Han Shih Wai Chuan: Han Ying's Illustrations of the Didactic Application of the "Classic of Songs" 0674370007, 9780674370005

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H A R V A R D -Y E N C H IN G IN STITU TE M O N O G R A P H SE R IES V O L U M E XI

HAN SHIH WAI CHUAN HanYing's Illustrations o f the Didactic Application o f the Classic of Songs An Annotated Translation by

JAMES R O B E R T H I G H T O W E R Associate Professor of Far Eastern Languages Harvard University

C AM BRIDG E, M A SSAC H U SETTS

H A R V A R D U N IV ER SITY PRESS

1952

Copyright, 195 z by the Harvard Yenching Institute

Printed in the United States o f A merica

b J. H . Fürst and Company Baltimore, Maryland

PREFACE The first draft of this translation was made in 1941-42 when I was studying in Peking äs a；fellow of the Harvard-Yenching Institute. It was revised during my second stay in Peking in 1947. As it now goes to press after a further lapse of three years I am very conscious of. the need for another revision. In fact if I were beginning the translation today I would proceed on rather different principles, especially in the annotation. The reader will find much that betrays the novice, as often in what is included as requiring a note as in the significant omissions. The text in­ cludes considerable interesting material for studies which I have not undertaken; in publishing it in this form it is with the hope that an English version of the Han shih wax chuan will attract the attention of those more competent than I to deal with its many problems, sociological, institutional and philosophical. I wish to thank Professor Hsii Wei-yii of National Tsing Hua University and Professor Wang Li-ch4i of National Peking Uni­ versity for giving me the benefit of their wide knowledge of the Han shih wax chuan and related texts. Mr. Hsii made some useful suggestions about bibliography, which I have incorporated in my account of the history of the text. My indebtedness to Mr. Wang is acknowledged in the notes to the specific passages about which I consulted him. To Mr. Achilles Fang I owe a debt not so easily discharged. Mr. Fang read the entire manuscript, and nearly every page incorporates corrections which he has suggested. The first two chapters of this translation were presented to the Department of Far Eastern Languages ai Harvard University as a doctoral thesis. They were read by Professor J. R. Ware and were much improved by his criticism. I wish here to thank these teachers and friends who have been so generous with their time and knowledge. Without their help this translation would be much poorer than it is. J .R .H . Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1950 V

TABLE OF CONTENTS page

P reface

V

I ntroduction

1

Chapter I

11

Chapter II

38

Chapter III .

75

Chapter IV

125

Chapter V

159

Chapter VI .

191

Chapter VII

奴2

Chapter V in

252

Chapter IX _

290

Chapter X

317

A ppendix

347

B ibliography

351

F inding L ist

359

I ndex

361

of

P roper N amrs

INTRODUCTION1 The text here translated is a heterogeneous collection of ethical, ritual, and anecdotal materials not easily characterized. Its title, “ Exoteric commentary on the Han school text of the of /Songf^，” claims a rdationship with one of the basic works of the Confucian canon that on examination turns out to be tenuous at best. The place of the Han shih wax chttan in Han dynasty Confucian scholarship can be clarified only by briefly describing the activities of the classical schools of the time. The Ch^n dynasty (B. C. 221-206) had placed a ban on the private study of the books particularly venerated by the Con­ fucian school. During the disorders and civil war following the downfall of the Ch^n some of these classics disappeared entirely and had to be recovered wholely or in part from the memories of aged scholars. The Shih ching (Classic of Songs) was one so recovered, and in the second century B. C. it existed in four recensions, each known by the name of either the founder of a school of interpretation of the text or by the name of the locality of which the founder was a native. Only the text of the Mao school survives to the present, but the four texts of the Shih ching were probably essentially the same; the schools owed their identity to their divergent interpretations of the text. Of the nearly thirty exegetical works mentioned in the catalogs and histories as be­ longing to the four schools during the Han dynasty, there survive only two of the Mao school, and the Han shih wax chwmy attri­ buted to Han Ying (ß. B. C. 150) founder of the Han school. There is no reason to doubt the attribution, but, as it will appear. a In a separate article, **The Havrshih wai-chuan and the San chia shih** HJAS 11 (1948) .241-810, I have already given a general account of the HSWC, its sources

and imitations, along with a theory about the nature of the work and its relation to the Han School of the Shih. There is no point in repeating the arguments and data presented at length in that article, and I shall confine myself in this introduction to briefly identifying the text and stating my practice in dealing with certain technical terms. Some remarks on editions and the history of the text are appended. For abbreviations and editions of texts cited see the Bibliography.

1

2

HAN SHIH WA1 CHÜAN

the HSWC is more an anthology than an original composition, and it certainly is not primarily a work of exegesis on the Shih ching. It was a textbook used by Han Ying^ school, not to pre­ sent his interpretations of the Classic (other works performed that function) but to demonstrate the practical use of the Classic: a tag to clincli an argument, a stanza to sum up a philosophical principle, a punning line to delight or confuse. Quotations from the Shih ching had been so used in pre-Han times and continued in use in Han writings. Han Ying provided his disciples with a convenient handbook from which they could study to perfect their technique of the apt quotation. If my theory of the purpose and use of Han Ying^ sole sur­ viving work is correct, it explains though it does not entirely resolve, the difficulty of properly classifying it. Usually it is listed with the commentaries on the Shih ching, for the reason suggested with some annoyance by the &su-k(u editors,2 If you do not put it with the works on the Shih, there is no other place for How­ ever, a more appropriate category would be that catchall of the Chinese bibliographer, the Section of Philosophical Writings (子 pß), where one finds the similar collections Shuo yuan and Hsin hsii. One would hesitate to classify the HSWC and its congeners as primarily literary works, though they are of interest as repre­ senting an early phase of the development of the anecdote and story form in the literary language. It is in them that the anecdote begins to appear, occasionally at least, as a story for its own sake, not as in the pre-Han philosophers solely to illustrate a point of doctrine, nor as in the romanticized histories (Kuo yü 9 Chanfew t以 ） as an episode in a historical context intended to account for the motives of a principal actor. By sometimes calling atten­ tion to anachronisms and contradictory versions, I may seem to be implying that I attribute to these stories a historical character, to the ones at least where no obvious contradiction occurs. In fact, I regard all these anecdotes as unhistorical， though I do not deny the possibility that many may be based on actual events and deal with historical persons. It is rather that such stories were pre2 Ssu-k*u ch^iian-shu tsung-muy 16.11a (Ta Tung Shu-chü ed.) ; see the Appendix for a complete translation.

INTRODUCTION

3

served not as a record of events, but as themes illustrative of ritually prescribed conduct. As such they could be applied to any person, historical or fictional, whose activity fitted a given role. The materials for the HSWC were derived for the most part from pre-Han dynasty sources, sometimes rewritten, more often reproduced without significant change. Only a part of the ffSTFP is anecdotal; rather more than half is made up of philosophical essays plagiarized with a fine indifference to doctrinal consistency from the writings of several different schools. As Hsün-tzü is the favored source, the book takes on a character strongly reminiscent of the collection Hsiin-tzu9 where the formula the Ode says (詩曰） is of common occurrence. As a whole the ffSTTC shows some similarity to the more miscellaneous chapters of the Li chi9 and to the Ta-Tai li-chi; but the most closely related works are Shuo yüan9 Hsin h$ü9 and Lieh-nii-chuan, in all three of which occur passages borrowed directly from HSWC. They differ chiefly in having their contents classified in chapters devoted to special topics, such classification being Liu Hsiang^ contribution to the development of the form. T

e c h n ic a l

T

erm s

In a text of this sort technical terms offer a special problem. Technical words, even within the limits of usage of a single school at a given period, seldom have a single equivalent translation word. The HSW C is as heterogeneous as its sources, and it is too much to expect to find terms like jéri 仁 ， Zi 禮 ， f 義 used with any consistency. Originally I had planned to leave them untranslated. However, some of them occur in contexts where they may ade­ quately be translated by an English word—li9 for example, in 1/12 ciearly is “ etiquette, courtesy ’’一and it seems misleading not to translate such occurrences, even though translation involves the sacrifice of consistency. Hence the word i9 will be found as “ etiquette,” “ ritual，’’ “ rites ’’~ i n each case with the romanized (li) in parentheses after the translation—and also simply as u li*9 is used with connotations so vague as to defy English rendering, even the most inconsistent, though occasionally I have written the humane (jên) man/* in preference to the awkward

4

HAN SHIH WA1 CHUAN

circumlocution “ the man endowed with jén.” The word i 義 used of behavior means the act appropriate to the situation and the individual involved; when it is used to denote an abstract virtue, I have left it untranslated. Other terms, such as hsmo 孝 “ filial piety，’’ A▲ 信 “ trustworthiness,” dizmgr 忠 ‘‘ loyalty,” Zien 廉 ‘‘ integrity ’’ （ adj. “ scrupulous ’’） are used with a narrower range of meanings that correspond to those of their single English equivalents. TFarigr 王， except as a title, is used in contrast with pa 霸 “ hegemon，’’ and I have translated as “ the True King.” The terms for Confucian adepts are awkward to handle. I use “ saint’’ for ® , “ sage’’ for 賢 （but “ w orthy’’ in contrast to 不肖） ， “ superior man ” for c/iün-taü 君子， and “ gen­ tleman ” for 没 AiA 士，except where an emphasis on military virtues makes the archaic value ‘‘ soldier ” more appropriate, or where the context calls for “ official.” In its technical use, the word tao M seems to mean the u True Way,” “ the Kingly Way ” to Han Confucians. It occurs with a metaphysical Taoist use a few times in the text, as in 1 /23. Where it is used other than technically, I have translated it variously to fit the context. Yin and yang are too well established to require a note. Anatomical and medical terms occur in 3/9 and 10/9; they are dealt with in the notes to those sections. Chei M* seldom occurs simply as “ breath，” and out of ignorance of its true force I have usually left it untranslated • 丑WeA 血 likewise carries more weight than the English “ blood.” I have translated 沒 德 some­ times in accordance with W aley ’s note on the use of the word in The Analects of Conjucius, p. 33, and sometimes as virtue when the context has demanded a vaguer word. It must be re­ membered that by Han times such words liad already a long history and were seldom used in a strictly technical or etymological sense. An expression that occurs very frequently in ffSWÜ is 傳曰. It cannot be taken as referring to ÄS WC itself in the way 左傳曰 is sometimes used to introduce a passage in that work, since ffSTFC is not a “ commentary” following a line of the SAiA; instead the quotation normally follows the passage which illu­ strates it. Nor can it be referred to a single specific source. In

INTRODUCTION

5

1/5, 2/6, 3/5, 22, 32, 7/23, and 10/4, the quotation is from 丑ÄÜnt 2 众 （ where _ 曰 is lacking), in 9/24 it is from ffan-fei teù; 7/9 is from either Y T C C or Han-fei tzü; 3/27 is from LSCC. The great majority of occurrences introduce no identifiable quotation, though at least one half are again reproduced in Hsin hsü, SY, or other later compilations, with or without the introductory 傅曰• A study of the passages so introduced for which a source cannot be found in the extant early literature discloses three types: (1) A general disquisition on moral conduct, such as 1/20, 2/30, 4/24, 7/19. These are very similar to 2/6, where Hsiin-tzu seems to be the source, and may well be quotations from philo­ sophical works now lost. (2) An aphorism (3/11, 5/15, 20, 7 /5 ) . These passages are either short or the force of the 傅曰 may be restricted to the opening sentence. Of the same sort are those occurrences of the expression within a given paragraph, as 1/1. (3) A story or anecdote that is common to a number of pre-Han works (2/1, 3/10, 4/7, 7/13, 15). I believe the basic and most general rendering of the phrase would be ‘‘ There is a tradition that . . . In some cases a written text is being referred to; but there would be no reason always to expect to find the source in 压 text， even if all the texts to which a Han writer had access were still available. Oral tradition undoubtedly played an important part in the teachings of the schools attached to the Classics, and any saying or dictum an author considered worth emphasizing might rate a “ tradition has it.” In translating the expression I have varied the English phraseology to fit the line or passage introduced by it. H

is t o r y

of the

T

ex t and

E

d it io n s

The Han shu u Essay on Literature 3 lists a HSWC in six chiian and a Han-shih nei-chtian in four chüan. The Sui shu

Fan-chi said, “ This person Your Highness speaks of as loyal and worthy, is he a guest from one of the other feudal lords, or is he an officer of the Middle Kingdom? 99 2 King Chuang said, ‘‘ Why it is my Prime Minister Shên.” 3 Fan-chi covered her mouth and laughed. The king said, “ What are you laughing at? ” [Fan-] chi said, “ For eleven years I have been privileged to wait o n 4 your Highness when you were bathing and washing your hair by holding your towel and comb and by spreading your coverlet and mat. But there was never a time I was not sending men into Liang and Cheng to seek out beautiful women whom I could bring into Your Highness’s presence. There are ten of the same rank as myself, and two who are superior to me. N ot that I did not wish to monopolize your affection,5 but I would not dare for private motives to keep other beauties in obscurity, and I want you to see more of them that you may be happy. Now Prime Minister Shên has been minister in Ch*u for several years, and I have never seen him advance a worthy man or retire an undeserving one. So how does he come to be taken for loyal and worthy? ’’ At court next morning the King told Prime Minister Shên what Fan-chi had said. Prime Minister Shên withdrew from his place and put forward Sun-shu Ao. After [Sun-]shu Ao had governed Ch*u for three years, the state of Ch*u became hegemon. The historiographer of Ch*u, taking brush in hand, wrote in the records, “ The hegemony of Ch‘ii was due to Fan-chi’s efforts.” 31中 國： Ch*u was formerly considered not one of the states of the MMiddle Kingdom/* Cf. Mencius 254 (8A/4.1Ä): MCh*en Liang was a native of Ch*u . . . he came northwards to the Middle Kingdom and studied . . However, C hao Yu-wen (107) may be correct in taking it here as = 國中 “ of our own state.” ’ 沈 "I 尹 ：丑 and IJVC? both make it Yü Ch‘iu-tzù， who actually was minister to Duke Chuang. I cannot locate Shên. 4 妾得於王 : CHy would add 幸 after 得 ：“ it was my good fortune.” yao 8.20b has and Chao (80) thinks it should be added here. 5 Chao thinks this sentence has been shortened from the Chih-yao reading 欲擅王之愛專王之寵哉：**Not that I did not wish to monopolize your love and have your affection for myself.”

CHAPTER U

43

The Ode says,6 The hundred plans you think of Are not equal to the course I was going to take.

Fan-chi is an example of this. 51 When Min Tzü_ch‘ien first appeared before the Master, he had a hungry look.2 Later on he had a well-fed look.3 Tzü-kung asked him, ‘‘ At first you had a hungry look, while now you have a well-fed look. Why is this? Min-tzü said， “ I had come out from the ‘ reeds and rushes ’ 4 and entered the Master’s gate. Now the Master, within, was ‘ cut and polished ’ 5 by filial piety, and，without， he displayed for me the methods of the [ancient] kings (?) • In my heart I secretely rejoiced. I went out and saw plumed chariot canopies and dragon flags,6 silken banners and fur garments following one another, and in my heart I rejoiced also at these. When the two [feelings]7 were mutually opposed in my breast, I was not able to bear it. This is why I had a hungry look. B y now I have become deeply imbued with the Master^ culture,8 and, thanks to you gentlemen, I have been ‘ cut and polished ’ and brought forward. Inside, I am clear about what is proper to leave and what to take up. Outside, the sight of plumed chariot canopies and dragon flags, fur garments and silken banners following one another is in my 9 Shih 89 No. 54/4. Cf. Proleg. 89 for this variant. 1Shih-tzu (quoted in TP YL 378.7b); HFT 7.4b-5a, where the dialogue is attributed to Tzû-kung and Tsêng-tzü. 2 菜 色 ：defined as the appearance of one living on a vegetable diet. Cf. I/î /iK 1.286. 8 食 篆 ： animals fed on grass and grain. Cf. M 挪 citw 407 (6A/8.8〉 . ‘ 蒹 葭 • cf. Shik 195 No. 129, of which these characters form the title. The Ode tells of a difficult search. 8 切 健 ：cf. the Ode quoted at the end. CHy and B have 達 ； see note 11. 旅

：

cf.

SÄ认

591 N o .

拥

3.

7 With B and the Yuan ed. supply likewise TPYL 388.4b. Shih-tzü has 兩心 and HFT has 兩 者 • （ Chao 40.) 8 1 follow B and the Yüan ed. to read 文 for 教 . r P I % 说 ，has 文 ，but lacks the characters

寖 深.

46

HAN SHIH WA1 CHUAN

7 Confucius said, ‘‘ If a person’s mouth craves flavors and his heart desires idleness, I would teach him jên. If his heart desires repose 1 and his body hates exertion, I would teach him respect. If he is fond of discussion but fears danger, I would teach him courage. If his eyes like colors and his ears like sounds, I would teach him i.” The I [ching] says,2 u He keeps his loins at rest and separates his ribs8 [from his body below]. The situation is perilous,4 and the heart glows with suppressed excitement. The Ode says,5 Ah! thou young lady, Seek no licentious pleasures with a gentleman.

These both prohibit license and forbid indulgence; they harmonize impulse and will.6* 81 A high wall that is heavy above and built on uneven ground 123 below will not necessarily collapse. But if rainfall comes, and the overflowing stream reaches it, then it is sure to collapse the first thing. Plants whose roots are shallow do not necessarily become uprooted. But if a gust of wind arises and heavy rain falls, then they are sure to be uprooted the first thing. If the 1 The Yüan ed.，CHy, and B have 兵 “ war.” C hou emends to 安 . C hao Yuwen (107) suggests 佚 as the expected anthesis to 勞 below. It gives the same sense as 安 . 2 L egge, Yi King 176. I have changed the phraseology slightly. 3 The Yüan ed.， CHy， and B have 月灸 for 灸 . The latter is the reading of the modern texts of the I ching. CHy says they have the same meaning. * 危 should be 厲 as in B and the Yüan e d . 危 occurs in the following 象 , which otherwise reads the same as the 九 二 ， with the omission of 列 其 資 . 6 Shih 99 No. 58/3. • 皆防邪禁佚。 調和心志 . C hao (42) thinks this does not conform to the usual style of the conclusions in HSWC and would emend to , and add 也 a t the end, as in 9 /1 -2 : 言賢母使子賢也 . The variation can be explained, I think, by the double quotation, which occurs in two other places in HSWC: S/31, 6/18. XSF 3.13a-b. 8 激 ： SK has 境 “ irneven or stony, ground/* Chung-hua ta tzû-tien makes interchangeable with 石歎， which in turn is defined a s 墁 ， and so in the translation. Neither makes very good sense.

CHAPTER n

47

prince1*3 dwelling in a sta te4 does not respect jên and i, or honor the sage minister and govern affairs with his aid, he will not necessarily lose [his state]. But one day there will be some unusual development: the feudal lords fight among themselves; men rush past, and chariots hasten forward. Suddenly disaster occurs, and only then for the first time does he experience anxiety. With parched throat and burning lips he looks up to Heaven and sighs. Does this help? 6 Though he hope for peace, is it not indeed too late? Confucius s a i d , N o t to be careful before the event and after­ wards to repent—alas! even though lie repent, it is not enough.” The Ode says,6 Ever flow 7 his tears. But of what avail is his lament?

91 Tsêng-tzü said, “ The superior man has three sayings worth being strung together and hung on the belt. The first is, *Do not by taking in strangers exclude your relatives/ The second is, * [Do n o t]2 blame others for your personal defects/ The third i s , 4 [Do n o t]2 call on Heaven after grief has com e, ” Tzü-kim g8 said, “ How is that? ’’ Tséng-tzü said, “ By taking in strangers to exclude relatives— is this not reversing what should be? Blaming others lor personal defects—is this not going wide of the mark? Calling on Heaven after grief has come—is this not too late? ’’ The Ode says,4 51君子 here can only mean “ ruler.” 4 是 舜 ：cf. dwa/ecf« 297 (15/9) • 6庶 逢 ， lit.， “ is he any closer [to what he desires]? ” * Shih 117 No. 69/S. 7 For 班 Mao « 磁 has 极 . 1Hsün-tzû 20.10b-lla; S Y 10.19b-20a, ChÀa-yü S.14a have a similar conclusion but are not otherwise parallel. * Before these two phrases Hsün-tzü has M - C hao (44) thinks it should be added to balance the first phrase. * Tzü-kung does not figure in the passage from Hsün-tzü. 4 Shih 117 No. 69/S.

48

HAN SHIH WAI CHÜAN Ever flow his tears, But of what avail is his lament?

10 J Now frost and snow, rain and dew are the agents that kill and give life to living things. Heaven has nothing to do with it, yet we honor Heaven. It is the oflScials who uphold the law and are responsible for civil functions who control the offices and the people. The prince has nothing to do with it, but still we honor the prince. The one who broke the ground and planted the [five] cereals was Hou-chi; he who opened [a way for] the Chiang and caused the River to flow was Yü; the one who heard trials and kept a mean was Kao-yao. But the one with the reputation of being a saint2 is Yao. Thus if one is possessed of the True Way of ruling, though he himself lack ability, he will certainly have those with ability to work for him. If one lacks the True Way of ruling, though he have a great deal of ability, still it will not help to preserve him. The Ode says,8 The reins are in his grasp like ribbons, While the two outside horses move like dancers.

The ability to control is honored. 11 According to tradition, Confucius said, MHow admirable was Yen Wu-fu’s charioteering! The horse knew that behind there was a chariot and thought nothing of it; he knew that there was a man in it, and him he loved. He was attracted by his uprightness and loved being employed by him. If the horse could speak, he would certainly have said, ‘ What a pleasure today’s gallop is! ’ u When we come to Yen Lun there has been a slight decline. The horse knew that behind there was a chariot and thought1 1 Huai-nan tzü 14.3a-b. a 聖后：read 名 for 后 with rP F X 401.5a, Lei cäü 20.2b; likewise (Chao 45.) 9Shih 129 No. 78/1.

teß.

CHAPTER H

49

nothing of it; he knew that there was a man in it and him he respected. The horse was attracted by his uprightness and accepted respectfully being employed by him. If the horse could speak, he would certainly have said, 4Going and coming, may this man make use of me•’ When we come to Yen I the decline is complete. The horse knew that behind there was a chariot and thought it heavy; he knew that there was 狂man in it and him lie feared. The horse was attracted by his uprightness but feared being employed by him. If the horse could speak, he certainly would have said, ^Go and come, go and come: if you do not go, that man will kill you / Thus in driving horses there is method, and in governing people there is a right way. If the method is attained to, then the horse is contented and happy; if the right way is attained to, then the people are peaceful and tranquil.” The Ode says,1 The reins are in his grasp like ribbons. While the two outside horses move like dancers.

This is illustrated in the above. 12 1 Yen Yiian was sitting by Duke Ting of L u 2 on a raised plat­ form, when Tung-yeh P i 3 drove his horse [and chariot] past. Duke Ting said, “ How well Tung-yeh Pi drives! ” Yen Yiian said, He is all right, but his horses are going to run away.” Duke Ting was not pleased and said to his retainers, I had heard that a superior man does not slander people; does he then really engage in slander? ” Yen Yiian withdrew. 1Skih 129 No. 78/1.* x Chuang-tzü 5.11b-12a; Hsûnrtzü S0.18b-19b; LSCC 19.13a-b; Hsin hsü 0.7b-8a; Chia-yü 5.1a-2a. Two versions are represented, one derived from Chuang-tzû and amplified by LSCCf and one from Hsün^tzü. Hsin hsü seems to derive from HSWCt while Chia-yü goes back directly to Hsün-tzû; see note 4. * CAttanÿ-teü and have Yen Ho 闺 and Duke Chuang (of Wei?). * For 畢 CÄttawp-teä and LSCC have Ch‘i 稷 . （ Chou.)

50

HAN SHIH WÂI CHVAN

Suddenly a man from the Imperial Stables [came and] an­ nounced that Tung-yeh Pi^ horses had run away.4 Duke Ting • • • (?)5 the mat and got up ，saying, “ Quickly send a chariot to call back Yen Yüan.” When Yen Yiian arrived, Duke Ting said, A little while ago I said, ‘ How well Tung-yeh Pi drives,’ and you said, ‘ He is all right, but his horses are going to run aw ay/ How did you know it? ’’ Yen Yiian said, From [principles of] government I knew it. In olden times Shun was expert in handling people and Tsao-fu was expert in handling horses. Shun did not wear out his people and Tsao-fu did not drive his horses to the limit. Hence, under Shun the people did not break down, and under Tsao-fu, horses did not run away. Now as to Tung-yeh P i’s driving,6 in mounting the chariot and holding the bridle, his style of managing was cor­ rect. In his evolutions and rushes, he was in complete accord with court ceremony (li) J But from going through danger and travel­ ing far he had exhausted the horses* strength; yet still he beat them without cease. Therefore I knew they would run away/* ‘ 敗 ：B ， CJ have 佚 as above and below. C hao (46) prefers 佚 on the ground th a t is a corruption from the Chuang-tzû-LSCC version. Hsin hsii with has presumably copied from HSWCt as Chia-yü has ^ and Hsün-tzü has 3 ^ - HSWC omits the following phrase from Hsün-tzü, which CfUa~yii has (with two variants). Hsin hsii here too follows HSWCy om itting the phrase.

5®

a to lift Mmakes no sense. Hsin hsii has 2ft to step across/* and CHy tViinlrs O a， a vulgar form of 姐 • There may be a reflection here of l i c如• 1 .5 b : 每 踏 席 ， 樞 灰 趨 隅 “ D。 not step across the mat, [but] hold up your gown and hasten to your corner [of the mat]/* where Lu Tê-ming glosses 8^ with 战 and 樞 with 提 • “ He rose lifting his gown” 提 衣 而 起 makes sense, but the emendation is drastic. a For this character, see table od page 358. ®C hou has added here from Hsûn-tzü. Hsin hsii also has it. 7 Likewise Hsün-tzü, but with 步 嫌 馳 轉 f c r 周 旋 步 嫌 a n d 盡 f o r 禪 . Y ang Liang seems to take 銜 in its literal meaning of “ bit ”: 銜 體 ， 銜 與 馬 體 也 “ The bits and the horses’ bodies [are straight^ ” （ 正矣 ）. 朝 禮 he expands to 朝 廷 之 禮 44court ceremony.M H ao I-hsing disagrees, making ^ = 9 | , as in Skih 17 No. 101, where M ao explains 調飢 as 朝 飢 • H ao paraphrases “ the horses in their rushes were invariably well trained,” and insists that the text should be punctuated to show t h a t 體 正 a n d 禮 畢 are connected. His interpretation remains ambiguous, and does not seem to take account of the further parallel in 馬 力 彈 •

揭 is a corruption of

CHAPTER U

51

Duke Ting said, “ Good. Can you drive the point a little further? ” 8 Yen Yiian said, MIf an animal is pushed to extremity, he will bite; in the same circumstances â t i r d will peck,9 and a man will practice treachery. Since antiquity to the present day it has never happened that reducing the people to extremity has not been dangerous. The Ode says,10 T he reins are in his grasp like ribbons, W hile th e tw o outside horses move like dancers.

