hippocraticum 970, 975, 982 Corpus iuris canonici 402, 851

Corpus iuris civilis 402, 474, 838, 1432 Corpus medicorum Graecorum (CMG) 959 Corpusmedicorum Latinorum 959 Corrector 841, 1794, 1796 Cosmographia 1523 counting 1247 Courtiers’ Trifles → De nugis curialium Coutumes de Beauvaisis (1283) 474, 847, 1488, 1517 Coutumes de Pamiers 846 Crafte of Nombrynge 1242 Crises 970–971 Critical Days 971 Cronaca fiorentina di Marchionne di Coppo Stefani 1283 Cronicles 1401 Culhwch ac Olwen 373, 446 Culhwch and Olwen 1737 Cur Deus homo 622, 1392 Custumal of Syon Monastery 176 Cyfranc Lludd a Llefelys 446 Cymbeline 457 Cynegeticus 706 Dactylonomia 1237 Daemonologie 459 Dagger of the Faith → Pugio Fidei Dame, ains ke je voise en ma contree 915 Daniel 140, 1295 Das Bamberger Rechenbuch 1243 Das Buch von Guter Spiese 485 Das Büchlein der ewigen Weisheit 1678 Das goldene Spiel (The Golden Game) 589 Das Narrenschiff 424 Das Wessobrunner Gebet 882 De abaco 1239–1240 De aeternitate mundi 885 De amicitia 565–566, 569, 571, 576 De amore Dei 1392 De amore 228, 528, 920 De anima (On the Soul) 884, 1287, 1568–1569 De anima intellectiva 885 De Anima 1677 De animalibus (On Animals) 25, 693 De arca Noe 616 De architectura 1676 De arithmetica 1214, 1221, 1249

Index of Works

De arte bersandi 706 De arte venandi cum avibus (On the Art of Hunting with Birds) 26, 49, 585, 706 De avaritia 1053 De baptismo 1392 De beata vita (The Happy Life) 877 De bello gallico (The Gallic War) 880 De bello, De represaliis 852 De caelo 1661 De calculatione 1239 De Chophur in dá Muccida 442 De civitate Dei (The City of God) 877, 941, 1103, 1296, 1392, 1736 De compositione medicamentorum per genera (On the Composition of Medicines by Types) 987 De computo vel loquela digitorum 1237 De compvto 1252, 1258 De consideratione (On Consideration) 618, 620, 1365, 1392 De consolatione philosophiae (The Consolation of Philosophy) 95, 284, 340, 566, 817, 880-881, 892, 896, 1025, 1028, 1293–1294, 1560, 1569, 1658 De contemptu mundi; sive, de miseria humanae conditionis 321, 515, 1297–1298 De cultu suo 1383 De curis mulierum 400 De cursu stellarum 878 De differentiis rerum 620 De differentis verborum 1392 De dissensionibus filiorum Ludovici pii 883 De divinatio daemonum 941, 1794 De divinatione 107 De divisione 1238 De divortio Lotharii et Teutbergae 944 De doctrina christiana (On Christian Doctrine) 386, 660, 664, 941, 1256, 1392 De dono perseverantiae 616 De duello 852 De ecclesasticis disciplines 1794 De ecclesia Parisiaca 877 De ecclesiasticis officiis 1392 De ecclesiis et capellis 879 De elegantiis Latinae linguae 885 De elementis arithmetice artis 1240, 1244 De ente et essentia 885, 1393

2227

De excidio et conquestu Britanniae 437, 1745 De feudis 469 De fide Orientalium 1392 De fide sanctae et individuae trinitatis 620 De figuris numerorum 1212, 1215 De genesi ad litteram 331, 1296 De genesi contra Manichaeos 1296 De gradibus superbiae 1392 De grammatico 1392 De gubernatione Dei 617 De homagiis et roydis 469 De homine 1392 De hominibus illustribus 877 De idolatria 1392 De incarnatione 1392 De ingenio sanitatis 400 De institutione arithmetica 1244, 1248, 1250, 1255 De institutione musica 1188, 1221, 1250 De inventione linguarum 1216 De itinerarium mentis in deum 1245 De jure artis alchemicae 104 De laude novae militae 1125, 1392, 1587, 1775 De laude sanctorum 1552 De laudibus divinae sapientiae 587 De legibus et consuetudinibus Angliae 846 De libero arbitrio (On Free Will) 877, 1392 De lingua latina 1253 De litteris colendis 387 De magistro (On the Teacher) 877 De materia medica 763, 962, 969, 974, 976, 978, 980, 996 De medicina equorum 693 De memoria et reminiscentia 1023 De militia 169 De mirabile potestate artis et naturae 947 De miseria 1298 De monarchia (Concerning Monarchy) 1373 De moneta 1276 De moribus et actis primorum Normanniae ducum 473 De moribus et disciplina humanae conversationis 606 De mortalitate 320 De mortis inevitabili necessitate 321 De mundi opificio 1256 De musica 1245, 1250–1251

2228

Index of Works

De musica cum tonario 1194 De mutatione vitae 1305 De mysteriis 1392 De natura animalium 1308 De natura boni 1392 De natura hominis 991 De natura rerum 587, 1392 De nugis curialium (Courtiers’ Trifles) 41, 450 De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii (The Marriage of Mercury and Philology) 128, 385, 397, 1017 De occulta philosophia libri tres 102 De officiis 837 De officiis ministrorum 837 De ordine palatii 879 De orthographia Bohemica 823 De otia machometi 502 De philosophia mundi 334 De practica geometrie 1242 De praedestinatione Dei et libero arbitrio 879 De praedicatione crucis 1435, 1445, 1585 De praestigiis daemonum 1810 De preceptis artis musicae libellus 1251 De principiis 1392 De proprietatibus rerum (On the Properties of Things) 337, 339, 539, 1564 De quatuor modis quibus significationes numerorum aperiuntur 1257 De quatuor virtutibus quae fuerunt in beata Maria 622 De ratione animae 1400 De re militari 215, 1740, 1741, 1759 De re publica 1295, 1675 De reductione artium ad theologiam 1393 De regimine principum 215, 1561 De regis persona et regio ministerio 879 De regno 1393 De remediis utriusque fortunae 588, 885 De rerum naturis (On the Nature of Things) 879, 1295 De retardatione accidentium senectutis 1288 De sacramentis 1392 De sacramentis Christianae fidei 615, 621 De sacramentis legis naturalis et scriptae 615 De sacramentis numerorum 1257

De sancta trinitate Dei et operibus eius 625 De somno et vigilia 337 De spiritali amicitia 566, 569 De spiritu et anima 334 De spiritu sancto 1392 De synodis 1392 De taxone 960 De tegni 992 De temporibus 1665 De temporum ratione 1212, 1235, 1237, 1253, 1665, 1674 De trinitate (On Trinity) 618, 621, 880, 1245–1247, 1255 De unitate intellectus 1392–1393 De universo 588 De veritate 1392 De vetula 1305, 1315 De victoria verbi Dei 622 De viri illustribus (On Illustrious Men) 877, 885 De vita sua sive monodiarum suarum libri tres 221 De vocatione omnium gentium (The Calling of All Nations) 877 De vulgari eloquentia (On Eloquence in the Vernacular) 799, 890, 919 Decameron 200, 408–409, 717–718, 733, 891–892, 896, 930, 1306, 1417, 1533, 1537, 1644, 1648 Decretales extravagantes (Decretals) 845, 1017 Decretorum libri viginti 431 Decretum 402 Decretum Gratiani 343, 345, 1710 Deeds of Arms and Chivalry 163 Defender of the Peace → Defensor pacis Défense et illustration de la langue française 886 Defensor pacis (Defender of the Peace) 1373, 1447–1448, 1491 Demands pour la joute, les tournois, et la guerre (Questions on the Joust, Tournaments, and War) 163, 167 Demon Lovers 1806 Demonstratio evangelica 1392 Dentition 970

