Halle and the Beginning of Protestant Christianity in India [1-3] 9783931479848, 3931479846

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Halle and the Beginning of Protestant Christianity in India Volume I - III

Halle and the Beginning of Protestant Christianity in India

Edited by Andreas Gross, Y. Vincent Kumaradoss, Heike Liebau

Vol. I: The Danish-Halle and the English-Halle Mission

Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen zu Halle

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Bibliothek Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikadon in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet Qber http://dnb.ddb.de abrufbar. ISBN

3-931479-84-6

© Franckesche Stifhingen, Halle 2006 http://www.francke-halle.de All rights reserved. No part o f this work may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, re­ cording, or by any information storage and retrieval system without permission in writing from the publisher.

Editorial Work: Andreas Gross, Elizabeth Susan Alexander, Tim Wrey, Metta Scholz Layout: PRISMA, Auroville, Tamil Nadu, India

Distribution in India by Manohar Books Ltd., Delhi Print: druckfabrik halle GmbH, Germany (founded as Buchdruckerei des Waisenhauses 1701) Printed in Germany

5 / 3 2 C7 'Ttcot v< / CONTENTS Volume I: The Danish-Halle and the English-Halle Mission Foreword Thomas MQller-Bahlke (Halle)

xv

Preface Andreas Gross (Chennai)

xxi

Part I: Background and Context of the Mission in Europe Introduction Andreas Gross (Chennai)

3

On the Crossroads: Pietist, Orthodox and Enlightened Views on Mission in the Eighteenth Century Hanco Jurgens (Nijmegen)

7

The History of Christian Mission in the Eighteenth Century Andreas Feldtkeller (Berlin)

37

The Mission in India and the Worldwide Communication Network of the Halle Orphan-House Thomas Muller-Bahlke (Halle)

57

The State of Denmark in 1705 Dan H. Andersen (Copenhagen)

81

The Realm of Grace Presupposes the Realm of Power. The Danish Debate about the Theological Legitimacy of Mission Jens Glebe-Meller (Copenhagen)

89

The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge and the Missionary Movement in Britain Andrew F. Walls (Edinburgh)

107

The Church of England and the Mission in India Daniel O ’Connor (Balmullo)

Part II: The Danish-Halle Mission in Tranquebar Introduction Andreas Gross (Chennai)

Tranquebar in 1706 Martin Krieger (Rostock) The Mission’s Relationship to the Danes Anders Nergaard (Gesten) The First Lutheran Indian Christians in Tranquebar Hugald Grafe (Hildesheim) The Churches of Tranquebar in the Danish Period 1620-1845 Karin Kryger (Copenhagen) The Danish Church Order in Tranquebar and its Longevity Niels-Peter Moritzen (Erlangen) The Tranquebar Box Medal from Augsburg Jergen Clauson-Kaas (Galten)

Part III: The English-Halle Mission Introduction Andreas Gross (Chennai)

Social and Political History of Madras in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries: An Overview Elizabeth Susan Alexander (Tambaram) Madras and the English-Halle Missionaries (1726-1836) Andreas Gross (Chennai) Ziegenbalg and Madras Hugald Grafe (Hildesheim)

Cuddalore in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries: A Political and Social Overview Elizabeth Susan Alexander (Tambaram)

363

Some Aspects of the English-Halle Mission in Cuddalore (1737-1829) Andreas Gross (Chennai)

381

Bengal in the Eighteenth Century Melitta Waligora (Berlin)

407

The First Protestant Missionaries at Calcutta (1758-1798) Andreas Gross (Chennai)

421

The Context of the Mission in Tanjavur and Tiruchirappalli Districts Geoffrey A. Oddie (Sydney)

441

Raja-Guru and Sishiya-Sastriar: Christian Friedrich Schwartz and his Legacy in Tanjavur Robert Eric Frykenberg (Wisconsin, Madison)

471

History of Protestant Christianity in Tirunelveli Job Thomas (Davidson, NY)

497

Volume II: Christian Mission in the Indian Context Part IV: Missionaries, Women and Indian Pastors Introduction Andreas Gross (Chennai)

529

Errors, Legends and Uncertainties in Ziegenbalg’s Biography Hugald Grafe (Hildesheim)

533

Heinrich Plfltschau: The Man in Ziegenbalg’s Shadow Martin Tamcke (Gftttingen)

547

Benjamin Schultze - Childhood and Youth Kurt Liebau (Berlin)

567

Oluf Maderup - A Danish Missionary in Tranquebar Jobst Reller (Hermannsburg)

595

Christian Friedrich Schwartz and the Muslims Sigvard von Sicard (Birmingham)

611

Schwartz and his Contribution to Mission today Richard H. Bliese (Wisconsin)

631

Ringeltaube in the Midst of the Natives 1813 and the Narratives of Distress Susan Visvanathan (New Delhi)

645

Raja Clarinda - Widow, Concubine, Patroness: Women’s Leadership in the Indian Church Eliza F Kent (Hamilton, NY)

659

The Wives of Missionaries: Their Experiences in India Erika Pabst (Halle)

685

Maria Dorothea Ziegenbalg and Utilia Elisabeth Grttndler: The First Two Wives of Missionaries in Tranquebar Andreas Gross (Chennai)

705

The Indian Pastors in the Danish-Halle and the English-Halle Mission Heike Liebau (Berlin)

719

Part V: Encounter with Other Christians Introduction Andreas Gross (Chennai)

737

The Moravian Brethren and the Danish-Halle Mission in Tranquebar - the 'Garden of the Brothers’ at the Centre of a European Conflict Thomas Ruhland (Berlin)

743

Lutherans and Anglicans in South India Daniel O ’Connor (Balmullo)

767

The First Encounters between Catholics and Lutherans on Indian Soil Leonard Fernando, S.J. (New Delhi)

783

BartholomSus Ziegenbalg, the Tranquebar Mission and ‘The Roman Horror’ Will Sweetman (Otago)

797

Early Protestant Missionaries and their Contacts with the Armenians Martin Tamcke (GOttingen)

813

Lutheran Contacts with the Syrian Orthodox Church of the St. Thomas Christians and with the Syrian Apostolic Church of the East in India (Nestorians) Martin Tamcke (Gdttingen)

831

Part VI: Mission and Hinduism Introduction Geoffrey A. Oddie (Sydney)

881

Christian Missionaries and their Perceptions of Hinduism: Intercultural Encounters Hans-Jdrg Hinze (Berlin)

885

Encountering the Hindus: The Legacy of Ziegenbalg Israel Selvanayagam (Birmingham)

903

The Prehistory of Orientalism: Colonialism and the Textual Basis for Bartholomfius Ziegenbalg’s Account of Hinduism Will Sweetman (Otago)

923

Singer of the ‘Sovereign Lord’: Hindu Pietism and Christian Bhakti in the Conversions of Kanapati Vattiyar, a Tamil ‘Poet’ Richard Fox Young (Princeton, New Jersey) and Daniel Jeyaraj (Newton, Massachusetts) 951 Christianity, Missionary Orientalism and the Origins of Tamil Modernity Ravindiran Vaitheespara (Manitoba, Winnipeg)

973

Volume III: Communication between India and Europe Part VII: Science, Language and Education Introduction Heike Liebau (Berlin)

1021

Mission, Encounters and Transnational History Reflections on the Use of Concepts across Cultures Monica Juneja (Hannover)

1025

German Indologists Avant la Lettre: Changing Horizons of the Halle Missionaries in Southern India Hanco Jurgens (Nijmegen) 1047 “How many People can an Elephant Carry?” Questions from Johann David Michaelis to the Missionaries in East India Brigitte Klosterberg (Halle)

1091

Physico-Theology as Mission Strategy: Missionary Christoph Samuel John’s (1746-1813) Understanding of Nature Karsten Hommel (Halle) 1115 Tamil Medical Science as Perceived by the Missionaries of the Danish-Halle Mission at Tranquebar Josef N. Neumann (Halle)

1135

Linguistic Variations in Everyday Life: The Portuguese Language in the Protestant Mission of Eighteenth Century South East India Stefan PfSnder (Freiburg) and Alessandra Castilho Ferreira da Costa (S3o Paulo)

1155

The Contribution of Benjamin Schultze to Telugu Language and Learning Adapa Satyanarayana (Hyderabad)

1163

Faith and Knowledge: The Educational System of the Danish-Halle and English-Halle Mission Heike Liebau (Berlin)

1181

Part VIII: Correspondence and Publications Introduction Andreas Gross (Chennai)

1217

Cultural Delimitations: The Letters and Reports of Bartholom&us Ziegenbalg Rekha Kamath Rajan (New Delhi)

1221

Giving India the Printed Word Subbiah Muthiah (Chennai)

1241

Heathenism, Idolatry and Rational Monotheism among the Hindus: Ziegenbalg’s Akkiyanam (1713) and other Works Addressed to Tamil Hindus Will Sweetman (Otago)

1249

The Mission Instruction Anders Nergaard (Gesten)

1277

The B6vingh Controversy Niels-Peter Moritzen (Erlangen)

1283

An Anglican Chaplain and the Lutheran Mission Geoffrey A. Oddie (Sydney)

1289

Aaron - the First Indian Pastor Heike Liebau (Berlin)

1295

Johann Philipp Fabricius and the History of the Tamil Bible Rekha Kamath Rajan (New Delhi)

1299

The Indian Miracle-Worker in the Garden of Species. Christoph Samuel John’s Notes on South Indian Folk-Religiosity Andreas Nehring (Erlangen) 1309 Christoph Samuel John’s Essay on Education Policy Heike Liebau (Berlin)

1323

Appendix I: Sources Introduction Andreas Gross (Chennai)

1335

01. Royal Appointment and Instructions to the First Missionaries

1337

02. Bartholom£us Ziegenbalg to August Hermann Francke

1341

03. Early Letters from the Danish Governor at Tranquebar

1347

04. August Hermann Francke to the Congregation at Tranquebar 1353 05. Preface of Bdvingh’s Book

1359

06. Maria Dorothea Ziegenbalg to her Mother

1363

07. Letter from William Stevenson, Chaplain at Madras

1367

08. Mar Thoma to Mr. Carolus

1379

09. Chronological List of Books published at Tranquebar 1712-1731

1383

10. Instructions for the English Missionaries

1391

11. Biography of Pastor Aaron

1401

12. Johann Philipp Fabricius to Gotthilf August Francke

1417

13. Christian Friedrich Schwartz to Johann Georg Knapp

1429

14. Johann Zacharias Kiemander on the State of the Mission in Calcutta

1433

15. Letter of the English Missionaries in Madras

1439

16. Christoph Samuel John: ‘Story of a Miracle Worker’

1443

17. Bartholomgus Ziegenbalg: ‘The Abomination of Paganism, and the Way for the Pagans to be Saved’

1453

18. Christoph Samuel John: ‘On Indian Civilization’

1467

Appendix II: Short Biographies Introduction Jurgen Grdschl/Andreas Gross

1495

Missionaries of the Danish-Halle and English-Halle Mission in India 1706-1844 JUrgen Grdschl (Halle)

1497

The Wives of Missionaries 1715-1838 Erika Pabst (Halle)

1529

Indian Pastors 1733-1817 Heike Liebau (Berlin)

1543

The Directors of the Francke Foundations 1698-1851 Jurgen Grdschl (Halle)

1551

Lutheran Chaplains in London Jurgen Grdschl (Halle)

1557

Secretaries of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) 1699-1743 Daniel O ’Connor (Balmullo)

1561

Secretaries of the Mission Board in Copenhagen 1714-1868 Anders Nergaard (Gesten)

1565

Appendix III: List of Missionaries of the Danish-Halle and English-Halle Mission Missionaries of the Danish-Halle Mission Andreas Gross (Chennai)

1571

Missionaries of the English-Halle Mission Andreas Gross (Chennai)

1573

FOREWORD In 2006 Protestant Christians celebrated the 300th anniversary of the beginning of the first Protestant mission in India. This mission is closely linked with the work that August Hermann Francke began at the end of the seventeenth century at the gates of Halle. Here, he established an orphanage, as well as numerous schools for all social classes. Within a few decades a regular ‘school-city’ arose, which found worldwide reso­ nance as the ‘New Jerusalem’. People from all parts of Europe and even from other parts of the world flocked to Francke’s institutions. He won friends and benefactors everywhere, who helped him realize his Piedstic vision of ‘changing the world by transforming human beings’. Very soon, Francke’s institutions developed into a gateway to the world and into a centre of communication with global dimensions. It is, therefore, no coincidence that they contributed in a major way to the success of the first missionary undertaking in the history of the Protestant Church. Bartholomfius Ziegenbalg and Heinrich Pltttschau, two students of August Hermann Francke, were the first missionaries who, on the orders of the Danish king, Frederick IV, left Europe in 1705 for South-East India and landed in the small Danish trading colony of Tranquebar on 9 July 1706 to fulfil their missionary task. Out of this small beginning there arose an active Evangelical-Lutheran Church in South India. This historical date also marks the beginning of a peaceful intercultural dialogue between India and Europe. The Halle missionaries approached the people in what was initially a completely alien world for them in South-East India, with a high degree of respect. This was accompanied by an active interest in and a scientific curiosity about eve­ rything that was new to them: the country and the people, the customs and manners, culture and religion, but also the flora and fauna - all this fascinated the first missionaries and they considered themselves, first and foremost, as people who had come to learn. With tremendous en­ ergy coupled with a strict discipline, as was demanded by Halle Pietism, they started to learn Tamil in order to begin translating biblical and other edifying texts. They also began setting up schools and other institutions

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Thomas Muiler-Bahlke

according to the model of Pietism in Halle. Ziegenbalg and Pltttschau, as well as several of their successors, such as Christian Friedrich Schwartz, Christoph Samuel John and Johann Peter Rottler, gained the respect of the Indians in the course of the eighteenth century and, even today, they are a part of the cultural history of South India beyond the boundaries of the Christian world. Thus, the history of this first Protestant mission demonstrates that subjective convictions of faith need not be a hindrance for a successful intercultural dialogue, if it is accompanied by a basic respect for all hu­ man beings. Indeed, the Halle missionaries show us that the strength of their own convictions gave them the required stability and prevented them from perceiving ‘the Other’ as a threat. Their tolerance towards the country and the people grew out of this, and it is this attitude which distinguishes them from the normal colonial behaviour of most of the other Europeans. It also gave them much more direct access to the Indi­ ans whose respect they gained and who they could, therefore, influence more easily than many other Europeans could. The Halle missionaries, however, not only left their mark on the history of South India; they also built a bridge in the other direction and transported Indian ideas to Europe. The mission co-workers, along with theologians, also medical doctors and craftsmen, sent regular and extensive reports from their new world to Europe. The information network functioned in a surprisingly systematic manner via London and Copenhagen to Halle. It was here that the information was collected and, from 1710 onwards, regularly published in the first Protestant mission journal. These “Halle Reports” were widely disseminated in the eighteenth century and they influenced perceptions of South India among the bourgeoisie and the nobility. Their influence can even be traced to Goethe’s family. The rich tradition of this mission is reflected today in the library and the Cabinet of Artefacts and Curiosities, but mainly in the India section of the mission archives of the Francke Foundations. Here alone, roughly 33,000 manuscripts have been preserved, which document almost all spheres of life in South India in the eighteenth century, among them, writings about Tamil medi­ cine, studies on Hinduism, and also the first weather observations of this region of the world. Today, the Francke Foundations are again establishing a link with their rich cultural and historical heritage. This includes a resumption of their wide international network of scientific cooperation. Research projects based on source materials available in Halle are being carried

Foreword

xvii

out with numerous partners in Europe, but also with institutions in the USA and in South India. The Francke Foundations signed a time-bound agreement of co-operation with the Gurukul Lutheran Theological Col­ lege and Research Institute in 1997. The following years witnessed an active academic exchange. The Francke Foundations has gradually been able to make its India-material accessible for research. In the meantime the Halle Reports are available in their entirety on the internet. The same holds true for the contents of all the documents in the India archives of the Francke Foundations, which are accessible worldwide since the completion of a project supported by the German Research Foundation (DFG). Numerous partners in Germany and abroad joined in the prepa­ rations for the anniversary programme in 2006. The first discussions regarding this had already taken place several years ago between the Francke Foundations and the Gurukul Lutheran Theological College and Research Institute. A ‘Celebrations Committee’ was set up there in September 2003, with many church and cultural partners. Shortly there­ after, a preparatory group of church partners met for the first time in the Francke Foundations at the invitation of the United Evangelical-Lutheran Church of Germany (VELKD). At this point of time, the Francke Foundations, in consultation with the Indian committee, was already in a position to present a concept for the anniversary programme. Accord­ ing to this concept the progamme in 2006 was to rest on five pillars: Exhibitions Academic conferences Transfer of sources Ceremonial events Publications With extensive support from institutions of the Church and from cultural and political institutions it has been possible to realize all these different aspects and to organize a large programme in the anniversa­ ry year, for which the German president, Dr. Horst KOhler, has kindly agreed to be the patron. A large cultural and historical exhibition with several hundred exhibits from Europe and India along with a beautiful catalogue and supplemented by a contemporary art exhibition was the focal-point of the events in Halle in 2006. Some parts of this exhibi­ tion has been produced as a panel exhibition with help from the Federal Foundation for Culture, from the state of Saxony-Anhalt and others.

xviii

Thomas Miiller-Bahlke

This panel exhibition was shown in different places in South India in the anniversary year and remains there. In a run-up to the anniversary, academic conferences had already taken place in 2004 and 2005 in India with the financial support of church partners, followed by a further conference in the anniversary year itself in the framework of the week of celebration at the beginning of July 2006. The Lutheran Theological Seminary in Philadelphia is also organizing a conference in the anniversary year on the history of the first Protestant mission. At the end of August 2006 the Francke Foundations is organizing an international conference on the theme “Mission history as a History of Science”, which has been generously supported by the German Research Foundation (DFG). Since 2002 the Francke Foundations have been carrying out a sys­ tematic documentation of their India-archives. With financial support from the Foreign Office of the Federal Republic of Germany, large parts of this archival material were transferred to microfilms and handed over to the Gurukul Lutheran Theological College & Research Institute. With this valuable gift the Francke Foundations would like to enable access to and work on the Halle material in India itself. A very gratifying subsidi­ ary result of the mutual co-operation in the German preparatory group was the handing over of the collection belonging to the Leipzig Mission as a deposit in the Francke Foundations. Thus, a seamless extension of source collections that are linked qua content has been established, mak­ ing research in this area easier. An important conceptual aim of the anniversary was to spread the awareness of the importance of this mission both within as well as out­ side Church circles. In this regard, the celebrations connected with the anniversary were of special significance. On 29 November 2005 the prelude took place with an international commemorative event in Co­ penhagen, from where the mission began 300 years ago. In Germany, mainly in Halle, but also in Berlin, Leipzig, Pulsnitz, WeiBensee, Hermannsburg and elsewhere, there were numerous public events in the course of 2006 relating to these historical events. Finally, the comprehensive anniversary programme has also result­ ed in a series of publications in India, Denmark and Germany, several of which have been published by the Francke Foundations at Halle. The present three-volume work is also a result of the extensive activities for the mission anniversary in 2006. Yet, it represents a highlight with regard

Foreword

xix

to international cooperation. This can already be seen in the composition of the editorial team, to whom we offer our most heartfelt thanks as well as our deep appreciation of their work spanning countries, continents and languages. Dr. Andreas Gross, a church historian with long-standing experience of India, took on the main tasks of this work, the concept of which he had already presented to the Celebrations Committee in 2003. In the framework of his duties and responsibilities between Germany and South India, he carried on unperturbed to bring the work to a con­ clusion. He was helped in this by his Indian colleague, the historian Dr. Y. Vincent Kumaradoss and by his German colleague, Dr. Heike Liebau, who, as an Indologist and a proven specialist in the field of the mission in India, was also the curator of the anniversary exhibition in Halle. Our heartfelt thanks also go to those who did the translations and the editorial work. Over the years, the editors were able to motivate more than fourty authors from four continents to contribute to this work. Here, I would also like to thank them for their willingness to cooperate in this venture. The richness and the thematic breadth of the contributions as well as the disciplines represented here once again bring home the enormous scope of this area of research which crosses disciplinary boundaries. On the German side, this work - to date the most comprehensive publication of the Francke Foundations - was supervised by Bettina Citron with sound judgment and with patience. Our heartfelt thanks go out to her also. The same is true of the coordinator of the mission anniversary in the Francke Foundations, Ulrike Reichmann, without whose commitment the cen­ tralized responsibility for the anniversary celebrations that fell to the Francke Foundations could not have been fulfilled. She received active and competent support in her work from Friederike Lippold. However, the present volumes would not have materialized without generous fi­ nancial support from the church partners who met regularly in Halle as part of the preparatory committee on the German side. These include: the Evangelische Kirche in Deutschland (EKD) represented by Paul Oppenheim, the Evangelische Missionswerk in Deutschland (EMW) represented by Dr. Lothar Engel, the Nordelbische Zentrum ju r Weltmission und kirchlichen Weltdienst (NMZ) represented by Eberhard von der Heyde, the Evangelisch-Lutherische Landeskirche in Braun­ schweig represented by Peter Kollmar, the Evangelisch-Lutherisches Missionswerk in Niedersachsen (ELM) represented by Ponniah Manoharan, the Evangelisch-Lutherisches Missionswerk Leipzig (LELM) represented by the Director Michael Hanfst&ngl, as well as the

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Thomas Miiller-Bahlke

Evangelische Kirche der Kirchenprovinz Sachsen represented by Ursula Brecht and many others. Mainly, however, all of us who were involved in coordinating the efforts for the anniversary preparations owe a debt of gratitude to Inken WOhlbrand for her calmness in dealing with untoward events that sometimes cropped up and for the trust and confidence that she, along with all the other partners, placed in the work of the Francke Foundations. As the representative of the Vereinigte Evangelische-Lutherische Kirche Deutschlands (VELKD) she supported the anniversary programme and especially this publication which seeks to take stock of research till date in the area of the first Protestant mission. It has been brought out in English and will be distributed both in Europe and in In­ dia. We hope that it will provide an impetus to new studies and research and will facilitate further ecumenical and international cooperations. Thomas Mflller-Bahlke Director of the Francke Foundations

PREFACE Andreas Gross Two books dealing with the theme The Beginning o f Protestant Mission in India are titled: It began at Tranquebar1 and It began in Copenhagen} If both titles are correct it must be clarified what began where. The first Protestant mission in India began in Tranquebar, while \the idea for this mission was bom in Copenhagen. Although both these titles are correct it is also true that the mission in India would not have lasted very long if August Hermann Francke had not become involved with the mission.3 In other words: the mission in India would have been impossible without the active participation of Halle. On 9 July 1706 the Lutheran missionaries Bartholom£us Ziegenbalg (1682-1719) and Heinrich PlUtschau (1677-1752) stepped ashore in the small trading settlement of Tranquebar on the south-east coast of India with a commission from the Danish King, Frederick IV (1671-1712). This event is not only significant for mission history and for the history of the Protestant Church in India, but for a much wider context. The missionaries had been taught the importance of education and scientific research by August Hermann Francke. They were also aware of the link 1Amo Lehmann, Es begann in Tranquebar. Die Geschichte derersten evangelischen Kirche in Indien, Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 19SS. The abridged English version appeared in the same year in Madras with the title: It began at Tranquebar, Madras: The Christian Literature Society, 1956. This edition was reprinted with an extended bibliography in 2006 in Chennai. 2 George Oomen/ Hans Raun Iversen, eds., It began in Copenhagen. Junctions in 300years Indian-Danish Relations in Christian Mission, New Delhi: ISPCK, 2005. 3 In 1695 Franckc set up social and educational institutions for children in Glaucha near Halle. With the Glaucha institutions Francke was not only attempting to propagate his ideas for reform in Halle. He had a much wider horizon in mind and, to this end, he maintained contacts with Russia and other states in Eastern Europe as well as with North America and India. See the article by Thomas Mtiller-Bahlke in part I of this volume as well as Helmut Obst, August Hermann Francke und die Franckeschen Stiftungen in Halle. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2002.

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between conversion and social reform as the goal of the mission and they tried, with help from August Hermann Francke, to fulfil these values and goals in India. It is, therefore, not surprising that the missionaries established schools and that they learnt the local languages. Along with their missionary work they studied the culture, religion, languages, the geography, history and the natural phenomena of India. In their reports and letters they conveyed valuable information about India to Europe. The arrival of the first Protestant missionaries in India is an event to be remembered even 300 years later, because what developed from a small, insignificant and difficult beginning is relevant and important even today. The first two missionaries were followed by fifty-four further missionaries in the history of the first Protestant mission in India.4 It is, therefore, not only the arrival and the work of the first two missionaries, but also the further historical development and the issues linked with this that need to be studied critically. The Anniversary Throughout the centuries the beginning of the mission has been commemorated in Denmark, Germany and England, but mainly also in India. The anniversary celebrations there were, however, not always joyful celebrations of thanksgiving. This is true for the fiftieth anniversary in 1756. It took place in the heyday of the mission when seven missionaries were living and working in Tranquebar - Johann Christian Wiedebrock, Johann Balthasar Kohlhoff, Daniel Zeglin, Oluf Maderup, Jakob Klein, Christian Friedrich Schwartz and Peter Dame.5A few days before the anniversary Tranquebar with its surrounding regions was gripped in a military conflict in which the Bethlehem church in Porayar suffered extensive damage.6 The people in Tranquebar were thus more inclined to sorrow than to joy on the day of the anniversary. Despite this, the missionaries organized special events to commemorate the arrival of the first missionaries in Tranquebar: early in the morning the children gathered in the school where a Portuguese service was held at 8 a.m. followed by a Tamil service 4 For a list of short biographies of missionaries see Appendix II in Volume III. 5 In addition, Johann Philipp Fabricius and Johann Christian Breithaupt were working in Madras, Georg Heinrich Conrad Huettemann in Cuddalore and Johann Zacharias Kiemander in Calcutta. 6 Archive of the Francke Foundations (AFSt) M 2 D 33:9 Diary of the missionaries in Tranquebar from 5.7.-31.12.1756. 7AFSt/M IB 47:4 letter dated 7.9.1756 from the Tranquebar missionaries to GotthilfAugust Francke; AFSt/M 2 D 33:9 diary of the Tranquebar missionaries 5.7.1756 -31.12.1756.

Preface

xxiii

at 9.30 a.m.7The centenary came during a period of crisis for the mission. In 1806, there were only three missionaries in Tranquebar: Christoph Samuel John, Daniel Schreyvogel and August Friedrich C&mmerer.8 At the time of the 150* anniversary of the mission there were no longer any missionaries from Halle in India. The congregations were looked after separately by Anglican and Lutheran missionaries. This new chapter of Protestant mission history in India was no longer marked by co-operation and mutual support but, instead, by competition and rivalry. The Lutheran Leipzig Mission considered itself to be the legitimate successor of the mission not only in Tranquebar but also in other places. This meant that in the middle of the nineteenth century Lutheran and Anglican congregations existed alongside each other in many places.9 In 1856 more than ten missionaries from Leipzig were working in South India.10It was because of this that the celebrations for the 150th, the bi-centenary and the 250* anniversaries were conducted mainly as Lutheran celebrations. In 2006 the arrival of the first missionaries was deliberately not being celebrated as the beginning of the Lutheran, but as that of the Protestant mission and is, therefore, an ecumenical celebration. The celebration in India highlighted the fact that Ziegenbalg and Plutschau were the first Protestant missionaries in India. It was also emphazised that the first Protestant Mission, ecumenical by nature, require intensive research. With this publication the Francke Foundations in Halle would like to subscribe to this understanding and to make a contribution to further studies in this field.

' In 1806 the following missionaries were working in the “English stations”: Johann Peter Rottler, Johann Caspar Kohlhoff. Karl Wilhelm Paezold and Immanuel Gottfried Holzberg. 9 For the history of the Leipzig mission in India see Richard Handmann, Die Evangelisch-lutherische Tamulen-Mission in der Zeit ihrer Neubegrundung. Ein Beitrag zur Ceschichte der Evangelischen Mission im 19. Jahrhundert, Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung, 1903. The establishment of a Lutheran congregation alongside an Anglican one first happened in Madras where Carl Friedrich Kremmer arrived in November 1848. The new church was consecrated in 1856. See: Handmann, Die Evangelisch-lutherische Tamulen-Mission, p.203-211; Andreas Gross, Die erste lutherische Kirche in Madras (unpublished essay). 10 Johannes Ferdinand Fenger, History o f the Tranquebar Mission - Worked out from the original Papers. Published in Danish and translated into English from the German o f Emil Francke - Compared with the Danish Original. Madras: M.E. Press, 1906, pp.246-248.

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Halle as Link between the Danish and the English Mission The first Protestant mission, which extended over a period of almost 150 years, has come to be known as the ‘Tranquebar mission’ or the ‘Danish-Halle mission’." These names point to important places and comer-posts of the mission. The first name indicates the main mission station, while the second one denotes a special characteristic of this mission, namely its existence as an international venture. The mission began as a Danish undertaking with German participation in the form of two young theologians. It was the Danish King, Frederick IV who commissioned his court chaplain, Franz Julius Lfltkens, to find missionaries willing to work in the Danish colonies.12 Since none of the Danish pastors agreed to go, Ltitkens turned to some of his friends in Berlin who suggested the names of Heinrich Pliitschau and BartholomSus Ziegenbalg. Pliitschau and Ziegenbalg were young theologians who had neither completed their higher studies nor worked as pastors. However, they were both willing to go abroad as missionaries.13Without really knowing where the journey would eventually take them they went to Copenhagen where they were examined, ordained and sent out to India. All this happened without any introductory preparations to the country and the people and without any institutional links to Germany. Although both of them were closely associated with Halle Pietism, August Hermann Francke was, at this point of time, not directly involved in the mission venture. The missionaries were appointed as ‘Royal Danish Missionaries’ and were commissioned by the Danish King to propagate the gospel to the people in India.14The administrative centre of the mission was in Copenhagen. The missionaries were initially looked after by Court Chaplain Ltitkens, later by two Mission Inspectors and, from 1714 onwards, by the Mission Board.15 11 These terms are used in almost all articles and books that deal with the first Protestant mission in India. For a review of the research see the section 'Research and Publication’ in this Preface. 12 It is also possible that LQtkens had persuaded the King of the need for a Lutheran mission in the Danish colonies. 13 In the beginning it was by no means certain that they would be sent to India, the talk being of West-Indies and West Africa. 14 See the royal instructions in Appendix I of Volume III and the article by Anders Norgaard in part VIII of Volume III. 15The names of the secretaries of the Mission Board are in Volume III in Appendix II.

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Institutional cooperation between Copenhagen and Halle developed only after the arrival of the first missionaries in Tranquebar: Bartholom&us Ziegenbalg and Heinrich Pliitschau wrote letters from India to their spiritual father, August Hermann Francke, describing the situation in Tranquebar.16These letters inspired Francke and he began to support the work of his former pupils, PIQtschau and Ziegenbalg, in various ways.17 There is no doubt that the mission would have ended a short while after it had begun if August Hermann Francke had not taken an active interest in it. In the following years he selected the missionaries, took care of their pastoral need and supported them. The mission, however, did not remain a personal preference with him; rather Francke linked it with the work of the Halle Orphan House,18thus ensuring that the work would be carried on after his death. August Hermann Francke and his successors must be given the credit for providing missionaries for the congregations in India and for taking care of the pastoral needs of the missionaries in India. Halle has rightly been called the spiritual centre of the mission. The mission in Tranquebar began as a Danish undertaking with German participation and ended officially in 1847 when it was handed over to a German mission society, the Leipzig Mission.19 Halle had already begun to withdraw from the mission at the beginning of the nineteenth century and this affected the sending out of new missionaries, their pastoral care as well as communication with the members of the Mission Board in Copenhagen. Only one missionary was sent out to Tranquebar in the nineteenth century: Daniel Schreyvogel, who left for India in 1803 as the last Danish-Halle missionary. When he went over to the English mission in 1826 CSmmerer remained the only DanishHalle missionary in Tranquebar. His death in 1837 finally brought an end to the co-operation between Copenhagen and Halle, which had, in any case, not functioned properly for a long time. It can be stated that 16 See the first letters from Tranquebar to Francke: AFSt/M 1 C 1:27.28 letter dated 1.10.1706 from Ziegenbalg to Francke; AFSt/M 1 C 1:31 letter dated 16.10.1706 from Pliitschau to Francke. The English translation of Ziegenbalg’s letter to Francke dated 1.10.1706 is in Volume III, Appendix I. 17 Francke was concerned about the wellbeing of Ziegenbalg and PIQtschau and entered into a correspondence with them. His first letters to the two missionaries were sent in 1708. See AFSt/M 1 C 1 :40. 70. '* These later became well-known as the Francke Foundations. 19 For the history of the Leipzig mission in India see, among others: Richard Handmann, Die Evangelisch-lutherische Tamulen-Mission in der Zeit ihrer Neubegrundung, Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs, 1903.

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the mission ended when Halle as the driving force withdrew from the venture. Although the mission in Tranquebar had started as a Danish undertaking, it could only be carried out with help from Halle and ended when this help was no longer forthcoming. On the whole, thirty-eight missionaries worked in Tranquebar.20 The names ‘Tranquebar mission’ and ‘Danish-Halle mission’ have been used for decades in research and publications without being questioned, although they are misleading and they narrow down the scope. The two terms cannot represent the first Protestant mission in India in its entirety; they only refer to one part of the mission, e.g. the Danish-Halle mission in Tranquebar. However, this mission gave rise to an independent missionary undertaking, a separate branch, which cannot be subsumed under the same name: The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) established contact with the mission in 1710 and, in 1712, it provided the mission with a printing press. This initial support led to a full-fledged mission when the missionary Benjamin Schultze left Tranquebar in 1726 of his own accord and settled down in Madras. He asked the SPCK for its support, which was granted in 1728 when Schultze was appointed as an English missionary. After him twenty-four more missionaries worked in the English stations in Madras, Cuddalore, Calcutta, Tanjavur, Tiruchirappalli and Tirunelveli.21 In the English literature this mission is known as the ‘English or British’ mission and as the ‘daughter-mission’ of the one in Tranquebar.22 Since the missionaries had no links with Copenhagen this mission cannot be considered a part of the Danish-Halle mission. The link to Halle was, however, very strong. Like the missionaries of the Danish-Halle mission the ‘English’ missionaries were looked after from Halle. Many of them had studied in Halle, they were selected there and recommended to the SPCK through the Lutheran chaplains in London. This mission represented a cooperation between Halle and London and can, therefore, be called the ‘English-Halle mission’. The English-Halle mission managed to send out a few missionaries in the nineteenth century, but it too came to an end in the first half of the nineteenth century. The last German missionary who was sent out as an English-Halle missionary was Emst August Georg Falcke who 20 See Appendix III in Volume III. 21 See Appendix II in Volume III. 22See: Cambridge University Library SPCK.MS/B 1 Annual Reports of SPCK 1741, p.4I and 1808,p.I71.

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left England in 1822 for India. At that time the missionaries were still being looked alter by Halle. This changed a few years latter on account of increasing Anglican influence. In 1825 the India mission of the SPCK was taken over by the Society for Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (SPG). The congregations in India then came under the jurisdiction of an Anglican bishop and gradually lost their ecumenical character. Henceforth one cannot speak of a cooperation between Halle and London. The confessional differences became increasingly evident and Halle limited its pastoral care to the minimum. Johann Caspar Kohlhoff was the last of the English-Halle missionaries, and he died in 1844. From a historical perspective the first Protestant mission consisted of two missions: the Danish-Halle mission in Tranquebar and the EnglishHalle mission. The link between the two and the centre of both missions was Halle, and this guaranteed a close relationship between the two missions. The missionaries in the English stations regarded Tranquebar as the ‘mother-station’ from which the different congregations had emerged. Nevertheless, they were aware of the distinctions and also of the fact that they had different employers. This distinction has been brought out for the first time in this publication with the missions being discussed separately in parts two and three.23 Halle was not only the spiritual centre of the missions, but also the link between both the missions. This meant that there was a constant exchange with persons responsible for the mission in Copenhagen and London. Halle was mainly concerned with the selection of the missionaries, who were also prepared for their work in India there. The process of selection and preparation of the candidates was never easy and it became increasingly more difficult. The crisis of the mission began towards the end of the eighteenth century. In India, conflicts among the co-workers increased and in Europe, differences of opinion between the partners became more frequent. There was a great need for missionaries but, at the end of the eighteenth century, Halle was no longer in a position to find a sufficient number of candidates.24 This was an indication of the end of the two missions, which is officially dated around the middle of the nineteenth century. Halle, however, remained in touch with the congregations in India through the Leipzig Mission. 23 The missionaries of the Danish-Halle mission and those of the English-Halle mission have been listed separately in Appendix III of Volume III. 24 Thus, in the last decade of the eighteenth century, only five missionaries could be sent out.

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Themes Pertaining to the First Protestant Mission This section deals with themes and questions pertaining to the history of the first Protestant mission in India, which play a role in this publication, but which need to be studied further: The mission societies that were established in the course of the nineteenth century were characterized by their specific confessional styles. These differing characteristics were impediments to co-operation in the field of mission and often led to conflicts. The Danish-Halle and the English-Halle mission, on the other hand, were marked by their ecumenical and international character. In this sense they can be seen not only as precursors, but also as an example of the Protestant mission. The relationship between Pietism and Lutheran orthodoxy as well as between Pietism and the Anglican Church must be studied further. Another question in this context concerns the influence of these different traditions on Christians in India in the past and today.25 Trading companies from different European countries such as England, France, Denmark and the Netherlands were present in South India in the eighteenth century. They established their settlements and tried to extend their sphere of influence. The first Protestant missionaries thus came into contact with many Europeans in South India. As already mentioned the Protestant mission had to be divided into two groups: there was the Danish-Halle mission in Tranquebar and the English-Halle mission in Cuddalore, Calcutta, Tiruchirappalli, Tanjavur and Tirunelveli. There were also repeated efforts to set up a mission in Nagapattinam, where the Dutch were present. A history of the congregations in the places mentioned is long overdue. Such a history should not concentrate on the work of the missionaries alone, but also on the composition and the development of the congregations and the relations of the members of the congregation among one another.26As far as the English stations are concerned, the relations between the mission and the English colonial administrations need to be looked at critically.27 2< Part I of this publication. 26 Here the question of caste in Christian communities is relevant a role. Duncan Forrester began a study, which could not be completed for this publication. Till now there have only been studies on the caste conflict in the nineteenth century, but none on the situation in the eighteenth century. See also the article by Oddie in Part III. 27There is a difference between the relationship of the Danish authorities and that of the English authorities to the mission. While Nergaard has already analysed the situation in Tranquebar, there is an urgent need for a study concerning the mission and the English

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From 1706-1844 there were fifty-six Protestant missionaries employed in the Danish-Halle and the English-Halle mission in India.28 Historical research is faced with the task of writing critical biographies of the missionaries. This task brings to mind people like Ziegenbalg, Schultze, Fabricius and Schwartz, but even missionaries like Grttndler, Gericke, Rottler, John and Cammerer merit attention. Such studies should also include the missionary wives and the Indian co-workers.29 In India the missionaries came into contact with different Christian denominations. The ecumenical nature of Christianity in the eighteenth century can be analysed in an exemplary fashion in South India. In their efforts to establish congregations the first Protestant missionaries encountered Catholic Christians in almost all places. What was the nature of this encounter? The Protestant missionaries also entered into a dialogue with Armenian and Syrian Christians. The relations between Lutherans and Anglicans is, however, particularly significant as is the question regarding developments and changes in these relations over a period of 1SOyears. The congregations of the English-Halle mission were ecumenical in nature. It would be interesting to see how the Lutheran and Anglican characteristics expressed themselves in the individual congregations. The reasons for their separation at the beginning of the nineteenth century have not yet been studied exhaustively.30 As today so in the eighteenth century Christians were a religious minority in India. No amount of help and support from the colonial administration could change this situation. In Hinduism the missionaries faced a complex religious structure. It cost them a great deal of effort to understand the religion and to come to terms with it. It is mainly Ziegenbalg who deserves the credit for studying this religion. His studies formed the basis for the dealings of the missionaries with Hindus and for the development of methods for missionary work. The administration in the eighteenth century. See Nergaard, Mission undObrigkeit as well as his article in part II of this publication. n All were Germans except five missionaries: Maderup, Hageland, Rosen and Haubroe who were Danes and Kiemander who was Swedish. Dal and Dame can be called ‘Half-Danes’ and Rottler and Mentel were Germans but bom in Strassburg. See the biographies of missionaries by JQrgen Grdschl in Appendix U in volume III. This is in contrast to Daniel Jeyaraj who stated that only Dal and Kiemader did not come from Germany. See: Daniel Jeyaraj, Colonialism and Mission in Tranquebar, in: George Oomen / Hans Raun Iversen eds., It began in Copenhagen, p. 119. 29Compare part IV in Volume II and Appendix II in Volume III. 30Compare part V in Volume II.

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aim of all the studies and discussions was to convince the people of the truth of Christianity and of the need for conversion. In this process the missionaries discovered that there were many factors, which impeded and prevented the conversion of Hindus to Christianity.31 The missionaries from Halle considered research and education as being an integral part and a necessary component of the mission. It is therefore not surprising that they established schools and learnt different languages. They wanted to be able to speak to the people, to propagate the gospel and to translate literature. The main task here was the translation of the Bible into Tamil. Grammars and dictionaries were also written and hymns were composed. The missionaries had the important texts printed in the printing presses in Tranquebar, Madras and Halle. These books, which are mainly in Tamil, have to be catalogued and analysed by Indian scholars. The missionaries were also expected to send reports about their life and their work in India. Excerpts of these letters were published in Germany and England. In their reports the missionaries also dealt with themes that weren’t directly related to their missionary work. They wrote about nature, history, geography, medicine, education, religion, culture, language and society. Their reports influenced the image of India and encouraged further research.32 Research and Publication The history of the first Protestant mission in India was known for a long time only in Germany and Denmark. This is because many of the sources and books available in German. In the framework of the tercentenary celebrations the access to the sources has been made much easier.33 The two books by Johannes Ferdinand Fenger34 and Amo Lehmann35 offer an overview of the history of the first Protestant Jl See part VI in Volume II. 12 See part VII and VIII in Volume III. 3} The handwritten sources for the first Protestant mission in India in the archives of the Francke Foundations in Halle (AFSt) and in the archives of the Leipzig Mission (ALMW) have been catalogued in the framework of a project. Brief contents of the letters are available on the Internet. In addition, 20,000 documents were handed over as microfilm copies to the Gurukul Lutheran Theological College & Research Institute. 34 The said book first appeared in Danish and was then translated into German and English. It is a standard work on the history of this mission: Johannes Ferdinand Fenger, Den Transkebarske Missions Historie, Kopenhagen, 1843; Geschichte der Tranquebarschen Mission, Grimma, 1845; History o f the Tranquebar Mission, Tranquebar, 1863 (second edition, Madras, 1906). 35 Lehmann, Es begann in Tranquebar.

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mission in India and deal with the central themes. Till the 250th anniversary of the mission in 1956 research was limited to the work of only a few persons. In the last fourty years the number of scholars dealing with the mission has grown considerably.36 Important studies have been done since then on the themes of inculturation,37mission and colonial administration in Tranquebar38 and the encounter of Protestant Christianity with Tamil religions and culture.39Along with many other themes there have been studies in the area of religion, natural sciences and linguistics.40 With a few exceptions, the main thrust of research till now has been on the early period of the mission (1706-1730). The present publication is limited to the first Protestant mission in Indian. It does not look beyond the middle of the nineteenth century. It does not offer a history of the mission and neither does it claim to give an exhaustive analysis o f any particular aspect of the mission undertaking. It tries, instead, to show the spectrum of possible themes, to give basic information and to enable and guide further research. Like the model of the first Protestant mission in India this publication was planned and carried out as an international and ecumenical project. A special concern was the participation and involvement of Indian scholars which will, however, have to be intensified in the future. The articles and documents in these volumes are written or translated in English in order 36 Apart from the Dane Johannes Ferdinand Fenger there were mainly the two German scholars Wilhelm Germann and Arno Lehmann. While Germann wrote three large biographies in the nineteenth century, Lehmann dealt with different themes in his articles on the mission. He also edited the letters from Ziegenbalg. Inspired partly by Hans-Werner Gensichen and Hugald Grafe other scholars have dealt with the history of the mission in India in the past years. For their contributions see: Michael Bergunder ed., Missionsberichte aus Indien im 18. Jahrhundert. Ihre Bedeutung fUr die europdische Geistesgeschichte und ihr wissenschaftlicher Quellenwert fu r die lndienkunde, Halle: Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen, 1999, pp. 246-260. 37 Daniel Jeyaraj, Inkulturation in Tranquebar. Der Beitrag der fruhen danischhalleschen Mission zum Werden einer indisch-einheimischen Kirche (1706-1730), Erlangen: Verlag der Ev.-Luth. Mission, 19%. 31Norgaard, Mission und Obrigkeit. 39 D. Dennis Hudson, Protestant Origins in India. Tamil Evangelical Christians, 1706-1835, Grand Rapids/Cambridge: Wm.B Eerdmans, Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 2000. 40 An overview of the literature is given in Bergunder ed., Missionsberichte aus Indien im 18. Jahrhundert, pp. 246-260.

to reach a wider audience and to take the mission beyond the boundaries of the German-speaking world. The publication is divided into eight parts. The first volume explains the background of the mission followed by some aspects of local Indian history. Here, the distinction between the Danish-Halle and the English-Halle mission has already been drawn. The second volume foregrounds the relationship of the missionaries to people of other denominations and to Hindus. In volume III the authors deal with language, science and education as well as with letters, reports and publications written by representatives of the mission. Appendix I contains selected sources translated into English. In Appendix II brief biographies of persons who were associated with the first Protestant mission are presented. In addition, seperate lists of missionaries of the Danish-Halle and the English-Halle mission are given in Appendix III. Many people were involved in this publication and all of them deserve a special thanks: firstly to the co-editors, Vincent Kumaradoss and Heike Liebau, who contributed to the success of this project with their help and cooperation. They also helped to contact the numerous scholars without whose work this publication would not have been possible. Our heartfelt thanks to all the contributors. A special thanks goes to Elizabeth Susan Alexander and Rekha Kamath who have greatly contributed to this publication. Elizabeth Susan Alexander helped editing the articles. She was assisted by Tim Wrey, Metta Scholz and partly by M.S. Panidan. The translations from the German were done almost exclusively by Rekha Kamath Rajan. Christina Gross facilitated some of the English translation by reading the old German documents. We would like to thank all of them for their support and collaboration. The layout and production were done by Prisma. Franz Fassbender, Tim Wrey and Janarthanan did a great work and personally supervised the publication till the printing stage. Many persons in the Francke Foundations have also been very helpful: in a representative manner Jttrgen Gr6schl shall be mentioned. A special thanks to the Director Thomas Muller-Bahlke who supported this publication from the beginning.

PARTI

BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT OF THE MISSION IN EUROPE

INTRODUCTION Andreas Gross Mission in the nineteenth century was characterized by the setting up of Mission Societies. They formed the basis of the relevant mission and they were responsible for the management of its affairs, for the confessional status and the theological direction of missionary work. In contrast to this, the first Protestant mission in India was a joint project which was marked by an international and ecumenical cooperation. The idea of mission first developed in Denmark, and from there it was carried to Germany and then to England. Frederick IV, King of Denmark and Norway, considered it his duty to establish missions in overseas territories under Danish sovereignty. He directed his Court Chaplain, Franz Julius LQtkens, to look for pastors who were willing to work as missionaries overseas. Since LQtkens could not find anyone in Denmark, he turned to people he knew in Berlin. There too, no pastors could be found, but there were two young candidates who were willing to work abroad.1 The administrative management of the mission was located in Copenhagen. The “supervision of the routine administrative work”2 was carried out from there. The Mission Board, established in 1714 as a Royal administrative board, was to look after the interests of the mission. In Denmark the missionary idea remained, to a large extent, within court circles with very little support from the Danish Church. Thus, efforts to find missionaries in Denmark and to establish a mission seminary in Copenhagen were unsuccessful. Once Bartholom&usZiegenbalg and Heinrich Pliitschau had been selected and had agreed to go, the idea of mission also spread in Halle. This occurred 1 The two candidates had not been told in which country they were to work. In October 1705 Ziegenbalg was still of the opinion that he would be travelling to Africa. See AFSt/M 1 C 1 : 20, Ziegenbalg to Francke, dated 07.10.1705. 2 Hans-Wemer Gensichen, “DSnisch-hallesche Mission”, in Gerhard Krause, Gerhard MQller, eds., Theologische Realenzyklop&die, Vol. VIII, Berlin, New York, 1981, p. 320.

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cmaccount of the close relationship that Ziegenbalg had with August Hermann Francke since 1702. In 1703 Ziegenbalg had studied for one semester in Halle and Francke had become a kind of spiritual father to Ziegenbalg. Francke was also involved in his decision to go abroad as a missionary. It was the close personal relationship to Ziegenbalg which led to August Hermann Francke’s direct involvement in the missionary undertaking in India. Without Francke’s commitment very few missionaries would have been sent to India. Although there was no mission seminary in Halle either, Francke and his successors managed to find young men who were willing to go to India as missionaries. They were looked after and given councelling care from Halle. Through the publication of their reports and diaries circles of friends of the mission were established in Germany.3 August Hermann Francke corresponded with the members of the Mission Board in Copenhagen who relied on his support and his judgment. A model of international cooperation developed out of Francke’s personal involvement. After only a few months this Danish-Halle mission enterprise received support from England. It was Francke who was indirectly responsible for this expansion. The German chaplain in London, August Wilhelm Bdhme, who was Francke’s friend, published reports of the missionaries in England. With this he gained the support of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK). The SPCK made the first missionaries to become corresponding members of their society and reported about their work in India to their readers. The SPCK supported the mission in India through cash donations and consignments of goods. In 1712 it sent a printing press to Tranquebar. In 1728 the SPCK began to officially appoint missionaries, from which it developed their own missionary undertakings in the course of the following decades. The missionaries were selected in Halle and looked after from there. The official management of the mission, however, was in London. Before their departure the missionaries had to present themselves to the SPCK in London and, as a rule, a special service was conducted. The explosiveness and the special significance of this missionary undertaking was the fact that it was a case of Anglican-Lutheran cooperation.

} From 1710 onwards Francke published the first Protestant mission journal, Der Kdniglichen Ddnischen Missionarien aus Ost-Indien eingesandte Ausjuhrliche Berichte (called Hallesche Berichte).

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As mentioned in the preface there were actually not one, but two missions: the Danish-Halle and the English-Halle mission. The binding link between the two missions and their centres was Halle. Halle also took over the mediation between Copenhagen and London when relations between the two missions were involved. The first two articles in this part describe the wider historical context of the first Protestant Mission. Hanco Jiirgens analyses the different views of mission in the eighteenth century whereas Andreas Feldtkeller gives insights in the wider context of mission history. After that the ‘home base’ of the mission in Germany (Halle), Denmark (Copenhagen) and England (London) is presented. The missionaries kept up a special correspondence with Halle, but they also sent letters and reports to Copenhagen and London. The representatives of the three institutions involved corresponded with one another when substantial questions had to be addressed, or when missionaries were required and had to be selected. The persons involved in the correspondence were the directors of the Glaucha institutions in Halle (later the Francke Foundations), the secretaries of the SPCK in London and the members of the Mission Board in Copenhagen.4

4 See Appendix II in Volume III.

ON THE CROSSROADS: PIETIST, ORTHODOX AND ENLIGHTENED VIEWS ON MISSION IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY Hanco JOrgens Approaching the Enlightenment When Immanuel Kant published his 1784 article on the question ‘What is Enlightenment?’, he could not have foreseen that his answer, more than two centuries after, would become the easiest opt-out for historians who want to define this concept and do not know how. Indeed, whatever the Enlightenment is or has been, we know for sure that Kant’s answer on the question was: “Enlightenment is mankind’s exit from its self-incurred immaturity.”1This paper provides a contribution to the continuing discussion on the concept of the Enlightenment, seen from a unexpected angle: the accounts of German missionaries who wait to South India to Christianise the Indian people. Traditionally, religion and the project of Enlightenment were seen as contradictory phenomena.2 Recent research, however, makes clear how religion and Enlightenment were inextricably connected. However, the study of Enlightenment is embedded in a strong scholarly tradition; the concept itself has different meanings and is appropriated in different ways, often even to explain mutually contradictory trends.3 In the 1970s historians still regarded the French avant-garde of the eighteenth century - le siecle des Lumieres - as the 1 Immanuel Kant, “Beantwortung der Frage: Was ist Aufklfirong?” in Berlinische Monatsschrift Vo!. 4, Berlin: J. E. Biester and F. Gedike, 1784, p. 481. 2The Dutch branch of 1SECS, the “Werkgroep Achttiende Eeuw”, held a conference about Religion and Enlightenment, published as a special issue: Ernestine van der Wall and others, “Religie en Verlichting: harmonie of conflict?” De Achttiende Eeuw, Documentatieblad Werkgroep Achttiende Eeuw, Vol. 32, Amsterdam: APA-Holland Universiteits Pers, 2000. 3 In general: James Schmidt, ed., What is Enlightenment? Eighteenth-Century Answers and Twentieth-Century Questions, Berkeley: University of California Press, 19%, and for the missionary context, Brian Stanley, “Christian Missions and the

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model for European Enlightenment. Since then, enlightenment research has disseminated in various national contexts, and in moderate and radical variants.4 Until today, the different approaches to the concept of Enlightenment have too often been the result of the various fields of expertise of the specific scholars and of the various predilections of the specialists, columnists and leaders of opinion. To clear up these contradictions, I distinguish four different approaches to the concept.3 Often Enlightenment is considered as a state of mind, as the relief of a personal inner struggle, as the dawn over the darkness for a human being. This concept of Enlightenment is interpreted as an ongoing process of secularisation of introspection, starting with Descartes’ cogito ergo sum and leading to Rousseau’s Confessions. While this form of personal Enlightenment is associated with seventeenth and eighteenth century thought, the roots of it could be found both in classical antiquity and in a long-standing Christian tradition. The device ‘Know thyself1, inscribed on the temple of Apollo at Delphi, was - and is - the motto of Freemason’s lodges, which functioned as disseminators of enlightened ideas. The phrase has been attributed to ancient Greek philosophers as well, like Thales of Milete, Socrates, and Pythagoras. In the Bible, the quest for personal Enlightenment is symbolised by the life of the blind Tobit, who was cured by the ointment made of the gall of a fish put on his eyes, so he could see. The quest for introspection, for self-awareness, fulfilment and realisation, is often found in Pietist autobiographies as well: the redemption of the soul, portrayed as a personal life struggle which, after a growing awareness of sinfulness, passes into a ‘rebirth’.6 Eighteenth century enlightened thought inherited both from classical and Pietist traditions. Enlightenment: A Re-evaluation”, in Brian Stanley, ed., Christian Missions and the Enlightenment, Cambridge, William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2001, esp. p.6. 4 Roy S. Porter and Mikulis Teich, eds., The Enlightenment in National Context, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981; Siegfried Jttttner and Jocheo Schlobach, ed., EuropdischeAufklimmg(en): Einheit undnationale Vielfalu Hamburg: Felix Meiner, 1992. 5 For further details, see Hanco JUrgens, “Welke Verlichting? Tijdaanduidingen en plaatsbepalingen van een begrip”, De Achttiende Eeuw, Vol. 35, Hilversum: Verloren, 2003, pp. 28-53. 6 Anne Lagny, “Francke, Madame Guyon, Pascal: drei Arten der ecriture du m of\ in Hartmut Lehmann, Hans-Jflrgen Schrader and Heinz Schilling, eds., Jansenismus, Quietismus, Pietismus, GGttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2002, pp. 119-135.