Good driving is illustrative of this.” Duke Ting said, “ I was at fault.” 13 1 After Ts4ui Chu had assassinated Duke Chuang,12*he ordered8 the nobles and Great Officers to make a covenant with him. The covenanters all had laid aside their swords before entering. Those who did not speak quickly or who did not touch the blood with their fingers were put to death.4 Over ten men had been killed when it came to Yen-tzü’s turn. He raised up the cup of blood, and, facing Heaven, said with a sign, " Alas! that Ts'ui Chu has been so unrighteous as to slay his prince! M Whereupon the covenanters all looked at him.® Ts‘ui Chu said to Yen-tzü, “ If you help me, I will share the state with you. If you do not help me, I will kill you: A straight 8 Supply ^ with Hsün-tzü and ChÂa-yü (Chao) , or with Hsin hsüf as the most dosely related text. 9F or **beak Mread 0C **to peck,** with B, C and Hsin hsii. (C hou .) 10Shih 129 No. 78/1. 1 YTCC 5.5b-7a; LSCC 20.7a-8a; Hsin hsü 8.«a-b. 2 For the details of this incident cf. Tso chuan 514 (Hsiang 25). 81 follow C hou and emend ^ to ^ as in Hsin hsii. 4 言 不 疾 指 血 至 者 死 ：th ^ text is corrupt. B, C have 措 in place of 指 . CHy follows r r C C and /hzw 言 不 疾 指 不 至 血 者 死 . C hao (48) approves, and so in my translation. For the use of blood in formal oaths cf. M aspero, 44Le mot ming，” 《M (1938〉287-8; also, “ Le serment dans la procédure judiciare de la Chine antique/* MCB S.281-2. ^ s For 視 之 CHy insists on 視 足 》 “ looked at their (?) feet.”

52

HAN SHIH WÀl CHÜAN

sword will pierce you, and a curved one will hook you. I hope you will think about it.” Yen-tzü said, u I have heard6 that he who, being deterred by profit, is unfaithful to his prince lacks jên, and he who permits himself to be forced by weapons to abandon his determination lacks courage. The Ode says,7 L uxuriant are th e dolichos and oth er creepers, Clinging 8 to th e branches and stems; E asy and self-possessed is th e superior m an. Seeking for happiness by no crooked ways.

Can I be crooked, then? Straight swords may pierce me and curved ones may hook me, but I will not change.” Ts‘ui Chu said, “ Let Yen-tzü go•” Yen-tzü got up and went out. Taking the traces of the carriage harness, he mounted the chariot. His servant wanted to drive fast, but Yen-tzü clapped his hands and said, w The deer in the mountain forest~his fate is in the kitchen. Our fates are depen­ dent on something, but how on hasty d r i v i n g ? H e proceeded peacefully, with calm demeanor, and so left. The Ode says,9 H is lam b ’s fur is glossy. T ruly sm ooth and beautiful. T h a t gentlem an R ests in his lot and will n o t change.

Yen-tzü is an example of this. 14 1 King Chao of Ch* *u had an oflScer named Shih She,5 who was characterized by his impartiality and love of the right, and the king made him a judge.3 At this time someone killed a man on * 吾聞 is lacking in B, C. 7 Shih 446 No. 239/6. 8 S ：Mao shih has and C hou remarks that some editions of HSWC write 9 Shih 1S2 No. 80/1. 1LSCC 19.6a-b; Shik chi 119. Sa-b; Hsm hsü 7.11a-b; CKCS 2.6a-b. * 奢 ： LSCC and CKCS write 渚 Chu. 8 8 1 ：cf. Li Ki 1.S76, where it is explained by C heno Hsiian as **the official who takes care of criminal cases/'

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the highway. When Shih She went in pursuit of him, it turned out to be his father. He returned to the court and s a i d , T h e person who killed the man was my father. To sacrificç one’s father to perfect one’s administration is not filial; not to put in operation the laws of one’s prince is not loyal. M y duty is to submit to punishment for having overlooked his crime and disregarded the law.^ He pros­ trated himself before the axe and execution block saying, My life is in your hands.” The prince said, You pursued him without catching him; how can there be any blame? May you go on with your work.” Shih Shê said， “ N ot so. N ot to be partial to one’s father is not filial; not to carry out the laws of one’s prince is not loyal. To go on living when guilty of a crime deserving death is not honest. If Your Highness wishes to grant a pardon, it is the grace of a superior; but I cannot neglect the laws: such is the duty (i) of an inferior.” Whereupon he would not leave the axe and execution block, but cutting his throat, died in the court. When the superior man hears of this, he s a y s , P u r e and lawabiding—such was Master Shih.” Confucius said,4 The father conceals the misconduct of the son, and the son conceals the misconduct of the father. Up­ rightness is to be found in this.>, The Ode says,5 T h a t officer I n th e country will ever hold to th e right.

Master Shih is an example of this. 15 1 With others generous and within himself strict; putting him­ self in harmony with the right,12 he was strict with himself without 1 Analects (1S/18.8). 5 Shih 133 No. 80/2. 1 Cf. TTLC 6.9a; Chia-yü 3.10b. 2W ang Yin-chih (Ching i sku wên sec.

大戴醴記中 6b) would emend 設 to 換

54

HAN SHIH WAI CHÜAN

being strict with others; not uneasy though [his] good qualities were not appreciated: such was the conduct of C^ü Po-yü. Hence those who were fathers wanted him for a son, and those who were sons wanted him for a father; princes wanted him for a subject, and subjects wanted him for a prince. His fame was bright among the feudal lords, and the empire longed for him. The Ode says,8 T h a t officer Is the ornam ent of the country.

Such is the conduct of the superior man. 16 1

There is the following traditional story. When Confucius met Ch*êng Pên-tzü of Ch*i in the region of Yen, they put down the canopies [of their chariots] and talked for the rest of the day. After some time 12* [Confucius] turned to Tzu-lü and said, ^ Yu, [bring]8 ten rolls of silk45and present them to this gentleman.” Tzu-lü did not reply. After some time he again turned and said, “ Yu, [bring] ten rolls of silk and present them to this gentleman.” Tzü-lu replied abruptly,6 I once heard you say. Master, that in the meaning of “ be at rest in,” since that is the reading in Ssù -m a Chèn’s quotation in his com. on Shik chi 67.1b. Yü Yüeh (Ch'ün-ching p*ing-i 17.22a) believes that is a corruption of which occurs in Shang sku 9.14b interchanged with 3^ , defined in Êrh ya 1.14b as **in harmony/* I have followed Yü Yüeh. (C hao 51.) * Skih 133 No. 80/3. 1S Y 8.20b-21a; Chia-yü Ä.8b-9a. s For 有閒 cAi n .6 b has 甚說 “ very much pleased.” （ CHy.) 8CHy adds from Ch*u hsUeh chit loc. cit.r and C hao (52) approves, as TPFX 818.8b also has 取 • The 來 would be construed with 由 as in 丑ST^C 2/26. ‘ 束帛十匹： cAi 17.6b， followed by CHy, omits 十 匹 . TPYL has it, and C hao would not accept CHy's reading. Silk one cKang eight ch*ih in length rolled from both ends to form a double roll makes one p*a. Five p*i constitutes a $hu-pot a bundle of standard size used as a formal gift. (Cf. I li 2.16a and CÄo-t U 18.28b, C h ia Kung-yen’s subcom. on 皮 帛 .） S Y writes 束帛 一 ， and Cht€L-y*i h a s 束 帛 . HSWC*8 reading could mean either ten p*», i. e., two shur-po; or taking 匹 loosely as a classifier, ten shu-po. Possibly $ku-po here is not to be defined so exactly and was felt to be merely Mrolled silk,Mand so in my translation. I suspect 十匹 is a mistake. 5Cf. Analects 247 (11/25.4). K T C Y has M for likewise S Y and Chia-yü. (C hao.)

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the superior man does not approve of gentlemen’s meeting without introduction, nor of a woman’s marrying without an intermediary •” Confucius said, “ Does not the Ode say,7 On th e m oor is th e creeping grass, A nd how heavily is it loaded w ith dew! 8 T here was a beautiful m an, L ovely, w ith clear eyes and fine forehead! W e m et together accidentally, A nd so m y desire was satisfied.

What is more, Ch**eng Pên-tzü of Ch*i is one of the sages of the empire. If on this occasion I do not make him a present, to the end of my life I will never [dare to] see him [again]. When a person does not transgress the boundary line in the great virtues, he may pass and repass it in the small virtues.” 9 17 1 The superior man has a mind devoted to the good, but he has not the air of [striving to] surpass other men. His moral power is sufficient for him to rule over the empire, but he lacks an overbearing demeanor. His conduct is sufficient to reach to later generations, but not with a single word does he find fault with another man for not being good. Truly it is said， ‘‘ The superior man is filled with moral power but is humble. He empties himself to receive [the influences of] others; he acts according to the exigency of circumstances without being carried away by their current;2 he adapts himself to things but is never exhausted. Though he may occupy a lowly position, a 士不中道相見 • CHy prefers the quotation in TTIX 4〇 2.8a: 士不中間而見； but the passage is clearly attributed to SY; Chia-yä is the same but omits flff » and W ang Su’s commentary explains 中間 as “ introduction ” 紹 介 ， a definition ap­ parently invented for the context. One would like to do the same for 中道 • C hao Yu-wen (107) says that ^ alone bas th b meaning, but cites no textual support. 7 Shik 147 No. 94. 8 CHy has 靑勝宛 for 淸揚婉， following SAiA fc‘oo. ®Cf. Analects 342 (19/11).

他 p 心 304 (31 象 〉 . — * 旁行不流 • There should be an 而 after 打 as in Ki as to balance with the next phrase. (C hao Yu-wen 107.)

354

(繫辭 4) so

HAN SHIH WAI CHUAN

56

the people will want to hold him up; though he may wish to be without honors, can he do it? The Ode says,8 T h a t officer Is elegant as a flower. H e is elegant as a flower; H e is very different from th e prince’s escort.1*4*

18 1 The superior man makes acquaintances easily， but it is difficult to be familiar with him. He is easily alarmed, but he cannot be forced. He fears suffering, but he would not avoid dying for the right ( i ) . He desires what is advantageous, but he would not do what he considers wrong. In his relations he is friendly , but not disrespectful;2 in speech he makes clear distinctions^ but not so as to confuse the issue. How great! His i 3 cannot be sur­ passed.4 How satisfying!8 He is scrupulous and yet causes no harm. How mild! The brilliance6 of his j ê n and generosity is great. How he excels! He has that which distinguishes him from other men. The Ode says,78 H e is elegant as a gem. H e is elegant as a gem. Very m uch he differs from th e prince*s followers.8 aShth 164-65 No. 108/2. translates, u But, perhaps, he is not what the marshaller of the carriages ought to be.M Certunly this is not what it meant to H a n Ying. W a le t, The Book of Songs 24, has **More splendid than any that attend the duke in his coach,Mwhich makes good sense but is a little loose. I have used K a rlg b e n 's version (BMFEA 16.205).

4Legge

1 Hsün-tzü 2.2b-Sa. a O f 親 a n d 比 , Yang Liang s a y s 親 謂 仁 恩 、 比謂暱 狎. •The Yüan ed.，B, C have 爲 for 義 . ‘ For 失 “ lo st” read 大 with the Yüan ed. * 廉 乎 ： CHy ，B, • 〇have 石兼乎， which could only mean “ how sharp! ” * I follow the Yüan ed.，CHy ，B, C and read 光 for 寬 ，“ scope.” 7 Shih 165 No. 108/S. 8Cf. HSWC 2/17, note 4.

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19 Shang Ju ng1 had once held the feather and flute.2 Relying on horse and foot soldiers, he wished to attack3 [the tyrant] Chou, but was unable to do so. As a result he went into hiding in T^aihsing. When King Wu conquered Yin and set himself up as Son of Heaven, he wished to make [him] a san-kung.4 Shang Jung refused, saying, u I once relied on horse and foot soldiers, wishing to attack [the tyrant] Chou, but was unable to do so. That was stupidity. That I went into hiding without fighting was due to a lack of courage. Stupidity and a lack of courage are not suffi­ cient qualifications for a sanAcungT He persisted in his refusal to the end and would not accept the king’s command. On hearing of this, the superior man says, Of Shang Jung it can be said that having examined him self5 he did not falsely represent his abilities. He was a superior man indeed. He put away from himself unearned food.” The Ode says,6 O th a t superior man! H e would n o t e a t unearned food!

Master Shang is an example of this. 1Shu ching S15-6: ^[King Wu] bowed in his carriage at the gate of Shang Jung's village/' K uno Ying-ta*s subcommentary on Shang shu 11.15a quotes a legend from Ti-wang shih-chi about Shang Jung, but it has no connection with the present account. He is also mentioned by W ang Ying-lin in K*un-hsiieh chi-wên 2.S4b (Skih chi 80.7b) and by C h ' üan Tsu-wang (Ching-skih wên-ta 2.3b). 8 Cf. Li K i 1.468: **In autumn and winter they were taught the use of the feather and flute/* (L egge 1.345.) Cf. also Shih 62 No. 38/3: ^ In my left hand I grasp a flute; In my right I hold a pheasant's feather/' The commentators both here and in the Li chi passage interpret the flute and feather as civil implements supplanting weapons, and so used in a dance in a time of peace. I understand it to mean here that he was a civil functionary and not qualified to employ military means to gain his ends. 8Ssö-m a Chen's subcommentary on Shih chi 55.7a in quoting this passage has flS **reform M for C hao remarks that it makes good sense with what follows, but is not to be reconciled with the first phrase. 4 三公 . Cf. ffS F C 8/19. s Ct. Arudects 252 (12/4.S). • Skih 170 No. 112/1/2/S.

58

HAN SHIH WA1 CHUAN

20 1 D u k e 2 Wên of Chin had appointed Li Li to be chief judge.8 For having wrongly permitted a man to be killed4 he put himself under arrest in the court and asked for death from the prince • The prince said， “ Just as there are high and low officials， so there are light and severe punishments. The inferior o 伍cer is guilty; it is not your guilt.” Li Li replied, “ In occupying my o伍ce as chief, I did not make way for inferior officers; in receiving a greater salary 6 I did not share the profit with the inferior officers. Now when I have wrongly permitted a man to be put to death, that an inferior officer should be responsible for his death is unheard of/* He [refused6 and] did not accept the command. The prince s a i d , I f you insist on 7 considering yourself guilty, then I likewise am guilty.” Li Li said, u When the laws are violated, punishment should follow: 8 when punishments are misapplied, death should be the result. Your Highness thought me able to judge obscure cases and to decide doubtful ones, and so you made me a judge. Now I have wrongly permitted a man to be killed; my crime merits death.” 9 The prince s a i d , T h a t you should leave your position, abandon your rank, suffer the working of the law, and be lost to the sta te 10 is not what I had wished for. Go quickly and do not bother me." r Skih chi 119.8b-4a; Hsin hsu 7.11b-12b. *CHy writes ^ for likewise Shvrch*ao 53-13b, TP YL 231.1b, Shih chi, and Hsin hsii. (Chao 54.) a 大 理 • Cf. HSVTC 2/14, note 3. CHy follows r P r L . k c . cii” and omits the 大 《 As Shu-ch*(io also omits it, Chao agrees with CHy. Hsin hsii has , which further occurs in HSWC 10/20, and I retain it. ‘ //« • n 細 ：過 殺 不 辜 • (Chou.) 5 Chou, CHy both follow Shih chi and Hsin hsü to write 祿 for 爵 ， and so in my translation. 9 Supply from Shih chi. (Chao.) T子必 axe added from ffsiw by C hou. CHy adds 子 alone, while B, C, and the Yüan ed. lack both characters. 8 則 刑 ： m n ，丨。 c. 〇 «•, 10 Thereupon I-yin made, haste without stopping until he came to T ‘ang, who made him his minister. It can be said that he “ went to that happy land and there found his place/* The Ode says,11 We will leave you, And go to that happy land; Go to that happy land一 12 There we shall find our place. 4 C h o u would follow ä j ü : 趣歸薄兮、 薄 亦 大 兮 • After 大 B, C ， D have 兮 for 矣 • Yü Yüeh (C T 7T 17.4a) thinks + for 矣 is correct, as it marks the rhymes 沛 、 敗， 廢， and 大 • （毫 is not a rhyme), just as below 樂 、 簾， 沃， and 樂 rhyme and are followed by 兮 ，while 善 lacks it. (See note 7). This argument also supports the 丑iSVTC reading of 於 毫 against薄兮 • （ C hao Ô7-8.) 8 Cf. Shih 96 No. 67/3. C hou and CHy are wrong in wanting to emend 驕 t o 蹐 (C hao Yu-wen 108.)

« Cf. Shih 250 No. 163/4; 385 No. 214/S. T 去不善兮善 ： I follow CHy and HWn to r e a d 去不善而從善 • 8 大 备 ；大 = 天 as in S U cA— 1 9 9 : 用集大命 . äj ä writes 天 命 . * I follow B, C， D to read 去 for 至 . 10 Cf. Shu ching 17Ö. 11 Shih 172 No. 11S/1. 12 Cf. HSWC 2/Ä1, note 8.

62

HAN SHIH WAI CHÜAN

23 1

I-yin left Hsia and joined Yin. T*ien Jao left Lu and went to Yen. Chieh Tzü-t^ui left Chin and retired to the mountains.12* T^en Jao served Duke Ai of Lu, but was not noticed. H e 8 said to Duke Ai, “ I am going to leave Your Highness for a heron flight•” Duke Ai said， “ What do you mean? ” He said, “ Has Your Highness never seen the cock? On his head he wears a cap: he has civil culture. To his legs are attached spurs: he is possessed of martial qualities. Faced with an enemy, he dares fight: he has courage. When he g e ts4*food, he calls his companions: he has fellow-feeling (jên) . When he keeps watch at night, he does not miss the time: he is trustworthy. The cock is possessed of these five virtues, [yet] Your Highness still has him boiled and eats him every day. Why is this? It is because the place he has come from is near at hand. Now take the heron: he goes a thousand li at a flight and stops 1 Hsin ksii 5.1Sb-14a. 2 C hao (59) says, **These three sentences summarize three episodes that have no connection with the following text, and it is to be suspected that they represent a commentary written at the side that has been wrongly entered into the text, or perhaps they were the beginning of the preceding section about I-yin's leaving Hsia, in which case it is the more certain that there has been something omitted after them. If we look for system in the structure of the text, the preceding section deals with I-yin's leaving Hsia and going to Yin, and quotes from the first stanza of Shih 172 No. 113; this section deals with 'Fien Jao*s leaving Lu and going to Yen, and quotes from the second stanza of the same poem; so the following section should have the story of Chieh Tzü-t^ui^ leaving Chin and retiring to the mountains, and quote from the third stanza of the same poem. That our text lacks it should mean it has been lost. Hsin hsü 7.1Sa-b has the episode . . . and actually does quote stanza three of the same poem. This supports the supposition. Another possibility is that HSWC 2/21 mistakenly writes 4Chieh-yii, the madman of Ch*u, left Ch4u and retired to the mountains' for *Chieh Tzû-t*ui left Chin and retired to the mountains.' In that case it should quote the third stanza and not the first.** •田繞 is here repeated. 91.6a» r P I T 916.7b, 8.21a, Li Shan’s commentary on Wen hsüan 28.28b all omit the two characters. T P YL 204.1a and Hsin hsü have them, but omitting them gives a smoother reading. (Chao 59-60.) 4[ei»cfcü， TTFX, îoc. c*ï” and jffsÎTi fcjü all have 見 for 得 • P 。t‘ieÄ 29.47a has 得 and L i Shan’s commentary, ioc. has 有 . C h a o remarks that the old form of 得 was CD b， which is easily confused with 見 .

b For this character, see the table on p. S58.

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at the pond in Your Highness’ garden. He eats your fish and turtles and pecks up your wheat and millet.5 He lacks these five [virtues], yet Your Highness honors h im 6 because the place he ha^ come from is fax away • I am going to leave Your Highness for a heron flight.” Duke Ai said, “ Wait while I write down your words.” T ‘ien Jao said, “ I have heard that one who eats another’s food should not damage the vessels it is served in, and that one taking shelter under a tree should not break off its branches. Why then write down the words of a minister of whom you have made no use? ” In the end he left and went to Yen. Yen made him minister, and within three years the government of Yen was in order and the country was without thieves or bandits. Duke Ai heaved a great sigh, and because of that occurrence kept away from the inner rooms for three months. He abolished the punishment of branding and cutting off the nose, s a y i n g , K care were not exercised before, and there was [reason] for regret afterwards, how could replacement be made? The Ode says,7 We will leave you And go to that happy state; Go to that happy state — 8 There we shall find ourselves right.

24 1 When Tzü-chien2 was administering Shan-fu, he played the 8 黍 梁 ( = 粱 )： Lei-chü, Li Shan's commentary, loc. cit.t TPYL 918.6a have 稻梁 “ rice and millet.” （C hao 61.) a (7 cif., has 者 猶貴之者何也 “ Why is it Your Highness still honors him? " This parallels the sentence above, and C hao tliinks it should be added here. 7 Shih 17« No. 11S/2. 8 Cf. HSWC 2/21, note 8. 1LSCC 21.4a-b; S Y 7.12b-lSa. Attributed by H a lo u n (following M a Kuo-hon) to a Ching-tzü 景子 in three sections; (listed in Han sku 30) now lost except for this and one other fragment collected in Yü-han skan-fang chi-i-sku and reproduced with collation notes and translation in H a lo u n , **Fragmente des Fu-tsi und des Tsin-tsi/* A M 8 (1932-3) .506-9. Cf. ibid. 462-6 for a discussion of the Ching-tzü. a 2T F X 267 .1a begins with 密 子 賤 • （ Chao 62.) H aloün, op. ci40， has demonstrated that this character is a mistake fot ju.

64

HAN SHIH WAI CHUAN

lute 3 without descending from the hall, and still Shan-fu was in order. Wu-ma Ch'i went out [to his duties] while the stars were [still] out and did not return until they had again come out [at night]. Day and night he gave himself no rest, taking care of everything in person, and Shan-fu likewise was in order. Wu-ma Ch‘i asked Tzü-chien about it, and Tzü-chiœ said, I use men, while you use strength. He who uses men is at ease, while he who uses strength must labor.” People4 therefore called Tzü-chien a superior man. While he rested his four limbs, preserved his sight and hearing, kept his mind and spirit quiet， the various officers still were in order. All he did was to make use of their numbers.5 Wu-ma Ch*i however did not do this. He misused his own nature and made himself a slave of his feelings,0 putting his effort into instructions and orders. Although there was order, there was not perfection. The Ode says,7 You have suits of robes. But you will not wear them; You have carriages and horses. But you will not drive them.

25 1 Tzü-lu said, “ If a gentleman who was unable to be assiduous and work hard, or think lightly of death, or endure poverty, were to say, ' I [am able to ]*2 do my duty (i) / I would not believe him. Formerly Shên Pao-hsii stood seven days and nights in the court at Ch'in weeping without once stopping, and so preserved Ch'u. 8鳴琴?？ H a lo u n , op. cit. 507, note 3, attributes the following appraisal to Chingtzü and makes the 人 an addition to the original text. 6 H a lo u n , ibid., note 5, takes ® in the meaning of ^ as in Hsün^tzû 1.7b, K ao Yu’s commentary, and translates “ er verliess sich ausschliesslich auf sein Verfahren.” 6 乎然事情：B, C, h a v e 乎 然 事 惟 . CHy follows S F 弊 性 事 情 . C hou would follow 脈 to write 弊生 ( 生 = 性 ) . I have followed this emendation in the translation. H a lo u n , ibid.t translates **mühte ab seme Gefühle Mfor 事 情 cm the basis of Yü Yüehs explanation of as ^ in Chu-tzü p*ing-i 24.10a-b. 7 Shih 176 No. 115/1.

XS Y 4.1a-b. 2 1 follow Chao (62) and add

能 . from

S P to agree with the sentence below.

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Had he not been able to be assiduous and work hard, how could he have brought this about? Pi-kan in the face of death remon­ strated the more loyally. Although Po-i and Shu-ch*i starved in Shou-yang, their determination showed but the stronger. Had they not been able to think lightly of death, how could they have acted thus? Tsêng-tzü, whose coarse clothes and worn hempen garments 3 were never whole, who never got to eat his fill of his diet of coarse rice and millet,4 still refused to be prime minister when [the position] was incompatible with his principles ( i) . Had he not been able to endure poverty, how could he have acted thus? Now if a gentleman wishes to establish himself and practice the True Way, he will be able to do it only if he pays no regard to the difficulties involved. If he wishes to fulfill his duty (i) and make his name known, he will be able to do it only if he pays no attention to profit or loss.” The Ode says,6 That gentleman there Is large and generous

Except for a superior man of fine generosity and self-cultivation,6 who can partake of [such praise]? 7 £6 Tzü-lu was gathering firewood with Wu-ma Ch‘i at the foot of M t. Yiin. Among the rich men of Ch‘ên there was one named * 組緒 ：Chou says the phrase is unintelligible. CHy equates 緒 with 著 . Chao mentions 組著 in 77S1FC 0/27. Li Shan’s commentary on TTén 60.14a quotes this as 組 Chu Ch‘i-féng (7T 1妨6) says 著， 緒 ， and j|著 are all phonetic equiva­ lents of & (defined in Fii 28.3b as “ wom~out clothing ” 敝 衣也 ） • （ Chao 63.) 4 is defined as Mcoarse rice/* and C hao thinks it should not be used in com­ bination with ^ , for which he would read **millet," after C hu Ch*i-feng, who sa y s 米丨 s an abbreviated form of that character (I*7* 185). ZTSWC 9/27 has Both Huai-nan tzü 18.11b and Lieh-tzû 6.1b have the compound and so in my translation. BSkih 179 No. 117/2. * 非良篤修身行之君子 ： B ， c h a v e 良非，研 〇 叫丨 y， M CHy remarks. Choü thinks the 身 is an extra character， and I have omitted it in my translation. Chao Y u - w e n w o u l d retain 身 and supply 激 ： “ purify his conduct.” 篤 as in the Ode. 71, e., as in the Ode just quoted.

66

HAN SHIH WA1 CHÜAN

Ch‘u-shih with a hundred decorated chariots, who gave himself up to feasting on [Mt.] Yiin.1 Tzü-lu said to Wu-ma Ch'i, If, without forgetting what you [now] know, but also without advancing any in what you [now] are capable of, you attained to such wealth as this, provided you would never get to go back and see the Master again, would you do it?” Wu-ma Ch*i, looking toward Heaven with a deep sigh, stopped2 and threw his sickle to the ground saying, I have heard from the Master that a brave gentleman never forgets that he may lose his head, while the determined gentleman or the man endowed with jénnever forgets [that his end may be] in a ditch or a stream.* Is it that you do not know me? Or are you trying me? Or is it perhaps your own intention? ” Tzü-lu was mortally ashamed and,4 shouldering his firewood, went home first. Confucius s a i d , W e l l , Yu,5 why do you come back first when you went out in company? ’’ Tzü-lu said, ^ A while ago I was gathering iSrewood with Wuma Ch*i at the foot of Mt. Yiin. Among the rich men of Ch^n there is one named Ch*u-shih with a hundred decorated chariots, who has given himself up to feasting on Mt. Yiin. I said to Wu-ma Ch‘i,

空8

In meeting someone of superior qualities, his appearance is what one first notices;1 next is his voice, and last of all his conduct. Hence from afar one sees from his general appearance that he is fit to be a ruler of men. On approaching nearer， his face is one to inspire confidènce. The words that come from [his mouth] are quieting and to the point.12 His conduct is refined and worth observing.3*6 Hence as for the external appearance of the superior man, the empire takes it as a model and looks up to it, [considering] that he is recognizable as a ruler of men without having recourse to his language.4 The Ode says,® W ith his countenance rouged as w ith vennilion,6 H e is a ruler indeed. 4 Shih 193 No. 128/1.