Index of Works

Der Ackermann aus Böhmen (The Plowman from Bohemia) 931 Der arme Heinrich 156, 1415, 1540, 1690 Der helnden minne ir klage 916 Der Münchener Nachtsegen 454 Der Ring 409, 931, 1805 Der Ritter unterm Zuber 949 Descent of the Holy Ghost 1397 Descriptio Ambonis 647 Description of London 587, 610 Deus amanz 927 Deuteronomy 134, 254, 330, 1101 Devonshire Hunting Tapestries 1398 Dialectica 884 Dialogi (Dialogues) 335, 340, 1116 Dialogi contra Iudaeos (Dialogues against the Jews) 266, 502 Dialogi de Vita et Miraculis patrum Italicorum 1548 Diálogo de la Lengua 886 Dialogue between a philosopher, a Jew, and a Christian 214 Dialogue of the Exchequer → Dialogus de scaccario Dialogues → Dialogi Dialogues against the Jews → Dialogi contra Iudaeos Dialogus de scaccario (Dialogue of the Exchequer) 587, 691, 1210, 1236 Dialogus miraculorum 317, 1548, 1590, 1652 Diatessaron 134, 137–138, 883 Dictatus Papae (Statements of the Pope) 1354, 1456, 1462 Didache 839 Didascalia apostolorum 839 Didascalicon de studio legendi 146, 592, 618, 1448, 1706 Die Jagd 720 Die Kinder von Limburg 1805 Differences of Fevers 969 Differentiae 1174 Digenis Akritas 880 Digest 1017 Dionysiana 839, 841 Directorium ad Passagium Faciendum 826 Disciplina Clericalis 591 Discoverie of Witchcraft 459, 947

2229

Discworld 350 Diseases 970–971 Disticha cantonis 335 Distichs 398 Distinctions 219 Dit des avocats 844 Diu Crône 377, 947 Diu werlt was gelf, rôt unde blâ 47 Div Chlage → Nibelungenklage Divina Commedia (The Divine Comedy) 32, 38, 123, 143, 341, 410, 510, 543, 547, 552, 561, 654, 662, 890–892, 1088, 1371, 1698 Dixit Algorismi (Dixit Algorizmi) 1214, 1240 Diyenís Akrítis 824 Doctrinale Puerorum 398 Doctrine of Jacob Recently Baptized 499 Domesday Book 291, 436 Dominus his opus habet 857 Don Quixote 171 Donation of Constantine 240, 1338 Donation of Pepin 1338 Doon de Mayence 888 Dragmaticon 334 Dream of the King → Somme le roi Dream of the Rood 140 Dresdner Heldenbuch 363–364 Drosilla and Charikles 880 Du fait de cuisine 483 Du pâté et de la tarte 479 Dukus Horant 813 Duo est 838 Eadwine Psalter 143 Easter Gospel or Pericope 826 Ebstorfer Weltkarte 1532 Ecbasis captivi 29, 38 Ecclesiastes 330, 596 Ecclesiastical History 1336 Echtra Conli 444 Echtra Cormaic maic Airt 444 Echtra Thaidhg meic Céin 444 Eckenlied 364, 377 Eclogues 550, 559, 1295 Ectors saga 372 Edict of Rothari 840 Edict of Thessalonica 107

2230

Index of Works

Edictum Pistense 840 Education of the Orator 1237 Efodia 993 Ein frouwe sprach: myn falcke ist mir enphlogen 48 Einhard (775–840) 569 Eisagoge 634 El Cantar de Myo Çid → El Poema de Mio Cid El Conde Lucanor 804 El libro de buen amor 1533 El Poema de Mio Cid (The Poem of the Cid; El Cantar de Myo Çid) 804, 888, 903, 1739 Elbing Vocabulary 823 Ełc ałandocʿ 825 Elder Edda 438 Elegiae in Maecenatem 1383 Elegies 1293–1294, 1298 Elements 123, 262, 1244, 1248 Eliduc 927 Elie de St. Gille 353–354 Eloge de la variante 871 Elucidarium 334, 619, 625, 904 Emeis 1810 En greu esmay et en greu pessamen 912 Enarratio in Psalmum 48 320 Enchiridion Juris Scripti Galliae Moribus et Consuetudinibus Recepti 859 Eneit 905 Enfances Ogier (Ogier’s Youth) 888 Engelhard 928 English and Scottish Popular Ballads 452 Envoy to Scogan 573 Eochaid 442 Epanagoge 634 Ephesians 107, 1321 Epidemics 970–971 Epigrammata 877 Epigrams 1383 Épinal-Erfurt Glossary 807 Epistle to the Colossians 1321 Epistle to the Romans 505 Epistola ad Grimaldum 618 Epistola ad Michahelem 1194 Epistola ad Pisones 1291 Epistola de incarnatione verbi 618 Epistola de Litteris Colendis 387 Epistola metrica 226

Epistulae (Letters) 877 Epitoma Chronicon 877 Epitome medicinae 983 Epitome of Julian 838 Epodes 1788 Equitan 927 Erec 45, 355, 455, 894, 905, 925, 1533 Erec et Enide (Erec and Enide) 26, 446, 448, 607, 693, 719, 894, 909 Erfidrápa → Óláfsdrápa Errores Gazariorum 1803 Esdras 115 Establissements de Saint Louis 847 Estat ai en greu cossirier 913 Estivali sub feruore 907 Estoire de la Guerre Sainte 1752 Estoire de Merlin (The Story of Merlin) 895 Estoire del Saint Graal (The Story of the Holy Grail) 894–895 Estoire des Engleis 1400 Ethica 884 Ethics 215, 566 Etymologiae (The Etymologies; Etymologiarum sive orginum libri xx) 20–22, 24–25, 41, 216, 397, 435, 588, 878, 942, 947, 951, 1016, 1025–1026, 1168, 1173–1175, 1189, 1213, 1216, 1250, 1296, 1392, 1675, 1808 Etymologiarum sive orginum libri xx → Etymologiae Etz Hayyim (Tree of Life) 785 Europe’s Inner Demons 1806 Evagatorium 1523 Evangelienbuch 138, 883, 1731 Evangelis del Palau 144 Everyman 899 Ex herbis femininis 972, 978 Excellentium imperatorum vitae (Lives of Illustrious Emperors) 877 Excerpta ex Abbonis scolastici Floriacensis in calculum Victorii commentarii 1238 Excision of the Fetus 970 Exhortatio ad plebem christianum 1598 Exodus 140 Exordium magnum 1123 Expositio aurea super artem veterem Aristotelis (Golden Exposition of the Ancient Art of Aristotle) 885

Index of Works

2231

Expositio in Boethii libros De trinitate 1247 Expositio Problematum 1303 Expositiones visionum que fiunt in somnis ad utilitatem medicorum non modicum 345 Extravagantes Johannis XXII 402, 851 Eyrbyggja saga 383 Ezekiel 714

Fox Fables → Mishlei shu’alim Fractures 970 Frauendienst 607 Friedrich von Schwaben 1805 Fulda Diatessaron 137–138 Fuǭālat-al-Hiwan Fi Tayyibat al-Ta’am Wa-l-Alwan 486

Fabula Atellana 1292 Facetie (Facetiae) 930, 935 Faerie Queene 171, 456, 462–463 Fáfnismál 368, 372 Fais d’armes et de chevalerie 163 Faiz des Romains 1402 Fallen Bodies 1806 Farce de maître Trubert et d’Antrongnart (The Farce of Master Trubert and Antrongnart) 899 Fasciculus Morum 1032 Fazienda de Ultramar 144 Federalist Papers 1100 Fierabras 353–354, 887 Filocolo 1306, 1318 Filostrato 567, 891 Finger-Rechen-Schrift 1237 First Cleopatra Glossary 435 Fís Adamnáin 670 Fistulae 970 Five Books against Marcion 659 Flateyjarbók 365 Fleshes 970 Floire and Blancheflor 155, 928 Floovant 888 Florentina 842 Flores Chronicorum 1401, 1451 Flores Historiarum 662, 775, 780 Floris et Lyriopé 592 Flower of Battle 1783–1784 Flowing Light of the Godhead 671 Fonte Lustrale 15 Forma praedicandi 218 Forme of Cury 486 Formicarius 1798, 1810 Formula e pagëzimit 826 Fortunatus 933, 1533, 1696 Forum Iudicum 803 Four Articles of Prague 1509