On the Crossroads: Pietist, Orthodox and Enlightened Views on Mission

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A second approach considers Enlightenment as part of a dichotomy: light versus darkness,7thought versus feelings and intuition, reason versus imagination, and the natural versus the super-natural. These dichotomies are embodied, on the one hand, in the divide of Enlightenment versus Romanticism8 and, on the other, of Enlightenment versus CounterEnlightenment.9 The German missionaries who went to India also conceptualised this dichotomy; “This land is in darkness,”10is how they frequently concluded reports on life in India. For them, it did not mean that Europeans on the other hand were bathing in light. One questions whether any human being was able to live a life according to the high standards of Pietism. Their dichotomic thinking was not divided along geographical but along theological lines: between the children of God and the children of the earth, between the tiny, but righteous minority and the sinful vast majority, wherever they lived, wherever they came from. Pietists hoped that all people would be ‘enlightened’, meaning, touched by the light of God. A third approach considers Enlightenment as a step forward in history, often as the beginning of the Project of Modernity. In this way, the concept is comparable with powerful metaphors like Max Weber’s Disenchantment, Herbert Butterfield’s Scientific revolution and E.J. Dijksterhuis’ Mechanisation o f the world picture. Often, underneath these metaphors lies a progressive world view, which could easily lead to a Whig-interpretation ofhistory. In his seminal work of great achievement, Radical Enlightenment, with its pregnant subtitle, Philosophy and the Making o f Modernity 1650-1750, the British historian Jonathan Israel describes the radical Enlightenment as a single highly integrated intellectual and cultural movement, which “effectively demolished 7 Rolf Reichanh, “Light Against Darkness: The Visual Representations of a Central Enlightenment Concept”, Representations, 61, Berkeley: University of California Press, winter 1998, pp. 95-148. *Mario Praz, La Came, La Morte e il Diavolo nella Letteratura Romantica, Florence: Sansoni 1988, Introduction; H.J.C. Grierson, “Classical and Romantic: A Point of View”, The Background o f English Literature and other collected Essays & Addresses, London: Chatto and Windus, 1925, pp. 256-290, especially pp. 287-288. * Isaiah Berlin, The Proper Study o f Mankind, London: Chatto and Windus, 1997, Jochen Schmidt, (red.), Aufklarung und Gegenaufklarung in der europdischen Liieratur, Philosophic undPolitik von derAntike bis zur Gegemvart, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1989, Danin M. McMahon, Enemies o f the Enlightenment, The French counter-Enlightenment and the Making o f Modernity, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. 10 For example: Der KOniglich-DSnischen Missionarien aus Ost-Indien eingesandter ausfUhrlichen Berichten (Hallesche Berichte hereafter HB) 8. Continuation, p. 377.

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all legitimation of monarchy, aristocracy, woman’s subordination to man, ecclesiastical authority, and slavery, replacing these with the principle of universality, equality, and democracy.”" One may ask if Israel does overstate the importance of the radicals in the period of the Enlightenment. By assuming that the radical Enlightenment decisively paved the way for secularisation and rationalisation, and in this way influenced not only wider history, but arguably, the entire world, Israel overestimates European cultural, economic and military strength. Of course, his statement covers a larger period, when Europeans mastered large parts of the non-European continents. In the eighteenth century, however, large parts of the world remained unknown. In India of the 1750s for example, Europeans were not at all free to travel throughout the sub-continent, since the many indigenous sovereigns controlled almost the whole interior. There was no indication of the coming ‘regime changes’ in favour of the British. The sphere of European activities was limited to the small colonial surroundings in and around the Portuguese, Dutch, British, French and Danish trading settlements along the coastline. European diplomatic delegations travelled inland to pay their annual tribute to the Indian sovereigns, but these journeys were strictly ceremonial; there was certainly no time left for tourist attractions. The Danish settlers of Tranquebar used to offer their presents to the Rajas of Tanjavur during public festivals, particularly Dasara. They would make an entry into the palace, and lay down the tribute at the Raja’s feet. The Raja himself was immensely satisfied by this show of respect.12In 1753, the missionary Johann Christian Wiedebrock took part in a delegation of the Danish Captain G. Sivers, which comprised two Naval lieutenants, a secretary, a surgeon, sixty Danish militia and 600 to 700 Tamils, among them many porters and palankeen carriers. In his diary, Wiedebrock complained about his lack of freedom to do any missionary work. He had to move on in his palankeen, as part of the solemn column.13 Even later, in the second half of the eighteenth century, when by and large the British expansion in India had taken shape, many parts of the country remained unknown. When in 1778 the British General Thomas Goddard marched with his corps from Calcutta to Bombay, he reported his degrees of longitude to Governor-General Warren Hastings as if he was 11Jonathan I. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making ofModernity 1650-1750, Oxford; Oxford University Press, 2002, p. VI. 12 Flisabeth Strandberg, The Modi Documents from Tanjore in Danish collections, Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1983, pp. 20-21. n HB VII, pp. 1195-1208.

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in the middle of the ocean. In the neighbourhood of Kalpi, he arrived in a village without water, which cost the lives of 400 men, suffering from heat and thirst.14 Given the unacquaintedness of Europeans with the Indian interior, and surely also of Indians with Europe, the Western influence in Asia could easily be overstated. The fourth approach considers Enlightenment in a historicised, contextualised, and decentralised manner, as an epoch. I do agree with Israel that we should study the Enlightenment as a phenomenon which crossed many borders, that we should emancipate ourselves “from the deadly compulsion to squeeze the Enlightenment, radical and mainstream, into the constricting strait-jacket o f ‘national history’,”15nevertheless it still remains quite a task to understand local contexts, to reconstruct the values, aims and norms of particular groups of people, to understand people’s sorrows, their language, conventions, convictions and beliefs. It is appreciable to study these as limited phenomena, bounded in time and space and culture. Therefore, one should not single out social, economic, cultural, literary, linguistic, missionary, church or colonial history. Enlightenment studies traditionally owe a lot to the history of ideas, to social history and, after the linguistic turn, also to the history of representation and discourse.16 The time has come to cooperate, to see how one could benefit from a variety of approaches and to include contradictory developments to redefine a new integrated picture of what one nowadays calls the Enlightenment. German Enlightenment critique was not, in the first place, directed against Christianity, but against clerical epistemology, based on dogmas and formularies, instead of religious intuition.17It was directed against the current philosophia aristotelio-scholastica, which functioned as the metaphysical, 14 Neuere Geschichte der Evangelischen Missions-Anstalten zu Bekehrung der Heiden in Ostindien (Neue Hallesche Berichte hereafter NHB) part 3, and The Origin and Authentic Narrative o f the Present Marratta War, and also, the late Rohilla War, in 1773 and 1774, London: J. Almon and J. Debrett, 1781. 13Israel, Radical Enlightenment, p. VII. 16 See Michael Schaich, “A War of Words? Old and new Perspectives on the Enlightenment”, German Historical Institute London, Bulletin, Vol. 29, No. 1, London: GHI, May 2002, 29-56. 17 It may be considered ‘curious’ that the longstanding European tradition of anti­ clericalism is interpreted so differently in different periods: Peter Dykema and Heiko Oberman, eds., Anticlericalism in Late Medieval and Early Modem Europe, Leiden: Brill, 1993, S.J.Bamett, Idol Temples and Crafty Priests, the Origins o f Enlightenment Anticlericalism, Houndmills: Macmillan, 1999.

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logical and scientific underpinning of the prevailing Christian churches. Eighteenth century debates in Germany were not about Christianisation versus secularisation, but about the foundations ofknowledge: a controversial debate between those who legitimated their knowledge solely through die Word of God, the Bible, and those who legitimated their knowledge through a form of ‘natural religion’, based on the Works of God, on Creation. This seed of dissent stood at the basis of die conflict between the Halle philosopher Christian Wolff and his Pietist antagonist, the theologian Joachim Lange. In his 1721 controversial lecture on die practical philosophy of the Chinese, Wolff implicitly admitted that it was surely possible to coexist in a virtuous society without having any knowledge of the Supreme Being. He claimed that the philosophy of the Chinese was based on nature. While they generally did not have knowledge of the Bible, he stated that their basic principles of wisdom were comparable with his own Christian views.18 For the Pietists, this was a bridge too far. They could and would not accept Wolffs premise that reason and philosophy could function well as an autarkic rationality apart from Christian theology.19 Instead, following Colossians 2, 8, they cautioned against philosophy which derived from human traditions and the principles of the sinful world, rather than Christ The first German Pietist missionary in Southern India, Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg, wrote how he, in his youth, was offered ample opportunity to leam the true ethics and physics from the Bible, rather than from Seneca or Aristotle. In this, Ziegenbalg followed the line of Francke and Lange. Yet in India, after translating the old Tamil moral texts of Auvaiyar, he concluded that in their lives, die ‘heathen’ disgraced most Christians. Indeed, he stated that the rules of the ‘heathen’, written down in moral texts, were inferred just from nature, and therefore lacked the inner Christian conversion of the Old and New Testament But Auvaiyar’s verses show Christians how the Indian people had progressed in their moral thinking by virtue of the natural light20Enlightenment could be measured by the value attached to this natural light - lumen naturale '* Christian Wolff and Michael Albrecht, eds., Oratio de Sinarum philosophia practica. Rede uber die praktische Philosophic der Chinesen, Hamburg: Meiner, 198S, pp. 27-37, see also Wenchao Li, “Zur Frage der natflrlichen Theologie - Leibniz und Christian Wolff”, in ibid, on Hans Poser (red.), Das neueste Qber China: G. W. Leibnizens ‘Novissima Sinica ’von 1697: intemationales Symposium, Berlin 4. bis 7. Oktober 1997, Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2000, pp. 320-331. 19Walter Spam, “Philosophic,” in Hartmut Lehmann, ed, Geschichte des Pietismus, Vol. 4, Glaubenswelt und Lebenswelten, Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2004, pp. 227-263, esp. p. 249. 20 Bartholom&us Ziegenbalg, B. Ziegenbalg’s kleinere Schriften, W. Caland, ed., Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam. Afdeeling

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- as an autonomous force. The Halle missionaries were sceptical, as could be concluded by the letter which accompanied their survey of the “IadsurWedam” (Yajur-Veda). The missionary-authors of this letter stated “that by reading of the Veda also unschooled would infer die insufficiency of natural religion, and the blindness with which mankind is encompassed in matters divine, when one does not consider the Sun in the sun, or does not see in God’s light the light.”21 Kant’s essay on the question of Enlightenment stood at the end of a long-standing controversy, raised earlier by Leibniz and Wolff. His answer to the question as to what the Enlightenment was, has a double meaning. Of course, his essay was meant as an appeal to the King of Prussia, but his main point was not political, but concerned religion: the emergence of humankind from a (former) relation with an arbitrary God who rewards and punishes even though His will is unknowable, towards a reflective relation, in which God is the Good Shepherd, and man takes the main responsibility for his own deeds, and endeavours to live according to natural law. Kant’s legacy did not only lie in his well known epistemology and ethics, but also in his redefinition of the relation between God and humankind, not defined by clerical dogmas but mainly through natural religion.22The rise of the German interest in other disciplines in the second half of the eighteenth century, such as history, anthropology, natural history and the so-called cameralisdc sciences, must, in my view, be explained by the outcome of this controversy. In this article, I will demonstrate how the changed presupposed relation between God and humankind influenced, strengthened and re­ created eighteenth-century thought. In section two I will show why and how mission was at stake in the combat between orthodox Lutherans and Pietists. In section three I will discuss the many practical hindrances the missionaries had to overcome to convert the Indian people. Without these contexts, it is difficult to understand the position of the periodical in early modem Germany, which will be discussed in section four. Section five focuses on the way Hinduism is described in the Hallesche Berichte. Whereas diaries, letters and compositions published in the Hallesche Letterkunde. Nievwe reeks, Vol. 29, No. 2, Amsterdam: Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, 1930, pp. 53 and 71. 21 HB 4 (1742), p.1184. 22 See Immanuel Kant, Die Religion innerhalb der Grenzen der blofien Vemtmfu Kdnigsberg: Friedrich Nicolovius, 1793, and also, Immanuel Kant, Der Streit der Facultdten in drey Abschnitten, KGnigsberg: Friedrich Nicolovius, 1798, Vorrede.

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Berichte mostly had the character of eyewitness reports, the focus of the missionary-authors was not, in the first place, on Hindu-texts, but mainly on the visual Hindu-world: rituals, shrines and temples. I will analyse how the missionaries, in their diaries and letters, found similarities and differences in their descriptions of Indian temples and pagodas. In the 1780s, the more enlightened view of India held sway in the periodical. I will give four clues to the change of perspective of the missionaries in India. These clues provide answers to the question how the enlightened view could have found its way among Europeans in India. Missionary Thought in the Era of the Enlightenment Not only the radical Enlightenment emerged from a culture of harsh theologico-philosophical polemics, of pamphleteering and of criminalizing ‘heterodox’ ideas. German Pietists and Orthodox Lutherans, who may be considered as radicals as well, were polemical in their ways of communication.23Also Mission was at stake in the ongoing pamphlet wars.24Mission was not taken for granted at all in early modern Protestant Germany, since the prevailing Lutheran Orthodox Church strongly opposed it. The Orthodox officially rejected early initiatives such as the founding of a Jesus-Loving Society for the advancement of mission among both Christians and ‘heathen’ by Justinian Ernst baron Von Welz in 1663.25 Not that the Orthodox were against any form of Christianisation, on the contrary; but in the first place, they considered missions not as the task of mankind - real Christianisation lay in God’s Hands. When the Halle Pietists finally realised mission in India, there was, outside Prussia, opposition again from representatives of the Orthodox Church, for example, from Johann Georg Neumann, who in 1708 defended his Dissertatio de Pseudapostolis at the Saxony University of Wittenberg, centre of Lutheran Orthodoxy. Neumann warned against false prophets, who could do much harm to the Lutheran Church.26 23 Martin Gierl, Pietismus und Aufklarung: theologische Polemik und die Kommunikationsreform der Wissenschaft am Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts, Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1997. 24For a list ofboth defamatory and glorifying pamphlets, see J. Ferd. Fenger, Geschichte derTrankebarschen Mission, nach den Quellen bearbeitet, Grimma: Gebhait, 1845, p.98. 25 Werner Raupp, “Justinian Ernst baron von Welz”, in BiographischBibtiographisches Kirchenlexikon, http://www.bautz.de/bbkiyw/welz.shtml; and Wemer Raupp, ed., Mission in Quellentexten: Geschichte der Deutschen evangelischen Mission von der Reformation bis zur Weltmissionskonferenz Edinburgh 1910 Erlangen: Verlag der Evang.-Luth. Mission, 1990, pp. 82-92; see also pp. 13-20 and 64-70. “ HB 1, pp.62-64.

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Before explaining the position of the Pietist, I will try to find an explanation for the near absence of structural and official missionary initiatives in Early Modem Protestant countries. According to the Dutch social and religious historian Peter van Rooden, missions were not an essential part of the early modem Protestant state ideology; they were not of importance for its “religious regime.”27 Van Rooden claims that the organisation of the Protestant churches was too weak to persuade the state to support missions. Only hierarchic organisations could initiate mission, such as the Jesuit Order, which was strong enough to stand aloof from the state. However, Van Rooden does not mention the missionary initiative of the Halle Pietists, who were closely related to the Prussian state,28 and therefore could be cited in refutation of his theory. Not only Van Rooden, but many other scholars ignore the fierce theological disputes for or against mission in the Early Modern period.29 The question whether the Orthodox felt the need to do any structural missionary work outside their own country is usually not asked. To answer this question, it is necessary to fall back on Early Modem Bible exegesis. The Orthodox vocation generally was one of inner mission, to bring Christ among the Christians. It was considered the task of the sovereign to make this inner mission possible in his country. Orthodox Lutherans assumed that when Jesus advised his apostles to spread the Word of God and teach all nations, this appeal was meant for the Apostles alone, and was definitely not transferable to others. Only the Apostles could strengthen their message by curing the sick and by performing miracles. An even more important argument for the lack of longing for a structural form of outward mission in Protestant Germany was that Jesus instructed his Apostles not to turn to the land of the gentiles, but to concentrate on the lost sheep of the people of Israel (Matthew 10: 5-6). This instruction was transformed, and applied to the situation in Germany. The poet Erdmann Neumeister wrote in 27 Peter van Rooden, Religieuze regimes: over godsdienst en maatschappij in Nederland 1570-1990, Amsterdam: Bakker, 1996. 24 Thomas MQller-Bahlke, ed., Gott zur Ehr und zu des Landes Besten, Die Franckeschen Stiftungen und Preufien, Aspekte einer alten Allianz, Halle (Saale): Verl. der Franckeschen Stiftungen zu Halle, 2001. 29 Confessional historians of mission also ignore the issue, as for example Andrew F.Walls, “The Eighteenth-Century Protestant Missionary Awakening in Its European Context”, in Brian Stanley, ed., Christian Missions and the Enlightenment, Cambridge: William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2001, p.24, and G.J. Schutte, ed., Het Indisch Sion, De gereformeerde kerk onder de Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie, Hilversum: Verloren, 2002.

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1722: “In the past they said: go, and teach all nations. Nowadays it is: stay, there where God wants you.”30 Of course, the Orthodox exegesis could be explained as a derivative of Reformation policy or as a reaction to the institutions of the Catholic Church, but the exegetic arguments were considered valid for many during the long eighteenth century, also when there was no strong political need for inner mission anymore. As a field of study the way in which theological debates were formative for social praxis, and vice versa, is still open ground.31 New religious currents were often legitimated with new exegesis, which as a discipline could - and still can be - seen as a mirror of European culture. Its discussions had consequences for man's world views. Contrary to the Orthodox, the Pietists considered mission as part of their vitalistic ideology. In principle, their zealous life was arranged to bring about as much as possible for the (Christian) benefit of the people. They established almshouses and orphanages, publishing houses, an institute for the dissemination of the (message of the) Bible, and also, mission among Jews32 and gentiles.33 The orphanage in Halle was set up like a ‘plant garden’ from which the Word of God, it was hoped, would disseminate quickly, like a small grain of mustard, throughout the city, the country, and the whole world. The first aim was a revival of devotion and practical Christianity. The Pietist movement was expected to rise from below. As Christ’s return to Earth, while not imminent, was expected soon, it was necessary to Christianise as many people as possible before - sooner or later - the final judgment took place. Mission surely also had an apologetic value: A worldwide web of like-minded pious people strengthened the position at home. 50Quoted in Raupp, ed., Mission in Quellentexten, p. 189. 31 See Hartmut Lehmann, Protestantische Weltsichten; Transformationen seit dem 17. Jahrhundert, Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1998. 32 Christopher M. Clark, The Politics o f Conversion: Missionary Protestantism and the Jews in Prussia, 1728-1941, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995. 33 The first years of the mission are particularly well documented; attention on the second half of the eighteenth century is of more recent date. Still worthwhile is the general introduction to the Halle mission: Johannes Ferdinand Fenger, Geschichte der Trankebarschen Mission, Grimma: Gebhardt, 1845 (also available in English). Contemporary studies are Anders Nergaard, Mission und Obrigkeit, Die Danischhallesche Mission in Tranquebar 1706-1845, Giltersloh: GQtersloher Verlagshaus G. Mohn, 1988; Heike Liebau, Die Quellen der Ddnisch-Halleschen Mission in Tranquebar

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How did the Pietists, in contrast to the Orthodox, explain the necessity of mission? Again, exegesis provided the clue. For the Pietists, Jesus' last words to the Apostles were not only to be interpreted as an appeal to the apostles, but also to themselves. One of the most important fathers of Pietism, Jakob Spener, advocated the idea of universal priesthood. He refuted the argumentation of the Orthodox against mission, particularly by neutralizing the biblical distinction between Jews and gentiles, so that the missionaries could now afford “to turn to the land of the gentiles.”34 Curiously, a vision ofthe Apostle Peter supplied Spener with his argument: Peter fell into a trance and saw in his dream a large sheet being let down from heaven by its four comers, and within it all sorts of four-footed animals, reptiles and birds. A voice told him to kill the animals and eat them, but he rejected this since he never ate anything impure or unclean. After the voice had told him three times not to call anything unclean that God had cleansed himself, the sheet was taken back to heaven. Peter understood the meaning of this vision soon after he was brought to the Roman centurion Cornelius: God shows no favouritism but accepts men from every nation (Acts 10: 34). He immediately baptised the ‘heathen’ Cornelius and his guards. For the Pietists the explanation of this vision was important enough to justify their missionary initiative: after the conversion of Cornelius, Jesus’ appeal to preach the Word of God to all creatures was meant not only for Jews, but also for gentiles.35 The Pietists believed in the exclusive importance of the revelation, first given to Adam, later put into words by Jesus Christ. Not surprisingly, the missionaries were expected to walk in the footsteps of those whom they considered as their predecessors, the disciples of Jesus. The letters of Paul, the ‘Apostle of the gentiles’, served as guidelines. The missionaries were expected to walk through the countryside, per pedes apostolorum, in deutschen Archiven: ihre Bedeutung fiir die Indienforschung, Vol. 2, Arbeitshefte Forschungsschwerpunkt moderner Orient, Berlin: Das Arabische Buch, 1993; Daniel Jeyaraj, Inkulturation in Tranquebar: der Beitrag der fruhen ddnisch-halleschen Mission zum Werden einer indisch-einheimischen Kirche (1706-1730), Erlangen: Verlag der Ev.-Luth. Mission, 1996; Michael Bergunder, ed., Missionsberichte aus Indien im 18. Jahrhundert. Ihre Bedeutung fiir die eumpdische Geistesgeschichte und ihr wissenschafilicher Quellenwert fiir die Indienkunde, Vol. 1, Neue Hallesche Berichte, Halle: Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen, 1999. 34 Philipp Jakob Spener, Theologische Bedencken undandere brieffliche Antworten, in Erich Beyreuther, ed., Philipp Jakob Spener Schriften XI. 1, Hildesheim: Olms, 1999, pp. 5-8. 35 In 1776 this argument was used in the Hallesche Berichte as an apology for mission in India, with a cross-reference to Spener’s work, NHB 1, p. XIII.

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while spreading the Word of the Gospel among the Indian people. This was called “the diligent outgoing” among the gentiles. In their missionary work, the missionaries were to display diligence, devotion and a living, practical Christianity, subordinating themselves to become instruments of God’s will. The experience of a personal revelation, a rebirth, ensured a strong belief in God at heart. It was this spark, a sudden divine inspiration, which they hoped to pass on to the Indian people. The attitude of the missionaries in India should be determined not by a controversial spirit but by the charitable desire to win the souls of the Indian people. According to their methods of religious instruction, the methodus proponendi et colloquendi, of preaching and of catechesis - also called homiletics, an important subdiscipline of rhetoric36- it was expected of the missionaries not to argue about the right or wrong of their religion, not to enter an intellectual dispute, but to win souls by the heart, to get down directly to the very root, to bring back any discussion with the indigenous people to the causes of ‘rack and ruin’, to the sinfulness of their lives, to their ‘heathen blindness’, after which a disclosure of God’s truth would take place as a matter of course. In theory, the path of the missionaries unfolded itself. Cultural Differences In practice, it was almost impossible for the missionaries to fulfil their duties on the spot in the way expected. In India, they had to face many difficulties. Firstly, they could not walk freely through the country as was expected by their German patrons. The area where they met the Indian people (the so-called “contact zone”37), was, in the 1750s, restricted to the Danish, British and Dutch factories along the South Indian Coromandel Coast. The Indian Rajas, Nawabs and Nizams did not tolerate any activities of the Protestant missionaries in their territories. Secondly, the missionaries had a hard time catching the ear of the Indian people for their message. Most inhabitants had difficulties in understanding the Good News, and if they did, they often had problems holding onto the promise of being faithful to one God. In line with South Indian Bhakti devotion, it was not considered a problem to accept the Christian God, next to the Hindu gods, but it was considered 16 Joachim Dyck und Jutta Sandstede, Quellenbibliographie zur Rhetorik, Homiletik und Epistolographie des 18. Jahrhunderts im deutschsprachigen Raum I-III, Stuttgart: Frommann-Holzboog, 1996. 37 Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes, Travel Writing and Transculturation, London: Routiedge, 1992.

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a big problem to exclusively obey the one and only Christian God.38The missionaries faced particular difficulties in bringing their message to representatives of higher circles in Indian society, since they had strict rules of purity. The risk of being outcast remained extremely high; the families of the converts did not usually accept their conversion. To succeed, die missionaries had to study thoroughly the customs and habits of the Indian people. The first missionary in Tranquebar, BartholomSus Ziegenbalg in particular, worked hard not only to master Tamil, but also to understand Hinduism. Although his two studies on Hinduism were not published during his lifetime, they are today highly valued. Also, together with a colleague, he set up a correspondence with Brahmins and Saivites about the Indian customs, as the apostle Paul did with the Romans and other nations.39 And they translated into Tamil and Telugu Christian booklets containing parts of the Gospels and work such as Johannes Amdt’s edifying Small Paradise Garden, which could be handed out in the streets.40 The settlement of the Pietist missionaries in their missionary posts brought awareness of the many cultural differences to be overcome. In principle, the Pietist missionaries were not very willing to accommodate Indian customs, to incorporate Indian rituals in their own religious practice, as the famous Jesuit missionary Roberto Nobili did. As much as possible, Protestant missionaries kept up their own habits. The missionaries must have known that their dressing in the colour of sorrow (black) and their powdered wig, made of the hair of others, would lead to misconceptions in the Indian people. But they seemed to stick to this tradition. Before he left Halle, the missionary Christian Schwartz even bought two new wigs, the last one on credit for four rix-dollars, which he paid back when he was in India.41 In the 1718 Lettres Edifiantes, the Jesuit Father Le Caron was disturbed by the conduct of the first Pietist MSee the chapter on Christian saints and gums in the poligar country, in Susan Bayly, Saints, Goddesses and Kings: Muslims and Christians in South Indian Society17001900, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989, pp. 379-419. 19 Jeyaraj, Inkulturation in Tranquebar, and Will Sweetman, “The prehistory of Orientalism: colonialism and the textual basis for Bartholom&us Ziegenbalg’s account of Hinduism”, New Zealand Journal o f Asian Studies, Vol. 6, No. 2, 2004, pp. 12-38. 40 Johann Arndt, Paradifi Gartlein, voller christlicher Tugenden, Magdeburg: Schmidt, 1612. 41 Jeyaraj, Inkulturation in Tranqubar. p.305, W.Germann, Missioned Christian Friedrich Schwartz, Sein Leben und Wirken aus Briefen des Halleschen Missionsarchivs, Erlangen: Deichert, 1870, p. 26.

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missionary, Bartholom&us Ziegenbalg, who disregarded Indian custom when he drank wine while preaching in the field: Perhaps he did not know how the Indian people shun wine and all drinks that heat the head. Hence, in the middle o f his sermon, when he was parched with thirst, he took a small bottle o f wine out o f his bag, emptied it halfway, and gave the rest o f it to his companions. The Brahmans were infuriated by his act, which offended one of their customs. They were disgruntled, left him in the lurch, and brought him into such a bad reputation, that he felt necessary to return, with wife and child, to his plant school.42

Of course, the statement of the Catholic Le Caron was partial, but he raised a touchy point. One of the most important Christian ‘rites’, the Holy Communion, remained difficult to understand for Hindus: drinking wine was already considered a sin, but presenting the wine as the blood of Christ was surely against Hindu rules of cleanliness. The missionaries needed to be very aware of caste customs. It was less difficult for the missionaries to approach the untouchables, but when these people were converted, it usually meant that members of higher castes stayed away. It remained problematic to hold services for “Parreier” (untouchables) and “Suttirer” (Sudras) in one room. From 1727 onwards, services were held in separate rooms, as the floor plan of the new Bethlehem Church outside Tranquebar indicated. The missionaries used two different chalices for the Holy Communion, a practice that ended in 1778 when the Directors of the Halle orphanage got notice of it.43 To manage these problems, the missionaries set up schools and provided jobs for the inhabitants of the mission post, so they could monitor them closely. Also in their schools and at their workrooms they had to operate carefully and be alert to cultural differences, differences that must have affected their ideas on humankind. In this sense, mission, which originally was initiated with a purpose to strengthen the position of Pietists, was also a potential weakness for those who held on to the sound doctrines of Pietism. The many difficulties which the missionaries had to overcome 42 P&re le Caron, “Brief, Patris le Caron, Der Gesellschaft JEsu Missionarii, Geschrieben zu Pondischery, den IS. Octobris 1718”, in Joseph Stdcklein, Allerhand so lehr- als geist-reiche Brief, Schrifien und Reis-Beschreibungen, welche von denen Missionariis der Gesellschaft Jesu aus beyden Indien, und andem ueber Meer gelegenen Laendem in Eumpa angelangt seynd: jetzt zum erstenmal theils aus handschriftlichen Urkunden, theils aus denen franzoesischen Lettres edifiantes verteutscht undzusammen getragen 7, No. 181, Augsburg: Veith, 1726, p. 110. 43 Germann, Missionar Christian Friedrich Schwartz, p. 265.

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must have influenced Pietist thought. Critics questioned whether it made sense for the missionaries to go out into the streets so often to preach the works of Providence while the people of India were not acquainted with European culture, nor with the geography of the Christian world. In the second half of the eighteenth century, a change of missionary policy took place. The more Enlightened missionaries were very aware of the practical obstacles they had to overcome. Enforced by the British colonial expansion in the second half of the century, they wanted to uplift and conciliate the Indian people through education, through a more active social policy, and by involving the Indian people in their scholarly research. It was not necessarily sparks which pass from heart to heart, but most significantly education, science, and civilisation, that could bring about Christianity in India. The missionaries Christian Samuel John (1747-1813) and Johann Peter Rottler (1749-1836) were actively involved in collecting data, organizing the mass of information, and producing a new coherent body of knowledge in the style of Linnaeus and Buffon. Their scholarly activities appealed to a wide audience, also outside the missionary world. In their missionary work too they must have been more successful than is often suggested. The total number of baptised Lutherans in India grew exponentially from circa 13,197 in 1767 to 34,970 in 1806.44These figures do not at all support the idea of a crisis at the turn of the century, as suggested by many authors.45 However, as a reaction to the French Revolution, the wind changed again. As a precursor to an early nineteenth-century revival of Pietism, missionaries were expected to focus again on mission, and mission alone. Soon after, the enlightened missionaries John and Rottler were forgotten. They were regarded as way too secular for the newly awakened Protestants, but for the more secular scholars, who identified themselves with the Enlightenment, they were not secular enough.

44 The records are incomplete, so it is difficult to give exact numbers, see Julius Richter, Indische Missionsgeschichte, Gfltersloh: Bertelsmann, 1924, p. 137; Stephen Neill counted even more converts: 36,970, Stephen Neill, A History o f Christianity in India, 1707-1858, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985, p. 56. 45 Lately by Hermann WeUenreuther, “Pietismus und Mission. Vom 17. bis zum Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts”, Hartmut Lehmann, ed., Geschichte des Pietismus, Vol. 4, p. 171.

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Spiritual Lessons in Pietist Texts Pietists hoped to find more in a book than just some figures; they expected that, while reading, a bit of inspiration would flow into their minds, which could serve as salutary salt. According to the German philosopher-hermit Hans-Georg Gadamer, the Pietists did not consider texts just as historical documents, but as the exemplification of religious devotion. The reading of these texts had a beneficial effect in a spiritual sense. Pietists appropriated these texts; they compared the written experience with experiences in their own lives. They read topical issues, which told something about their own lives and destiny. Dependent on time and space for spiritual motives, one read these texts differently, and applied them to one’s own use.46 There existed a certain reciprocity between missionary authors and readers of these texts. While reading about the missionaries’ experiences, the readers were strengthened in their belief, and prayed for the benefit of the ‘heathen’. These prayers would bring the mission itself a step further, and the readers would be rewarded afterwards47 Readers could also donate to the mission, for which they would be mentioned and thanked in the periodical. Often, their small dedications, or devout poems and prayers, were published as well. In the preface to the twenty-first edition GotthilfAugust Francke prescribed how one should read the diaries and letters of the missionaries, which appeared in the Hallesche Berichte: “All who take a glimpse of these accounts should not read them as just another recent history, a pure curiosity, or a pastime, but should see in them above all the creations of the Lord and the work of His hands.”48 Illustrative is the given cross-reference to Isaiah 5:12, which could be read as a warning. Also, the information on the Other in the Hallesche Berichte should not be read apart from its missionary context. But before understanding the missionary-authors’ images of the Other, one should first unravel the authors Selves. While, clearly, the missionaries themselves differed in style and opinion - they were not a uniform body - 1will concentrate here on some distinguishing features. In many aspects, the periodical had an apologetic character. The missionaries themselves seemed to defend their work in the first place towards their patrons in Halle, who were responsible for publishing their work, and surely also towards the Danish Crown, towards the East India 46 Hans-Georg Gadamer, Wahrheit und Methode: Grundziige einer pkilosophischen Hermeneutik, TObingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1965, pp. 290-295, esp. p. 292. 47 See for example: HB 2, p. XXIV. ** Gotthilf August Francke, ‘Vorrede’, 21' Continuation, HB 2,1729, p. xxiv.

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Companies and to their British patron, the Anglo-Saxon Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. They testified about their doings also to a large readership, and last but not least, to God. The apologetic character of the periodical is discernible in several ways. First, the language of the missionaries was in all aspects marked by their religious background. The idiom of the authors was often driven by the idea of awakening, of a transgressio ad coelum. One finds in their language of Canaan49 dualities of heaven and earth, life and death, body and soul, health and disease, poor and rich. It is fulfilled by the veiled wish to realise the Kingdom of Heaven on earth: it does not want to be earthly, but it is not heavenly either. One should understand some denominations of the Indian people in the Hallesche Berichte only in this way. India was often wishfully called a “vineyard”, but also a “desert”. The Indians were accused of “heathen blindness” and of having an “earthly sense” (“Irdischer Sinn”). The pandarams, pilgrims, mendicants and priests were often called “stomach papists” (“Bauchpfaffe”), to indicate that their appetite for food seemed to have been more important than “spiritual food”.50 Second, the authors often presented their experiences as lessons to be learned. As in many other travel accounts, one often finds topical spiritual lessons in the narrative of the missionary-authors: the traveller faces many difficulties on the way, overcomes them in the end, and returns home safely.51The hand of Providence guides him all along his way. In this way, travel was seen as a test of their moral rectitude, as an attempt to find the narrow path that leads to spiritual purification, the gate through which a true Christian life may be attained, “and few there be that find it” (Matthew 7:14). This is the way one can read the diary of Christian Wilhelm Gericke (1742-1803), written during his exceptionally long journey from Europe to Asia, in the course of 49 Term coined by Hans-JQrgen Schrader, “Die Sprache Canaan. Pietistische Sonderterminologie und Spezialsemantik als Auftrag der Forschung,” in Hartmut Lehmann, ed., Geschichte des Pietismus, Vol. 4, pp. 404-427. 50 Curiously, these notions matched very well the findings of August Langen, Der Wortschatz des deutschen Pietismus, Tflbingen: Niemeyer, 1954. See also Schrader, “Die Sprache Canaan,” p. 407. 51Jill Bepler, “The traveller-author and his role in seventeenth-century German travel accounts”, in Zweder von Martels, ed., Travelfact and travelfiction: studies on fiction, literary tradition, scholarly discovery and observation in travel writing, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1994, pp. 184-185 and Wolfgang Neuber, “Zur Gattungspoetik des Reiseberichts. Skizze einer historischen Grundlegung im Horizont von Rhetorik und Topik”, in Peter J. Brenner, ed., Der Reisebericht: die Entwicklung einer Gattung in der deutschen Literatur, Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1989, p. 57.

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which he endured a great deal of privation.” In the Indian Ocean the ship veered from its course because of stormy weather.53Near the coast of Madras, in sight of safe haven, a storm crippled the ship, which then drifted rudderless. Only by prayer and with his strong faith in Providence the missionary was able to withstand these hardships - so he wrote. A laudatory and dismissive review appeared of the travel account, which was published separately as well. The positive review illustrates that knowledge of Biblical narratives is necessary to contextualise the judgments which Protestant missionaries referred to in their diaries. Here, Gericke’s book was declared to be, literally, a “message from the Kingdom of God.” The impressed reviewer compared the author’s tale of his sea voyage, including his courage in facing this grave situation, to the journey of the Apostle Paul, who was shipwrecked on his way to Rome and saved near the shore of Malta.54Like Paul in Rome, Gericke could, after enduring such distress, spread the word of God in India with much greater confidence. Paul’s ways served as a directive, as a line of action for Gericke’s missionary work. The second review, however, is very critical. According to its likewise anonymous author, the Pietist school was out of date in Germany, but was regenerated half-heartedly in South India by missionaries who only tried to convert Catholic Indians, Jews, and people from the lowest ranks. Opposite to his devastating image of the missionaries’ activities, the reviewer extolled the learned Brahmin, who seemed to have had a better idea of God than the Christians, who came to India to convert them: “and in his Vedas, this [the Brahman, HJ] has also created by far more pure, elevated, and dignified concepts of the divinity, so that the humble, childish, unworthy notions, which we bring over from Europe, could

52 His diary is published in the Hallesche Berichte and also appeared as a separate edition: Christian Wilhem Gericke, Herrn Missionarii Gericken s merkwiirdige Seereise von London nach Ceylon und Cudelur in den Jahren 1766 und 1767, Halle: Verlag des Waisenhauses, 1773. ,} During bad weather Gericke described heaven as a “black sheet”; later, when the weather was improving, as a “ripping sheet”, which must be understood as a cross reference to Peter’s vision. 54 Anonymous, ‘Seereise nach Indien’, Bunzlauische Monathschrift zum Nutzen und Vergnugen, Bunzlau: Waisenhaus, 1774, Vol. 1, pp. 304-311.

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[hardly] please him.”55The two reviews of Gericke’s book represented the different world-views at the crossroads of the 1770s. F inally, one could discern spiritual motives in the way the missionary authors portrayed the Other. Indeed, the two studies of BartholomSus Ziegenbalg are highly valued today, but they were not published during his lifetime.56 Not only Francke denied the use of introducing Hindu wisdom in Europe; Ziegenbalg himself seemed to have not been in favour of publishing translated Hindu texts: “When the learned in Europe would read it, they will find out a lot of rare and unheard things. I was willing to Germanise it, but simultaneously I doubted if this was wise, whereas for many this would cause a lot of useless speculations, and would keep them off from necessary matters.”57 Nevertheless, much information on Indian culture came through in the Hallesche Berichte, for example, with the translation of correspondence with Brahmins and Saivas about the habits and customs of the Tamil people, known as the Malabarian Correspondence,58 Also outside the periodical, the knowledge of the missionaries also seeped out through channels other than the periodical. In 1724 the French Huguenot Mathurin Veysstere La Croze wrote a history of India from the arrival of St. Thomas to the settlement of the Pietist missionaries, and made use of Ziegenbalg’s unpublished Genealogy o f the Malabarian Gods.59 When GotthilfFrancke, the son of the founder of the Orphanage, took over the general editorship of the Hallesche Berichte he was favourably disposed towards paying attention to “side issues”, considered peripheral

55 Herm Missionarii Gerickens merkwurdige Seereise von London nach Ceylon und Cudelur, in den Jahren 1766 und 1767, in Auserlesene Bibliothek der neuesten deutschen Litteratur, Vol. 6, Lemgo: Meyersche Buchhandlung, 1774, pp. 46-50, esp. p. 48. 56 W. Germann, preface to his edition of Bartolomeus Ziegenbalg, Genealogie der malabarischen Gdtter, Madras: Wilhelm Germann, 1867, p. vii; Daniel Jeyaraj, Bartholomaus Ziegenbalgs Genealogie der malabarischen Gdtter, Edition der Originalfassung von 1713, Halle: Franckesche Stiftungen, 2003, p. 316, see also Stephen Neill, A History o f Christianity in Indiat 1707-1858, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985, pp. 32-33 and 435. 57 HB 3, 752. w Johann Ernst Grtlndler and Bartholom&us Ziegenbalg, Die Malabarische Korrespondenz. Tamilische Briefe an deutsche Missionare. Eine Auswahl, ed. Kurt Liebau, Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke, 1998. 59 Sweetman, 4iThe prehistory of Orientalism”, pp. 12-38.

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matters, which were not directly linked to mission. He hoped that the learned would also read the periodical and would enjoy the curiosities and learn from Tamil and the Portuguese language as it was used in South India, and also from the Tamils’ “principiis Physicis, Arithmeticis und Astronomicis.”60 He hoped that those who would be interested in these curiosities would also indirectly experience the spiritual sense of it, without having searched for it, and he advised those who were not interested in the curious observations to just skip these.61 Indeed, in the period between 1725 and 1740, relatively much attention was paid to these “side issues”.62 In the fourth volume of the Hallesche Berichte a discussion even appeared on the Vedas: Main content o f the ladsurWedam, one o f thefour codes o f the Brahmans.63 The maximum number of illustrations, maps of Tranquebar, the mission post, drawings of people and of nature, were published in this period; after 1740 this kind of publication became rare. Images of Temples and Pagodas To analyse cultural translations,64 it is important to include the modes of transmission: the dissemination of knowledge through unpublished and published texts, the value of this knowledge and the way in which it was received. Therefore, I won’t discuss here the body of knowledge which existed among the missionaries in India, but how the German readership in the second half of the eighteenth century got acquainted with their knowledge, while reading the Hallesche Berichte. In their descriptions, mainly, the focus of the missionary-authors was not on Hindu texts but on the visual Hindu world of rituals, shrines and temples. On the basis of perceptions of Indian temples and pagodas, I will show how, on the one hand, they widened the gap between 40G.A. Francke, “Vorrede”, 24', Cont HB 2, pp. II. 61 G.A. Francke, “Vorrede”, 25' Cont., HB 3, p. Ill, ibid, 29* Cont., HB 3, p. I, and also A.H. Francke, “Vorrede”, 21‘Cont. HB 2, p. IV. 62 Gotthilf August became editor of the Hallesche Berichte in 1725; after his father died in 1727 he took over the direction of the orphanage. 63 Nikolaus Dal, and others, Haupt-Inhalt des ladsur-Wedam, eines von den vier Gesetz-Buchem der Brahmaner, HB 4, 1742, pp. 1251-1294, see also pp. 1182-1185; Michael Bergunder, “Die Darstellung des Hinduismus in den Halleschen Berichten”, in ibid, p. 113. On the linguistic research of Walther and Sartorius, see Mohanavelu, German Tamilology, pp. 79-85. 64 Term used by Joan-Pau Rubids, who wrote the impressive Travel and ethnology in the Renaissance: South India through European eyes, 1250-1625, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000, p. XIV.

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themselves and the Others, and how, on the other hand, they tried to reduce the differences. Temples and pagodas particularly marked the landscape of South India. In these multi-functional places of worship, people lived, lodged, gathered, prayed, and rested. Also, in some of these, people held court. On first sight, one gets the impression that the missionaries could not find the right words to describe these buildings, simply because it was hardly possible to refer to classical examples in Europe. Often, they hesitated to elaborate on the beauty of these places, and they expressed their disapproval of the splendour, which was used “to dishonour the one and eternal God.”65 Particularly the large temple complexes such as Chidambaram and Sri Rangam, were described critically as centres of paganism. Often a positive remark was accompanied by a condemnation. In 17S5, the missionary Kiernander was positive when he wrote about the exterior of the main temple of Chidambaram, which looked regal to him: “It is true, this building is in itself one of the most marvellous monuments of antiquity, which one hardly finds in Europe.” However, he also remarked that the time had come, that God punished the “spiritual prostitution”, which happened to take place in these buildings for centuries. Kiernander witnessed how the Brahmins of Chidambaram were insulted easily by the French army, which was stationed on the temple terrain. The French used the untouchables to desecrate the temple campus. They prepared beef for the soldiers inside the enclosure, which was reason enough for annoyance. When the Brahmins of Chidambaram put the slightest obstacle in the way of the French commanders, the untouchables were ordered to parade over the whole terrain, also in those places, which were supposed to be exclusively accessible to Brahmins. When the Brahmins refused to open the temple doors, they were punished lightly. A Brahmin was nudged with a shoe, another one slapped in the face or stroked with a stick. One of the Brahmins was stretched on a frame and lashed because he refused to draw water from a well. However, at the end of his elaboration, the missionary prays, apparently approvingly: “Who does not see here the guiding hand of God. Yes, holy and righteous are you, oh Lord, you are not living in handmade temples, how costly they are. You just watch the poor, and those, with a broken spirit. Jes. 66, I.2.”66 The well-informed missionaries even toyed with fantasies of getting rid of the places of worship and of using them for “better” purposes. 65 For example, HB 7, p. ^74. 66HB 7, pp. 1708-1752.

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In 1757, Kohlhoff expressed the idea of penetrating the holy temple of Sri Rangam par force. According to this missionary, the French army, encamped at Sri Rangam as well, could be rewarded handsomely - he knew that the most important statue of the honoured god “Kasturi Rdnga Najager” (Ragunathaswami) was ostentatious; the eyes were made of valuable diamonds. But he also knew the reason why the French army did not commit this act of violence: for “Staatsraison”. Since they adhere to their idols, all the “nations” would rise in revolt against the French. In his view it was not easy to get the devil out of the place. When he surveyed the complex, he stated that Satan had his mighty fortresses there, and sighed wistfully: “Oh Lord, save your honour, and let the works of the Devil be destroyed here as well!”67 Of course, this could just be a prayer, referring to the day of the Last Judgement, but the vision of destroying the works of the devil could some day become reality. In 1768, the missionaries Hflttemann and Gericke welcomed the Dutch policy in Jaffna forbidding the building of new temples. The order of a learned administrator to tear down a newly-built pagoda particularly met with approval. They wrote in their diary: “Blessed must be a government, which so well used its power to the honour of God.”68 The history of these sacred places seemed not to be of interest to the missionaries. The apostolic missionaries expressed their astonishment at the size of the temples, and asked themselves what kind of machinery was used to build them, but they rejected the explanations of the Indian people about their origins. When Gericke encountered the house of a hermit, a “heathen Jeremiah”, on a hill, he asked the people there how it could have been possible to build a whole house out of four large stones. In response to their answer - that in past times giants lived there, and these giants could carry the stones from one place to another - he complained: “In my fatherland I often heard talking about giants; now I heard that the Indians do it as well.”69According to another legend, a pagoda was built after an unusually large snake was seen on the spot. The missionaryauthor complained that in India the animals in the field had risen to become divinities, but the people had degenerated: they made themselves less significant than cattle.70 67 HB 8, pp. 463-464. **NHB I, p. 141. MIbid, p. 384. 70 HB 8, p. 638.

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Usually the missionaries did not enlarge on reliefs and statues, which were abundantly present on the temple campuses. Probably they did not regard it as their task to inform the German readership on this point. An exception, Kiernander praised the symbolic language of the images in the temple at Chidambaram: “one needs a whole book for an extensive portrayal of these images and of their hieroglyphic significance.” But his remark was not related to the symbolic language itself. When a missionary did discuss this language, his verdict could be devastating. The missionary Christian Schwartz wrote in a letter how ltthe most scandalous deeds of their idols are portrayed in sculptures and aggravating paintings, which does sink the poor people fully in their depth of lust. One sees the result of this devilish education too clearly: body and soul will be demolished, and many thousands feel this failure in a vulnerable way.”71 We should see this kind of condemnation in the context of the critical attitude of the Pietists in general, in India as well as in Europe. Their condemnation of Indian religious life might not be so surprising when one realises that they condemned their rivals at home in a comparable way. Also, one should keep in mind the goal of the missionaries who came to India: to bring about a substantial cultural change in society. In the example of perceptions of Indian temple complexes we have seen how the missionaries distanced themselves from the use to which these buildings were put. In the case of other buildings, however, the missionaries, on the contrary, presented / highlighted only similarities, not the differences. Again, the example of the multi-functional places of worship could explain my point. While travelling, the missionaries often stayed in the many cittarams, small places to stay along the road, or in mandapams, the forecourts of temples. The German missionaries called these places consequently, “Ruhehctus”, rest house (in English: choultry). Many of them were found along the pilgrim route to Rameswaram. Often the missionaries reported about the mission talk they had in these houses with other passers-by. But they hardly reported on the religious use of these buildings. On the contrary, they consistently called all cittarams and mandapams ‘rest houses’, even when they were situated in the big temple complexes, where one could find, in their words, “hundred-”or “thousand-legged rest houses,” a temple hall supported by a hundred or 71 NHB 1, p. 263, also published as C. Schwartz, “Auszug eines Schreibens des Mifiionarii Swaz an einen Freund in London, aus Tiruchinapally vom 28ten Oct. 1768", in Hannoverisches Magazin 8, Hannover: SchlOter, 26-1-1770, pp. 118-119.

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a thousand columns. In 1793, the missionaries Gericke and Pfizold both answered the question of a friend of the mission about what these houses were. Both restricted themselves to external descriptions. Gericke wrote back that many of these houses, particularly those built from hewn stone, had a front roof which rested on pillars. More of them, in many different variations, had wings, and could be seen as three rest houses in one. Near all the rest houses, one would find a well or a pond.72The thing Gericke did not mention was that he was describing a typical three-partitioned South Indian temple. PSzoldted did not mention the religious function of these places: “One finds the rest houses often every 2000 steps, they are just destined for travellers, usually built out of stone, many are very spacious, and also have a pretty look. When it becomes too hot, when it rains heavily, when the night comes, or when one wants to change or to sleep, everyone can go in.” PSzold appropriated the rest houses to his own use when he perceived them as “non equipped inns”: The trouble is that one finds nothing in these places, but an open empty building, which is usually filled with many travellers, who are taking rest or stay over for the night. Therefore, every traveller should take with him anything he needs from home. One should keep palankeen carriers and porters, who carry on their heads, backs and shoulders tables, chairs, pans, cups, plates, spoons, knives, bread, butter, beds, wax-candles and candlesticks, meat and all other sorts of food and household goods.71 The reason why the missionaries did not elaborate on the religious purpose of these pagan buildings was probably that they used them themselves to rest in and to stay overnight. It was not in their interest to alert the confirmed ‘friends of the mission' in Europe. Very different were the descriptions of the temples by the enlightened missionaries John and Rottler. They had their reservations as well, but they elaborated on the scenery and discussed much more of what they saw and what they did in and around the sacred places. Rottler did not have any problem in calling a ‘rest house' a ‘mandapam’, and in describing the statues in these mandapams as well. Contrary to some of his predecessors, he expressed the wish to obey the rules in these temples and not go further than was allowed. He described how the Brahmins sat aside and prayed their formulas.74 When John visited Chidambaram, he 72NHB 4, p. 843. 73NHB 4, p. 846. 74NHB 4, p. 1084.