1 上 之 人 所 遇 色 爲 先 ：the context seems to force the punctuation after 人 .

For 色 * I supply

has

容色 balancing 聲 音 a n d 事 行 below. (C hao 66.)

安 before 中 from CHy，B, C, D.

a 文 而 可 觀 者 行 也 ：CHy, B ，C， D have 久 for 文 ：‘‘[Even] after a long time his conduct is worth observing.” has 久 ， also 親 for 觀 . （ C hao.) ‘ 不 暇 言 而 宜 人 爲 人 君 者 ： B, C, D h a v e 假 f o r 暇 a n d 知 f o r 笔 人 and C hou says of this 人 that it is superfluous. CHy emends to 不 假 宜 而 知 言 爲 人

君 者 ，which makes the best sense, b u t is unsupported by any citation. (C hao 67.) I follow B. 6 Shih 197 No. 130/1.

* 額 ：M a 。sAife has 丹 ，likewise B, C ，D. The Yüan ed. and CHy write 緒 . Ch*ên Ch^ao-ts^ng (I-shuo k*ao 5.2Äb) accepts fÇ as the Han shih reading from Lu Tê-ming^ Ching-tien shih-wên, where it is glossed as . C hou Tsung-yüan

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29 1 When Tzü-hsia had completed his reading of the Odes,2 the Master asked him, “ What can you say about the Odes? ” 3 Tzü-hsia replied, ^ In their treatment of situations, the Odes are brilliant, with a radiant brightness4 like that of the sun and moon; they are lustrous as the stars in their alternating progress. On the one hand they contain the Way of Yao and Shun; on the other they have the i of the Three Kings.5 What your disciple [has learned from his Master, he has engraved on his heart and]6 dares not forget. Even though I were dwelling in poverty,7 I would sing to the accompaniment of the lute of the lessons of the former kings. Were there others with me, I should enjoy them; without company I would still enjoy them, and become so excited as to forget food.8 The Ode says,9 Beneath the door made of cross pieces of wood, I can rest at my leisure; By the wimpling stream from my fountain, It is easy to satisfy 10 my desires. (CCS/ 3b) thinks 額 is a mistake for , which I suspect may have come into the ffSIFC text from S M 62 No. S 8 / 3 : 赫 如 渥 赭 • 1SSTC 5.1Sa-14a, K T T 1.12a-b. 2 SSTCy K T T both have ^ , also in the following, and the former specifically mentions sections of the Shu ching. CHy thinks is an ill-considered change by someone too familiar with Analects 157 (3.8), and he writes throughout. I think it likely that H a n Ying himself deliberately adapted the material to his own purposes. The text offers several other divergencies from the other two accounts. 8 可言於詩矣：B, C, D have 何大於詩矣 “ What have you found to appre* ciate in the Odes? SSTC and K IT have 向爲於書 • From the preceding 夬 子 間 曰 , an interrogative fpf seems likely, and so in my translation. ‘ F o r 光 both SS2T and Ä： 2T have 代 ； cf. Doc. Mean 427 (30/2 ) . 代 balances 錯 better than 光 , but rn> text of 邪 呢 gives 代 . The phrase 星辰錯行 occurs in HSWC 2/SO in quite another sense; see note 2 to that paragraph. 8 The founders of the three dynasties, Hsia, Shang, and Chou. • A f te r 子 CHy a d d s 所受於夫子者， 志 之 於 心 from SSTC. 7 Cf. HSWC 1/9, note S. 8 From Analects 201 (8/18). 9Shik 207 No. 138/1. « B , C, D follow 施 。祕 and write 樂 for 療 . L egge translates, “ I can joy amid my hunger.'* But 樂 here should be (D c, which is a variant of 療 • Cf. comc For this character, see the table on p. 358.

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The Master suddenly changed countenance and said Ah sir, now you can discuss the Odes.11 But as y e t 12 you have seen only the externals and not what is within.” Yen Yiian s a i d , H a v i n g finished with the externals, what more is there to see within? ’’ Confucius s a i d , I f you peep through the door without entering, how can you know where its hidden treasures are? But that they are hidden is not what is difficult. I have entered13 into them [by dint of] great effort and intense application. In front [it is as though they were] a high cliff: behind, a deep valley, so that I could only stand solemnly erect.14 One who does not see what lies within cannot be called refined or profound [in his under­ standing of the Odes]/** 30 According to tradition, in a state that is without the True Way there will be whirlwinds and pestilence; torrential rains will break down the trees. Fïw and y (mg. will emit a perverted emana­ tion; summer will be cold and winter warm; ripening1 will be in spring and growth in autumn; sun and moon will have no bright­ ness; stars and constellations will go astray;2 the people will suffer from many diseases; the state wiU endure many inauspicious things; human beings will not live out their span, and the five grains will not ripen.3 In the time of Ch^eng-chou, yin and yang mentaries brought together by Ch*en Ch^ao-ts^ung in I-shuo k*ao 6.2b-3a; also W alet, Book of Songs 27 and Textual Notes 10. 11 Cf. i4naZec蚣144-5 (1/15.S) • CHy would change 始 to 殆 to agree with SSrC a n d KTT, an d also w ould o m it for th e sam e reason. I p refe r to keep th e Analecta reading.

12 CHy says 以 should be 已. has 以入 for 已入. “ 冷冷然如此旣立而 & 矣；冷 立而已 .

13SSrC

冷 makes no sense. I follow S S r C 填 填 正 '

l o r 熱 I read 熟 ； Cfcimy-Aua ta teû-tiew gives an example of also C hao Yu-wen (109). a Cf. ffSWC 2/29， note 45. Here translation. * Cf. Mencius 250 (SA/4.7) and Li

熟 used for 熱

錯行 must have the meaning given in the

Ki 1.106.

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were adjusted, cold and heat were regulated, mankind was perfect and all things were tranquil. Truly it is said that their customs were ordered, their joy was continuous, their driving of horses was humane.*4 The people were yielding, their movements digni­ fied, and their thoughts happy. The Ode says,6 Not for the violence of the wind; N ot for the rushing motion 6 of a chariot;— But when I look at the Way of the Chou,7 I am pained to the core of my heart.

311 Methods of controlling the breath and nourishing the mind: 2 If one’s physical powers are hard and refractory,3 soften4 them by harmonizing them. If one’s knowledge is profound, unify it through control and faith. If through courage and resolution one is cruel and unyielding, aid him with methods of instruction. If clever and quick,5 quiet him with rest and retirement. If mean and avaricious, elevate him with high aims. If mediocre and worthless 6 purge him through the medium of teacher and friends. If remiss and depreciatory, frighten7 him with disaster. If good and upright, integrate him with ritual (It) and music. ‘ None of these phrases occurs verbatim in the SÄiÄ. Cf. SÄiÄ No. 167/6 打道遲遲 . bShih 218 No. 149/1. 6 揭 • B， C， D follow Mao «ÄiÄ with 偈 • Ch‘ên Ch‘iao-ts‘ung (厂 Awo 0.6b〉 says both are phonetic borrowings for 竭 “ to go quickly.” T 周之道：Legge translates “ the road to Chou,” but for H a n Ying (as well as for M ao, cf. Shih 218, note) it had a more abstract meaning. x Hsün-tzü 1.16b-17b. * F o r 養心 cf. Mencius 497 (78/35). 8Cf. Analects 31S (16/7). 41 follow C h o u ’s suggestion and emend 務 to 柔 as in C hao (66) disagrees, insisting that 柔之 does not fit it with the —*之 below. This objection has not occurred to any of the commentators on Hsün-tzü, and I find goes very well with the 剛強 it is to alleviate. Usüvrizû has TflJ; Y ang Liang says both mean **active and quickM 捷 速 • For 泰給 cf. r r 2744-5. 6 For cf. Analects 370 (19/8). This hardly fits the present context, and Chou would emend to the Hsün-tzü reading; 庸 衆 駑 散 • Cha。 （68) s a y s 容 a n d 庸 are interchangeable, and 好 is a mistake for 奴 ， which stands for 驚； Y ang Liang explains 舍 b y “ one of as inferior stu ff as a w orthless h o r s e ” 材下如驚馬者也 . 〇f 散 ]!e says, “ O ne who h as n o t been disciplined ” 不拘檢者也 . t C h ao would make ® a phonetic borrowing for @ as in Ckuang-tzù 9.46b

HAN SHIH WAI CHÜAN

72

In general the most direct way to control the breath and nourish the mind is to follow ritual (U) ; the most important thing is to get a teacher; the most prudent thing is to love but one thing. From loving one thing comes breadth, from breadth essence, from essence spirituality, from spirituality transformation. It is for this reason the superior man devotes himself to binding his mind to the one. The Ode says，8 The virtuous man, the princely one, His deportment is one, His deportment is one, H is m ind is as though bound [to w h at is correct].

32 1 If jade is not polished, it will not be a perfect vessel; if a man is not taught, his will not be perfect conduct. Though you have in your house jade worth a thousand [pieces of] gold, you still will be poor unless you know how to handle it. If a good craftsman works on it, then it will be valued and handed down to posterity. When a superior man studies,2 then he is of use to the state. Truly in his movements he makes the people easy, and his delibe­ rations result in an extension of human life. The Ode says,3 The virtuous man, the princely one, Rectifies the people of the state. He rectifies the people of the state:— May he continue for ten thousand years!

33 1 The family of a woman who has been given in màrriage does 貪財而取慰，where one edition writes 畏 . As 慰 makes no sense, I follow C hao's suggestion. Hsün-tzü writes

him with disaster to let him know fear.” BShih 222-S No. 15Ä/1.

, and Y ang Liang paraphrases, **illuminate 以禍災照燦之、 隹 知懼也.

1 Li chi S6.1b-2a. 學 B, C, D and the Yüan ed. have 謀 “ plan.” C hao Yu-wen (109) thinks the text is defective before this phrase. a Skih 224 No. 152/4. x Li chi 18.16b-17b; 26.20a; 61.7a-b. 3F or

CHAPTER II

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not extinguish the light for three nights: [this is because] they are thinking of the separation. The family [whose son] has taken a wife does not make music for three days: [this is because] they are thinking that he [soon] will succeed his father. For this reason in the ceremony (li) of marriage, congratulations are not offered, since the generation of men [is about to change]. After three months [the bride] is presented in the ancestral temple and an­ nounced as the [newly] arrived wife [of the son]. On the following day she is presented to her father-in-law and mother-in-law, who descend from the steps on the west; the bride descends 2 from the steps on the east and is led into her own apartments. Sad thoughts for three days and abstinence from killing for three months are due to the feelings of the filial son. Truly ceremony (li) is ordered after men’s feelings. The Ode says,3 Their mothers have tied their sashes; Ninety is the number of her ceremonials.4

It speaks of the many ceremonials. 341 B y investigating the will of Heaven and controlling the work­ ings of the mind, by putting in order likes and dislikes and making emotions and one^ own nature agree, control of the True Way is achieved. B y investigating the Will of Heaven, one avoids being confused about disaster and good fortune. When one is not confused about disaster and good fortune, activity accords with reason.2 When one controls the workings of the mind, one is not happy or angry without cause. When one is not happy or 2 Both C hou and CHy would emend 升 to 降 as in Lê cfci. 9Shih 238 No. 156/4. ‘ 九 十 其 儀 T heum ial interpretation is “ complete” or “ practically complete.” K arlgren (BMFEA 16.220) . . are both 9 and 10.M H an Ying^ interpretation can be inferred from the concluding line.1 1 Wên-tzü 4.4b; Huai-nan tzu 14.2a. 2 動 靜 修 CÄiÄ-yao 8.22a has 理 after 修 . 祕 has M 續 ® . Chao (66) thinks 修 is a mistake for 循 （ c f.那 and S I should be added from Chih-yao to complete the sense.

循 理 ，and 灰知2/6， note 6 )，

74

HAN SEIH WA1 CÜVAN

angry without cause, in rewards and punishments there is no favoritism. When likes and dislikes are put in order, one does not covet what is useless. When what is useless is not coveted, one does not do violence to one’s nature through attachment to things.3 When the emotions and one’s own nature are made to agree, desires do not exceed proper limits. When desires do not exceed proper limits,4 one’s own nature is nourished and one knows enough to be content. These four are not to be sought outside, nor are they to be derived from another. Turn to your­ self for them and there they are. Such a man is one to delight others (?) .5 His very aspect is that of jên and i; his acts are law and order. The Ode says,6 In hewing an axe handle, in hewing an axe handle. The pattem is not far off.

a nature of things is not injured.” C hao would follow WÄ-yoo 8.22b: 不以物害性 ， and so in my translation. fzß has 不以欲用害性 omits 用 ） . ‘ 不過欲:不過 欲 則 . . .** there are no excessive desires; when there are no desires-------M In the translation I follow Chik-yaof loc. c i t . : 故％逼 節 . 欲不過節則. . . 丑 teû is the same; likewise except 卽 for 則 . (Chao 70.) * 夫 人 À 說人 者 也 : this is not dear. 9Shih 240 No. 158/2.

CHAPTER III l 1 Tradition tells us that, of old， because Shun’s pots and pans did not smell of cooking,2 those below him did not offend by leaving [food uneaten].3 Because he ate from earthen dishes4 and drank from earthen vessels, craftsmen did not offend by exercising skill.5 Because [he wore] deerskin garments with coarse cloth collars,6 women did not offend by being extravagant.7 Since his regulations for [the masses] below were easy to follow, services being few and easy to perform successfully，8 the people did not offend by being [too much] governed. Truly the Great Way is greatly tolerant, great virtue is greatly humble,9 and the Saintly Ruler is sparing of action. Hence things used by him always prosper. 1 S Y l.la-b lacks 傳曰 and presents the paragraph as a dialogue between Yin-wên 尹文 and King Hsüan of Ch*i. Shun is not mentioned, and the whole is condensed, though S Y also has the quotation at the end. Lu shih 12.S6b is based on HSWC. 2 Meaning that Shun gave an example of frugality by not leaving food on his plate. CHy says 腫 is a vulgar form of 檀 ， which is the reading in 九cAi 1.16a; T P Y L 757.8b likewise. (Chao 71.) 8 而下不以餘獲罪：CKu-hsüeh chi, loc d t.y h a s 而工不以巧獲罪，w rongly, C H y th in k s; see n o te 5. 2 T F L 81.3a is th e sam e， w ith 功 for 工 • （ C h a o .) ‘ 土 簋 ： CHy quotes Lü Ching 呂 靜 as cited by Pei Yin, a vessel for food is called 基 Its usual meaning is Msacrificial vessel.** HFT 3.5b applies the line to Yao. 8 而農不以力獲罪 “ and farmers did not offend by being strong ” ；this makes no sense with the preceding. Chao thinks that the sentence 工不以巧獲罪 ， which in CWu-hsiieh chi and TP YL follows (see note 3 above), should be here. La shih has this reading. * 〇 which Y ang Liang defines as '* severe ** 猛厲 . • For 攝 B ,C have 揖 “ bowing•” which C hou says is wrong. 9 From Analects 151 (2/17). 10 Shih 640 No. S04/3. 1 This is copied almost verbatim from Hsün-tzû 2.1a-2b. * Cf. HSWC 1/26.

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him,3 because it was not according to the mean of li and i. That mountains and streams are level, that heaven and earth are equal,4 that Ch‘i and Ch‘in are contiguous, that ‘ it goes in the ear and comes out the mouth，’ 5*that a barb has whiskers,8 and an egg has hair: 7 these theories are difficult to uphold, but Têng Hsi and Hui Shih were equal to it. The superior man does not respect them, because [such paradoxes] are not in accord with the mean of li and L The notoriety of Tao-chih is in everyone^ mouth;8 his fame is [glaring as] the sun and moon, and is transmitted with­ out interruption [to later generations] together with the fame of Shun and Yii. The superior man does not respect him, as [such notoriety] is not in accord with mean of li and i. Thus the superior man does not respect foolhardiness in conduct; in explanations he does not respect sophistry; and in fame he does not respect notoriety. He respects only what is fitting. The Ode says,9 N eith er violent nor remiss, N eith er h ard nor soft.10

* This sentence, from 負石 to 不貴 occurs in S F 16.15a. 4 Y ang Liang says ifc means Mon the same level ** 齊 等 也 • Chuang-tzü 10.38b h a s 天與地卑， 山與澤平 . 8 入乎耳， 出乎口：Y ang Liang says this has not been satisfactorily explained and gives two possibilities: [The mouth] is the pass through a mountain, meaning a mountain has ears and mouth. *When you shout at one mountain, the whole range answers.' (Chuang-tzû 10.41a, S sü -ma Piao*s com.) This is [the idea of] a mountain hearing a man's voice and answering it, and so [the text] says *it goes in the ear and comes out the m outh/ Some say that what is meant by a mountain's having a mouth is that it spits out and draws in clouds and m ist/' ®Yü Yüeh {Chvrtzü p'ing-i 12.6b) says, MI suspect is a phonetic borrowing for ÿÈJ, which is defined in Skuo wên as *an old woman * 5 È . To say that old women have beards when they have not is characterized as a hard theory to uphold/* 7 F o r 卵有毛 cf. Chuang-tzû 10.40a. *盜跖 吟 口 ：Y ang Liang says, His praises have long been sung in the mouths of men/* As SY , loc. cit.t has 凶 貪 ，H ao I-hsing would here emend to 貪 凶 • Yû Yüeh (op. cit. 2.9a-b) makes 吟 a phonetic borrowing for 齡•， to d says the expression is like **black-mouthed ** m m beasts of prey, which comes to the same general meaning as in 5T. W ang HsieH"Cli*iai rejects these explanations and makes 吟口 mean something like u stammer/* but does not specify how it is to be fitted into the context. I follow Y ang. • Shih 641 No. 304/4. Hsün-tzü quotes 240 No. 170/6. 10 CHy adds “ I t says what is fitting is to be valued.”

118

HAN SHIH WA1 CHÜAN

34 1 Po-i and Shu-ch*i12 would not allow their eyes to look on a bad sight, or their ears to listen to a bad sound. They would not serve a prince of whom they did not approve, or command a people whom they did not esteem. They could not bear to dwell either in [a court] from which a lawless government emanated, or among lawless people. They considered living with commoners as equiva­ lent to sitting in dirt and charcoal while wearing court robes and court cap. Therefore when men [now] hear the character of Po-i, the avaricious 3 become pure and the weak acquire determination. When we come to Liu-hsia Hui,45it is not thus. He was not ashamed to serve an impure prince, nor would he refuse an inferior office. When advanced to employment he did not conceal his worth, [but] made it a point to follow® the True Way. When straitened by. poverty he did not grieve; when dismissed and left without office he did not murmur. Living with commoners he was happy 6 and would not leave. [He would say,] Although he stand by my side with breast and arms bare, or with his body naked, how can another person 7 defile me? ’’ Therefore when men [now] hear the character of Liu-hsia Hui, the mean become gener­ ous and the niggardly become liberal. When we come to Confucius* leaving Lu and delaying his departure,8 “ when it was proper to go, he went,9 and when it was proper to stay, he stayed ” ：this is the way to leave the country of one’s father and mother.10 1 This is taken from Mêng-tzü l 〇 A.la-b {Mencius 369-72) with omissions and slight changes in wording. I have followed L egge*s translation. 2 Mencitw does not mention 叔 齊 • 8For 貪 Meracitw has 頑 “ the corrupt.” C hao (95-6) quotes evidence showing that ^ was probably also the original reading in Mencius. * Mencius has only the name. HSWC has omitted a paragraph on I-yin. 5 For 由 Mencf财 has 以 . * For 偸偸 ibid, has 由 由 . 7F o r 彼 安 Ü h a s 爾 焉 . 8 The words are ascribed to Confucius, iWd.， which has 吾 for 其 . * For 去 M endia has 速 “ go quickly.” 10 M 你 ct• 财 transposes this phrase before 可以速而速 • . . .

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Po-i among the saints was the pure one; Liu-hsia Hui was the accommodating one; and Confucius was the temperate one.11 The Ode says,12 N eith er violent nor remiss. N eith er h ard nor soft.

This speaks of moderation and harmony.

35 1 In scaling taxes and rectifying affairs the king levies a tithe on fields; at the customs barriers and markets he has inspections, but no duties; the use of mountains and forests, of lakes and weirs is limited to certain seasons, but it is not prohibited [entirely];12* he inspects8 the land, and taxes4*[on the basis of] the quality of the soil. He has tribute sent according to [the length of]6 the way it must come. All produce comes without interference in circulation, so that it may be freely distributed. Those near [the imperial domain] do not hide their ability, and those far away are not dissatisfied with their labor. Though a state be secluded and backward, there is none [of its inhabitants] but will hasten to serve him and rejoice [in his government]. This is what is 11 For 中 Mencizw has 時 . ia Shih 641 No. 304/4. 1 Condensed from Hsün-tzü 5.0a-10a (D ubs 132-3). a Cf. Mencius 162 (1B/5.S), MThe husbandmen [cultivated for the government] one-ninth of the land; . . . at the passes and in the markets, [strangers] were inspected, but [goods] were not taxed; there were no prohibitions respecting the ponds and weirs/* Also IA Ki 1.293 (3 /S .ll), 44Anciently the public fields were cultivated by the united labors of the farmers around them, from the produce of whose private fields nothing was levied. A rent was charged for the stances in the market-places, but wares were not taxed. Travellers were exammed at the different passes, but no duties were levied from them. Into the forests and plains at the foot of mountains the people went without hindrance at the proper seasons/* (L egge 1Ä27.) * Y ang Liang says 相 means “ look at ” 視 .

正 r e a d ® . (C hou .) 8丑油i - M h a s 之 遠 近 a f te r 理道•理 is “ to measure the 4 For

Nien-sun.)

distance.”

(W ang

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meant by a king’s scaling taxes and rectifying affairs. The Ode says,6* G ently he spreads his instructions abroad A nd all dignities and riches are concentrated in him .

36 1 Sun Ch*ing2 and the Prince of Lin-wu8 were discussing military affairs before King Hsiao-ch^ng of Chao. The king said, I venture to ask what is [most] important in military operations.” The Prince of Lin-wu said, MWell, in military operations the important thing is on the one hand to take advantage of the opportunities given by Heaven and on the other to take advantage of the terrain. Mobilize last but get there first. This is what is important in military operations.” Éun Ch‘ing said, “ Not so. Now the one important thing in military operations consists in gaining the support of officers and people. If the six [chariot] horses are not in accord, Ts'ao-fu [himself] could not drive them far. If bow and arrow do not match, [even] Yi could not hit a small mark with them. Without the support of officers and people, T*ang or Wu would not have been able to win victories with them. Seen in this light, the important thing is simply to gain the support of officers and people.” The Prince of Lin-wu said, N ot so. What is employed in military tactics is [the element of] surprise; what is valued are stratagems and guile. Those skilled in the use [of such elements] may be compared with an escaping hare—no one knows where they are going to pop out. Sun [Wu] and Wu [Ch'i] used them, and were without opponents in the empire. Seen in this light, why # Shih 641 No. S04/4. ^ ro m

Hsün-tzü 10.1a-4a (D ubs 157-161.)

Hsin hsü 3.2a-4a is m uch closer to

Hsün-tzü. •AU texts have 孫檐 I ; adds 子 . That name was written with 孫 to avoid the taboo name 詢 of the Emperor Hsüan 宣帝 of the Han has been generaUy accepted smce Ssü-m a Chên and Y en Shih-ku. However, W ang Hsiench*ien (in Hsün-tzü ^ao-chêng 14b) demonstrates that this could not be true, and explains the use of the two characters by their similarity in sound. • 君 ：CHy， D write 子 .

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is it necessary to wait for the support of officers and people before you can do anything? ’’ Sun Ch*ing s a i d , N o t so. What y o u 3 speak of are the military operations of a feudal lord, the affairs of a scheming minister. What I am talking about are the military methods of the man characterized by jén, and the undertakings of a Saintly King. It is possible to practice guile only against those who are lazy or where there is a marked estrangement between prince and subjects, between superior and inferior. Now if a Chih [tries to] deceive a Chieh, there is still [the chance of] skill and awkwardness involved; but if a Chieh [tries to] deceive a Yao, it is like stirring up boiling water with the finger, or dashing an egg against a rock. If you run into a raging fire while carrying feathers and fur, you will be burnt. So how can you use guile? Furthermore, who is going to succeed with an oppressive state? Any who succeed with such [a state] must needs cheat the people.4 But the people’s love for me is 】ike the pleasure they take in the cfciao and the Zan plants for their fragrance; it is joyous a>s [the love between] father and son.5 They regard their superiors as men with poisonous beestingers.6 Though there be a Chieh or a Chih, is [anyone] going to be willing on the behalf of those he most hates to injure those whom he most loves? This is like [trying to] make a man’s sons and grandsons injure their own parents; the former will notify them in advance,7 so how can you use guile? Furthermore, the troops of the man characterized by jên form companies when together, and when separated they form ranks • 4 Hsun-tzu has 且夫暴國之君將誰與至哉， 彼其所與至者必其民也 “ Then with whom is the prince of an oppressive state gomg to achieve his success? Those with whom he achieves his success must be the people of that state/* 5 Hsün-tzü h a s 其民之親我歡若父母， 食 好 我 芬 若 椒 蘭 “ The people’s love for me is comparable to that felt for their fathers and mothers as regards the pleasure it affords them. Their liking for me is comparable to their liking chiao and lan plants for their fragrance.w This sentence appears toward the end in the Hsün-tzü and Hsin hsü versions. * C h o u thinks there should be 反 before 顧 and 於 before 人 ： “ Their resentful glances at their superiors are like poisonous bee-stings." 7 彼則先覺其失：**They (the people) will realize in advance their mistake M (??) This is evidently a corruption of Hsün-tzü, 彼必將來吿 之夫又 . . . . I suspect that 夫 was miswritten 失 》 necessitating the emendation of 之 to 其 . 9

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HAN SHIH WA1 CHÜÂN

Extended, they are like the long sword Mo-yeh: 8 those running up against them are cut in two. In a salient they are like the sharp point of Mo-yeh: those who oppose them are destroyed. In surrounding [operations] they are immovable as hills and moxintains. In square formations they are like a great boulder that cannot be disloged; those that butt against them retreat with broken horns and cracked joints. So how can you use guile? The Ode says,® T he M artial K ing displayed his banner, i 〇 And w ith reverence grasped his axe. I t was like [the case of] a blazing fire, W hich no one can repress.11

This is said of the military tactics of T‘ang and Wu.” King Hsiao-ch^ng withdrew from the mat, clasped his hands12 and said, u Though I am not intelligent, I ask to rely on the Master’s military tactics.” 37 The ruler1 who has received the heavenly mandate adjusts his clothes and cap and puts on a dignified attitude, and the people, 8 Wu ti chi 4b-5a says that Kan-chiang 干將 had been commissioned by King Ho-lü of Wu to cast a sword. When the finest materials had been assembled, despite sacrifices to the God of the Furnace 爐神 by three hundred women, the gold and silver failed to fuse with the iron. Kan-chiang told his wife, Mo-yeh, that according to his master, in such cases a visit to the God of the Furnace by a woman would be efficacious. Mo-yeh cast herself into the furnace and the molten metals at once flowed out. Kan-chiang then made two swords» calling the male blade Kan-chiang and the female one Mo-yeh. From the remaining metal he fashioned 3000 swords. He presented the sword Kan-chiang to King Ho-lü and hid the female sword, which continually cried and sobbed for her mate. Another version of this legend appears in Wu-Yüeh chfuncKiu (followed by Giles, BD 934), whereby Mo-yeh merely cuts off her hair and finger nails to cast them in the furnace. •SAtÄ64«No. 304/6. 10 施 ： CHy follows and SfciÄ fc‘a 。2.46a to write 發 • Ch‘ên Ch‘iao-ts‘ung (I-shuo kfao 18.10a) also has ^ . (Chao.) 11 易 ： writes 遏 ，and Ch‘ên ÿoc. crt.) thinks that was the Han shih reading. (C hao.) 仰 首 ： “ raised his head.” CHy thinks it should be 抑首 ， “ bent his head.” Yü Yüeh (C T2T 17.5a-b) compares 丑SWC 6/20 避席抑手 ， and thinks this also should be 抑 手 • （ C hao 98.) 1 C hao (98) correctly prefers TP YL 430.1a

主 to 士 .