Galatians 111, 1321 Galiens li Restorés 353 Gallican Psalter 135, 143 Gamelyn 541 Garin de Montglane 354 Garin le Loherain 888 Gates of Paradise 554 Gathering of Philosophers → Turba Philosophorum Gaudeamus igitur 1383 Gaufrey 353–354, 375 Gelasian Decree 1357 Genealogia deorum gentilium (On the Genealogy of the Gods of the Gentiles) 885 Genealogia regum anglorum 884 General Estoria 144 Genesis 23, 115, 117, 135, 137–139, 141, 330, 436, 614–615, 654, 668, 697, 811, 1296, 1320–1321 Gente m’est la saisons d’esté 915 Gentlemen 581 Geography 880 Geometria II 1239 Georgics 561, 1383 Georgslied 883 Gesta Danorum 885 Gesta Dei per Francos 1434 Gesta Francorum 1763 Gesta Frederici imperatoris 194, 618, 884 Gesta Hamburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum 884 Gibbons saga 369 Gilgamesh 1163 Girart de Roussillon 353–354, 471, 888 Gísla saga Súrssonar 342 Glands 970 Glanvill 846, 848 Glosas Emilianenses 833 Glossa Aurelianensis 849

2232

Index of Works

Glossa Ordinaria 143, 146, 845, 1002, 1592 Gnostic Gospels 134 Golden Ass 1789 Golden Legend → Legenda Aurea Golf Book 597, 609 Gǫngu-Hrólfs saga 369–370, 372 Gormond et Isembart 471, 888 Gospels 135, 886 Gospel of John 1738 Gospel of Luke 518, 605, 656, 1355 Gospel of Matthew 114, 714, 1294, 1324, 1640 Gospel of Nicodemus 654 Gospel of Saint Mark Silver (The Silver Mark) 1364 Gough Map 1532 Graecismus 398 Grágás 814, 1782 Gramática castellana 886 Gramática de la lengua castellana 885 Grammatica 1216 Grande Chronique de Normandie 545 Grandes Chroniques de France 1400 Greek Anthology 880 Grettis Saga 814 Grimnismál 438 Guigemar 449, 719, 927 Guillaume de Palerne (ca. 1200) 1539 Guiron le Courtois 606 Gulbenkian Apocalypse 508 Guthlac Roll 516 Guy of Warwick 452 Gylfaginning 367–368, 381, 438 Gyron le courtois 894 Hactenus magister 848 Hadriana 841 Haemorrhoids 970 halakhah 784 halakic 268 Halotti beszéd és könyörgés 830 Hamðismál 438 Hamlet 457, 581 Hammer of Witches → Malleus maleficarum Handlyng Synne 335, 1034 Hattatál 438 Haustlǫng 381 Hávamǫ́l 367

Havelok the Dane 543, 1540 Hebrew scriptures 1324 Heimskringla 342, 605, 1623 Helceph Sarracenicum 1241 Heliand 138, 811 Helmbrecht 1527 Hengham Summae 846 Henrici Cornelii Agrippae liber qvartvs De occvlta philosophia, seu de cerimonijs magicis 1304 Henry IV 457, 1774 Henry V 608 Heptameron 930, 1304, 1648 Heptateuch 139 Hereford mappa mundi 509, 1532 Hermetic corpus → Corpus Hermeticum Heroides 226 Herzeliebez frowelin 917 Herzog Ernst 905 Herzog Herpin 341 Hesperides 463 Hexameron 40 Hexapla 135, 1392 Hieronymi Chronicon 1220 Hildebrandslied 155, 297, 812, 882, 887 Hippiatrica 693 Hispana 839, 841 Historia Anglorum 1526 Historia Brittonum (The History of the Britons) 170, 437, 894, 1667 Historia calamitatum (History of My Miseries) 213, 222, 226, 389, 527, 591, 884, 925, 1360 Historia de la linda Melosina 450 Historia de regibus Gothorum, Vandalorum et Suevorum 1392 Historia destructionis Trojae (History of the Destruction of Troy) 892 Historia ecclesiastica 645, 881, 1392 Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum (The Ecclesiastical History of the English People) 340, 437, 662, 878, 1296, 1335, 1392, 1636 1675 Historia Florentini populi 885 Historia Francorum (History of the Franks) 608, 878, 1504, 1790 Historia Jerosolimitana 1444

Index of Works

Historia naturalis 24 Historia Orientalis 1445 Historia regum Britanniae (The History of the Kings of Britain) 170, 437, 894, 1172, 1313 Historia Rerum Anglicarum 451, 1669 Historia Romana 1400 Historia Scholastica 141–142, 144, 402 Historia trojana 1401 Historia 884 Historiae adversum paganos libri septem (Seven Books of History against the Pagans) 616, 881, 1667 Historiae 616–617, 1277 History of Jerusalem 1444 History of the Franks → Historia Francorum History of the Mongols 524 Ho Megala Syntaxis 105 Holy Cross Sermons 823 Homilies d’Organyà 803 Homilies on the Gospels 1578 Horologium Sapientie 1678 Hortus deliciarum 533, 1235 Hours of Jeanne d’Evreux 1399 Hours of the Virgin 1009, 1017 House of Fame 341, 891 How the Good Wife Taught Her Daughter 609 Humac Tablet 821 Humors 960, 970 Hunt of the Unicorn 1398 Hunting on the Lagoon 701 Huon of Bordeaux 353–354, 374, 447, 455, 887 Hürnen Seyfrid 364 Hvbsche and behende Rechenung auff allen Kauffmannschaft 1259 Hymelstrasz 324 Hymiskviða 382 Hysimine and Hysimines 880 Ia de chantar non degr’aver talan 912 Iarlles y Fynnon 446 Ich zôch mir einen valken 48 Il Corbaccio 341 Il Filostrato 572–573 Il Milione 1519 Il Principe (published in 1532) 1745

2233

Iliad 103 illustrations 1530 Immram Bran 443 In Octaviam 1383 In Praise of the New Knighthood 182 In Praise of the Spouse 906 Indiculus superstitionum et paganianrum 1809 Inevitabile 616, 619 Inferno 32, 38, 663, 906, 1405, 1653 Infertile Women 970 Institutes of Gaius 838 Institutio Sanctimonialium 1133 Institutiones (The Institutes) 878, 1115 – Institutiones divinarum et humanarum lectionum 397 – Institutiones divinarum et secularium litterarum 546, 1248–1250 Institutiones Forenses Galliae 859 Institutiones Grammaticae 398 Institutionis Oratoriae libri duodecim 1237 Instructio ad Ludovicum regem 879 Instructions to Catechumens 1392 Internal Affections 970 Interpretation of Hebrew Names 1002 Interpretations 399 Introductio arithmetica 1244 Introductiones latinae 885 Ion 103 Ipomadon 427 Irische Elfenmärchen 454 Irregar und Girregar 454 Isaiah 107, 1101 Íslendingasögur 342 Itinerarium mentis in deum 1255, 1393 Itinerarium 885 Iwein (ca. 1200) 492, 542, 812, 894, 905, 925 Jawami 123 Jehan de Lanson 353–354 Jenaer Liederhandschrift 1199 Jeremiah 713 Jeu d’Adam (The Play of Adam) 449, 898–899, 1390 Jeu de Robin et Marion 899 Jeu de saint Nicolas 604

2234

Index of Works

Job 145, 714 Joints 970 Joshua 139 Jouglet 480 Journal of a Bourgeois of Paris 223, 1502 Joust Stanzas → Stanze per la giostra Judges 139 Judith 436 Julian’s Epitome 839 Julius Caesar 107 Kalevala 830, 1648 Kallimachos and Chrysorroi 880 Kasseler Gespräche (Kassel Conversations) 882 Kiev Missal or Fragments 820 Kings 143 Kitab al-milal wa-‘l-duwal (The Book of Religions and Dynasties) 108 Kitab al-Tabikh 487 Kitâb as-Saidana 980 Klage 1803 Kölner Klosterpredigten 1599 König Rother 440, 925 Konungs skuggsjá 1650 Koran 499, 502–504 Kudrun 929 Kyng Alisaunder 431 L’Advocacie Nostre-Dame 856 L’Amoureuse Prise 720 L’arithmetique et maniere d’apprendre 1243 L’Aritmétique de Ian Trenchant 1243 L’art de venerie 706 L’âtre périlleux (The Perilous Cemetery) 894 L’Epistre au Dieu d’Amours (Letter to the God of Love) 892, 1306 L’Epistre de Othéa a Hector (The Epistle of Othea to Hector) 892 L’Estat de la maison du duc Charles de Bourgoingne, dit le hardy 220 L’Histoire de Guillaume le Maréchal 607 L’Horloge amoureuse 1678 L’Ordène de Chevalerie (The Order of Chivalry) 163