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was immediately surrounded by Brahmins who wanted to show him their sites. John was impressed by the beauty of these temples, but the lack of symmetry and the dark and narrow rooms were not to his liking. Like other missionaries, he preserved the European standards of architecture: symmetry and spatiality. Where he saw pillars placed in the form of a quincunx (the five on a die), placed in the direction of the avenues, he remarked that the Tamils showed here at least some sense of order, which was elsewhere hardly seen, as one could experience in their streets and gardens. John and Rottler appropriated the temples and pagodas as part of the Indian cultural heritage. They were both interested in the mythological images on the temples. At the seven pagodas of Mahabalipuram John discovered texts which were unknown to him. With much difficulty, he tried to copy these texts, which even the Brahmins of the temple could not decipher. Two Brahmins offered some explanations to the missionary, but he concluded that they told two different stories, and that they must not have understood it themselves. Rottler attempted to read the subscriptions of the sculptures himself. Both John and Rottler perceived holy places from a novel perspective, viewing temple complexes historically, and taking into account the factor of time. They wrote how many stones lay around, and how many statues were partly finished, or fully decayed. Rottler wrote of the disorderly stone masses at Sri Rangam which seemed to indicate that one of the buildings was not yet finished. But the building could also have suffered from the ravages of time or war, and one does not think of repairing such antiquities. Unlike some of his predecessors, he seemed to regret that.7S John introduced a linear and progressive time concept, seen from a European point of view, which had important consequences for the Indian present. While visiting the Adhispurishvarar temple in Thiruvotriyur, he complained about the abundance of figures of “idols, men, elephants, lions, tigers, apes, peacocks, hawks, snakes, lizards and many other quadruped, representing flying and crawling animals.” According to the missionary the eye becomes saturated, and it is difficult to pay attention to one after the other. And when one does that, the works are not commendable anymore. This held for all pagodas: “One sees, since ancient times, that the South Indian people are in their childhood, pleased with child’s play and parti-colouredness. Compared to the ancient times, their new works 75 NHB 4, p. 892.

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of art are coarser than the old ones. This is caused particularly by the decrease of wealth.”76 This was an important turning point. While in Sri Rangam, Kohlhoff had perceived the very fortresses of Satan, which were to be penetrated by force. John’s experience at Thiruvotriyur was not of malign forces; to him the temple complex was reflective rather of an early stage of human development - childhood - and betrayed a lack of taste which could only be prevented by educating, uplifting and civilizing the Indian people. In practice, due to difficult circumstances, the missionary work of Kohlhoff and John was not so divergent as it seems to be on first sight, but ideologically, they lived in two different worlds. Towards a New Conception of India Theologians in the early modem period distinguished mission among Christians, mission among the Jews and mission among the heathen. They also distinguished between an active mission among the heathen on the one hand and, on the other, a passive form of Christianisation through education, by bringing medical care and uplifting the people first. This last form of Christianisation was first practiced in the Dutch East Indies, particularly in Ceylon.77 Later, it became the practice of the Halle missionaries as well. As I have shown, the history of the Halle missions could be studied on a micro level, but should be analysed within a wider context as part of world history as well. The mutual influences on the developments in both Europe and India of the ‘regular’ and the ‘secular’ world should be integrated to create a new picture of missions. On this larger scale, there are four important clues to understanding the change of interest, horizon and focus of the missionaries John and Rottler. First, the theological Enlightenment paved the way for new forms of understanding of the outside world. Second, due to the changes within the public sphere, the missionaries themselves took part in debates on the use of mission. New thoughts on mission might have been the result of these discussions as well. Thirdly, due to the military successes of the British East India Company, the missionaries could literally broaden their view by travelling more freely through the inland parts of India. Growing interest in the natural history, culture and habits of India was 74 Ibid, p. 183. 77 Jurrien van Goor, Jan Kompenie as schoolmaster, Dutch education in Ceylon, 1690-1975, Groningen: Wolters Noordhoff, 1978.

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not only seen among missionaries; it was widely shared by servants of the different East India Companies, who had big gaps in their knowledge of the people of India. Lastly, following the Enlightened religious revival, the missionaries had to adjust to the renewed practical circumstances in India. A new missionary ideology took shape. These developments should not be studied as four separate clues but as connected factors, which influenced their thoughts and writings thoroughly. Part of the explanation for the growing German interest in India from the 1750s onwards is found in the theological Enlightenment, particularly in the Geological’ quest for a historical reconstruction of the world of the Bible.78 Many theologians, above all the Gottingen professor Johann David Michaelis, supported travel, exploration, and observation to underpin biblical history. To protect Christianity against growing criticism, neologians actively connected their belief in the Bible and the church doctrines with scholarly knowledge based on reason and on religious experience. This paved the way for Enlightened research in India. Whereas the apostolic missionaries did not in the first place consider it their task to unveil the secrets of God’s creation in India, John saw this as one of his main duties. In a letter to a Berlin professor he wrote that it was his aim to bring about both religion and enlightenment in India.79 By involving Indians in his scholarly work he hoped to win their souls as well. By sending the results to Europe, he hoped to engage more friends of the mission overseas. The second clue is to be found in the changes within the public sphere. Due to the many studies authored by missionaries, the knowledge of non-Christian civilisations increased in the eighteenth century. Simultaneously, the European public came to realise that the missionaries themselves had to overcome many hindrances to fulfil their vocation. It bccame dear that, despite great efforts, Hindus, Buddhists, and, even more so, Muslims, would not convert en masse to Christianity in a short time. Both experiences - the increase of knowledge of indigenous cultures, and the awareness of the strong footing of other religions in n Carl Andresen, ed., Handbuch der Dogmen- und Theologiegeschichte 3, Gtittingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1884, pp. 125-133. 79 “Meine Absicht, als Missionarius, ist nicht nur, Religion und Aufkl&rung unter den hiesigen Nazion zu verbreiten, sondem auch die herrlichen Werke des mflchtigen weisen und so guten Schflpfers nach alien Krfiften mit bekannt machen zu helfen.” C. S. John, “Einige Nachrichten von Trankenbar auf der KQste Koromandel. Aus einem Briefe von dem Missionarius Hm John an Hra Doktor Bloch in Berlin”, in Berlinische Monatsschrift, Vol. 20, Berlin: J. E. Biester and F. Gedike, 1792, p. 592.

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Asia - influenced Europe’s world-view irrevocably. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, of all East and South Asian countries, China was the main interest of European scholars; at the end of the century India was the most discussed. Since India became part of a public debate, the missionaries had to react. The many new publications about India resulted in a sharper image, which was discussed in many ways. Instead of harsh pamphleteering, open criticism and exchanging arguments were typical as new forms of communication in the second half of the eighteenth century.80 The many reviews, published letters, comments, and discussions on the necessity of mission and on the quality of the Hallesche Berichte gave an impetus to scholarly debate, in which the missionaries themselves became involved. Since the 1770s, the editors of the Hallesche Berichte had also been open to criticism. In their editorials, they answered critical reviews published in Friedrich Nicolai’s Common German Library.*1 In their diaries and letters, the authors were ready to criticise others, particularly those who had, in the eyes of the missionaries, a too rosy picture of Indian society. One of the most prominent critics of mission was Johann Gottfried Herder, who was convinced that India incorporated the three virtues of life - purity, moderation, and movement. In his Ideas, he stated that the Indian breathed voluptuousness and swam in a lake full of sweet dreams.82 Like the French Indologist Abraham Hyacynthe Anquetil-Duperron and the British politician Sir Edmund Burke, Herder vehemently criticised the British policy of expansion. Like them, Herder was convinced that Western values could only be introduced in a natural way and on a friendly basis. Social change should take place naturally, in modem terms, evolutionarily not revolutionarily, and convictions should not be imposed by force, but chosen by heart. In his feigned discussion between an Asian and a European on the use of the German-Danish mission, he let the Asian say to his disputant: “When your religion is good, the 80 Kurt ROttgers, “Kritik”, in Otto Brunner, Werner Conze and Reinhart Koselleck, eds., Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe, historisches Lexikon zur politisch-sozialen Sprache in Deutschland 3, Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1982, pp. 651-675. 81 For example: W., review of the 98th-106th edition of HB 9, in Friedrich Nicolai (red.), Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek Anhang. 1/12. Bd., Berlin: Nicolai, 1771, pp. 90-91, and B., review of the 107th and 108th edition of HB 9 and lst-3rd edition of the NHB 1, in Friedrich Nicolai (red.), Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek Anhang. Vol. 13./24, Berlin: Nicolai, 1777, p. 141. “ Johann Gottfried Herder, Ideen zur Philosophic der Geschichte der Menschheit, Vol. 1, Berlin: Autbau Verlag, 1965, p. 286.

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people will come to you, and you don’t need to look up for them.”83 As a Lutheran pastor, in a milder form, Herder might have shared the objections against mission expressed at the beginning of the eighteenth century by the Orthodox. The third clue to understanding changes in perceptions of the German missionaries is to be found in the British expansion in India in the second half of the eighteenth century. Along with this expansion, possibilities for travel gradually grew, although restrictions were still set by the European and Indian sovereigns. British expansion resulted in other forms of contact with the Indian people. Within the limits of their abilities and feasibilities, the missionaries took the opportunities to spread their wings more freely. Particularly in the second half of the eighteenth century, missionaries fulfilled many roles as mediators, interpreters, even diplomats of the British and the Danish companies. The changed balance of power is reflected in the Hallesche Berichte. The well-represented position of the Danish royal house in the periodical, diminished. After 1760, the dedication to a member of the royal family was left out, and the letters from the missionaries to members of the Danish royal family, which were traditionally published, appeared more and more irregularly. Also, when the periodical received a new name in 1770, the words “Royal Danish” were not included in the title any more. The missionaries could enlarge their work area only in the wake of the British. Besides Tranquebar, missionary stations were founded in those coastal cities which were controlled by the English East India Company: Madras (1728), Cuddalore (1737) and Calcutta (1758). And after the decisive battle of Wandiwash in 1760 in which the French were defeated, new inland missionary stations were founded: Tiruchirappalli (1767) and Tanjavur (1776). The missionaries who worked in these towns were financially supported by the Anglo-Saxon Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. The change of interest among Europeans might be explained by the changed horizon as well. Particularly among East India Company servants, there was a growing interest in the natural history of India and in the habits and customs of the India people. To govern so many, the East India Company had to gather information about the Indian tax and law systems, about the social relations, languages and religion.84 Therefore, the company stimulated research, as for example, was done 0

,J Ibid, “Propaganda”, Adrastea, Vol. 3, Leipzig: Hartknoch, 1802, pp. 190-191. M See C.A. Bayly, Empire and Information, Intelligence Gathering and Social Communication in India, 1780-1870, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996.

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by the members of the famous Asiatic Society of Bengal, of which John became an honorary member. With their studies, the missionaries John and Rottler became part of this Euro-Indian Enlightened world. The last clue is to be seen as a result of both innovative religious ideas in Europe and the wish to overcome practical hindrances in India. The theological Enlightenment in Germany not only cleared the way for more research on the plant and animal kingdoms, but also brought a disapproval of the prevailing anthropology, overshadowed by the doctrine of original sin and of a pernicious human nature. A new, hopeful perception of humankind emerged, with a strong belief in the affects of possible individual development, and of social, moral, and intellectual civilisation. John’s idea that the Indians were in their childhood, provided him with an argument to direct his efforts towards education. However, he was willing to gain more in-depth knowledge of India; his belief in a possible uplift of the Indian people, in line with his own ideas, could be explained as a form of negation of their contemporaneous identity. The enlightened missionary impulse was only of short duration. Caused by the polarisation at the turn of the century, it became problematic to consider mission and Enlightenment as two sides of the same coin. Still, at the turn of the century, the Halle missionaries formed a bridgehead between eighteenth century apostolic missionary ideals and nineteenth century missionary awakening. On the one hand, John and Rottler had disassociated themselves from a former strict apostolic mission and searched for new ways in changed circumstances. On the other hand, among the Lutheran Orthodox, the prevailing dogmatic arguments against mission were withering away like autumn leaves. This paved the way for new missionary initiatives.

THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN MISSION IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY Andreas Feldtkeller Frames of Reference The arrival of the first two missionaries to Tranquebar in 1706 marks the starting point of modern Protestant mission; against widespread tendencies to tell the story of mission as if it were a story taking place mainly in the nineteenth century, it is necessary to remember that Protestant mission is that old. But if we take as our frame of reference a general history of religious missions, then a development starting three hundred years ago is a very young one; it covers only one-eighth of the whole period in which religious missions have taken place. But even that is, by far, not the widest historical frame of reference relevant as a context to modem Protestant mission. Among all the forms and patterns of how religion is transmitted between human communities and individuals, the one we may describe by the word “mission” is the youngest one: • Since the dawn of humanity, or at least since there has been historical evidence of religion in the history of humankind (some 100,000 years), religion has been handed down within the community from one generation to the next. The earliest evidence for religious practices are the remains of funerals, which are, in a prominent way, expressions of religious practice that depend on transmission from generation to generation. Every young generation learns the method from their elders - and then one day have to bury their own parents or other elderly relatives. • From at least 30,000 years ago there is evidence that specific cultural expressions of religion have been exchanged between human communities in processes of transculturation, for which we may assume that the receiving group had an opportunity to observe religious expressions of another group (through migration, trade etc.) and copied what made sense to them. For example, female figurines of the late

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palaeolithic period representing human fertility, found at a distance of 1,500 km between each other, display astonishing similarity in their cultural expression. • There is evidence for more than 5,000 years, that specific expressions of religious meaning have been transmitted for political reasons. Empires of the ancient world, since the beginning of the Egyptian Empire, have claimed divine authorization for their military conquests and for their rule over subdued peoples - and they have demanded acceptance of religious expressions legitimizing their power by their subjects. • Compared to these other forms and patterns of how religion is transmitted, what we might call “mission” is a very recent phenomenon - not yet 2,500 years old. Since the middle of the first millennium BC we can observe that some religions begin to transgress the limits of communities of descent and the limits of political entities, not only motivated by the curiosity of those receiving new forms of cultural expression, but by intention of those already practising that religion. Typically, such religions appear in the design of religious teaching (then rather new). They assume that all human beings have in common certain shortcomings that are essential to human existence, and they propagate a specific way of how to overcome those shortcomings. Since the shortcomings are relevant to all human life, it is regarded as necessary to give all human beings access to the religious teaching that will help them overcome the shortcomings. Therefore, religious specialists are needed who know how to recite the teaching and whose lifestyle allows them the mobility to reach - at least in theory - “all humankind”. The oldest religion that clearly and in great style allows us to observe such patterns is Buddhism, by its teaching that any life in this world is suffering - imprisoned in the never-ending circle of death and rebirth - and that suffering can only be overcome by following the eightfold Noble Path shown by the Buddha. Buddhism, however, does not stand alone at the beginning of the history of religious “missions”. In India we may assume that other movements like Jainism or the teachings handed down in the Upanishads followed more or less the same patterns of transmission. In Europe, nearly at the same time, Orphism showed a similar strategy of propagating its teaching.1 1 The expansion of Celtic religion and culture during the same period throughout most of Europe, from the area north of the Alps to Britain, the Iberian Peninsula, Italy,

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Christianity, since its origin - the process of becoming a religious movement distinct from Judaism in the first century CE - has always been a missionary religion. It had a teaching regarding the shortcoming all human beings are infected with, and it had a message about the cure that can redeem all humankind from the pain of eternal death. It also provided a role for specialists with great mobility, able to convey the message everywhere it could be taken.2 So Christianity looks back to a history of two thousand years of Christian mission, but this history is not isolated from the history of other religious missions. Christianity did not “invent” the missionaiy pattern of how to transmit religious teachings; this pattern had been available for several centuries in the cultural sphere extending from India via the Middle East to the Mediterranean (which is exactly the sphere reached by Christian mission in its first centuries). Christian missionary endeavours took place in the context of a great variety of religious transmissions, some of them also following the missionary pattern. If we overlook the history of Christian mission in its totality - especially as initiated by western Christianity - a very striking factor is the obvious difficulty of keeping Christian missionary practice in line with what it was meant to be: a teaching offering salvation from eternal death to all humankind, conveyed by messengers ready to leave behind their homes and families for the sake of reaching the unreached. Instead of this, again and again we can observe that Christian mission was mixed with strategies of religious expansion for political purposes. It became part of a tradition different from the missionary one: the tradition that began with political religion in ancient Egypt and continued with the great empires all over the Mediterranean, the Middle East, India and China, the tradition of employing religious symbols for legitimizing, expanding and stabilizing political power, the tradition of transmitting religious concepts by violence and of forcing defeated enemies to accept the religious values of the victorious. South-Eastern Europe and Anatolia, is normally attributed to migration or military conquest, but it may be observed in this context that religion and especially the role of the “Druids’* are the most evident factors of coherence for Celtic culture, and that the patterns of Celtic expansion and the distances covered are quite similar to the patterns of Buddhist expansion. 2 See also Andreas Feldtkeller, ‘The Step beyond Judaism. What became of “metanoia” in Earliest Christianity among the Gentiles of Syria?”, in Andriana Destro and Mauro Pesce, eds., Rituals and Ethics: Patterns o f Repentance. Judaism, Christianity, Islam, Paris and Louvain: Peeters, 2004, pp. 55-69.

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Christian history of mission as seen from a macro-historical perspective looks like an endless struggle between two principles contrary to each other, neither of which could finally overcome the other: the principle of a liberating message conveyed by peaceful means and the principle of a religious symbol system expanding by force in order to establish political control. As the beginning of modem Protestant mission in Tranquebar also has its specific place in this struggle, it may be appropriate to remember the factors of “longe dur6e” inherent in the process. Factors of Long-term Collective Memory in Western Christian Missionary Tradition Throughout its first three centuries, Christianity in the Mediterranean was subject to the political interests of the Roman Empire and its religious symbols. Jesus was crucified under the accusation of having challenged Roman dominance by his message of liberation, and his followers during the first centuries were victimised by several waves of persecution against those who refused to worship religious symbols of Roman power. With the establishment of Christianity as the official religion of the Roman Empire in 380 CE, Christian strategies of expansion began to inherit the Roman tradition of political religion. The main reason why Christianity was so susceptible to the temptations of political power was the fear of new persecution. Looking back from today we see Christians of the fourth century at the beginning of an alliance between throne and altar that would last for 1,500 years through the history of Europe, but to the Christians of those days themselves it was not clear whether the next Emperor would still be in favour of Christianity - or rather, again determined to destroy it.3 Since then, the methods of Christian mission and expansion have been driven by the contradiction that resulted from Christianity’s double experience with the Roman Empire: whenever newly Christianized regions suffered persecution, a likely reaction of Christian missionaries would be to make efforts to establish a political situation favourable to Christianity before further preaching the Christian faith among the population. But when later, in the long run, it was obvious that Christianity had become a matter of political loyalty, and that the transmission of Christianity to new areas happened by force instead of by peaceful preaching, some Christian 3 Joseph Vogt, “Die kaiserliche Politik und die christliche Mission im 4. und 5. Jahrhundert”, in HeinzgOnter Frohnes and Uwe W. Knorr, eds., Kirchengeschichle als Missionsgeschichte, Vol. I: Die Alte Kirche, MQnchen: Chr.-Kaiser-Verlag, 1974, p. 170.

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missionaries would feel that this was against biblical examples of Christian missions and try again to preach Christianity without the protection of Christian rulers. Then sooner or later persecutions would begin again, and the whole circle of action and reaction would start anew. Christian missionary efforts in Europe during the early Middle Ages showed a broad spectrum of possibilities. In Western Europe the remnants of Christian Roman rule had disappeared, and in Eastern Europe the Byzantine Empire was under pressure from Slavic invasions. In both cases, great numbers of already Christianized and Romanized people came under the rule of non-Christian invaders. In order to pass on Christian belief to the newly invaded non-Christian population, and in order to ensure Christian living among those already Christianized, different strategies were followed. There were attempts to win over non-Christian rulers and to introduce Christianity “from above” by their baptism, but besides this, quite a considerable amount of evangelisation took place in situations where there was the risk of persecution because the rulers were not (yet) in favour of Christianity. For example, when the Bulgarian Chan Boris was baptized around 864/6, a great percentage of the Bulgarian population had already accepted Christianity in a political situation when this was still a risk.4 In Western Europe, at the same time, it had already become virtually normal to introduce Christianity “from above”, after it had again been proved that the situation of Christian communities without political protection was problematic, as for example in England during the seventh century, in Frisia during the eighth century, and in Denmark during the ninth century. From the tenth century onwards Western Christianity even opened itself to the concept that military conquest by a Christian power might be an alternative to secure political circumstances favourable to Christianity if the conversion of the local sovereign could not be achieved. A military conquest with the intention to introduce Christianity first happened in the area east of Magdeburg, where a new archdiocese was founded on the initiative of Emperor Otto the Great in 962 CE, in order to organize church structures in the newly conquered Slavic regions.3 The experience of the Crusades in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries - which stirred up both enthusiasm for military conquests with “holy” 4 Christian Hannick, “Die byzantinischen Missionen”, in Knut Schaferdiek, ed., Kirchengeschichte als Missionsgeschichte, Vol. II/l: Die Kirche des fruhen Mittelalters, MQnchen: Chr.-Kaiser-Verlag, 1978, pp. 282-311. 5Georg Kretschmar, “Der Kaiser taufl. Otto der GroBe und die Slawenmission”, in Bemd Moeller and Gerhard Ruhbach, eds., Bleibendes im Wandel der Kirchengeschichte. Kirchenhistorische Studien, Tflbingen: Mohr, 1973, pp. 101-150.

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purposes and criticism against violence for Christian reasons - opened up the floor again for the whole spectrum of approaches to Christian mission. On the one hand, the idea of the “crusade” was transferred to “holy” wars inside Europe, with the intention of filling the last gaps in the map of Christian Empires. Crusades of this style especially took place along the southern coast of the Baltic Sea. On the other hand, the same experience of violence in the name of Christianity brought about the longing for a peaceful alternative, namely to preach Christianity, which was developed by the newly founded orders of the Franciscans and the Dominicans, who in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, without any political or military protection, went to North Africa, the Middle East, India, Central Asia, and China. In most of these regions they met the Christian communities living there since the dawn of Christianity or since the peaceful mission efforts initiated from Persia, which had established a network of Christian communities along the Silk Road and had reached China in the seventh century. The Franciscan and Dominican monks did not establish their Latin churches at the expense of the already existing churches, but rather looked for cooperation and thought themselves close to fulfilling the vision of a united, worldwide Christianity.6 But their dreams did not last long. In 1368, the Ming Dynasty took power in China and suppressed all foreign religions (not only Christianity but also Buddhism), and in 1400, part of the Mongolian Empire was converted to Islam by decision of the ruler Timur Lenk. As a result of this, Christianity almost totally disappeared from Central Asia. The Churches in India continued to exist, but their connection with western Christianity by land through West Asia was broken. The lost vision of worldwide Christianity was one of the main reasons for the feverish quest to find an alternative route to India, which led the Portuguese all the way around Africa during the period from 1415 to 1497 and which, by accident, brought the Spanish to America in 1492.7 It is well known that the result of these endeavours was not the renewal of a peaceful Christian mission and of friendly relations to Indian Christianity; instead, the concept of military conquest and imposing Christianity on the subdued population, which so far had been adopted in small areas 4 Christopher Henry Dawson, ed., Missions to Asia. Narratives and Letters o f the Franciscan Missionaries in Mongolia and China in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries, New York: Sheed & Ward, 1966. 7Horst Grander, Welteroberung und Christentum. Ein Handbuch zur Geschichte der Neuzeit, GQtersloh: GQtersloher Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn, 1992, pp. 33-98.

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only, became a global affair. The world was divided between Portugal and Spain by Papal decree, and in the padroado system, responsibility for the organisation and spread of the church in the colonial empires was transferred to the crowns of Spain and Portugal, to the extent that the Vatican lost control over what happened to Christian mission under the paradigm of conquest. The history of reactions to the contrary began nearly at the same time. Again, some more sensitive Christian missionaries were shocked by the violence that was employed to impose colonial rule and Christianity, and they looked for alternative ways of Christianization. In the long run the most prominent agents of such alternatives belonged to the order of the Jesuits. All the experimental forms of missionary endeavours the Jesuits developed, had in common that they did include political factors in their strategies, but they did not rely on the force of European colonial powers, but rather tried to make an arrangement with local political forces. Impressions from the World Map of Christian Mission in 1706 For the global situation of Christian mission during the time when modem Protestant mission started in 1706, the tension between Spanish and Portuguese colonial missions on the one hand and its alternatives within the Catholic Church still played a decisive role, although also some other factors and events had modified the scene. The padroado system, at least theoretically, was still in place in all parts of the Spanish and Portuguese colonial empires, but it had lost much of its influence. In Latin America the role of the religious orders with priests from Spain or Portugal, and closely related to the padroado system of royal power in the church, was challenged by the quest of the indigenous Catholic population for their own identity, supported by a majority of secular priests with Latin American background. More and more, they managed to replace the padroado system with church structures as prescribed by the Council of Trent, with parishes and parish priests who normally, were secular priests obedient to a local bishop.8 In the Portuguese colonies along the south-western coast of India, the padroado system centred in Goa during the seventeenth century had tried to fully subordinate the ancient Indian Mar Thoma Church to the Roman church and to disconnect it from the Patriarchate of Babylon. The * Adrian Hastings, “Latin America”, in Adrian Hastings, ed., A World History o f Christianity, London: Cassell, 1999, pp. 328-368, here pp. 343-346.

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Portuguese were able to disrupt the local Christians’ contact with Persia and prevent the sending of a new high Metran (Archbishop) for the Mar Thoma Church from there, but they could not prevent the ordination of a new high Metran by the Mar Thoma Church on its own local authority, in 1653. The padroado church finally lost control when the Dutch in 1663 conquered the Portuguese colonies along the Malabar coast and forced the Portuguese church representatives to leave.9 Among the missionary projects of the Jesuits, the most spectacular one had been running in Paraguay and other provinces of Latin America for nearly a century. Spanish Jesuit missionaries had been looking for a suitable environment for their missionary work, other than the Spanish system of forced labour of the indigenous population in plantations (encomienda system). Beginning in 1609, they created an alternative model together with the people of the Guarani, who were willing to cooperate with the Spanish hoping for protection against neighbouring ethnic groups, and with the Spanish Governor of the province of Paraguay, who was interested in pacifying the region and securing it against invading Portuguese slave traders. What became of this was the establishment of five huge areas with networks of indigenous villages stretching all over the continent from Paraguay up to today’s area of Colombia, and involving 200,000 people. The hierarchical order of the societies stayed indigenous in principle, with the only European presence being the two Jesuit missionaries who lived in every village. Anyhow, life in these so-called reductions brought about a lot of changes for the indigenous populations. Earlier, they had not settled down totally and did not apply the concept of land property. Now they were living in villages and cultivating fields - partly communal and partly privately. Life in society was adapted to Christian values. Part of the income from the communal land was used for social welfare. But taxes had also to be paid to the Spanish Crown, and economically the “reductions” were more successful than the encomienda plantations. In 1640 firearms were given to the indigenous population of the reduction in Paraguay, to ward off Portuguese slave traders. The result was so convincing to the Spanish colonial administration, that more reductions were established, mainly for strategic reasons. Up to 30,000 natives formed their military forces, compared to only 900 Spanish soldiers in 9 Robert Eric Frykenberg, “India”, in Hastings, A World History o f Christianity, pp. 157-165.

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the colony. In the eighteenth century the position of the Jesuit reductions was the most important factor that secured the Spanish interest in the final course of the border dispute between the Portuguese and the Spanish colonial empires. Seen from the perspective of the year 1706, the Jesuit reductions could be regarded as the most successful missionary endeavour world­ wide. It could not yet be foreseen that six decades later they would come to a violent end, when the contract between Spain and Portugal made provision to displace some of the reductions from their hereditary lands. The population opposed this; their resistance was crushed in a colonial war; and the Jesuits were expelled from the Spanish Empire as well as from Spain itself, on the accusation of having sought political independence from Spain.10 Two other experiments of Jesuit missionary adaptation to their environment were in their final crises during the years when the first Protestant mission to Tranquebar was established. In China the first Jesuit missionaries, the Italians Michele Ruggieri and Matteo Ricci, had been allowed to enter the country in 1583. They could successfully acquire a respectable position in society and win the trust of the Emperor by revealing their scholarship, and sharing with the Chinese their knowledge in mathematics, astronomy, geography and techniques like building clocks or cannons. In their Christian preaching and writing the missionaries tried to emphasize the similarities with traditional Confucian thinking and to build on an alliance with Confucianism against Buddhism. But to their Chinese readers the limitations of their approach also became very clear. The Christian concept of the equality of all human beings especially roused the suspicion of many conservative Chinese, to whom any relationship in family or society was vertically structured according to Confucian principles. The crucial factor for the rise and fall of Christianity in China was the so called “Rites controversy” regarding the missionaries’ dealings with Chinese rites of ancestor veneration. The Jesuits allowed the members of their Catholic congregations to continue with the practice of ancestor veneration in their homes. Franciscan and Dominican missionaries who later joined them judged this to be idol worship, and reported the matter 10 Grtlnder, Weltervberung und Christentum, pp. 112-154; Philip Caraman, The Lost Paradise. An Account o f the Jesuits in Paraguay, 1607-1768, London: Sidgwick and Jackson, 1975; Magnus Mdmer, The Political and Economic Activities o f the Jesuits in the La Plata Region. The Hapsburg Era, Stockholm: Petterson, 1953.

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to Rome. By intervention of an Italian Jesuit, Pope Alexander VII allowed the Chinese rites in 1654. But the quarrel continued, and in 1704 the practice of ancestor rites by Chinese Christians was forbidden by Pope Clement XI. The Chinese Emperor Kang-Xi, who so far had supported Christianity, received notice of this fact, and reacted by issuing a decree that would allow missionary work only by those missionaries who were ready to sign a declaration in favour of the Chinese rites. In 1723 nearly all foreign missionaries were banned from China. The Chinese Catholic Church, which at its peak had counted 300,000 members, was reduced to marginality.11 Together with the Chinese mission, another Jesuit missionary experiment on a much smaller scale was condemned to become insignificant by Papal decree in 1704. In Madurai (South India), the Italian Jesuit Roberto de Nobili had begun to work among the Hindus of high caste in 1606. He dressed like a sannyasi, strictly kept the dietary rules of the Brahmins and called himself ‘Tattuwa-Bhodacharia Swami’. He accepted all the consequences of the caste system, and in order to win Brahmins to Christianity he was ready to distance himself from the Portuguese missionaries working among the low castes, stressing his noble origin and the colour of his skin. He did not shy away from displaying all the attributes of a Brahmin, even those deeply rooted in their priestly function for Hindu cult. In his church, Indians of low caste were not allowed to participate in the mass. This way, during half a century until his death in 1656, de Nobili was able to win over some 600 Indians of high caste to Christianity. He baptised them by an adapted rite without touching them with his spittle, as the official Roman rite would prescribe. In 1657, as the fruit of his work, the first Bishop of Indian high caste origin was ordained. After Rome had first accepted the lifestyle and missionary work initiated by Roberto de Nobili, in 1704 Pope Clement took care to abolish it. He strictly prescribed that no part of the Roman rite of baptism must be omitted, that any newly baptised Catholic had to accept a baptismal name from the catalogue of Catholic saints, and that any Catholic priest was obliged to visit casteless people in sickness or mortal danger. This way, no Catholic priest could claim the purity of high caste any more. 11 David E. Mungello, ed., The Rites Controversy. Its History and Meaning, Nettetal: Steyler Verlag, 1994; Grander, Welteroberung und Christentum, pp. 258-274; Charles E. Ronan and Bonnie B.C. Oh, eds., East meets West. The Jesuits in China, 1582-1773, Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1988.

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The result was that almost no more Indians of high caste converted to Christianity.12 A fourth, once promising, field of mission opened by the Jesuits, seen from the perspective of 1706, had come to an end some decades ago, and had stirred the age-old Christian fear that churches without political protection from Europe might suffer cruel persecution. Catholic mission to Japan had been initiated by the Portuguese Jesuit Father Francis Xavier in 1549, who travelled with two companions and an interpreter, but without any protecting force. His ideas about mission, however, took into account the political factor: he expressed the hope of introducing Christianity to Japan “from above” by the conversion of the Emperor or of some local rulers. After some initial difficulties the Jesuits in Japan were successful with this strategy, but also became dependent on local rulers. The missionaries had tactically used the fact that the Chinese coast was closed for Japanese ships, and that a Portuguese ship coming every year from the Portuguese colony Macao was the only possibility for Japan to trade with China. The missionaries promised to direct the ship to the ports of certain local rulers, should they act in favour of Christian mission or even adopt Christianity. In 1580 the harbour of Nagasaki was donated to the Jesuits by the responsible local ruler Omura, and Omura himself introduced Christianity by force among his subjects. Other local rulers also adopted or supported Christianity. Towards the turn of the seventeenth century, central forces in Japan obtained more power over the local rulers, and in the beginning matters in the now greater scale also seemed to develop in favour of Christian mission. Japan gave access to Spanish Franciscan missionaries as well, but then the contact of the Japanese with different and competing nations from Europe became disastrous for Christian mission: the Japanese learned more and more about the worldwide Spanish and Portuguese colonial empires, and they became suspicious that the work of Christian missionaries in Japan was the first step towards military conquest. In 1597 nine missionaries and seventeen Japanese Christians were crucified in Nagasaki. In 1614 the foreign missionaries were expelled from Japan. Some of them went underground and helped to organise a hidden church. Whoever was found had to face crucifixion, and an estimated 4,000 people died this way during 12 Frykenbcrg, “India”, pp. 168-170; Grflnder, Weltemberung und Christentum, pp. 285-291; Pia Maria Plechl, Mit HaarschopfundKastenschnur. Roberto de Nobili, Leipzig: S t -Benno-Verlag, 1982; Vincent Cronin, A Pearl to India. The Life o f Roberto de Nobili, London: Rupert Hart-Daris, 1959.

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the following years. Since 1623 the population of Japan was forced to indicate their religious affiliation, and from 1627 they had to prove their not being Christian by stepping on an image of Christ. In 1637-38 an uprising was interpreted to be Christian, and some 30,000 persons were executed in the aftermath.13 Sri Lanka, that had once belonged to the Portuguese colonial empire but had then been taken over by the Dutch, provides an interesting example of how Christian mission could be organized by local agents against the political dominance of the colonial power. During the time of Portuguese rule, the Catholic padroado mission was extraordinarily successful in Sri Lanka. In nearly every village there was a church and a missionary school, and it is estimated that the Catholic church counted 250,000 members. The Dutch conquest of the Portuguese colonies along the coast of the island took place in the period between 1638 and 1658. The Dutch Reformed faith was introduced as the official religion according to the regulations of the United East Indian Company. Catholic priests were expelled wherever the Dutch seized power; Catholic churches and schools were destroyed or transformed into Reformed institutions. But the missionary personnel were not replaced with the same intensity. Too few Dutch Reformed pastors were sent to the island; they were part of the colonial system and mainly took care of the European population. The native Catholic population was “defined” as “Dutch Reformed” according to what had been the normal way in Europe for a while: the population of a territory had to follow any change of confession of their sovereign. In 1658, when the last remnants of Portuguese rule had been removed, the Dutch administration thought that Catholicism had also disappeared from the island. But this did not last long. Responsible for the renewal of the Catholic church were indigenous monks from India, belonging to the order of the Oratorians. The first of them was Joseph Vaz, son of a Brahmin family in Goa that had become Catholic several generations earlier. He was moved by the news of the destruction of the Catholic church in Sri Lanka, and in 1687 he travelled to the island under disguise. The Dutch authorities were well able to keep Portuguese priests away from the island, but they had no means of finding out who among the Indians travelling to Sri Lanka were priests. 13 Grtinder, Weltemberung und Christentum, pp. 210-257; Charles Ralph Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan. 1549-1650, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1951, revised edition Manchester, 1993; Michael Cooper, ed., The Southern Barbarians. The First Europeans in Japan, Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1971.

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Joseph Vaz began to assemble the former Catholic Christians and to celebrate the sacraments for them. As his first base of operation, he took the Buddhist kingdom of Candy in the interior of the island, where he could hide from the Dutch authorities. More Oratorians from Goa entered the country and joined the underground mission. Later, he dared to act more openly, and to organise assemblies of several hundred Catholics in the open. In 1706, the very year of the beginning of the so called ‘Tranquebar mission”, it happened that some 200 people from the area of Negombo demonstrated before the Secretary of the Dutch colonial administration in protest against a newly published decree that all children had to attend a local Dutch Reformed missionary school. They asserted their loyalty towards the authorities, but on the other hand openly confessed to be Catholics, and applied for exemption from the decree. Their application was not immediately allowed, but it had become obvious that Catholicism was a public factor in Sri Lanka again. The struggle for recognition still continued for quite a while. It was not until 1762 that the Dutch officially recognized Catholicism as a legal religion in Sri Lanka.14 The situation of Christian mission in the world of 1706 makes it quite clear that the transmission of the Christian faith was not primarily a matter of political regulations. Where authorities tried to impose the Christian religion (respectively a specific confession) on their subjects, the Church remained weak unless there were other reasons that made Christian faith attractive. One of the main factors determining how attractive the Christian faith was - besides the intensity of spiritual care - was the question of its relation to the people’s own identity. Local clergy were often preferred to missionary personnel from Europe, but the work of European missionaries in many cases was also well appreciated if they found a way to adapt to the local language, customs and standards of education. The relation of the Christian mission towards existing religious traditions was crucial. 14 Klaus Koschorke, “Holl&ndische (Colonial- und katholische Untergrundkirche im Ceylon des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts", in Ulrich van der Heyden and Heike Liebau, eds., Missionsgeschichte, Kirchengeschichte. Weltgeschichte: Christliche Missionen im Kontext nationaler Entwicklungen in Afrika, Asien und Ozeanien, Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1996, pp. 273-280; Robrecht Boudens, The Catholic Church in Ceylon under Dutch Rule, Rome: Officium Libri Catholici, 1957; Vito Pemiola, ed., The Catholic Church in Sri Lanka. The Dutch Period. Original Documents translated into English, 3 Vols., Colombo: Dehiwala, 1983-1985.

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Sometimes delicate decisions had to be taken, and as the example of the division between high caste and low caste Christians in India shows, it was well to debate whether any adaptation to local circumstances was compatible with the substance of the Christian message. Political factors were not to be neglected, as the example of the recent persecutions in Japan may well have made missionaries aware. But in the world at the turn of the eighteenth century, it had become more and more clear that the security of Christian congregations was not just a matter of whether the political authority was Christian or not. To take the example of Japan, we find some cases - rare elsewhere up to this time - of local rulers converting to Christanity - but this was a fact that contributed to the disaster of Japanese Christianity, because the political circumstances changed, and in the long run the political tactics of the missionaries were not interpreted in their favour. Even in Europe, the relation between religion and politics was in the process of dramatic change. Since the Reformation, the question was no more whether the political authority was Christian or not, but for which of the now several Christian confessions the authority opted. But the principle practised in the sixteenth century (and still transferred to the Dutch colonies in the middle of the seventeenth century), that the population had to change its confession according to the option of the sovereign, had reached its clear limitations. Europe was exhausted from religious wars, and the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 had taken the right direction: to give up the idea that the religious unity of (Western) Europe might be reinstated by military force and to stabilize the confessional status of the territories: from then on a change of confession by the ruler should no more change the confessional status of the territory and population. Seen from a European perspective, the model still employed by the Dutch in Sri Lanka in 1658 was outdated. In Europe, after the age of religious wars the question of religious freedom became the decisive one in the relation between religion and politics. To what extent could political authorities tolerate that (some of) their subjects had another religion to their own? To what extent could political authorities tolerate that their subjects had different religions among themselves? At the turn of the seventeenth to eighteenth century some agents of missionary thinking and action had already understood that the question of religious freedom was also closely linked to the relation between mission

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and political authority: from the European lesson they had learned that the conversion of rulers to Christianity or the conquest of territories by Christian powers was not the only - and maybe not even the best - way to estabish a political environment favourable to Christian congregations. In Europe so much violence and suffering had been caused by Christian governments and armies against Christian populations. Therefore it was reasonable to argue that elsewhere also religious freedom was the decisive question to be considered concerning the political situation of missionary congregations. The model of a non-Christian sovereign granting religious freedom to Christian mission at the time was the Emperor of China (before his reaction to the conflict with Rome). The German philosopher Gottfried Wilhelm von Leibniz in his Latin booklet Novissima Sinica (1697) expressed his hope that the Protestant churches would start their own mission initiatives to China beside the Jesuits, and in his argument he gives special attention to the fact that the Emperor of China had explicidy granted religious freedom to Christian mission in 1692.13 Missions of Other Religions around the Turn of the Eighteenth Century Christian history of mission does not take place isolated from other religions, but in interaction with them. Mission is a significant field of encounter and mutual challenge between religions. If we add of the mission other religions, to our world map of mission in the year 1706, we can observe that the various religious missions contemporary to each other at the same period of history shared similar challenges: paradigms of the relation between political and spiritual factors were rapidly shifting also in Islam, Sikhism and Buddhism, and in many instances questions of the adaptation between missionary religion and local religious traditions caused conflicts. Whereas Christian mission in Africa only played a very marginal role before 1700, Islam on the world map of the year 1706 had its main field of expansion on the African continent. Muslim traders were the first to bring Islam to the kingdoms of West Africa south of the Sahara, but this, in general, did not mean that society and political systems would have 15 See also Rudolf Merkel, G. W. von Leibniz und die China-Mission. Eine Untersuchung iiber die AnfSnge der protestantischen Missionsbewegung, Leipzig: Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung, 1920, p. 48.

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undergone an Islamization comparable to that in the central regions of the Islamic world. In the kingdoms of Timbuktu and Songhay along the Niger river, since the fifteenth century, forces of traditional religions and Islam were balanced in such a way that the kings had to take a middle position between them. The princes participated in Muslim learning, some of them even attained the level of Muslim scholarship, but they were not expected to become Muslims; rather to respect and practise the traditional rites of the kingdom. Several kings were killed during the period from the fifteenth to the seventeenth century for going too far in support of Islam. Islam was considered the religion of the merchants filling a certain segment in society, but no more. Whoever wanted to be trusted in the network of the merchants had to confess Islam and obey the Shari’a. Islam had developed an adapted ethos for those living among the ‘Unbelievers’ in West Africa. It was considered possible to accept and support non-Muslim rulers, as long as Muslims were allowed to strictly observe Islam. Since 1591, the presence of Moroccan military forces and governors had added the conflict with foreign Muslim invaders to the traditional equilibrium. While resistance and lack of cooperation by the population confronted the Moroccan rule, on the level of local chiefs, the equilibrium between Islam and traditional religion still remained in place. This was the situation at the beginning of the eighteenth century, and beyond. Other regions in West and Central Africa had similar systems of balancing Muslim and traditional African forces. In Futa Toro (Senegal), the Muslim Torodo lived in symbiosis with the non-Muslim Deniankobe, whose chiefs they acknowledged. Among the Wolof in the Kingdom of Jolof, all religious functions and learning in society were delegated to Muslims. The military and political elite accepted the religious services of the Muslims, but on the other hand, practised the drinking of alcohol as a symbol of belonging. For them it was mandatory to publicly display that they were not Muslims, because conversion to Islam in their eyes would have implied joining the clerical community. Bomu, in the region of Lake Chad, was at the time probably the most Islamized of all African states. It had a high level of Muslim scholarship continuously corresponding with Al-Azhar in Cairo. Islam was deeply rooted in the everyday life of the ordinary people, but here also, preIslamic elements persisted.

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In Katsina (Haussaland), Islam was largely accepted by the population, but it was integrated into traditional practices and beliefs. The legitimacy of the ruling dynasty was still based on the traditional belief system. Resistance against imposing the Shari’a mainly came from the slaves of the palace. The Islamic Ulama (scholars) were alienated from the rulers; they did not live in the capital, but in other towns around it. In Sinnar (Nubia), a Muslim Sultanate, established since the sixteenth century, treated Islam as a communal affair. All subjects were assumed to be Muslims without a formal act of conversion and regardless of lifestyle. Islamic religious practices were not enforced, but disobedience to the King was considered as rejection of Islam and punished like apostasy. From 1650 the situation gradually changed because the royal monopoly of trade (which so far had been in place) was lifted, and a new urban middle class of traders adopted a legal interpretation of Muslim lifestyle. From the second half of the seventeenth century the situation in all the areas described so far began to change gradually under the influence of jihad movements. Militant Islamic movements that were dissatisfied with the compromise Islam made in West and Central Africa in its relation to traditional religion, pressed for strict implementation of a Muslim legal system. The Torodo of Futa Toro joined the militant movement of Nasir al-Din from Southern Sahara in 1673 and participated in its defeat. In Jolof, for joining militants, the Muslim Wolof clerics lost their immunity and often were sold into slavery. In Bomu, during the eighteenth century, some Muslim scholars spread dissatisfaction and accused the rulers of being tyrants. In Katsina, a jihad movement started from the towns of the Ulama in the second half of the eighteenth century. In Ethiopia, where Muslims formed a considerable minority one-third of the population - under the rule of the Christian Emperor, they were viewed with suspicion after an unsuccessfuljihad movement. During the reign of Emperor Yohannes I (1667-1682), Muslims were isolated by the order to live in separate villages and town quarters. Christians were not permitted to eat with Muslims and could greet them with their left hand only.16 16 Nehemia Levtzion, “Islam in Africa to 1800. Merchants, Chiefs, and Saints”, in John L. Esposito, ed., The Qxford History o f Islam, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999, pp. 475-507. Nehemia Levtzion, “Islam in the Bilad al-Sudan to 1800”, in Nehemia Levtzion and Randall L. Pouwels, eds., The History o f Islam in Africa, Athens (Ohio):

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Along the east coast of Africa Islam had a different character to West and Central Africa because of the direct presence of Arab Muslims. In quite a number of trading towns along the coast, Muslims had become the majority of the population - due rather to the constant migration from Arabia than to conversions among the local population. Only the first generation of migrants spoke Arabic, the following generations integrated into the Swaheli-speaking communities. Spiritual centre of the Muslim societies were the shurafa families (scholars and holy men) of Pate (Kenya), who spread southward. They infused a certain militancy into East African Islam parallel to thej ihad movements elsewhere, and fuelied resistance against the Portuguese trading colonies. In 1728 the Portuguese were finally expelled from all of the eastern coast north of Mozambique (which remained Portuguese until the twentieth century), opening the way to establishing more formal Islamic legal institutions.17 In India, for centuries Islam had expanded by military conquest and political dominance. In accordance with Islamic legal teaching, the nonMuslims were not forced to adopt Islam, but conversion to Islam was made attractive by the advantages Muslims enjoyed in society. During the reign of Aurangzeb (1658-1707), the empire of the Moguls reached the peak of its expansion and covered nearly all the surface of the subcontinent except the very south and the European colonies along the coastline. After the death of Aurangzeb Muslim political power quickly declined and the British colonial conquest could profit from that. In India as well as in West Africa Islam underwent permanent conflicts as to what extent it could and should adapt to the local religious traditions. The Mogul Emperor Akbar (1556-1605) had taken adaptation to the extreme, and tried to unite the various religious traditions of his empire into a common “religion of God”. This, of course, had provoked the reaction of conservative Muslims, and therefore the Indian scene in the seventeenth century was no less influenced by Muslim militant movements than the West African one. Aurangzeb tried to present himself as a pious Muslim ruler; he lived in personal modesty and earned income from writing copies of the Qur’an, which he distributed to the poor. He made efforts to repair and maintain mosques, and he re-established the clear superiority of the Muslim population in society by re-introducing Ohio University Press, 2000, pp. 63-91; Lidwien Kapteijns, “Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa”, in Levtzion and Pouwels, The History o f Islam in Africa, pp. 227-250. 17 Randall L. Pouwels, “The East African Coast, c. 780 to 1900 C.E.”, in Levtzion and Pouwels, The History o f Islam in Africa, pp. 251 -271.

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the traditional Muslim taxes jizya for non-Muslim subjects in 1679. In order to enhance the correspondence of Muslim life to the legal system of Islam, he appointed moral policemen muhtasib in all major towns.18 The community of the Sikhs in North West India had just taken a specific turn in its mission. It had been founded by Guru Nanak (14691539), who had travelled through India for twenty-eight years on a peaceful mission, accompanied by a Muslim and a Hindu. His passion was to reconcile the traditions of Muslim Sufism and Hindu Bhakti movements, and his teaching implied that inspiration and unification with the ultimate reality should have practical consequences in human life, resulting first of all in fidelity and justice. The peaceful overall design of the Sikh religion changed enduringly after several of its spiritual leaders “gurus” had been executed in conflicts with the Mogul Emperors. In 1699 the tenth Guru, Gobind Singh, gave the community a new pattern by founding the khalsa, a militant brotherhood that all male Sikhs were expected to join. The rite of admission to the khalsa includes the drinking of sweet water that has been stirred with a dagger. All members of the brotherhood wear military clothing and always take a dagger with them as an expression of their resoluteness to defend themselves and to fight for the freedom of their religion. As a consequence of this, the mission of the Sikh community took a turn from peaceful teaching to expanding political rule with the inclusion of violence. When the political power of the Mogul empire rapidly declined in the eighteenth century, the khalsa took the opportunity to conquer considerable territory which, under Sikh domination, for a while was even able to challenge the British colonial empire.19 In the seventeenth century and at the turn of the eighteenth century, Buddhism - the religion that once had given the model for spreading a religious teaching with the intention of making it available to all humankind - had rather limited perspectives of further expansion. To the east, Buddhism had since long reached all the countries within its horizon; to the south and west its possibilities to expand were limited by the presence of Islam, especially in its home country India, where Buddhism had disappeared around the fourteenth century. " Bruce B. Lawrence, “The Eastward Journey of Muslim Kingship. Islam in South and Southeast Asia”, in Esposito, ed., The Qxford History o f Islam, p. 418. 19Khushwant Singh and Raghu Rai, The Sikhs. Singapore: Toppan Printing, 1984.

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In China, Buddhism had a difficult position in society, as the Emperors of the Ming dynasty (1368-1644) and Qing dynasty (16441912) favoured Confucianism. Buddhism as well as Taoism were less respected, if not suppressed. Buddhist monasteries were deprived of their privileges and put under government control. The number of Buddhist monks declined.20Their reputation in society was so poor that the Jesuit missionaries to China mentioned earlier soon gave up their attempts to find entrance to Chinese society in the garb of Buddhist monks. In Sri Lanka, once the centre of Buddhist missions throughout South-East Asia, Buddhism was weakened by centuries of decadent life in the monasteries where monks had turned into land owners of great style, exploiting the villages in their possession. During the eighteenth century, the order of Buddhist monks in Sri Lanka was partly reformed by borrowing resources from Thailand, where Buddhist culture, dependent to a large extent on the royal court,21 was now flourishing. The last comparatively great success of Buddhist expansion before the twentieth century was the conversion of the Mongols in 1578. This was a classical case of mission “from above”. The head of the Gelugpa school of Tibetan Buddhism, Sdnam Gyatso (1543-1588), was able to convert the Mongolian ruler Altan Khan, who established Buddhism as presented by the Gelugpa school as the official religion in his empire. Sonam Gyatso in turn received from the Mongolian ruler the title “Ta le” (ocean of wisdom), from which “Dalai Lama” is derived. The title then applied to all heads of the Gelugpa. The fifth Dalai Lama, Ngawang Lozang Gyatso (1617-1682), was able to achieve political independence for Tibet, and to establish a political system in which the Dalai Lama was the political and spiritual leader in one person.22Such a system so far had been alien to Buddhism, but not to Islam (in the role of the Caliphate) or to Christianity (spiritual role of the Byzantine Emperor; political role of the Pope. For Buddhism in Tibet this meant a further step towards the interference of spiritual and political missions. 20Kenneth Ch’en, Buddhism in China. A Historical Survey; Princeton (N. J.): Princeton University Press, 1984. 21 Richard F. Gombrich, Theravada Buddhism. A Social Historyfrom Ancient Benares to Modem Colombo, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1988; Walpola Rahula, History o f Buddhism in Ceylon. The Anuradhapura Period, 3rd. Century B.C.-19th. Century A.D.% 2nd. Edition, Colombo: M. D. Gunasena & Co., 1966. 22 John Powers, Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism, Ithaca (New York): Snow Lion Publications, 1995.