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regarding him from afar, trust him.12* Next to him is the one whom they trust from having heard him speak. Next is the one whom they trust after viewing his conduct. But he is lowest of a ll8 whom everyone mistrusts after seeing his conduct. The Ode says,4 B e careful o f your words: [People] w ill say th a t you are untruthful.

38 In antiquity they understood the empire without going out of doors. They perceived1 the Way of Heaven without looking out of their windows. This was not because their eyes could see a thousand li ahead, nor because their ears could hear [sounds] a thousand2 li away, but because they measured others by their own feelings.8 From their own dislike of hunger and cold they understood the empire’s desire for food and clothing; from their own dislike of toil and suffering they understood the empire’s desire for peace and ease; from their own dislike of decay and poverty they understood the empire^ desire for riches and abun­ dance.4 Understanding these things was how the sage-kings put the empire in order without descending from the mats [on which they were sitting]. Hence the way of the superior man rests [solely] on sincereity and compassion.5 Now, hunger and thirst a Cf. A na le cts 353 (20/2.2): MThe ruler adjusts his clothes and cap, and throws a dignity into his looks, so that, thus dignified, he is looked at with awe/' 3 I T FX, Zoc. cit” has 民之卞矣 . C f . 丑SPFC 2/28 for a similar paragraph. 4 S h ih S47 No. 200/3. 1

8.23b-24a has 知 for

* 千 ：C hih -ya o t loc. cit.t has ^

8 Chik-yao adds (Chao.)

見

and

者

after 道 • （ C hao 98.)

. (C hao 99.)

以 己 之 度 度 之 也 “ By their own capacity they measured it.M

read s己 欲 衣 食 焉 ， 亦知天下之欲衣食也， 己欲安逸焉， 亦知天 下之故安逸也， 己肴紅惡Ä ， 亦 Ä 天 下 之 有 好 惡 Ä “ Desiring clothing and food themselves, they understood the empire^ desire for clothing and food. Desiring peace and ease themselves, they understood the empire^ desire for peace and ease. Having likes and dislikes themselves, they understood the likes and dislikes of the empire.” （ C hao.) 5 Cf. i4no/ec& 170 (4/15.2)， with 夫 子 “ the m a s te r” for 君 子 .

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HAN SH1H WA1 CHÜAN

troubling blood and cA‘i, cold and heat acting on the skin,8 these four are the great misfortunes of the people. It is impossible to teach or control them unless these misfortunes are removed.7 If the four limbs are not covered, there will be few persons practicing jên. If the five viscera are empty, there will be no gentlemen established [in the way of virtue].8 Therefore, after the method of the former kings, the Son of Heaven personally tilled the soil, and the Empress and Imperial Concubines tended the silkworms, making themselves the first in the Empire to care for food and clothing. The Ode says,9 H ow shall our parents g et food? M y heart is sad: 10 T h a t m an has no longer garm ent.

* 夫處饑渴苦血氣困寒暑動肌膚 . The text is corrupt; I have followed C hih梦 a。 ， which omits 處 and 困 . 7 害不除 ： has 大 before 害 ， and Chao (100) would add it here to recapitulate the 大害 just above. 8 Chao would follow C hik-yao and a d d 百姓內不乏食， 外不患寒， 乃可御以 禮 矣 ‘' When within the people do not lack food, and without they do not suffer from cold, then they can be controlled by li.*** ^ S h ih 184 No. 121/S; 106 No. 63.

CHAPTER IV l 1 [The tyrant] Chou invented the punishment of the fiery [pit] and the pillar.2 The Prince Pi-kan said, " If, when his master is outrageous, [the minister]8 does not remonstrate, he is not loyal. If from fear of death he does not speak, he is not brave. If he sees a fault, he objects, and if [his objections] go unheeded, he dies: this is the height of loyalty.” Whereupon he remonstrated for three days without leaving the court. Chou accordingly4 put him to death. The Ode says,5 [T h e terrors of] G reat H eaven are very exœ ssive; I shall ta k e care 6 to com m it no offence.

21 Chieh made a wine lake in which a boat could move about, and the [resulting] mound of dregs was so [high] that from it one could see for a distance of ten IL There were three thousand men who drank [from the lake] like cattle.2 Kuan Lung-fêng proffered a remonstrance: 3 “ In antiquity 1 H sin hsii 7.1b-2a is nearly identical. After the quotation from the Ode it adds,

**Is it not indeed pathetic that the innocent should die? M無辜而死不亦及哉 . aFor ^ read ^ as in H F T 7.8a and 17.1b (Chao 101.) Cf. S k ih chi 3.11a (M ém . h ist. 1.201, note 1) for a description. 8 H sin hsii adds 臣 after 忠 .

4 Read 因 with 丑如 for 囚 “ imprisoned him.” As there is elsewhere no such tradition concerning Pi-kan , 因 must be right. Possibly Q is a contamination from the next section. 6 S h ih S40 No. 198/1. a 愼 is generally taken as = 實 ； Legge translates, “ But indeed I have committed no offence M; likewise K arlgren. H an Ying has put the line in a context requiring the more usual meaning of 愼 . x H sin hsii 7.1b is very similar, but lacks the quotation at the end. L egge, Shih, Proleg. 91. translates this paragraph. *Cf. S h ih chi S.lOb (M e m . h ist. 1.901) ; H S W C 2/2«. * 進 讀 ：cf. 知 cAiew 5.Sa: 或問進諫受諫敦難 “ Should someone ask whether it was more difficult to offer a remonstrance than to receive one. . .*** I take

125

HAN SH1H WA1 CHÜAN

126

rulers themselves practiced li and i. They loved the people and were sparing of property. As a result their states were at peace and they themselves lived out their span of life. But your High­ ness now is using up property as though it could not be exhausted and is putting people to death as though he were afraid he would not be able to kill them all.4 If Your Highness does not reform, the retribution of Heaven will certainly descend on him and punishment will inevitably come to him. May Your Highness reform! ” He stood at his post without leaving the court until Chieh imprisoned him and put him to death. On hearing of this the superior man says, “ It was the will of Heaven.” The Ode says,5 [T he terrors of] G reat H eaven are very excessive; I shall tak e c a re 16 to com m it no offence.

31 There is great loyalty, secondary loyalty, inferior loyalty, and there is treason to the state.12 Enveloping a prince with the True Way so as to reform him constitutes great loyalty. Stirring up a prince with virtue so as to assist him constitutes secondary loyalty. Holding up the right to censure the wrong so as to provoke the prince 34constitutes inferior loyalty. To be without consideration for the public or for duty (i) ,4 to be weakly complaisant and 進 諫 to be the equivalent of 入 諫 , and not ** came to rem onstrate with him

**

as

Legge does.

‘ has could not die.”

用人 若 恐 不能死 “ using the people as though he thought they

8 Shih 340 No. 198/1. fl Cf. H S W C 4/1 note 6.

1 From Hsün-tzû 9.6a-b, with minor verbal changes and the addition of the conclusion and quotation from the Ode. cfci l 7.8b>9a begins with

loyalty.” （ C hao 102.)

忠之道有三 “ There are three

ways of

*B, C； D lack 是 ， which C hou and CHy add from CHy follows ITTI* 418.2a and writes 死之 “ dies for it ” for 怨 之 • cW, ^>c. cit., has 怨 , and H sün-tzü has (C hao 103.) Y ang Liang explwns, 4 Sun I-jang (Cha-i 2.1a) thinks this is the proper reading, and C hao agrees. IIFT 17.1b also quotes the line from I-Chou-sku. (CHy.) e Skih 341 No. 198/3. 7 This should probably be 恭 as in 4/3. jtf(rn-ßara

1 This varies somewhat from both Kuan-tzû 16.10b-lla and LSCC 18^a-6b (W ilhelm 295-7); SF 13.3b-5a is based on the Utter. * 仲父 “ second father ” was the title bestowed on Kuan Chung by Duke Huan; cf. P elliot. TP 27 (1930) .71-2, note 2. a For 若 read 者 after 意 . （ CHy.) 4東 郭 牙 ：Kî鑛七ü has 郵 Yu; SF has 垂 Ch‘ui. Yü Yüeh ( C T r r 17*ßb) says 牙 is a mistake for 〇 、 the old form of 垂 . As LSCC and Lun king 26.17a 1For this character, see the table on p. 358. both agree with 丑SVFC? and write 牙 ，Chao thinks Yü is wrong. Wang Yin-chin 23.16a) says his name was 牙 ， and 垂 was his tz*. (Chao 105.)

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He said， “ I have heard that the superior man has three aspects. From this I knew it.” Kuan Chung said, What do you mean by three aspects? He said, “ Pleased and happy6—this is the musical6 aspect. Anxious and grieved~this is the aspect of mourning. Fierce and replete~this is the m ilitary7 aspect. From this I knew.” Kuan Chung said, “ How did you know it was to be Chü? ’’ He replied, His Highness pointed to the southeast.8 His mouth opened and did not close. His tongue was raised and did not fall. That is how I knew it was to be Chii.,> Duke Huan approved.9 Master Tung-kuo said that the eyes are representative of the mind, and that words are the indicators of action. Now knowledge of men is not to be had for the asking. By regarding a man’s demeanor， investigating his motives, and determining his choice, you will get to the bottom of his nature. The Ode says,10 W h at oth er m en have in th eir m inds, I can m easure by reflection.

6 Now you may have strong armor and sharp weapons,1 but if they are not sufficient to undertake an expedition against the enemy or to defeat the foe,2 [it is just the same as not having weapons at all].3 Your bow may be good and the arrows may match, but if they are not sufficient to shoot far and to hit a small mark, [it is just the same as having no bow and arrows]. If the 5 D has 衆 for 樂 • B, C have 愛 . *鐘 鼓 • l i t b e l l s and drums.” T兵 革 • lit” “ weapons and armor.” 8 For 東 I follow B, C and read 東南 as more accurate geographically. 0 B, C here insert the Ode quoted at the end. CHy says it should either be omitted here or the paragraph should be divided into two. 10 Skih 342 No. 198/4. 1 Cf. Mencius 1S5 (1A/6.S) : '* The strong mail and sharp weapons of the troops of Ch‘in and Ch‘u .， ， * 虜 usually is applied to & specific enemy in a pejorative sense. 8 This phrase has become displaced to a position after the next sentence, the con­ clusion to which I have supplied in brackets.

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HAN SHIH WA1 CHÜAN

people are not equal to being put to hard service against a formidable enemy, it is just the same as not having the people at all. Just as a thousand li of boulders does not mean you have any [real] territory, even so a million4 ignorant citizens does not mean you have the people. The Ode says,5 In th e B u t it In th e B u t it

south is th e is of no use n o rth is the lades o u t no

Sieve, to sift. Ladle, liquor.

71 According to tradition, Shun played on the five-string lute, singing the “ Nan-fêng ’’ to it，1 2*4and yet the empire was in order. Duke P*ing of Chou8 always had wine within reach, while the bells and musical stones were not loosened from their support, and yet the world was likewise in order. But a commoner with only a hundred mou of land and a single house " has no leisure to rest,” 4 nor is there any way for him to change [his condition]. Now the way in which one man keeps in touch with the whole empire and still has leisure while [the masses] below are under control, is by getting others to work for him. But when a man arrogates to himself the authority of ordering others around with­ out being able to control the masses below, then the person on the throne is not a man worthy of his position. The Ode says,5 4 For 百萬 T P rL 499.1a has on the definition of 億 . 5 Shih 356 No. 20S/7.

千億

“ a billion，，， or “ a hundred billion,” depending

1 H uai-nan tz û 14.10a-b seems to be derived from a common source. a This sentence, introduced by 傅 曰 ， occurs in several places: L i K i 2.67 (17/2.1) has invented ** for 5 Ç ； likewise S h ih chi 24.16a (M e m . h ist. S.254 and note 6); both however omit 而 天 卞 治 . 价 in yü 1.06 (von G abain M ) has 昔 虞 舜 治 夫 下， 彈五紘之琴， 输 南風乏詩 • CÄia yü 8 7 a is the same w it h 者 f o r 食 a n d 造 for and follows with four lines which are attributed to the **Nan-fêng ** (translated by C havannes, op. c i t .) . C heng Hsiian's com. on L i chi says he has not seen it, and the quotation in Ü 厶 ûi-^ü may be from the hand of Wang Su. * 周平公：Huai-na» faû has 周公 , and it is certainly he who is meant. 4 Cf. Sh ih 260 No. 167, 248 No. 162. 6 Sh ih 356 No. 203/7.

CHAPTER IV I n th e B u t it I n th e B u t it

south is th e is of no use n o rth is th e lades o u t no

131

Sieve, to sift. Ladle, liquor.

It speaks of having the position but not fulfilling its duties. 81 When Duke Huan of Ch'i went to attack the Shan-jung, his route passed through Yen, and the Prince of Yen escorted him beyond the borders [of his own state].12* Duke Huan asked Kuan C h u n g , W h e n one feudal lord escorts another, is it right that he should go beyond his own borders? Kuan Chung said， “ Unless it is the Son of Heaven [whom he is escorting], he does not go beyond his own borders.” Duke Huan said, “ Then it was out of fear of me that he violated ritual usage (li) . It is not right that I should be the cause of [the Prince of] Yen’s violating ritual (Zi) Whereupon he cut of! his territory as far as the Prince of Yen had gone and presented it to Yen. When the feudal lords heard of this， they all payed their respects in the court of Ch‘i. The Ode says,8 Q uietly 4 fulfill th e duties 5 of your offices, L oving th e correct and th e upright. So shall th e Spirits hearken to you, A nd give you large m easures of bright happiness.

1 S Y 5.6a follows this closely, quoting from the same poem. 8 S h ik chi S4.Sa (M é m . hist. 4.186) : MIn the 27th year [of Duke Chuang of Yen]

(B.C. 674) the Shan-jung invaded our territory. Duke Huan of Ch*i came to the aid of Yen, passing to the north to attack the Shan-jung and then returning [through Yen]. The Prince of Yen accompanied Duke Huan of Ch^ past his own borders, and Duke Huan accordingly cut off the land as far as the Prince of Yen had gone and gave it to Yen/* Chou suggests that the entry in C K u n cKxu (Tao chuan 100, C huang 20) refers to this incident: **In winter, (B.C. 67S) a body of men from Ch*i smote the

Jung.” 8 S h ih S66 No. 207/5. 4 靜 ：Mao «fciÄ and S F" have 8^ : M a o sh ih has

靖. 1

HAN SH1H WA1 CHÜAN

132

9 The music of Shun 1 in using shield and battle-axe123was not perfect m usic8 ; his marriage with his two wives was not in com­ plete accord with ritual (U) 4*; his enfeoffing the nineteen sons of H uang-ti6 was not based on justice (i) ; his going in the fields weeping and wailing6 was not living up to his fate. From the human point of view, he [acted] correctly, but judged from the legal point of view, he did not. The Li says,7 [(t The Way of the Sages includes] the three hundred ways of acting according to ritual (li), and the three thousand rules of demeanor.,> The Ode says,8 ， Q uietly fulfill the duties of your offices, Associating w ith the correct and u pright So shall the Spirits hearken to you. And give you good.

1 ^ is so defined in Analects 164 (3/2d); see note 3 below. 9 Cf. Li 沿 2.46 (17/1.1 〉 ：“ The combination of those modulated sounds, so as to give pleasure, and the [direction in harmony with them of the] shields and axes, and of the plumes and ox-tails, constitutes what we call music/* (Legge 2.92.) The shields and axes were used in mimes of war; the plumes and ox-tails in those of peace. Cf. ibid. 1.469 (6/1.7): ts‘ung (I-shuo kfao 10.7a) thinks present texts of HSWC are here corrupted by Mao shih. 1T 見晛聿消 . F o r 聿 B ， C, D h a v e 日 as in Mao shih. Ch*en (ibid.) quotes the

HAN SHIH WA1 CHUAN

148

鄉

1

When greathearted, the superior man reveres Heaven, and follows the True Way; when timid, he respects i, and practices moderation; when intelligent, he is possessed of clear understand­ ing and thinks logically; when ignorant, he is upright and lawabiding; when happy, he is friendly and controlled; when sad, he is quiet and withdraws;2 when successful, he is peaceful and contained; when in straits, he is frugal3 and careful. When greathearted, the mean man is rude and violent；when timid, he is lecherous and perverted; when intelligent, he is a thief and a cheat;4 when stupid, lie is a killer and a rebel; when happy, he is frivolous and gay; when sad, he is crushed and subdued;5 when successful, he is arrogant and partial; when in straits, he is despondent and harassed. The joints of his limbs are disposed like those of animals. In violence of speech he is no different from the barbarians; outside he grieves the members of his own clan, and inside he Worries the inhabitants of his village. The Ode says,6 H e is lik e th e M an or th e M ao— T h is is w h at m akes m e sad.

A mean man’s conduct!7

24 Traditionally, the love that comes from the feelings is called jen. Love tempered by principles and fitness is called i. The gloss from Cking-i shih-wen to show that defined as 日出.

should be m , the binom being there

1 Modified from Hsiin-tzu 2.4b-5b, which begins, **The superior man is the opposite of the mean man.” 君 子 小 人 之 反 也 . * Cf. H King 409 (1 文言 >，“ Rejoicing, lie carries his principles into action; sorrowing, he keeps with them in retirement.” * ^ J : C hou has emended from Hsün-tzü; all other texts have . ‘ 漸 ：B, C write 傲 “ devious.” W ang Yin-chih defines 漸 as 詐 欺 . 8 For 攝 B. C. D have 攝 . likewise Hsün-tzü. (C hao 116.)

* Shih 407 No. 223/8. T小人之行也 . C hou adds this line from HSTFC 4/20; likewise C h *ên Q i‘iao~ts‘ung (I-skuo k€ao 10^b) C hou would expunge the rest of 20.

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humility which conveys love is called Zi. Proper carriage of the body is called jung.1 The excellence of correct bearing is such that itself it is an adequate pattern [for conduct].. . ? Hence, since the words of such a man are worthy of serving as a guide for the people, the people will follow these words, and since such conduct is worthy of serving as a rule for the people, the people will emulate this conduct, ßecord it in the books and transmit it in the records; tell it to ten thousand generations of sons and grandsons, that they may follow in this path without neglecting it. From keeping to it comes order; from abandoning it, anarchy; from following it, life; from abandoning it, death. Now those whose joints are dis­ posed like those of animals, who are no different from the bar­ barians in the violence of their speech,8 who are confused and without principles, are the ones who are held guilty by enlightened kings and saintly rulers. The Ode says,4 H e is lik e th e M a n or th e M ao 一 T h is is w h at m akes m e sad.

25 1 Among his itinerant advisors there was one who persuaded Prince Ch'un-shen s a y i n g , T ' a n g with seventy li and King Wen with a hundred li both brought the empire together and unified [all] within the seas. Now Hsün-tzü 2 is the worlds sage. I venture to suggest that in giving him control of a hundred Zi Your High­ ness will be inconveniencing yourself. What are you going to do about it? ’’ 1 文 禮 爲 之 容 F o r 禮 read體 ； cf. L i 沿 2.636 (4 0 /1 ): 鳢 義之始在於正容體 • * 禮容之義生， 以治爲法 . The text is corrupt, and there would seem to be words missing after this sentence. I follow CHy ， B， C: 容之美， 自J E 以爲法 》 emending 禮 t o 體 as above. 8 Cf. H S W C 4/2S. 4 S h ih 407 No. 22S/8. 1 C K T 5.38b-40a is the same as H S W C t and is translated by J. J. L. Duyvendak, MThe Chronology of E m n tz û ； f T P 26 (1929) .86-90. E F T 4.12b-lSa (Liao 1S1-3) contains the part beginning The proverb says,Mbut omits the fu t which is in H sü n -tzü 18.18a-19a. On this passage cf. Wang Chung (S h u -h sü e k puri 7b) t and Wanq Hsiench^en's refutation (H sü n -tzü k*ao-chêng 47b.-48b). (Chao 117.) ，孫 = 葡 ；cf• 取 阶 ？3/36, note 8.

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Prince Ch'un-shên approved of his argument and sent to dismiss Hsün-tzü, w h o8 left and went to Chao. Chao made him prime minister. An itinerant advisor again persuaded Prince Ch^unshên saying, "'Of old I-yin left Hsia and went to Yin. Yin gained the imperial sway and Hsia perished. Xuan Chung left Lu and entered Ch^. Lu declined and Ch*i waxed strong. Judged in the light of this, wherever there is a sage, invariably the ruler is well off, and invariably the country is at peace. Now Hsün tzü is the world’s sage. What was the idea of sending him away? ’’ Prince Ch‘un-shên in turn approved of this argument and sent to invite Hsün-tzü [to come back], Hsün-tzü thereupon wrote a letter declining the offer: 4 “ The proverb says, ‘ The leper pities the king.’ This is a disre­ spectful statement, but it is necessary to look into it. This is in reference to rulers who are robbed or assassinated or who suffer death and ruin.6 Now with a ruler who, being young and on his own, has no method for recognizing treachery, powerful ministers will make decisions independently of him and plan for their own interests to prevent punishment from reaching themselves. Hence they will depose a worthy, adult ruler to set up a youth and weakling; they will degrade the rightful heir to set up an illegiti­ mate one.6 “ Thus the record of a Cfc‘濃 -cA‘iu te lls7 how the Prince Wei of Ch‘u paid a visit of state in Chêng. Before he had crossed the border [on his way home] he heard that the king was ill, and returning [on the pretext of] asking about his illness, assassinated the king by strangling him with his cap tassel, and in the course of events put himself on the throne. 8 CHy repeats

孫 子 ；Chou agrees.

4 CHy lias B for 之 . Both he and C hou have followed CXI*. Other editions have 德喜 “ with feigned pleasure.” * B, C have 非 for 此 • CHy， following £LFT, omits 比 and writes 言 for 者 • ia the same, and so in my translation.

用 . I follow CHy (after C K D : 廢 正 適 而 立 不 義 • T春秋之志曰 . Cf. Tso chuan 581 (C hao 1 ), where the story b told

• D has t ： 〖ot

in more detail but with some identity in phrasing. MCKun-cKiu'* if it refers to a specific work, must mean the annals of Chêng or Ch4u, as the Ch^ui^cKhi of Lu has no mention of the incident.

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“ The wife of Ts‘ui Chu of Ch‘i was beautiful， and Duke Chuang had an affair with her.8 [Ts*ui Chu led his partisans to attack Duke Chuang. The duke begged to divide the state with him ,]9 but Ts'ui Chu would not consent. He wished to commit suicide in his ancestral temple, [but Tscui Chu again would not consent.]101 Then when Duke Chuang fled, climbing up over the outside wall, they shot him in the thigh. Having killed him, they put his younger brother, [known as] Duke Ching, on the throne. ‘‘ Recent times have seen Li Tui, when he administered Chao, starving the Father of the R uler11 in [the palace] Sha-ch'iu, where he died after a hundred days，12* and Nao Ch‘ih, who, when he administered Ch'i, hung King Min up [from the rafters of] the ancestral tem ple18 after pulling out his tendons, so that he died14* over night.16 “ Now although a leper [sufiFers from] ulcers, swelling, and scabs, it is not so bad on the one hand as being strangled or shot in the thigh, as in far-off times, nor on the other hand as having the tendons drawn or being starved to death, as in recent times. Now a ruler who is robbed or assassinated, or who suffers death and ruin, is grieved and oppressed in mind and pained in body— certainly his lot is worse than the leper^. Viewed in this light, it is appropriate that even a leper should pity a king.” Whereupon [Hsün-tzù] wrote a fu that reads: R ed jade w and green, jasper and pearl, he does n o t know enough to use them for girdle pendants. Coarse cloth 17 or brocade— he does n o t know th e difference. 8 Cf. Tso chuan 514 (H siang 25) for details. *崔 抒 帥 其 黨 而 攻 莊 。公請與分國 . CHy adds this from CÄT. 10 崔子又不許：also added by CHy, a fte r 崔 抒 又 不 聽 i n 沿 T . 11 主父：title taken by King Wu-ling of Chao on his abdication (B.C. 299) in favor of his son Ho iRf. who became King Hui-wên. ia 百日而殺之 “ killed him after 100 days,” but cf. Äirt. 5.94*5. ia CHy adds ^ from CKT and HFT. 14而 殺 之 . CÄT a n d 财 T hav e 而死 . 18 昔 in the meaning of 夕 ，as in CiCr 13.1a (translated in Mém. Aisf. 5.273»4, note 2). q .v . for the background of this deed. 11» has ï è explained by Hao I-hsing as by Y ang Liang as 赤玉 • 17 Following Y ang Liang. W ang Nien-sun reads % as a verb and paraphrases, “ Cloth and brocade spread out in front of him ” 市 輿 錦 裸 陳 於 前 .

途：

理，

HAN SH1H WA1 CHÜAN

15£

A L ü-chü or a T zü -tu 18 can find n o one to arrange their marriage; A M o-m u 19 or a L i-fu 20 are his joy.

T h e blind he thinks are perspicacious, T h e deaf he takes for acute, A nd true for false,21 luck for m isfortune— Alas! Oh H eaven , W here find his equal?

The Ode says,22 Our ruler is very changeable; 28 D o n o t g et yourself in to trouble w ith him .