La Belle dame sans merci (The Beautiful Lady Without Mercy) 892 La chace dou cerf 706 La Chanson de Guillaume (The Song of William) 888 La Chanson de Sainte Foi d’Agen 471 La farce de maître Pathelin 899 La Farce du cuvier (The Farce of the Washtub) 899 La Geste des Loherens (La Mort de Garin le Loherain) 472–473 La Male Femme qui conchia la prude femme 1312 La manera de escribir en castellano 886 La Mort de Garin le Loherain → La Geste des Loherens La Mort de Godefroi de Bouillon (The Death of Godefrey of Bouillon) 888 La Mutacion de Fortune (The Book of the Mutation of Fortune) 867 La nobel opera de arithmetica 1248 La Prise d’Orange (The Capture of Orange) 888 La seinte resurrection (The Holy Resurrection) 898 La Tentation du Christ 554 La Vecchia 1305 La vie de Saint Alexis (The Life of Saint Alexis) 884 La vie de Saint Léger (The Life of Saint Leger) 884 Laberinto de fortuna (Labyrinth of Fortune) 892 Lacnunga 433, 946 Lacrymabilem Iudaeorum Alemaniae (The Tears of the Jews of Germany) (1247) 1370 Lady and the Unicorn 1398 Lady Isobel and the Elfin Knight 452 Lai d’Orphey 452 Lai de Frêne (Lai le Fresne) 894, 927 Lai de Guigemar (The Lay of Guigemar) 865 Lai de Lanval → Lanval Lai de Yonec 894 Lai le Fresne → Lai de Frêne Lament of the Nibelungen → Nibelungenklage Lancelot du Lac 572

Index of Works

Lancelot, le Chevalier de la Charrette 448, 607, 850 Lanval (Lai de Lanval) 448, 694, 894, 927 Lanzelet 377, 454, 894 Lapsus et conversion Theophili vicedomini 1802 Laurin 363–364, 377 Laus Pisonis 1383 Laüstic 700 Law Codex of Vinodol 821 Laws of Oléron 1628 Laws of Wisby 1627 Laxdæla saga 1791 Lay of Hildebrand 882 Le Besant de Dieu 1753 Le Charroi de Nîmes (The Cartage of Nîmes) 888 Le Chemin de longue estude (The Long Road of Learning) 892 Le conseil de Pierre de Fontaines 847 Le Conte du Graal (Perceval) 607 Le Couronnement de Louis (The Coronation of Louis) 888 Le Dit de la Vigne 1499 Le Garçon et l’aveugle 899 Le Joli Buisson de Jeunesse 1304 Le Jour du Jugement (The Day of Judgment) 531 Le judgement dou Roy de Navarre 1644 Le Livre de Chasse 589 Le Livre de deux amans (The Debate of Two Lovers) 867 Le livre de vie active 725 Le livre des fais et bonnes meurs du sage roy Charles V 1401 Le Moniage Guillaume (William in the Monastery) 888 Le Moniage Rainouart (Rainouart in the Monastery) 888 Le Morte d’Arthur → Morte d’Arthur Le Pèlerinage de l’Âme 546 Le Petit Bruit (Brut) 1401 Le Roman du Grail 447 Le Romans of Lusignen ou de Partenay 450 Le rouge et le noir (The Red and the Black) 866 Le tres ancien coutumier de Normandie 847

2235

Le triangle hippocratique. Le malade, sa maladie et son médecin 963 Le Viandier de Taillevant 483–485 Le villain qui Conquist Paradis par Plait 850 Le Vite de’ più eccellenti pittori, scultori, e architettori da Cimabue insino a’ tempi nostri 1304 Leabhar Gabhála Éireann (Lebor Gabála Érenn; The Book of Invasions) 441, 1648, 1667 Leben Jesu 156 Lebor Gabála Érenn → Leabhar Gabhála Éireann Lebor Laignech 442 Leechbook 432, 434 Leechdoms, Wortcunning, and Starcraft in Early England 433 Legend of Good Women 341, 891 Legenda Aurea (Golden Legend) 942–943, 1548–1549, 1652, 1802, 1804 Leges Edwardi Confessoris 1526 Legis allegoriae 1256 Leiden Papyri 112 Les Enfances Godefroi (Godfrey’s Youth) 888 Les Enfances Guillaume (William’s Youth) 888 Les epistres sur le Rommant de la Rose 1307 Les Fais d’armes et de chevalerie (The Book of Deeds of Arms and Chivalry) 867 Les livres du Roy Modus et de la Royne Ratio 718 Les simulachres & historiees faces de la mort 325 Les Trois Mortes et les Trois Vifs (The Legend of the Three Living and the Three Dead) 426, 429 Les Voeux du Héron 1754 Leverage 970 Lex Frisionum 809 Lex Rhodia 1626 Lex Salica 704 Li chastelains de Couci ama tant 914 Li coronemenz Looïs 374 Li Livres de justice et de plet 847 Li Quatre Livre des Reis 142 Libellus Cantus Mensurabilis 1251 Libellus de Antichristi 1108

2236

Index of Works

Libellus super ludo scacchorum (The Book on Chess) 590 Liber Abaci 1214, 1234, 1237, 1242 Liber ad almansorem 334 Liber Alchorismi 1240 Liber Augustalis 474 Liber canonis 334 Liber Cure Corcorum 486 Liber de anima 339 Liber de bono mortis 320 Liber de Coquina 485 Liber de corpore et sanguine Christi 622 Liber de figuris numerorum 1252 Liber de herbis et plantis 985 Liber de humanis moribus 1571–1572 Liber de modo bene vivendi ad sororem 321 Liber de moribus hominum et officiis nobilium 590, 605 Liber de Regimine Civitatum 187 Liber de somno et visione 334 Liber de virtutibus herbarum 985 Liber de vita christiana (ca. 1090) 1363 Liber denudationis 259 Liber Eliensis 1278 Liber Evangelium 138 Liber extra 402, ;845 Liber Figurarum 532 Liber Floridus (The Book of Flowers) 867 Liber interpretationis hebraïcorum nominum 216 Liber manualis 1258 Liber numerorum 330, 1248, 1257 Liber Poenitentialis 1033 Liber pontificalis 1270 Liber pulveris 1240 Liber quadratorum 1242 Liber regulae pastoralis (The Book of Pastoral Care; Pastoral Rule; Pastoralis cura ) 95, 852, 881, 1363 Liber regulae pastoralis (The Book of Pastoral Care; Pastoral Rule; Pastoralis cura) 1335 Liber sacer sive juratus (Sworn Book) 943 Liber sententiarum 332 Liber sextus 851 Liber sine nomine (The Book without a Name) 1376

Liber thesauri occulti 334 Liber Ysagogarum 1240 Liber Ysagogarum 992 Libra contra insusam vulgi opinionem de grandine et tonitruis 1801 Libre Sent Soví 486 Libri carolini 332, 640 Libri duo de synodalibus causis et disciplinis ecclesiasticis 841 Libri feudorum 402, 469, 474, 845 Libri Octo Miraculorum 1548 Libri sententiarum (The Sentences) 402, 874–875 Libro de acedrex, dados e tables 599 Libro de Arte Coquinaria 487 Libro de buen amor 925, 934 Libro de las Tahurerías 593–594 Libro de los Juegos 585, 593, 599 Libro di arithmetica et geometria speculativa et practicale 1248 Libros del Saber de Astronomía 127 Liet von Troye 1804 Life of Apollonious 938 Life of St. Justina 943 Life of St. Louis (ca. 1309) 1779 Lindisfarne Gospels 176 Littera Bononiensis 842 Littera Pisana 842 Liturgy of St. Basil 646, 648 Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom 648 Lives and Opinions of Eminent Philosophers 1300 Lives of Saints Edmund and Fremund 550 Lives of the Desert Fathers 1115 Lives of the Jura Fathers 553 Lives 877 Livistros and Rodamini 880 Livre de chasse 706 Livre de chevalerie 163 Livre de la chasse 539 Livre de la paix (The Book of Peace) 876 Livre de la Vigne de Nostre Seineur 516, 533 Livre de seyntz medecins 715 Livre de Trois Vertus 220 Livre des faits d’armes et de chevalerie 215 Livre des merveilles 524 Livre des tournois 1768