THE MISSION IN INDIA AND THE WORLDWIDE COMMUNICATION NETWORK OF THE HALLE ORPHAN-HOUSE Thomas M&Uer-Bahlke The International Character of the Francke Foundations in Present times A visitor to the Francke Foundations today, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, will be confronted with what is once again a lively ‘school-town’ and, more importantly, he will find himself immersed in a real world of education. Over 4,000 people traverse its gates every day, they learn, teach, work and live on the estate of the Foundations, twenty-five partner institutions have taken up residence in the historical ensemble of buildings, including two faculties of the university and three interdisciplinary research centres of international standard. Four schools are also a part of this; among them the prestigious state highschool, the Latina August Hermann Francke, which alone has about 1,000 pupils, teachers and co-workers, an excellent music department, and hostel facilities. Also integrated in the Foundations are the Canstein Bible Centre, the youth workshop, Bauhof, the Protestant seminary, the city choir, the play-house, the German Youth Institute and the House of the Generations in the building of what used to be the famous Royal School. These are only some examples of all the institutions that have established themselves in the Francke Foundations and have made it a unique cultural and educational entity in Europe. Each of these institutions is separately responsible for continuing a part of the varied traditions of the Francke Foundations. The Francke Foundations, which today have the status of a public foundation, are the umbrella organization for the numerous partners and their diverse activities. They also organize many activities in the cultural, scientific, educational and social spheres for the preservation, continuation and rejuvenation of the traditions that once characterized the

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Foundations. With the library, the archives and the Cabinet of Artefacts and Curiosities, the Francke Foundations are preserving three valuable interlinked collections of cultural history which were set up by August Hermann Francke at the end of the seventeenth century. These three irreplaceable collections form the bases for numerous exhibitions and their accompanying cultural programmes, as also for active scholarly work. In the August Hermann Francke study-centre, which is a part of the Foundations, several projects are being carried out simultaneously. These are mainly financed by external funding; are carried out under the guidance of the research assistants as well as the archivists and librarians of the Francke Foundations; and are often carried out in close cooperation with other academic institutions within and outside the country. A modem reading room with a large open-access library and internet research facilities has been set up on the ground floor of the historical library building of 1728. On the first floor visitors can still get a view of the baroque library dating from the first half of the eighteenth century. Numerous scholars from all over the world, partly also supported by fellowships, come here to work with the historical source materials of the Francke Foundations. Every year the Francke Foundations organize varied academic conferences, symposia and workshops on themes that are connected with the cultural and historical legacy of the Foundations. The historical Orphan-House, which is also the main building of the Foundations, offers numerous conference rooms and different convention facilities. These include the Freylinghausen-Hall which is adjacent to the Orphan-House and which, on account of its Pietistic sublimity, is greatly appreciated as one of the most impressive places to organize events in central Germany. The attic-floor of the historical Orphan-House is taken up by the baroque room of rarities, the only fully preserved European cabinet of curiosities. Over 3,300 objects from all over the world covering all imaginable areas of knowledge are maintained and exhibited in eighteen magnificently painted cabinets dating back to the first half of the eighteenth century. One of the most important tasks of the Francke Foundations is to save the unique ensemble of buildings that has survived, almost intact, since the eighteenth century, and today forms an enclosed complex spread over an area of sixteen hectares in the centre of the city of Halle. In the German Democratic Republic (GDR) the historical buildings at first deteriorated gradually but, towards the end, the process became increasingly more rapid. Francke’s ‘school-town’, once famous all over

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the world, was threatened with collapse. Socialism sentenced the great humanistic heritage of Halle Pietism to an active disregard and wanted to obliterate it from the cultural memory of Europe. This is attested to, even today, by an unsightly city motorway which runs directly alongside the rows of houses of the Foundations and, in an almost brutal fashion, separates the complex from the old town of Halle. However, the original plan of the government to lay the motorway across the grounds of the Foundations, which would have destroyed a large part of the historical ensemble of buildings, was never carried out. This was probably due to the fear of international protests. Thus, the plan to save the Francke Foundations also immediately received international support. Reconstruction then began with the comprehensive restoration of the derelict main building. Since then, all buildings along the Lindenhof have been restored, and filled with new life. In October 2005 a festive week was organised on the occasion of the tenth anniversary of the re-opening of the main building, which is today called the Historical Orphan-House. During a celebratory event in the Freylinghausen-Hall the mood was one of gratitude for the rejuvenation of the Francke Foundations at the beginning of the 1990s. Since then the Foundations have reached new heights. The latest example is the newly restored children’s day-care centre which was opened in the spring of 2005. Two of the three day-care centres of the Foundations, as well as the day-home for the school, are located here. In autumn 2005 work began on the restoration of the second wing of the Royal School. In 2006 another large construction project will be completed and a new one can begin. August Hermann Francke’s residence along with the adjacent row of the oldest houses owned by the Foundations will be totally renovated in the coming years, and will be used to expand cultural activities. This work of rebuilding is only possible with the help of generous state support. The federal government has declared the Francke Foundations as one of the select cultural beacons in the new states. The state of Saxony-Anhalt and the city of Halle promote the Francke Foundations as a significant cultural monument, but also as an important educational location. However, we should not forget that the Francke Foundations could be saved and could reach new heights only because of the large number of people who were always aware of the importance of the institutions and the history of their activities. Many of these friends of the Foundations were, and are, from abroad. Thus, the rescue of the Foundations can justifiably be considered an international work.

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This international perspective is apparent even today in the Francke Foundations. Every year people from all over Europe, but also from other countries including North America and India, come to the Francke Foundations. The kindergartens and the schools too have an international perspective. Thus, up to nine languages are taught in the state high-school, the Latina. The children’s day-home, named after August Hermann Francke, is the first European kindergarten with sponsors in Poland and France. In addition, international interest can be clearly perceived in the scholarly work of the Francke Foundations. The visiting scholars of the study-centre come from neighbouring European states as well as from other continents. The Foundations now maintain regular cooperation again with the state library in Budapest, with the archives of the Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg, with the Jewish Historical Institute in Warsaw, as well as with the Gurukul Lutheran Theological College and Research Centre in Chennai, South India. International cooperation in the academic sphere today resumes the historical links that the Halle Orphan-House maintained with the world in the eighteenth century. The International Character of the Francke Foundations in the Past It is taken for granted today that, at the beginning of the eighteenth century and only a few years after coming to Halle, August Hermann Francke had built up a worldwide correspondence network. This is normally regarded as a phenomenon that accompanied the numerous social, educational and other activities which he began in Glaucha just outside the gates of the city of Halle. According to popular opinion, the expansion of these activities also led, as it were, automatically to a heightened interest in the work. Thus, there was a reciprocal effect between the expansion of the Glaucha institutions and the spread of their fame. With more and more people pouring into the institutions near Halle, more and larger buildings to accommodate them came up within a brief span of time. This visibly quick growth of his “schooltown” created a stir and made Francke’s institutions even more famous, so that more people came to Halle or sent their children to school there. The latest research shows that a large number of pupils in Francke’s institutions came from within and around Halle.1In addition, there were relatively high numbers of pupils and students who came not only from 1 See Juliane Jacobi, Die Bedeutung der Waisenhausschulen als Bildungseinrichtungen fiir die Stadt Halle, in Thomas Mtiller-Bahlkc, ed., Bildung undstadtische Gesellschaft. Beitrdge zur hallischen Bildungsgeschichte (Forschungen zur hallischen Stadtgeschichte 3). Halle: Mitteldeutscher Verlag, 2003, pp. 54-68.

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many parts of Germany, but from all over Europe and from other parts of the world. This was a great exceptional in the eighteenth century. The international character was, naturally, decisively strengthened by the linking of the first Protestant mission with the Halle Orphan-House from 1706 onwards. Through this connection the Glaucha institutions finally became known and recognized as a centre with international links. It should be borne in mind, however, that long before this, Francke had already begun to lay the ground for making the Halle Orphan-House a centre of international exchange. In retrospect it can be said that the new tasks which the Tranquebar mission brought to the Orphan-House not only fitted in perfectly with the concept of Halle Pietism, but also that the institutions were, at this point of time, fully equipped for these tasks. If this had not been the case, the first Protestant mission would not have lasted very long, and the Halle Orphan-House would certainly not have been able to play the role that it did in the development and expansion of the mission. This achievement is of special value. From within a Brandenbuig-Prussian province Francke succeeded in guiding a missionary undertaking beyond continental borders in close cooperation with two European territorial powers, and in exerting considerable influence over substantial i.e. theological-missionary matters, and over questions of personnel and material equipment. No other institution in Protestant Europe apart from governments and the powerful trading companies would, at this point of time, have been in a position to do this. The most astonishing fact about this is that it was done by a middle-class pastor, a university professor and a director of an orphan-house. Francke himself always regarded the success of his diverse activities as a sign from heaven. He explained all his successes, which include the mission in India, by saying that it was God’s hand at work and that the Halle Pietists were only the executing tools of the divine will.2 This was a clever argument, which leads us to the search for the real reasons for the enormous success of almost all of August Hermann Francke’s initiatives and ventures. 2 Francke used this figure of argumentation time and again and in varying contexts. It is especially evident, for example, in the following plan for a project: August Hermann Francke, Ursachen Welche mich bewegen eine Collecte mit Gn&digster Concession der hohen Landes=Obrigkeit in alien Provincien samlen zu lassen, handwritten draft of 1698. Archiv Franckesche Stiftunge (hereafter AFSt), W XJ V 142. See also Amo Lehmann, Es begann in Tranquebar. Die Geschichte der erste evangelischen Kirche in Indien. Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1955, p. 60.

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If one concerns oneself with the basic motives and goals which August Hermann Francke had in mind with his numerous activities, one cannot fail to see that all his reform plans always went far beyond local and regional boundaries. He always had a great vision in mind of an “actual improvement in all ranks of society in and outside Germany, indeed in Europe and all other parts of the world,” as he himself declared in his first large project of 1701 for a Seminario Universali? It was unusual, indeed even impertinent, to think globally at a time when Germany itself was divided into several hundred territories with their own borders, when the condition of roads was heavily dependent on weather conditions, when the means of transport were technically inadequate and connections with public transport were still, to a great extent, unreliable. It is true that besides Francke, there were also other great minds at the time who thought in global dimensions. These were mainly learned men of the calibre of an Amos Comenius or of a Gottfried Wilhelm Leibnitz, but such men did not have the possibility of carrying out the global dimensions of their projects themselves. Governments alone could not only think in geo-political dimensions, but also act on this with the help of their own merchant and battle fleets as well as with a more or less developed military and diplomatic system. In this respect, August Hermann Francke, in fact, constitutes a remarkable exception, and he was also perceived as such surprisingly early on by his contemporaries. Thus, before the end of the seventeenth century, Leibnitz himself talked about the Halle OrphanHouse as a suitable starting-point for a Christian mission.4 Francke’s far-reaching reform plans would appear to us today as extremely presumptuous if they had been only in written form and had come to a standstill at the planning stage. All of Francke’s plans, however, were always characterised by a high degree of realism. This leads us to the question of how Francke succeeded in lending an international dimension to his work in early modem times, and what preparations he undertook for this. An important key for finding an answer to this question is to take a closer look at the communication system in Halle Pietism, the focal point of which was August Hermann Francke’s Orphan-House. With regard to communication in the broader, as well as in the narrower sense, 1 Erhard Peschke, ed., August Hermann Francke. Werke in Auswahl, Berlin: LutherVerlag, 1969, p. 108. 4 Wilhelm Germann, Die Bedeutung A. H. Francke’s und des Halleschen Waisenhauses fiir die evangelische Heidenmission. Festschrift zur zweihundertjahrigen Jubelfeier der Franckeschen Stiftungen am 30. Juni 1898. [o.O.] 1898, pp. 13f.

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Francke left nothing to chance. This fact contains important reasons for the growth of the Glaucha institutions and for the quick and successful expansion of Francke’s work on the whole. The system included, first and foremost, well-thought-out public relations which were in no way inferior to modern professional public relations today. By conducting his public relations systematically Francke succeeded, for example, in propagating his work beyond political and linguistic boundaries within a short span of time. This, for its part, focussed attention on his work, which found expression in material support as well as in the growing rush on the institutions. The basis for these effective public relations was a systematically structured communication network using almost all forms of contemporary media. Communication was, however, linked with the basic intention of exchanging information, i.e. not to have a unidirectional flow of information but to receive information in equal measure in order to use it for one’s own purposes. Although the Danish-Halle mission is not the starting-point for this systematically conceived structure of communication, it provided important impulses for its development. The example of the mission in India shows the basic structures and mechanisms of the Halle communication system, as well as its breadth and methods. The Spoken Word August Hermann Francke’s situation was very favourable for setting up an interlinked system of communication. By virtue of his three posts he had three different forums for communication, which only partly overlapped. The people he addressed in his congregation, for example in the Sunday sermons, were different from those who attended his lectures in the university or from those who attended his talks with the pupils of the institution-schools. In a continuation of the traditions of the Reformation, the word had a special significance in Lutheran Pietism. The spoken word gained additional importance in Pietism through the cultivation of a system of conventicles. Here, every Christian got a chance to speak in a small circle, to gain edification in the common Bible classes under professional supervision and, at the same time, to improve his powers of expression. Francke attached great importance to the correct method of conducting a conversation. In his Schrijftmafiige Lebens-Regeln he gave detailed and practical advice for this.5 He 5 These read, for example, as follows: “Dringe nicht darzu, viel zu reden. Wenn dir aber Gott Gelegenheit giebet zu reden, so rede mit Ehreibietigkeit, mit gutem Bedacht und Sanffbnuth, so viel du gSntzlich Gewiflheit hast, mit liebreicher Emsthafftigkeit, mit

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himself appears to have been a master in this regard. Francke possessed the remarkable talent of conducting numerous conversations with completely different people in a relatively short span of time. The entries in his diary give us impressive proof of this.6 In these conversations he could, with the help of his diplomatic skills, attune himself completely to the other person and get information that was meant only for his ears. The growing on the part of many of his interlocutors proves that in these individual conversations Francke was able to portray the Halle OrphanHouse and his entire work in the best light. But he also brought his influence to bear on his co-workers with regard to the verbal portrayal of the institutions to the outside world. Thus, exact instructions are found for the first half of the eighteenth century about what should be deutlichen und klaren Worten ordentlich und mit gutem Unterscheid, ohne Ubereilung der Sprache, ohne Wiederholung, wo es nicht die Nothwendigkeit erfordert/* August Hermann Francke, Schrifftmdfiige Lebens-Regeln/ Wie man so wohl bey als auch ausser Gesellschqfft die Liebe und Freundlichkeit gegen den Ndchsten, die Freudigkeit eines guten Gewissens Jur GOTT bewahren, und im Christenthum zunehmen soli. Leipzig, 1717 (quoted subsequently as: August Hermann Francke, Schrifftmdfiige LebensRegelri), p. 10. (Don’t insist on talking too much. If God gives you an opportunity to talk, talk deferentially, thoughtfully and gently of what you know for certain. Talk with a devoted seriousness, distinctly and clearly, without talking too fast and without repetition where it isn't necessary.). 6 For example, August Hermann Francke’s travel journal of his stay in Berlin from 27 August 1698 to 15 September 1698. Francke’s notes during his trips to Berlin are proof of his diplomatic skills and of his ability to have talks with many different important people at the Court. The trip of 1698 was probably the most important and, at the same time, the most successful one in his life. He did not waste a minute and, immediately on arrival, rushed from one discussion to another. Folgenden Tages liefi ich mich bald des morgens bey dem H[err]n. Gehfeimen]. Rath von Fuchfi anmelden, der mich gleich zur Mittags=Mahlzeit bitten liefie. Ich besuchte inzwischen den Hferrjn. Dvscheln, und den H[err]n. von Fischeringf ging auch mit jenem auff das Schlofi, wartetefiir der Hoff-Kammer auff, und sprach daselbst den Hferrjn. Gehfeimen/. Rath von Gualkovski; nahm auch Gelegenheit mit dem H[err]n. Geh[eimenJ. Kammer-Rath Lindholzzu reden, undH[err]n. GoedIerdenIngenieurzurecommendiren,daabernichts als eine Verweisung auff den Kriegs=4tat empfinge. Als ich hierauff mit dem Hferrjn. Gehfeimen], R[at]. von Fuchfi zur zur Mahlzeit genommen ward, hdrete er mit grofiem Vergniigen, von alien Glauchischen Anstalten und von vielen particularien erzehlen... AFSt/W II/-/18. (On the following day I had myself announced in the morning to Privy Councillor von Fuchs who invited me at once to lunch. In the meantime I visited Mr. Troschel and Mr. V. Fischering and also went with the former to the palace and waited in the audience chamber where I spoke with Privy Councillor von Gualkovski; I also took the opportunity of speaking with Privy Chamberlain Lindholz and recommending the engineer, Mr. Goedler, but was only told about the war-budget. When, after this, I went to Privy Councillor von Fuchs for lunch, he listened with great pleasure to all my news of the Glaucha institutions and other details.)

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highlighted during guided tours through the institutions and what should be left out, in order to project a good image.7 Francke’s high regard for a comprehensive and edifying mode of sermonizing was transmitted to his pupils and thus lived on even among later generations of Halle Pietists, among whom there were excellent preachers.8The manner of dealing with the spoken word was also taught systematically in the educational institutions of the Halle Orphan-House. Oratory exercises were thus a fixed component of the curriculum in the Royal School. Here, the pupils had to prove their eloquence on the basis of texts by authors of Greek and Latin antiquity.9The practice in dealing with the spoken word also helped the missionaries. In the mission it was the sermon that was important for proclaiming the Christian message. It was not without good reason that the most well-known missionaries were also the best, and therefore, the most popular preachers.10Also, the attention paid by the Pietists to polite and restrained behaviour" stood the India missionaries in good stead in their dealings with foreign people and cultures. Politeness of manner quickly distinguished them from most of the other Europeans, and helped them get respect and sympathy.12 The Written Word The written word, however, was the foundation of the Pietistic system of communication. In many ways Halle Pietism was able to set new standards even in this area; standards which proved their efficacy in the Protestant mission and contributed to its success. The system of letters as well as the development of a diary culture plays a special role in this. The medium of the letter was particularly suited to the setting up 7 Instructions for the guides of 1741. AFSt/W VII/1/20: for example, they were instructed not to show the brewery and the bakery as well as the dairy on the conducted tours in order not to disturb the work of these units (AFSt/W V/-/13, vol.3, p. 115). *These included, for example, Heinrich Melchior MOhlenberg, the patriarch of the Lutheran church in North America. *Gustav Kramer, ed., A. H. Francke's Pddagogische Schrifien. Nebst der Darstellung seines Lebens und seiner Stifhmgen. Zweite, durchgesehene und vervollstflndigte Ausgabe. Langensalza, 1885 as Kramer: Pddagogische Schrifien, p. 360. 10 As a rule, the new missionaries had to again deliver a trial sermon in London before their departure to India. See, for example, AFSt/M IIG 11 :45. 11 The special emphasis on polite behaviour, especially in conversations, is most evident in August Hermann Francke, Schrifftmdfiige Lebens-Regeln, pp. 10-17. 12 On their arrival in India Ziegenbalg and PIQtschau found Europeans there whose lifestyle was not particularly exemplary and this would have intimidated the local people. See for this Arno Lehmann, Es begann in Tranquebar, pp. 24f.

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of a Pietistic network of communication. The development of the postal system made it possible to conduct a relatively reliable correspondence beyond geographical and political boundaries. From an early point of time onwards Francke maintained an extensive correspondence which included correspondents from learned and high political circles. The network became larger with the growth of his institutions. It would be worthwhile to systematically catalogue August Hermann Francke’s correspondence and to study its contents. It undoubtedly contains a great deal of information on the history of Halle Pietism as well as the history of the Francke Foundations. It represents a rich source, because Francke corresponded with a large number of diverse people in all parts of Europe and in many other parts of the world for a varied number of reasons. The fact that Francke attached great importance to an epistolary culture is also evident in the curriculum of the schools belonging to the Orphan-House, where letter-writing was taught as one of the subjects.13 Calligraphy was also given importance.14 Indeed, even the reading of handwritten manuscripts that were difficult to decipher was practised in the school because it was also a part of correspondence.15The book of morals and etiquette which was brought out in 1706 by the publishing arm of the Orphan-House, and which was recommended reading not only for the India missionaries,16also contains a comprehensive chapter of instructions on how to write letters correctly along with advice for an ordered correspondence.17 The book recommends noting down immediately the date of receipt on the letter and, in the best case, to even note when a reply was sent.18In the course of time Francke himself was not in a position to deal with the flood of letters addressed to him. In 1704 he announced that an increasing number of letters would either have to remain unanswered or could only be replied to in brief. This l} The curriculum of the Oiphan-House schools of 1702 lays down for the forenoon lessons: “Weil es auch eine nfltige Sache ist, dafi ein jeglicher einen deutschen Brief ... aufzusetzen wisse, sollen die grdBeren Kinder auch dazu angewiesen werden...” reproduced in Kramer, Pddagogische Schriften, p. 140. (Since it is necessary for everyone to know how to write a German letter... the older children should be taught this subject.) 14Calligraphy was also an independent subject. 15 Ibid. p. 140. 16AFSt/M 1 B 7 :7 7 , point 3. 17 Niitzliche und ndthige Handleitung zu Wohlansttindigen Sitten/ Wie man sich ... kluglich verhalten solle: Zum Gebrauch des Paedagogii Regii zu Glaucha an Halle abgefafiet. Halle: in Verlegung des Waysenhauses, 1706, pp. 312-367. '• Ibid. p. 362.

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led, at times, to annoyance among the correspondents, who hoped for an individual and extensive correspondence with the Orphan-House enriched in the style of the times with long polite formulations that today appear long-winded. Since there was no time for this, but, on the other hand, since there was no wish to reduce the correspondence network, aiming rather to steadily expand it, the "Hallesche Correspondenz’ was established. Through this all correspondents of the Halle Orphan-House as well as other interested people would be informed regularly about the development of the institutions, of the university, and other new matters. Basically, the ‘Hallesche Correspondenz’ was conceived as a kind of circular and was meant to replace a large part of the individual correspondence.19From April 1704 it appeared regularly once a month; it was compiled by a special editorial committee and despatched in handwritten copies. Along with news from Halle it also contained, from the very beginning, news from all over the world that was taken from letters sent to Halle and found worthy of communication. Thus, an early form o f a news agency developed in the Halle Orphan-House, and one of Prussia's first newspapers came into being on the basis of Halle’s large correspondence network.20 The ‘Hallesche Correspondenz’ made it possible to systematise written communications of the Halle OrphanHouse, since the news was collected, filtered and passed on within the Pietist network by co-workers specially appointed for the task. In this way it was possible to carry on a far greater quantum of correspondence than through individual replies. It was also possible now to expand the correspondence network systematically. The start of the “Danish-Halle” mission thus came at an opportune moment. The missionaries who were sent out generally travelled to England via Denmark or Holland and left for India from there. They were instructed to gather interesting new information even through their journey through western Europe and to send it to Halle. They were also told to look out for potential new correspondents who would be willing to report to Halle regularly from 19 This becomes evident from the remarks with the title ‘Project einer nQtzlichen Correspondent’ (Project of a useful correspondence) dated April 1704 which appears at the beginning of the first issue of the ‘Hallesche Correspondenz’. It is also mentioned here that it was becoming increasingly difficult to deal with the growing correspondence. AFSt/H D 63c, Bi, 1 and 2. 20 Arthur Bierbach, Die Geschichte der Halleschen Zeitung. Landeszeitung fiir die Provinz Sachsen fiir Anhalt und Thiiringen. Eine Denkschrift aus Anlafi des 200jahrigen Bestehens der Zeitung am 25. Juni 1908. Halle, 1908, subsequently quoted as Arthur Bieibach: Die Geschichte der Halleschen Zeitung, p. 6.

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their region. For such people there were separate guidelines for their work as correspondents.21 All co-workers outside the institutions, and naturally the missionaries in particular, were ordered to maintain regular contact with Halle through letters. They were all more or less trained for this in die manner of the Halle Orphan-House. Along with sending letters, they also maintained diaries. Here, Halle Pietism cultivated a special genre of literature. Initially, the diaries served as a means for self-reflection. By writing down the events of the day it was possible to create order, to examine one’s own actions and to evaluate the day’s work.22 Along with such contemplative diaries Halle Pietism also introduced other kinds, which had a more businesslike character. Francke himself used to maintain such diaries. They contained - in the form of points - all the important business of the day, the conversations conducted, the lectures, sermons and conferences as well as a list of letters or other manuscripts written and received. Both types of diaries served to render an account to oneself and to others. The manner in which Francke made his entries, however, gives us an impressive overview of his entire work even today. A further method of maintaining a diary developed in the course of missionary work. Initially, the regular entries served as information for the superiors at home. Very soon, however, they became material to be published in order to solicit donations and to keep the public informed about the work. This is why the missionaries were later instructed to write their diaries in such a way as to render them “edifying and useful” not only for the writer, but also for the readers.23 This made it possible to limit 21 In a portfolio of the Halle mission archives with the title ‘Nachricht was diejenigen zu observiren haben, die nach HollfandJ und England u[nd] Indien reisen. Zum Dienst derer Missionarien aufgesetzt die etwan nach Indien reisen mdchten' there is, among numerous other texts, a manuscript with the title ‘Memorial auff der Reifie zu gebrauchen’. The instructions concerned are to be found, for example, under points XIV, XXII and XXIII. AFSt/M IIA 1 : lOg, p. 28. 22The contemplative features of the Pietist diary-culture are formulated particularly well in the reasons for maintaining a diary given by the theologian Georg Venzky, who was influenced by the Glaucha institutions: “... seine zeitliche und geistliche Umstaende und Begebenheiten auf zeichnen/ das Aufgezeichnete nachlesen/ zu Hause/ beym Spatzieren gehen/ oder in Geselschaften nuetzliche Dinge reden. Denn auch dadurch dienet man Gott/ erbauet andere/ und lemet etwas.” (...to write down one’s temporal and spiritual circumstances and events, to read what is written, to talk about useful things at home, while walking and in company. Because in this manner one also serves God, edifies others, and leams something.) 25AFSt/M II G 2 : 24.

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the editorial work required on the handwritten reports that were selected for publication. The emphasis placed by Halle on “well-written” diaries led to stereotyped reports that lacked substance. This can be seen in several comparable developments, for instance in the reports sent by the travelling emissaries of the Institutum Judaicum et Muhammedicum,u who worked with patterns of communication very similar to those of die actual enterprises of the Glaucha institutions. It is also evident in the reports sent by the co-workers in America, especially those in Georgia, from the 1730s onwards.25Thus, the practice of maintaining two diaries arose; one meant for publication for the patrons and promoters, the other with the actual events and problems which had to be discussed with the directors in Halle. In another context Halle had already recommended that two different kinds of entries be made parallel to one another. However, it had been suggested that, along with the regular daily journal, a memo should be kept in which ideas and concepts were to be noted.26 The Printed Word The many handwritten documents, whether manuscripts of speeches, letters, journals, diaries, narrative accounts, reports or others, formed the bases for a rich body of publications in the Halle OrphanHouse. With the help of completely new methods Francke was even able to send lectures and sermons to the press only a few days after they were delivered.27 It is no coincidence that Francke created the basis for his extensive publication system at an early point of time by obtaining a grant for privileges to set up a printing press and a bookshop. He also set up a library and, with the Canstein Bible Institute, established another printing press in the Glaucha institutions. 24 The most detailed account of the history of the institute is given by Christoph Rymatzlri: Hallischer Pietismus und Judenmission. Johann Heinrich Callenbergs Institutum Judaicum und dessen Freundeskreis (1728-1736) (Hallesche Forschungen 11). TQbingen: Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen Halle im Niemeyer Verlag, 2004. 25The best study of this topic in German is still Hermann Winde, Die Fruhgeschichte der lutherischen Kirche in Georgia. Dargestellt nach den Archivalien der Franckeschen Stiftungen in Halle und der Universitdtsbibliothek in TQbingen. Typed manuscript, Halle I960. “ AFSt/M IIA 1 : 10j,p. 34. 27 For die method of the so-called ‘choir of writers’, see Thomas MQller-Bahlkc, Der Hallesche Pietismus am Vorabend der Industrialisierung, in Hartmut Lehmann, ed., Geschichte des Pietismus, Vol. 4. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2004, p. 373. Sometimes, a readyto-print manuscript could be produced on the same day on which, for example, a sermon had been delivered. See for example, AFSt/H A 169:17L, pp. 20 and 21.

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The fusion of the different media in the Halle Orphan-House can be demonstrated very well with regard to the Danish-Halle mission. Very quickly after the first missionaries were sent out in 1705, the first reports about their work in distant India were published. The letters and diaries sent by the missionaries formed the basis of this publication. The first publication of this nature came out as early as 1707 in the “Hallesche Correspondenz” which, as described above, was still copied out by hand and sent to interested subscribers.28 Out of this there arose, shortly thereafter, a printed newspaper which was published by the OrphanHouse from 1708 onwards three times a week, and which continued to “report about the Danish-Halle mission with a certain regularity.”29 Joachim Lange then brought out the first independent publication about the Tranquebar mission. It appeared in 1708 under the title “Merckwtlrdige Nachricht aus Ost-Indien...” and was based entirely on the written reports of the two pioneers of the mission, Ziegenbalg and Pliitschau. In 1710 the publishing house of the Halle Orphan-House then founded the so-called “Hallesche Berichte”. From then on this first Protestant mission journal reported regularly about the progress of missionary work in South India.30 It was based on the handwritten reports of the missionaries and of other co-workers, which were edited and presented to the interested reader. Since the purpose of this publication was also to solicit donations for the Tranquebar mission, its main focus was, by no means, to give a comprehensive and neutral report. As a result, the handwritten sources contain, even today, a completely different range of information about the development, and especially the problems, of the mission.31

28 An example for the reproduction of an excerpt from a letter from Heinrich PIQtschau in Tranquebar is in the 'Hallesche Correspondenz* of July 1707. AFSt/ H D 63b, pp. 552-556. 29 Bierbach, Die Geschichte der Halleschen Zeitung, p. 27. 30The introduction to the first issue mentions that this periodical developed out of the "Hallesche Zeitung' of the Orphan-House. Erste Continuation des Berichts dererKdnigi Ddnischen Missionarien in O st-Indien/ von dem Werck ihres Amts/ und Bekehrung der Heyden daselbst... Halle, 1710, p. 41. 31 This is the reason why the Francke Foundations, with the support of the German Research Council, has, in a three-year project, listed the roughly 35,000 individual manuscripts in the India archives of the Francke Foundations as well as the supplementary collections in the Leipzig mission archives and has been able to place the description of contents with corresponding indexes as a highly modem electronic research tool on the Internet.

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Earlier, August Hermann Francke had also started a periodical in which he reported on the development of his institutions. Its purpose was to give an account of his work and to advertise it, as well as to acquire material support for it. This periodical, with the title Segens=volle Fufistapfen des noch lebenden und waltenden liebreichen und getreuen GOttes/ Zur Beschamung des Unglaubens und Stdrckung des Glaubens entdecket durch eine wahrhafte und umstandliche Nachricht von dem Waysen=Hause und Ubrigen Anstalten zu Glaucha vor Halle..., appeared from 1701 to 1709, and helped increase the renown of Francke’s institutions. The work was translated into several languages, among them English, Dutch and Italian. The ‘Hallesche Berichte’ about the Tranquebar mission was started on this model after the introductory publication of 1708 was received with great interest and was also translated into English. Because of their historical significance, the Francke Foundations have now placed the ‘Hallesche Berichte’ on the Internet as a full-text version.32 Other Media The communication system of Halle Pietism also includes other forms of media, though they are far less important than the written and the spoken word. Especially in the context of the mission in India, however, the Cabinet of Artefacts and Curiosities of the Orphan-House plays a fairly important role. All missionaries, as also other co-workers, were given the task of sending curiosities from the spheres of nature and art in India to Halle. These were then included in the room of rarities, for educational purposes and for people to be able to see them. While such a cabinet was not in itself a rare phenomenon, August Hermann Francke was the first to establish such a cabinet as a collection of curiosities for educational purposes. At Halle, the pupils of the institutions were regularly given instruction with visual aids, or, in the language of the times, so-called “reality instruction”. Francke asked for objects from all over the world.” Naturally, however, the number of objects from India was the largest. The Curiosity Cabinet still has in its possession its own Malabar Cabinet about which the catalogue of 1741 proudly states:

32 http://www.ftancke-halle.de/main/index2.php?c£=3_l_3_3_2 33A good example of bow, as an addition to his letters, he asks correspondents from distant places to send objects for his cabinet of curiosities can be seen in a letter which he sent in 1715 to Africa. AFSt/M 1 C 8 : 40.

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The cabinet XI. L contains those things which were sent to the Orphan-House by the Royal Danish and the Royal English India missionaries from Malabar. All the pieces exhibited here were made by the ‘Malabarians’ and, alongside each piece, there is a reference to its mention in the Halle Mission Reports.34 Even in the other cabinets there are numerous pieces which were faithfully collected and sent to Europe by the co-workers of the DanishHalle mission. For each piece, die catalogue of 1741 gives an accurate reference to the relevant explanation in the Hallesche Berichte because, along with the objects, the missionaries generally sent more or less detailed descriptions which were published in these reports. Paintings, mainly portraits of the missionaries, were placed above the cabinets. It was not only the schoolchildren who got to see the collection and receive instruction from it Even the new aspirants for missionary work could get a first impression of the distant world they were preparing to go to. Along with pedagogical intentions, the collection increasingly also served museological purposes. From the early years onwards the cabinet was shown to numerous interested visitors, some of whom often came only to see it. From 1741 it was set up as a regular museum-room. The idea behind this was also to convince the visitors of the success of Halle Pietism. Some of the objects from India that were on display, for example the exotic-looking penitence slippers, are almost like trophies of missionary successes. In this sense, the curiosity cabinet was also meant to inspire awareness and support of missionary work, especially among groups of people who did not necessarily read the Hallesche Berichte and who could not, therefore, easily receive the message of Pietism through publications. The painting on the pediment of the Malabar cabinet, which depicts a muscular Indian man preparing a palmleaf manuscript, testifies to the respect of Halle Pietism for the foreign culture of South India and for the encounter with the Other. Structures of Communication The interplay of different forms of communication in Halle Pietism becomes particularly apparent in the example of die “Danish-Halle” MArchives of the Francke Foundations: Catalogue B of the Cabinet of Artefacts and Curiosities, p. 276. (“In dem XI. L. Schranck befinden sich Diejenige Sachen, so von der KOnigl. D&nischen und KOnigl. Englischen Indischen Missionen aus Malabaria an hiesiges Wflysenhaus Qberschicket worden. Alle diese angezeigte StOcke sind von Malabaren verfertiget, und ist bey ieden angefllhrt, wo in dem Hallischen MissionsBerichten Nachricht davon gegeben wird.”)

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and “English-Halle” missions. The advantages of the handwritten word and the printed word could be combined in an almost masterly fashion with those of die three-dimensional objects in the Cabinet of Curiosities. In addition, there were clear instructions from die Orphan-House management regarding what was to be said in the Cabinet of Curiosities. These instructions concerned what was to be emphasised on die guided tours and how to work on the visitors so that they got a positive impression of the entire work and, therefore, also of the India mission.35 Halle Pietism was able to cultivate or to further develop certain forms of expression. This could, however, only have a lasting effect because durable structures arose simultaneously which guaranteed, in all matters big and small, that the Halle system of communication functioned properly. Verbal communication was structured from the beginning by establishing a system of regular meetings at the different levels of organisation. Four levels of hierarchy can be distinguished in the Halle administration in the first decades. At each of these levels there were horizontal structures of communication in the form of regular meetings; for example, the weekly conferences of the Inspectors. Along with this there was a vertical structure of communication in the form of link meetings between representatives o f the neighbouring levels of hierarchy. The proceedings of all conferences were recorded and were supported by a detailed system of journal entries. Every co-worker was expected to give a report. This means that most of the offices in the institutions were linked with the task of maintaining a journal of the daily work. These entries formed the basis for the regular meetings and thus also flowed into the minutes of the conferences.36The management of the extremely diverse and constantly expanding institutions was only possible with the help of such a tightly knit system of internal communication. This holds true to a far greater extent for communication with the outside world to maintain the overseas link. The basis for this again was a regular and tightly knit system of reporting, in close interplay 35 Instructions for the guides of 1741. AFSt/W VII/1 /20. MA number of these journals and proceedings o f conferences are still preserved in the school archives of the Francke Foundations. For more details about this see Thomas MQller-Bahlke, “Die frQhen Verwaltungsstmkturen der Franckeschen Stiftungen”, in Juliane Jacobi and Thomas MQller-Bahlke, eds., “Man hatte von ihm gute Hoffnung...” Das Waisenalbun der Franckeschen Stiftungen 1695-1749, Halle: Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen im Niemeyer-Verlag, 1998, pp. vii-xxii.

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with regular meetings. The missionaries were instructed to hold general and special conferences every week. While the general conferences were supposed to deal with financial matters, with the printing press and the schools, the special conferences were meant to discuss actual missionary work itself. In accordance with the Halle model, minutes had to be prepared of all the meetings and these had to be sent to Europe regularly.37 These basic structures were accompanied by certain smaller safeguards, which, taken together, helped to mitigate the delays and uncertainties in overseas communication. The postal routes were often not only very slow but also uncertain. Often entire consignments of letters would get lost. The co-workers, therefore, were told to always make a copy of their reports and to keep these in their own files so that they had an overview of what they had reported to Europe. Important letters were also to be sent in duplicate via different routes.38 They were also requested to despatch letters as quickly as possible to prevent further delays along the route. The last letters had to be despatched, for example, before leaving the European mainland.39 On board ship too, letters were to be kept ready for despatch and, should the occasion arise, be handed over to oncoming ships to be taken back to Europe.40 A systematic correspondence entails that a conscientious record of every letter received is maintained. From the beginning, therefore, a mission archive was established in the institutions for which special furniture was made. It was constructed in such a manner that the archives could be evacuated within minutes in case of danger (mostly from fire). These archive-boxes have been preserved till today in the Francke Foundations. They still bear the original accession numbers according to which the mission files were catalogued. The documents were combined into fascicles, were marked and given an accession number. Often a scroll was attached to them, which provided information about the contents of the fascicle. Along with the letters received, the drafts of the replies sent were also carefully preserved. This high degree of systematic organisation guaranteed the continuity of the first Protestant mission and its correspondence through the generations. Naturally, the structures of the Halle publishing system also played a decisive role in the success and continued existence of the mission in ,7 Instructions for the Royal Danish Missionaries of ca. 1717. AFSt/M IIA 1 :7. MAFSt/M IIA 1 : lOh, point 1,31. * Ibid M 1 B 7 : 77. 40 Ibid. M IIA 1 : 10k.

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India. Francke provided the missionaries with edifying literature and with copies of the Bible from the publishing wing of the Orphan-House. In 1712, when Francke’s institutions already had two printing presses, he made it possible for Tranquebar to set up its own printing press. The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) sent the machines for the press as well as the Latin and Portuguese fonts from London. The Tamil fonts and the personnel to run the press came from Halle. From then on, the mission produced its own printed matter locally. The setting up of this branch of the press of the Halle Orphan-House in south India at the beginning of the eighteenth century was undoubtedly a masterpiece of logistics. It also provided the Halle communication system with another strong arm.41 From then on specimen copies of matter published in Tranquebar were regularly sent to Halle.42 Thanks to the disciplined and well-trained co-workers, as well as on account of the superbly organised structures of communication, unusual for the times, the mission was able to establish a close link between Halle and Tranquebar. The connection was routed via London and Copenhagen. In both these places there were reliable people sent by Halle who ensured that consignments from Halle to India and vice versa were regularly forwarded. Along with the written correspondence, these consignments also contained money transfers and all kinds of goods, namely books and medicines - another pillar of Halle’s assistance for the Tranquebar mission. The well-ordered routes in this link were used by arriving and departing missionaries and by other co-workers of the mission in India. Prior to their departure they were given precise instructions for the voyage and for their stay in India. One should remember that in those days the journey itself was a long adventure, fraught with danger. It was not only transport on land that was uncertain, but the long voyage too contained many potential dangers. Even wrong equipment could become a threat to life. In order to reduce the dangers as far as possible, a clever method was developed in Halle to pass on the experiences of each journey to other missionaries. Thus, every departing 41On the other hand, the attempt in the following generation to set up a printing press in Pennsylvania with help from Halle was unsuccessful. See Thomas MQller, Kirche zwischen zwei Welten. Die Obrigkeitsproblematik bei Heinrich Melchior Muhlenberg und die Kirchengrundung der deutschen Lutheraner in Pennsylvania. Stuttgart: Steiner, 1994, pp.l88f. 42 These can be found in large numbers even today in the holdings of the library of the Francke Foundations.

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missionary was told to write down his experiences and his advice and to send it back to Halle. There, a separate file was opened in which this advice was collected and given as preparation material to die later missionaries, who could follow this advice and also supplement the material with their own experiences, after completing the journey. The file thus became a valuable guide for overseas journeys. It contained advice that is very detailed. The file contains information about where to eat along the route of the journey. Guidelines are given on how to conduct oneself in Holland and England. Naturally, there are warnings about thieves and swindlers, but missionaries are also advised not to fall asleep while the coach is travelling through a forest because one has to take care to bend down to avoid branches and boughs as soon as the coachman cries out “bend, bend”.43 In addition, there is valuable advice about the right kind of clothes and about the household effects required for the voyage. Finally, the information about the right kind of food for the journey is particularly important. Missionary Kohlhoff writes that sour apples are to be specially recommended because they are refreshing and keep for a long time.44 Lemons and melons are also recommended, as is gingerbread against constipation and almond seeds against thirst.45In the course of time Halle also appears to have developed an effective method to prevent seasickness, which the missionaries were told about.46One person writes that since it was not possible to wash on board the ship it is advisable to buy a sufficient number of black cravats in England; another suggests a regular change of clothes, to be worn in rotation, starting from the beginning again when all the clean clothes have been used.47 Even if the odd suggestion appears amusing, taken as a whole, the reports and recommendations could be very helpful, sometimes even life savers. It is very evident that the missionaries - apart from fulfilling their actual task - also had to carry out public relations for the Halle Orphan-House on their travels. They were supposed to advertise it, to distribute books published from there, and to look out for new partners for correspondence. However, it was just as important that they obtained new information which could be of interest to the Halle Orphan-House. 4J AFSt/M IIA 44AFSt/M IIA 45AFSt/M IIA 46AFSt/M IIA 47AFSt/M IIA

1 1 1 1 1

10k. lOf. lOf. lOp. IQn.

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For example, they were supposed to look out for interesting texts, especially among other Pietistic denominations, and report this to Halle. They were also told to visit libraries and archives on their travels. They were supposed to buy interesting manuscripts, especially dealing with pedagogy, and if this was not possible, they were to find out if these could be copied for the Halle collections.4* The Halle emissaries were also told to visit orphanages, hospitals, poorhouses and prisons and note down their observations accurately. Finally, they were supposed to visit natural history cabinets in other places, study their systems, and try to bargain for interesting objects for the Halle collection. If they met “good and Christian craftsmen and artists” they were to try and see if such people could be won over for school instruction in Halle.49 In Catholic regions the travellers were to focus especially on the monasteries and also “to look at the schools of the Jesuits, paying particular attention to their method of teaching and their advantages, by questioning them about these things.”10 In short, the Halle Orphan-House was just as interested in gaining new information, in learning new teaching methods and in acquiring useful material to increase its archival and library collections as it was in trying to sow its own ideas and concepts in the broadest possible circles. This reciprocal system of communication was definitely more pronounced in the first decades of the institutions under August Hermann Francke, than under his successors. The information coming in contributed to the development of the Glaucha institutions in the first decades and helped to keep them abreast of the times. In the second generation there was a noticeable diminishing of the interest shown by the Directors of the Orphan-House in new developments outside the walls of the institutions. Thus, in the second half of the eighteenth century the institutions gradually lost the connection with the intellectual developments of the age. Initially, however, this does not appear to have had a negative impact on the India mission. The founder had laid down solid foundations for a long-lasting missionary venture which flourished throughout the eighteenth century. Nevertheless, it 41 The fact that this was not unrealistic is proven by Francke’s procedure. On a journey through Germany he had Gottlieb Spitzel’s correspondence sent to Halle from South Germany and the entire thing was copied there before the documents came back to their place of origin. AFSt/H A 171 : 81. * AFSt/M IIA 1 : lOg, point XIV, 29. The points mentioned earlier are also found in this source. 50AFSt/M IIA 1 : lOg, point XIX, 29.

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was transformed in the course of the following decades. Unlike die management in Halle, the co-workers in the mission did not remain untouched by the Enlightenment Conclusion From a very small beginning, the mission involving Halle remained active well into the nineteenth century. Research has hitherto identified its end in 1837 when the last missionary, C&mmerer, died without a successor from Halle. Till then, the mission had had a total of fifty-six co-workers. At its height, between 1737 and 1766 and from 1770 to 1778, there were sometimes an average of six, in some years even seven, missionaries at one time in Tranquebar. However, even after the death of the last missionary, the so-called East India Mission Institute in Halle did not cease to exist. On the contrary, it continued to function as an independent organisational unit within the Francke Foundations with its own library and the valuable mission archives. It also went on to support the India mission even after it had been taken over by the Leipzig Mission. This support, in fact, continued till the late 1930s.51 It is only then that the last traces of the rich tradition of the East India Mission Institute in the Francke Foundations disappear. For an astonishingly long period of time the Francke Foundations could thus be the counsel for the DanishHalle and English-Halle missions as the first mission enterprises in the history of the Protestant Church. (Translated from the German by Rekha Kamath Rajan)

51 The most recent documents of 1937 in this file prove that money earned as interest was still distributed from Halle to several mission institutes in Germany, among them the Moravian Brethren, the Berlin and the Gossner Mission, as well as the Leipzig Mission.

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THE STATE OF DENMARK IN 1705 Dan H. A ndersen In 2004 two Danish historians published a book with the provocative title The Danish Empire. Greatness and Fall (in English translation).1 Technically, conglomerate state might be more correct, but the word empire is evocative and makes an important point: the name Denmark shows continuity throughout a thousand years of history, but for most of its history Denmark was not a small, rich and culturally homogenous entity in Northern Europe, but a large, thinly populated state spanning four continents and with very diverse populations. In the following article I will take a snapshot of Denmark at the time of the beginning of the Tranquebar mission, with special emphasis on absolutism and the colonial empire. Population and Geographical Extent In 1705 King Frederik IV reigned over more than 1.5 million souls on four continents. European provinces Denmark Norway Schleswig Holstein Oldenburg North Atlantic Iceland Faeroes

Population 700,000 530,000 200,000 250,000 70,000 50,000 4,000

Area in sq. km 39,000 325,000 9,100 8,500 5,385 105,000 1,400

1 Michael Bregnsbo/Kurt Villads Jensen, Del danske imperium. Storhed og fald, Copenhagen: Ascbebough, 2004.

Dan H. Andersen

82

Americas St Thomas Africa Gold Coast Asia Tranquebar

3,585

83

?

For the possession of the islands by the Danish Asiatic Company, see Krieger, “Vom ‘Brildergarten’ zu den Nikobaren”, pp. 213fT. For the journey of the DanishHalle missionary Poltzenhagen, who died in this expedition, see Norgaard, Mission und Obrigkeit, pp. 178f. 26 See Krieger, “Vom ‘BrUdergarten’ zu den Nikobaren”, p. 213; Joseph Reinhold Rflmer, “Vor Hundert Jahren”. Der Briiderbote. Vol. I, Sep. 1862, pp. 18-28. p. 18.

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extends everywhere, our work is not to compete where our services are not required; they should be made to understand that we need to be left in peace as far as possible and if there are unfavourable reports against us these should not be resolved without giving us a hearing.”27 Alongside the cautious approach of Zinzendorf - which can be explained in the context of the developments in Europe - were Moltke’s strikingly positive reports of “the splendid and very fertile and favourable location of the islands (which seem to show great potential for developing into one of the best settlements in Asia, going by the recently received reports from colonizers settling down there everyday).”28This is not to say that Moltke was unaware of the failure of the expedition of 1756.29 Surprisingly, it appears that the Brethren themselves were aware of these negative factors, yet chose to go ahead with negotiations.30 At the request of the Moravian Brethren as well as the Asiatic Company, a royal decree was issued on 5 January 1759.31 It granted the Brethren the freedom to settle down and pursue missionary work on the Nicobar islands, but made no mention whatsoever of a base station in Tranquebar. To all appearances, the King sought to protect the interests of the Danish-Halle mission, by not permitting even a stopover in Tranquebar for the Moravian missionaries.32 Following a renewed attempt by the Company, a second decree was issued on 12 January 1759 which included Tranquebar and all other territories occupied by the Company within the purview of the privileges that had been granted to the Brethren, but contained a rider: “as long as it is deemed necessary and beneficial for Our Asiatic Company.”33 The Asiatic Company’s ‘insurance certificate’ for the Brethren dated 19 January 1759 was based on this decree. It, however, made no mention of the rider, which makes it quite clear that the 21 Instructions for Stahlmann, 18.10.1758, UA, R.15.T.a.l.l2. This resolution was not implemented later. MMoltke to Zinzendorf, 17.04.1758, UA, R. 15.T.a. 1.2. 29 “That these islands are a death trap for the Europeans.” Diary of J.J.Frank, UA. R. 15.T.a. 1.9. See also Martin Krieger, Seerituber undDiplomaten: Der dtinische Handel auf dem Indischen Ozean (1620-1868), KOln u.a., 1998, p. 187. 30 See UA, R.15.T.1.6.-10.b. 51 1st Settlement Decree of Frederick V., 05.01.1759, UA, R.15.T.a.l.l8. 32 See R6raer, Geschichte, p. 5. 33 Second Settlement Decree of Frederick V., 12.01.1759, UA, R.15.T.a.l.20.

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Company was interested in a settlement of the Moravian Brethren in Tranquebar.34 The differing interests of the Asiatic Company and the King are to be viewed within the context of the changing position of the Danish royal house vis-a-vis the Halle and the Moravian brands of Pietism. The Brethren and the Danish State In 1705, when the Danish-Halle mission was set up at the behest of King Frederick IV, the Pietist influence in Denmark was already very strong, but it was only when the Mission Board was set up in Copenhagen that it started “functioning as a centre of Pietist activity in Denmark.”33 The creation of the Mission Board (Collegium de cursu evangelii promovendi) in Copenhagen on 10 December 1714 was an attempt at easing the tension between the “royal missionaries” • in other words the Danish-Halle mission - and the then East India Company which was the supreme authority in Tranquebar.36The Board was placed directly under the King’s authority. This direct access to the sovereign and his long­ standing support ensured the Danish-Halle mission a legitimate and privileged position in the colonial set-up at Tranquebar.37This situation, which was actually a “type of state within the state,”38was a constant irritant for the colony’s administration, as well as the head-office of the Company in Denmark.39 Knowing that the Danish King was favourably inclined towards Pietism, and encouraged by his support for the mission, Count Zinzendorf made a bid - through family connections - for an ecclesiastical position at the Danish Court at the beginning of the 1730s. Although he was

34 Insurance Certificate of the Asiatic Company, 19.01.1759, UA, R.15.T.a.l.23. 35 Martin Brecht, “Pietism”, in Theologische Realenzykiopddie, Vol. 26, Berlin, New York, 1993-2000, pp. 606-631, p. 616, and Christian Degen, “Heidenmission im D&nischen Gesamtstaat,” in Klaus Bohnen, Sven-Aage Jorgensen, eds., Der ddnische Gesamtstaat, Copenhagen, Kiel, Altona, 1992, pp. 121-137. 36 For an account of the origin of the Danish-Halle Mission as well as their relations with the authorities, see the articles by MQller-Bahlke, Anderson, Walls and Norgaard 37 See Daniel Jeyaraj, “Halle-Danish (Tranquebar) Mission and Western Protestant Missionary Tradition”, Zeitschrift fiir Missionswissenschaft und Religionswissenschaft, Vol. 84 part. 1, S t Ottilien, 2000, p. 7. 38Nergaard, Mission und Obrigkeit, p. 191. 39 Ibid, pp. 64f., 243 and 295.

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unsuccessful in this, he obtained permission in the years 1732 and 1733 for Moravian missions in the West Indies and in Greenland.40 The conflict between the Halle and the Moravian brands of Pietism during the days of the Old Kingdom was reflected in the succeeding era, in the Denmark of Christian VI. Danish Pietism, supported by the state church, was subject to the influence of the orthodox clergy; the attacks of the latter against the Moravian Brethren resulted in Zinzendorf and the Brethren’s increasing alienation from the Danish royal house and eventually led to their persecution.41A ban was imposed on Zinendorf s entry42 and, in 1741, the first Danish colony of the Brethren in Pilgerruh was banned just four years after its establishment. This was followed in 1744-45 by a ban on any kind of association with the Brethren.43It was only in 1771 that they regained official acceptance in the Danish state44 with the granting of a licence by King Christian VII45 for their new commune, which was to come up at Christianfeld. The decrees permitting settlements on the Nicobar Islands and in Tranquebar were issued during the period when the Brethren were under ban. Royal approval for settling in the Asiatic colony could only be explained on the grounds that the Asiatic Company would get a settlement of the Moravian Brethren to create economic value that would then be appropriated in the name of the King. The main argument in its favour may have been based on the economic strengthening of the colony by means of a settlement of tradesmen on the Nicobar Islands.46 A settlement of the Moravian Brethren located there would not have posed a problem for the King, since a possible conflict with the King’s prot£g£-mission could only arise in Tranquebar. It, therefore, becomes 40 See Anders Pontoppidan Thyssen, “Die Brfldergemeine als Bindeglied zwischen Deutsch und Dflnisch”, in Klaus Bohnen and Sven-Aage Jorgensen, eds., Der danische Gesamtstaat, Copenhagen, Kiel, Altona, 1992, p. 120. 41See Anders Pontoppidan Thyssen,‘‘Christianfeld. DieHermhuterimSpannungsfeld zwischen Pietismus und Aufklfirung”, in Hartmut Lehmann and Dieter Lohmeier, eds., AufklSrung und Pietismus im dSnischen Gesamtstaat: 1770-1820, NeumQnster, 1983, p. 151. 42 Meyer, “Zinzendorf und Hermhut”, p. 31 gives the year as 1734. 43 See Pontoppidan Thyssen, “Christianfeld”, p. 151. 44 Christian VII., decree dated 20 and 23.12.1771, UA, R.ll.B.a.7.3. See also Nergaard, Mission undObrigkeit, p. 182 and Pontoppidan Thyssen, “Die BrQdergemeine”, p. 123. 45 Christian VII., Concessions filr Christianfeld, 10.12.1771, UA, R.ll.B.a.7.2. and UA, R.l.A.l.b. 46 See Krieger, “Vom ‘BrOdergarten’ zu den Nikobaren”, pp. 219 and 225.