26 The [flesh] of the strange animals of the Nan-miao is like [that of] dogs or sheep,1 but give it to a man and it is like a fatal drug. It is thus because2 custom changes the disposition, and habit alters thie nature. Now a madman gnaws at himself, oblivi­ ous that his is not the flesh of an animal raised for food. He eats dirt, unaware that it is not millet or rice. None the less, a madman of Ch‘u speaks the Ch‘u language, while a madman from Ch‘i speaks the Ch'i language. It is thus from habit. Now the effect of habit on a man is such that, even if slight, it appears, while if it be carried on farther, it is fixed in him. It spreads through his very bones and sinews; it is more adhesive than glue or lacquer. 18 Famous for their beauty; cf. Y ang Liang's com. for the former and S k ih 137 No. 84/1. Mencûw 406 (6A/7.7) for the later. ” 嫫 母 : and ug^y woman; cf. CKu tzfü 13.10b. 力父：not identified. (Y ang Liang.) ai writes 以 危 爲 安 “ He takes instability for peace.” 2S 臟 408 No. 2*4/2. 28 For ® CHy, D have , which seems to have been the H a n shih reading. C h*en Ch*iao-ts*ung (J-shuo-k*ao 10.9b-10b) regards them as variants (with ) of the same word. is generally accepted as here referring to the ruler. 1 南苗亦狩之箱!猶犬羊也 D h a s 獮 f o r 亦 • CHy, B, C h a v e 異 獸 for 亦 . The passage has perhaps been contaminated from A n a le cts 255 (12/8.3) : 虎豹 之韓猶犬羊之韓 . “ Hide from which the hair has been removed” makes no sense here. From the context it seems likely that the flesh of some animal is referred to that is eaten with impunity by the natives who are used to it, but to an outsider is fatal. My translation is only a conjecture. •F or ® 然也 read 而然也 witli CHyt B, C*

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This is why the superior man pays careful attention to what he studies. The Ode says,8 I h a v e seen th e superior m an 一 H is virtu ous fam e is glued to him .4

27 1 Mencius said, J e n is man^ mind, and i is man^s path. [How lamentable]*2 it is to neglect the path and not pursue it, to lose this mind and not to seek it again!3 When men’s fowls and dogs are lost, they know enough to seek for them again, but they lose their mind, and do not know enough to seek for it.4 Is it that their minds are not worth so much as fowls and dogs?5 This is indeed ignorance of relative values. Alas, their end inevitably will be destruction. Truly the great end of learning is nothing else but to seek for the lost mind.” The Ode says，6 In th e core o f m y heart I keep it, A nd never w ill forget it.

28 1 Though the road be near, there will be no arriving without walking; though the task be small, unless it be undertaken it will not be completed. If days spent in idleness be many, there will 8 Shih 415 No. 228/3. ‘ I have taken 膠 as in the text above. Variant translations occur in L egge and K arlgren, Book of Odes 16.255. 1 This is modified slightly from Mendus 414 (6A /11). I follow L egge*s translation with a few changes. lacks 哀哉 . • F o r 弗 求 Mencius h a s 不知 求 • 4 The following lines, from MIs i t w MT rulyf, are lacking in Mencius. s 不 若 录 雞 犬 哉 . I follow CHy, B, C and omit 求 . 6 Shih 415 No. 228/4. x Cf. H s ü n -tz ü 1.21b (Dubs 51) for the first three sentences. The whole passage is corrupt. Though I have been able to make some sort of sense out of it by following the easier readings, I suspect that the argument originally may have been quite different.

11

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HAN SHIH WA1 CHÜAN

be no great superiority over others.2 Now, in these hands8 a fine bow, laminated with horn, covered with sinew, and joined with glue and lacquer, may be a thing of value [even in a state of] ten thousand chariots. In those hands4 it is not worth a few shu,^ When the men are the same and their talents, equal, that one is worth ten thousand of the other is because one devotes his mind and directs his will [to the task in hand].6 The Ode says,7 In th e core of m y heart I keep it, And never will forget it.

There is a traditional saying: Sincerely hating evil is essential to understanding punishments. Sincerely loving the good is essen­ tial to understanding reverence.1 Only sincerity can move the spirits and penetrate into the hearts of the people. When one understands the basis for punishments and reverence, he inspires awe without [a show of] anger, and confidence without speech: 2 he is a ruler who has the virtue of sincerity. The Ode says,3 T he drum s and bells are beaten in the palace, And th eir sound is heard w ithout.

30 Confucius had received a visitor.1 After the guest’s departure Yen Ylian s a i d , W a s your visitor [a man possessed of] jên? 99 9 日日多者， 出人不遠• B, C h av e 每 自 f o r 日日• D h a s 入 f o r 人 • CHy h a s 暇日多者， a n d 入 fo r 人 ， emending on the basis of H sü n -tzü i 多暇日者， 其 出入不遠矣 . As H ao I-hsing and W ang Nien-sun both prefer 人 for 入 ， I accept CHy’s emendation but retain 人 . a I follow B, C : 在 此 手 fo r 之 見 手 . 4及 其 被 . I follow B, C and read 彼 for 被 ， balancing 在此手 above. 5A ^ was about .6 g. in Han times. (Dubs, H F H D 1, loc. cit.) * 盡性致志也 • I follow CHy, B, C and read (6A /9.3): 不 專 心 致 志 . 7 S hih 415 No. 228/4. 11 follow CHy, B. C to read 8 Cf. D M 432 (33/3). 3 S hih 417 No. 229/5.

f o r ^ . Cf. M en ciu s 410

知 for 之 before 刑 and 敬 .

1 K rC T A.4a h a s 孔 子 適 衞 。衞 使 見 客 “ Confucius went to Wei, and Wei had him receive guests/* (C hao 120.) This paragraph is omitted by D.

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Confucius s a i d , H i s heart was unyielding (?), his mouth . . . (?) ; 2 as for his being [possessed of] j ê n that I do not know.3 It was his words that gave you that impression.” (？ ) 4 Yen Yiian with a start of surprise changed color and said, Though a foot length6 of good jade be covered with ten fathoms of earth, its brilliance cannot be concealed, and though a fine pearl an inch long be under a hundred fathoms of water, its lustre6 cannot be hidden. Alas! the inadequacy of the body to conceal the m ind!7 If there is benignity and goodness in a person， his [very] eyebrows and lashes will show it.8 If there is a blemish in him, his eyebrows and lashes will be unable to conceal it.” The Ode says,® T h e drum s and beUs are beaten in th e palace, A nd their sound is heard w ith ou t.10

31 T h e deceitful cannot last long; T h e em p ty cannot be preserved.1 R o tte n w ood cannot be carved,2 N o r can he long endure w hose [proper] feelings are lo st.1

The Ode says,3 T h e drum s and bells are b eaten in the palace, A nd their sound is heard w ithou t.

It says that what there is inside must show on the outside. * 恨兮其心， 顙 兮 其 口 . Chou suggests for , but the phrase remains enigmatical. For 顙 口 PWYF cites only this example. 8Cf. A n alecU 276 (14/2.2). ‘ 言 之所聚 . This is not clear. B 度 尺 ：the foot measure based on the length of 100 millet seeds placed lengthwise. a [ e i- c M 83.6b,

7.45a, C ^ V W e Ä cW 27.6a h av e

輝 for 签 ； 『 P I T 8 〇 2.8a

耀. （ C hao.) 7吳形體也， 色心也 “ Form is the body and appearance is tlie mind.” I follow X rC T J o e .说 ： 夫形體之包心也 . Chao ( m ) assumes that after 包 was cor­ rupted into 色 ， 之 was changed to 也 . 8Ä . I follow CHy, B ， C and read 著 • K rC T has 見 . （ Chao.) has

9SÄiÄ417No. 229/5. 10 灯 CT follows with 言 諸中者， 必形諸外也 “ It says what there is inside must appear without.” （ Chao.) 1 N ote the rh y m e : 守

（ s ia u )久 （ kiau}.

a Cf. A na le cts 176 (5/9.1). 8 Shih 417 No. «29/5.

156

HAN SHIH WA1 CHUAN

32 1

He whom we call a commoner12*is one whose mouth is incapable of speaking good words, and whose mind is incapable of knowing the methods of the Former Kings. He moves without knowing what to attend to; he takes a stand without knowing wherein to establish himself. Every day he chooses things without knowing what to value. He does not know enough to select sages and fine gentlemen to whom he might entrust himself. He lets himself be carried along by the world, not knowing whither to return.. He is controlled by the five emotions;8 his mind is impaired by following them, but he never turns back. Thus his actions en­ danger his body, and his repose brings shame to his reputation. The Ode says,4 T h a t m an is bad, E v er varyin g in his conduct.

1 This is abridged from Hsün^tzü 20.14a-b. TTLC 1.5b is doser to Hsün-tzû, while Chia-yii 1.23a-b diverges considerably from all the others. aHsün-tzüt TTLC, and Chia-yii introduce this with **Duke Ai said, *1 venture to ask what are the characteristics of one who is called a commoner? *** 哀公曰， 敢問

何如則可謂庸人矣 • The reply is attributed to Confucius. » 五 威 爲 政 B. C h a v e 無 for Ä . Hswnrtzü and TTLC W M

f o r g e , and Chou prefers that reading. The Mfive viscera M—heart, liver, spleen, lungs, and kidneys, require the reading M ： **His five viscera are not controlled/* is variously defined by Y ang Liang as the five apertures: ear, eye, nose, mouth, and heart, or the five emotions: joy, anger, grief, pleasure, and resentment. H ao I-hsing and Wang Nien-sun prefer the latter, and so in the translation. 4Shih 418 No. 229/7.

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33 1 There was a visitor2 who had an interview with the Duke of Chou. Meeting him at the door, the Duke of Chou said, MHow are you going to instruct me? ’’ The man said, ^ Outside I would speak of externals; inside, of essentials. Shall I come in or not? ” The Duke of Chou said, “ Please come in•” 、 The guest said, “ Standing, I would speak of i; sitting, of jén. Shall I sit or not? ” The Duke of Chou said, “ Please take a seat.” The guest said, Speaking distinctly will result in trouble; speaking softly, in not being heard.3 Shall I speak or not? The Duke of Chou said, “ Yes, yes. I understand.” And next 1 Versions of this story occur in LSCC 18.6b and S Y 15.15b-16a. As the latter resolves some of the ambiguities of USWCt I append a translation: **Master Wang Man of Ch'i had an interview with the Duke of Chou. The Duke of Chou came out to see him and said, *You, siry have had the trouble of coming a long way. What is it you have to teach me? * Master Wang Man said, 23a is almost identical, the divergencies there consisting for the most part of extra partides that darify one or two obscure places in the text; see note 6. I supect that HSWC is the older version. The citation in TP YL 267.1b, while attributed to HSWCt is closer to Chia-yii. (C hao 148.) »For SS cf. HSWC 9/25. 8 A d d 甚 易 a f t e r 田嘻 from Li Shan*s com. on Wên ksûan 7.20a. (CHy.) Chia如 is the same, with 盡 for 甚 . Cf. Mencius 462 (7A/Ä3.1): 易 其 田 疇 ；also Î&Û2.抑5_6 4A /I4.3) : 辟 草菜 ， where 辟 = 闢.

‘ 尊 as in F» •反iwÿ 348 (Ä«••的i A.1):关 聋 地卑 “ Heaven is lofty， earth is low.” (7九 {〇 ■梦 ü has the easier reading 固 “ firm ” ； also 墻 for 塘 . 8Add 故 from CÂài-的 to parallel the other phrases. (C hao.) D also has 故 . *入其庭 甚閒：B, C lack 入 and with D have 聞 for 曲 • expands to

至其庭、

淸間.

Shih 612 No. 256/4. The word provides the link with the preceding paragraph.

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51 In ancient times, since [rulers] had the people meant for them by their mandate,12*the people were capable8 of respect for the aged and pity for the orphan, and in transactions loved to yield. Only after they had received the command from their ruler, did those who were assiduous in service4* (?) g e t6 to ride in elaborate carriages with paired horses. Those who had not received his command did not get to ride, and if they did ride,6 they were in every case punished. Thus, even if people had excess property and luxury goods, if they had not li and i, merit and virtue, there was no way they could make use [of these things].7 So it was that always they made jên and i flourish, but despised property and gain. Despising property and gain, they did not compete. Since they did not compete, the strong did not oppress the weak, nor were the many harsh to the few. This is how T(ang ( = Yao) and Yü ( = Shun)8 gave form to 9 regulations and punishments, and none of the people went against the laws. When the people did not go against the laws, disorder first came to an end. The Ode says,10 1 SSTC lB.7b-8a has a similar passage. S Y 19.9a-b copies HSWCt including the Ode quoted a t the end. * S S rC has 古之帝 王 必 有 命 民 ；S r , T T F L 637.1a» CÄ*Ä-ya。8.24b also have 必 before 有 . （ C h ao 148.) • F o r 之 有 能 r e a d 民 有 能 w ith TP YL and Chih-yao. (C hao 149.) S Y has ^ 民 能 • C H y prefixes 民 before 之 . ‘ 居 事 力 : a SSTC variant is 擧 f o r 居 . * Om it with TPYL, Chih-yao; likewise SSTC and SY. B, C lack ^ . (C hao.) 8 Delete 飾 車 駢 馬 and add 乘 as in W A -yao and S F . By adding 乘 飾 拿 駢 德 after 馬 ， CH y makes th e sentence intolerably prolix. C hao suggests th a t the phrase which I have deleted has crept into the text from a commentary. TPYL is the same with 車 after each 乘 73 m W Ä -y a 。 add 其 餘 財 侈 物 （ C h ao .); likewise S F with 有 for 其 . 8 F o r 羞 君 read 唐虞 with CHy after rPF JL C hao (150) thinks the text should

r e a d 是唐處 9 F or ^ C hou Tsung-yiian {Chiao-chu shih-i Öb) follows S F to write b ut the TP YL and Chih-yao citations are both the same as the present text. (C hao.) 10 Shih 51S No. 256/5. I have used K ab lg ren 's translation (BMFEA 17.78).

196

H Ä N SHIH W AI CH VÄN M ak e assurances o f good faith to your p e o p le ;11 O bserve carefully th e m easures o f your feudal princes,12 A nd so prepare against th e unforseen.

61 In the worlds debates there are three excellencies and five points of superiority, but language as such is relegated to an inferior place.12* Disputants distinguish different categories to prevent their interfering with one another. They (arrange in succession = ) keep separate incompatible doctrines to prevent their mutual contradiction. They put forth their intentions and display their meanings,8 making plain4 what they mean so as to let others partake in understanding. They do not devote them­ selves to confusing one another. Under these conditions the winner5 does not lose what he should preserve, while the one who does not win gets what he seeks. [Conducted] in this way, debating is worthwhile.6 But, while involved diction to falsify [the argument], decorated words to pervert it, numerous metaphors to shift it, raising the voice so that it is impossible to attain to [understanding]7 may be convenient to the argument, still harm results from these.8

11W ith C H y read ^ for ® a fte r Shih-k'ao a n d th e q u o ta tio n b y S Y . K a r lq re n seems to h av e followed Han shih. l s T his line is extrem ely am biguous; cf. th e versions of L egge a n d W alet (Songs 301). 1 Sun I-ja n g {Chari 2.1b-2b) th in k s th e HSWC te x t is c o rru p t a n d cites a q u o ta tio n from L iu H siang's Pieh4u b y P ei Y in in his com . on Shih-chi 7 6 ^ b w hich is v e ry sim ilar an d which freq u e n tly h as b e tte r readings. (C hao 151.) * 而辭置下 • S un I-ja n g p refers th e P î Ü m read in g , 辭 I É 爲 下 . 8 輸 公 通 意 • P e rh ap s 公 m eans som ething like “ fair [arguments],” b u t S un I-ja n g w ould em end to 志 ， citing fzü 4 a : 諭 志 通 意 . 4 1 follow Sun an d em end 揚 to 揭 . 8 F o r 辯者 read 勝者 w ith Sun a fte r P i ü u . « 可觀 , lit” “ is all rig h t to w itness.”

7外 人 使 不 得 反 其 意 • I e m e n d 外 t o 弓 丨、 身 t o 聲 ，a n d 反 t o 及 , to agree w ith Pieh-lu. C hao p arap h rases, **By raising y o u r voice tro u b le his tra in of th o u g h t so th a t he is n o t able to ap p ly his m in d to th e m a t t e r / ' 以聲增高、 煩

其心 緖 、 使不容加思索也 . 8 to* is s i m i l a r : 故 談 者 別 殊 類 使 不 相 害 、 序異端使不相亂。 渝 志通意、 非 務 ， 乖 也 。若 钸 詞 以 相 亂 、匿詞以相亂移、 非古之辯也 ** H ence speakers distinguish different categories to p re v e n t th e ir in terfering w ith one

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Now not explaining oneJs point so that it is not known is called obscurantism, and excluding meaning and excluding yourself0 (?) is called evasion. In approaching an honest man, to take advan­ tage of his slips is called shiftiness. In pointing out connections, to use misleading words is called wrong. These four are not practiced [by the superior man]，1。 and as â result the truth is made apparent to everybody. Now if arguments and disputes can be brought to an end only 11 by obscurantism, evasion, perversion, and wrong, they cannot but injure a person as a superior man, and so the superior man does not practice [the like]. The L u n y ü says,12 44What the superior requires, is just that in his words there may be nothing incorrect.” The Ode says,18 D o n o t speak lig h tly — your words are your own; D o n o t sa y , * T h is is o f little im p ortan ce/

71

I tell you，2 [the man who] attracts other people’s minds is not arrogant toward others because of elevated and high rank, nor does he keep others in obscurity because of his own great intelli­ gence and saintly knowledge. He does not use his courage and strength to encroach on others, nor does he cheat others because he is clever and quick.8 If he is unable [to do a thing], he practices; another. They arrange incompatible doctrines in succession to prevent their mutual confusion. They proclaim their intent and display their ideas without devoting them­ selves to contradicting one another. Using decorated words to confuse [the argument], and obscure words to obfuscate and shift it is not discussion in the ancient vr&y.** iun 5.14a-b has another variant passage: 若相迷以偽 、 相亂以辭、 相矜 於後息、 期於苟勝、 非其貴者也 “ T。 delude with falsity， confuse with verbiage, stop only after boasting, with the hope of victory by any means, is not what is estimable in debate.** 9 外 意外身：I do not understand this phrase. 101 follow Sun and supply 君 子 . _ 11 F o r 爭言競 爲 而 备 A r e a d 爭 言 而 競 後 息 with Sun after P i ü t t . ^ A m d e c t s 264 (13/4.7). 13 S h ih 514 No. 256/0. x From H s ü n -tz ü 8.19a-b. S Y 10.13b-14a has some phrases in common, but is not directly connected with either H s ü n -tz ü or H S W C ^ a 吾語子 ， lacking here in 价ÙTi-tzû， but cf. i&ûf. 2 0 .2 6 b : 吾 語 女 • The editors picked this phrase as being out of context; Ssû-W u cK ü a vrsh u t*i-yao 16.11a. « 齊給便 捷 ; cf. H S W C 2/31. note 5.

HAN SHIH WA1 CHÜAN

198

if he does not know [something], he asks. Though he know [a thing], he is always humble, and only afterward admits that he knows it. When he encounters a ruler, he practices conduct appro­ priate to a subject. When he meets a villager,4he practices conduct appropriate to the age [of the person]. When he meets an elder he practices conduct appropriate to a disciple. When he meets one of his own status, he practices conduct appropriate to a friend. When he meets one younger and inferior [to himself], he practices conduct appropriate to instruction and generosity. Thus there are none he does not love and none he does not respect. He does not contest with others, but is as universal as 5 Heaven and Earth, which embrace all things. One who is like this gives rest to the aged, treats the young tenderly, and shows sincerity to his friends.® The Ode says,7 I f yo u are gracious am ong your friends, A nd to th e people, a s if th e y were your children, Y our descendants will continue in unbroken lin e,8 A nd all th e people will, surely b e obedient to you .

81

The man characterized by jên always is respectful toward his fellows. There is a proper method in respecting one^ fellows. With a sage one respects him in loving and keeping near to him. With an unworthy person one respects him while fearing and keeping him at a distance. The being respectful is the same [in both cases], but the circumstances are different. If he is loyal, sincere, upright, and guileless, and does not work harm, then none he deals with but are thus. Such is the substance of jên. Jên is the substance and i is the principle. [Such a man] never opens his mouth but that [what he says] may be taken as a model for others. The Ode says,2 4 出 鄉 R e a d 遇 for 出 as in 价 (C hou .〉 8 而 ：JTjün■纪 ß has 如 ； the two are interchangeable. (Chou.) 9 A nalects 183 (6/25.4), where the last two phrases are interchanged. 7 Shik 514 No. 256/6. 8For

趣嫌

read

未承

w ith C H y a fte r SAiÄ-fcW

a This is based on H sü n -tzû 9.7a-b with many variants. The same Ode is quoted

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199

C om m ittin g n o excess, doing noth in g injurious 一 T here are few w h o w ill n o t in su ch a case tak e you for th eir pattern .

9

The Master said, “ As for one who does not study, but who loves to think, though he have [some] knowledge, it will not be broad. One who studies, but is remiss about his person, though studious, will not be respected. He who establishes himself without being sincere, though he be established, will not long endure. One who loves speech without showing that he is sincere will not be believed if he speak. One with fine talents who will not follow the way of the superior man, who conceals a small thing and thereby harms a great one~disaster will certainly overwhelm him.” The Ode says,1 [If y o u say], “ W h at can be th e good o f it? ” T h en y o u w ill all togeth er sink in ruin.

10 1

When the people are weary they think of ease; when the govern­ ment is harsh they think of jê n 9when punishments are severe they think of peaxîe, and when the state is in disorder they think of Heaven. The Ode says,1 I h a v e no stren gth [to do anything], A nd so th in k o f [the P ow er in] th e azure vau lt.

11 1

One asked，2 ‘‘ The ancients, designation for a person of under­ standing was ‘ earlier born.’ What does this mean? ’’ 1 S h ih 522 No. 257/5. I have followed K arlgren, B M F E A 17.80. 1 S h ih 523 No. 257/7. 1 H sin sh u 7.17a-20a has a longer version of this story, but with many variants. H sin hsii 5.10a-lla has a series of similar anecdotes, some close to H S W C . L S C C

20.18a-b records the example of Kinj? Chuang of Ch'u. a According to H sin sh u it was Prince Huai 懷王 who inquired of Master Chia 賈 生 , i. e.. Chia I.

200

HAN SEIH WAI CHÜAN

It is like sa y in g ea rlier awakened/*8 A man who has not heard of the methods of the True Way is in the dark as to success and failure, and does not know the sources of government4 and dis­ order. His befuddlement is like drunkenness. Now among the worlds rulers there are those who are earlier awakened,6 those who are later awakened,5 and those who are not awakened5 [at all]. Of old, when King Cliuang of Ch‘u was making plans, whenever one turned out w ell6 he would have an anxious look. Shen-Kung Wu Ch^n asked. Why is Your Highness anxious? King Chuang said, u I have heard [it said] of the potentialities (te) of the feudal lords that one who can himself choose his teachers will be king; one that can himself choose his friends will be hegemon; and one whose associates are not his equals will be lost. I am unworthy insofar as none of the arguments of the Great Officers come up to mine. For this reason I am anxious.” It was fitting that King Chuang, with his mortal power (te) , should rule men and subjugate the feudal lords; yet every day he was anxious and concerned to seek out sage advisers. Such is the earlier awakened. Of old Duke Chao of Sung went into exile. He said to his charioteer， “ I know how I lost [my state].” The charioteer said, “ How? ” Duke Chao s a i d , W h e n I put on clothes and stood up, of the several tens of attendants, none of them but said, *Our ruler is elegant/ Whenever I spoke or did anything, of the several hun­ dreds of court ministers, none but said, ' Our ruler is a sage/ Inside [the court] and out I never saw my faults, and this is how I lost [my state].’’ Whereupon he reformed his principles and changed his conduct, rested in i and practiced the True Way. He had been two years in exile before his excellence became known in Sung. The people of p r e f o e s 曰 from T h e la tte r h a s 乃其正名非爲先生也、 爲先 醒也 “ Now the proper term is not ‘ earlier bom,’ but • earlier awakened.， ” 4 Add 治 from äAm with Chou. * In each case for 生 read 醒 with (C hou, CHy.) •F or 居 read 當 with Chou and CHy. LSCC h a s 食 • （ Chao 152.)

CHAPTER VI

£01

Sung went to meet him to restore him to his throne. His post­ humous designation was Chao, in demeanor respectful and intelligent.” 7 Such is the later awakened. Of old the Prince of Kuo was driven out of Kuo. He said to his charioteer， “ I am thirsty and wish to drink.” The charioteer gave him clear wine. He said, “ I am hungry and wish to eat.” The charioteer gave him dried meat and cooked millet. He said, " How is it that you had it ready? ” The charioteer said, “ I had stored it away.” “ Why had you stored it? ’’ The charioteer s a i d , A g a i n s t your going away into exile, when you would be hungry and thirsty on the way •” “ Did you know I was about t o 8 lose my state? ’’ The charioteer said, ‘‘ I did.” ‘‘ Then why did you not remonstrate with me? ’’ The charioteer said, “ You were pleased with flattery in speech and disliked straightforward language. I wished to offer remon­ strances, but feared before [I could speak] Kuo would be lost. For this reason I did not remonstrate.” The Prince of Kuo flushed in anger and said, u What was really the cause of my losing my state? ’’ The charioteer reversed his statement and said, You lost it because you were too much of a sage/5 He said, “ How is it that a sage loses his state instead of pre­ serving it? ” The charioteer said, ^ It was because you alone were the only sage in the empire that you lost your state.” The Prince of Kuo was pleased,® and leaning against the cross­ bar sighed,MAlas, so this is the way it goes with a s a g e ! 10 Then, his body being weary and his strength exhausted, he pillowed [his head] against the charioteer’s knee and went to sleep. The charioteer put a clod in his own place,11 and abandoned him. 7 C hou would prefix

卒

“ at his death.” For

昭

in posthumous titles cf. Legge»

Tso c k u a n 675.

8 For 且 B, C have 旦 “ suddenly.” * 郭君喜 . C hou adds this from H sin shu. CHy supplies only 10 夫賢 人 • B. C. D have 失 for 夫 . （ CHy.) 11 For B. C D 備 read 塊 with C hou, following Hsin shu.

14

•

免 02

HAN SEIH WA1 CHÜAN

[The Prince of Kuo] perished in the wilderness and was eaten by tigers and wolves. Such is the one who is not awakened at aQ. Now one earlier awakened, in that same year becomes hegemon 一such was Ejng Chuang of Ch*u. One later awakened is restored within three years—such was Duke Chao of Sung. One not awakened at all dies in the wilderness and is eaten by tigers and wolves_ such was the Prince of Kuo. There are those earlier awakened, those later awakened, and those not awakened at all.12 The Ode says,18 W h e n t h e r e a r e a d m o n is h in g w o rd s , Y o u a r e [sle e p y ] a s if d r u n k .

12 1 After T ‘ien Ch‘ang had assassinated Duke Chien,2 he made a covenant with the people of the state, saying, Those who do not covenant with me will be put to death with their families.” Shih T 'o 8 said, MOf old those who served a ruler died in their ruler’s interests. To abandon4 one’s ruler so as to preserve one’s parents is not loyal. To abandon4 one’s parents so as to die in the interests of one^ ruler is not filial. So I cannot do it. However, if I do not covenant, it will be to kill my parents. If I do as others do and covenant, it will be repudiating my ruler. Alas! One bom in disordered times cannot achieve upright conduct, and one suffering violence at the hands of a cruel man cannot behave in complete conformity with i. Too b a d ! W h e r e u p o n he went up and covenanted so as to spare his father and mother, and then withdrew and threw himself on his sword to die for his ruler. 18 CHy omits this last sentence as superfluous. 526 No. 257/13. I have followed K ahlgren’s translation (op. cif. 80-1). 1 Hsin ksü 8.1a is a modification of this paragraph. aTso chuan 840 (Ai 14), t4On chia-wu Ch*ên Hêng

of Ch*i 齊陳怪 murdered his ruler Jen in Shu-chou.M (B.C. 481.) The details of the event are told in Shih chi 32 (Mêm. hist. 4.88-6), where his name is written 田 常 • W h a s 嗓 恒•田 and 陳 are often interchanged, likewise 常 and 崔 • * 右他.丑咖 adds 人 ： Shih T‘o>jên. 4 For 舍 read 捨 with B, C, D.