Index of Works

Livre des Trois Jugemens 1401 Livre du Cœur d’Amour épris 544 Livre du duc des vrais amans (Book of the Duke of True Lovers) 931 Livre du justice et plet 474 Livre pour l’enseignement de ses filles du Chevalier de La Tour Landry 229 Livro Da Encinança De Cavalgar Toda Sela 694 Llibre de l’orde de cavalleria 163 Llibre del Consulat del Mar (Consulate of the Sea) 1627 Llyfr Cyfnerth 1670 Lokasenna 438 London antidotarium 974 London Lickpenny 1573 Los paramientos de la caza 706 Lucidarius 334 Ludus cartularum moralisatus 606 Ludwigslied 883 Luttrell Psalter 426, 521, 610, 1535 Lvdo cum Cecilia, nichil timeatis! 908 Mabinogion 373, 444, 816, 1539 Macaire 354 Macbeth 458, 1319 Maccabees 1339 Macer Floridus 985 Macgníomhartha Finn 443 Madonna of Humility 562 Magic and Superstition in Europe, Battling Demons 1806 Magna Carta 208–209, 1298, 1361, 1531 Mai und Beaflor 155, 928 Malleus maleficarum (Hammer of Witches) 219, 346, 1655, 1789, 1794, 1798–1799, 1801, 1810 Manawyden fab Llŷr 445 Manesse Songbook (Manessische Liederhandschrift) 25, 30, 904, 915 Manessische Liederhandschrift → Manesse Songbook Manual for Inquisitors 496 Manual for the Traveler and Provisions for the Sedentary → zâd al musafir wa qut alhadir Manuel des pechiez 1034

2237

Margarita Pretiosa Novella (New pearl of great price) 113 Marriage of Philology and Mercurcy 1215 Martina 1805 Massacre des innocents 1390 Matabrune 888 Math fab Mathonwy (Math son of Mathonwy) 445 Math son of Mathonwy → Math fab Mathonwy Maugis d’Aigremont 353–354 Mauritius von Craûn 929 Mauvez arbres ne puet florir 915 Medicina de quadrupedibus 361 Medicina Plinii 972 Médicine de l’âme 323 Meliador 866 Meliadus de Leonnoys 606, 894 Memento mori 1411 Ménagier de Paris 228, 483–485, 592, 730 Meno 1029 Merseburger Zaubersprüche (Merseburg Incantations; Merseburg Charms) 440, 882 Messe de Nostre Dame 1390 Metamorphoses 105, 435, 455, 541, 880, 892, 1302, 1309–1311, 1315, 1789 Metaphysics 334 Meteorology 106, 110, 112 Method of Healing 969, 971 Micah 1101 Micrologus 1194 Milagros de Nuestra Señora 560 Milun 927 Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border 452 Miroslav Gospels 821 Mirror of Simple Souls 1030 Mishlei shu’alim (Fox Fables) 786 Mishnah 784 Mishneh Torah 827 Misteri d’Elx (The Mystery Play of Elche) 899, 1391 Moamin and Ghatrif 706 Monologion 621, 1392 Montebourg Psalter 143 Monty Python and the Holy Grail 1404 Moral Treatise on the Eye 1562

2238

Index of Works

Moralia in Iob (Morals on Job) 331, 335, 873, 1562 Moralis Regum 842 Morals on Job → Moralia in Iob Morgante 892 Morkinskinna version of Sneglu-Halla þáttr 365 Mort Artu (The Death of Arthur) 447, 895 Morte D’Arthur (Morte Darthur) 170, 448, 455, 544, 552, 688, 694, 892, 895 Mostrar vorria in parvenza 920 Musica enchiriadis 1195 Muspilli 440, 882 Myriobiblion (The Library) 880 Myrour to Lewde Men and Wymmen 1032– 1035 Mystère d’Adam 1320 Mystère de la Passion 899, 1391 Mystère de Saint Louis (The Mystery of Saint Louis) 899, 1391 Mystère des Actes des Apôtres (The Mystery of the Acts of the Apostles) 899, 1391 Mystère du siege d’Orléans (The Mystery of the Siege of Orleans) 899, 1391 Nafnaþulur 366 Natural Faculties 969 Natural History 938, 1168 Nature of Child 960, 970 Nature of Man 960, 970–971 Nature of Woman 970 Navigatio Sancti Brendani (Travels of Saint Brendan) 1652, 1698 Nement, frowe, disen cranz 918 New Farce of the Amazed 1505 New Foolishness in Fashio 429 New pearl of great price → Margarita Pretiosa Novella Newes from Scotland 459 Nibelungenklage (Div Chlage; Lament of the Nibelungen) 376–377, 695 Nibelungenlied 42, 50, 74, 296, 341, 348, 363–364, 369, 428, 455, 490–491, 526, 549, 567, 695, 812, 903, 929, 1413, 1533 Nicene Creed 658 Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed 658

Nicomachean Ethics 565–566, 575, 1381, 1562 Nimphidia 463 Nine Worthies 1399 Nitiða Saga 371 Njal’s Saga 567 Norna-Gests þáttr 370, 372 Norwich 1233 Exchequer Roll 779 Notitiae Episcopatuum 636 Nova quaedam nuper 528 Novellae 838 Novels 634, 636, 638 Novgorod Birchbark Document no. 292 830 Novgorod Codex 822 Nowell Codex 436 O Alma Redemptoris 156 O intemerata 1017 Oath 987 Oaths (Serments de Strasbourg) 883 Oberon, the Faery Prince 459 Obsecro te 1017 Oceana 466 Odes 1297, 1383 Of Your Fraternity → Tuae fraternitatis Ogier le Danois ( 888 Ogier the Dane (Ogier de Danemarche; Ogier le Danois) 354, 888 Óláfsdrápa (Erfidrápa) 367 Old English Gospels 140 Old English Heptateuch 139 Old English Herbarium 434 Old English Hexateuch 139 On Animals → De animalibus On Ceremonies 879 On Christian Doctrine → De doctrina christiana On Heresies 496 On Horsemanship 677 On Human Nature 976 On Kingship, To the King of Cyprus 538 On Priesthood 1392 On Pulse 992 On Sects for Beginners 969 On Simple Medicines Mixtures and Properties 974 On the 7 Months Child 970

Index of Works

On the 8 Months Child 970 On the Art of Hunting with Birds → De arte venandi cum avibus On the Composition of Medicines by Types → De compositione medicamentorum per genera On the Customs of the Manichaeans 1802 On the Decease of His Brother Satyrus 672 On the Four Degrees of Violent Love 906 On the Genealogy of the Gods of the Gentiles → Genealogia deorum gentilium On the Governance of the Empire 879 On the Heavens 105 On the Marvels of the City of Milan 191 On The Misery of the Human Condition 1358 On the Mysteries of the Altar 1358 On the Natural Faculties 971 On the Properties of Things → De proprietatibus rerum On the Reduction of the Arts to Theology 592 On the Secrets of Women 1290 On the Soul → De anima On the Substance of Love 906 On Urine 992 Oneirocriticon 334, 344 Optics 1569 Opus Tripartitum 1445 Opus tripartitum 323 Oratio de Concordia et Unione Consuetudinum Franciae 859 Ordenamiento de las Tafurerías 593 Ordene de Chevalerie 1774 Order of the Divine Office → Rationale divinorum officiorum Order of the Virtues 898 Ordinalia 817 Ordo ad visitandum infirmum 323 Ordo virtutum 898, 1390 Ordonnance cabochienne 209 Orendel 905, 925 Orlando Furioso 170 Orlando Innamorato 170 Oscott Psalter 522 Oswald 905, 925 Otia Imperialia 451, 1795, 1804 Övar-Odds Saga 1650