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difficult to explain why its freedom was extended beyond the Nicobar Islands through a second decree. The interests of the Company can be understood more clearly in terms of the economic advantages that were expected. However, in view of the rider “as long as it is deemed necessary and beneficial for Our Asiatic Company”, the position of the King cannot be viewed without taking into account his sovereign authority to issue directives to the Company’s management.47 The reason why protection of the Danish-Halle mission was given priority was on account of the fact that the royal share in the capital and, thereby, the profits of the Company was very small.48 The Initial Years - The Conflict over Expulsion and Restrictions on the Freedom of Movement On the basis of the “insurance certificate”, fourteen missionaries set off for India in the year 1759 under the leadership of Georg Johann Stahlmann and the theologians Adam Vdlkner and Christian Buttler.49 The account of one of the missionaries states that: On the day o f our departure I and other brothers who were part o f the group, were ordained as deacons of the Church of the Brethren, and were given a small brief regarding our journey and our posting, in which we were told that we should have the patience to face difficult situations and conduct ourselves as would a faithful guard at his post; the implication perhaps was that there should be no harm caused to missionaries o f other denominations who we may come across nor any attempt to compete with them.50

The group reached Tranquebar on 2 July 1760. The Brethren acquired a piece of land two kilometres outside the city of Tranquebar and set up the ‘Garden of the Brothers.’51 Reinforcements arrived on 22 August 1761 in the form of three married couples and five single men under the leadership of Nikolaus Andreas J&schke.52 Much to the disappointment of the Moravian missionaries, the onward journey to the final destination on the Nicobar Islands was not 47 2nd Settlement Decree of Frederick V., 12.01.1759, UA, R.15.T.a.l.20. 41 Stephan Diller, Tranquebar - die Stadt an der Brandung. Danischer Handelsstiitzpunkt, Kronkolonie und europaischer Freihandelsplatz (1620-1845). Bamberg, 1993, pp. 7f. 49 ZinzcndorTs farewell speech in Zeist, 28.09.1759, UA, R.15.T.a.l.40. 50 Biography of Martin Broderson, UA, R.22.20.59. ■1Travel diary of Stahlmann and others, April-September 1760, UA, R. 15.T.a. 1.70. 52 Briidergarten Diary 1760-67, 22.08.1761, UA, R.lS.T.b.l.a.

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immediately possible.33 The Asiatic Company was not in a position to provide the promised passage and the fledgling community did not possess the financial means to organize their own passage. This prolonged stay in Tranquebar caused a deterioration in the otherwise cautious and diplomatic relations with the Danish-Halle missionaries.54 It led to drastic measures in the form of complaints and petitions to the Mission Board and the Danish King for the expulsion of the Brethren from Tranquebar. The Company’s Board thereupon felt compelled to issue a communique to the government on 9 December 1761. To begin with, it gave a brief outline of the view of the DanishHalle missionaries, well-known in Copenhagen, that: “they (the Moravian Brethren) have put up their base in Tranquebar in a manner which suggests that they intend to stay there permanently and have given up their primary goal of Frederick Islands.”55 The subsequent conclusion of the Company, with reference to the “insurance certificate”, clearly emphasized their “primary purpose and also that the colonizers should be asked to proceed for the occupation and development of the Frederick Islands.”56 For the settlement to survive, however, the Company - with the concurrence of the King - “allows them to live and put up bases in any territory of East India within the Company’s jurisdiction such that the achievement of their primary purpose of colonizing the Frederick Islands becomes that much easier[...]. On these same grounds it is also recommended that they receive His Majesty’s consent to convert, on an ongoing basis, the heathens who have not so far been baptized.”57They may, therefore, “be permitted to have missions in Tranquebar and in other places where the King’s missionaries are already stationed, insofar as it is necessary for colonizing the Frederick Islands and for independently administering the colonies there.”58 The Company very clearly expresses its approval here for the Brethren’s mission in Tranquebar, on the grounds that it would strengthen and prepare the community for its missionary work. However, this approach of the Company was bound to cause an escalation of the conflict. 53 See Krieger, “Vom 'BrQdergarten’ zu den Nikobaren", p. 233. 54 See ibid., pp. 228f. 55Asiatic Company to the Tranquebar Government, 9.12.1761, UA, R.15.T.a.2.25. * Ibid. 57 Ibid. * Ibid.

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On 16 November 1762, as a consequence of the Mission Board’s intervention, King Frederick V issued the so-called ‘ 1" Annual Decree’. It contained an order - with respect to all the privileges granted - asking the Brethren to “move to the Nicobar Islands within a year and a day of receiving this communication”59 or else return to Europe. The reason stated was that “their presence would cause unrest.”60There was no talk of banning the mission in Tranquebar. However, in the process of routing this order through the Company, the deadline of one year was removed. This came about as a result of altering the words: “they should return by the first ship”, which was changed to “by the earliest ships.”61The scarcity of transport also led to the offer of freedom of movement for the Brethren, which was to become a further cause for conflict: “They [the Moravian Brethren] consequently cannot in any way be stopped if they want to move their establishment to Madras or other places outside the jurisdiction of the Company [...] The Company would be very relieved and happy to see them move, should they resolve to do so.”62 On 26 November 1764 the Company’s management issued a ban through the above-mentioned letter - without actually being asked to do so by the King - “on preaching, on converting heathens and, far less, accepting far fewer members from other communities.”63 This was the first ban to be issued against the Moravian mission. It is very probable that following the expiry of the one-year deadline, every possible opportunity for complaint on the part of the Danish-Halle Mission and the Mission Board was sought to be removed, short of deporting the Moravian Brethren. In September 1765 the Mission Board made an attempt to insist upon the observance of the deadline, and directly approached the Company Board.64The ‘Freedom of Movement’ option given to the Brethren was highlighted. According to information received by the Mission Board, w M1st-Annual Decree”, Frederick V to the Asiatic Company, 16.11.1762, UA, R.15. T.a.2.29. 60 Ibid. 61 Company’s directive to the Government in Tranquebar, 15.11.1762, UA, R.15. T.a.2.30 (underlined in the original, T.R.). 62 Postscript in the Company’s directive to the Government in Tranquebar, 23.11.1762, UA, R.15.T.a.2.30. 63 Company’s directive to the Government in Tranquebar, 26.11.1764, UA, R.15. T.a.4.a.g. 64 Mission Board to the Asiatic Company, 24. 09. 1765, UA, R.15.T.a.7.13.

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the Brethren had allegedly approached the King of Tanjavur and secured from him the right to establish themselves there.63The Europeans in this kingdom had thereupon allegedly promised the Brethren the support which they, at present, were extending to the Danish-Halle Mission.66The Mission Board argued that the governor of Tranquebar had overstepped his legitimate authority in giving the Moravian Brethren the right to freedom of movement - little knowing that this directive came from the Company Board. It would make the Company Board rather unhappy, they wrote, to hear of such excesses by the Governor: and it would certainly cause irreparable harm to the mission if, when allowed to settle down in a foreign land, from where they cannot be called back, the Brethren sought to lure the local clergy and their parishioners; so we are in no doubt at all that the governor should not only be sent a strong reminder in view of the permission given by him but also served with an explicit order to send back all the Brethren members stationed there, and make sure no one stays back, in case they have not already been transported to the Frederick Islands (we have strong reason to believe that neither has this happened nor have they any intention o f making it happen).67

From this it becomes quite clear that the Mission Board felt threatened by the missionary work of the Moravian Brethren in India if such work was not subject to Danish supervision and control; they were thus very eager to intercede with the authorities for securing their own interests. Following their intervention, Frederick V issued the “3rdAnnual Decree” on 25 November 1765. This decree imposed a ban - the first such ban by the King - against the Moravian Mission in Tranquebar, as well as a ban against settlements in any part of India outside the Company’s jurisdiction.68However, there was no conclusive settlement of the issue of the onward journey to the Nicobar Islands or of a return to Europe, despite the expiry of the one-year deadline. Rather, the King granted them “three years more in view of the advantage which you [the President and Directors of the company] feel Our Asiatic Company is hoping for from the further extension of their stay in Tranquebar.”69 45 Ibid. 66 Ibid. There is a mention of one Captain Berg, who reportedly wanted to place at the disposal of the Brethren a meeting house in the Kingdom of Tanjore that had earlier been provided to the Danish-Halle missionaries. 67 Ibid. m “3rd Annual Decree”, Frederick V to the Asiatic Company, 25.11.1765, UA, R. 15. T.a.7.35. w Ibid.

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Two years later, the new King, Christian VII, gave his support to this decree, with two vital changes. There was no longer a deadline for the expulsion of the Brethren from India and settlements on land outside the Company’s jurisdiction were no longer taboo.70The signs of change and the relaxation of the situation were not just on account of the change of power in the Danish Court. The primary reason was an expedition of the Asiatic Company (which was, as yet, unaware of the removal of the three-year deadline) to the Nicobar Islands in August 1768, which provided six members of the ‘Garden of Brothers’ with an opportunity to get across to the Nicobar Islands.71 The Route to the Nicobar Islands Faced with the initial problem of securing a passage to their actual destination, die missionaries started looking for alternatives. They made a renewed attempt to set up a mission in Ceylon. This was led by the missionaries Butler, Gay and Mueller and lasted from 1765 to at least 1769.72 In 1768 a missionary base was established on the Nankauri (Nancowry Island).73 This became the largest and most important missionary base after the centre at Tranquebar. The Brethren had utilised the long waiting period at Tranquebar to make two prefabricated houses, as a result of which the construction of this mission base progressed rapidly.74 The local people named it ‘Tripjet’ - ‘the residence of friends’.75Right from the beginning the missionaries were under pressure to trade with the natives on behalf of the Company as well as for their own upkeep. This endeavour, however, was not destined to succeed, due to its dependence on the irregular and unreliable ship services provided by the Company.76There was no marked improvement in the situation with the opening of a Danish trading post on the island in 1769.77 70 Decree, Christian VII. to the Asiatic Company, 27.11.1767, UA, R.15.T.a.9.13.a. 71 See Nergaard, Mission und Obrigkeit, p. 181. 72 See Krieger, “Vom ‘BrOdergarten’ zu den Nikobaren", pp. 233f. 73One of the surviving missionaries, Johann Gottfried Hansel had written an account of life in the mission. C.l. Latrobe, ed., Letters on the Nicobar Islands, their natural productions, and the manners, customs, and superstitions o f the natives; with an account ofan attempt made by the Church o f the United Brethren, to convert them to Christianity. This was addressed by the Rev. John Gottfried Htinsel (the only surviving Missionary) to the Rev. C.I.Latrobe, London, 1812. 74 See Rflmer, Geschichte, pp. 27ff. 75 See ibid, p. 14. 76 See Krieger, “Vom ‘Brtidergarten’ zu den Nikobaren", p. 236. 77 See Rftmer, Geschichte, p. 33f.

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These troubles apart, there were grave threats to health, especially from the so-called ‘Nicobar Fever’78The death rate for foreigners on the island was extremely high.79The huge number of deaths led to the dismantling of the Danish trading post in the summer of ^ S .^ F o r the Moravian missionaries this spelt trouble. Firstly, as Danish residents on the island of Nankauri, they were compelled by the Tranquebar Government to carry out the functions of the state authority.81Secondly, the ship services operated by the Company had completely ceased. This had an adverse effect on the supply situation, as the mission base was partially dependent on supplies of essential commodities from the ‘Garden of the Brothers’. Acquiring their own ship would, at best, provide only temporary relief. In view of these unfavourable circumstances, the base on the Nicobar Islands was never in a position to stand on its own feet.82 Survival had, in fact, become the key issue. Under such circumstances, learning the language of the natives and taking the gospel to them proved to be well-nigh impossible. To quote Hensel, “We had indeed an opportunity of speaking with some of the natives, in a kind of bastard Portuguese, but it would by no means answer the purpose of preaching the Gospel to them in general.”83 The Moravian Brethren in South Asia after 1771 While the establishment of a Hermhut base on the Nicobar Islands deprived its detractors of virtually all cause for complaint, the changes in Denmark in the year 1771 led to a postponement in setting up the legal framework for both the missions. With the subordination of the Mission Board to the Royal Danish Chancellery there was a severe curtailment of its powers.84Thus active support for the Danish-Halle mission declined. The lifting of all restrictions against the Moravian Brethren throughout Denmark led to renewed attempts to close down the ‘Garden of the Brothers’.85Moreover, the concessions for Christianfeld bestowed upon the Brethren “all the necessary privileges both religious and otherwise” 71 See Krieger, “Vom ‘Briidergarten’ zu den Nikobaren”, p. 216. 79According to Rdmer 13 out of 22 missionaries lost their lives at the Station Tripjet during its existence between 1768-1786, whereby no more than 6 missionaries were present there at a given time. See also R&mer, Geschichte, p.76. “ Ibid. p. 34. *' Ibid. p. 50f. “ Ibid. “ Haensel, Letters on the Nicobar Islands, p. 61. ** See Neigaard, Mission und Obrigkeit, pp. 187 and 29S. u See Nergaard, Mission und Obrigkeit, p. 182.

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for all their “missions set up outside Europe in the territories and colonies under Our Rule”.86The mission at Tranquebar was included within the purview of these concessions. The royal decrees of December 1771 were published in Tranquebar on 1 August 1773, after the earlier refusal of the “Danish priests” from the pulpit of the Danish Zion Church.87With this, the ban on new missionaries imposed against the Brethren, also became void. On 6 September 1773 the new Mission Director, Woltersdorf, arrived in South India along with his family, the Becherus family and three other Brothers, eleven years after the arrival of the second group. Plans for an expansion of the mission settlements continued even after the establishment of the settlement on the Nicobar Islands. Since 1776 there had been a mission centre in Serampore near Calcutta.88The Asiatic Company had a colony called Friederichsnagur in Serampore, and the Brethren had been invited to stay here. The Moravian missionary, Schmidt, began his work as a doctor in a hospital in Calcutta while stationed at Serampore. In addition to this, from 1782-1784 the Brothers also used a property in Calcutta which their English friends had placed at their disposal.89Apart from this, a Moravian settlement in Patna had also been in existence since 1783, again as part of a colony of the Asiatic Company.90 The economic situation in the ‘Garden of the Brothers’ proved to be quite positive right through the 1780s. One reason for this was the reputation of the Brethren as skilled craftsmen (which had spread far beyond the boundaries of Tranquebar) and their extensive knowledge of agriculture.91 The Moravian Brethren were, moreover, much sought after as they had many doctors in their midst.92 The-expectations of the Asiatic Company were thereby fulfilled, in that the settlement of the Moravian Brethren improved the economic prosperity of the colony without any additional liability to the Company.93

86 Concessions for Christianfeld, Christian VII., 10.12.1771, UA, R.l.A.l.b. 1,7 Brfldergarten Diary 1768-October 1782, 1.08.1773, UA, R.lS.T.b.l.b. 88 Biography of Grasmann, Johannes, UA, R.22.21.67. 89 See biography; Schmidt, Carl Friedrich UA, R.22.51.54. 90 Ibid. 91 See ROmer, Geschichte, pp. 37f. 92 See Krieger, “Vom ‘Brfldergarten’ zu den Nikobaren”, pp. 224f. 91 Ibid, p. 241.

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The overall situation, however, began to take a turn for the worse in the 1780s. Hostile confrontations with the Sultan of Mysore in 1781 and 178394as well as revolts by the native population affected the area of the Danish colony. The high death-toll amongst its members and its internal problems cast their shadow upon the community life of the ‘Garden of the Brothers’. Adverse reports on the commune’s condition started pouring into Europe.95This prompted the Unity’s Elders-Conference to conduct a probe into the condition of the India mission, which was followed by Bishop Johann Friedrich Reichel’s visit to India, along with his wife, from June to October 1786.96 Although the twelfth and last group of Moravian missionaries arrived from Europe as late as January 1792, the decision to dismantle the mission bases in Patna and the Nicobar Islands had already been taken in 1786.The mission base at Serampore remained an exception, and it was hoped that Tranquebar might show some improvement. Disappointment was, however, in store. The Serampore base was dismantled in 1792.97In 1795 the mission’s management decided to move out of India completely. This information reached Tranquebar on 6 May 1796.98 The subsequent sale of the property belonging to the ‘Garden of the Brothers’ took a considerable amount of time, and the last two missionaries, Ramsch and Weber, left the country only on 17 December 1803. With their departure, the curtains finally came down on the South Asian chapter in the history of the Moravian mission. Between 1759 and 1790 there were at least seventy-three members of the Church of the Brethren who had set off from the shores of Europe to devote their life to the service of the mission in South India.99 Only 94 See Lindner, Chronologisches Missionarsverzeichnis von ca. 1732-1882, UA, MD.627. 95 For example, the dismissal of the head of mission, Woltersdorf, on account of inebriation, cf. ROmer, Geschichte, pp. 68f. 96 See biography of JOrgen Staal, UA, R.22.52.69. 97Ibid 98 See R6mer, Geschichte, p. 70. 99These figures have been mentioned by ROmer. See RCmer, Geschichte, pp. 74fF. He has not included here the daughters of the missionary couples who were bom and were married in India, and whom Lindner has mentioned, see Lindner, UA, MD. 624. On the basis of his sources, the author was able to identify 95 members from the Church of the Brethren who stayed here in connection with missionary work in South Asia - including the Ceylon mission, visitors on inspection trips and missionaries' children (who lived and worked in the Brtidergarten at some point during the 33 years; see biography of Anna Maria Neuwieler, nee Kunz, UA. R.22.71.14).

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20 of them found their way back to Europe or to mission bases outside Asia - the remaining lost their lives in India.100 Conversions and the Mission’s Ideology Records show that the Moravian Brethren had three conversions to their credit in Tranquebar till the year 1775. The first Indian, a Muslim woman, was baptized Maria Magdalena on 31 July 1768.101After the renewal of the mission’s licence, another baptism took place in 1774.102 Kutti, the long-time assistant to Betschler, the doctor, was baptized Johannes.103 In autumn of the same year the daughter bom to the slave Aurora on 21 July 1774, was baptized Maria Magdalena.104She was taken in by the mission and went to Europe with the closing down of the ‘Garden of the Brothers’.105In 1783 the missionaries baptized a woman in Serampore.106 There is no record of any other baptisms thereafter, either by the Brethren in Tranquebar or in the smaller mission bases. Neither is there any evidence to suggest any conversions in the Tripjet base on the Nicobar Islands.107 One may thus conclude that the total number of conversions was negligible. An explanation of this situation would provide the right context for understanding the specific restrictions on the courses of action available to the Brethren. An equally significant factor, however, is their approach to missionary work which was very different from that of the Danish-Halle mission. The main missionary-motive of the Brothers was to ‘claim souls for the Lamb.’ The actual “Creator of the Mission ... indeed the original missionary [was] Jesus Christ, the Creator-Saviour,” himself.'08 The missionaries of the Church of the Brethren were, in this sense, just helpers “spreading his message across the world,” and 100 Rdmer, Geschichte, pp.74ff. 101 Woltersdorf to the UnitatsSltcstenkonferenz (UAC) C, 12.02.1774, UA, R.15. T.b.a.145. ,0J Ibid. 103See Rdmer, Geschichte, p. 35f. 104 See biography of Maria Magdalena Malabar, UA, R.22.84.21. 105 See ibid. She was bom on 21.07.1774 in Tranquebar and died on 10.05.1827 in Christianfeld in Denmark. 106 See ROmer, Geschichte. p. 62. 107 See Hacnsel. Letters on the Nicobar Islands. 108 Helmut Bintz, “Der Heiland in der Welt und seine Boten. Eine EinftJhrung in Zinzendorfs Missionstheologie”, in Helmut Bintz, ed., Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf Texte zur Mission, Hamburg, 1979, p. 22.

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the “warriors” of the Lord.109 The methodology of the mission was a gathering of the “first-bom(s)”.110 This implied that the work of the mission was not dictated by the goal of religious conversion of the populace. “That we have bought unto the Saviour barely ten or twelve families from an entire nation” in complete accordance with “the method of the Saviour” was the approach adopted."1“We are not in any tearing hurry to proselytize amongst the heathens,” said Zinzendorf.112Success was to be viewed in the context of this perception of missionary work, not in the numbers of those converted. Missionary work was targeted at such heathens who, of their own volition, were in search of the highest common good - as yet unknown to them - and whose souls were thus already filled with the Holy Spirit. According to Zinzendorf:113“Our objectives, whether wholly or partially, are the objectives of divine mercy and the service of Jesus[...]. The people have already heard the call of the Holy Spirit, and it has already prepared them for faith in Jesus and His wounds.”114 The ‘souls’ thus prepared are, however, firmly shackled within their abode - human nature - so that “in keeping with a certain divine intention it becomes necessary to have men who can explain things in a more explicitly human way,” that is to say, “articulate in the language of men that for which the soul has been prepared by the divine; we are, therefore, just the instruments.”115 The message of Jesus must not only be spread, it must be made comprehensible through examples.116 To understand this concept of ‘setting examples’, we must take a look at the structure of the missions. A characteristic of the Moravian 109 Ibid. 110Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf, “Rede vom Grund-Plane unserer Heidenmission: 19. Mai 1746”, in Bintz, ed., Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf, p. 97. It was only in 1782 with Spanenberg that an attempt was made to move beyond the “first-born idea.” See August Gottlieb Spangenberg, Von der Arbeit unter den Heiden, in Werner Raupp, ed., Mission in Quellentexten: Geschichte der Deutschen Evangelischen Mission von der Reformation bis zur Weltmissionskonferenz Edinburgh 1910, Bad Liebenzell, Erlangen, 1990, pp. 172ff. 111 Zinzendorf, “Rede vom Grand-Plane unserer Heidenmission”, p. 97. 1,2 Ibid. 115 See Beyreuther, Die grofie Zinzendorf Trilogie, Vol. 3, p. 13. 1.4 Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf, “Aus der Homilie am 3 August 1747”, in Bintz, Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf, p. 108. 1.5 Ibid. 116 See Bintz, “Der Heiland in der Welt und seine Boten”, p. 24.

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Mission was the self-sufficiency of the communes. The agricultural and the skill-based activities for sustaining the missions as self-sufficient units provided an area of contact with the native population.117 The missionaries, with their exemplary Christian conduct as they went about their day-to-day life within the mission, served as examples and thereby discharged the function of imparting the faith. This example-driven approach also reveals the inner urge of the Brethren for missionary work. Only he who has “seen the Lamb in the Spirit, must speak of his blood, of our reconciliation and eternal good.” 118The uniqueness of the Moravian mission of laymen was evident in the juxtaposition of a tradition of piety and an exemplary life as a messenger of the Faith. The sharp focus on the belief that the missionaries were “mere instruments”119in the work that was being done directly by Christ and the social structure of the laymen’s mission, resulted in the renunciation of the practice of systematic instruction of pupils.120The acceptance of the knowledge of Christ’s crucifixion - a conversion - could only be a spontaneous event rather like an awakening; a baptism would then follow.121 This missionary method was fundamentally different from the one practised by the Danish-Halle Mission. The difference lay in their interpretations of the core concepts o f ‘conversion’ and ‘penance’.122 In line with the Busskampfschema of Halle, conversion was understood to be a long-drawn out process. Whereas Franke had emphasized the aspect of repentance, for Zinzendorf, the aspect of faith alone was the pre-requisite for conversion.123 Thus the great importance given to religious instruction was an outstanding characteristic of the Danish-Halle mission.124The ordination of the catechists who imparted religious instruction resulted in the indigenization and the consequent terrritorial expansion of the mission.125 117Wellenreuther, “Missionstdtigkeit des Halleschen und des Hermhuter Pietismus”, p. 170. 118 Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf, “Sieben letzte Reden”, quoted from Bintz, “Der Heiiand in der Welt und seine Boten”, pp. 25f. 1,9 Zinzendorf, “Aus der Homilie am 3 August 1747”, p. 108. 120 Spangenberg, “Von der Arbeit unter den Heiden”, p. 173. 121Wellenreuther, “Missionst&tigkeit des Halleschen und des Hermhuter Pietismus”, p. 171. 122 Ibid, p. 169. 125 Geiger, “Zinzendorfs Stellung zum Halleschen BuBkampf”, pp. 14 and 21. 124 Lehmann, Es hegann in Tranquebar, pp. 62ff. 125 Ibid.

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Zinzendorf criticized this successful policy of the Danish-Halle mission as early as 1732, saying that “the missionaries did not mingle with the heathens.”126He was critical of the view, that “one exercises authority over them [the heathens], preaches publicly, but has to leave the rest to religious instructors.”127This statement was not just a polemical attack to be blamed upon the conflict with Halle. It was a clash of differing missionary concepts, which could be explained with reference to the educational background of the missionaries. The Halle missionaries were qualified theologians with an academic and Pietistic view of official responsibility, religion, conversion and piety.128 In contrast, the Moravian Brethren were, almost without exception, people without specialized knowledge. Amongst the sixty-three male members of the Church of the Brethren who had set off from Europe, there were just four qualified theologians and two preachers who had trained at the theological seminary of the Brethren.129In contrast to this, all of the twenty Danish-Halle missionaries in the period 17601803 were trained theologians.130 Success in Conversions and Self-Restraint Apart from the above-mentioned reasons, there was another reason for the negligible number of conversions: the Brethren’s failure to make use of the liberties that they had secured - or, in other words, the continuing impact of restrictions even after they had been actually removed. After 1773 there was a sweeping change in the conditions relating to missionary work, even in Tranquebar. The members of the ‘Garden of the Brothers’ now had the official sanction to preach publicly in Tamil and Portuguese on all Sundays.131A statement by Wolfersdorf, the head of the ‘Garden of the Brothers’, in 1774, reflected the following optimism and enthusiasm: “After the publication here of the King’s concession for a mission base of the Moravian Brethren, which was announced in Hollstein at a function of the Company, one may assume that we can proceed with the task of preaching and baptizing the 126 Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf, “An einen Missionarium von der englischen Societ&t. Den 12 April 1732”, in UttendOrfer, ed., Die wichtigstenMissionsinstruktionen Zinzendorfs, Hermhut, 1913, p. 8. 127 Nikolaus Ludwig von ZinzendorTs speech at the Synode in Zeist, 31.05.1746, quoted from UttendOrfer, Die wichtigsten Missionsinstruktionen, p. 8, footnote 15.v }2t Wellenreuther, “Missionstatigkeit des Halleschen und des Hermhuter Pietismus”, p. 170, (stressed in the original). 129Figures according to ROmer, Geschichte, pp. 76f. 130Nerrgaard, Mission und Obrigkeit, p. 307. 131 ROmer, Geschichte, p. 35.

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heathens. And we can even do this in a manner such as that the Saviour bids us to.”132 However, the negligible number of conversions clearly indicates that there was very little progress in this direction. The diffident approach of the Brethren’s missionary work relating to the “first-bom mission” clashed with the “no-competition” principle which they continued to follow in Tranquebar even after 1773.133Despite their licence to preach, they continued to shy away from reaching out to the native population in deference to the wishes of the Danish-Halle mission.134 This extreme diffidence was inconsistent with the mission’s goals discussed earlier. On the one hand the ‘Garden of the Brothers’was a hub from where the Brethren were to spread outwards; however, they had imposed restrictions upon themselves which prevented them from making effective use of the potential available in Tranquebar. This created an adverse state of affairs within the ‘Garden of the Brothers’, leading to the highest attrition-rate amongst missionaries in the entire history of the Moravian Mission.135In the words of Staal, who arrived at the ‘Garden of the Brothers’ at the end of June 1781, “it appeared to me, upon my arrival, as though I were quite dispensable.” 136To be sure, the establishment of the new mission base compensated for this inactivity - yet it must be admitted that it did result in the underutilisation of important human and material capabilities. The fact that the freedom of movement of the Brethren within India was also a point of conflict until 1767 must not be forgotten here. All the newly-established missions bases were in the colonies of the Danish Asiatic Company. The base in Calcutta was the only exception, but it was never really fully developed despite the offers of the English and despite showing great potential.137Schmidt’s rejection of these offers are reminiscent of a similar offer that was turned down in the year 1763: “because we were invited to his colony by the King of Denmark and 132 Woltersdorf to the Unity Elders Conference (UAC) on 12.02.1774: UA. R.15. T.b.a.145. 133 Biography of Broderson, Martin, UA, R.22.20.59. 134 See ROmer, Geschichte, p. 35. 135 Lindner's calculation showed that six out of a total of 76 persons had left, which amounts to approximately 8 per cent. See Lindner, Chronologisches Missionsverzeichnis vonca. 1732-1882, UA, MD.627. 134 Biography of Staal, Jflrgen, UA, R.22.52.69. 1,7 See biography of Carl Friedrich Schmidt, UA, R.22.51.54.

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came here in Danish ships.”138This exaggerated and unfounded sense of duty towards the Danish King and the Asiatic Company further restricted the chances of success of the Moravian mission in South Asia. Forty-three years of the Moravian Brethren in South India To conclude this account of the Moravian mission in South Asia and its relationship with the Danish-Halle mission one must first make a mention of the conflict between these two groups. Even before the mission of the Moravian Brethren was actually established, the negotiations for the permission to establish a settlement were marked by competition between the Halle and the Hermhut brands of Pietism, and the ban imposed upon the latter in the state of Denmark. It was only the active intervention of the Asiatic Company which secured for the Brethren the permission to establish their mission. The economic interests of the Asiatic Company thereby prevailed over the efforts of the King to provide protection to the Danish-Halle mission. This situation contained many points of conflict. With the establishment of the ‘Garden of the Brothers’ it became clear that the Brethren intended to install an active and efficient base station in Tranquebar for supporting its activities in South Asia. This spurred the Danish-Halle mission and the Mission Board to take drastic measures. Using their contacts at the royal court, the existing mission at Tranquebar not only launched a struggle to maintain its monopoly in missionary work at Tranquebar but also launched an offensive against the Asiatic Company, the local government and the Moravian Brethren. In the course of this struggle the Asiatic Company had to bow to the directives of the Danish King and, for some time, impose bans on the missionary activities of the Brethren in Tranquebar and on their freedom of movement within India. Nevertheless, through the next eight years, they managed to resist the pressure put on them - in the form of royal decrees - to transport the Brethren either to the Nicobar Islands or back to Europe. The ‘Garden of the Brothers’ became a well-known and economically prosperous entity in the colonial history of Tranquebar. In 1768, with the actual establishment of the mission on the Nicobar Islands, the allegations against the Brethren became null and void. A variety of issues that came up with the establishment of the Nicobar mission - such as the problem of transport, the Danish residentship and 138 BrQdergarten Diary from 1760-1767, 18. 01. 1763, UA, R.15.T.b.l.a.

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the Company’s demand for trade representation - all served to highlight the dependence of the Moravian mission on the Asiatic Company. The political changes in Denmark in the year 1771 rewrote the ground rules for the two missions at Tranquebar. While support for the Danish-Halle mission declined, the Brethren again received permission - on grounds of the freedom of movement which had just been granted to them - to pursue missionary work in Tranquebar. The members of the “Garden of the Brothers’ did not, however, significantly intensify their missionary work, as shown by the number of conversions. There were two reasons for this. Firstly, the Brethren were firmly committed to the concept of the 'first-born mission' across all their missions in South Asia during the course of the eighteenth century. They were not interested in the numbers they converted. Secondly, their spatial proximity to the Danish-Halle mission also played a role. The Brethren’s diffidence and their attitude of deference during the pre-mission days became more pronounced during the period of open confrontation in Tranquebar and left its mark on their missionary work in Tranquebar even after 1773. The chaige that the Moravian Brethren sought to proselytize needs to be examined in greater detail given their low rate of conversion. The issue of self-restraint practised by the Brethren in the colonies of the Danish Asiatic Company and, most of all, their relations with the native population are other areas that merit an in-depth analysis.

LUTHERANS AND ANGLICANS IN SOUTH INDIA Daniel O’Connor “As by the Means of your generous Enterprize, some Beams thereof have been cast upon the Western World; so a small Ray of Visitation begins to return, it seems, to the Eastern Tract again.”1 With these words in 1709, Anton Wilhelm Bdhme, a Lutheran Pietist, acknowledged Anglican generosity towards the first Lutheran mission in India. Bdhme was Chaplain at the English court to Prince George, the Danish Lutheran consort of England’s Anglican Queen Anne. The small Royal Danish Mission in India, as Bdhme indicates, followed upon the launching of the Church of England’s mission in America, “the Western World.” Indeed, it was taken for granted in Anglican circles that the Danish venture was “one of the fruits and effects” of the American mission, and that continental Protestantism had been “stirred by ... [the English] example.”2 This Anglican mission to America and the Caribbean was directed at indigenes, slaves and settlers, and had begun in 1701. It was to be on a considerable scale in the eighteenth century, involving more than six hundred Anglican missionaries. Both of these eighteenth-century missions, the Lutheran to India and the Anglican to North America and the Caribbean, are routinely ignored by writers determined to exaggerate the later role of William Carey and the Evangelical Revival.3 It is the smaller, Lutheran venture of some 1 C.F. Pascoe, Two Hundred Years o f the S.P.G.: An Historical Account, 1701-1900, London 1901, p.472. 2 Ibid, (quoting Jablonski) p.468. 3Arno Lehmann, It Began at Tranquebar, Madras 1956, complains that such writers neglect the Lutheran mission, but, ironically, he himself falls into an identical error when be says that “the English clergy were not willing to serve the Church abroad" pp.IS and 131 - some 200 Anglican clergy had already gone to America and the Caribbean before Ziegenbalg set out for India! For SPG’s cightcenth-century mission to America and the Caribbean, see D.O’Connor, Three Centuries o f Mission : The United Society for the Propagation o f the Gospel, 1701-2000\ London and New York, 2000, pp.5-47.

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fifty-six missionaries who went to India, ‘the Eastern Tract,’ during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries that concerns us here. It is a fascinating story of Anglican-Lutheran cooperation. Much more important, of course, was the story of the consequent advance of indigenous Christianity, but my concern here is with the instrumentality of this cooperation. My assignment is to tell it from an Anglican perspective, using the data available largely in published work in English, with a small amount of data from Anglican mission archives. The secular context for the emergence of European Protestant mission at the end of the seventeenth century was European, including Danish and English, colonial and commercial expansion. Taking part in the accompanying missionary movement, the Church of England established two agencies, the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK), founded in 1699, and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG), founded in 1701. These two societies were very closely linked. They were founded by the energy, vision and organisational skills of one man, Thomas Bray, and, indeed, formed the two elements in his one great missionary design. In terms of enduring global impact, I would suggest that Bray is of comparable significance to August Hemann Francke, though working differently and content to see his ideas taken up by others and finding their realization within the life and structures of the church. Another indication of the common origin of the two societies was that they shared a secretary, John Chamberlayne, at least for the first few years. They were supported to some extent by the same people, though the SPCK was predominantly lay, SPG predominantly clerical. There was also at first some overlap in how they functioned, though set up to fulfil different objectives. The SPCK was essentially a private, voluntary organization, initially designed to promote two of Bray’s lifelong concerns, books and libraries for Britain and America, and Christian education, especially of children and young people in Britain. The Society’s private and voluntary character, however, enabled it to take up other projects comparatively easily, such as support of the Tranquebar mission. The SPG was an official mission agency of the Church of England, established by royal charter. It was essentially intended to provide Anglican missionaries for areas where Britain had sovereignty. Britain’s thirteen colonies in eastern America fell into this category, as did other colonial possessions in the Caribbean, but India at this time did not. Both societies were involved in supporting the Lutheran initiative, although SPG was able to do so only in a very limited way and

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directed its energies largely to the mission in “the Western World.” The SPCK was much the major player in the East. The Anglican-Lutheran collaboration took off in what was, in ecclesiastical terms, an unusually favourable climate. From the Anglican side, the times were characterised by a desire for Protestant union throughout Europe. Complementary to this was the Anglican desire for some sort of grand alliance against Roman Catholicism and the Roman Catholic nations, France in particular. These were, in fact, widely-held aspirations in later seventeenth and early eighteenth-century Protestant Europe, following the centuries of upheaval and conflict which had marked the Reformation. Many of those who sought this Protestant union saw the Church of England as an important partner, and held this church in especially high regard. At a time of low morale among Protestants in Europe, the recovery and reconstruction of the Church of England following the Reformation and, more specifically, following the Restoration of 1660 and the Glorious Revolution of 1688, had been observed with admiration and helped to stimulate this desire for a grand union. We get a colourful glimpse of this in 1701, when the Reformed Church in Geneva prescribed for daily use a prayer in which the Church of England was commended to God as “undoubtedly thy Turtle-Dove, thy Bride, the Virgin of Zion, ... the Apple of thine Eye, whom thy Soul entirely loveth.”4There was, nevertheless, a profound problem for this desired Protestant union. Uniquely among Reformed churches, the Church of England had maintained the apostolic succession of bishops, treasuring it as a sacred trust, while the Lutheran and Reformed churches of continental Europe had failed to do so, and were to this extent, from an Anglican viewpoint, defective. This was, however, deemed by most Anglican scholars at the time to have been an unavoidable misfortune dictated by historical circumstances, so that it was possible and indeed desirable to maintain a measure of communion with them.5 By collaborating with the Lutherans in India, the implication was that SPCK recognised the validity of Lutheran orders, though this was never formally stated. The issue, nevertheless, was raised in one way 4 E.Duflfy, “Correspondence Fratemelle: the SPCK, the SPG, and the churches of Switzerland in the war of the Spanish Succession", in D.Baker, ed., Reform and Reformation: England and the Continent cl500-c1750, Oxford, 1979, p.256. 5N.Sykes, “The Church of England and the Non-Episcopal Churches in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries: An essay towards an historical interpretation of the Anglican tradition from Whitgift to Wake” Theology Occasional Papers, National Society, No.l 1 London 1948, p.16.

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and another throughout the period, though never in a way that seriously threatened the collaboration.6 This context of ecumenical and political aspiration and goodwill helps to explain how it was that the SPCK and SPG extended membership to Lutheran and Reformed church leaders and scholars throughout Protestant Europe. The records show that within the first ten years of the SPG’s foundation, for example, membership included ministers of the French and Dutch churches in London, chaplains at the Prussian court, clergymen of the French churches in Amsterdam and Rotterdam, the Provost and the Superintendent-General of all the churches in Brunswick and Luneberg, the President and Deans of the Grison Synod, a Swedish bishop, and church officials in Zurich, Bern, Neuchatel and Geneva. University professors of Utrecht, Heidelberg, Anhalts, Leipzig, Halle, Basel, Bern and Lausanne were also included.7 SPCK’s continental membership was very similar. These members of the two societies were known as Corresponding Members. There is a good deal of evidence that membership of the two societies was not merely offered and accepted, but in many cases counted a privilege and eagerly sought by European Protestant divines, who recorded the honour along with their academic degrees on the title-pages of their published books. In such an ecumenical climate, it is not difficult to understand how appropriate it must have seemed for Anglicans to support the Lutheran mission in South India. An irony of this story of collaboration, however, was that Protestant union as envisaged by most Anglicans was no part of the agenda of the Halle Pietists who supplied and supported the personnel for the Royal Danish Mission to South India, except on their own exclusive, Pietist terms. Indeed, the Pietists seem to have distrusted official attempts at church union. They were also markedly antagonistic to Reformed doctrines, which were more typical of the theological inheritance of the Church of England than was Lutheranism. What Francke and his associates were interested in was what they chose to call ‘True Christianity’ with, as a determinative component, ‘Experimental Religion,’ a form of Christian faith that stressed claims to personal experience of the divine as the crucial element. The spread of this form of Christianity and endeavours to promote 6The most thorough and reliable examination of this question throughout the period is H.Cnattingius, Bishops and Societies: A Study o f Anglican Colonial and Missionary Expansion 1698-1850, London, 1952. 7SPG Journals, cited in J.Calam, Parsons and Pedagogues: The SPG Adventure in American Education, New York, 1971, p.6 .

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its influence, as described for example in Brunner’s excellent account of how this was done in England, looks like, to use a latter-day political term, a sort of ‘entryism’.8A superficial account of this ecumenical venture, in other words, obscures the ironies and ambiguities of the collaboration. Beginning of the Cooperation Because the Church of England’s missionary endeavours through the SPCK and SPG were at a very early stage, there was a certain informality about the way the project with the Lutherans was set up. A handful of individuals and the friendships they formed were to play a particularly important role in brokering this rather rough-andready collaboration, three of them at least connected with the English court. The court, with its Anglican Queen and her Lutheran consort, was a crucial point of interaction for the Lutheran-Anglican link, and two Lutheran Pietist courtiers played a decisive role, both becoming early Corresponding Members of the SPCK. One of these was Ludolf, Secretary to Prince George. His efforts to promote the work of Francke and Halle in England included his setting up of the first formal contact between SPCK and two visitors from Halle at a meeting on 11 May 1699, just two months after SPCK had held its first meeting on 8 March. The two German visitors were invited to give an account of Francke’s work. The Secretary of the Society, John Chamberlayne, who was an accomplished linguist, acted as interpreter. On the strength of their account, Francke was elected the first Corresponding Member, this being confirmed at the meeting on 27 June, 1700. He, and later his son, were to be very active Corresponding Members, in frequent contact with SPCK on a range of matters of common concern thereafter. Another vital figure in consolidating and sustaining this link was Bdhme, mentioned above. A graduate of Halle, Bdhme moved to London at Francke’s instigation in 1701, assuming the influential role of Court Chaplain in 1705. This move provides a specific illustration of the ‘entryism’ referred to above, Ludolf promoting Bdhme as Chaplain “so that the Pietists might be introduced into the Prince’s Chapel.”9 He remained Chaplain into the Hanoverian era and until his death in 1722. Chamberlayne, who knew him at the royal court through his own position as Gentleman of the Privy Chamber to Queen Anne and Gentleman Waiter to Prince George, * D.L.Brunner, Halle Pietists in England: Anthony William Boehm and the Society fo r Promoting Christian Knowledge, Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993, p.49. ’ Ibid,

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described him as “the life and soul of our correspondence in religious affairs with Germany and Denmark.”10Aided by Ludolf, Bdhme was a crucial figure in persuading SPCK to give financial support to a wide range of Francke’s projects and concerns, and not least to the Tranquebar mission. He publicised Halle and Francke in many ways. This included his preparation of an English version of Pielas Hallensis. He promoted the Tranquebar mission and its needs in England by translating the early reports of the missionaries into English, publishing a first series of these in 1709, covering the reports of 1706-7. This publication was entitled Propagation o f the Gospel in the East, and was dedicated to SPG, by whom 500 copies were purchased and distributed. This, as he wrote later, “proved a Motive to many charitable Benefactions contributed by well-disposed persons for advancing this Mission.”11Further series were published in 1710 and 1711, and a further edition of all three volumes appeared by the direction of SPCK in 1718.12 Thus was English and Anglican support recruited to a Lutheran cause, support which was to be sustained for over a century. Bdhme continued to play a pivotal role in the relationship for the rest of his life. At the royal court, and from the Anglican side, John Chamberlayne played a vital role in the early brokerage of the collaboration. He was Secretary to SPCK for its first three years and closely involved for many years thereafter. Not only did he support the project through his work as a gifted linguist, handling the Society’s European correspondence, but he was also, clearly, a sympathetic apologist for it. Subsequent SPCK secretaries were also important. Humphrey Wanley, the second Secretary, from 1702 to 1708, though he seems not to have had a particularly creative role in the preparation for the collaboration, was recruited to the secretaryship by a friend of Ludolfs at Oxford, Arthur Charlett. The secretary who was in position by the time of the formal beginning of the collaboration, and really took it to heart, and gave it sustained support throughout his long tenure of the post (1708-43), was Henry Newman. His was an unusual background for such a role. He came of an eminent Puritan family in New England, his grandfather finding a prominent place in Cotton Mather’s Magnalia Christi Americana.13This background may 10W.R.Ward, The Protestant Evangelical Awakening, Cambridge, 1992. p.303. 11 Pascoe two hundred year of the S.P.G., p.472. 12 Brijraj Singh, The First Protestant Missionary to India: Bartholomaeus Ziegenbalg 1683-1719, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999, pp. 166-7. 13 Mather, with Newman's encouragement, became an enthusiast for the Lutheran mission, and corresponded with Ziegenbalg.

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help to explain the “earnestness, humility and industry” which marked his work as Secretary.14 His time at Harvard, as a student and then librarian, helps to explain his subsequent association with SPCK, for he was there at a time when there was a new appreciation of Anglicanism. He moved to England in 1703, and was appointed Secretary of the society five years later, the year in which Bdhme was elected a Corresponding Member. He later described Bdhme as “one of my dearest and most intimate companions.”15 While a loyal Anglican, it is clear that Newman was strongly committed to the collaboration with the Lutherans. Like most of the committee members at this time, he held that differences over church order - for example with regard to the later Lutheran ordination of Aaron - should not impede “the progress of Christianity.”16 Another individual from the beginning of the story should be mentioned here. This was Josiah Woodward (1660-1712), an Anglican priest.17Though more limited in his role than Bdhme, what he did was of significance in promoting the work of the Tranquebar missionaries. Woodward is best known as the author of An Account o f the Rise and Progress o f the Religious Societies in the City o f London (1698). This served to record and promote these societies and their part in moral and religious renewal in the Church of England, a renewal not unlike that associated with Halle. Woodward himself formed a Poplar Society in the parish of that name in East London where he was Rector from 1690 to 1711. He is accurately described as one of “the English friends of Halle.” 18 He refers to Francke in the third edition of his Account in 1701. He also contributed a very enthusiastic preface to Bohme’s English translation of Francke’s Pietas Hallensis, published in London in 1706. He described the original as a testimony to “the mighty Faith, constant Zeal, unwearied Diligence, entire Self-renunciation, enlarged Charity and the Deep Humility of the Reverend Dr Franck”.19Woodward was a very active member of the SPCK from the beginning, and also 14 L.Cowie, Henry Newman: An American in London 1708-43, London, 1956, p.3. 15 Ibid, p.47. 16 Ibid, p. 127. 17The entry on Woodward in the new Oxford Dictionary of National Biography is seriously deficient. Details of his connections with the EIC are given in F.Penny, The Church in Madras: Being the History o f the Ecclesiastical and Missionary Action o f the East India Company in the Presidency o f Madras in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, London, 1904, pp. 182-3. 18Ward, The Protestant Evangelical Awakening, p.72. 19 Edinburgh edition, 1707, p.iv.

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a member of SPG, his name occurring on the list of incorporated members which was published with the original royal charter in 1701. His position as Rector of Poplar led him into a very specific promotion of the Tranquebar mission. Within his parish on the Thames were the British East India Company's docks, warehouses and almshouses, and the Company’s chapel. Woodward, as Rector of the parish, had charge of the chapel. On the strength of this, on 21 November 1710 he sent a copy of the Tranquebar reports, Propagation o f the Gospel in the East, to the Company’s Directors, along with a letter “not only recommending but pressing” them to support and assist the mission. The East India Company did indeed welcome the Lutheran missionaries in its territories, and was also to be a massive help to the mission through most of the eighteenth century, and it appears that in the initiation of this, Josiah Woodward played a significant part. One other Anglican was particularly important in consolidating the collaboration. This was the Archbishop of Canterbury during the period 1716 to 1737, William Wake. His predecessor, Thomas Tenison, was no great enthusiast for the project. He criticised its “sectarian Lutheranism,” objected to the Tranquebar missionaries’ catechism, and disapproved of the SPCK’s tendency to conceal from prospective English benefactors that it was a Lutheran mission. Wake, on the other hand, when he succeeded Tenison in 1716, “supported the venture ardently.” 20The union of Protestants was a particular commitment of his, so that its practical expression in the case of Tranquebar especially pleased him. In January 1719, he addressed a printed letter to Ziegenbalg and Griindler, praising their work. Subsequently, after Ziegenbalg’s death, Wake successfully pressed Francke to find more missionaries in response to urgent appeals from Benjamin Schultze. In his letter of 1710 to the East India Company (EIC) Directors, Josiah Woodward had mentioned how “several among us are contributing towards the cost of translating the New Testament into Portuguese to further the progress ... in the East Indies.” This and the provision of a printer, a printing press and related supplies, were in fact the first tasks undertaken by the SPCK in support of the Tranquebar missionaries.21 Following this, the Society then committed itself to general support of 20 N.Sykes, William Wake. Archbishop o f Canterbury, 1657-1737, Vol.2, Cambridge, 1957, p.213. 21 The principal accounts of the work of the SPCK are W.O.B.Allen and E.McClure, Two Hundred Years: The History o f the SPCK, 1698-1898, London, 1898

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the mission, and to this end a subscription was opened in September 1710, a Special Committee was formed, and an East India Fund created with its own treasurer. The voluntary donations of supporters to this fund, periodically reinforced by subventions from SPCK’s General Fund, became a principal means of Anglican support for Tranquebar for the next century. German funding was often sent first to London and added to the Society’s remittances. Money was sent in various currencies and in silver. Support also took the form of consignments of books and stores for the missionaries and their schools and other projects, guaranteed by the English Parliament’s requirement that the EIC export one-tenth of its remittances in the form of British manufactures. The Missionaries SPCK made periodic efforts to recruit Anglican missionaries for India, but with no success during the eighteenth century. The failure was recurringly lamented, though it is reasonably clear why it was so. There was no shortage of Anglican clergy willing to work overseas, since SPG was able to recruit literally hundreds, probably around 600, in a steady supply for North America and the Caribbean, including missionaries to work among the indigenous and slave populations as well as among the colonial settlers. There were also some fifty chaplains recruited to South India by the East India Company up to 1805, in addition to those posted in other parts of the sub-continent, and this has to be added to the overall total of clergy making themselves available beyond the British Isles. SPG, prevented by its charter from work in India at this time, was, of course, rightly seen as the agency for recruiting missionary personnel, while SPCK was correctly seen as having a different role. There were, in any case, other significant differences between the two enterprises. The existence in America of a large and growing settler community from Britain, at least some of whom wanted a church like the Church of England that they had known, must have appealed to many aspiring SPG missionaries, while the formation of a developing, if incomplete, church establishment in North America and the Caribbean must have provided some assurance for the more cautious. The considerable migration from Britain to North America must have helped to keep the church’s needs there before people’s minds in the Churches of England, Ireland, Scotland and Wales, and the relatively official status of the SPG meant and, W.K.Lowther Clarke, A History o f the SPCK, London, 1959. Lowther Clarke’s Eighteenth Century Piety, London, 1944, provides further information.

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that the bishops were regularly alerted to these needs. Another factor affecting recruitment, perhaps, was distance. Bishop Middleton, shortly after arriving in India from England, called the voyage “a dreadful undertaking.”22 The journey across the Atlantic was less dreadful. Though extremely hazardous, it was much shorter; weeks rather than months. Conditions in North America were far from easy, with often fierce resistance by the indigenous people, but this seems not to have seriously deterred recruitment. The difference in financial resources was another factor. SPCK, with large commitments to its educational work in England and Wales, was severely limited in what it could hope to do in India: Henry Newman, the Secretary, remarked around 1720 that they did not have “a fund to maintain above half an [English] missionary with due decency.”23 SPCK’s voluntary character made fund-raising much more difficult than for SPG, which, in addition to almost guaranteed support from all of the English, Irish and Welsh dioceses, enjoyed the additional support of Royal Letters periodically addressed to ali the English parishes, and the resources at intervals of Queen Anne’s Bounty. There were also voices opposed to recruitment for the South Indian mission. One of the EIC chaplains, George Stevenson, a trusted correspondent of SPCK, actually advised the society against recruiting Anglican missionaries and to leave this work to the Lutherans, on the grounds that the presentation of two varieties of Christianity would only sow confusion in Indian minds. Historians of SPCK and SPG have expressed a sense of ‘shame’ at having failed to send missionaries to India in the eighteenth century, but even this brief consideration of some of the factors involved indicates that this was an inappropriate response, and little more than rhetorical posturing. In all, of the fifty-six Lutheran missionaries sent to South India during the period, twenty-eight were in some form of association with the SPCK during the period of collaboration. Eighteen of the twentyeight were graduates of Halle. Despite Newman’s lament in 1720 about the shortage of funds for an English missionary, the Society (and, in a few later cases, the SPG) provided at least partial funding for all of the twenty eight. The first three Tranquebar missionaries, Ziegenbalg, Pliitschau and Grilndler, were Royal Danish Missionaries, employed by the King of Denmark, but they were assisted with funds and in other 22 Middleton to Van Mildert, 14 Feb 1815. Van Mildert Papers, Durham University Library-ADD MS 137/1-2. 23 Cowie, Henry Newman, p. 119.

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ways by the SPCK. Subsequently, thirteen Royal Danish Missionaries, starting with Schultze in 1728, entered the service of the SPCK in what became known as the English Mission, working in East India Company territories such as Fort St.George (Madras/Chennai) and Fort St.David (Cuddalore/Kutalur). The Danish mission council made it clear in 1732, perhaps on the basis of the Augsburg dictum ‘cuius regio, eius religio’, that they would not support these missionaries when they worked in territory controlled by Britain. The form of the Anglican-Lutheran collaboration thus might be said to have taken on a new character at this point. The Society provided the salaries of these missionaries, and salaries and expenses also for associated schoolmasters and catechists. From the 1770s, a further twelve Lutherans, who were not connected with the Royal Danish Mission, were employed as missionaries of the SPCK and the SPG.24 The Anglican stake in the project, therefore, was substantial. In addition to the role of the SPCK, the East India Company provided strong support to the Lutherans throughout the period of collaboration. By the early eighteenth century, the British company was established as the most successful of the European traders operating in Asia, with prospects of prosperous growth, not least in Indian textiles and not least on the Coromandel Coast. There were undoubtedly earnest Christians among the Company’s Directors in England and its personnel in India, willing to support a missionary enterprise, but there was a further, more colonialist explanation for their support of the Lutherans of the English Mission. The renewed Charter of the EIC in 1693 had made the Christian instruction of local people in the Company’s service an obligation. Clearly, the Company saw the importance of co-opting the Eurasian and Indian people working for them at Madras and Cuddalore to their cause, and already the Directors had written to Madras in 1708 that “in time of danger, ... we can never reckon upon the true strength of the place being at our disposal, unless the natives are educated in the Protestant Religion.”25 This education was, however, a task beyond most of the chaplains, since they had other responsibilities, and were often only in post for a few years and failed to develop the linguistic competence 24 The 28 are listed by name in Penny, The Church in Madras, pp. 690-692.1 have not attempted to deal with how CMS handled the issue of Lutheran missionaries. The account by Cnattingius of the ''absolute infallibility'1 of their Home Committee in its dealing with Rhenius is revelatory. 25 Penny, The Church in Madras, p. 133.