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Those who heard of it said, ^ A superior man indeed! What could he have done? 5 It was fate.” The Ode says,6 T h e p e o p le h a v e t h e s a y in g : “ T o g o f o r w a r d s o r b a c k w a r d s is a lik e i m p r a c tic a b le .”

This applies to Master Shih. 13 The I [ching] says,1 [The subject is] straitened before a [frown­ ing] rock. He lays hold of thorns. He enters his palace, and does not see his wife. There will be evil.” This speaks of one who in difficulty does not find a sage on whom to rely. Of old Duke Mu of Ch‘in was in difficulty in Hsiao,2 but quickly relying on the Great Officer Wu-ku, Chien Shu, and Kung-sun Chih, he became a minor hegemon. [Duke]8 Wen of Chin was [involved] in difficulty through Li[-chi],4 but quickly relying on Uncle Fan, Chao Shuai, and Chieh-tzü T*ui, he became in the end ruler [of Chin], Kou-chien, King of Yüeh, was in difficulty in Kuei-chi,5 but quickly relying on Fan Li and the Great Officer [Wen] Chung, he gained the hegemony over the states of the south. Duke Huan of Ch‘i was in difficulty in Ch‘ang-cho/ but quickly relying on Kuan-chung, Ning Ch*i and Hsi P Äeng, he brought the empire into order. These all were men who knew enough quickly to rely on sages when in difficulty. There have never been any who, when in difficulty, did not know enough to rely on sages that were not lost.7 The Ode says,8 5 Chou punctuates after 6 Shih 524 No. 257/9.*4567

安之 .

^ f . Yi King 162 (47 7 a H ) . * F o r this episode cf. Tso chtum (Hsi SS) ; Mém. hist. S^9-40. 8 Add 公 to parallel 秦 燦 公 and 齊 桓 公 • fu.

This is illustrated above.

‘ Li Hsien’s com. has 冤 失職 for 不 平 其 冤 ；（ CHy) ; also below. This is probably a contamination from S Y : 失職者 • * 開四目通四聰也 , Cf. Shu ching 41: 聞四門、 明四目、 達四 I » . “ to throw open all the doors of communication between the court and the empire, and to see with the eyes and hear with tile ears of all.'* BS h ih 54S No. 260/4.

HAN SH1H WÄ1 CHUAN

208

18 1

King Chuang of C^u attacked [and defeated] 2 Cheng. The Earl of Chêng advanced with bared body, holding in his left hand an ox-tail tufted banner8 and in his right grasping a sacrificial knife with bells/ and said to King Chuang,I am devoid of good­ ness. Because of [my behavior toward your] subjects on the frontier， I have met with a Heaven 6-scnt disaster and have caused you, Prince of a great state, to have the overwhelming disgrace of coming from afar to this place.” King Chuang said, “ It was the words of Your Highness’ bad subjects in their intercourse with u s 8that gave me the opportunity of viewing Your Highness* jade countenance, and this is the insig­ nificant [reason] which has brought us to this pass.^ 7 Taking his signal staff8King Chuang signaled to his attendants to remove the camp of Ch‘u’s army seven K. The general Tzü-chung proffered an objection, Nan-ying is several thousand li distant from Cheng. Among the Great Officers 1 K u ng-yan g chuan 16.6a-9a varies slightly in wording. H sin hsii 4.4b-5b follows K ung -ya n g chuant but may also have used H S W C t as it quotes from the same Ode at the end. C K C S 1.6a-b is abridged from K u n g -ya n g chuan. Tso chuan S16-21 (Hsiian

1Ä) gives an elaborate account of the events leading up to and following the engage­ ments with Chêng and Chin, but shows little verbal identity with the other versions. S h ih chi 40.9a-b (M ém . h ist. 4.S55-6) abridges the Tso chuan account. 2 H sin hsii adds 克之 •

* 茅旌 . Wang Y in-chin (CAinp-i 公 傳 i 17b»18a) show s th a t 茅 is a phonetic borrow ing for ^ Ma sta n d a rd w ith a n o x-tail o rn a m e n t," a s in Hsin hsü. (C hao 156-7.) ‘ F o r 鸞刀 cf. S h ih 376 No. 210/5. •O th er texts have 大 如 天 . C hou and CH y have emended from K u n g -ya n g chuan. H sin hsii also has ^ . (C hao .) * 君之不令臣交易爲言 . This is not clear. I have translated in accordance with Ho Hsiu's com. on K u n g -ya n g chuan.

T而微至乎此 • Again I follow JJo Hsiu: “ It was the accumulation of p e tty words that brought us to this.” 積小語言、 以至於此 . 8節

；cf.

L i H sien’s com . on H o u -H a n A u 1.10a: “

節

is used a s a sign of tr u s t.

It has a handle made of bamboo eight ch*ih long and for its tuft (?) a n ox-tail thrice folded (?).” 節 所 以 爲 信 也 〇以 竹 爲 之 。枘 長 八 尺 〇以 旄 牛 尾 爲 期 、

三重.

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209

there have been several casualties, and among the camp laborers9 several hundreds have been killed. Now to win a victory and not to have it~ is this wasting the strength of the people and of your servants or not? ” 10 King Chuang said, MI have heard that of old, if the cups did not leak and the leather [garments] were not worn out, it was because one had not gone outside his own borders.11 Through this the superior man [shows that he] 12 holds li to be important but despises property; 13 that he wants the men but not their territory.14 When a man offers submission, it is inauspicious not to desist. Should I [try to] establish myself in the empire by inauspicious means, disaster would overwhelm me. How can I take [their territory]? ” Meanwhile those Chin [had sent] to help Cheng arrived and requested [that Ch4u give] battle. King Chuang assented. The general Tzü-chung proffered an objection, u Chin is a powerful state. They have had [only] a short way [to come], and their troops are fresh, while Ch'u^ army is long since worn out.15 May Your Highness not consent [to fight]•” 9 厮 役 . H o Hsiu says, “ Those who cut bushes for n barricade are called 厮 ； those who draw w ater are c a lle d 役 • ” 艾草爲防者 曰 厮 。汲水康者 曰 役 • 10 H o Hsiu says 無 乃 = 得 無 • 11 H o Hsiu explains, **I t says th a t if drinking cups； are leaky and furs worm-eaten, it is from having gone outside the borders. Of old on going outside the borders on a court visit or to undertake a punitive expedition, one always first counted on losses proportional to the scale [of the undertaking] before doing it. I t speaks figuratively, meaning th a t having already gone out on the expedition, it is inevitable th a t there should have been losses among his troops, b ut th a t they should not for th a t reason destroy Chéng.” 言 杆 穿 皮 蠢 。乃 出 四 f r 、 古者出四方朝聘征伐、 皆當多少

圖 有 所 喪 費 、然 後 乃 行 爾 。喩 已 出 征 伐 、士 卒 死 傷 、固 其 宜 也 。不 當 以 是 故 滅 有 鄭 • T ak ei Ki CÄM 4.10a) quotes O kai H y 。 岡 井 彪 : MThe phrases are inverted. If one does not go ouside one^s borders, there will be no leaky cups or worm-eaten garments.” 乃 倒 語 。不 出 於 四 方 、 則 盂 不 穿 、皮 不

蠢也.

口

ia A dd 見 after 是 from 价化 Äsü. (CHy.) 13 H o Hsiu says, **H e does not grudge the loss of cups and garments, b ut respects the co u rts request to undertake a punitive expedition. ” 不 惜 杆 皮 之 費 、 而貴朝聘

lé Ibid: u The real reason for attacking Cheng was only the desire [to secure] the submission of the people for their faults; he did not w ant to take their territory

本所以伐鄭者、 欲要其人服 罪 過 耳。不要取其土地 . w 奄 = 淹 as in K u n g -y a n g , where H o Hsiu glosses it as

(Chou.)

HAN SHIH WA1 CHÜAN

210

King Chuang said, ft It is not possible. If I should flee before the strong but [attempt to] overawe the weak, I would have no way to establish myself in the e m p i r e . I n the end he turned his troops back to meet the intruders from Chin. King Chuang took 汪 drumstick and beat with it.16 The army of Chin was severely defeated, so that of the officers and men who fled and struggled for boats, the fingers [cut ojff by those who already had taken possession of the boats] could be gathered by the double­ handfuls.17 King [Chuang] said, ** Alas, we two rulers are not on good terms, but of what crime are the people guilty? M Whereupon he with­ drew Chu^ army to let the invaders from Chin escape. The Ode says,18 H e does n ot devour th e soft. Or eject th e pow erful.

19 1 The superior man, in revering a man’s virtue and holding up a man’s excellencies is not speaking flattery; nor in correcting speech and rectifying conduct， nor in pointing out a man’s faults is he picking flaws. He is pliant and docile,2 strong and resolute.8 Everywhere moving with events, he does not go outside the Way and virtue. The Ode says,4 161, e., personally to o k p a r t in th e b a ttle . 17 士幸奔者， 爭舟而指可掏 也 . T h is is elliptical.

l i a s 晉衆之走 者、 舟中之指可掏 也 ; Tso chuan: 中軍下軍爭舟、 舟中之指可掬 也 . M o s t explicit is Ätfiw 晉人來渡河而 Â î 。灰 敗 森 垂 。欲 虔 M 北 。卒拳命而 以刃擊引 c 舟中之 f ê 可掏 也 “ W hen th e people of C h in h a d com e [to a tta c k ], th ey crossed th e riv er a n d w en t so u th . N ow t h a t th e y fled in d efeat, th e y w ished to cross to th e n o rth . T h e soldiers struggled for b o ats, strik in g w ith knives a t tho se w ho pulled [from th e outside] u n til th e fingers [cut ofï] w ithin th e b o a t could be g ath ered by th e double-handfuls.” 18 Shih 544 No. 260/5.

1 Abridged from Hsün-tzü 2.3b-4b. 9 Hsün-tzü has T h a t he ben d s an d stra ig h te n s w ith th e tim es a n d is yielding as a reed is n o t du e to cöw ardice.” 與 時 屈 伸 、 柔從若蒲葦、 非攝怯也 . 9 Ibid: **That th e re is no place in to w hich h e does n o t ex ten d h is s tre n g th a n d resolution is n o t due to arrogance.” 剛強 猛毅、 靡所不信， 非驕暴也. AS h ih

644 No. 260/5.

CHAPTER VI He Or He He

211

does n o t devour th e soft, eject th e pow erful. does n o t insu lt th e poor or th e widow; does n o t fear th e strong or th e oppressive.

Duke Ling of Wei had been asleep in the daytime.1 When he got up, his vitality became progressively weaker. A man was sent in haste to summon the brave soldier Kung-sun Chüan. On the way he met the H sing-jên2 Pu Shang. Pu Shang s a i d , W h y are you in such a hurry? ’’ [The man] replied， “ The Duke having slept in the daytime, when he got up he sent me to summon the brave soldier Kung-sun Chüan.” Tzù-hsia said, “ Would another person than Chüan,8 but equal to Chiian in bravery do? The driver said， “ He would do•” Tzû-hsia said, “ Carry me back.” When they arrived the ruler said， “ I sent you to summon a brave soldier. Why have you brought a literatus? ’’ The messenger said, w [This] Hsing-jên said, 4Would another person than Chiian, but equal to Chiian in bravery do? J And I said, *He would d o / So I brought him with me." The ruler s a i d , V e r y well. Invite the gentleman to come up, but in addition summon !Kun Chiian.” [Suddenly Chiian] arrived.4 came in the door grasping a sword and impetuously cried, Shang, if you will come down I will leave you your head! ” T zü-hsia6 looked at him and said, " W hat!6 Put away your sword. I am going to speak with you about courage•” Whereupon the ruler ordered him to put away his sword and come up. Tzü1 畫 寢 occurs in A n a le c ts 176 (5/9.1) and elsewhere (cf. implications than mere laziness. * 行 人 ： an officer in charge of official visits. • 微 悄 • For this use of cf. A n a le c ts 282 (14/18.2). ‘ IT F L 436.7b-8a has 俄 B ï tS 至• （ Cha 。IS7.} * Pu Shang. a Omit the first with T P Y L . (CHy.)

PW YF)

with no stronger

212

HAN SHIH WAI CHÜAN

hsia said, (< Come, now. I once was with you when we followed our ruler to the west to visit Chao Chien-tzü. When Chien-tzü gave our ruler an audience, his hair was not done up and he held a lance. I was following thirteen ranks behind and came forward and said, *When feudal lords meet it is not proper for them not to wear court costume. If [Your Highness]7 does not put on court costume, this Hsing-jên, Pu Shang, is going to splash your dress with the blood from your throat.’ 8 Now was it you or was it I who caused him to change to court costume to receive our ruler? 99 Chüan said, “ It was you.” Tzü-hsia said, This is one instance where your courage was not equal to mine. Another time I was with you when we followed our ruler to the east of A. When we met the ruler of Ch'i, he sat on a double mat, while our ruler sat on a single mat. I was following thirteen ranks behind and came forward and said, *According to etiquette (Zi), when feudal lords meet, it is not proper that they should face one another as befits commoners/ 9 Now was it you or was it I who took away one of his mats? Chüan said， ‘‘ It was you•” Tzü-hsia s a i d , T h i s is the second instance where your courage was not equal to mine. Another time I was with you when we followed our ruler in the hunting park and two full-grown boars pursued our ruler.101 Now was it you or was it I who seized a lance and, striking downward,11 turned them? ’’ Chüan said， “ It was you.” 7A d < ^ f rom 7 7 ^ . ( C H y . ) 8 Cf. Skih chi 81.4b: 相如請得以頸 血 濺 大 王 矣 ，where Lin Hsiang-ju is threatening the king of Ch^in. • 不宜檢以庶 . N o d ictio n ary m eaning of 庶 m ay have d ropped out: “ from several m a ts.”

席

m akes sense here. T h e c h a ra c te r

10 兩寇 M 逐我君 Sun I-jang (CAa-i 以b) refers 肩 to S磁 1Ô1 No 97/1 : 還 並 顆從兩肩兮 “ We pursued together two boars of three years.” There M ao，s com. (5A.7b) says 肩 is a beast three years old 獸三歲曰肩•肩 is the simple form of f 肩 ； FTCC 2 .2 1 a : 接 搏 I 肩、 而兩搏乳處 “ I 〇 nce took a boar and twice a nursing tigress in the hunt.” 頻 has as a variant Ï 肩， explaining the rP F L reading 獨 . （ Chao.) Sun would emend ® to 翁 ， but as it is omitted in the r P r i r citation C hao thinks it was originally a gloss on ^ (Chao 158.) 11 F o r th e construction

下格

cf.

SF

17.13b:

th a t has crept into the text.

奮戟將下圃.

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Tzù-hsia said， “ This is the third instance where your courage was not equal to mine. Now what is valued in a soldier is that while on the one hand he can assist [in governing a state of] ten thousand chariots, on the other hand he dares not be arrogant toward a commoner. Outside he establishes moderation and com­ passion, so that enemies do not attack or make disturbances; inside [the state] he forbids harmful [acts], so that the ruler is not in danger. These are the excellencies of a soldier and that to which the superior man attaches the highest value. But covering up the short with the long, ill-treating the few by the many, oppressing a guiltless people and exerting authority inside the village lanes~these are the extreme evils of which a soldier may be guilty; they are that on which the superior man visits his dislike, and what the masses punish and root out. The Ode says,12 I f a m an has n o d ign ity o f dem eanor, W h at should he do b u t die?

How is it you discuss courage in front of a ruler? ” Whereupon Duke Ling withdrew from the mat, raised his hands9 and said,Though I am not intelligent, I should like18 to follow your [kind of] courage•” The Ode says,14 H e does n o t in su lt th e poor or th e w idow , H e does n o t fear th e strong or th e oppressive.

Such was Master Pu. 211

Confucius had gone on a journey2 when Chien-tzü was about to kill Yang Hu. Confucius resembled the latter, and [Chien-tzù] iaShih 84 No. 6271. 18 F o r this common formula of thanks for instruction received cf. Analects 250

(12/ 1.2 ). 14 S äjä 544 No. 260/6.*9

1S Y 17.13b-14a follows HSWC w ith some variants. Chia-yii 5.22b differs slightly from each of them . Traditionally this is the incident referred to in Analects 217 (9 /5 .1 ). 9 To Sung, according to S F and Chia-yii.

HAN SHIH WA1 CHUAN

214

surrounded Confucius, dwelling with troops.8 Tzû-lu was angry, and, brandishing a lance, was about to strike when Confucius stopped him, saying, Yu, how is it you are so lacking in an abundance of jê n and i? If the Shih and the S h u are not studied, if rites (K) and music are not explained, that is my fault. If when I am not Yang Hu, they take me for Yang Hu, that is not my fault; it is fate. You sing and I will accompany you.>, 4 Tzü-lu sang and Confucius accompanied him. When they had finished three strophes, the soldiers had left off surrounding them. The Ode says,5 R am b ling and singing.

This is how through a display of the harmony of flourishing virtue noninterference is practiced.

The Ode says,1 T h e h ap py and courteous sovereign Is th e parent o f th e people.

What is meant by saying that the sovereign is the parent of the people? It means that the sovereign is reverent in aspect and strict in conduct; he is frugal toward himself, but liberal to others. Truly the unworthy cannot come up to him. In his own affairs (?) he is rigorous with himself, but is easy-going (?) with others.2 Truly he is able to serve to the extent of his abilities (?). Being sincere in his love, he does not rob; he is generous in his gifts but not boastful. On seeing a man who is good he rejoices in him gladly， and on seeing a man who is not good he conceals [his wickedness] in alarm. When there is a fault, he wraps it up com­ pletely. In giving clothes, he gives the best; in giving food he gives much. Laws he puts in an inferior place and makes them • 帶 甲 . lit” “ shield bearers.” ‘ 字 敢 我 和 若 • Other texts h a v e 我 和 子 歌 若 . C hou has emended from SY: 由 歌 吾 Ä 汝 ， which CHy fo llo w s: 由 歌 予 和 若 . 9 Shih 491 No. 252/1.* 1 Shih 489 No 251/1. *贿

盡於已而 È 略於人 ：

th e force o f 殖 a n d

區

is n o t d e a r.

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215

easy to follow. He makes duties few and easy to perform. This is how by acting impartially8 he is a parent to the people. He builds cities and has them live there. He divides up the fields and nourishes [the people with their produce]. He sets up schools to instruct them. He causes them to realize that parents are worthy of respect. Because they are worthy of respect, one wears deepest mourning4 for three years [on the death of] a father. Likewise [on the death of] a prince one wears deepest mourning for three years. This is what is meant by his being parent to the people. 23 1

To serve a»tyrannical state is difficult, but it is easy to make à tyrannical state serve oneself. If you serve it with goods and valuables, then when your valuables are exhausted,2 friendly relations will not continue. If you make treaties and covenants, it will not be long after the agreement is fixed that [such a state] will repudiate it. Should you present [such a state] with territory cut off from your own borders, even though the amount cut off [and presented] be fixed, still their greed will not be satisfied. The more completely one gives in to them, the more serious their encroachments. The inevitable end is that your valuables are used up 2 and your [whole] state taken over; even with Yao on your left and Shun on your right you would not be able to avoid [such an end], if you follow this road. So one who, without the methods of the sages, serves ia fear, putting his sole3 reliance on glib speech and obsequious conduct will not be able to hold his state or keep his own person intact. Hence the enlightened ruler does not follow this way. It is necessary to reform ritual (lî) to regulate the court, to rectify the laws to regulate the officials, and to stabilize the government to regulate the lower classes. Only 8

中立• cf. L 丨•

2.433.

é $fj@ .garm ents of unhemmed sackcloth worn in mourning for parents. Cf. L i K i 1.742 and passim. 1 From Hsürtrtzü 6.17b-19a. »單= 殫 . * Head 特 with CH y for 持 ， here a contam ination from the 持 國 in the next line. Hsün-tzû has 直 . W ang Nien-sun d e fin e s 巧 敏 a s 便 佞 .

HAN SUIH WA1 CHÜAN

216

after that is the rhythm of li and i adjusted in the court, are rules and regulations rectified among the officials， and loyalty and honesty, love and gain stabilized among the lower classes. He would not practice one unjust thing, or put to death one innocent man to get the empire, and so those in his vicinity contest for his affection, while those far away desire to go to him. Superiors and inferiors are of one mind; the three armies make common effort. When his renown is sufficient to consume [his opponents] and his power su伍cient to bring them under his control， he bows and grasps his signal flag, and not one of the tyrannical states but makes haste to send envoys, like infants turning to their mother. Why is this? It is because jê n is put into practice,4 i is established, instruction is sincere, and love deep. Truly, as the Ode says,6 T h e k in g ’s p la n s w e r e t r u e a n d s in c e re , A n d t h e c o u n t r y o f H s ii s u b m i t t e d .

241

With one shout the brave officer puts to flight all the three armies: it is because of his sincerity.2 Of old Hsiung Ch^ü-tzù of Ch* *u * was traveling at night. [He saw] 8 a stone lying [in his path] which he took to be a reclining tiger. Bending his bow, lie shot it, so that the head [of the arrow] was buried up to the feathers.4 When he looked down and realized it was a stone, [he then again shot it, but the arrow bounced oflF without leaving a ‘ For

打

CH y， B， C ， D h av e

形

“ is m ad e a p p a re n t.”

8 Shih 559 No. 26S/6. x This is reproduced in Hsin hsü 4.12b. Wên-tzû 2.9a and Huai^nan tzu 10.2b-Sa are to the same effect, b u t omit the anecdote of Hsiung Ch*ü-tzù. * 士 之 誠 也 • 灰知•触 and ffuai-nan M have 出 for 士 ， and C hao (159) tViinlr« th a t is correct: “ it is because of the sincerity with which he utters [his cry ].， ， has 士 . a S upply

見

w ith C H y a fte r i/H n

心仏

Lci-cfcü 7 4 .1 $

cfci 5.25b, r P Î X

Öl.6b, 744^b, Li H sien^ com. on Hou-Han shu 42.28b all write Ä ；likewise Lun heng 8.Sa. Po-t*ieh 2.32a is the same as the present text. (C hao 160.) ‘ Cf. LSCC 9. i e b : 矢 乃 飮 羽 ， where K ao Y u explains 故 羽 as 飮 矢 至 羽 **engulfed the arrow up to th e feathers.'*

CHAPTER VI

217

mark. When Hsiung Ch‘ü-tzü showed a sincere mind, metal and stone] opened up for him; 8 how much the more will men! Now if a person initiates a thing and others do not join in with him, or if when he acts others do not agree, it is certainly6 because he is not complete within. The man who rules the empire without descending from his mat has sought in himself [for sincerity], Confucius said,7 ‘‘ When a prince’s personal conduct is correct, his government is effective without the issuing of orders. If his personal conduct is not correct, he may issue orders, but they will not be followed .,J That the Former Kings were able to attract to themselves as guests everyone in the world by bowing and grasping a signal flag8 was because of the acme of sincere virtue which showed in their external aspect.9 The Ode says,10 T h e k i n g s p la n s w e re t r u e a n d s in c e re , A n d t h e c o u n t r y o f H s ü s u b m itte d .

25 1

Of old Chao Chien-tzü had died and before he was buried [the district of] Chung-mou revolted. When he had been buried five days,12*Hsiang-tzü raised troops and attacked [Chung-mou].8 Before he had finished surrounding [the city], ten cK a n g of its walls fell down of their own accord. Hsiang-tzü beat the signal for retreat,4 » S u p p ly 因 復 射 之 。矢 躍 無 迹 。熊渠子見其誠丨 & 、 而 金 之 開 ] w ith C ä y a fte r L i Hsien^s q u o ta tio n in HourHan shu; likew ise Lei^chü, w ith ^or 射 乏 ， an d i m k cii. f V f ie Ä h a s 下 視 乃 石 也 。因 復 射 無 迹 • （ C hao 、 .）

a R ead ^ w ith Hsin hsü and Wên-tzü for 1 AndecU 266 (1 S /6 ). 8 C f. HSWC 6/2 S . •F o r

色以丑咖

ä jü h as

已，

(Chao.) Htuù-nan tzü has

a n d C H y th in k s th e re are superfluous w ords in th e

HSWC te x t. 10 Shih 659 N o . 2 6 3 /6 . 1 Huo^nan tzü 12.8b a n d Hsin hsü 4.4a-b a re q u ite close to HSWC»

a C H y prefixes 旣 from 旣. （ C hao 161.) * F o r 次之 re a d 攻之

te ä h as

w ith C H y a fte r T T F L 192*5b; o r read

h as 攻圍之 • 4 擊 金 : a gong w as u se d to signal a r e tre a t.

as in

15

已•

r P F X 279.9b lacks

伐之

w ith C hou

HAN SHIH WA1 CHÜAN

218

and [his forces] withdrew. An officer o b j e c t e d , W h e n Your High­ ness is punishing the crime of Chung-mou and their walls break down of themselves, it is Heaven aiding you. Why have you withdrawn [your forces]? ’’ Hsiang-tzü said, 8 The envoy said, ^ Since it is in tune, it would be a good thing to make a note of [the position of] the bridge•” The king said, It will not do. As the weather is dry or wet, so the strings are loose or tight. The bridge [must] be adjustable,4 and cannot be marked [for a given position].” The envoy said, “ M ay I borrow a metaphor from th is? 0 Ch‘u is more than a thousand li distant from Chao. Furthermore fortune is variable. Bad luck calls for condolences, and good luck for congratulation. It is like the bridge [of a cither] which must be adjustable and cannot be marked [for a given position]. So when a ruler sends an envoy， lie should hold him to the mission he is sent on and not charge him with [specific] words.^6 The Ode says,7 * 王 曰 調 • Read 王曰， 然， 瑟固方調 with cit. Likewise TP IT), Z o c.cit, with 鼓瑟者 for ® and 也 at the end. S F has 宮商固方調矣 “ The tones kung and shang are certainly well tuned/* (C hao.) ‘ 桂 有 推 移 . SF" is more logical: 宮商移徒 **The tones kung and shang are [produced] in dififerent positions.” TPFX， and Li Shan’s com. all have 臣 before 請 • （ Chao.) S r adds here ** Wheii the enlightened prince sends an envoy, he charges him with [the execution of] a mission; he doea not hold him to definite words. If [the envoy] finds them well off, he congratulates them; if they have suffered misfortune, he offers condolences."

明君之使人也， 任之以事， 不 制 以 辭 。遇吉則賀之， 凶則弔之 . *For 所之 read 所使 with CÄiÄ-yao: 故明君之使人， 必 愼 其 所 使 。旣使 之， 任之以心， 不任以辭也 “ When the enlightened prince sends an envoy， he is always careful about the man he employs for the mission. Once he has sent him off, he charges him with an idea [to be communicated], but does not hold him to [specific] words.” （C hao.) Literally , 愼其所使 refers to the mission rather than to the man, but it comes to the same thing, whether you pick the mission for a given man or the man, for a specific mission. T 征 夫 捷 is from SAiA 545 No. 260/7. SK quotes 宰 宰 征 夫 ， a variant of M ao 威联 征夫， S 磁 249 No. 163/1. The next line 每 懷 is the same in both poems. That HSWY? originally quoted the same line as S F is apparent both from the M ao skih number sequence (162-163-168) and from the quotation in Shih k*ao 39a. I surmise that the variant reading in H S W C led an inept editor to emend to the M ao •Jiih reading, with the result that he chose the wrong poem, 穸 ü lO.Sa also has 泰 （C hao 167.)

224

HAN SHIH WÂ1 CHUAN M an y are th e messengers, Ever anxious lest they should not succeed.