2239

Pact of Umar 743 Palamedes 606 Panarion 1802 Pange lingua gloriosi corporis mysterium (Sing, My Tongue, the Savior’s Glory) 877 Panormia 842 Pantheologus 22 Parable of the Prodigal Son 604 Parable of the Workers in the Vineyard 655 Paradiso 32, 105, 669, 876, 1373, 1678 Paradisus anime intelligentis 1599 Parens scientarium (The Parent of Learning) (1233) 1361, 1779 Parlement of Foules (Parliament of Fowls) 47, 49, 341, 548, 891, 1306 Parlement of the Thre Ages (The Parliament of the Three Ages) 150, 427, 1298 Parliament of Fowls → Parlement of Foules Partonopeus de Blois 455, 906 Partonopier und Meliur 455, 906, 1796 Parva naturalia 336–337 Parzival 341, 377, 421, 490, 492, 515, 541– 542, 557, 894, 926, 948, 1414 Passio Perpetuae et Felicitatis 1546 Passion 899, 1391 Passionarius 400 Passiones Apostolorum 1548 Paston letters 225, 1783 Pastoral Rule → Liber regulae pastoralis Pastoralis cura → Liber regulae pastoralis Pauline Epistles 145, 837 Payne and Sorrow 529 Pearl 157, 341 Pedair Cainc y Mabinogi 444 Pèlerinage de Charlemagne (The Pilgrimage of Charlemagne) 887 Per fin’ amore vao sì allegramente 920 Perceforest 949 Perceval, le conte du Graal 446, 448, 542, 718, 894, 926 Peri Didaxeon 361 Peri theophaneias 1392 Pericles 457 Periphyseon 619 Peri arithmōn (On numbers) 1256 Peterborough Psalter 185 Petruslied 883

2240

Index of Works

Philobiblon 1754 Philosophia 621 Physica Plinii 972 Physics 105–106, 1246, 1658 Physiologus 20–22, 25, 30, 32, 35, 38–39, 41, 47, 49, 1175 Picatrix 261 Piers of Fulham 720 Piers Plowman 341, 556, 1032, 1298, 1376, 1417, 1499, 1535, 1540–1541, 1565, 1571, 1754 Piruç myò doç inculurit 806 Piyyutim v’Shirim 785 Placiti Cassinesi 800 Poem on the Evil Times of Edward II (The Simonie) 1416–1417, 1645 Poema de Fernán González 546 Poenitentiale Arundel 1795 Poetic Edda 438, 888 Policraticus 334, 587, 698, 846, 1492, 1804 Politics 590, 1487, 1562 Polychronicon 885 Positions Concerning the Training Up of Children 591 Posterior Analytics 262, 399–400 Postilla Literalis 147 Practica Forensis 859 Practica inquisitionis heretice pravitatis 1796 Practica Musica 1251 Praecepta militaria 1742 Praeparatio evangelica 1392 Pragmatic Sanction 385 Pratica della Mercatura 1049, 1242, 1694 Preservation of Health 969, 971 Prick of Conscience 1018 Primera Crónica General 804 Principles of Hindu Reckoning 1241 Prise d’Alexandrie (The Capture of Alexandria) 876 Privity of the Passion 1036 Problemata Aristotelis 1303 Problemata 979 Processus Sathane 856 Prognostics 400, 970–971, 992 Prologus in Antiphonarium 1193 Prometheus 1383 Proportionale Musicae 1251

Propositiones ad acuendos iuvenes 1234 Prose della volgar lingua 886 Prose Edda (Snorra Edda) 348, 357, 365–368, 438 Prose Lancelot 156, 447, 542, 894–895, 909, 949, 1775 Proslogion 621, 1392 Proverbs 605, 714, 719 Provisions of Oxford 808 Psalms 115, 143, 521, 713–715, 881, 1017, 1289, 1299 Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals 841 Psychomachia 1782 Pugio Fidei (Dagger of the Faith) 267–268, 1475 Puoch aller verpoten kunst ungelaubens und der zaubrey 952, 1810 Purgatorio 32 Pwyll Pendefig Dyfed 445 Qanun → al-Qānūn fī al- ibb Quaestiones Anselmi 323 Quaestiones disputatae de veritate 1393, 1561 Quaestiones et solutiones in Genesim 1256 Quaestiones in octo libros physicorum Aristotelis (On the Eighth Book of Aristotle’s Physics) 885 Quaestiones logicales 885 Quaestiones naturales 885 Quaestiones subtilissimae super Metaphysicam Aristotelis 885 Quan vei los praz verdesir 913 Quantum praedecessores 1587 Queen Mlkʿe Gospel 825 Queen Sibille 44, 542, 932 Quem quaeritis? (Whom Do You Seek?) 897, 1390 Queste del Saint Graal (The Quest for the Holy Grail) 447, 895 Questions on the Joust, Tournaments, and War → Demands pour la joute, les tournois, et la guerre Quia emptores 853 Quia maior 532, 1589 Quicumque Vult 658 Quinque libri historiarum 1106

Index of Works

Quoniam multos 1431 Quoniam nulla 851 Quran 115, 247, 259–260, 275, 759, 764–765 Ragnarök 882 Ragnarsdrápa 439 Raoul de Cambrai 888 Rationale divinorum officiorum (Order of the Divine Office) 163 Razón de amor con los denuestos del agua y el vino 543 Rechenung auff der linihen 1243 Rede vom Glouven 1802 Regensburg Love Songs 395 Regimen 1–3 970 Regimen in Acute Diseases 960, 992 Regimen of Health 970–971, 1288 Reginsmál 372, 438 Reglas de ortografía española (The Rules of Spanish Spelling) 886 Régle du Temple 689 Regula Benedicti (Rule of Saint Benedict) 482, 1115–1119, 1289–1290, 1340, 1388, 1393, 1674, 1685, 1695 Regula bullata 1130 Regula Magistri (Rule of the Master) 177, 1115 Regula non bullata 1130 Regula qualiter multiplicationes fiant in abbaco (De divisione) 1238 Regula Tarnantensis 1118 Regulae de numerorum abaci rationibus 1213, 1238 Regularis Concordia (The Monastic Rule) 897 Regulations on the Sale of Meat and Fish 195 Regule Abaci 1238 Reguncule super abacum 1239 Remedia Amoris (Remedies for Love) 720, 920 Remedies for Fortune Fair and Foul 885 Remedies for Love → Remedia Amoris Renaus de Montauban 353–354 Republic 1301 Résurrection 899 Retractions 672 Revelation (Book of Revelation) 1102–1103, 1110, 1385, 1398

2241

Revelation of Purgatory by an Unknown Woman 667 Revelations (Revelationes) 1134 Revelations of Love 1036 Rhetoric 1292 Rhodian Sea Law 1626–1627 Ricettario fiorentino 987 Riddarasǫgur 348 Rima 310 560 Rime 891 Robert le diable 43 Robin Hood 1779, 1781 Rodanthe and Dosikles 880 Rolandslied 296, 1515 Roman d’Alexandre (The Romance of Alexander) 583, 894 Roman d’Enéas (The Romance of Eneas) 894, 905 Roman d’Escanor 447 Roman de Brut (The Romance of Brut) 436, 894 Roman de la Rose (Romance of the Rose) 114, 341, 548, 566, 568, 571, 573–574, 607, 720, 850, 891, 895, 933, 1281, 1298, 1306–1307, 1312, 1795 Roman de Mélusine 33, 449, 455, 933–934 Roman de Renart (The Romance of Reynard the Fox) 29, 36, 38, 155, 865 Roman de Roi Artus (The Romance of King Arthur) 894 Roman de Rou (The Romance of Rou) 894 Roman de Silence 934 Roman de Thèbes (The Romance of Thebes) 894 Roman de Tristan 354–355, 850 Roman de Troie (The Romance of Troy) 894 Roman Psalter 135 Romance of Alexander 1697 Romance of the Rose → Roman de la Rose Romane de la Rose ou de Guillaume de Dole 850 Romans 115, 1369 Romeo and Juliet 458, 463, 567, 581 Rosarium Philosophorum 118 Rubaiyat 108 Rule of Saint Augustine 1120, 1128, 1132, 1290, 1685