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for such a task. The Lutheran missionaries were a different matter. Interestingly, more or less contemporaneous with Josiah Woodward’s appeal to the Directors in 1710 to support the Lutherans, Ziegenbalg had made a first visit from Tranquebar to the East India Company’s forts and factories on the Coromandel coast. He had been warmly and generously received by both Governors and chaplains at Madras and Cuddalore. He wrote to Halle that he saw the “deluded pagans” of the Eurasian and Indian communities working for the Company as a wider mission field for the Lutherans, if the Company “should be willing to entrust us with the management of so noble a charity.” He forecast that “after a time the English nation will contribute much to this work” and suggested that it would be “an advantage to the whole East India Company,” adding “What a blessing they would derive in their commerce!”26 This convergence of missionary and politico-commercial interests helps to explain the Company’s support for the Lutheran missionaries.27 When SPCK responded to the proposal of Benjamin Schultze that he should work in Madras to revive the schools there, working there from 1728 as an SPCK missionary and the first member of the English Mission, the Company’s Directors and the Madras Government readily agreed. In fact, they stated that “any of the Danish Missionaries” would be welcomed and protected in their territories. A later case of the political usefulness of the Lutheran missionaries was in ministering to the increasing number of German, Dutch, Danish and Swiss military personnel recruited to serve the fort garrisons after 1750. In a number of cases, the Lutheran missionaries were formally appointed and paid as military chaplains, Schwartz in particular, but several others also, with others such as Gericke being employed as Naval Chaplains and ministering at the Naval Hospital at Vepery. Many individual Company personnel in India gave generous support to the work of the missionaries, and local fund-raising projects were promoted, such as the transfer to the Mission of fines for drunkenness, unclaimed prize-money from the capture of Ceylon, a lottery, and ‘voluntary’ donations deducted from soldiers’ pay. Meanwhile, the East India Company’s official support in London was substantial throughout the eighteenth century, and included provision of 26 Lehmann, It began at Tranquebar, p. 126 and Penny, The Church in Madras, p. 183. 27A later case of this sort, around 1784-7, concerned the English Mission’s educational work with mixed-race children in Madras, the Company being persuaded to finance this on the grounds that “a considerable interest would accrue to the British interest in India ... tending to give stability to the settlements.” Penny, The Church in Madras, p.507.

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free passage between Europe and India for the Lutheran missionaries, both those continuing to be Tranquebar missionaries’ and those who belonged to the English Mission. It also included free conveyance of goods of all kinds connected with their work. The Company also provided allowances for eight of the Lutherans of the English Mission. It is evident that many of the Lutherans were enthusiastic about the association with the Company, and took advantage of it. Fabricius, for example, laid in a stock of the Company’s wine at the rate normally reserved for its own servants, and Gericke secured for his son a cadetship on the Madras military establishment. Throughout the entire period, and despite Francke’s concern that his project should not become a colonial mission, the relationship between the Lutherans and the East India Company might be described as symbiotic. The Company supported the missionaries’ evangelistic aspirations, and also recognised the political and economic value of the missionaries to themselves, while the missionaries appear to have been happy, sometimes enthusiastic, to collaborate. The Company’s support only began to falter as an effect of the controversies surrounding the renewal of its charter in 1793, and only finally came to an end in 1840. On a number of issues, throughout the eighteenth century the SPCK in London had difficulties in its collaboration with the Lutherans. One of the least of these was the matter of nationality. The Governor and Council at Madras, on first hearing from the EIC Directors in London of SPCK’s plans to recruit Lutheran help in establishing schools in Madras, expressed the hope that those running the schools would be “English and not foreigners.”28The serious colonial rivals of the British at this period being the French, however, the matter seems not to have arisen again, except in a rather unusual form on one occasion, when the Company, on capturing Tranquebar from the Danes in 1802, were persuaded to continue to pay the allowances of the Danish missionaries previously provided by the Danish Government. The question of the use of Lutheran or Anglican liturgical forms and catechism was rarely contentious, since almost all the Lutherans were free to use Lutheran forms with their congregations of converts, but both able and willing to use the Anglican Book of Common Prayer when ministering to English-speaking congregations and officiating at baptisms, marriages and burials in the absence of a Company chaplain. One of the missionaries, Rottler, was the first translator of the Book of Common Prayer into Tamil, in which, u Letter of 16 September, 1713, quoted in Ibid, p. 186.

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he concluded, there was nothing “which a Lutheran preacher could not subscribe to with a good conscience.”29 The only persistently difficult issue was that of the Anglican view of the orders of the Lutherans, as referred to earlier. This began to loom larger as an issue from around the time when a High Church Anglican, Geoige Gaskin, became Secretary of SPCK in 1785. He looked forward to an Indian church with a typically Anglican three-fold order of ministry and “a regular succession of truly apostolical Pastors.”30 He was subsequently joined in SPCK by such High Churchmen as William Van Mildert, Joshua Watson, and their friend Thomas Middleton, who became first Anglican Bishop in India as Bishop of Calcutta in 1814, their involvement implying similar hopes. As Bishop, Middleton certainly aimed at Anglicanizing the SPCK missions, though he “avoided all offensive measures.”31 It remains to pay some attention to the end of this story of collaboration. Its impact, for good or ill, upon the Indian congregations concerned, is another story.32 The collaboration had begun when Protestant union in Europe was a driving force and when this converged, fortuitously if incongruously, with the missionary impulse of Halle Pietism. The end came with two new factors of over-riding importance. The first was that the inspiration of Halle dwindled, so that by the end of the eighteenth century the Lutheran mission, both at Tranquebar and in the English Mission, was in terminal decline in terms both of personnel and funds. The creation of dependency, that had always been one of its characteristics now, had to take a new form before it could be overcome. Middleton had made a tour of the South a priority on his arrival in India. He was deeply moved by the faith and faithfulness of the missionaries and congregations of the English Mission, but conscious of the urgency of their problems, to the solution of which he was to devote a large amount of his time and resources. “We are living now altogether on the kindness of the Reverend Bishop of Calcutta,” the missionary at Tranquebar, CSmmerer, wrote in 1817. In 1820, he handed over the Tranquebar congregations and their catechists to SPCK. By 1826, he was the one remaining missionary at Tranquebar. The other Lutheran congregations, those of the English Mission, built up over the previous 29 Lehmann, It began at Tranquebar, p. 178. 30 Cnattingius, Bishops and Societies, p.52. 31 Ibid, p. 126. 32 It is told, with an exclusive emphasis on its ill effects, in D.H.Hudson, Protestant Origins in India: Tamil Evangelical Christians, 1706-1835, Grand Rapids, Cambridge and Richmond, 2000.

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century, were admitted into the Anglican church in the 1820s after the SPCK transferred responsibility for their support to SPG. SPCK undertook to support for the remainder of their lives the old missionaries who wished to remain in their Lutheran orders. Cammerer and Kohlhoff sent their sons to be among the first students at Bishop’s College, Calcutta, in preparation for ordination in the Anglican Church. Bishop Middleton hoped they would “prove worthy of the distinguished names” they bore.33 The second factor was the new political context, with the East India Company by the end of the eighteenth century achieving a dominance which was by now politico-military as well as commercial. The High Church political theology which both Middleton and SPCK espoused placed a special emphasis on the identity of church and state interests, so that the Anglicanizing of the Lutheran congregations in this context was to them a wise and proper development. It was, after all, only a further application of the Augsburg dictum referred to earlier, and, after all, the Lutheran missionaries had themselves also been happy enough to take over confiscated Roman Catholic churches and, where possible, adherents, in the course of the eighteenth century, at Fort St. David in 1749 and Fort St George in 1752. To the credit of Middleton, the ‘take-over’ was done in this case with grace and sensitivity. It is good to be able to end by recalling how Anglicans viewed their Lutheran partners in the project, that is, with affection and admiration. There was, for example, the remarkable outpouring of Archbishop Wake in his greeting to Ziegenbalg and GrOndler in 1719: Your province, therefore, Brethren, your office, 1 place before all dignitaries in the Church ... ye have acquired a better name than they, and a more sacred fame: and when that day shall arrive when the Chief Shepherd shall give to every man according to his work, a greater reward shall be adjudged to you. Admitted into the glorious society o f the Prophets, Evangelists, and Apostles, ye, with them, shall shine, like the sun among the lesser stars, in the kingdom of your Father for ever.34

There was also the occasion when the Directors of the East India Company sent a marble memorial to be erected in the Church of St Mary in Fort St George in 1807, to honour the “transcendent merit” of Schwartz, his “unwearied and disinterested labours to the cause of religion and 31 Letter of Middleton to SPG’s East India Committee, 18 July 1828, SPG Archives, Rhodes House, Oxford. 34 J.F.Fenger, History o f the Tranquebar Mission, Madras, 1906, p.86..

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piety, and the exercise of the finest and most exalted benevolence.”35 Perhaps most moving is Bishop Middleton’s description of meeting J.C.Kohlhoff in 1816: “When I came away, Mr Kohlhoff pronounced over me a prayer for my future welfare. Looking at his labours, I could not but feel that the less was blessed of the greater.”36

35J.Page, Schwartz o f Tanjore, London, 1921, p. 130. 36Allen and McClure, Two Hundred Years, p.284.

THE FIRST ENCOUNTERS BETWEEN CATHOLICS AND LUTHERANS ON INDIAN SOIL Leonard Fernando, SJf. When the first Lutheran missionaries, BartholomSus Ziegenbalg and Heinrich PlOtschau, landed in Tarangambadi on 9 July 1706, a Catholic community had already been in existence there for more than one hundred years. In fact, they were present even before the Danes, who arrived at Tarangambadi to establish a factory in 1620. Interestingly, this Catholic community owed its origin not to any missionary or priest, but to a group of lay persons, Paravars, from the Fishery Coast, who came and settled there. Around 1597, they built a chapel to which a Jesuit priest residing in Nagapattinam used to come and take care of their pastoral needs. Later, he began to reside in Tarangambadi.'

Common Mission Area The Catholic priests and the Danish pastors2 had a smooth relationship.3 The Danish pastors looked after the pastoral needs of the Europeans and did not do evangelising work among the locals. On the other hand, the Catholic missionaries took care of the Tamil Catholics and also sought to convert the locals to Catholicism. But the arrival of 1 This happened before 1620. See Achilles Meersman, “The Catholic Church in Tranquebar and Tanjore during the Formative Years of the Lutheran Mission,” Indian Church History Review, Vol. 1, No.2, Bangalore, 1967, p. 95. 1 These Danish priests were appointed by the Danish East India Company. They performed their pastoral work among the Europeans and conducted services in the Danish Zion Church. See Anders Norgaard, Mission und Obrigkeit: Die Ddnish-hallische Mission in Tranquebar 1706-1845, GOtersloh: Gfltersloher Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn, 1988, pp. 14 and 174. 5 According to Ziegenbalg, when he landed in Tarangambadi, there were two churches, a Roman Catholic church and the Evangelical Zion church. The latter had been built by the Danish inhabitants in 1701. See Amo Lehmann, It began at Tranquebar, Madras: Christian Literature Society, 1956, p. 17.

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the Lutheran missionaries was bound to lead to conflicts, because now the Catholics had to share a common “mission field”4with the Lutherans, and still worse, when the members of one community crossed over to the other group, they added fuel to the fire. Another point of contention was the relationship between the Danish authorities and the missionaries. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, the Catholics at Tarangambadi enjoyed the favour and protection of the Danish Governor Sigismund Hassius. He even paid a stipend to the Catholic missionary from the taxes of his employees. In conflict situations he generally favoured the Catholic missionaries against the Lutherans. Aware of this biased attitude of the governor, Ziegenbalg was cautious in his dealings with him. He complained that the governor joined hands with the Catholic missionary in converting Lutherans to Catholicism. Among those thus converted was Kanambadi Wathiar, a Tamil poet in the service of Ziegenbalg.5But the new governor appointed in 1716 no longer hindered their [Lutheran] work, but protected their converts.6All this led the Catholic missionaries to look at the arrival of the Lutheran missionaries with more apprehension and misgiving. And when some Catholics, including a few catechists, not only in Tarangambadi but also in Tanjavur district, became Lutherans, the feelings of enmity reached a high pitch.

European Enmity Carried Over The origin of the enmity between the Catholics and the Lutherans in India can be traced to the religious upheaval in Europe in the sixteenth century. Catholics associated the Reformation and Lutheranism with separation, division, heresy and loss to the ‘original’ community, and the Lutherans considered themselves as reformers of the corrupt Catholic religion controlled by the ‘anti-Christ’ Pope. This divided Western Christianity in the sixteenth century, with the hostile feelings of each group being carried over to India. Given the overheated atmosphere of hostility between Catholics and Lutherans in Europe, it is not surprising that its effects were felt on Indian soil. The Catholic and Lutheran

4 See Norgaard, Mission und Obrigkeit, p. 176. 5 H. Grafe, “The Relation between the Tranquebar Lutherans and the Tanjore Catholics in the First Half of the IS* Century,” Indian Church History Review Vol. 1, No.l, Bangalore, 1967, p.46. 6 Letter o f 8 September 1717 in A.Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien: Unver&ffentlichte Briefe von Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg, Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1957, p.486, abbreviation used AB. AB, p. 486 as cited in H. Grafe, “The Relation”, p. 47.

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missionaries saw each other as a threat. Each group considered itself as the true Christianity, and the other as false.

Ruin of Souls The Annual Letters of Jesuits, when referring to Lutherans, called them heretics and Lutheranism a heresy. For the first time, this was mentioned with respect to Lutheran missionaries in the Annual Letter of 1727, written by the Jesuits to the General of the Society of Jesus: “Would to God that we could equally avert the ruin which threatens us from the Danish heretics, settled at Trancambadi (Tranquebar).”7 In the same letter, a negative word, ‘‘plague”, is used to describe Lutheranism: “Let Your Paternity be kind enough to ask our brethren to pray to God that this plague may disappear.”8 In the Annual Letter of 1730, Lutheranism was portrayed as a heresy ruining souls and thus causing havoc among the people: “The danger of heresy is still threatening this Mission. The Lutherans, intent on the ruin of souls, roam about the fold, seeking whom they may devour.”9 For us, accustomed now to ecumenical collaboration and sensitivity, these words used of another Christian community sound harsh and unbecoming of disciples of Jesus. But that was how things were at that time. Who would have imagined at that time that three centuries later both the Catholics and the Lutherans would sign a common document on Justification by Faith,10the bone of contention between the two groups?

Not Different from Hindus Due to the adaptation policy begun and promoted by Robert de Nobili and the Jesuit Madura Mission, many of the Indian cultural and religious expressions" were preserved among the Catholics. Lutheran 7Annual Letter of 1727 by Prosper Giuliani dated 16 July 1728. •Ibid. ’ The Annual Letter of 1731 dated 18 June 1731 by Beschi. Compare 1 Pet 5:8. 10On 31 October 1999 “The Doctrine of Justification” Joint Declaration was made by the Lutheran World Federation (LWF) and the Roman Catholic Church. It was signed by Bishop Christian Krause, President, on behalf of the LWF, and Cardinal Edward I. Cassidy, President of the Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity, on behalf of the Catholic Church, in Augsburg, Germany. This event marks an important milestone in the ecumenical movement. This “decisive step forward” is the result of more than thirty years of prayer, meetings and dialogue between both the Churches as partners with equal rights. (See Joint Declaration n. 44.) 11 It could also be true that due to lack of proper religious instruction some Catholics might have been continuing with some of their old superstitious practices. However, the

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missionaries like Ziegenbalg, neither familiar with nor appreciative of the rich religious heritage of India partly adopted by Catholics, were very suspicious about some of the religious and cultural practices of the Catholics. Ziegenbalg observed that the ceremonies in the Catholic Church were not very different from the ones performed in Hindu temples, and that “the Catholics are not very different from the pagans.”12 He wanted to bring the Catholics to the “true” Christian faith, besides converting Hindus to Christianity. It is interesting to note that the Lutherans saw the presence of Catholicism in Tanjavur as a preparation for the establishment of Lutheranism, preparatio evangelica - a fulfilment theology! This thinking is clearly seen in the statement made by a Lutheran missionary: “At least this much is happening that [with the activity of Catholics] people are being purified from the gross slag of idol worship and turned from polytheism and that the name of Jesus is made known to them. Thus it can be a preparation to a clear breakthrough in God’s time of the Evangelical light which has already been put up for them by the translation of Holy Scriptures.”13 Commenting on the attitude of the Lutherans, Grafe remarked: “We see that the Roman Catholic Mission could be viewed by them [Lutherans] as spade-work for the seed of the Lutheran faith. This idea implies that their own mission ought not to stop before the gates of the Roman Church. On the contrary, their missionary strategy clearly included the lifting up of the Catholics to perfect Christianity.”14 The crux of the problem was this - the conversion of Catholics to Lutheranism. This tension happened in Tanjavur, Chennai and other areas.

Growth of Lutheranism at the Expense of Catholicism Around 1725, Lutheranism entered Tanjavur and its districts, which had a sizeable Catholic population.15Catholics Rajanaikken and Sathianadan from the Tanjavur district, who had got in touch with the Lutheran missionaries at Tarangambadi, converted to Lutheranism. These legitimate Catholic veneration of saints and the place of statues in their religious world were condemned by the Lutherans as idol worship, and thus equated with Hindu idol worship. 12 A.H.Francke / G.A.Francke, eds., Der K&nigl. Ddnischen Missionarien aus Ost-Indien eingesandter Ausfuhrlicher Berichte ...Erster ausfUhrlicher Bericht - 71. Continuation (Halle: Waysen-Haus, 1718-1752), abbreviation used: HB (‘Hallesche Berichte’). HB 17, as cited in H. Grafe, uThe Relation", p.44. 13 HB 25, as cited in H. Grafe, “The Relation”, p.50. 14 Ibid. 13 According to the report of Aaron, the Protestant Catechist in 1727, there were about four to five hundred Catholics in Tanjavur city and another three thousand Catholics

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former Catholics were instrumental in establishing Lutheranism on a strong footing in Tanjavur and Mayuram areas. In the space of one year, between October 1727 and October 1728,104 people became Lutherans and forty of them were converts from Catholicism. This did not go down well with the Catholic missionaries. They accused the Lutherans of enticing Catholics with material benefits: “They [the Lutherans] have sent their catechists with their pockets well supplied, in order to throw trouble and disorder among the Tanjore Christians... Already, a few Christians of the lower strata of society, some pariahs, enticed by the love of rupees, fell away at their instigation; and the number of the apostates is daily increasing.”16 The 1728-29 famine in Tanjavur district claimed the lives of many people. In keeping with the Pietist tradition of concern for the orphans and the poor, the Lutheran missionaries worked for the welfare of the poor. The Lutheran missionaries enjoyed the patronage of the Danish King. On the other hand, the financial situation of the Catholic missionaries was not sound. “The mission was badly off. The coconut grove in Goa, which supported the Madurai Mission, was occupied by the Mahrattas. Very little money came from Portugal,” observed Rajamanickam.17 The Catholic missionaries opined that it was the abundant alms given by the Lutherans to the famine stricken Catholics that attracted many Catholics to the Protestant fold: This year a large number of neophytes, mostly of low caste, attracted by money more than by arguments, passed over to the camp of the Danish heretics. Unable to endure any longer the pangs of hunger, they received from the Danes rice and other necessaries of life, and thus sold their souls. Two Vaduguers, one named Ignacy, who had been formerly our cook, and his younger brother called Saruven who was our catechist, gave us still greater trouble. The first having embraced the party of the Danes, was made catechist by them, and began to visit the Kingdom of Tanjore; he brought the Danes a good many Sudras.18

On the help rendered by Lutherans, Meersman has the following comment to make: “We should not assume that this [conversion] was the sole purpose they had in view when they helped the stricken, but there is 16Annual Letter of 1727 by Prosper Giuliani dated 16 July 1728. 17 S.Rajamanickam, “Madurai and Tranquebar”, in Michael Bergunder, ed., Missionsberichte aus Indien in 18. Jahrhundert, Halle, 1999, p.53. 11The Annual Letter of 1729 by Fr. Vincent Guerreiro dated 26 August 1730.

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no doubt that this work afforded them opportunities to make additional contacts among the Catholics.” 19

Religious Literature The Lutheran missionaries were gifted with a good printing press. The types are excellent, well cut, numerous and varied. “They are of at least seven or eight kinds, and of various sizes. We wish we could oppose book to book. But means fail us. We have no press, and can scarcely oppose one book to one thousand books,”20 laments the Catholic missionary. Because of the facility that they enjoyed to print religious literature, the Lutherans were able to reach out to more people than the Catholics through the print media.21

Counter-offensive In order to put an end to the exodus of Catholics to Protestantism, Constant Joseph Beschi “received orders from Fr. Dominic Madeira, his superior, to write a book refuting their errors.”22 Beschi wrote Veda Vilakkam, an explanation of the basic tenets of the Catholic faith. It was composed in 1728,23 and the first edition was published at Pondicherry in the same year. The Danish missionaries answered this book by a short paper of thirteen pages, entitled Tirutchcabai Pedagam, “The Schism of the Church,” first written in Portuguese and later translated into Tamil,24 wherein a brief history of the Church was given to highlight how the division came about in the Church.

'* Meersman, “The Catholic Church”, p. 111. 20Annual Letter of 1727 by Prosper Giuliani dated 16 July 1728. 21It is surprising that Catholics, who introduced printing in India in the mid-sixteenth century, did not develop the technique in India. 22Annual Letter of 1727 by Prosper Giuliani dated 16 July 1728. 21 Contents of the Veda Vilakkam: 1.Origin of Protestantism. 2. Various sects of Protestantism. 3. Saints’ worship. 4. Worship of the Mother of God. 5. Antiquity of the worship of the Mother of God and of the Saints. 6. Image worship. 7. Antiquity of image worship. 8. Commandments of the Church. 9. Infallibility of the Church. 10. The Roman Church is the only true Church. 11. Souls in Purgatory. 12. The Sacraments - general study. 13. The Sacraments - particular study. 14. The Blessed Eucharist, and Transubstantiation. 15. Holy Mass. 16 Holy Scripture. 17. Miracles, the seal of God. Miracles wrought by the Martyr John de Britto. 18. Confirmation of what has been advanced in the Veda Vilakkam. Profession of faith. See L. Besse, Father Beschi o f the Society o f Jesus: His Times his Writings, Trichinopoly: St. Joseph’s industrial School Press, 1918, p. 193, footnote 1.

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Beschi wrote Pedaga Maruttel or 'Refutation of Schism’ to counter the arguments given by the Lutherans. He also wrote Lutterinattiyalbu, ‘Nature of Lutheranism.’2*Rajamanickam observed: As this treatise was written as an answer to the enquiry of Sathan: Who are these Lutherans?, Beschi says that he would confirm his statement from Scripture and quotes Revelation 9,1 -12 which is given as a verse. Then he explains each line and applies the fallen star and the locusts to Luther and his followers with the final remark that such was the opinion of learned scholars of his time. The treatise is written in a highly polemic style of those days.26

The Annual Letter of 1730 bears testimony to the effects of these writings of Beschi: “Father Beschi... has clearly and forcibly exposed to the Neophytes, in his Tamil works written in a very elegant style, the frauds and lies of the heretics, so much so that thereafter they did not trouble us anymore.” Though these writings had their desired effect, they created bad blood between the two groups, as is the case with all polemical writings.

Training of Catechists Besides writing books to refute Lutheranism, Beschi concentrated on the formation of the catechists. Beschi wrote the Vediar Olukkam for catechists.27It is divided into twenty chapters, with an appendix of eight chapters, entitled Gnana Kannadi or ‘Spiritual Mirror.’28 Rev. Elijah 24 The Tamil version had 13 sheets or 26 pages. It had 24 statements against the Catholic Church. See Rajamanickam, “Madurai and Tranquebar”, p.61. 25This work seems to date from 1735. See Besse, Father Beschi, p. 195. 26 Rajamanickam, “Madurai and Tranquebar”, pp.55-56. 27The composition of this work is generally dated about 1727. The first mention of it is found in the Annual Letter of 1730. 28 The Table of Contents is as follows: 1.Nature of the work of a catechist. 2. Excellence of this work. 3. The work of a catechist common to all. 4. Preparation for this work. 5. By watching over oneself, one will greatly help others. 6. To be mindful of others is a means of preserving oneself. 7. To edify our neighbour the first means is to give good example. 8. The second means is to pray to God. 9. The third is the desire to edify one's neighbour. 10. Reasons to kindle in us this desire or zeal. 11. Distrusting oneself, wholly trusting in God. 12. To see nothing except the soul of the neighbour. 13. Showing love. 14. Not to desire the goods of the neighbour. 15. To choose the way, the place and time. 16. With those who go astray, enter by their door and come out by ours. 17. Not to be discouraged by failure. 18. With oneself. 19. A help to the catechetical work. 20. Additional exhortation to observe that rule. Then follows a series of examinations of conscience, on the above rule, in 8 chapters: 1. Conduct towards God, 2. Towards oneself, 3. Towards one’s household, 4. Towards the Priests, 5. Towards the Church, 6. Towards the heathens, 7. Towards the dying, 8. Towards hindrances in the performance of one’s

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Hoole, a Wesleyan missionary, was all praise for it: “It contains clear definitions, and presents powerful and affecting appeals with regard to the work in which catechists are engaged.” According to him “next to the grammars and the dictionary the most unexceptionable of the writings of Beschi is the Vethiar Olukkam: it contains clear definitions, offers powerful motives, and presents affecting appeals with regard to the work of this class of teachers.”29 Beschi was convinced that for the catechist to be successful in his ministry to the people, he should be a man of God. He sought to ground the catechists on a solid foundation of faith and so directed their retreats (the Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius) that they might become personally committed to Christ.

Our Lady of Refuge To counteract the success of the Lutherans among the Catholics, Beschi tried another method which he thought would prove successful. He sought the help and protection of Mother Mary by instituting a special feast in honour of Adaikala Matha, Our Lady of Refuge, for that purpose. He [Beschi] understood that to save the neophytes from heresy, or bring them back to the true Catholic faith, it was not enough to have recourse to the means he had made use of so far, either by writing books, or sending letters to the Christians, at the cost of much labour. He wrote everything to the Bishop of Mylapore, to whom all those neophytes belonged, and requested him to exhort them, in a Pastoral Letter, to celebrate every year a solemn feast in honour of the Blessed Virgin, under the title of our Lady of Refuge, and on the following day to have a solemn anniversary for the souls in Purgatory. Father Beschi hoped that, through the protection of the Most Blessed Virgin, whose worship was perfidiously attacked by the Danish heretics, and the intercession of the souls in Purgatory which the Lutherans reject as fables, he would succeed in averting this great evil, which till now had baffled all human means. This is what happened.30

That Beschi’s strategy proved successful was attested by the Annual Letter of 1730: “With the permission of the Bishop, the neophytes celebrated those festivals with all possible pomp; and at once Fr. Beschi duties. Finally, there come a number of pithy proverbs, to be fastened on the memory. See Besse, Father Beschi, p. 197. 29 Missions in Madras, Mysore, etc., 1844, as cited in Besse, Father Beschi, pp. 196-197. 30The Annual Letter of 1729 by Vincent Guerreiro dated 26 August 1730.

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had the happiness to see the progress of the heretics checked, and their boldness broken. No more Christians embraced the party of the Danes, and among those who had apostatized, a good many came back to the bosom of the Church.”31 The following year the Annual Letter reported, in the same vein: In a village called Ellacurichi, which belongs to the Prince of Aryalur, a vassal of the King of Madura, [we] have there a church dedicated to Our Lady ofRefuge, famous for the great concourse of Christians. It was the Lutheran heresy which gave occasion to the choice of this appellation. For the Danes of Tranquebar, disciples of Luther, threatened to invade the kingdom of Tanjore, and to ruin the whole Mission. Not knowing how to resist their attack, we begged the consent of the Bishop of Mylapore, to be allowed to dedicate the church to Our Blessed Lady who has crushed so many heresies in the world. The permission was granted. This was the coup de grace for the Lutherans.32

Beschi was also to observe: “As to the Danish heretics; after what I related to Your Paternity they dared not attempt anything new; or, rather, they were not able to raise their heads, which were crushed by the Most Blessed Virgin.”33

Divine Providence The Catholic missionaries attributed their ‘success’over the Lutherans to Divine Providence: Divine Providence has broken the efforts of the same heretics in the kingdom of Tanjore, which is depending on the residence of Ellacurichi, and that, at the very moment they appeared stronger and bolder. Their aim for many years had been to have a station inland: they incessantly worked at it, but to no purpose. Finally, of late, they put their trust in a certain famous physician, heretic of course, sent by the King of Denmark. The King of Tanjore suffers in the tibia of an old sore or hideous ulcer. This physician promised to bring with him a powerful remedy. At once courtiers were dispatched to Tranquebar with a retinue of horses and elephants, to bring the Doctor with due accompaniment. The Lutherans exulted; proud of the cleverness of the physician, they loudly assured that he would succeed without fail; they insulted the Catholics who were watching this step with sadness. But the all-merciful God, who hears the groans of the poor, and confounds 31 The Annual Letter of 1730, by Joseph Vieyra, dated 18 June 1731. 32The Annual Letter of 1731, by Beschi, dated 4 September 1732. 31 Ibid. Ref to Genesis 3, 15 according to Latin translation.

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the counsel of the impious, sent a most opportune remedy, when things seemed most desperate. On the day fixed for the departure, the physician did not feel quite well: he had his vein opened and died the following day. At once all the vain display, jubilation and hope of the Lutherans vanished: mourning and lamentations took their place, and it was the turn for Catholics to rejoice [!]. Discouraged by this event, the Lutherans did not venture to undertake anything from that date, the more so that Father Beschi, who has the care and solicitude of this Residence, in his writings composed in an elegant Tamil, clearly exposed the frauds and lies of the heretics.34

This period also saw the conversion of Lutherans to Catholicism. Any such conversion was recorded with great delight, much more so if they were those who had once been Catholics and then became Lutherans and now were coming back to the Catholic community: Two of their [Lutheran] catechists, belonging to the noblest castes of the country, abjured heresy, and embraced the Roman faith. One of them, a former servant of our Fathers, had denied the Catholic faith, gone to Tranquebar, and during several years filled the post of catechist. Now finally, he has left the heretics, fled away with his family, and at the risk of many dangers from spies placed on all the ways, and from swollen rivers, by a special mercy of God, reached the village of Ellacurichi. There he has given unequivocal signs of repentance, and has been admitted again into the bosom of the Catholic Church. The other catechist's mother was a Catholic. On her death-bed she warned him that if he wanted to obtain eternal life, he should become a Christian. Not knowing the difference there is between the Catholic faith and the Lutheran sect, yet desirous of following his mother's advice, he went to the heretics who gave him baptism, and soon afterwards made of him a catechist. He fulfilled this office for ten years. But, when he noticed the difference, or rather opposition between the Catholic faith and Lutheranism, either by talking with the neophytes, or by reading our books, and arrived at the conviction that Catholics alone could obtain life everlasting, he made up his mind to abjure heresy. First of all, he went to those who by his exhortations had become heretics, and he told them that, himself deceived, he had deceived them, but now exhorted them to come back to the only path of life. Then he came to our church, gave evident signs of his faith and piety, was instructed in the Catholic faith, and then admitted into the Roman Church. It was much more difficult for him to convince his wife, for she was very clever and well versed in all the tenets of the heretics. She declared 54The Annual Letter of 1730 by Joseph Vieyra dated 18 June 1731.

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she would not give up the Lutheran sect, unless fully persuaded by his arguments. Among the arguments put forward by the catechists, they insisted on the larger number of high caste people, baptised by our missionaries every year, whereas the Lutherans were very few, and mostly pariahs, although the preachers incurred great expenses to that effect. - ‘But,’ replied that woman, ‘you keep pagan ceremonies: like the pagans, you worship images, and do many things conformable to the customs and genius of the pagans. It is not therefore surprising that seeing so little difference between you and themselves, they should follow you willingly. Nothing of the kind is to be seen at Tranquebar; it is not astonishing therefore that people do not follow us.’ - Thus argued this clever woman. She however surrendered to the force of reasons, or rather to divine grace, she too abjured heresy, and lives among our Christians, giving much edification to all.35

The Annual Letters speak in glorious terms of persons who decided to undergo privations rather than give up their Catholic faith. One such person was an old Christian woman: Admirable was the faith and constancy of a poor old Christian woman. She was utterly destitute but for a little rice to support her. On account of her old age she could not leave her house. The heretical catechists having heard of it made up their mind to pervert her. Twice they went to her house, offered her money and clothes and showed themselves ready to support her altogether, if she wanted to become a Lutheran. But the pious woman, struck with horror at such a proposal, stoutly declared herself ready to die of starvation, rather than receive help from the hands of heretics.36

The animosity aroused by Catholics becoming Lutherans was sometimes directed against former Catholics who were working for the spread of Lutheranism. One person whom many catechists and elders of the Catholic community hated was Rajanaikken, whose very life came under threat. Some Catholics tried to pull down his house, a customary way of dealing with one’s opponent. Basing herself on Hallesche Berichte, Heike Liebau wrote: With the employment of the catechist Rajanaikken (1700-1770) in Thanjavur in 1728 and with the later opening up of Thanjavtir to foreign missionaries in 17S3, systematic efforts to reach and convert Catholics began. As adherents to Catholicism they already possessed knowledge of Christianity. Their meetings with Tranquebar missionaries offered MAnnual Letter of 1735 by Salvador dos Reys dated 27 June 1736. Note the argument about the conversion of people from different castes! 36 Ibid.

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them a new approach to Christian belief that involved contradictions to their former ideas of Christian faith. Thus, although these people did not “change” their religion, [but] “only” their denominational affiliation with the same religion, consequences were often painful. Rajanaikken, who was a descendant of a Roman Catholic family, worked as a catechist mainly among Roman Catholic Christians. At the same time, however, he and his family suffered persecution and violence from Roman Catholics.37

The Catholic community’s expression of anger against Rajanaikken and others was expressed in a powerfully symbolic way. “His name and the names of similar leaders, who had crossed over, were written on a palm leaf, burned, and the ashes carried as in a funeral procession, during the commemoration for the dead on the day after the festival of Our Lady of Refuge, which was attended by about 10,000 pilgrims at Elakurichi,” narrates Rajamanickam.38

Appreciation, Collaboration and Gratefulness Though there was bitter animosity between the Lutherans and the Catholics in the field of religion, there were also words of appreciation for each other, especially for their literary achievements. An atmosphere of give and take existed among them. Ziegenbalg wrote in his letters of 1707 that the reading of Tamil Christian literature of the Catholic missionaries helped him a lot, especially the Tamil edition of the gospel stories, from which he learnt important words and phrases.39 Ziegenbalg got from the Catholic missionaries an old book with selected stories of the Old Testament, which he was allowed to copy in return for the permission to copy his translation of the New Testament by the Catholics. Ziegenbalg had words of praise for the Jesuit missionaries in Tamil Nadu “for their diligence, especially in learning the Indian languages, for their untiring zeal and spiritual profoundness in disputing with non-Christians, and for their fearlessness in suffering martyrdom.” At one place he even quoted them as an example worthy of imitation for early ordaining Indians to the ministry.40 37Heike Liebau, “Country Priests, Catechists, and Schoolmasters as Cultural, Religious, and Social Middlemen in the Context of Tranquebar Mission,” in R.E.FrykenbeTg, ed.. Christians and Missionaries in India, Michigan: Wm. B. Eeerdmans, 2003, p.75. 38 S.Rajamanickam, “Madurai and Tranquebar”, p. SI. 39AB, p. 59 as cited in H.Grafe, “The Relation”, p. 43. 40AB, pp. 172, 239f. and 178 as cited in H.Grafe, “The Relation”, p. 44.

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It must be observed that in spite of the division and enmity on the basis of religion, the human qualities of loving care and gratitude were not wanting. In 1732, the medical missionary at Tarangambadi had treated a dying Roman catechist. Beschi wrote a letter of gratitude to the missionaries of Tarangambadi: “I thank you for the great services of compassion done to my catechist and implore the common Lord that he himself who deigned to promise mercy to the merciful may sumptuously return grace for kindness.”41

Offer of Friendship Walther, the Lutheran missionary at Tarangambadi, had appealed to Beschi for peace and understanding between the Roman and the Lutheran Churches. In a letter dated 3 February 1728, Beschi replied with great affection and appreciation: You know that a kingdom divided against itself is doomed. This is specially the case with the new church of the neophytes. While it may prosper under any one regime, it is sure to be destroyed if it is going to be ruled by two... Some men of your Reverence go about in the kingdom of Thanjavur and, I would prefer not to mention it, by promises and gifts of money they endeavour to pervert not only my neophytes but even my catechists. About Hindus I do not complain as I have no jurisdiction over them. However when some one wants to increase his flock by the pillage of my sheep, with what reason can you expect the Pastor to serve peace and concord? Hence, as from the letter of Your Reverence, I find that you are meek of heart and have a just desire for peace, I may justly infer that all these things which have happened so far to the detriment of peace and concord, were done without the knowledge of Your Reverence. Now that you have been informed about them, I pray that you apply the remedy and strictly prohibit them so that they will not in future proceed in this way. It is a scandal to the neophytes, while among the gentiles it provokes a great hatred against the Christian religion and the harm done in a short time cannot be undone by either of us.42

This offer of friendship and the reciprocated wish for peace and amity failed to produce the desired effect. Lutheran ministry among the Catholics and that of Catholics among the Lutherans continued, resulting in some Catholics becoming Lutherans and some Lutherans becoming Catholics. 41 HB, 37 as cited in H. Grafe, “The Relation”, p. 56. 42Beschi to Walther. See S.Rajamanickam, “Madurai and Tranquebar”, pp. 65-68 for the English translation and the original Latin text.

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This so called “sheep stealing” was not a fact restricted to that period in Tamil Nadu. The history of Christianity in India bears ample testimony to this fact being revisited in many parts of India, with the resultant animosity between groups. Today some of the mainline Churches look with grave concern at the phenomenal growth of charismatic Christian communities at the expense of the established Churches. The problem is not over. The eighteenth century issue continues to challenge the Christian communities of the twenty-first century.

BARTHOLOMAUS ZIEGENBALG, THE TRANQUEBAR MISSION AND ‘THE ROMAN HORROR’ Will Sweetman In August or September 1705 BartholomSus Ziegenbalg was asked whether he would accept a commission from the Danish King, Frederik IV, to go to the West Indies as a missionary. At the time he was acting as a temporary curate in a small town close to Berlin, and intending to return to university to continue the studies that had been interrupted due to his poor health and the death of his sister. Three weeks later, when in Berlin to attend a wedding, he was surprised to discover that his initial noncommittal response had been taken as an acceptance.1In early October, as he set out for Copenhagen to be ordained, he wrote to a friend to say he would now be sent to another of the Danish overseas territories in Guinea, West Africa, which he had heard was much less healthy than America.2 By 29 November, when he embarked, the destination had changed again, now to the ‘East Indies’. These details are mentioned here in order to demonstrate how little prepared Ziegenbalg was for India and its religions. There is no evidence of his having made any study of what was known of India in Europe prior to his being sent there, and during the seven month voyage the only language Ziegenbalg was able to study was Danish.3 1 Arno Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien: unverdffentlichte Briefe von Bartholomews Ziegenbalg 1706-1719, Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1957, pp. 32-33. 2 Ibid, p. 21. 3 Joachim Lange, ed., Mertkwurdige Nachricht aus Ost-Jndien Welche Zwey Evangelisch-Lutherische Prediger Nahmentlich Herr Bartholomews Ziegenbalg Geburtig von Pulsnitz in Meissen Und Herr Heinrich Plutscho Von Wesenberg in Mecklenburg So von Seiner Konigl. Majestdt in Dennemarck und Norwegen Den 29. Novemb, 1705. aus Copenhagen nach Dero Ost-Jndischen Colonie in Drangebar gesandt: Zum Idblichen Versuch Ob nicht dasige angrentzende blinde Heyden einiger massen Zum Christenthum mdchten k&nnen angefilhret werden: Erstlich unterwegens

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First Encounters with Tamils and Catholics On arrival in India, in July 1706, Ziegenbalg fully expected to find barbarians. In 1708 he wrote that when he first came among the Tamils, he shared the opinion of most Europeans that they were a “truly barbaric people” without learning or morals.4 It was not until he began to learn Tamil that his view of them changed. What is remarkable is how quickly this happened, within months of his arrival in Tranquebar. In one of his earliest letters from India, dated 1 October 1706, he writes: “These Malabarian heathens are, however, a very intelligent and rational people, who must be won over with great wisdom.”5 He continues that their faith is quite as well ordered as that of “we Christians” - a statement which was toned down in the published version of the letter to say only that their “fabulous” faith is well ordered.6 Moreover, he found the Tamils to lead a “quiet, honorable and virtuous life,” on the basis of their natural powers alone, surpassing that of the Christians tenfold. Again this statement was edited, to read that they surpass “false” Christians not a little. Alongside his realization that the Tamils were not barbarians, came an awareness of the difficulty of his missionary task. In another letter written on the same day, Ziegenbalg lists five hindrances to the conversion of the ‘heathen'. Among them are the vexatious life of the other Christians in Tranquebar, the preference of the Hindus for outward ceremonial over the inward worship of the mind, and the fact that any convert would be excommunicated by his or her family, unless he was the head of the household. The other two reasons relate to the activities of the Catholics. The conversion of the ‘heathen’ “is greatly hindered, because they see how craftily the Catholics have made so many so-called Christians of them, thinking that one wants to mislead them in the same way with such deception.” The other and, says Ziegenbalg, perhaps the primary reason, is that “they see these same Catholic Christians going begging by the hundred, and they are angered that they are not den 30. April 1706. aus Africa von dem Vorgebirge der guten Hoffnung bey den so genanten Hottentotten. Und bald darauf aus Trangebar von der Kiiste Coromandel, an einige Predige und gute Freunde in Berlin uberschrieben und von diesen zum Druck bejbrdert. Die andere Auflage, Leipzig and Franckfurt am Mayn: Joh. Christoph Papen, 1708, p. 27. * Bartholomdus Ziegenbalg and Willem Caland, B. Ziegenbalg‘s Kleinere Schriften, Amsterdam: Uitgave van Koninklijke Akademie, 1930, p. 11. 5 Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 44. 6 Lange, ed., Merckwurdige Nachricht, p. 29.

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better received by their co-religionists and supported in their need, or given work, so that they do not have to seek their living from door to door.”7 Four days later in another letter, addressed to the King who had commissioned him, Ziegenbalg expands: The gospel of the crucified Christ is foolishness to them, the more so the less it agrees with their reason. Therefore it is not to be wondered at, that before now the Papists have drawn many of them to themselves with their impotent ceremonies, which in many ways are not unlike their idolatry, which also appeals to the outward senses and the eyes, but has no power in the heart like the pure word of the cross, death and victorious resurrection of Jesus Christ which takes hold not of reason but faith. Thus it is also a great hindrance to their conversion, when they have to see that almost no-one will receive those who have entered the Catholic religion, but rather are now turned away by them and, deprived of all their goods, must often beg their bread before the doors of others. To this also must be added the great lovelessness of most Christians, who so often leave the poor to seek their bread, and that often in vain... Not to mention the unchristian life of those who, although baptized as Christians, live more like heathen.®

Less than a month before writing this letter, Ziegenbalg had reported that he had not yet tried to introduce himself to the Catholic priests in Tranquebar.9 Although on occasion he seems to have cooperated with Catholics in other towns,10 Ziegenbalg’s relationships with Catholics in Tranquebar itself were never good" and were complicated by his 7 Ibid, p. 18. * Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 47. 9 Christian Gustav Bergen, Herm Bartholomai Ziegenbalgs und Herm Heinrich Plutscho, K8n. Ddnischer Missionariorum, Brieffe, Von ihrem Beruff und Reise nach Tranqvebar, wie auch Bifihem gefuhrten Lehre und Leben unter den Heyden, Sonderlich aber Von denen uns Eumpaem nicht allzu bekandten Malabaren, An einige Prediger und gute Freunde in der Marck und Ober-Lausitz [i.e. Pulsnitz] geschickt, Jetzund vermehret, mit etlichen Erinnerungen, und einem Anhange unschddlicher Gedancken von neuem heraus gegeben von Christian Gustav Bergen. Die dritte Aufflage, Pima: Georg Balthasar Ludewig, 1708, p. SO. 10Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 197. 11 On the relationship between the Tranquebar and Catholic missions during and after Ziegenbalg’s time see also Hugald Grafe, “The Relation between the Tranquebar Lutherans and the Tanjore Catholics in the First Half of the 18th Century”, Indian Church History Review Vol. 1 (1), 1967 and S. Rajamanickam, “Madurai and Tranquebar”, in Michael Bergunder, ed. Missionsberichte aus Indien im 18. Jahrhundert: Ihre Bedeutung fSr die eurvpdische Geistesgeschichte und ihr wissenschaftlicher Quellenwert fur Indienkunde, Halle: Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen zu Halle, 1999.

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difficult relationship with the Danish Commandant of Tranquebar, Johann Siegmund Hassius.12 Although Tranquebar was under the control of the Danish East India Company, and hence was supplied with Lutheran chaplains of the established church in Denmark, Catholic priests in Tranquebar had a similar quasi-official role in the city, and were paid by the Company for their role as chaplains to the Catholic Christians in Tranquebar, many of whom were Indians either in the service of the Company, or private servants and slaves of Danish traders. In his letters Ziegenbalg repeatedly complains that Hassius, despite representing a Protestant nation, favoured the Catholics to the disadvantage of the Royal Danish mission. The Catholic poor received alms from the Company - in contravention of what Ziegenbalg calls ‘Paul’s rule’ that one’s first concern should be one’s co-religionists.13Ziegenbalg attributes the success of the Catholic fathers in a Protestant town to the Commandant’s patronage, and argues that it shows what the Protestant mission might have achieved had they had his support instead of his opposition.14 He writes that potential converts from Catholicism to Lutheran Christianity fear the power of the Portuguese fathers,15 and complains that the Commandant not only honoured the Catholic Bishop of Mylapore with a canon salute,16 but invited him to take up residence in Tranquebar, when he was unable to return to Mylapore because of Muslim opposition.17 By contrast, his fellow Protestant and Dutch counterpart in Nagapatnam, not only helped Ziegenbalg but refused to allow the Catholic Bishop of Mylapore even to enter the city.18 Anders Nergaard notes that the mission diary, which is extant only for the years following 1712, records many differences of opinion with the Catholic priests of Tranquebar, and that there is no reason to assume 12 See Anders Nergaard, Mission und Obrigkeit: Die Ddnisch-hallische Mission in Tranquebar, 1706-1845, GOtersloh: Giitersloher Verlagshaus/Gerd Mohn, 1988; Ulla Sandgren, The Tamil New Testament and Bartholomdus Ziegenbalg: A Short Study o f Some Tamil Translations o f the New Testament. The Imprisonment o f Ziegenbalg 19.1L1708-26.3.1709, Uppsala: Swedish Institute of Missionary Research/Svenska institutet far missionsforskning, 1991. n Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 83. 14 Ibid, p. 159. 15Ibid, p. 83. 16Ibid, p. 183. 17 Ibid, p. 343. u Ibid, p. 183.

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that the same was not true in earlier years.19 We do have evidence of two such incidents from the year 1708. The first involved a dispute over whether the illegitimate child of a Danish soldier and a non-Christian woman should be baptized and brought up as a Catholic or a Protestant, and resulted in Ziegenbalg’s colleague, Heinrich Pliitschau, being brought before a court.20Although Pliitschau was released, Ziegenbalg wrote that “the Catholics rejoiced, that we were persecuted and they were authorized,”21 and he connected this incident, which he took to have emboldened the Catholics, directly with the second, a fortnight later, which resulted in his imprisonment. This incident arose from Ziegenbalg’s intervention on behalf of the widow of a Tamil barber, over a debt between her late husband and a Catholic who was employed by the Company as a translator. Hassius regarded Ziegenbalg’s repeated intervention in the case, including his advice that she kneel before him in the Danish church, as inappropriate and sent for Ziegenbalg to appear before him. When Ziegenbalg demurred, requesting a written summons, he was arrested and, because he refused to answer questions, imprisoned.22 Although released after a little more than four months, Ziegenbalg’s relationship with the Commandant remained difficult, and his letters are full of complaints on this score, and regularly invoke the Catholics’ relationship with the Commandant as one reason for his troubles. The most interesting of these is a letter from September 1714, in which he states that one reason, among others, why the Commandant opposes them, and protects the Catholics, is that he and they are engaged in private trade, and fear that the missionaries will expose them in Europe.23 When, finally, after Ziegenbalg’s return from Europe in 1716, a new Commandant was appointed, who protected the interests of the mission, Ziegenbalg writes triumphantly that the Catholics were no longer able to pour scom on the Lutheran mission.24

Catholic Tamil Works As Ziegenbalg states, the catalyst for the transformation in his view of the Tamils was the learning of their language. Initially he and Pliitschau 19Nerrgaard, Mission und Obrigkeit, p. 39. 20 See Sandgren’s summary of the incident in Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg, p. 95. 21 Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 95. 22 For more detailed accounts, see Nerrgaard, Mission und Obrigkeit, pp. 41-48. and Sandgren, Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg, pp. 95-101. 25 Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 393. 24 Ibid, p. 486.

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had learned the Tamil script with the help of an old schoolmaster, who later did much to transform Ziegenbalg’s view of Hindus: Indeed, I must confess that my 70 year old tutor often asks such questions as to make me realize that in their philosophy everything is by no means so unreasonable as we in our country usually imagine about such heathen. They are so clever that if they heard the learned men in Europe dispute on the rostrum about logic, rhetoric, and metaphysics, they would laugh scornfully and consider such skill as the greatest stupidity, because they like free, unrestrained and clear speaking with good reasoning and do not indulge in figures of speech.25

This schoolmaster, however, knew no Portuguese, and therefore they had initially no common tongue in which he could explain to them the grammar of the language. The missionaries therefore hired, at considerable expense, a former translator to the Danish Company. At the recommendation of the Commandant, they also obtained a copy of “some grammatical precepts [written] in the Portuguese language, drawn up by a missionary of the King of France.”26Rajamanickam notes that in his Grammatica Damulica (1716), Ziegenbalg “follows rather closely... the grammatical treatise incorporated in the Introduction” to the Jesuit Antao Proenfa’s Tamil-Portuguese dictionary.27 Although this introduction is missing from the version of the dictionary printed at Ambalakad in July 1679,28 Gregory James reports that in a manuscript dated 1670 preserved in Goa, the dictionary is preceded by a copy of the Arte Tamulica, a Tamil accidence written by S.J. Balthasar da Costa, and printed at Ambalakad around 1680.29This is presumably the grammatical treatise referred to by Rajamanickam. Although no copy of the printed work is extant, it is not unreasonable to suppose that Ziegenbalg could have seen a copy, printed or unprinted, of this work, despite his odd attribution of it to a missionary of the King of France. Moreover, in the letter in which he mentions this work, dated 22 September 1707, Ziegenbalg goes on to state that “we also obtained various books written by the Catholics in the Malabarian [i.e. Tamil] language which, although full of dangerous errors, nonetheless contributed a great deal to my 25 Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 40. 26 Ibid, p. 59. 27 Rajamanickam, “Madurai and Tranquebar”, p. 50. 28 Ibid. 29Gregory James, A History o f Tamil Dictionaries, Chennai: Cre-A, 2000, pp. 132,96. The manuscript is in the State Central Library, Panaji, MS M34.

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learning of this language, so that from them I was able to adopt a proper Christian style. For otherwise previously I did not know which words and expressions I should use in order to express myself in spiritual matters in a way that did not smack of heathenism.”30 In a catalogue of Tamil books in his possession, prepared in August of the following year, Ziegenbalg lists twenty-one such Catholic books, noting that they had belonged to a Jesuit in Tanjavur, “who went about among the heathen in the dress of a Brahman.”31 During a time of “severe persecution” of Christians in Tanjavur, when all who wanted to save their lives had had to flee to the European coastal settlements, this Jesuit had left his library for safe-keeping in Tranquebar, where it had long remained hidden, until “it was wonderfully arranged” that Ziegenbalg should come upon it.32 Ziegenbalg first used these works as an aid to his own learning of Tamil, beginning with the most useful of them, a collection of translations from the Gospels, and going through them noting words and phrases, which he then sought to use daily.33 The impact on his confidence in Tamil seems to have been profound. On 19 September 1707, three days before the letter in which he announced his discovery of the Catholic books, he had written to the Danish King to say that he still found it a little too difficult to preach in Tamil, and restricted himself to reading passages from the Gospels about the life of Christ, and singing songs.34 Less than a month later, on 7 October, in a letter in which he also records that he is sending the Catholic translation of the Gospels to Europe, he claims that through daily practice he has become almost as fluent in Tamil as in his mother-tongue and adds: “When I go a little inland, I constantly have about me many hundred Malabarians, to whom I can preach. They love me greatly because of their language, in which they love to debate.”35 He later returned to the Catholic works more than once. In 1708 he described “looking through them with great diligence to purify them from the horrible errors of papist doctrine and improving them on every page, so that they may be read by we Protestants without any offence.”36 He found time to go through ten in this manner, five of which could not be 30 Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 59. 31 Wilhelm Germann, “Ziegenbalg’s Bibliotheca Malabarica”, Missionsnachrichten der Ostindischen Missionsanstail zu Halle, Vol. XXII, 1880, p. 9. 31 Ibid. 33 Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 59. MIbid, p. 55. ” Ibid, p. 64. 34Germann, “Bibliotheca Malabarica", p. 9.