It is lamenting that subordinates are controlled from above. 31 In Ch*i were [two] retired gentlemen. M aster Tung-kuo and Master Liang Shih.123 At the tim e when M inister of State Ts^ao was minister of Ch‘i, a retainer said to M aster ICuei，8 “ M aster Tung-kuo and Master Liang Shih are the worthy men of the tim es. They have secreted them selves in the depths of the mountains and will not bend their bodies or degrade their wills to seek oflSce. I hear that you have access to M inister of State Ts^ao. I wish you might recommend them. Now in my village the matrons are on good terms with one another.4* A girl was suspected of stealing meat, and her mother-in-law drove her out. Indignant, the girl told a village matron, who said, * Go slowly,6*and presently I will have your mother-in-law call you [back]/ and tying up a bunch of grass， she [went to] ask for a light from the fam ily that had driven the girl out. She said, ‘ M y dogs were fighting over a piece of meat and killed each other. M ay I have a light so that I can cook 6 them ?， Whereupon the mother-in-law immediately sent a man after the girl she had driven out to bring her back. Now a village matron is not a gentleman skilled in speech, nor is tying up a bunch of grass and asking for a light the way to bring a woman back home, but there are things that touch off the proper 1 H an 8hu 45.6a-7a relates the anecdote with some similarity in wording. This is the only passage in H S W C dealing with events taking place in Han times. 3 H an shu introduces them thus: **Formerly T'ien Jung, Prince of Ch*i, resenting Hsiang Yii, plotted to raise troops and rebel against him. He forced the gentlemen of Ch'i to join him on pain of death. Master Tung-kuo and Master Liang Shih, recluses of Ch'i, were within his power and were forced to follow him. When T ien Junges cause was lost, the two were ashamed [of having taken part in the rebellion] and retired together into the depths of the mountains, where they dwelt in sedusion M • 匮 生 : surely the same person as 侧 通 K*uai T‘ung ? 匱 細

4臣里母相 善 丑 抓 如 is less con cise: 臣之里婦與里之諸母 相 秦 “ There was a girl of my village who was on good terms with the village matrons.** 8 Y en Shih-ku glosses 安 with 徐 . 8 Y en Shih-ku says 治 means 爆 .

CHAPTER V n

225

response and situations which can be properly dealt with. W ill you not recommend them? ’’ M aster K ‘uei said, “ I am afraid I can not come up to it， but I will try my best to tie up a bunch of grass and ask for a light on behalf of M aster Tung-kuo and M aster Liang Shih.” After this he had an interview with M inister of State Tscao and said. In my village there was a woman who married [again] three days after her husband’s death. There was another who all her life long never [re-]married. Now if you were going to marry, which [kind of woman] would you take for a wife? The M inister of State said, u Of course I would marry only the one who to the end of her life would never [re-]marry •” M aster K ‘uei said, “ In Ch‘i are the retired gentlemen. Master Tung-kuo and M aster Liang Shih. They are the worthy gentle­ men of the tim es, secreting them selves in the depths of the mountains and not bending their bodies or degrading their wills to seek office. If Your Honor in choosing a wife would want to marry one who would not [re-]marry, are you going to make an exception in choosing a minister by not taking one who will not serve [another master]? ” Whereupon M inister of State Tstfao through the good offices of M aster K'uei sent a ^ comfort chariotMwith rolls of silk to fetch M aster Tung-kuo and M aster Liang Shih and treated them as guests of honor. The Ode says,7 Let us but see the superior man 8 And our hearts will be at rest.

41 Confucius said, ^ Of old, when he served King Wen, the Duke of Chou had nothing arbitrary about his conduct and nothing self-willed about the affairs lie managed. It was as though his body could not bear [the weight of] his clothes, or his mouth could not utter words, [so diffident he was]. When he respectfully 7 Shih 264 No. 168/5.

• 君子：Legge arbitrarily translates “ our husbands.” 1 H uai-nan tz ü lS.Sb-4a is nearly* identical.

HAN SHIH WA1 CHÜAN

奴6

received anything direct from pCing Wen], he was cautious as though [he feared] he would drop it. It can be said that he was [able to act like] a son.2 When King Wu died， K ing Ch‘êng being young, the Duke of Chou took over the work of [Kangs] Wen and Wu. He occupied the place of the Son of H eaven8 and controlled the government of the empire,4 took measures against the dis­ turbances among the barbarians and punished [the Princes of] Kuan and Ts*ai for their crimes.5 Holding K ing Ch'eng in his arms, he received homage from the feudal lords. Concerning punishments and rewards, laws and judgments, he never consulted [the young king]. His prestige shook Heaven and Earth, his gestures terrified the empire. It can be said that he was able to be martial. When King Ch*eng gained his majority, the Duke of Chou turned the rule over to him, and, facing north, served him. He asked permission before acting and never had the air of boasting. It can be said that he was able to be a subject.® Truly one capable of three transformations in his own person is able to adapt himself to changing tim es.” The Ode says，7 When he carries it out to the left, to the left, The superior man performs it as it should be done. When he carries it out to the right, to the right,8 The superior man is [complete] master of it.0

5 There is a saying：**Birds fear birds with fine wings and curved beaks;1 fish fear fish with large mouths and pendant fa t;2 men • 可謂子矣 • Insert 能 before 子 with and 能三變者 below. (C hao 167.)

tefi to parallel

可謂能武矣

*Cf• 丑SÏTC? 3/S1， note 2. with 踐 for 履 . ‘ I follow C hao (168) and read 天下 as in ffuoi-naw teû for 子. BFor 管 and 蔡 cf. M é i 1.245-6. * Supply 能 before 臣 ； see note. 2. (Chao.) 7 S h ih S85 No. 214/4. This number is out of sequence; possibly it represents a H a n shih divergency from the M a o sh ih order of poems.

* 有之有之 is certainly a misprint. CHy, B, C have

右 as in Mao «ÄiÄ.

9 1 have disregarded L egge's translation; cf. l-sh u o k*ao 24a. l o r • 麵

琢

read with CH y and T P Y L 464.4b. (C hao 168.) 垂腴 . The expression occurs in L u n k ê n g 7.14a: 桀紂之君，

尺餘

The

CHAPTER VH

22 7

fear men with sharp mouths3 and facile speech.” 4 For this reason the superior man avoids the three points: he avoids the brush-point of the literary man; he avoids the spear-point of the military man; he avoids the tongue-point of the sophist. The Ode says,® I f m y friends w ould tak e care. W ould slanderous speeches be made?

61

Confucius [and his disciples] were in distress between Ch'ên and Ts‘ai.2 They spent seven days without food sitting on the “ Three Classics mat.” 8 They had Zi soup but no rice,4 and the disciples had a hungry look. They read the S h u and practiced rites (Zi) and music without stopping.5 Tzü-lu ofiFered an objec­ tion: ^Heaven rewards with good fortune those who practice good and requites with disaster® those who practice evil. Now you. Master, have long accumulated virtue, piled up jên , and practiced good. I suppose there is still some defect in your con­ duct? 7 Otherwise why do you live in obscurity? 8 rulers Chieh and Chou h ad fat on their bellies hanging down for over a fo o t/** I t seems to imply a voracious appetite.

* 利 口 ：cf. 326 (17/18) : “ I hate those who with their sharp mouths overthrow kingdoms and families/* 4 For 膽辭 T TFI/, Zoc ctï .，has 巧辯 “ clever talkers.” （ C hao.) 5Shih «96 No. 183/S.

1 This is a development of H sün-tzû 20. 5b-6a. S Y 17.11b-lSb follows H SW C with some variants from Hsün-tzû; Chia y ü 5.1 la-13a is partly from Hsiin-tzü and partly from Shih chi 47.19a-20b (M em. hist. 6.364-70). *H e was on his way to Ch*u a t the invitation of King Chao. The G reat Officers of Q i ‘ên and T s‘ai realized th a t it would be dangerous for their states if a sage were to be used in Ch*u, and so sent troops to block Confucius* passage. (Chia yü.) Cf.

AiwLecUm (11/ 2.1) . •卽三經乏淹 • R e a d 席 with

SK for 卽• I am unable to find another reference to the sail chmg hsi. ‘ Cf. LSCÇ 17.9b: 孔子窮乎陳蔡之間。藜羹不斟， 七日不嘗粒• • S F has 詩 before 鲁 but omits 藥 • C hao (169) would add 詩 to balance 禮 樂 ， but if the **three classics mat ** has any connection with this sentence, the emendation would require the omission of | j | with SY, and the balance remains uneven. • R ead 禍 for 賊 with CHy, S r ， and f After ^ supply ^ with CHy, following Li Shan^ quotation (Wên hsiian 45.1a,

228

HAN SH1H WA1 CHÜAN

Confucius said, ^ Come, Yu. You are a mean man, without any understanding of principles. Be still while I tell you. Do you think that the wise are never punished? Then how was it the Prince Pi-kan had his heart cut out and died? Do you think the just are [always] hearkened to? Then how was it Wu Tzü-hsü had his eyes torn out and hung from the eastern gate of [the capital Wu? 0 Do you think the scrupulous are [always] employed? Then how was it Po-i and Shu-ch'i starved on Mt. Shou-yang? Do you think the sincere are [always] employed? Then how was it that Pao Shu was not employed, or that Tzü-kao, Duke of Shé, never took office? 10 Pao Chiao embraced a tree and wept; [Chieh] Tzü-t‘ui climbed a hill and was burned to death. Many superior men of wide learning and subtle plans have not met with the right time; I am certainly not the only exception. A man’s ability depends on natural endowment; his success or failure is a matter of opportunity.11 Now without opportunity, what use is there for a man of worth? That Shun of Yü was set up as Son of Heaven from having plowed a field on the north slope of Mt. Li was due to his meeting Yao. That Fu Yiieh was made a Great Officer from having carried dirt and worked with building frames12 was due to his meeting Wu-ting. Originally I-yin was a servant in the Hsin family, carrying the tripods, holding the sacrificial stand, and blending the five flavors.18 That he was set up as minister was due to his meeting Tcang. When Lü Wang was fifty he sold food in Chi-chin, and at seventy he 54.18b), likewise SY . (Chao.) B, C have 意者當遺行乎 ， which makes no sense. F o r 遺 行 d . Li Shan's com., loc. cit.: Rf **conduct which should be discarded.” * Y ang Liang defines 隱 as 窮約 **straitened circumstances/* •This event took place in B.C. 48S, while Confucius is supposed to be speaking in B.C. 489 (according to Ssü -ma Ch€ien; cf. C havannes* note, loc. cit.) . 10 Both these men held office. Pao Shu was tutor to the kung~tzû Hsiao-po (cf. Tso chuan 82), while Shên Chu-liang held simultaneously the two positions of ling-yin and ssü-ma (cf. Tso chuan 848); nor had he yet died at the supposed time of this speech. This is noted by S hên Yü in CKun-shu tsa-i (C hao 170). S Y more accurately reads 顯 “ prominent ’’ for 仕 • 11 The reading 命 “ fate ” for 時 appears to be an unsupported emendation by CHy. iaC (.M enâus4é6 (6B/1Ö.1). 1#I.e., he was a cook. For his discourse on the five flavors, cf. LSCC 14^a.

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was a butcher in Ch‘ao-ko; at ninety he was Teacher to the Son of Heaven~this because he met King Wen. Kuan I-wu was bound and kept with sealed-up eyes in a barred cart.14 That he became C h u n g-fu was because he met Duke Huan of Ch'i. Po-li Hsi sold himself for five rams, skins to the Po family of Ch'in and herded cattle. That he was raised to the rank of Great OflScer was because he met Duke Mu of Ch^n. That Yü-ch'iu [was famous] in the empire15 for yielding his position as Prime Minister to Sun-shu Ao was because he met King Chuang of Ch^u. Wu Tzü-hsü at first had considerable merit. Later on he was put to death by decapitation. It was not because his understanding had decreased, but because he first met Ho-lU and later met Fu-ch'ai. Now that a thoroughbred horse is put to work on the salt carts16 is not because he has not the appearance [of a thououghbred], but be­ cause no one recognizes him as such. If a thoroughbred horse does not get his Po-lo, how can he achieve a thousand-^' run, and how could Tsao-fu in his turn manage to drive a thousand-ii? If there is no one to see the lan-ch%h plant growing in a dense forest in the depths of the mountains, it will not be the less fragrant.17 So the purpose of study is not to achievte success, but [to enable one] to be in straits and not be distressed, and to keep the determination from failing in times of difficulty. First under­ stand the beginnings of disaster and good fortune, and your mind will be without illusions. For this reason the sages lived in retirement and reflected profoundly; they were unique in their apprehension and insight.18 Now Shun was certainly a sage and 14 For 自濫 SK has 膠 目居檻 • ffS IW is defective. (CHy.> C hao quotes JLSCC 34.3b: 乃後吏鞲 其拳， 膠 其目， 盛之以鸱 夷， 置之車中 • “ m ereupon [the Duke of Lu] had his hands bound with thongs and his eyes sealed; they enclosed him in a leather sack and put him in a c art/' Cf. Mencius, loc. d t. 18 Supply 名簡 after 丘 as in SF (C hou, CHy). C h*en Ch*iao-ts*ung suggests that this is the same person as the Prime Minister Shên in H SW C 2/4, since SY , L N C 2.8b and Hsin hsü 1.2b all mention . (I-skuo k€ao 8.4a-b.) Cf. C hia I ’s “ Lament for Ch‘ü Yüan ” （ S » W W.9b ) : 横 垂兩聋 兮,服鹽車 The thoroughbred lets his two ears hang; he is hitched to a salt cart/* 17人莫見之， 故不芬：“ if there is no one to see it， it will not be fragrant.” Supply 不 before 、 入 on the basis of X rC T and SF". (CHy.> 18獨 Ä 獨 兔 ： cf. Ltm Wngr 26. l a : 聖 人 。 。。有獨 Ä 之明， 獨聞之聰 **Saints are possessed of the enlightenment that comes from unique insight and of the understanding that comes from unique apprehension/'

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a saint, but that he faced south and ruled the empire was solely due to his meeting with Yao. If Shun had lived in the times of Chou or Chieh, he would have been well off to escape punishment or execution; there would have been no question of his holding oflSce. Chieh put Kuan Lung-fêng to death, and Chou put the Prince Pi-kan to death. On those occasions did Xuan Lung-feng lack understanding? Did the Prince Pi-kan lack wisdom? In both cases it was a matter of not meeting with the right time. So the superior man devotes himself to study. He rectifies himself and orders his conduct, waiting for the right time. May you not be confused about this•” The Ode says,19 T he crane cries in th e n in th pool of th e m arsh, And her voice is heard in th e sky.

7 Tsêng-tzü said, u When they are gone, there is no recalling them—such are our parents.1 When they have reached their limit there is no adding to them—such are the years [of their lives]. This is why,123 though the filial son may wish to go on supporting them, his parents can not tarry [forever];8 and though a tree may wish [to remain] straight, the seasons do not give it a chance.4* TTlius to slaughter an ox as a sacrifice at their grave is not so good as bringing chickens and pigs to parents while they are still alive. That is why I was only too glad to serve as an oiEcer in Ch^ with a salary of only a chung5 and a fu [of grain]; not because I thought it much, but I was happy that I could get it to my parents. After their death I once went south to Ch*u, where I got an honorable position, with a hall nine jên high that 19 Shih 297 No. 184/2.

1 Cf. HSWC 9/3, where this statement is attributed to Kao Yü.

•是故 is redundant here; it occurs again below before 椎 牛 • 3 HSWC 9/8 is the same, but omits ^ . 4 木欲直而時不 _ 也 . Logically this phrase diould precede the one above as in 9/S with 樹 欲靜而風不止 . It is in terms of this line that I have trän»«

lated 時 and 待 . The passage may be corrupt, but sense can be forced out of it. •For 鐘 read 鍾 ；cf. HSWC S/20, note 4.

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had projecting beams three wei in circumference.6 I had a hundred carts bringing me gifts» but still I looked to the north and wept. N ot that I thought [my treatment] too mean, but I was grieved that I could not get it to my parents.7 So one whose family is poor and whose parents are old is not particular about the ofl5ce he will fill.8 One who, for the sake of his ambition, stints his parents is not filial.” The Ode says,9 O ur m others have to do all th e labor of cooking.10

81 Chao Chien-tzü had a minister named Chou She, who stood outside his gate for three days and three nights. Chien-tzû sent a messanger to ask ,u On what business do you wish an interview? Chou She replied, ^ I would like to be your outspoken minister.2 With inked brush8 and tablet in hand I would follow after [Your Highness, looking out for] your faults and [writing them down,4 #CHy has for {J], likewise Lei-chii 21.9a and Po-t*ieh 8.63b. (C hao 172.) Cf. Mencius 496 (7B/34.2) : **Halls several times eight cubits high, with beams projecting several cubits.” 7Cf. Chtuing-tzû 7.16b (L bqge, Texts of Taoism 2.146): MTsêng-tzû twice took ofiBce, and on the two occasions his state of mind was different. He said, 4While my parents were alive I took office, and though my emolument was oiily three fu of grain, my mind was happy. Afterwards when I took office, my emolument was three thousand chung\ but I could not share it with my parents, and my mind was sad/ ** 8 Cf. HSWC 1/1. 9 Shih 299 No. 185/3. 10 Moo has 途 for 雍 • 1 Hsin hsii l^b-6a is a somewhat modified version of this passage, furnishing a better reading in several places. Shih chi 43.11b (Mem. hist. 5.S6-7) has the story in an abridged form. C havannes, ibid.t translates also the HSWC version. 9 For Chih-yao 8.S5b has and P^i Yin's quotation in Shih chi, loc cit.t writes 鄂 鄂 . C hao (17S) shows that they are interchangeable. TPrL 603.1a has 秉筆 “ holding a brush.” （ CHy.) 4從 君 之 過 而 . With CHy read 從君之後， 司君之過而書之 after rP IT and Hsin hsii. Lei-chii 58.11a, ShvrcKao 96^a are the same; likewise Kuang yün 5.17a, with ^ for ^ . Chih-yao and the quotation by P ei Yin are the same as the present text. (C hao .)

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so that] each day there will be a record, each month an achieve­ ment, and each year good results.,> 5 Where Chien-tzü stayed, [Chou She] stayed there with him, and when [Chien-tzü] went out, he went out with him. After a little while Chou She died, and Chien-tzü mourned for him as if he had been his own son. Later he was drinking with the Great Officers in the Hung-po Terrace. When he was drunk on the wine, Chien-tzü began to weep, and the Great Officers all went out® saying, We are at fault without knowing ourselves [wherein we have offended].” Chien-tzü said, “ You Great Officers are not at fault.7 M y friend8 Chou She used to say, ' A thousand sheepskins are not worth the fur under one fox^ forelegs, and the servile assent of the multitude is not worth the outspoken works of one gentle­ man/ 9 Of old Chou of the Shang was lost through silence, while King Wu prospered through frankness [on the part of their ministers]. Now after Chou Shê^ death I never hear of my faults, and it will not be long before I am lost. This is why I wept.^ 91 Tradition has it th a t123Duke Ching of Ch*i asked Yen-tzù about the worries of governing a state.8 Yen-tzù replied, “ What one worries about are ‘ altar rats.’ ’’ Duke Ching said, MWhat do you mean by altar rats? Yen-tzü said, “ Altar rats steal things outside and then go 8 瓜in

in se rts 簡 子 悅 之 “ Chien-tzü was pleased.”

• 丑《 in has 出 for 走 . TC hou would emend 皆 to 反 “ on the contrary,” as in

hü.

*R ead 吾 友 for 吾 有 with CH y ， 丑《 in äjü, and (Chao.) 9 This proverbial expression occurs also in Shih chi 68.6b. (C havannes.)

1 Similar passages occur in YTCC 3.11b-12a, HFT lS.7a-b, and SY 7.18b-19b. HSWC is most clearly related to YTCC, in that Yen-tzù and Duke Ching are the speakers, but HSWC is more concise, possibly because the text is defective. HFT reverses the order of the two parables and attributes the dialogue to Kuan Chung and Duke Huan of Ch*i. SY seems to be based on HFTf in that Kuaa Chung and Duke Huan appear, while the arrangement of incidents is the same as YTCC. * 傅曰 is lacking in the other versions. 3 Emend 人 to

國 as in all the other versions; cf. 此國 之 大 患 below. (Chou.)

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inside the altar for protection.4 You would drown them out, but you fear damaging the [mud] wall. You would bum them out, but you fear setting the wood on fire. This is the worry of rats. Now as to Your Highness, officers, outside they sell you for profit,5 and inside they depend on Your Highness not to punish them for throwing the laws into disorder.^6 Your Highness moreover both protects and supports them.7 This is the worry of altar rats.” Duke Ching said, “ Alas! How can this be? ” 8* " A man sold wine of very fine quality, and put out a long advertisement, but the wine soured before he had sold any. He asked the villagers why [they had not bought his wine], and one of them said, *Your dog is very fierce, and every time anyone comes with a container wanting [to buy wine], the dog comes out and bites h im . This is why the wine had soured before he had sold any. If, when a gentleman wishes to communicate with the ruler of [a state of] ten thousand chariots, the functionaries come out and bite him, they too are the b ad 0 dogs of a state. Officers that are ‘ altar rats ’ and functionaries that are *bad dogs ’一 these are the great worries of a state.” The Ode says,10 Look into th e m iddle of th e forest; T here are [only] large faggots and small branches in it.

It says that those in the court are all mean men. 4 The other versions here insert 夫 社 束 木 而 塗 之 “ The altar is made of wood fastened together and plastered over with mud/* 8 iïifT is d e a r e r : 出 則 爲 勢 重 而 牧 利 於 民 • • 託 君 不 罪 乎 亂 法 . //FJ* h a s 吏 不 誅 則 亂 法 , 誅 冬 則 君 不 声 ， 據而有之 “ If you fail to punish these 〇 伍cials， the laws are thrown into confusion. If you do punish them , then you are not a t ease. Relying on this they exist/* S Y and YTCC are similar, and HSWC m ay be defective. T君 又 舜 覆 而 W 之 is ProbaWy a rely on his protection to exist.**

據 腹 而 有 之 “ They

s T he interruption b y th e Duke is lacking in the other versions. W hat follows should be prefaced w ith 晏 子 曰 • • There is no need to emend 惡 to 猛 “ fierce M with C hao (174) to agree with the other versions. 10SÄtÄS16No. 192/4. 16

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10 1 Of old the Ssu-cKêng 123Tzû-han was minister to [the ruler of] Sung.8 He said to the Prince of Sung， “ Now the peace of a state and the governance of its people depend on the conduct of the ruler. Titles and rewards4 are what people like. May Your Highness take charge of them. Executions and punishments are what the people hate. Let me be responsible for them.” The Prince said, Agreed. I will get their approval and you will receive their hatred. I am convinced that I will not be the laughing-stock of the feudal lords.” When the people of the state knew that the punishments of death and decapitation were entirely in the hands of Tzü-han, the great ministers were friendly with him and the common people feared him. Before the year was out, Tzü-han had driven out the Prince of Sung and taken over the government himself. Just as Lao-tzü says,5 I t is best to leave th e fish down in his pool; B est to leave the S ta te d sharpest weapons where none can see them .

The Ode says,6 B u t why does he call us to action, W ithout coming and consulting w ith us?

1 This is expanded from H F T 14.2b. H u a i-n a n tz ü 12.7b is nearly identical with J IS W C , and S Y 1.24b-25b follows H S W C with some changes; both quote the line from L a o -tzü , b u t lack the quotation from the S h ih .

* 司 城 was used for 司 空 m the state of Sung to avoid the taboo personal name of Duke Wu. 3 C hou identifies 子 罕 with Yo Hsi 樂 喜 ，T. Tzü-han， and concludes th a t the story is apocryphal, as no mention is made of it in T so ch u an . CH y denies th a t they were the same person, b u t it is unlikely th a t two men with the same appellation would hold the same office in the same state (cf. T so ch u an 439). ‘ 夫爵祿賞賜舉 . CHy emends to 夫 爵 賞 賜 與 。 n the basis o f 财 T : 庚賞賜 興 ，and H u a i-n a n tzü : 爵賞賜予 . C hou proposes the same changes. S Y has ^ 賞賜讓與者 . （C h ao 1 7 5 .) 5W a le t, T h e W a y a n d I ts P o w e r 187.

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ll1 In the time of Duke I of Wei there was a minister named Hung Yin,2*who received the order to go on a mission [to another state]. Before his return, the Ti barbarians attacked Wei.8 Duke I wished to raise an army to meet them, but his people with one accord s a i d , W h a t Your Highness values and what have [high] salaries and rank are cranes. What you love are your concubines. Go have your cranes and concubines fight. How can we fight? ’’ And they all scattered and fled. The Ti barbarians arrived and attacked Duke I at Jung-tse.4 They killed him and completely ate the flesh [of his body], leaving only his liver. When Hung Yin got there, he reported on his mission to the liver. When he had finished speaking, he cried out to Heaven and wept. When his mourning was over, he said, ^ As minister all I may properly do is die.” And he then actually cut himself open and, pulling out his intestines, put Duke Ts liver inside and died. When Duke Huan heard of this he said, Wei was destroyed because it had not the proper Way. But with a minister like this, it cannot but be preserved.” Whereupon he re-established Wei in Ch‘ii-cli‘iu. One like Hung Yin can be called a loyal officer. He killed himself so as to follow his prince, and not only did he succeed in following his prince, he also caused the ancestral temple of Wei to be re-established and kept the sacrifices from being broken off. He can be said to have had great merit. The Ode says,5* In o th er q u arters th ere is e And I dwell here alone and E verybo dy is going into retirem ent. A nd I alone dare n o t seek rest. 1 Modified from L S C C 11.6b-7a. H sin hsü 8^a reproduces L SC C as far as the moralizing passage at the end. * 洪 演 • For 洪 CHy writes 宏 . B, C have 弘 • D has Ç i , likewise â jû and L SC C . K ao Y u 's com. on L S C C says S I is to be read as jSL • 8 Cf. Tso chuan 129 (Min 2 ). ‘ For 榮 CHy, B. C D have 熒 . 8 Shih S24-5 No. 19S/8.

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121 Sun-shu Ao met an old man of Hu-ch^iu who said, u I have heard that as there are three advantages there must be three worries. Do you know about this? Sun-shu Ao uneasily changed countenance and s a i d , I am not intelligent; how could I know about it? I venture to ask what is meant by the three advantages and by the three worries? 99 The old man of Hu-ch^u said, It your rank is high, others will envy you. If your office is a big one, your ruler will dislike you. If your salary is large, resentment will be your lot. This is the meaning.” Sun-shu Ao said, ‘‘ N ot necessarily. The higher the rank the more humble the ambitions; the greater the office the smaller the desire; the larger the salary the more widespread the gifts— would this not permit one to escape the three worries? The old man of Hu-ch^u said, u Well said! Even Yao and Shun would not have found fault with such conduct/*2 The Ode says,8 W e m ust be m ild, and hum ble. As if we were perched on trees. W e m ust be anxious and careful, As if we were on th e brink of a valley.