2242

Index of Works

Rule of Saint Basil 639 Rule of Saint Benedict → Regula Benedicti Rule of Saint Columban 1118 Rule of Saint Francis 1374 Rule of the Master → Regula Magistri Rule of Virgins (Regula virginum) 1133 Ruodlieb 440 Russian Primary Chronicle 651 Sachsenspiegel 403, 811, 861, 1499 Sächsische Weltchronik 811 Sacred Tales 975 Saepe contigit 852 Saga of Olaf Haraldson 605 Saget mir ieman, waz ist minne? 917 Saint Peter and the Jongleur 604–605 Salzburg Kochbuch 485 Samsons saga 371 Sancrosanctae Romanae ecclesiae 851 Sanctuarium 1549 Sangsprüche 454 Sayings of the Desert Fathers → Apophthegmata Patrum Scale of Perfection 1030–1031, 1034 Schahname 943 Schwarzwälder Predigten 1599 Scietiam 849 Scivias 185, 620 Scotichronicon 594 Secrets for Crusaders 1526 Sefer Yetzirah (Book of Formation) 116 Segovian Book → Breviario Sunni Seifrid de Ardemont 364 Sempringham 184 Sententiarum libri quattuor 146 Septem libri miraculorum (Seven Books of Miracles) 878 Septuagint 135, 143, 1664 Sequence of Saint Eulalia 801, 883–884 Serglige Con Culainn 441, 443 Serments de Strasbourg → Strasbourg Oaths Sermo de trinitate 1255 Sermones ad crucesignatos 1601 Sermones de diversis 1567 Sermones super Cantica canticorum 1567 Sermons for the Whole Year 1584 Setenario 593

Shepherd of Hermas 839 Short Book on Pulse 969 Si hât ein küssen, daz ist rôt 917 Si quis suadente 1432 Sicut Judaeis non (Just as not for the Jews) 1368 Siddur 785 Siete Partidas 556, 593, 1709, 1718 Sigrdrífumál 439 Sigurðar saga þǫgla 372 Silva Allegoriarum 1257 Silver Bible → Codex Argenteus Sir Degarré 452 Sir Gawain and the Green Knight 26, 37, 157, 453, 544, 694, 711, 895, 933, 947, 1281, 1305, 1311–1312, 1533 Sir Gowther 43–44 Sir Orfeo 431, 452, 894 Six Prophets 16 Skáldskaparmál 367–368, 372, 374, 381, 438–439, 1737 Skeireins 815 Skírnismál 382, 438–439 Small Art of Medicine 992 Sneglu-Halla þáttr 365 Snorra Edda → Prose Edda Soliloquia (Soliloquies) 321, 569, 877, 881 Somme le roi (Dream of the King) 507, 1564 Somnia Danielis 344–345 Somnile Josephi 343–344 Somnium Scipionis (The Dream of Scipio) 117, 329, 340–341, 880, 891, 1675 Song of Roland → Chanson de Roland Song of Songs 145, 719, 810, 1441, 1567, 1584 Songe du Vergier 1504 Sonnet 130 1318 Sorceress 1788 Speculator 841 Speculum artis bene moriendi 323 Speculum caritatis 1035 Speculum historiale 1652 Speculum judiciale 845 Speculum maius 216, 337, 529, 592 Speculum musicae 1248, 1251 Speculum naturale 529 Speculum Novitii 1037

Index of Works

Speculum peccatorum de contemptu mundi 321 Speculum Vitae 1032, 1564 Sponsus 898 St John’s Gospel 140 St. Gall antidotarium 974 St. Paul’s Apocalypse 661 Stanze per la giostra (Joust Stanzas) 892 Statute of Gloucester 853 Statute of Merton 559 Statute of Pleading 808 Statute of Westminster (1285) 1649 Statute of Winchester 1525, 1531 Statutes of Jewry 777–778, 780 Statutes of Labourers 854, 1538 Stigmata of St. Francis 554 Strasbourg Oaths (Serments de Strasbourg) 796, 801, 883 Strategikon 637, 1741 Stromata 844 Sturlunga saga 342 Suite du Merlin 447, 455 Summa Aurea 1114 Summa contra gentiles 338, 885, 1393 Summa de Arithmetica 1237, 1242 Summa de arte praedicatoria (Summa de arte praedicatoris) 218, 844, 1583 Summa de legibus Normandie in curia laicali 847 Summa de speculatione musicae 1255 Summa logicae (The Sum of Logic) 885 Summa on the Virtues 1565 Summa Predicantium 589 Summa Theologiae → Summa Theologica Summa theologiae de mirabilis scientia Dei 1393 Summa Theologica (Summa Theologiae) 108, 147, 338, 555, 589, 655, 660, 671, 885, 1129, 1248, 1393, 1487 Summa totius haeresis ac diabolicae sectae Saracenorum siue Hismahelitarum 503 Super illius specula 1796 Super sapientiam Salomonis 857 Supplementum Orientale 959 Surexit Memorandum 816 Surgery 728–729, 960, 970 Surya Siddhanta 1096

2243

Sverris saga 342 Sworn Book → Liber sacer sive juratus Symbolum Apostolorum (Apostles’ Creed) 658 Symphonia armonie celestium revelationum 186 Symposium 1383 Synodikon of Orthodoxy 642 Tablas Alfonsíes 108 Tabula Amalfitana 1626 Tabula Peutingeriana 1697 Tactica 1740–1741 Tacuinum sanitatis 981, 989 Táin Bó Cuaulnge (The Cattle Raid of Cooley) 442 Táin Bó Fraích 442 Talmud 247, 263, 266, 275, 504, 784 Tamlin 452 Tanner Apocalypse 533 Taschenbuch eines Banquiers und Kauffmanns 1232 Terminorum musicae diffinitorium 1202 Teseida delle nozze d’Emilia 891 Tetrabiblos 1303 The Adoration of the Lamb of God 562 The Alchemist 459 The Allegory of Good and Bad Government 558 The Anatomie of Abuses 584 The Anatomy of Melancholy 460 The Aviary 22 The Battle of Brunanburgh 284 The Battle of Maldon 283, 285 The Beautiful Lady Without Mercy → La Belle dame sans merci The Betrothal Gift of the Soul 906 The Boke of Marchalsi 693 The Book of Common Prayer 1321 The Book of Deeds of Arms and Chivalry → Les Fais d’armes et de chevalerie The Book of Discussion and Conversation 768 The Book of Flowers → Liber Floridus The Book of Invasions → Leabhar Gabhála Éireann The Book of Pastoral Care → Liber regulae pastoralis

2244

Index of Works

The Book of Religions and Dynasties → Kitab al-milal wa-‘l-duwal The Book of the Knight of the Tower 598 The Book of the Mutation of Fortune → La Mutacion de Fortune The Brus 808 The Canterbury Tales 131, 140, 156, 408, 422, 453, 479, 541, 548, 556, 560, 695, 891–892, 895–896, 930, 932, 1283, 1306, 1358, 1477, 1521, 1537, 1683, 1693 – The Clerk’s Tale 156, 1540 – The Cook’s Tale 155 – The Franklin’s Tale 932, 948, 1306, 1318 – The General Prologue 479 – The Knight’s Tale 33, 541, 576, 581, 891 – The Man of Law’s Tale 156, 1358 – The Merchant’s Tale 581, 932, 1292, 1306 – The Miller’s Tale 408, 932, 1283 – The Nun’s Priest’s Tale 1306 – The Pardoner’s Tale 482 – The Parson’s Tale 876 – The Physician’s Tale 156 – The Prioress’s Tale 154, 156, 778 – The Reeve’s Tale 794 – The Shipman’s Tale 156 – The Squire’s Tale 526 – The Tale of Melibee 1754 – The Tale of Sir Thopas 453 – The Wife of Bath’s Prologue 1283, 1309 – The Wife of Bath’s Tale 529–530, 548 The Cartulary of Osney Abbey 778 The Castle of Perseverance 1298 The Cattle Raid of Cooley → Táin Bó Cuaulnge The Cavalry Commander 677 The Cloud of Unknowing 1030, 1036 The Comedy of Errors 1321 The Conquest of Constantinople 1393 The Consolation of Philosophy → De consolatione philosophiae The Copper Instrument 262 The Day of Judgment → Le Jour du Jugement The Debate of Two Lovers → Le Livre de deux amans The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire 279 The Discoverie of Witchcraft 460 The Dream of the Rood 1640 The Effects of Bad Government 559