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purified of their errors and were worthy of being burnt, but were retained because of their Tamil. In 1710 he wrote that he had gone through the Catholic works again, due to their fine Tamil style, and had found a further five capable of improvement The best of these was a “Christian PearlGarland,” consisting of 100 “pearls” from the Church Fathers, some of which, however, had to be discarded because they dealt with the “worship of saints, purgatory and erroneous visions of the cross.”37 Other works he found admirable neither for their style, nor their content, consisting mainly of “accounts of the saints and miracles, supposed to have happened in their church” and not worth the effort of going through in the same manner. He mentions also still more books, written by “their poets, bom in India” which he dismisses as “based on hearsay, so that they could do nothing more than mix up horrible errors and bible stories.”38Ziegenbalg concludes his 1710 account of Tamil books by writing: Now one does not hear that any books are written by the papist missionaries. There is in any case now no life among these people, for hardly any apply themselves to the language, but almost all are involved in worldly affairs. However, regarding some of their first missionaries, their work and the institutions they established show that they were very diligent and constant in their office, so that not only was there no work that they were not willing to take on, but they did not shrink even from death itself.3’

Earlier in the same year Ziegenbalg had described how he had met some French and Portuguese missionaries in Madras who did speak Tamil, but so badly that, he says, they were delighted to hear “pure Tamil from my mouth.”40 Ironically, that same year, 1710, saw the arrival in India of Constant Joseph Beschi, later to become not only one of the greatest of all Jesuit writers in Tamil, but one of the harshest critics of Ziegenbalg’s own prose style in Tamil.41 Nevertheless, the general picture in Ziegenbalg’s reports of the decline of Catholic missions 37 Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 172. 3‘ Ibid. 39 Ibid. 40 Ibid, p. 106. Earlier, in 1708, Ziegenbalg had written scathingly of the Catholic priest in Tranquebar who after seven years did not understand a single word of Tamil, but boasted that he would learn it in six months in order to be able to engage in a public debate with Ziegenbalg on the meaning of scripture (see Germann, “Bibliotheca Malabarica”, pp. 10-11). 41 See Rajamanickam, “Madurai and Tranquebar”, and Stuart Blackburn, Print, Folklore, and Nationalism in Colonial South India, Delhi: Permanent Black, 2003.

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consequent upon the decline of Portuguese power in India seems to be accurate. Stephen Neill reports a drop in the number of Jesuits in the Malabar mission from 190 in the days of de Nobili to 67 in 1717, and to 47 by 1749 with, proportionately, a still greater decline in Goa.42 Zigenbalg’s Reports on Catholic Missions In three long letters dated September 1712, January 1713 and November 1713, Ziegenbalg gives his most detailed accounts of the Catholic missions. The underlying purpose of these letters is to spur the Protestant nations of Europe to support the Danish-Halle and other Protestant missions. In the first of these letters43 he writes that although the Roman church has advanced greatly in India during the last two to three hundred years and that in the coastal cities a large mass of Christians are to be found, the evidence of his own eyes and the testimony of the Catholic fathers with whom he has spoken is that the missions are currently in a miserable condition. He repeats that hardly any learn the language of the ‘heathen’, and that they rely instead on Indian catechists, who often know as little as those they catechize. There are no proper schools, and in those that do exist no attempt is made to bring the children to a living knowledge of God. The adults know only the Lord’s Prayer, the Ten Commandments, the three articles of faith, and the Ave Maria, along with the sign of the cross. They are rarely in church and when they are, few are able to understand the language of the preaching. The Portuguese fathers rarely preach, instead reading the Mass in Latin. The lives of the congregation are ill-disciplined, so that they are worse than the ‘heathen’. Their teachers are for the most part no better, leading a vexatious life and “acquiescing in much heathenish practice among their own, and the sort of ceremonies which are common in idol temples. And because they still have the idolatrous worship of images, and conduct their festivals outside in the heathen manner, little difference is to be seen between them and the heathen.”44 They no longer care for the conversion of the ‘heathen’, but are content to allow their Church to grow by natural increase. He concludes by again contrasting their 42 Stephen Neill, A History o f Christianity in India, Vol. II, 1707-1858, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985, p. 72. 43 Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, pp. 233-43. 44 Ibid, p. 239. Grafe notes that this list “can be taken as a summary of the charges which from now onward were frequently made by the Tranquebar Lutherans against the Roman Catholics in their neighbourhood” (Grafe, “Tranquebar Lutherans and Tanjore Catholics”, p. 44).

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very first missionaries, among whom were some who, “as can be seen from what they have written in the language of these heathen, were truly constant in the conversion of the heathen and worked for Christianity,” with those who came later and have allowed “all that which could still have been called good among them to fall into ruin.”45 There are still manuscripts and books to be found here and there in the churches and colleges, but mostly in Portuguese. The Portuguese complain that the greater part, and the oldest, of such manuscripts were lost when they were displaced by the Dutch. Ziegenbalg claims he has seen and read most of the books which they wrote in Tamil, which for the most part contain nothing more than miracles supposed to have happened in the Roman church in Europe, and tales of the saints. Evidently in response to a question from his European correspondent, Ziegenbalg reports that hermits (,Eremiten) are not to be found among the Indian Christians, although “some of the former Roman missionaries lived as a sort of hermit here and there in places isolated from the towns and villages, and pretended to be Brahmans from the north, or sannyasins, who are highly regarded among these heathen.’*46 In this letter Ziegenbalg mentions the opportunities that the English and the Dutch have for the propagation of Protestant Christianity in their East Indian territories. The Dutch in particular have an opportunity “to bring the treasure of the Gospel among the heathen and to make them share the spiritual goods, now that they have taken from them by ship physical goods and East-Indian treasure in such rich measure.”47 The letter from November 1713 develops this theme in much more detail. Taken as a whole, the November 1713 letter is a justification of mission in the post-apostolic era, and specifically of Protestant mission. Ziegenbalg begins with the missionary zeal of the early church, which declined once Christians became lukewarm and turned away from true Christianity. Where Christianity was brought to ‘heathen’ peoples, this was not done in the right manner. After the Reformation, Christians fought among themselves, with the result that the power of the Christians became weaker, and the light of the gospel in the east was darkened by the Mohammedan religion. Although the Roman church has from time to time sought to bring under the Papal yoke both those Christians who have never acknowledged the Papacy or have left it, and ‘heathen’ peoples, Ai Lehmann, ed.,Alte Briefe, p. 240. 46 Ibid, p. 242. 47 Ibid, p. 238.

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their reasons for doing so are in order to assert the power of the Pope over all peoples. “To such people they almost preach more the Pope, than Christ.”48Moreover they have not used the means of the early church and the gospel, but worldly power, “thus it was easy for them, in both the East and the West Indies, to bring many heathen peoples to their religion, because both the Spanish, as well as the Portuguese and the French seized such lands.”49Where they did not have such power, however, Ziegenbalg states, “they resorted to all kinds of trickery and disguise.”30 By this he means the method of adaptation or accommodation, for he goes on to note that their primary mission was in the Madurai country where, lacking worldly might, “the missionaries pretended to be Brahmans or also sannyasins... taking on their habit and lifestyle, and going around the land in this way.”51 He writes that only Jesuits, specifically Portuguese, were used in this mission, and allows that these were more praiseworthy than others because they learnt the language o f the heathen and taught in it, also leaving them many books in this language, and introduced few ceremonies o f the Roman church among them, rather exerting themselves to debate with the heathen, and by argument to persuade them of their heathenism and to demonstrate by reason the principles of the Christian religion. They thereby used, however, much dissimulation and subtle manipulation, which was eventually exposed with the result that they are now no longer publicly tolerated by the inhabitants o f the country, so that now even their church in the capital Madurai stands waste and their Christians go around scattered everywhere.52

He concludes this cautionary tale by noting that “one hears of a few missionaries, who have now learnt this Malabarian language, and go about the land in the manner of the earlier [missionaries],” including Francis Laynes, a Portuguese Jesuit who was “some twenty years as a missionary in the Madurai and Tanjore country and lived throughout that time in the manner of a Malabarian monk”53 before being ordained Bishop of Mylapore in 1708. It was this Bishop who spent time in Tranquebar in 1711 as a result of difficulties with the Nawab, which Ziegenbalg says were at the instigation of the other Portuguese priests « Ibid, p. 346. 49 Ibid, p. 348. * Ibid, p. 347. 51 Ibid, p. 348. 52 Ibid. 51 Ibid, p. 349.

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in Mylapore who were jealous of him. Ziegenbalg attributes the decline of the Catholic missions in part to the rivalry between their orders, and mentions the visit of the Papal legate Charles de Tournon to Pondicherry in 1703-1704,54 and his desire to rid the church of ‘heathen’ elements introduced by the missionaries, such as “the smearing of ash on the forehead, the shameful difference in the church and in the distribution of holy communion between high and low castes, the play-acting in Brahman habits, etc.”55 He reports also what he has heard of Jesuit missions in China and Thailand,56 claiming that everywhere Jesuit cunning and unscrupulousness has eventually led to their ruin. Twice in this letter Ziegenbalg writes that he reports all this “in no way out of a hostile contempt” for the Jesuits or “to condemn in any way the efforts, the diligence and zeal which the Roman church has always shown in the sending out of many missionaries, nor to fault all that which the missionaries sent here and there have achieved among the heathen” but “simply and solely in order that the Protestant church may be more blessed in the propagation of religion, than the Roman church.”57 Although at certain points he commends the Catholics notably when in 1710 he notes that much of their progress has been due to ordaining “black Indians to the preaching office,” arguing that the Lutheran mission should do the same58- for the most part it seems that he protests too much, and that his account has a more urgent intent, namely to use the experience of the Catholics to inspire the Protestants to mission. He notes in this letter that although the Dutch have “begun a Reformation” among the Catholic Christians in the towns they took over from the Portuguese, he is surprised that they have not done more, and cannot believe that this is for the reason he has been given by the Dutch in India—that the Dutch Company feared this would upset their trade - but is rather because “there are few in Europe who have demonstrated to this nation the necessity and the possibility [of conversion] but many who regard it all to be in vain, and do not acknowledge such heathen 54Ziegenbalg says the visit took place “six years ago”, which would place it in 1707, and he does not name the visitor, saying only that he was “a cardinal sent by the Pope,” but from the other details he gives there can be no doubt he is referring to the visit of Tournon, who was created cardinal on 1 August 1707. 55 Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 351. 54 Many of the Jesuits in the Carnatic mission had been forced to leave Thailand in 1688. 57 Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, pp. 347 and 351. 5* Ibid, p. 178.

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peoples to be worthy of applying so much effort and expense to their conversion.”59 His three letters were clearly intended to accomplish the demonstration he thought was lacking. He refers again in this letter to the English, and also here to the Danish. He refers also to the last (chronologically, the second) of these three letters, dated 5 January 1713 and addressed to the whole theological faculty of Copenhagen.60 This letter is only partially extant,61 but it is referred to several times in other letters of Ziegenbalg, including a letter to Anton Wilhelm Bdhme, the Chaplain to the Hanoverian Court in London, in which he describes the other, partially lost, letter as “an extensive letter... reporting how papism has spread in India” and showing “how like heathenism it is in those points where it deviates from the Protestant church.”62 The extant portion of the letter begins with the suggestion that, given the opportunity they had had in the East, with God’s grace it would well have been possible for the Catholics “to convert the whole of the oriental heathenry to Christ.” But because they had relied on human means, had introduced “the Roman horror” (Romische Greuel) among the Indians, and had been so haughty, proud, avaricious and high-handed that under the pretext of religion they practiced much tyranny and injustice, God could not allow such a thing to happen, but rather was thereby moved to punishment and revenge, and allowed the Protestant nations to displace the Portuguese everywhere except in Goa. The letter goes on to describe the parlous state of the Catholic missions in terms very similar to those found in the other two letters. The difference is that here Ziegenbalg explicitly states that it is because of their “heathen horrors here in India” that “God has quite humbled them, and in their stead established the European nations of the Protestant church everywhere among the heathen in the Orient.” The letter continues with an appeal to the Protestant nations of Europe to join in responding to this God-given opportunity.

" Ibid, p. 353. “ Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 347. 61 Ziegenbalg sent a copy of this letter to Bdhme requesting that he publish it and that he have a copy sent to Francke in Halle. The copy sent to Halle (AFSt/M I C 5: 3ab) appears to be the only one that has survived, and then only in part, for the first half of the letter is missing. It is possible that either the copy sent to Bdhme, or that sent to Copenhagen, is extant, but I have found no evidence to suggest that either is. The letter has not been published. 62 Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 284.

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Any extended comparison of ‘heathenism’ and ‘Papism’ in the letter to the Copenhagen faculty along the lines suggested in Ziegenbalg’s description of it in his letter addressed to Bfthme must have been contained in the first part of the letter, for there is nothing more of this nature in the extant section. As will already be evident, there is a paganopapist cast to Ziegenbalg’s writings on Catholics dating back to his earliest letters from India,63 and persisting throughout his time there.64 Nevertheless, in addition to his description of this letter in his later letter to Bdhme, there is another reason to think that there may have been much more substantial material along these lines in the letter to the Copenhagen faculty, for this letter is listed among the materials lent to Mathurin Veyssi&re de La Croze for his Histoire du christianisme des Indes, published in the Netherlands in 1724.65 La Croze was a former Benedictine who had converted to Protestantism in part, his biographer suggests, because of the Jesuits’domination of the French church.661have described elsewhere how Ziegenbalg’s account of Hinduism becomes, in the hands of La Croze, material for an elaborate paganopapist assault on the Catholics, and especially the Jesuits, which relies on the claim that both Hinduism and Catholicism have their origin in Egypt.67 La Croze’s 63 See Ibid, p.47, cited above. 64 E.g. a letter from 7.10.1709 describing the religious scene in Tranquebar where, after mentioning the five main Hindu temples, and the ‘Moors' church’ he adds that ‘The Catholics also have a church in which almost exactly the same ceremonies are in use as in the heathen temples, only that the images are changed’. (Ibid, p. 117). 63 Letter dated 1.12.1717 from C.B.Michaelis to Ziegenbalg and the other missionaries (AFSt/M: 1 C 10: 43). This may be the reason for the partial loss of the letter, as a number of the other works lent to La Croze seem also to have been lost. 66 Friedrich Wiegand, “Mathurin Veyssi&re La Croze als Verfasser der ersten deutschen Missionsgeschichte”, Beitrdge zur Forderung Chrisllicher Theologie Vol. 6 (3), 1902, pp. 89-90. John Lockman, who used La Croze’s Histoire for the footnotes to his translation of parts of the Jesuit Lettres edifiantes et curieuses, drily comments: ‘As Mr. la Croze was a Proselyte from the Church of Rome, and had been a Benedictin, who are known not to be Friends to the Jesuits, some may imagine that this might sharpen his Pen against them, or at least byass his Judgment in some Parts of his excellent History of the Christianity of India.' (John Lockman, Travels o f the Jesuits into Various Parts o f the World: Compiled from their Letters. Now first attempted in English. Intermix’d with an account o f the Manners, Government, Religion dec. o f the several nations visited by those Fathers: With Extracts from other Travellers, and miscellaneous notes, 2 Vols., London: Printed for John Noon, 1743, pp. 297-8). 67 Will Sweetman, “The Curse of the Mummy: Egyptians, Hindus and Christians in the Lettres edifiantes et curieuses and La Croze’s Histoire du christianisme des Indes" (paper presented at the 18th European Conference on Modem South Asian Studies, Lund, Sweden, 6-9 July 2004).

Bartholomfius Ziegenbalg, the Tranquebar Mission and 4The Roman Horror '

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interest in this particular letter is obviously connected with Ziegenbalg’s similar, if much more restrained, comparisons. Ziegenbalg welcomed La Croze’s interest in the mission,68not least because at one time La Croze planned to translate the mission’s published reports into French for publication in the Netherlands.69 Although this, and the zeal for mission it might have aroused, never transpired, La Croze’s use of Ziegenbalg’s works did indirectly further Ziegenbalg’s aims. Although many of Ziegenbalg’s letters were published, including those in which he describes Hinduism, his major works on Hinduism were not published until long after his lifetime, and it was in La Croze’s work that their contents were first made available to the reading public. Sylvia Murr suggests that it was his extracts from Ziegenbalg - which for a long time constituted the principal appeal of La Croze’s work for his French readership - which included Voltaire.70 It was in part through La Croze that Ziegenbalg became an important source for John Lockman. In his translation, first published in 1743, of the first ten volumes of the Jesuits’ Lettres edifiantes et curieuses, Lockman keeps up a furious footnoted assault on the Jesuits. For his footnotes Lockman draws on a wide range of sources, not only those French anti-Jesuit writings which he shares with La Croze, such as La morale pratique and Pascal’s Lettres provinciates, but also La Croze himself, and especially the sections in which he cites ‘the Danish missionaries’. As well as using directly the earlier English translations of the letters of the first Protestant Mission, Lockman translates substantial extracts from Ziegenbalg’s account of Hinduism as it appears in La Croze. Both La Croze and Lockman regarded the Jesuits as notoriously untrustworthy, and therefore welcomed Ziegenbalg as the first to break the hitherto near-monopoly of Catholic, and especially Jesuit, authors on Hinduism. What they failed to realize, or at least to acknowledge, is just how much Ziegenbalg owed to the Jesuits both in his success as a missionary and in his understanding of Hinduism.

MLehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 487. w Letter dated 7.1.1716 from C. B. Michaelis to Anton Wilhelm Btfhme (AFSt/M: 1C 9: 6). 70 Sylvia Murr, “Indianisme et militantisme protestant. Veyssi£re de La Croze et son Histoire du Christianisme des Indes, Dix-huiti&me siecle”. Vol. 18, 1986, p. 309.

EARLY PROTESTANT MISSIONARIES AND THEIR CONTACTS WITH THE ARMENIANS Martin Tamcke The Armenians belong to an old Christian minority in India. During the Mughal period some of them had held important positions in the administration. Their role was not limited to their traditional practice of trade, for which they had covered the entire area around the Indian Ocean to the Pacific. In leading positions, they could also take part in the political and cultural life of India.1 When one looks at Armenian gravestones in India, one finds various places and regions mentioned, such as Erivan, Karabagh, Basra, Hamadan, Tibris, Bitlis, Samsun, Tiflis, Georgia, Astrachan, Kars, Maragha, Constantinople, Kabul, Diyarbakir, Van and Salmas,2 but one place by far outstrips all others: Julfa.3 This refers to New Julfa, the Armenian district of Isfahan. Before New Julfa had been set up by the forced resettlement of Armenians from Julfa under Shah Abbas in 1605, the Armenians had generally come to India directly from Armenia.4 The deportation affected 50,000 Armenians 1 O f particular importance were Mirza Zul-Qamain at Akbar’s court and Gorgin Khan (Khojah Gregory), Commander-in-Chief and Minister of Nawab Mir Kasim of Bengal, see also Mesrovb Jacob Seth, Armenians in India, From the earliest times to the present day, Calcutta: Seth, 1937 (Reprint: New Delhi: Asian Educational Services 1992), pp. 1-87 and 383-418. 2See Seth, Armenians in India..., pp. 122,127-132,144,197,309,571,573-574,609. 3 Ibid, p. 122, nos. 4 and 7 of the Armenian inscriptions; p. 123, nos. 8 and 22 of the Armenian inscriptions; p. 124, nos. 27 and 36 of the Armenian inscriptions; p. 125, no. 37 of the Armenian inscriptions; p. 126, nos. 50Aand 55 of the Armenian inscriptions; p. 127, no. 69; p. 128, nos. 75 and 77; p. 129, nos. 79 and 85; p. 130, no. 86; p. 145, no. 6; p. 148; p. 206; p. 244; p. 250; p. 296, nos. 1,2,3,4,5; p. 298*; p. 318 (attributed to Isfahan); p. 325; p. 569; p. 571, nos. 3 and 4; p. 573, nos. 3 and 4; p. 574, nos. 5 and 7; p. 580; p. 608; p. 609 (3 mentions attributed to Isfahan); p. 610 (first mention is Julfa attributed to the city of Isfahan, the second and third mentions are both Julfa in Persia); p. 614. 4 Seth, p. 204. For the planning of Isfahan as a metropolis, of which New Julfa was a part See Reza Abouei, Urban Planning o f Isfahan in the Seventeenth Century, Sheffield: Sheffield University, 2004. On the diocese of New Julfa: Vazkens Ghorgassian, The Emergence o f the Armenian Diocese o f New Julfa in the Seventeenth Century, Atlanta:

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from the Armenian city of Julfa. Hunted by the Persians and on the run from Turkish rule, the deportation became a nightmare. Those who were too weak to carry on were killed or left to freeze or starve to death. Many drowned in the icy waters of the Arax. Only 25,000 reached the capital city of the Shah. Here they were allowed to establish New Julfa and were given religious freedom as well as freedom from taxation.3 The deportation also led to a stream of refugees via Basra to Surat.6 As merchants, the Armenian migrants played a central role as middlemen in the trade between Eastern and Central Asia via India and Iran to Europe. They had their own ships and caravans, but they also used the ships of European trading companies.7New Julfa was the distant intersection of most Armenian commercial enterprises in Central and East Asia. Therefore, many Armenians who travelled to foreign countries in Asia continued to maintain contact with this city, in which the loss of the homeland began for them.8Nahabed Kutschak sang about the sufferings of the refugees in the sixteenth century based on the centuries-long flights of the Armenians from oppression even before the deportations of Shah Abbas.9 This made the distant homeland, whether Scholars, 1998. About the Armenians as merchants in the transition from Oriental trade to the Western dominance of trade. See Bruce Masters, The Origins o f Western Economic Dominance in the Middle East: Mercantilism and the Islamic Economy in Aleppo, 16001750, New York: New York University Press, 1988. On Armenian settlements: Annie Basil, Armenian Settlements in India: From the Earliest Times to the Present Day, Calcutta: Armenian College, n.d.; Annie Basil, Iranian Armenians in India, Calcutta: Iran Society, 1970. Even in antiquity there were links between Armenians and Indians and in 1S62 Akbar gave permission for the construction of an Armenian church, see Burchard Brentjes, Drei Jahrtausende Armenien, Third edition, Wien & Mttnchen: Anton SchroII, 1984 (first edition, Leipzig: Kflhler & Amelung, 1974), p. 166. 5 Brentjes, Drei Jahrtausende Armenien, pp. 161-178. 6 Ibid, p. 166; for Surat see Seth, Armenians in India, pp. 225-280. 7Vah6 Baladouni & Margaret Makepeace, eds., Armenian Merchants o f the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries: English East India Company Sources, Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1998; Vahan Baibourtiaa International Trade and the Armenian Merchants in the Seventeenth Century, New Delhi: Sterling 2004; G. Paulus, Short History o f the Armenian Community in Netherlands India, [S.I.][1950]. 8 Ina Baghdiantz, The Armenian Merchants o f New Julfa, some Aspects o f their International Trade in the late Seventeenth Century, Ann Arboir: University Microfilms International, 2003 (Ph.D. thesis Columbia University, 1993); Ina Baghdiantz McCabe, The Shah's Silk fo r Europe's Silver: The Eurasian TYade o f the Julfa Armenians in Safavid Iran and India (1530-1750% Atlanta: Scholars Press University of Pennsylvania, 1999 (Armenian Texts and Studies 15); Edmund M. Herzig, The Armenian Merchants o f New Julfa, Isfahan, Oxford: University of Oxford, 2004. 9 Brentjes, Drei Jahrtausende Armenien, p. 168.

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Julfa or other Armenian settlements, a place of longing, which always renewed the pain of human separation whenever Armenians longed for their origins. I am returning home! I am returning home! Rejoiced My friend who lived with me in exile. I still couldn’t believe it. When he came To say farewell, I stood there Crushed...10

The existence of Armenian colonies in India was characterized by a certain instability. These colonies developed wherever flourishing centres of trade gave them the material basis for life, or where rulers granted them the freedom to be active in the sphere of politics. When these conditions changed, for example through the decline of a centre of trade, the Armenian colony also disappeared quickly. This dependence on trade against the backdrop of often severe oppression by Muslim rulers in the Middle East made them clever tacticians, who knew that, as a minority, they were generally at the mercy of political changes and could only maintain their space in the different Indian colonies through their financial and diplomatic activities.11The Armenians were characterized by the fact that, on the one hand, driven by need, they carried on hectic activity and made themselves indispensable while, on the other hand, they fell prey to melancholy and depression and believed themselves to be weak, leading them to search for proximity to the powerful. The “Song of the Exiled” by the popular singer Nahabed Kutschak speaks about the innermost feelings of his people: When I think about the fate o f exile In which I languish, my eyes fill With tears, I wander restlessly From country to country like rivers rushing without pause. Only God knows which paths my feet Shall tread, only God knows the places 10 Hans Bethge, Die Armenische Nachtigall, Lieder des Nahabed Kutschak, Berlin: Gyldendalscher Verlag, 1924. For the dating o f the poet: Levon Mkrttschjan & Annemarie Bostroem, Die Berge beweinen die Nacht meines Leids, Berlin: Ratten & Loening, 1983, p. 19S. 11On their tactics as a minority against the growing pressure of Islamization through protection treaties of the so-called dhimmitude, see Bat Y e ’o r , Der Niedergang des orientaltschen Christentums unter dem Islam, Zwischen Dschihad und Dhimmitude, 7.20. Jahrhundert, Grtfeling: Resch, 2002 (the preface was written by Heribert Busse), pp. 276-277.

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Where I will stay. Why does he not Let me moulder in the depths o f the earth Where the sweet sleep o f peace would surround me? In the daytime I am like an arrow: I fly Where fate sends me. At night I resemble the bow whose slackened String unbends: I lie there powerless...12

Intellectual Exchange The missionaries consciously used the Armenian network and their knowledge about commerce in the region of the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf. Thus, for example, Franz Julius Ltttkens informed August Hermann Francke on 16 November 1708 about the presence of Armenian merchants in Copenhagen.13 Earlier, Johann Ernst GrOndler had also met the Armenian merchants in Copenhagen and had reported about the meeting to August Hermann Francke.14 With their trade network, the Armenians became an important source of information for the missionaries, for example, about shipping traffic.15 For their part, the Armenian merchants in the region took great interest in the translations done by the missionaries. They were astonished that the missionaries had translated the New Testament into Tamil in such a short time, remembering, no doubt, the long process of the translation of the Bible into their Armenian mother tongue.16 In 12Bethge, Die Armenische Nachtigall, pp. 100-101. 13 Archives of the Francke Foundation (hereafter AFSt) M 1 C 1 : 66, letter from Franz Julius LQtkens to August Hermann Francke dated 16.11.1708 from Copenhagen. Francke shows that he knows about the Armenians even otherwise, see AFSt/M 2 A 1 : lOh, notes by [August Hermann Francke] dated 3.12.1709 in Halle. 14AFSt/M 1 C 1 :56 letter from Johann Ernst Grilndler to August Hermann Francke dated 16.10. 1708 from Copenhagen. 15In a difficult situation in October 1713, Ziegenbalg found out from the Armenians that the ship Quartus had sailed from Copenhagen in January. See Amo Lehmann, cd., Alte Briefe aus Indien, Unverdffentlichte Briefe von Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg 1706-1719, Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1957, letters, p. 326 (Letter from Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg and Johannes Emestus GrOndler to Heinrich PIQtschau dated 6.10.1713 from Tranquebar, Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 325-328). Even in December 1715 it was the Armenians who told Ziegenbalg “that ships would sail from England to East India before the end of January,” see also Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 444 (excerpt from a letter from Superintendent Bartholomfius Ziegenbalg to August Hermann Francke, Amsterdam, 16 December 1715). 14 Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 225 (in the letter from Ziegenbalg, GrOndler and Jordan to August Hermann Francke dated 10.9.1712 from Tranquebar, Lehmann, Alte Briefe aus Indien, pp. 222- 232).

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view of the problems with the governor in Tranquebar, they encouraged the missionaries to direct their attention to the Kingdom of Pegu. The people there were “good” and would “accept the truth of the Christian religion if one were to leam their language and try to convert them in the right manner.’'17 The Armenians did not leave this at the level of a general hint, but also offered to actively help at least one of the missionaries to relocate. They “earnestly pleaded” with the missionaries to take this step. If the missionaries, they said, had worked as long in the Kingdom of Pegu as they had in Tranquebar, “half the kingdom would have converted to Christianity.”18 In 1712 Ziegenbalg confirmed the estimation of the Armenians about the possibility of missionary work in Pegu19 and expressly granted the Armenians the role of mediators. “The Armenians can help to promote the conversion of heathens.”20 He wrote that the missionaries had developed a close association with the Armenians.21 This formulation is meant to characterize not only their dealings with one another, but also the closeness that developed from these dealings between the missionaries and the Armenians. The latter are said to have expressed a great interest in the work of the missionaries and a “love and desire for the conversion of the heathens.” They put forward “various suggestions” about starting such a mission in other places and in other languages in India. On the whole, the early phase of this association was definitely useful to both sides, and was mainly determined by intellectual interests. Characteristically, the Armenians were quick to realize the value of the educational efforts of the missionaries. In the summer of 1712 17 Ibid, p.225 (letter from Bartholomflus Ziegenbalg, Johannes Emestus GrOndler and Polycarpus Jordan to August Hermann Francke from Tranquebar dated 10.9.1712, Lehmann, ibid, pp. 222-232; since the date of the letter was tom, Lehmann reconstructed the possible date from a letter written by Ziegenbalg to Francke dated 22.10.1712 AFSt/M 1 C 4 : 20/21, which allowed only 10 September as a possible date; see also Lehmann, ibid, p. 232). " Ibid. 19 Ibid, p. 218 (letter from Bartholomfius Ziegenbalg to Johann Ernst Grilndler dated 13 August 1712, which was sent with an addition by GrOndler dated 8.8.1712 from Madras to August Hermann Francke, Lehmann, ibid, pp. 215-218). He says that they had judged the situation correctly. If the missionaries had put in the same amount of diligence and effort in Pegu for those six years, half the kingdom would have been converted, whereas in Tranquebar they only encountered “hindrances and opposition.” “ Ibid. 21 Ibid, p. 221 (letter from Bartholomflus Ziegenbalg to August Hermann Francke from Tranquebar dated 18 August 1712, pp. 219-221). The following is also from here.

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the Armenians in the region of Tranquebar considered sending four boys to the Portuguese school run by the missionaries.22The Armenians regarded the school as preparation for the further education that the boys would then receive in “Persia” - “Persia” probably refering to Julfa. Ziegenbalg reacted positively to the interest shown by the Armenians in sending four of their boys to the school, and told Griindler that he would take good care of the boys.23 Ziegenbalg found the Armenian sources on the St. Thomas tradition to be more reliable than the Syrian or even the Indian sources, both of which he believed were contaminated by the Catholic viewpoint. In November 1713, after an intensive search, he finally found an Armenian manuscript which appeared to contain the information he was looking for.24 It was written by an Armenian historian in the Armenian language before the arrival of the Portuguese in East India. Ziegenbalg had the relevant passages of this manuscript read out to him. This historical account states that Apostle Thomas did indeed travel to India, and that he stayed in the city of Mailapur. When Ziegenbalg writes that the account was read out to him, it would mean that the text was being translated simultaneously. This process again underscores the fact that the interaction between the Armenians and the Lutherans was based, from the beginning, on an exchange of knowledge which also included an interest in language. It was not only the Armenians who encouraged the missionaries to leam languages; Halle too was interested in the languages of the world. There was also some interest in Armenian there. It is, therefore, not surprising that Armenian versions of the Decalogue and of the Lord’s Prayer were sent to Halle from Calcutta in 1762.25 In the meantime, during one of his trips to Madras, GrQndler had established contact with two Armenian merchants who were “experts in printing and type-casting.” The two merchants offered to make

22 Ibid, p. 218 (letter from Bartholomfius Ziegenbalg to Johann Ernst Griindler dated 13 August 1712, sent with an addition by GrQndler dated 8.8.1712 from Madras to August Hermann Francke, ibid, pp. 215-218). 23 Ibid. 24Ibid, p. 349 (letter from Bartholomfius Ziegenbalg and Johannes Emestus Griindler to “the dear fathers and men of god in Berlin” dated 15.11.1713 from Tranquebar, ibid, pp. 345-356).The following is also from here. 25 AFSt/M 1 B 51 : 34, The Decalogue and the Lord’s Prayer in Armenian [1762] from Calcutta.

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Tamil moulds for him if he stayed in Madras for another month,26 but due to other appointments Griindler could not take up this offer. The Armenians in Madras would soon gain an international reputation for their publications. The first Armenian press in India began its work in Madras in 1772.27Ziegenbalg also used his contacts with the Armenians to order books and other goods from Europe.28 Outside India, Armenian trade was particularly successful in the Indonesian region. In 1715 the missionaries invited one of the Armenians in Batavia to live and work with them in Tranquebar.29 With this offer the missionaries went beyond mere contact. Cooperation in the real sense seemed possible. The Lutheran missionaries, however, found their relationship with the Armenians in Madras and Calcutta more difficult. Interaction in Madras As early as 1726, Benjamin Schultze sent his first observations from Madras about the Armenians in his region.30 Since he was working on a comparison of the Armenian and the Hebrew Bibles, he, at least, knew the languages.31 The manuscript of his experiences and observations (Historica et observationes curiosa), which, unfortunately, is in a bad condition, also contains his reports about the Armenians and the St. Thomas Christians. The traditional contacts between Armenians and Ethiopians become tangible through an interlocutor who, on the basis of his experiences, initially considered all Europeans to be ‘Papists’.32 26 Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 221 (letter from Bartholomfius Ziegenbalg to August Hermann Franckc from Tranquebar dated 18 August 1712, Ldmmm, Briefe, pp. 219-221). 27 Seth, Armenians in India, p. 592; Brentjes, Drei Jahrtausende Armenien, p. 167. 21ALMW/DHM 10/21 : 28 letter from Bartholomflus Ziegenbalg to Joao [Aucet?] from Tranquebar [1713] (in Portuguese), in which he complains about the high prices. See also the corresponding note about contacts with Armenian merchants in the common letter from Ziegenbalg, Griindler and Jordan to Francke, AFSt/M 1 C 4 : 12 letter from Bartholomflus Ziegenbalg, Johann Ernst Griindler and Polycarp Jordan to August Hermann Francke dated 10.9.1712 from Tranquebar. 29 AFSt/M 1 C 7 :161 letter from Johann Ernst Griindler to Joao Aviet dated 2.10.1715 from Tranquebar (in Portuguese). 30 AFSt/M 2 H 1 : 18 Experiences and observations of Benjamin Schultze from Madras, dated 1726. Beside the Armenians, Schultze was also interested in the St. Thomas Christians. 31 AFSt/M 2 H 3 : 9 Diary of Benjamin Schultze for the period 1.1. till 31.12. 1728 in Madras. This also contains a tract about the St. Thomas-cross. 32 AFSt/M 2 H 1 : 18 Experiences and observations of Benjamin Schultze from Madras dated 1726. Ethiopia had initially succumbed to Rome's efforts at a union carried out by the Jesuits. It was only after an intense struggle that it was able to return to its

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Ten years later Johann Anton Sartorius again sent relevant information.33 Armenian priests and laymen often visited the missionaries.34Since 1666 there is evidence that Armenians permanently settled in Madras, although they had stayed in the city temporarily as merchants even at the beginning of the sixteenth century.35The church built in 1712 had to be demolished because it was too close to the British Fort St. George. They then built the new Church of the Holy Virgin Mary in 1772.36 The strong tendency among many Armenians in India to join the Catholic Church created a constant sense of alienation between the missionaries and the Armenians. In 1711 it was the Armenians who had made it possible, through their intercession with the local rulers, for the Catholic vicar to return to Tranquebar. Yet, at the same time, Ziegenbalg had rebuked him for his unsatisfactory spiritual and moral conduct.37 In Madras, the expectations of the missionaries and of the Armenians conflicted directly because of the Armenian leanings towards Catholicism. When the French captured and occupied Madras in 1746, the missionaries had also been driven out of the city. When the English returned on 1 September 1749, the missionaries also came back.38 Work anti-Chalcidicean creed that it shared with the Copts in Egypt, the Orthodox Syrians and the Armenians. Andrzej Bartnicki & Joanna Mantel-Niecko, Geschichte Athiopiens Vol. 1, Berlin: Akademie, 1978, pp. 1S3-178. Schultze also reports about the Greeks in Madras. The Greeks had been expressly excluded from the expulsion of the Catholics in 1748. 33 AFSt/M 2 G 15 : 6 letter from Johann Anton Sartorius to Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen from Madras, dated 30.9.1736. 34 AFSt/M 2 D 32 : 4, travel-diary of Georg Heinrich Conrad HQttemann for the period from 26.7.1755 to 15.8.1755 from Cuddalore; see also the report from Fabricius and Breithaupt about a conversation with a Catholic Armenian, AFSt/M 2 D 44 ; 3, "Bericht von der Evangelischen Mission zu Madras von dem nun vergangenen Jahr 1767" by Johann Philipp Fabricius and Johann Christian Breithaupt, dated January 1768 from Madras (date of presentation: 13.1.1769). 33 Seth, Armenians in India, p. 579. 36 Ibid, p. 580. 37 Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 207 (letter from Bartholomfius Ziegenbalg to Prof. Lange in Halle from the St. Thomas Mount on 9.12.1711, Lehmann, Briefe, pp. 204207; excerpts also published in the Halle Reports and in W. Germann, Ziegenbalg und Plutschau. Die Grundungsjahre der Trankebarschen Mission. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Pietismus, Erlangen: Andreas Deichert, 1868, pp. 226-228). Ziegenbalg had doubts about the vicar's knowledge of the Bible and he also found him in an intoxicated state. It was the vicar's slovenly conduct, he said, which had led to his banishment by the Indians. 38 W. Germann, Johann Philipp Fabricius, Seine funfzig/dhrige Wirksamkeit im Tamulenlande und das Missionsleben des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts daheim und

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could begin again, but only in temporary accommodation. Like the missionaries, an influential Armenian merchant, Khojah Petrus Uscan, had also fled the city and had found protection in the Danish settlements. He had resisted the demand made by the French to place himself under their protection, and had accepted the fact that this decision would lead to enormous financial losses.39This merchant, who had made his money through trade in pearls and diamonds and had come to Madras from Manila,40at his own cost, had the long bridge built over the Adyar river (Marmalong bridge) and steps constructed for the pilgrims at the St. Thomas Mount, and also built a church in Vepery in Madras (Our Lady of Miracles), for the poor Christians of the city.41 The Capuchins, who served in this church, were told by the victorious English to hand over the church to the missionaries, since the friars were suspected of having cooperated with the French.42 Already in 1748 Fabricius had written a letter expressing the desire to be compensated for the losses suffered by the mission (mission house, school, chapel).43 The church in Vepery appeared to be suitable compensation, since the English assumed, on the basis of the Capuchin priest and the furnishings, that it was a Roman Catholic church.44In November 1749 an order was sent to the Capuchins to vacate the church.45 The order sent by the directors in London the previous year had banished Catholics from the city and its environs, but it had expressly excluded the Armenians and the Greeks.46The Armenian Petrus Uscan belonged to those who had been excluded from this order on account of their loyalty to the English.47 The church he had built in Vepery, however, was now meant for the exclusive use of European draufien nach handschriftlichen Quellen geschildert, Erlangen: Andreas Deichert, 1865, pp. 147-171. 39 Seth, Armenians in India, p. 581. 40 Packiamuthu, 'The Beginnings of Protestant Mission in Madras”, Indian Church History Review XXXIV, 2000, p. 106; A Brochure o f the Armenian Church o f Holy Virgin Mary in Madras 1712-1772 (dated 5 January 1969). 41 Seth, Armenians in India, p. 582. 42 Packiamuthu, “The Beginnings of Protestant Mission in Madras”, pp. 103f.; Seth, Armenians in India, p. 562. 43 Packiamuthu, t4The Beginnings of Protestant Mission in Madras”, p. 104. 44 Ibid, p. 106. 45 Seth, Armenians in India, p. 582; see also Penny, p. 328. 46Packiamuthu, “The Beginnings of Protestant Mission in Madras”, p. 104 (Despatch No. 25 dated 24.12.1747 from the Court of Directors to Fort St David, quoted by Frank Penny, The Church in Madras, Vol. 1, Madras, 1904, p. 325). 47 Packiamuthu, ‘The Beginnings of Protestant Mission in Madras”, p. 105; Penny, The Church in Madras. p. 326.

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Protestants and was initially handed over to the mission.48 The church was decorated with icons, and it therefore differed from the Armenian mother-church, which renounced iconoclasm. The banished Capuchin priest was allowed to take the icons with him.49 In a letter, Uscan protested forcefully against the sale of a church donated by him.50 He asked to know on what legal basis or authority the English had the right to sell his property. Although it might have seemed as if he had handed over his church to the Catholics, he averred that this was not the case. He had donated the church for the beggars of the city. If it was now to be given to the missionaries he would expect a payment of 4,000 pagodas as compensation for what he had invested in the construction of the church. If, however, he was not given financial compensation and the church was not reverted to its original purpose, he expected to be given the choice of handing over the church to priests of his own mother-church. He added that he had already told the Governor that he was willing to help the missionaries build another church, but that he was not in a position to hand over the church in Vepery to them. As opposed to this portrayal it was stated that the church was considered, both in Pondicherry and by the Capuchins themselves, as a Capuchin church.51 The matter dragged on. Uscan died on 15 January 1751.52 In his last will and testament dated January 1751, he expressed the desire to be buried in the church in Vepery and took it for granted that the Capuchins would be serving there.53He was, indeed, laid to rest in the chapel. On the memorial stone erected in 1823 it says: Raised on high by his renown, his head hidden in the clouds, here lies, sunk beneath the sod, one who reconciled discord and appeased strife, the strong support and pillar of the Armenians, the protector and warm defender o f the poor, a man generous and liberal in 44 Packiamuthu, “The Beginning of Protestant Mission in Madras”, p. 107. 49 Ibid, p. 106. 50 Seth, Armenians in India, p. 583; Penny, The Church in Madras, pp. 328f.; Packiamuthu, “The Beginnings of Protestant Mission in Madras”, pp. 108f. (Fort St George Consultations 1749). 51 Penny, The Church in Madras, p. 329; Packiamuthu, “The Beginnings of Protestant Mission in Madras”, p. 109f. 52 Seth, Armenians in India, p. 586; Packiamuthu, “The Beginnings of Protestant Mission in Madras”, p. 111. 53 Seth, Armenians in India., p. 584; Packiamuthu, “The Beginning of-Protestant Mission in Madras” pp. Ill and 114.

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repairing the loss and damage suffered by the public, one who spent his money lavishly and without stint to promote the worship o f God and sacred buildings, Petrus Uscan, [grandson] o f Coja Pogus, an Armenian, whose heart is at Julfa. Aged 70, he departed this life on January 15, 1751.54

This gravestone thus also bears witness to the longing for the homeland on earth. The place of banishment and simultaneously the symbol of a successful will for survival - Julfa remained the distant point of reference. Uscan died in the same year in which an order was promulgated forbidding the Armenians from living in ‘White Town’, and ordering them to hand over their houses to European Protestants.55 However, the order further stated that since the Armenians were useful people, they would be given all the comforts possible in ‘Black Town.’56 Uscan’s wife died at the age of sixty-nine in 1781 and was buried in the Armenian church in Madras.57 The missionaries were now encouraged to carry out their work, and the church was handed over to them.58Wilhelm Germann states that Uscan’s letter presented a “welcome opportunity” to the Governor, who was against the mission, to prevent the handing over of the church to the missionaries.59 At any rate, the Governor ordered arrests, first of a merchant who had just been baptized and later of a catechist and of a teacher.60Fabricius had to go and meet the Governor personally in order to resolve the conflict.61 In the meantime, the workers of the mission lived in inadequate accommodation, which finally collapsed in storms. It was only then that the church was handed over to the mission. It is said that the missionaries also received a compensation of 500 pagodas.62 From the First Advent in 1752 one talks MSeth, Armenians in India, p. 586 (translation of the Armenian inscription by Fr. H. Holsten, SJ). 55 Henry Davison Love, Vestiges o f Old Madras 1640-1800, Tracedfrom the East India Company’s Records preserved at Fort St George and the Indian Office, and from other sources, Vol. 11, New Delhi/Madras: Asian Educational Services, 1996 (first published in London, 1913), p. 426. 54 Ibid. 57 Seth, Armenians in India, pp. 586f. 58 Penny, The Church in Madras, pp. 331 and 335. 59Germann, Johann Philipp Fabricius, p. 159. “ Ibid, pp. 159-160. 61 Ibid, p. 160. 62 Ibid, p. 162. On the compensation paid to the missionaries, see Vestiges, Vol. II, p. 467 (1755). On the end of this conflict, see also Packiamuthu, “The Beginnings of Protestant Mission in Madras", pp. 115f, who does not find any source evidence for the

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of the ‘mission at Vepery’. Yet, Germann’s portrayal reflects his obvious discomfort with the manner in which the church was obtained, and he places the entire responsibility for this awkward situation on die English Governor: “It wasn’t that the Protestants drove the Catholics away, but it was the authorities who handed over confiscated war property, which was not being used and which would, otherwise, have been used for profane purposes.”63Germann completely ignores the ticklish question whether this was property of the Catholic Church at all, and whether it did not, in fact, belong to the Armenians. Johann Philipp Fabricius and Johann Christian Breithaupt, whose missionary work had been severely hampered by the lack of infrastructure, portray the matter in an unequivocal manner. In a letter to GotthilfAugust Francke they assumed that the church, along with its houses and garden that had been placed at their disposal “ad interim”, was, in fact, the property of the Roman Catholic Church.64Although they also mentioned Uscan’s appeal against the decision to hand over the church to them, they were certain that he belonged to the “Roman religion”.65As far as they were concerned, this confirmed the fact of Catholic ownership of the church. The Armenian himself, they state, was not an Armenian by confession, but a Catholic with an ethnic Armenian background. Although they would continue to wait in faith till the matter was decided, they had no doubts that the church promised to them was a Catholic one. Three years after the church had been handed over to the missionaries, Georg Heinrich Conrad HUttemann visited the Armenian community, accompanied by other missionaries.66The warm reception they received from the two Armenian priests indicates that, at least among the believers of the Armenian Church, there were no lasting reservations against the Lutherans. Nevertheless, the description of the encounter is also proof of the helplessness of the Europeans with regard to the limits of their note published by Monahan in 1939 claiming that the directors had accepted Uscan’s claim and had paid him compensation. (Monahan, Protestant Mission in Madras, The Madras Tricentenary Commemoration Volume, 1939.) 63 Ibid, p. 162; on the responsibility of the Governor, p. 159. 64 AFSt/M 2 G 16 : 71 Letter from Johann Philipp Fabricius and Johann Christian Breithaupt to Gotthilf August Francke dated 15.1.1750 from Madras. 65 Ibid. They list Uscan’s claims to ownership correctly and also mention the sum of 4000 Pagodas that he spent on the construction of the church. However, they claim that part of the construction work on the church was carried out during the French occupation of the city. 66 AFSt/M 2 D 32 : 4 Travel diary of Georg Heinrich Conrad HQttemann for the period 26.7.1755 till 15.8.1755 from Cuddalore. The following is also taken from here.

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understanding. Because of their long beards and clothes, the Armenian priests were compared to rabbis. The Armenians, Httttemann stated, were “almost like the Jews". He found that the Armenians knew about the battles to re-establish the Caucasian empire in the Near East fought by King Heraklius II of Georgia, who also claimed Armenia as part of his empire. Heraklius had stayed in India for a while with Nadir Shah and had restored his empire only after the latter’s death.67 In 1775, he repaid the Armenian merchant Agah Shammeer Soolthanoomian for the gift of a valuable diamond, by dedicating the city of Loree near the capital Tiflis to him. In 1786 he also bestowed the title of a Prince of Georgia on the merchant.68 Like most Armenians in India, the Armenians in Madras felt a close link with the Armenians of Persia. The conversation about religion that took place on the occasion of this visit was hampered by an insufficient knowledge of Portuguese. The community in Madras comprised of forty to fifty families. It had just been visited by an Armenian bishop who, with a small gift, had known how to remind the believers of the common symbol of identity of all Armenians, the mountain Ararat. One of the Armenians in Madras had been excommunicated by the Bishop, and the man was so overcome by this that he died. The guests noticed that there was a separate place in the church for the priests, who thus sat away from the congregation. The missionaries based the contemplation, to which the Armenians invited them, on the words to the Romans 8, 9b that he who does not have the spirit of Christ does not belong to Christ. The Armenians were not upset with this implied criticism. Finally, when they had to answer the classical question about their method of sermonizing and whether they familiarized the people with the Holy Scriptures, they simply said yes. The Lutherans, who knew about the Armenians of the Near East from 47 D.M. Lang, The Last Years o f the Georgian Monarchy, 1658-1832, New York: Columbia University Press, 1957; Hubert Kaufhold, Die Kriege Heraklius II. Von Georgien und ihr Echo in einer zeitgendssischen deutschen Zeitung, Caucasia (The Journal of Caucasian Studies) 2, Tiblisi 1998, pp. 110-119. For the larger context see Monika Gronke, Geschichte Irans, Von der Islamisierung bis zur Gegerrwart, Milnchen: Beck, 2003, pp. 82-84 and 87; Gustave Edmund Grunebaum, Die islamischen Reiche nach dem Fall von Konstantinopel, Frankfurt: Fischer, 2003 (1st ed. 1971), pp. 220222. ** The document pertaining to the bestowing of the title is published in Seth, pp. 590-591. For the gift of the diamond to Heraklius see Seth, pp. 589-590. In 1790 Georg of Georgia confirmed the title of Prince given to the rich merchant from Madras, see Seth, p. 591.

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travel accounts, could only remain sceptical in the face of this assent. HOttemann writes that although the priests answered the question in the affirmative, one knew that their statement was to be doubted. The meeting showed that there were not only no after-effects from the events surrounding the church in Vepery; it also proved that the Armenians were interested in a dialogue on questions of theology and even allowed their guests open access to the congregation. The missionaries, on the basis of their cultural and theological backgrounds, were not equal to this form of cooperation based on partnership, but they were, at any rate, attentive to all that was shown to them, even if this did not change their views in any significant manner. Interaction in Calcutta Once the mission started its work in Calcutta, contacts were soon established with the Armenians. On 14 December 1759, Gotthilf August Francke asked Johann Zacharias Kiernander for information about the Armenians living in Bengal.69 Kiernander’s views about the Armenians in Bengal, expressed in a letter dated 18 February 1761, were not very positive.70 He stated most unequivocally: “I cannot say any good things about the Armenians here.”71 The phase of well-meaning cooperation between Armenians and Lutherans was over. Kiernander first gave general information about the origins of the Armenians in Bengal. For the most part they came from Persia.72 Some, however, also came from other regions. All the Armenians there were merchants.73 In describing the character of the Armenians, Kiernander unfortunately took recourse to comparison with the Jews and used anti-Jewish caricatures. He stated that they outdid “the Jews” in “miserliness and slyness”.74 In 1755 the missionaries in Madras had only compared the Armenians and the Jews, the Armenian priests and the Jewish rabbis, on the basis of their outward 69 AFSt/M 1 B 48 : 27 letter from Gotthilf August Francke to Johann Zacharias Kiernander dated 14.12.1759 from Halle. 70AFSt/M 1 B 51 : 25 letter from Johann Zacharias Kiernander to Gotthilf August Francke and Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen dated 18.2.1761 from Calcutta (date of arrival: 2.12.1761). 71 Quoted in what follows from the publication in Hallesche Berichte, 91. Cont., p. 171, Ein und neunzigste Continuation Des Berichts Der Kdniglich-DSnischen Missionarien in Ost-Indien. Halle 1762. 12 Ibid. 73 Ibid. 14 HB, 91. Cont. (see footnote 56), pp. 171 f.

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appearance. Now one could see the anti-Jewish, if not the anti-Semitic, prejudice of presumed miserliness and presumed slyness. Kiemander considered these prejudices, which already demeaned the Jews, to be more apt for the Armenians than the Jews. Thus, they were incriminated in his eyes. They were denied a basic trustworthiness. Kiemander even made disparaging remarks about their manner of practising the Christian faith. At the most, he said, it was an “opus operatum”.75 Although they had built a “beautiful, small church” and read off “certain set prayers” in their language, Armenian, they left it at that. Kiemander’s formulation about the “reading off’ of prayers was already an implied criticism of the ritual nature of their practice of Christianity. Everything, like the beauty of the church or the ritualized practices, seemed no more than outward show. Accordingly, Kiemander was especially critical of the fact that “they hardly taught anything and also did not deliver sermons.” The fact that the sermon was not as important in the Eastern Church became a point of criticism when measured against the yardstick of their own practices. Kiemander then expanded on the contradiction between outward show and lack of substance by talking about the use of the Bible by the local Armenians. Although they had a particularly beautiful copy of a Bible printed in their language in Venice in 1733 - “in folio with many copperplate prints” - they kept it locked in a cupboard. It was hardly read and, indeed, most of the Armenian Christians had never read the Bible. They had several prayer-books which were possibly more in use among the believers. But most of these prayer-books were published by the Catholics. Not only were many of their books Catholic books, but many of the Armenians in Bengal were themselves Catholics. Those of them, however, who were still with the mother-church, did not worship icons and had the same articles of faith as the Lutherans. The fact that Kiemander knew about the rejection of iconolatry among the Armenians shows that he understood the characteristic features of Armenian piety and theology.76 The reference to the articles of faith, however, is not elucidated. If it means the general set phrases from the confession of faith in the early Church, then these would also be valid for the Catholics and, therefore, 75 Ibid, p. 172. The following is also taken from here. 16 See Johannes Madey, Bilder (Ikonen), in: Julius Assfalg/Paul KiQger, Kleines Wdrterbuch des Christlichen Orients, Wiesbaden: Otto Hanassowitz 1975, pp. 80-82 (In the comment about icons among the Armenians he simply states “Icons have no role to play in the piety of the masses”, Madey, Bilder, p. 81).