13 1 Confucius said, ^ There are three things the enlightened ruler fears: The first is that occupying a position of honor he fears he will not hear of his faults; the second is that being successful he fears he will be overconfident; the third is that hearing of the Supreme Way [for governing] the empire he will be unable to put it into practice.” 1IAeh~tzù 8^a-b and Huai-nan tzü 12.12a are close to HSWC. Wen-tzu 4.18a is related to Huai^nan tzü, but attributes the saying to Lao-tzu, omitting the old man of Hu-ch*iu and Sun-shu Ao. Hsün-tzü 20.22b-2Sa differs considerably, and H ao I-hsing believes that it was not the immediate source for any of the other texts. •Cf. AnalecU 194 (7/28.1), 292 (14/46). 9Skih 385 No. 196/6. S Y 1.13b>14b follows this closely.

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Of old King Kou-chien of Yiieh fought with and greatly defeated Wu, and conquered the southern I. At that time, as he sat facing south with three ministers near at hand and five in distant places, he issued the following command to the Great OflScers: Those hearing of [my] faults who fail to tell me, will suffer capital punishment.” This is an example of one’s occupying a position of honor and fearing he will not hear of his faults. Of old Duke Wen of Chin fought with and overwhelmingly conquered Ch'u, burning their cam p2 so that the fire lasted three days. Duke Wên drew back with an expression of anxiety, and his attendants asked, ** Your Highness has overwhelmingly con­ quered Ch'u, and [now] you have an expression of anxiety. Why is this? ’’ Duke Wên said, “ I have heard that only a Saint can rest secure after victory in battle, while those who conquer through deceit axe without exception in a perilous situation. This is why I am anxious.” This is an example of one who has been successful and who fears being overconfident. Of old Duke Huan of Ch'i got [as ministers] Kuan Chung and Hsi P **eng3 and sat facing south. Duke Huan s a i d , S i n c e getting you two, my sight is the keener and my hearing the sharper. I dare not act alone.” And he introduced them to his ancestors. This is an example of one hearing of the Supreme Way and being afraid he will be unable to put it into practice. Viewed in the light of Duke Huan, [Duke] Wen of Chin, and King Kou-chien of Yiieh, these three fears are the concern of the enlightened prince. The Ode says,4 W e m u st be m ild, and hum ble, As if we were perched on trees. • C hou defines

草 as 穀 “ grain,” here meaning supplies. S P has

and Yü Yiieh is a corruption of this, since there is no textual support for C hou ^ definition. Ç 48) quotes with approval the not very convincing reasons for emending 民 to 梅 advanced by W ang Shao-lan 王 紹 蘭 （ i n 讀 書 雜記）and Mo T‘ie n -i 莫 天 一 （ i n 詩外傳十卷 題 記 ) • Both S— cfc‘a 。4〇 *5a and rP F L 779_2a write 民 .

8 F o r 大 國 S r h a s 冀 兗 之 州 **the provinces of Chi or Yen ** (not CH y sta te s).

中國，as

8魷 鲔 魚 鼈 . This pair of binoms occurs (with variants) in several Han and preHan texts (cf. T T 757). That something more than the aQufttic animals usually so called is intended here is evident from the parallel S r passage: 乃 處 海 垂 之 際 ， 屛 焉居^ 而 巧 龍 又 與 我 爭 焉。是以剪髮文身、爛然成章以像龍子 者 、將 避 神 水 也 “ Whereupon we made our homes on the coasts of the sea and dwelt in retirem ent on the outer frontiers. F urther the c h ia o

and the dragon

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bodies and cut 〇j0Etheir hair, and their descendants lived there.7 Now when I am come to your state you insist on saying that I will be granted an interview if I wear an official cap and not otherwise. B y the same token, if your country sends someone to Yüeh, lie will have to cut ofiE his nose and submit to branding, tattoo his body and cut off his hair before he will be granted a ceremonial4 interview. Do you approve? ’’ When the King of Ching heard what he had said, he put on [court] dress and came out to thank him [for his present], Con­ fucius said,8 “ He who, when sent to any quarter, will not disgrace his prince’s commission deserves to be called an officer.” 2 The reason we love riches and honor, ease and fame, the which others praise us for, is for our bodies. It is also for the sake of our bodies that we hate poverty and meanness, danger and shame, the which others despise us for. But of our bodies, what is most valuable? Nothing is more valuable than cA‘i / When a man gets ch**i he lives; when he loses it he dies. His chfi is not gold or silk, pearls or jade, and it cannot be sought from others. It is not painted cloth or the five cereals, and it cannot be got by purchase. It exists solely in our own bodies. One cannot but be careful. The Ode says,2 In telligent he is and wise. I n protecting his body.

fought with us there. For that reason we cut o£F our hair and tattooed our bodies, making bright patterns, to resemble the dragon*s children, that we might avoid the water spirits.** Here the chiao and the dragon ( ^ | ) take the place of the y ü a n - c h a n a n d th e which also were probably forms of water spirits. 7Cf. S h ih c h i 41.1a ( M e m . h is t. 4.419). 9 A n a l e c U m (1S/20.1). 1 氣 ‘‘ [vital] breath.” *SÄiÄ 643 No. 260/4.

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S1 The people of Wu attacked Ch^ and King Chao left the country. There was a sheep butcher of the country [named] Yüeh,2 who followed him in his exile. When King Chao returned to his state, he rewarded those who had followed him. When it came Yiieh^ turn he refused [a reward], s a y in g ,W h e n His High­ ness lost his state, what I lost was my butchery. When he came back to his state, I also came back to my butchery. M y income is adequate;8 what need is there for a reward? He refused to obey the command. When the prince insisted, Yiieh said, That he lost his state was not my fault, so I have not prostrated myself for punishment. That he came back to his state was not my merit, so I may not receive any reward for it. When the army from Wu entered Ying, I was afraid of the invaders and fled from harm. What part could I possibly have had in his returning? ’’ The prince said, Since he will not accept [a reward], grant him an audience.” Yiieh sent back word, u By the laws of the state of Chfu, if a merchant wants an audience with the prince, he must have a large present or valuable goods to offer4 before he is granted the interview. Now my knowledge is inadequate to preserving the state, my sense of duty (t) unequal to dying for my prince, and my courage not enough to make me face an invader. To grant me an audience in spite of this would be going against the laws of the state.” He persisted in not accepting the command and retired to the Chien [River].

King Ghao said to the &ü-nm TTzù-ci^i/ “ Here is a man who 1 This is expanded from C h u a n g -tzü 9.23b-24a (L egge, S B E 40.155-7), the additions serving to point a moral the opposite of that intended in the C h u a n g -tz û . C K C S 2.8a-b is based on C h u a n g -tzu . *Ltj Tê-ming gives both yüefe 悅 and ( 如字 ） as readings of 說 . 3 Chao (188) would emend 厚 to 復 after “I have got backmy income.” ‘ 大獻重質：C h u a n g -tzü fits the argument better: 重賞大功 “ a rich reward for great accomplishments.” 8 has 恭 for 期 •

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is living in most straitened circumstances, and whose discourse is extremely exalted. Seek him out for me. I desire to make him my sworn brother and would like to make him a san-kung." The Ssû-ma Tzù-ch^, after leaving his carriage, went on foot five days and five nights to seek him. On finding him he said. N ot to rescue the state when it is in danger is to fail in jên. N ot to obey the prince^ commands is to fail in loyalty.6 On the one hand to hate riches and honor, and on the other to be satisfied with poverty and discomfort, seems to me excessive. Now our Prince desires to make you his sworn brother and would like to make you a san-kung. What are you to do if you refuse to obey your prince? ” Yiieh said, I know that the position of san-kung is more honorable than a butcher shop,7 and that an income of ten thousand chung is more than one makes from slaughtering sheep. But I have not heard that one should see [only] the benefits of rank and salary and forget what conduct is proper (i) in matters of refusing and accepting.” In the end he refused the position of san-kung and returned to his sheep butchery. On hearing of this the superior man s a y s ,E x tr e m e indeed was the conduct of his honor this butcher! Limiting himself and clinging to poverty, he [continued to] live in another man’s state.” 8 Yüeh said, “ What do you mean poverty? Having refused it on grounds of li91 [have the right to] live out my life in his state/5 “ To live in seclusion and fail to help when [the state is] in a precarious situation, to see King Chao^ virtue decline in the face of Wu, and to find fault with one’s state while ‘ cherishing one’s jewel/ and withdrawing oneself with the sole desire of self-per­ fection—this is to be generous toward oneself but miserly toward one’s prince. Being overcautious， lie is not one to save the world.” " What is he like, one who may be called a savior of the world? One like the Chief of Shên or Chung Shan-fu can be called a savior of the world. Of old when the virtue of Chou greatly declined and the True Way had been lost under [King] Li, the a This phrase occurs in 2/21 ， with 使 for 7 刀 俎 之 肆 : lit., “ a knife and table shop.” 8 Without fulfilling his duty by taking office.

命.

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256

Chief of Shên and Chung Shan-fu assisted King Hsüan. They regulated a time of confusion and restored things to glieir proper condition.9 The empire was to a certain extent put into order, and the ancestral temples again flourished. The Chief of Shên and Chung Shan-fu unified the empire and enforced obedience; they rectified the depraved and saved the lost. They gave out virtuous instruction and promoted neglected gentlemen. All with­ in the seas united in responding to their influence. Hence the people spontaneously sang of King Hsiian9s virtue. The Ode says,10 T hroughout th e regions of Chou all rejoiced; You have got a good support.

Another says,11 In the States, th e princes, be th e good or bad, Are clearly distinguished b y C hung Shan-fu. Intelligent is he and wise, P rotecting his own person; N ever idle, day or night, In th e service of the One m an.

One like this can be called a savior of the world.” 41 When Tsfui Chu of Ch*i assassinated Duke Chuang,12 Ching K'uai-jui3 was on a mission to Chin. As he returned, [his driver s a i d ,T s 'u i Chu has assassinated Duke Chuang. What shall you do?” * Cf. K u n g - y a n g c h u a n 12.9b. 10SÄ*Ä54〇No. 259/7. 11 S h ih 543 No. 260/4. 1 S Y 4.13a-b tells this story in essentially the same words, but tempers the conclusion —which the S sû -k * u editors (S9u-k*u . . . ti-y a o 16.11a) found objectionable一by quoting from M e n c iu s instead of I e k in g ; see notes 10, 12. »Cf. H S W C 2713. 3For 荆 蒯 茜 S r has Hsing K‘uai-wai 邢 蒯 賭 • Cfcin卩 and are easily confused from their similarity of form, while ^ * n {w a d and ^ * n g w e d are possible phonetic equivalents. Chu Ch^-fêng^ suggestion ( T T 1850) that S Y has confused this person with the Heir Apparent of Wei, K‘uai-wai 删 腊 is possible, but in view of the frequency of variants in the writings of old names, hardly necessary.

CHAPTER

ym

257

Ching K'uai-jui said, ^ Drive quickly. I am going to enter (the capital) and die so as to repay my prince.”] 4 His driver s a i d , N o n e of the neighboring feudal lords in every direction but has heard of the lack of principle on the part of our ruler. Is it not a difficult thing to expect you. Master, to die for him? ” Ching K'uai-jui said, u Well said!6 [But it comes too late.] Had you spoken earlier, I might have remonstrated. Then if he failed to make use of my remonstrance, I would have been able to leave. But now since I did not remonstrate and did not leave— as I have heard, 4 You eat his food and you die for his cause/ Since I have eaten the food of a bad prince,6 how am I to get a good prince7 to die for? ” And making haste in his chariot he entered [the capital] and died.8 The driver said, If a man with a bad prince6 must still die for him, can I, who had a good master,9 do anything but die? And tying the reins, he cut his throat in the chariot. On hearing of this the superior man says, ^ It can be said of Ching K 4uai-jui that he preserved his virtue and died for his principles (i) . The driver, however, had no reason to die. It was like encountering poison in eating or drinking.10 The Ode says,11 N ever idle, day or night, I n th e service of th e One m an. ‘ 其 僕 曰 ，崔 抒 弑 莊 公 。子 將 奚 如 。荆 蒯 芮 曰 ，驅之將入死而報君 • CHy adds this^from S V . B善哉而言也 • Yü Yüeli (讀書 餘 錄 2.10b) interprets M as 爾 “ you” in in this phrase. • 亂君 : & prince who is uncontrolled in his own actions and who gives his state the opposite of good government. T 治君 by contrast with 亂 君 ： “ a governing prince.” * 死其事僕曰 • Omit 事 with CHy as in SF. (Chao 189.) It is probably an echo of the 死其事 in the preceding line. •治長 is intelligible from the parallel construction 治君 and its opposite 亂君 above. 101, e., accidental death, with no moral implications; cf. H S W C 10/7. S Y **s ** superior man，’ is more generous: MAlthough the death of the driver cannot be considered as coinciding with what was proper under the circumstances (i), still it shows the quality of the determined officer.” 僕夫之死也， 雖未能合義， 無亦有志士之意矣 . 11 S h ih 543 No. 260/4, likewise quoted by S Y .

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HAN SH1H WAI CHÜAN

This could be said of Master Ching. The I [ching] says,12 *One who does not continuously maintain his virtue. There are those who will impute this to him as a disgrace.’ This could be said of the driver.” 51 [In a minister], to be yielding and yet upright is best. To be exact is next. Last of all is to be carpingly critical. Utter weakness means death. The Ode says,12 H e does n o t devour th e soft, Or eject th e powerful.

61 Wan of Sung fought with Duke Chuang and was captured by him.2 Duke Chuang detained 3 him in the palace. After several months he sent him back to Sung, where he again took up his position as Great Officer. Wan of Sung was playing with Duke Min at chess, and all the [palace] women were looking on. Wan said, a The Marquis of Lu is a very fine man. Such is his beauty that of all the feudal lords only he is fit to be a prince. Duke Min esteemed the women present and was made jealous by his remark. Turning he said, u You were a prisoner there; what do you know about the beauty of the Marquis of Lu? 4 ia 沿叩 126 (32/ 几 三） • SF here quotes from Menciw 262 (3B/1.2): brave officer never forgets that he may lose his head.”

“ The

1 D quotes S Y 9.1 a-b as parallel, but the connection is at best remote: 諫 有 五 。 一 曰 正 諫 ；二曰降 諫 ；三 曰 忠 諫 ；四曰戆 諫 ；五 曰 諷 諫 。孔子曰， 吾 其從諷諫矣乎 4b-6a is similar to HSWC and shows less connection with YTCC. * For

泰山

read

CD

p O 0 as in Lei-cfeü 28.1b. As C hao (235〉 suggests, it is 泰山 replaces 牛山 in the preceding

probably a corruption from KTCC 7.4b ，where line. I T F L 160.4a has 葱 葱 （C hao.)

p For this character, see the table on p. 358.

• O m it 使古而無死者則， which occurs later on in its proper context. Here it makes no sense, and is missing in the YTCC versions. Lieh-tzû inserts the phrase a f t e r 去 此 國 而 死 乎 and follows it with ** Where shall I go when I leave this,*' as in bu t w ith 之何 for the more archaic 何 之 . On the adm ittedly insufficient evidence at hand, I suggest that this paragraph in Ueh-tzü was composed on the basis of YTCC and an already defective HSWC text. ‘ Add 又 with C H y from TPFX .

8 has 笑 • 6 Since T*ai-wang would still be ruler of Ch*i, D uke Ching would be & commoner. This is stated more clearly in the other versions.

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334

12 1 Duke Mu of Ch'in went hunting and lost his horse. After looking for three days he found [its remains] on the south side of Mt. Ching. Some countrymen had just been sharing [its flesh] among themselves for a meal. Duke Mu said, ** Anyone who eats the flesh of a po-2horse without wine will die.” 3 Duke Mu then got wine and gave it to everyone to drink. After that he left. The next year the army of Chin fought with Duke Mu. The spearman on the right [of the prince of] Chin, Lu Shih,4 cut off Duke Mu and attacked him. Six [pieces] of his armor had already dropped off [under this onslaught]5 when 300-odd men who had eaten [the flesh of] the horse all said, “ Our Prince is humane (jéw) and loves men. We cannot but die [in his defense].” Where­ upon they fell on the spearman Lu Shih and saved Duke Mu from death. 13 1 There is the story of Pien Chuang-tzü, who loved valor. While his mother was in good health, he was in three battles and three times he fled. His friends criticized him and the prince of the state heaped shame on him. Pien Chuang-tzü endured his prince’s censure2 without changing countenance. Three years after the death of his mother, when Lu raised an army, Pien Chuang-tzù 1 LSCC 8.1Sa-14a tells the same anecdote with some variation in detail. HuaUnan tzü lS.17a-b is modified from LSCC. S Y 6.7b-8a seems to have used LSCC and HSWC, but with several changes. 2 For the

駿

， which resembles a horse, but devours leopards and tigers, cf. the

texts quoted in TT 1487. C hao (237) rightly insists that a 駿馬 is merely a horse with the appearance of a po, as in Kuan-tzü 16.9a: 桓公乘敦馬 . The other versions all write 駿， more usually associated with 馬 . 此駿馬之肉， 不得*酒者死 . Read 食 for 此 . The text is not unintelligible as it stands， but all the other versions have 食 . * For

左备 右者

BLSCC is dearer:

右路石 with LSCC. (C hou .) 擊緣公之甲， 中之者已六札矣 •

read

armor, and had already pierced six layers.M

"Read

遂 for 還 after the other versions.

1 Hsin hsii 8.5b-6a copies this almost verbatim. a 受命 lit .，“ received the command.”

“ H e struck D uke M u ，s

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asked to accompany it. At his interview with the general of the forces he said, Formerly I was still living with my mother, and for this reason I fled from battle to the disgrace of my person. Now that my mother is dead, I should like to atone for my failure.” 3 Then he rushed to the enemy and fought with them. Taking a soldier’s head, he [came back and] presented it [saying]， u With this I should like to atone for my first He took another head and presented it [saying], With this I should like to atone for my second flight.” The general stopped him and said, ‘‘ This is enough.” He would not stop but again took a head and presented it saying, “ With this I should like to atone for my third ffight.” The general stopped him and said, This is enough. I would like to make you my [sworn] brother.” Pien Chuang-tzü s a i d , I ran away three tim es4 so that I might [live to] look after my mother. Now my mother is dead and I have atoned for my failure. I have heard that the gentleman of principle does not live in disgrace.” Wherewith he charged the enemy, killing seventy men before he died. On hearing of this the superior man would say, “ The three flights he atoned for, but he went on and exterminated his family and put an end to [the sacrifices to] his ancestors. This gentleman’s capacity for principle was small; he was not filial to the last degree.” The Ode says,5 A ll are [g o o d ] a t first B u t fe w p r o v e th e m s e lv e s t o b e so a t th e la st.

14 1 W h e n the Son of Heaven has seven admonishing ministers, though he be without principle, he will not lose his empire. Of old

8 塞 責 lit., “ to meet the responsibility.” 4 Read 三 with C hoü after ffsi» for 夫 . 8 Skih 506 No. 255/1. 1 The maxims illustrated in this paragraph occur without the examples in *Hsiao eking 8.3b-4a.

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HAN SHIH WAI CHUAN

Chou, King of the Yin, was cruel to the people and went against the Way of Heaven to the extent of cutting off [the legs of an old man and of a boy] who were crossing the ford in the morning,2 of ripping up pregnant women,8 of making dried meat of the Marquis of Kuei, and of making mincemeat of the Earl of Mei. The reason he did not lose his kingdom was that he had Chi-tzû and Pi-kan. Wei-tzü left him, Chi-tzü was thrown into prison as a slave, and Pi-kan, remonstrating, died. After that Chou raised troops and exterminated him. When a feudal lord has five admonishing ministers, though he be without principle, he will not lose his state. Fu-ch^ai, King of Wu, acted without principle to the extent of driving the population of a whole town to be interred with Ho-lii.4 The reason he did not lose his state was that he had Wu Tzü-hsü. Once [Tzü-]hsü was dead, King Kou-chien of Yiieh wished to attack [Wu], Fan Li objected, “ Tzü-hsü’s plans are not yet forgotten in the mind of the King of Wu.^ After Tzü-hsü had been dead for three years, Yiieh was able to attack [Wu]. If a Great Officer has three admonishing ministers, though he be without principle, he will not lose his house. The head of the Chi family was without principle, usurping the dances with eight rows of dancers of the Son of Heaven,6 sacrificing to Mt. T ^ i,6 and using the “ Yung ’’ ode.7 Confucius said，8 “ If he can bear to do this, what may he not bear to do? That he did not lose his position was because he had Jan Yu and Chi Lu for ministers.

Truly it is said, “ The state of one with outspoken admonishing ministers will be brilliant, while the state of one with reticent flattering ministers will be lost.J, The Ode says,0 9 Cf. Shu ching 295. 8 Ibid. 285.

41 can find elsewhere no mention of this. BCf. Analects 154 (3/1). 9 Ibid. 156 (3/6). 7 Ibid. 155 (3/2). 8 Ibid. 154 (3/1). 9 SAih 607-8 No. 855/4.

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A ll u n in te llig e n t a re y o u o f y o u r [proper] v ir tu e , A n d so y o u h a v e n o [g o o d ] m e n b e h in d y o u , n o r b y y o u r sid e .10 W ith o u t a n y in te llig e n c e o f y o u r [proper] v ir tu e Y o u h a v e n o [g o o d ] in tim a te or m in iste r .

It speaks of King Wên^ sighing and deploring that the Yin-shang [dynasty]， from a lack of assisting and admonishing ministers, would lose the empire. 15 Duke Huan of Ch12*4i went out walking and met an old man who was wearing flowing garments and proceeding___ (?)1 In his belt he was carrying a peach wood staff.2 Duke Huan asked in surprise, “ What do you call that? In what classic does it occur? What section does it occupy? 8 How do you exorcise with it? Why do you avoid me? * The old man said, This is called 4two peach/ 5 The word t (ao (peach) means to be lost.6 Now what worries can there be for one who daily is careful about t (ao?, Just as the altars of a lost state are a warning to the feudal lords, the common man’s warning is in this peach staff.” Duke Huan was pleased with his words and carried him in his chariot. B y the first month of the next year the common people all wore it. The Ode says,7 T h e b e a c o n o f Y in is n o t far d ista n t.

10 R e a d

無陪無側 with SÄiÄ

21a for Mao WÄ

時 無 背 無 側 （Ch*ên

Ch‘iao-ts‘ung) • 1 應 步 must be descriptive of his gait, but I am unable to find a satisfactory definition of the expression so used. C hu Ch^-fêng^ atempt (T T 1763) to equate J5É with 冶 W ag and 雅 ^ngo is to be rejected. 2 桃 受 • The expression 桃支 (for variants cf. TT 84) is of common occurrence, b u t is defined a s a kind of bamboo. Here it is necessary to preserve 桃 in its meaning of “ peach .” A s the word is a homophone of 逃 Mto expel,M peach wood was used to expell noxious influences (cf. Tso chuan 596, Chao 4). 8 1 , e., what textual justification have you for carrying such a thing? * 避余 does n o t m ak e good sense in context. A possibility w ould be to read 除 for 余 ， m aking a te rm 避除 roughly synonymous w itj^ 斥 逐 . « 一 桃 S u n I-jang ( a a - i 2.3b) would emend 二 to 戎 “ warning.”

6桃之爲言亡也：cf. 那灰c 5/ 14儒者儒也， 儒之爲言無也• By analogy

one would expect 桃者逃也 to precede this phrase. 7 Shih 510 No. 855/8.

338

HAN SHIH WAI CHÜAN

16 1 Duke Huan of Ch‘i set out wine and ordered the Great Officers，2 “ The last o n e 8 shallhave to drink a measure.” Kuan Chung was last and was supposed to drink the ching measure. He drank one half and threw out the other half. Duke Huan said, Chung-fu, you were supposed to drink a ching measure. Why did you throw it out? Kuan Chung said， “ I have heard that when wine enters one’s mouth his tongue comes out.4 One whose tongue comes out casts away his person. Is it not better to cast away wine than to cast away one’s person? ’’ Duke Huan approved. The Ode says，5 Y o u are b e so tte d b y d rin k .

17 Duke Ching of Ch‘i sent Yen-tzü on a mission south to Ch‘u. On hearing of it the King of Ch‘u said to his attendants, “ Ch‘i has sent Yen-tzü on a mission to my state， and he will soon arrive.” The attendants said, u Yen-tzü is the greatest sophist in the world. No one can equal him in deliberating the concerns of a state or in discussing the methods of antiquity. All Your Majesty can do is sit with him. Then have an officer pass by with a bound man, and let Your Majesty make inquiries. Have him [prepared to] say， ‘ The men of Ch‘i have a propensity for thieving, and so I have bound him , "This is a good way to embarrass [Yen-tzü].’’ The king approved. When Yen-tzü arrived, he sat with him. [Yen-tzü] outlined the cares and concerns of the state and criticized the degrees of success 1 The same anecdote occurs in SF 10.14a-b in & slightly expanded form. 令諸候大夫：delete 候 . （C hou, CHy.) 8 傍者. Either “ the last [to finish a cup]” or “ the last [to arrive].” S F below has 管仲後至 ， likewise SÄt^cYao 48.14b in quoting HST7C7. (Chao 239.) ‘ I. e” lie talks too much. S F adds 舌 出 者 言 失 . 5 Shih 512 No. 256/S. a

1 FTCC 6.S3a-b， closely followed by S F 12.13b*14a， has a rather weaker version of this anecdote.

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of their contemporaries. Over and over he would bring up a topic and exhaust it, while the king sat speechless and unable to take up the conversation. They had been [sitting] there for a while when a bound man passed them. The king s a i d , W h o is that? The officer replied, u This is one of those natives of Ch**i who have a propensity for stealing. I have bound him and am going to turn him over to the sheriff/> The king emitted a loud laugh of pleasure and said, “ Ch‘i is a state where officials caps and belts [are worn], and where elo­ quence reigns. Do they really have a propensity for stealing [too]? ’’ Yen-tzü said, “ Of course. Certainly they take things.5 Has not Your Majesty seen those trees south of the Chiang called orange trees? If you plant them north of the Chiang they change to chih trees.3 Why? It is simply caused by the soil. When this gentleman dwelt in Ch'i he stood up in his official cap and belt as stem in his scruples as Po-i. Now that he is living in Ch‘ii, if lie has a propensity for thieving, it seems to me that it is simply a change [wrought by] the soil. What is there for Your Majesty to be surprised about? ’’ The Ode says,4 E v e r y w o rd fin d s it s answ er; 5 E v e r y g o o d d e e d h a s its reco m p en se .

18 1 Yen-ling Chi-tzü of Wu was out walking in Ch*i. Seeing some money that had been lost [by someone] he called a shepherd to pick it up. The shepherd said, “ How is it th a t2 you occupy a high position but keep your glance down? Your appearance is noble, but your words are vulgar. If I have a prince who does not act like a prince and friends who do not act like friends, it is like is unusual. I t is unlikely that the Chinese idiom would correspond with the English “ pick it up ’’一i. e., the practice. * which have similar leaves but whose fruit is not good; cf. YTCC. 4 Shik Ô14 No. 256/6. * R ead 酬 for 儀 after Shih k*ao 21a. (Chao.) 1P a r a p h r a s e d i n 4.1a-b, where it is introduced by 傅 書 言 • * Supply IrT with C hou after Lun hêng.

340

HAN SHIH WAI CHÜAN

wearing winter furs in the heat of summer. Do you suspect me of being the sort of person who picks up money? Yen-ling-tzü realized that he was a sage and politely asked his name. The shepherd s a i d , Y o u certainly are a superficial fellow. You are not good enough for me to tell you my name.” Wherewith he went off. Yen-ling Chi-tzü stood up and kept looking after him until he was out of sight. Confucius said,8 4