The Etymologies → Etymologiae The Faerie Leveller: or King Charles his Leveller Descried and Deciphered in Queene Elizabeths Dayes 462 The Fairie Temple: or Oberons Chapell 463 The Fall of Princes 892 The Fates of the Apostles 140 The Forme of Cury 486 The Fountain of Life 768 The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse 1417 The Fourth Watch of The Night 1365 The Fox and the Cock 36 The Game and Playe of the Cheese 590 The Garden of Earthly Delights 717, 1654 The Good Shepherd 16 The ground of artes teaching the worke and practise of arithmetike 1243 The History of the Britons → Historia Brittonum The History of the Kings of Britain → Historia regum Britanniae The Holy Resurrection → La seinte resurrection The House of Fame 1306 The Hunt Book of Gaston Phoebus 544 The Imitation of Christ 1417 The Itinerary through Wales 450 The Legend of the Three Living and the Three Dead → Les Trois Mortes et les Trois Vifs The Life of St. Basil 942 The Marriage of Mercury and Philology → De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii The Master of Game 589 The Merchant of Venice 581 The Merry Wives of Windsor 458 The Metrical Chronicle of Robert of Gloucester 778 The Midnight’s Watch 463 The Muses Elizium 463 The Mystery Play of Elche → Misteri d’Elx The Owl and the Nightingale 50–51 The Parliament of the Three Ages → Parlement of the Thre Ages The Passion of Queen Saint Shushanik 832 The Pearl 547 The Phoenix 40, 140 The Pilgrimage of the Life of Man 546 The Play of Adam → Jeu d’Adam

Index of Works

The Poem of the Cid (El Poema de Myo Çid; El Poema de Mio Cid) 552 The Praise of Charity 906 The Red and the Black → Le rouge et le noir The Red Book of Hergest 444 The Romance of Reynard the Fox 865 The Romance of Reynard the Fox→ Roman de Renart The Rules of Spanish Spelling → Reglas de ortografía española The Secret Common-Wealth of Elves, Fauns and Fairies 463–464 The Seventh Seal 601 The Siege of Thebes 892 The Simonie → Poem on the Evil Times of Edward II The Song of Antioch → Chanson d’Antioche The Statutes of Jewry 777, 790–791 The Story of Moses 16 The Tempest 457 The Temptation of Christ 554 The Travels of Sir John Mandeville 526, 552 The Two Noble Kinsmen 581 The Vision of Saint Eustace 715 The Voyage of Bran 1651 The Voyage of Máel Dúin 1651 The Voyage of Snegdus and Mac Riagla 1651 The Voyage of the Uí Chorra 1651 The Wanderer 1636 The Wessobrunn Prayer 882 The White Book of Rhydderch 444 The Wife’s Lament 1539 The Winter’s Tale 457 The Wonders of the East 1650–1651 Theatrum Arithmetico-Geometricum 1237 Thebaid 891 Theodosian Code 838, 840, 942 Theologia christiana 884 Theologia platonica de immortalitate animae 885 Theologia scholarium 622 Theoria et Practica 113 Theory of the Planets 128 Thesaurus singularium in jure canonico decisivorum 858 Thessalonians 1105, 1338 Thidrekssaga 492

2245

Thomas of Erceldoune 451 Thomas the Rhymer 452 Þorsteins saga Víkingssonar (also: Thorsteins saga) 370 Þorsteins þáttr bœjarmagns (also: Thorsteins saga) 381 Þorsteins þáttr víðfǫrla (also: Thorsteins saga) 372 Three Books Against The Simoniacs 1350 Þrymskviða (also: Thrymbskvida) 381 Timaeus 104–106, 537, 941 Tirant lo Blanch 803 Titurel 43, 704 Tochmarc Emere 442 Tochmarc Étaíne 441 Toledan Tables 123, 261 Tomida Femina 802 Topography of Ireland 555 Torah 115, 999, 1002 Tractatus artis bene moriendi 229 Tractatus de herbis 985 Tractatus de inquisitione haereticorum 1803 Tractatus de modo preparandi et condiendi omnia cibaria 485 Tractatus de musica 1248 Tractatus de purgatorio Sancti Patricii 665, 670 Tractatus de supersticionibus 346 Tractatus de superstionibus 1810 Tractatus super librum Boetii De trinitate 1247, 1255 Tractaus de Tyranno 1492 Traditio apostolica 839 Travels of Saint Brendan → Navigatio Sancti Brendani Treatise on the Soul 659 Treatise on the Sphere 1677 Trecento Novelle 930 Très Ancien Coutumier de Normandie 1649 Très Riches Heures du Duc de Berry 130, 296–297, 545, 554, 558, 562, 712, 1010, 1399 Trionfi (Triumphs) 891 Tristan 19, 33–34, 43, 45–46, 48, 354, 492, 542, 711, 719, 850, 894, 904, 909

2246

Index of Works

Troilus and Criseyde 567, 572, 868, 891, 894, 906, 932 Trojanerkrieg 454 Trotula 986 True Thomas 452 Tuae fraternitatis (Of Your Fraternity) 1361 Turba Philosophorum (Gathering of Philosophers) 109, 113, 118 Two Gentlemen of Verona 581 Two Monks of the Augustine Order 1396 Ulster Cycle 1737 Unam Sanctum 211, 1375, 1462, 1774 Under der linden 51, 560, 918, 920 Unicorn Tapestries 39, 715 Utinam Dominus 1588 Utopia 603 Utrecht Psalter 88, 96 Vafþrúðnismǫ́ l (also Vafthrudnismol) 381 Venerabilem 1298 Vengeance Raguidel 355 Vepkhistqaosani 832 Verses on Dice 593 Vexilla Regis prodeunt 877 Vida de San Millán de la Cogolla 553 Viðbláinn 438 Violette 607 Virgin and Child with Two Angels and Saint Bernard 1397 Visio Tnugdali 340, 667 Visio Wettini 340 Vision of Charles the Fat 667–668, 672 Vision of Drythelm 340, 666–667 Vision of Laisren 662 Vision of Orm 663 Vision of the Monk of Eynsham 662, 670 Vision of the Monk of Wenlock 666 Vision of Thurkill 670 Vision of Tundale (also: Vision of Tondal) 668, 1775 Vita Adae et Evae 137, 1320 Vita Antonii 1392 Vita Constantini 1392 Vita Cuthberti 1740 Vita Hilarionis 877

Vita Karoli Magni (The Life of Charlemagne) 879, 1338 Vita Ludovici regis 884 Vita Mahumeti 502 Vita Malchi monachi captivi 877 Vita Merlini 437 Vita nuova 890, 896, 919 Vita patrum 877 Vita Pauli monachi 877 Vita Popponis 333 Vita S. Guthlaci 1653 Vita Sancti Eduardi, regis et confessoris 884 Vita sancti Martini 873 Vocabularium Cornicum 817 Völsungasaga 348, 354, 363, 368–369, 372, 1650 Vǫlundarkviða 438–439 Vǫluspǫ́ 366 Von des todes gehugede 321 Vox clamantis 855, 1754 Vox in Rama 1803 Walberan 364 Walpurgis Fechtbuch 1779, 1783 Waltharii poësis 566 Waltharius 798 Wer das Elend bauen will 1694 West Saxon Gospels 140 Westminster Abbey Bestiary 519 Weye of Paradys 1035 What Truly Should Be Loved? 906 Wigalois 515, 948 Willehalm 515 Winchester Psalter 525 Winchester Troper 1195 Wisdom 1255 Wolfdietrich B 363 World Chronicle 1523 Worms Mahzor 813 Y Gododdin 688 Ynglinga saga 368, 374 Ynglingatal 368, 439 Yonec 448–449 Younger Edda 814 Ysengrimus 29, 36, 38

Index of Works

Yvain, le Chevalier au Lion (Yvain, the Knight with the Lion) 446, 448, 455, 542, 566, 607, 894, 909, 925 Yvain, the Knight with the Lion → Yvain, le Chevalier au Lion

2247

Zâd al musafir wa qut al-hadir (Manual for the Traveler and Provisions for the Sedentary) 993 Zohar 116, 828