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there is no need to mention them. The articles of faith must, therefore, refer to specificities of Armenian rituals and theology. But Kiernander does not state where he finds the similarities between the Armenians and Lutheran articles of faith. However, Kiernander also knew that this similarity was only a part of the truth, since the Armenians also had “other dogmas and different kinds of church ceremonies.” According to Kiernander, the Armenians did not have a close attachment to the Christian faith. Since there was a ‘lot of ignorance’ among them, there were many “aberrations in their dogma and their lives.” Kiernander first projects similarities with the Lutherans onto the Armenians, and then establishes differences on the basis of projected similarities. The theological argument sees the similarities and foundational aspects and the differences as aberrations of the Armenians. He uses the Lutheran tradition as a yardstick to measure the ‘truth’ of the other Church, which is then found wanting. Kiernander subsequently expresses the devout hope that God may have mercy on them, but this is immediately followed by the reference to their susceptibility to Catholicism: “The Roman Catholics have caught most of these people in their net.” Although Kiernander had personal knowledge of the Armenian Church and its followers, a closer contact with the Armenians and their priests was not established.77 At one time, the priest Arakiel from Julfa had had the following lines inscribed on his gravestone - lines which express an existential feeling shared by thousands of Armenians all over the world: “I became a stranger in a strange land.”78 Their existence as strangers in a strange land made the small ethnic Armenian groups on the Indian sub-continent particularly vulnerable, and they had to try and safeguard their chances of survival by entering into tactical alliances with the rulers. This was particularly true of Bengal during Kiemander’s time. On the one hand, Gorgin Khan, who was the Commander-in-Chief of the troops of Nawab Mir Kasim of Bengal, was murdered by soldiers who suspected him of disloyalty.79 On the other hand, Khojah Petrus Arathoon and a Jewish merchant provided supplies to the English after their defeat and after the fall of Fort William. Arathoon also worked as a diplomatic intermediary between the English and their Bengali opponents.80Although, even after 77 On the Armenian Church in India see Rev. Aramais Mirzaian, A Short Record o f Armenian Churches in India and Far East, Calcutta: Armenian College, 1958. 78 Seth, Armenians in India, p. 149. 79 Ibid, pp. 383-418. w Ibid, pp. 324-359.

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this, the English continued to use the services of the Armenian, and his role as a mediator was officially recorded, he did not receive any compensation for the losses he suffered on this account. On the contrary, he was often suspected of having worked as a spy for the Bengalis. The charitable merchant who had, for example, restored the Armenian church in Calcutta and had donated the Church of the Virgin Mary in Saidabad,81 died in 1778.*2 Breithaupt reported about the military conflicts between the English and the Bengalis and about the cruel massacre of the captured Englishmen by soldiers of the army of Bengal, which was later driven out.83 The Armenians could have suffered the same fate. The armies fighting the English could have tried to appropriate their riches in this manner. Breithaupt did not give a detailed portrayal of the events, saying that the newspapers in Europe would “undoubtedly” carry reports about this war. His reference to the fate of the Armenians is embedded in a remark about their social position in Bengal. Breithaupt writes that the Nawab, before he was driven out of the province, “had all the English prisoners of war as well as others he could get hold o f’ - including members of the “English council” in Calcutta - massacred. “Some of the richest moneylenders and merchants of that nation” and some Armenians suffered the same fate. These people, he writes, were massacred “in order to appropriate their wealth.” The fact that Breithaupt places the Armenians on the same level as moneylenders, a profession which they, as traders, hardly practised, corresponds, on the one hand, simply to contemporary opinions about the Armenians but, on the other hand, can also be understood as implicit social criticism. The background of this information, which almost makes the massacres comprehensible, would be the same as with Kiernander: because they were merchants they were similar to the Jews and, therefore, not completely worthy of sympathy. Conclusion As was shown in this article, the promising beginnings of contacts between Lutherans and Armenians were increasingly poisoned by *' Ibid, p. 345. K Ibid, p. 346. 13 AFSt/M 1 B 53 : 27, letter from Johann Christian Breithaupt to Andreas Cyriacus Breithaupt dated 17.2.1764 from Madras; see Neun und neunzigste Continuation Des Berichts Der Kdniglich-Danischen Missionarien in Ost-lndien, Halle 1765 (HB, 99. Cont.), pp. 390 and 392. The following is also taken from here.

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general opinions about the Armenians. Such opinions culminated in the cruel annihilation campaign by the Turks against the Armenians during the First World War.84 The path from here to the annihilation of the Jews was not a very long one.85 All this, of course, did not enter the horizon of the missionaries, but even in their case one can see how they were prevented from establishing brotherly ties with the Armenians and how they participated in the disparagement of an oppressed people. Ziegenbalg and the early missionaries, on the other hand, did not succumb to this false cultural determination. In their dealings with the Armenians they were pleasant, free of prejudices and open to human encounters. The Armenians shared with the missionaries the experience of crossing borders and of life in two cultures. Commercial enterprise and mission had together characterized European expansion in India. For the Armenians, trade was accompanied by the attempt to overcome their existence as migrants with the help of religion. Therefore, their basic attitude was different to that of the missionaries. The Armenians lived in order to seek their salvation in the outside world which, through centuries of persecution and oppression, was denied to them in their homeland: “He who associates with emigrants becomes an emigrant himself.”86

M Martin Tamcke, Armin T. Wegner und die Armenier, Anspruch und Wirklichkeit eines Augenzeugen, Gottingen: Cuvellier 1993 (Second edition Hamburg: Lit 1996). MHans-Lukas Kieser & Dominik J. Schaller, Der Volkermordan den Armeniem und die Schoah, The Armenian Genocide and the Shoah, Zilrich: Chronos, 2002. w Levon Mkrttschjan, Annemarie Bostroem and Horst Teweleit, eds., Nahahed Kutschak, Hundertein Hairen, Erivan: Sovetagan Gragh, 1988, p. 209.

LUTHERAN CONTACTS WITH THE SYRIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH OF THE ST. THOMAS CHRISTIANS AND WITH THE SYRIAN APOSTOLIC CHURCH OF THE EAST IN INDIA (NESTORIANS) Martin Tamcke The recent dialogue between the Lutherans and the Syrian Orthodox Malankara Church in India is an epoch-marking dialogue between Lutherans and Orthodox Syrian St. Thomas Christians.1The visionary strength of the great ecumenical leader, Mar Gregorius, the Metropolitan of New Delhi, provided the main impulse for this dialogue. He had earlier gained a reputation as one of the leading representatives of the ecumenical movement. However, this dialogue in the second half of the twentieth century was not the beginning of inter-confessional contact between Lutherans and Syrian Christians. The Lutherans had always shown an interest in India’s old Christendom. The interaction between Lutherans and Syrian St Thomas Christians did not begin in the post-colonial period, but with the arrival of the first Lutheran missionaries in India.

Ziegenbalg In the process of dialogue, the ‘I’ becomes ‘you’. This basic understanding is not only true of the dialogue between individuals, but also of that between groups. In and through the encounter, selfunderstanding is transformed and the understanding of the ‘Other’ also changes. Europeans had heard of the Syrian St. Thomas Christians since the Middle Ages. Those who travelled to India often took with them an image of the Syrian St. Thomas Christians based on medieval and modem 11CM.George and Herbert E.Hoefer, “A Dialogue Begins. Papers, Minutes and Agreed Statements from the Lutheran - Orthodox Dialogue in India 1978-1982,” Madras and Kottayam: Gurukul Lutheran Theological College/Sophia Centre, Orthodox Theological Seminary, 1983.

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sources about this form of Christianity in India. Once in India, however, there was no need to hold on to this image, since real interaction could take its place. For the early Lutheran missionaries, however, a problem arose. There were no representatives of old Christendom in their region, and only vague information based on oral information reached them. Once the Reformers had looked for contact, or even union with the Orthodox churches. The attempt had failed because of questions of doctrine. The Lutheran missionaries, were interested in India’s old Christendom in order to find a common basis with it on the sub-continent. Since they did not find it in their region, they had to collect new information that would lead them closer to their goal. The first person who took the initiative in this matter was BartholomSus Ziegenbalg. In two letters he reported what he knew about the Indian St. Thomas Christians and on his efforts to get more reliable information about them and to establish contact with them. The first of these letters was addressed to Court Chaplain Bdhme in England, and was written on 16 September 1712.2 The remarks about the St. Thomas Christians, which run over several pages, are indeed somewhat like an inventory of Ziegenbalg’s knowledge concerning India’s apostle and his descendants. Ziegenbalg begins his portrayal with the words: “We can report the following about the holy apostle, St. Thomas, and about the so-called St. Thomas Christians.”3 Ziegenbalg reports that the city of Mylapore was called St. Thome by the Portuguese, “because this disciple of the Lord came to this place and preached the gospel of Christ to the Malabar heathens there. He also reinforced his teachings with many miracles and converted a large number of people who since then have been called St. Thomas Christians.” With regard to the term ‘St. Thomas Christians,’ Ziegenbalg wondered whether the Portuguese had ascribed this term to them because for a long time they had not wanted to profess the Roman Catholic faith. 2 Archives Francke Foundations (hereafter AFSt) M 1 C 4 : 10a Letter from BartholomSus Ziegenbalg and Johann Ernst GrQndler to Anton Wilhelm Boehme from Tranquebar on 16.9.1712, an edition in Achte Continuation Des Berichts Der Kdniglichen D&nischen MiCionarien in Ost-Indien, Halle 1715 (2nd edition, Halle 1717, 3rd edition Halle 1745) pp.605-614; edited again in Amo Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien, Unverdffentlichte Briefe von Bartholomdus Ziegenbalg 1706-1719, Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1957, pp. 233-243. 3AFSt/M 1 C 4: 10a; Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien, p. 240.

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Those expecting Ziegenbalg to provide information about the St. Thomas Christians in the following pages would be mistaken. Ziegenbalg does not provide information about the St. Thomas Christians. Instead, he gives a detailed account of the numerous legends surrounding the small and the large St. Thomas Mounts, but he makes it quite clear that he has heard all these stories from the Roman Catholics (called ‘Papists’), who admitted that these were stories they had heard from the ‘Malabars’. They themselves did not have any descriptions of the Mounts, except for what the ‘Malabar heathens’ had told them on their arrival.4 Ziegenbalg considered this train of transmission to be broken in several places. He, therefore, could not decide whether it was safe to assume an origin from the early St. Thomas Christians. He continued to be dependent on the information relayed to the Portuguese by the “heathens” of Mylapore, which was, to a large extent, the construction of miraculous legends around Apostle Thomas. This was, however, not information about the oldest form of Christianity in the region. Ziegenbalg considered only the cross with the inscription on the large St. Thomas Mount to be of significant historical interest. But “till now no one had been able to read the inscription.” Ziegenbalg noted with regret that there were no St. Thomas Christians to be found around St. Thome / Mylapore any longer. The Portuguese, however, told him that these Christians could be found in Cochin on the Malabar Coast and that they were now part of the Roman Catholic Church.$Yet, even the information about the distant descendants of the St. Thomas Christians in Kerala was obscured by a legend. Ziegenbalg possibly wrote about this matter, which is at the most of ethnological interest, because of its curious nature. It fitted into the interest in exotic matters represented by the Cabinet of Curiosities in Halle. The right leg of all St. Thomas Christians, it was said, was fat, because their ancestors used this leg to stop the persecutors of the apostle from reaching his abode. This story was, naturally, simply too incredible even for Ziegenbalg, who had generally practised restraint in the narration of legends surrounding St. Thomas. However, since it was part of the mental image of the St. Thomas Christians among the Tamilians, he included it as a characteristic of this mental stereotype. “This is a common belief here,” says Ziegenbalg. However, he continued, he himself could not report having seen this, since he had not yet ‘seen such Christians.’ All that Ziegenbalg could examine were the stories of the ‘Malabar heathens,’ 4 Ibid, p. 241. 5AFSt/M 1 C 4: 10a; Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien, p. 242.

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which he apparently tried to verify himself by visiting the two St. Thomas Mounts and the city of Mylapore/St. Thome. Ziegenbalg’s letter was based on the impressions and observations that he had gathered on a journey north. In addition, the missionaries PlQtschau, Griindler and BOvingh sent a report to Halle on 6 February 1710 in which they quoted extensively from letters written to them by Ziegenbalg while on his journey.6During this journey contact was established not only with the English and the Dutch, but also with French and Portuguese missionaries. In Madras, Ziegenbalg took part in an Armenian service and spoke with the priest of the congregation. Such contacts with the Armenians in India occurred very often, and Ziegenbalg not only received sympathy from them, but also concrete help, for example in his search for the Syrian St Thomas Christians.7 However, PlQtschau, Griindler and Bdvingh did not say what transpired during this meeting between Ziegenbalg and the Armenian priest. Ziegenbalg had reached Madras on 16 January 1710; on 20 January he went to the St. Thomas Mount where he admired the Church and spoke with a Catholic priest; from there he went to the “other St Thomas Mount” where the apostle is said to have lived. There he saw the cross, the well and the imprint of the apostle’s hand on a stone. St. Thomas is said 6AFSt/M 1 C 3 : 1 Letter from Heinrich PlQtschau, Johann Ernst Griindler, Johann Georg Bdvingh to August Hermann Francke, dated 6.2.1710 from Tranquebar. See also Der Kdniglich-Dflnischen Missionarien aus Ost-Indien, eingesandte Berichte (hereafter HP) 2. Cont, Halle, 1710, 2nd edition 1714, 3rd edition 1718, pp. 102-109). 7The important role played by the Armenians in providing information about the Syrian St. Thomas Christians is remarkable. Ziegenbalg felt that he owed the first, seemingly reliable, piece of information to them. Contacts with Armenian merchants existed from the earliest time onwards. The great significance of the Armenians for Nikolaus Ludwig, Count of Zinzendorf, has never been disputed. The extensive contacts he had established with the Armenians in Amsterdam during his Grand Tour were never broken. Occasionally, the advice and suggestions of the Armenians had been of prime importance, as, for example, in the adventurous attempt of the Moravian Brethren to establish a mission in Isfahan in Persia. However, for the missionaries of the Danish-Halle mission there were more obvious reasons, the chief one being the existence of the significant Armenian congregation in Madras, to whom Ziegenbalg owed his information about the Syrian St. Thomas Christians. This situation did not change even when a query from GotthilfAugust Francke about the Armenians living in Bengal was met with unequivocal criticism of the Armenian Christians in Calcutta by Johann Zacharias Kiemander. Later, Johann Christian Breithaupt’s report about the uprising in Bengal, directed equally against the English and the Armenians, reinforced Kiemander’s views. Therefore, it is not surprising that in 1755 the Ten Commandments as well as the Lord’s Prayer in the Armenian language were sent to Halle, even though this language was not of prime importance there. Not only was there an exchange of letters with Armenians in Batavia, but an Armenian from there was also invited to work in the mission in India.

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to have been stabbed on the first Mount and to have lived on the second. However, Ziegenbalg was not successful in getting information about the descendants of the St. Thomas Christians in the city. The report sent by the three missionaries was little more than a reproduction of Ziegenbalg’s account of his journey to find St Thomas Christians. A year later, Ziegenbalg proved himself to be better informed. In a letter to Berlin dated 15 November 1713, he referred to his communications from the previous year:8“Last year we sent some information about the St. Thomas Christians.”9 The Portuguese dispelled all doubts about the fact that these long-established Christians were descended from contemporaries of the apostle St. Thomas, and cited an old follower of the St. Thomas Christians who had told them the story of St. Thomas and had shown them numerous monuments relevant to this. The ‘real’ St Thomas Christians, however, had moved to the West Coast and had increased in strength there. Ziegenbalg’s tenacious investigations did not end with this. From an Armenian book which, according to information given to him, had been written “in Armenian even before the arrival of the Portuguese in East India,” he got reliable information that St Thomas had actually travelled to India and had lived in Mylapore. There were also many books of the Indian Christian tradition about this. One of the disadvantages of these books was, for Ziegenbalg, the fact that they were “all written later”, i. e. after the arrival of the Portuguese. This fact appeared to him to be a very strong qualification of the value of these texts which, in addition, “also contained many fables”. The information that Ziegenbalg got did not satisfy his thirst for knowledge. His investigations on the east coast of India always led to the same result. Everywhere he was told “that the apostle, St. Thomas, had really been to India” and that the Indian Christians of the precolonial era had got their name from him. What disturbed him about the information he received was that it was “mixed with many fables.” Ziegenbalg felt that his investigations could only be really successful if he could travel to the Malabar coast and talk to some St. Thomas Christians himself in order to get at the truth. The reason for his growing ' AFSt/M 1C 5:75/1 -13 (Archive of Leipzig Mission / Danish Halle Mission (hereafter ALMW/DHM) 10/21 : 50, transcript of the previous letter) Letter from Bartholom&us Ziegenbalg and Johann Ernst Griindler to the dear fathers and men in God in Berlin of 15.11.1713 from Tranquebar; see Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien, pp. 345-356. 9 AFSt/M 1 C 5 : 75/1 -13 (ALMW/DHM 10/21: 50); Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien, p. 349.

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scepticism was information that these Christians were not descended from Apostle Thomas, but “from a Syrian”, from whose name, Mar Thoma, they had also got their name. Mar Thoma, however, had come to India and preached Christianity only in the fifth century. From this time on, till the arrival of the Portuguese, these Christians had only had bishops from Syria, who had also introduced church services in the Syrian language.10 Since it was difficult for Ziegenbalg to undertake a journey to these Christians, he came upon the idea of establishing contact through letters - a method he had found successful even otherwise. His interest lay chiefly in the question of doctrine, which he wanted to know first­ hand. This interest was motivated by Ziegenbalg’s suspicion of Catholic attempts at establishing a union. The ‘“Roman Church”, he wrote, had tried very hard “to bring these St. Thomas Christians to the Holy See,” but these old Christians had never taken this step voluntarily. At first, the ‘Papists’ had tried to win over the St. Thomas Christians with kindness and promises, but the latter had resisted and had wanted to have nothing to do with a “Pope and with strange dogmas.”11When the Portuguese had established themselves in India, the union of these Christians with the Roman Catholic Church was carried out by force. They imprisoned the bishop and compelled the people to accept the new dogma. Ziegenbalg also knew about later attempts to restore the contact between the Syrian home church and India; that Syrian bishops came to India, but the Portuguese stopped them. He understood the difficulties that led to such conflicts among the Christians. He also knew about a Syrian bishop of the St. Thomas Christians who was still imprisoned in Pondicherry, and who did not have the freedom to preach. This bishop had earlier been sent to the Pope in Europe. On account of his promise to stay with the Roman Catholic Church, the Pope had ordained him as a bishop and had sent him back to the St. Thomas Christians. However, after his return to India, the bishop had continued to advocate the teachings of the Syrian Church. This had led to his imprisonment. Numerous St. Thomas Christians had tried to liberate themselves from Portuguese tyranny by seeking the protection of the Dutch, who did not profess the Roman faith. Other St. Thomas Christians, who also did not profess the Roman faith, were “inside the country”. Later, he said, they took advantage of the loss 10 Ibid, pp. 349-350. " Ibid, p. 350.

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of power of the Portuguese to freely follow their original dogma under “heathen rulers”. Ziegenbalg’s scepticism about the oral tradition increasingly enabled him to come closer to the actual historical genesis of the Syrian St. Thomas Christians. The most important question about St. Thomas Christians was always that of their origin. Consequently, an important part of Ziegenbalg’s efforts concerned the question of the presumed apostolic origin of Christianity in this part of the world.12The fact that Ziegenbalg was not in a position to resolve this question reflects the problematic situation of the sources, that continues even today. If one accords a measure of validity to the oral tradition, then, even for modern historians, the presence of the apostle in India must be taken into consideration.13 If one uses the strict standards of die textual tradition, which only validates that which is textuaUy incontestable, and which can be considered the sole explanation for an issue at hand, then we must reckon with a much later period for the rise of Indian St. Thomas Christianity.14Ziegenbalg’s information about a Syrian origin corresponds to sources that are difficult to verify historically. They concern a merchant, Thomas from Cana, who is said to have arrived in Cranganore in the year 345 with seventy-two families and to have settled there. Syrian St. Thomas Christianity is said to have originated from him. The time period Ziegenbalg mentions, however, namely the fifth century, contradicts the generally accepted time period for this migration. It is characteristic of Ziegenbalg’s efforts that, on the one hand, he tries to get to the core of the information he receives with methods that correspond to contemporary criteria of historicity; on the other hand, he used all available sources, even those that appear to him to be particularly doubtful, since they seem to be rooted only in the oral tradition. His information regarding the union of the Syrians with Rome is correct. It is, however, not very specific, and is included mainly because of the contemporary attitude of a mild confrontation with Catholicism and the Roman Catholic mission.13 11 Martin Tamcke, “Der heilige Thomas - Apostel Indiens?” in Georg ROwekamp, Entlang der Seidenstrafie. Das Christentum a u f dem fVeg nach Osten, Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 2002, pp. 66-67. 13Edouard R. Hambye and Johannes Madey, “ 1900 Jahre Thomas-Christen in Indien,” Freiburg: Kanisius, 1972, pp. 12-16. 14Jflrgen Stein, “Eine traditionsreiche Gemeinschaft. Die Geschichte der Christen in Indien,” in Georg Rdwekamp, Entlang der Seidenstrafie. Das Christentum aufdem Weg nach Osten, Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 2002, pp. 68-73. 15In general on this see Joseph Thekkedath, History o f Christianity in India II, From the Middle o f the Sixteenth to the end o f the Seventeenth Century (1542-1700), Bangalore: Church History Association of India, 1988.

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Ziegenbalg’s hypothesis about the migration of the St. Thomas Christians from the east to the west coast presents a problem. Since European travellers in the Middle Ages had in fact testified to St. Thomas Christianity on the east coast, this hypothesis cannot be completely false, just as present hypotheses cannot be completely ignored when they talk about a merging of the St. Thomas Christians of this region with syncretic cultures that led to a disappearance of Christianity here.16 Even in the first half of the eighteenth century, St. Thomas Christians still went on pilgrimage to the two St. Thomas Mounts.17 Ziegenbalg’s information that bishops were sent to India from Syria is correct - Syria being used as a collective term for the region in which East and West Syrians settled. Ziegenbalg’s statement that these bishops introduced Syrian liturgy in church services does not mean that another language had been used in earlier liturgy. It simply means that with the beginning of liturgical ceremonies, the Syrian mother-tongue of the bishops was also used as the language of liturgy. Whereas Ziegenbalg originally assumed that all Syrian St. Thomas Christians of Kerala were in union with Rome, he later discovered the schism within Syrian St. Thomas Christianity. He viewed the schism as a result of the new political situation caused by the change of colonial rule from the Portuguese to the Dutch. It was Dutch protection that enabled a renewed move for independence from Rome. Ziegenbalg does not indicate whether he was aware of the fact that the religious policies of the Dutch in Kerala distinguished between the different groups of St. Thomas Christians. He also does not mention that the Dutch set themselves up as patrons of the group of St. Thomas Christians who were united with Rome.18Ziegenbalg seems to be unaware of the fact that the renewed independence of the St. Thomas Christians took place independently of Protestant-Dutch rule and at a time when the Portuguese were still the colonial rulers. However, this wrong perception could have arisen because Ziegenbalg names a third group of St. Thomas Christians along with the unified and the independent groups. This third group, he says, took advantage of the weakness of the Portuguese and placed itself under the protection of the Indian Kings of Cochin in order to escape from Portuguese rule and from the compulsion to unite with Rome. It is clear that he is referring to the Christians under Mar Thoma. 16 See for this, statements by Folker Reichert, Die Reisen des seligen Odorich von Pordenone nach Indien und China (1314/18-1330), Heidelberg: Manutius, 1987. 17 W.Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Orientalischen Kirchen, GUtersloh: C. Bertelsmann, 1877, p. 559. 18 See Vol. Ill, Appendix 1, source 08.

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It then remains uncertain who the members of the independent group were. In all probability, these were the Christians gathered around Mar Gabriel. That after the Council of Diamper in 1599 the Portuguese tried everything in their power to hamper the Syrian bishops who came to India is a well-established fact of Indian, church history. Since 1652, the Syrians who were intent on their independence were forced in the direction of the Miaphysites by the Syrian bishop, Ahathalla.20 The subsequent restoration of the independence of the St. Thomas Christians on 3 January 1653 (the oath at Kunan Kurishu) was the signal for the renewed independence of the Indian Syrians from Rome.21 The Syrian Metropolitan, Mar Simon, who Ziegenbalg mentions in his report, is one of the mysterious figures of Syrian church history in India. His denominational association itself presented a problem. Julius Richter, for example, clearly identified him as a ‘Nestorian’ (i.e. as a member of the Eastern Apostolic Church) who tried to “retrieve the lost province of the Church” from the ‘Jacobites’ (i.e. the Syrian Orthodox Church).22 Richter was wrong about this denominational association: officially Simon belonged to the Chaldean Catholic Church (i.e. to the East Syrians in the Near East who were united with Rome).23 Although the independent St. Thomas Christians had called him to India, on 22 May 20 Stephen Neill, A History o f Christianity in India. The beginnings to AD 1707. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984, pp. 316-319; Thekkedath, History o f Christianity in India II, pp. 91-94; Hambye and Madey, 1900 Jahre Thomas-Christen, p. 35. 21 The extent to which the different denominational perspectives of present church historians determines the result of their analyses has been studied with reference to the Church Council of Diamper and its consequences, see Karen Hermes, “Countdown to 1999. Die Synode von Diamper (1599) im Spiegel der verschiedenen Kirchen der sQdindischen Thomaschristenheit”, in Martin Tamcke, Wolfgang Schwaigert, Egbert Schlarb, eds., Syrisches Christentum weltweit. Festschrift Wolfgang Hage, Studien zur Orientalischen Kirchengeschichte 1, MQnster; 1995, pp. 325-340. Till now there are no studies that can claim to have evaluated facts independent of the denominational perspective of the author. 22 Julius Richter, Indische Missionsgeschichte. Allgemeine evangelische Missionsgeschichte. Vol. 1, second edition, GtHersloh, p. 97. 23 Germann was the first to place him initially in the correct denomination. See W. Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen, p. 509. Later, even he considers him to be a ‘Nestorian’ (ibid,) p. 531. For special studies on his person and his writings see E.R.Hambye, “Le Metropolite chaldean. Simon d’Ada, et ses aventures en Inde,” Parole de POrient VI/VII, 1975/76, pp. 500-508; Khalil Samir, “La relation du voyage en Inde en 1701 du Metropolite Chaldean Simon1', Edition, traduction et notes philologiques, Parole de l’Orient IX, 1975/76, pp. 277-303.

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1701 he ordained Angelus Francis, a member of the Carmelite Order who had been appointed Apostolic Vicar for North and South Malabar by the Pope.24 The Metropolitan Simon of Adana had been sent to India from Diyarbakir by the Supreme Head of the East Syrians, who were united with Rome.25 The ordaining of the Leading priest from the Carmelite Order led to unrest and dissent among the independent St. Thomas Christians. In order to restore peace, the Metropolitan was forced to board a ship to Pondicherry. There he waited for his return to the Syrian St. Thomas Christians in Kerala. There is no evidence of his work as a bishop in the following period, beyond this act of ordaining.26 The traditional sources assume that the Carmelites in Pondicherry imprisoned him. The later East Syrian bishop, Mar Gabriel, was of the same opinion: Simon, he says, announced his arrival in a letter sent in advance to the St. Thomas Christians. The Carmelites and Jesuits intercepted this letter. They are said to have then posted guards, who arrested the bishop and brought him to Pondicherry.27 After being imprisoned for twenty years he is said to have “died mysteriously.’128 This is contradicted by the 24Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen, p. 509; Neill, A History o f Christianity in India, p. 330. Germann was the first to consider the possibility that Simon had been called to India by the independent St. Thomas Christians; Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen, p. 531. 25Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen, p.509; Neill, A History o f Christianity in India, p. 330 (incorrect description of church leading priesty by Neill). Germann is of the opinion that Simon was sent to India by a Catholic bishop. On the situation of the group at this time see Albert Lampart, Ein Martyrer der Union mit Rom: Joseph /. (1681-1696), Patriarch der Chaldaen Einsiedeln: Benzinger, 1966. 26 Neill, A History o f Christianity in India, p. 493, footnote 70. 27Germann quotes from letters of Mar Gabriel given in Canter Vischer, Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen. p. 531. Gabriel stated that Simon was being held in irons in Pondicherry. Germann denies that Simon stayed willingly in Pondicherry from 1701 -1720: “No, after using the unwelcome person for the ordaining ceremony, he was taken to the monastery as a prisoner.” 2S Thus Richter, Indische Missionsgeschichte, p. 97; see Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen, p. 509. According to Germann, Simon fell into a well in August 1720 and drowned. Germann lists Catholic investigations of this case and refers to MQllbauer’s statement that “the ridiculous fairy-tale that he was murdered by Catholic missionaries hardly deserves to be mentioned.” In contrast to this, Germann was struck by the fact of an official investigation. “At any rate, the given vita is a puzzling one which leads to many questions.” See also Maximilian MQllbauer, Geschichte der katholischen Mission in Ostindien von der Zeit Vasco da Gamas bis zur Mitte des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts, Freiburg, 1852, p. 312. Germann did not trust the “church-book of the prison wardens,” Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen, p. 531, footnote 3. If Simon had been kept in irons then it follows that he could not save himself when he fell into the well and therefore drowned. “Simeon drowns or is drowned” is how he formulates it carefully in

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fact that from time to time he must have been allowed to move around freely, since the church at Ariyankuppam in 1714 is said to have been built with fluids provided by the Metropolitan.29 Ziegenbalg was particularly dismayed when he learned about this bishop of the Syrian St Thomas Christians being imprisoned in Pondicherry. He believed that the bishop had been ordained by the Pope, who had then sent him to India. However, since he then continued to follow the doctrines of the Syrian Church, he was arrested and thus prevented from preaching. Here information about Ahathalla and Gabriel30is probably confused with information about Simon. Ziegenbalg’s report is, however, undoubtedly marked by genuine dismay at the fate of his contemporary who, at the time the report was written, had already been in prison for a long time, but would have to face some more years of martyrdom before his violent end. The fact that Ziegenbalg refers to this bishop in the context of Syrian bishops who were impeded in their work by the Portuguese shows that he was not only concerned with the political intervention of the Portuguese in ecclesiastical matters concerning the St. Thomas Christians. Rather, he was concerned with the interventions of all Catholic powers in favour of the Catholic Church against the independence of the Syrian St. Thomas Christians and their ties to their Syrian mother-church. Even denominational polemics thus contained a political argument. Indeed, Ziegenbalg considered it to be the defining argument with regard to developments in church history. In Eastern India the East Syrian bishop was an exceptional person and a representative figure of Syrian Christianity. Ziegenbalg’s genuine interest in concrete interaction is demonstrated by the fact that his efforts culminated in the decision to enter into direct contact, through letters, with the Indian St. Thomas Christians. A dialogue does not emerge from books but from direct interaction. To understand the beliefs of the denominational Other, one should not proceed from texts and most certainly not from third-hand information. Naturally the ‘Self in the ‘Other’ is helpful on the path to the ‘Other’ in the ‘Other’. The missionaries in Tranquebar now found themselves on this path. the text: Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen, p. 531. Neill also refers to the sources which say that Simon lived with the Capuchins in Pondicherry, but Neill himself does not consider this to be very probable. His migration to the French colony, says Neill, does not appear to have been completely voluntary. He was kept under a strict watch. Neill, A History o f Christianity in India, p. 493, footnote 70. 29 E.R. Hambye, History o f Christianity in India, Vol. Ill, Eighteenth Century, Bangalore: The Church History Association of India, 1997, p. 174, footnote 20. 30AFSt/M I C 6 : 122 Griindler to Berbisdorff 4.2.1715.

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The Syrian Language If direct contact had ever been established between the Halle missionary and the St. Thomas Christians, the missionary would have had to undergo a linguistic reorientation. On the one hand, the St. Thomas Christians of India’s West Cost had already started using Malayalam as their language of daily communication, but, on the other hand, they continued to use the Syrian language in the circles of the Church and in their liturgy. The Syrian St. Thomas Christians did not understand Tamil, the language that Ziegenbalg had learned, and they expressly rejected it as a possible language of communication. They could not comprehend its use by the missionaries, and it aroused their displeasure.31 Ziegenbalg at least had some idea about the Syrian language. Therefore he could use it as a base for comparison in his comments about the Arabic used in India.32Since he did not encounter Syrian St. Thomas Christians anywhere, his abilities in this area were not developed. The role of Syrian in Ziegenbalg’s work remains vague. The knowledge of Syrian of the later missionaries is better documented, and this knowledge served as a basis for a correspondence that they then conducted in the Syrian language. They did not always gain this knowledge in Halle and would have had to have further training in any case. Especially Walther’s knowledge of Syrian, which enabled him to carry on a correspondence in this language, was a result mainly of his own efforts in this area. He even progressed to the extent that a renowned Orientalist stated that he made fewer mistakes in the language than his Syrian correspondent.33 Someone who does not speak the language of the Other cannot comprehend his singularity. Despite their linguistic efforts, however, the missionaries in Tranquebar remained dependent on Orientalists like Michaelis in Halle and Schaaf Senior and Junior in Leiden, as well as on Dutch intermediaries in Cochin who helped them with their translations. They themselves had, time and again, “undertaken in vain” to translate the Syrian letters that they received.34 Anyway, they could only attempt to do this since they possessed a minimum knowledge of Syrian. But this was not sufficient for a real understanding.

31 See for this the relevant statements of Bishop Mar Thoma. 32 See his letter to Professor Michaelis in Halle dated 12.9.1713, Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefaus Indien. pp. 302-307, here p. 306. 33 Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen, p. 556, footnote 3. 34 Ibid, p. 556.

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Knowledge of the Syrian language was not unusual for the staff in Halle. The project of the Collegii Orientalis Theologici of 1702 had already named Syrian as one of the prominent languages along with, for example, Arabic and Chaldaic (this meant Aramaic) which the students were expected to practise “with unflagging diligence”.35Armenian - like Turkish, Persian, Chinese, and New Greek - was only meant to be learned by the future staff members of Halle. The manuscript cabinet in the Art Room discovered in 1992 proves, however, what little value was placed in Halle on a knowledge of Syrian. The cabinet was richly decorated by the artist Gottfried August Griindler (1710-1775). In the crowning painting he shows die important languages of the earth ordered according to systematic principles. There is the division of East and West, of Greek and Latin, followed on the right by Armenian and Syrian as well as Osmanli and Turkish, while on the left there are German, Gothic and Runic scripts. The classificatory principle is that of the Biblical language. In the centre there is Hebrew, while the other languages follow on the right and left. In the short quotes from each of the scripts it is not the content that is important, and comparable quotations from the Bible are not presented. Rather, it is the script alone that is important and the impression of the variety of scripts. The Syrian quote in this painting is written in the language of West Syria (Serto). Gottfried August GrOndler painted the quotation from the copy of the Syrian manuscript in the cabinet and chose a liturgical-theological text from this. He did not understand the text and could not read it either. This is apparent from the fact that he omitted the first word of the cited text. The fact that some of the staff in Halle still managed to achieve considerable mastery in Syrian is proved, for example, by Benjamin Schultze. He had already learned Syrian in school in Berlin (along with Hebrew, classical Greek, Latin and French).36Schultze became a specialist 35 August Hermann Francke, “Viertes Projekt des Collegii Orientalis Theologici*1, Halle (1702), Reprint Halle, 2002, (KJeine Texte der Franckeschen Stiftungen 8); the text can also be found in Gustav Kramer, “August Hermann Francke", 1. Teil, Halle 1880, pp.278-285. After this the relevant source text is quoted in Benjamin Ziemer, “Die Sprachen Babels und die Sprachen der Bibel - das Programm der Bemalung des Schriftenschrankes,” in Heike Link and Thomas MQller-Bahlke, Zeichen und Wunder, Geheimnisse des Schriftenschranks in der Kunst- und Naturalienkammer der Franckeschen Stiftungen, KJeine Schriftenreihe der Franckeschen Stiftungen 4, Halle, 2003, p. 34. 16 Heike Liebau and Kurt Liebau, “Der Missionar Benjamin Schultze: Eine Notiz zu seiner Korrespondenz und sein Beitrag zur Herausbi Idung der vergleichenden Sprachwissenschaft”, in Link and MQller-Bahlke, eds., Zeichen und Wunder, Geheimnisse

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in Oriental languages which he, in his own words, had no trouble learning. He says that on his journeys in the Orient he had not wanted to speak through an interpreter.37 Schultze learned Arabic by beginning a course in Arabic in 1718 with the Christian Syrian, Carolus Dadichi (died 1734).38Benjamin Schultze had had the opportunity of procuring a Syrian manuscript and bringing it to Halle, which is still in the Wunderkammer. The manuscript is a Syrian alphabet book written in the West Syrian script, in Serto.39It served as a textbook for learning Syrian (‘Book for beginners in the Syrian language'). The pupils had always been given an introduction to Syrian mainly through the psalms that had to be learned by heart. The text book kept in Halle contains parts of eleven psalms, and only Psalms 148 and 104 are given in their entirety. In addition, there are parts of Psalms 51,140,141,91,132,63,19 and 4. Elementary knowledge of prayer and doctrine are mediated through the Lord’s Prayer and the confession of faith. The Beatitudes of the Sermon on the Mount according to the evangelist Matthew have been inserted between Psalms 19 and 4, of which the hymns are also a part. The psalms are followed by the petitionary prayer of Mar Ephrem and Mar Jacob of Sarugh. Two prayers complete the textbook: one is to be recited in the evening of Fast Sunday, the other in the morning of a fasting day. Till now, scholarly investigation has granted the probability of the textbook coming to Halle via the missionaries of the Tranquebar mission. It is also possible that Stefan Schultz could have brought it with him from his journeys in the Near East, but the fact that he mentions contacts with Christian Syrians only in passing in his travel diary does not make this assumption appear very probable.40 In addition, his classification of these Syrian Christians des Schriftenschranks in der Kunst-und Naturalienkammer der Franckeschen Stiftungen, Kleine Schriftenreihe der Franckeschen Stiftungen 4, Halle, 2003, p. 95. On Schultze's significance for linguistics, see Heike Liebau, Die Sprachforschungen des Missionars Benjamin Schultze, Halle, 1988. 37 Heike Link, “Der Schriftenschrank als Hort wundersamer Schriften und Endstation langer Oberlieferungswege - Schlaglichter auf die Geschichte eines pietistischen Waisenhauses", in Link and MQller-Bahlke, Zeichen und Wunder, p. 19. 38 Heike Liebau and Kurt Liebau, “Der Missionar Benjamin Schultze", p. 96. 39My remarks follow here the observations and descriptions in Matut, pp. 85-88. 40On him see Editha Wolf-Crome and Stephanus Schultz, “Aus den Lebenserinnerungen", Hamburg, 1977; Paul Gerhard Aring, Christen und Juden heute - und die Judenmission 7 2nd ed., Frankfurt am Main, 1989, pp. 115-123; Manfred Fleischhammer, “Arabische und ttirkische Urkunden in den Franckeschen Stiftungen”, in Link and MQller-Bahlke, Zeichen und Wunder, p. 57. See also the reference to him in the context of the despatch of the book in Diana Matut, “Ein syrisches AIphabet-BQchlein”, in Link and MQller-Bahlke, p. 91. Matut also points out that Stephan Schultz does not mention direct contacts with Syrian

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is inaccurate. In Aleppo he claims to have met Syrian Christians who he calls “Sorians” and he equates them with the Nestorians.41 This equation is surprising. In Aleppo, members of the Syrian-Orthodox Church were always far more numerous than the Nestorians. At Easter in 17S4, he joined the excursion of pilgrims to Jericho, to the Jordan and the Dead Sea. Apart from European Christians at its head, the procession also consisted of Greeks, Armenians and “Sorians”, i.e. Syrian Christians. The end of the procession consisted of the janissaries of the Ottoman Governor.42 Whereas the Syrian Orthodox Christians had always had a considerable presence in Jerusalem and the Holy Land, the community of the Apostolic Church of the East (Nestorians) was much smaller. In addition, the Christian communities named were those that shared the Church of the Holy Sepulchre (only the Egyptian Copts and the Ethiopians are missing). Therefore, the participants in the procession were, in all probability, Syrian-Orthodox Christians. Since Schultz, even otherwise, tends to equate Nestorians (East Syrians) with Syrian traditions rather than the Syrian-Orthodox (West Syrians), this classification appears somewhat plausible.43Thus, Schultz would have actually met Christians who spoke the West Syrian language. However, the erroneous perceptions and the lack of any remarkable encounters make the procuring of the alphabet-book by him considerably more improbable than a possible dispatch from India. There, association was consistently sought out with the Syrian Christians, who had long since started using the West Syrian script instead of the East Syrian. In any case, the missionaries made serious efforts to learn the Syrian language and the script. In view of their willingness to search for relevant information, to send Syrian letters to Christians in his travelogue, neither does he mention the purchase of books. However, Matut continues to believe in the possibility of the purchase and despatch of the book by Stephan Schultz (“the possibility existed”). 41 Wolf-Crome, “Stephanus Schultz", p. 92. 42 Ibid, p. 95. 43 Callenberg had given him the task of finding a person, ostensibly a prince of Lebanon, who had presented himself to Prince Leopold of Dessau. The man proved to be a Maronite and was simply not a ruler. He spoke French, Arabic and German, and his family was Maronite. Schultz, therefore, constructed the following religious genesis: at one time, the Maronites had been part of the Syrian, or the Nestorian, Church, and later, with Bishop Marun, they had aligned themselves with the Roman Catholic Church. However controversial the historical genesis of the Maronites may be till today, a Nestorian origin of this Church, which probably arose from monotheletism, is false. For the accounts written by Schultz on the prince, see Wolf-Crome, pp. 99-100 (chap. 45). On the origin of the Maronite Church see Harald SQrmann, Die Grundungsgeschichte der Maronitischen Kirche, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1998.

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Halle and to locate Syrian books in Kerala, it appears plausible that they had procured the alphabet-book. The main partner of the missionaries in Syrian matters in Halle was Christian Benedict Michaelis. He was not only interested in the history of the S t Thomas Christians44and in continuing the correspondence with them,45 but he also contributed decisively to an understanding of Syrian.46 Johann Ernst Griindler The letters of 16 September 1712 and 15 November 1713 had been written both by Ziegenbalg and GrOndler.47The report of 6 February 1710 had also been co-authored by GrOndler.48 All three letters dealt mainly with the Syrian St. Thomas Christians. In the following period GrOndler 44 AFSt/M 1 C 11 : 63 (ALMW/DHM 4/5b : 10) Utter from Christian Benedict Michaelis to Bartholomdus Ziegenbalg and Johann Ernst Griindler, dated 25.11.1718, from Halle in which Michaelis lists a treatise about the St. Thomas Christians that is still awaited. Johann Wilhelm SchrOder also requested information about the St Thomas Christians: ALMW / DHM 8 /1 6 : S3 Letter from Johann Wilhelm SchrOder to Nikolaus Dal, Martin Bosse, Christian Friedrich Pressier, Christoph Theodosius Walther, Benjamin Schultze, dated 7.1.1727 from Copenhagen; ALMW / DHM 8 /16:60 Letter from Johann Wilhelm SchrBder to Nikolaus Dal and Christian Friedrich Pressier, dated 11.11.1730 from Copenhagen; see also ALMW / DHM 8 /16:66 Letter from Johann Wilhelm Schrttder to Nikolaus Dal, Martin Bosse, Christian Friedrich Pressier, Christoph Theodosius Walther, Andreas Worm, Samuel Gottlieb Richtsteig, dated 7.11.1772 from Copenhagen. 45AFSt/M 1 H 3 :2 Letter from Nikolaus Dal to Christian Benedict Michaelis, dated 1.9.1725 from Tranquebar (containing information about the beginning of correspondence with the St. Thomas Christians). Callenberg and Francke also sought information and received replies from the missionaries to their questions regarding the relations of the missionaries with the St. Thomas Christians, AFSt/M 2 A 1 : 12: Reply from Benjamin Schultze and Jens Siewerts to questions from Johann Heinrich Callenberg and Gotthilf August Francke [year not mentioned] (1729/1730) [no place]. 46 ALMW / DHM 4/5b : 23 Letter from Christian Benedict Michaelis to Christoph Theodosius Walther, dated 7.1.1730 from Halle (the remarks in this about the language of the St. Thomas Christians are not written by Michaelis). 47AFSt/M 1C 4; 10a Letter from BartholomSus Ziegenbalg and Johann Erast GrOndler to Anton Wilhelm Boehme, dated 16.9.1712 from Tranquebar, ed. in Achte Continuation Des Berichts Der Kdniglichen D&nischen Missionarien in Ost-Indien, Halle, 1715 (2nd ed. Halle 1723,3rd ed. Halle 1745), pp. 605-614 (excerpts). New edition in Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus lndient pp. 233-243; AFSt/M 1 C 5 : 75/1-13 (ALMW/DHM 10/21 : 50, transcript of the previous letter) Letter from Bartholomftus Ziegenbalg and Johann Ernst Griindler to the dear fathers and men of God in Berlin, dated 15.11.1713 from Tranquebar, ed. in Amo Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien, pp. 345-356. 49AFSt/M 1 C 3 : 1 Letter from Heinrich PlQtschau, Johann Ernst GrOndler, Johann Georg Bdvingh to August Hermann Francke, dated 6.2.1710 from Tranquebar. Ed. in “Zweyte Continuation Des Berichts” (Der Kdniglich-Ddnischen Missionarien in OstIndien, Halle 1710,) (2nd edition 1714, 3rd edition 1718), pp. 102-109.

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carried on the efforts concerning the St. Thomas Christians. His efforts show that the missionaries had arrived at a significantly advanced stage: it was now no longer a question of the most elementary facts or of vague statements of outsiders based on oral information. Concrete information was now available and could be provided by intermediaries. Interaction, via third persons at least, had begun, even though it really did not deserve this name, because it was only the Lutherans who actively asked questions, while the Syrian St. Thomas Christians at first only passively submitted to the interest of the Germans. On 4 February 1715, Grtlndler requested a person called Georg Friedrich Berbisdorff to establish greater contact. The urgent requirement was still to find out the actual history of St. Thomas Christendom.49 Berbisdorff was therefore equipped with a description of the history of the St. Thomas Christians. He was told to discuss this with the Dutch preacher and with other “learned men”. He was supposed to examine the present condition of the St. Thomas Christians with these interlocutors and try and get as much historically reliable information as possible. He was also given a series of concrete questions for this enquiry. He was supposed to find out, for example, if the Syrian St Thomas Christians there still had a Syrian bishop. Griindler evidently knew about the problems regarding the provision of Syrian bishops. He therefore narrowed down the question to those St. Thomas Christians who were not united with Rome. Griindler also wanted to know whether these St. Thomas Christians still had Syrian books in their church. The question of dogma was naturally also of interest. In this regard, the main task was to find out whether their dogmas differed from those of the 'Papists’, but Griindler did not want to leave it at that. He wanted to be able to have a mental picture of the dogmas of the St. Thomas Christians. If Berbisdorff could get a Syrian book with the dogmas of the Syrian St. Thomas Christians, Grtlndler stated that he “would be very pleased”. The letter from Theophil Siegfried Bayer, dated 3 January 1719, could also be considered to be closely connected with the efforts of Grtlndler and Michaelis. Written in Latin from Kdnigsberg only a few weeks after the letter from Michaelis, it shows that the interest in the St. Thomas Christians had long since gone beyond the inner circle of the missionaries and their correspondents in Halle. Bayer also provided the missionaries 49 AFSt/M 1 C 6 : 122 Letter from Johann Ernst Griindler to Georg Friedrich Berbisdorff, dated 4.2.1715 from Tranquebar.

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with the information that the Patriarch of Antioch had himself gone over to the union with Rome. The Syrian bishop, Mar Thoma, who also entered into a correspondence with the missionaries, turned time and again to this very patriarch, who had been accused before a Muslim court of being a reformer and an enemy of the Ottoman Empire. After his conviction he is said to have been sent into exile, where he died.50With BerbisdorfTs help, GrOndler was able to substantially increase his knowledge about the St. Thomas Christians. In his letter of thanks to Berbisdorff dated 3 October 1715, he asked for a copy of the translation of the history of the St. Thomas Christians done by van Mechern, and spoke about continuing his studies on this group of Christians. For the first time, he was also able to send information about two Syrian bishops in Cochin - Mar Thoma and Mar Gabriel -about their conflicts with each other and also about Dutch protection of the St. Thomas Christians.31 The missionaries were able to establish particularly intensive contact with the leading priest of the independent St. Thomas Christians, Mar Thoma IV (1688-1728), who had the same name as his predecessors and successors.52At this point of time, Mar Thoma IV was engaged in a fierce defensive battle against the East Syrian bishop, Gabriel. This leading priest from Urmia in Iran had been ordained as Metropolitan of Mar-Shalita in Azerbaijan by the patriarch of the Apostolic Church of the East, Simon XIII Denha.53In Diyabakir, while returning from a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, 50 Germann, “Die Kirche der Thomaschristen”, p. 550. This information had been communicated to Prof. Bayer in KOnigsberg in a letter from a Syrian ‘youth’ from Aleppo. 51 AFSt/M 1 C 7 : 159 Letter from Johann Ernst GrOndler to Georg Friedrich Berbisdorff, dated 3.10.1715 from Tranquebar. The letter also included the request to send him Van Mechern’s translation of the history of the St. Thomas Christians. Even three years later, the main concern was still the enquiry into the actual history of Syrian St. Thomas Christendom in India. Michaelis also again mentions a treatise about the St. Thomas Christians, AFSt/M 1 C 11 : 63, Letter from Christian Benedict Michaelis to Bartholomflus Ziegenbalg and Johann Ernst GrOndler, dated 25.11.1718, from Halle. The efforts continued even in the following year. See AFSt/M 1 C 12:6 Letter from Theophil Siegfried Bayer from KOnigsberg, dated 3.1.1719. 52 See Vol.lII, Appendix 1, source No.08. 53Hambye, History o f Christianity in India III, p. 46. Simon XIII Denha (1662-1700) was initially a representative of the East Syrian Christians united with Rome (so-called “Chaldaic patriarch” in the line of succession of Johannes Sullaqa). In 1672 he broke off the union with Rome. In the monastery Kotchannes, west of the Urmia lake in the Hakkari mountains of south-east Turkey, he re-established the patriarchate of the Eastern Apostolic Church as an independent patriarchate. See Wilhelm Baum and Dietmar W. Winkler, Die Apostolische Kirche des Ostens, Geschichte der sogenannten Nestorianer, Klagenfurt: Kitab, 2000, p. 108.

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he met with circles interested in a union with Rome around the patriarch Joseph II, who was in union with Rome and with whom a part of the Eastern Church had aligned itself.54 Gabriel also delivered a profession of faith that was sent to Rome and was meant to establish him as a true believer in the sense of the union.5SThis act on the part of a young bishop was hardly spectacular, since the patriarch who had ordained him had only just terminated the union with Rome, and the young bishop had therefore originally grown up in a situation determined by the union.36 Rome now encouraged the young leading priest to support the unification of the East Syrian Christians with the part of the Church that was now united with Rome. Although the Near East had been envisaged as the place for Gabriel to effect this unification, he arrived in Kollam via Madras in December 170857and cited the task given to him by the Pope. The Metropolitan, who continued to follow East Syrian liturgy and used the Julian calendar and leavened bread, encountered rejection from the Carmelites.58His doctrinal association with the Chaldeans was still doubtful. He had with him two letters from the independent patriarch, Elias XI Maraugun (1700-1722).59 These letters from the Superior of the Church living near Mosul raise doubts about the loyalty of the Metropolitan with regard to his association with the group united with Rome in the region of what is today South East Turkey. Nevertheless, Gabriel’s work met with great success. Within a very short time (1708-1710) he was able to restore almost forty churches and was accepted by these congregations as their bishop. Almost all these congregations had earlier come under the Carmelites. Their Apostolic vicar made Gabriel issue a renewed profession of faith with which the doubts 54 Sec Lampart, Ein Martyrer der Union mit Rom. 55 Hambye, History o f Christianity in India III, p. 46, footnote 3. 56 Baum and Winkler, Die Apostolische Kirche des Ostens, p. 108. 57Hambye, History o f Christianity in India III, pp. 46-47. His stay in Madras created some problems. Germann refers to Gabriel’s own note that he had already landed in India in 1705, Germann, “Die Kirche der Thomaschristen”, p. 534, footnote 1. The note is in Jan Pieter Nicolaas Land, Anecdota Syriaca /, Lugduni Batavorum, 1862, p. 127. MHambye, History o f Christianity in India III, p.47. 59 In fact, a predecessor of the Patriarch, Elias IX (1660-1700) had had contact with Rome since 1668 with the aim of setting up a union. The negotiations for a union were not concluded. Elias X Maraugun (1700-1722) and his successor Elias XI Denha (17221778) were the last patriarchs who resided in the monastery of Rabban Hormizid before the monastery was destroyed by the troops of the Iranian ruler, Nadir Shah, in 1743. From then on the patriarchs resided in Alqosch. This place then became the centre of this line of Patriarchs in the Eastern Apostolic Church. See Baum and Winkler, Die Apostolische Kirche des Ostens, p. 108.

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regarding his affiliation to the East Syrians united with Rome were meant to be dispelled.60However, Gabriel’s influence - even over some congregations of St. Thomas Christians independent of Rome - was not affected by this. He simply ignored a summons to Rome in 1714.61In negotiations with the Dutch Commander in Cochin, Jacob de Jong, he tried, without success, in 1719 to get permission for married priests to be admitted to the Church. The Dutch refused on die assumption that Gabriel was a Catholic. Till his death in 1731 Gabriel associated with a substantial section of Syrian St. Thomas Christians, and maintained his position between the group united with Rome and the independent group. The attempt to appoint his successor from the Near East failed in 1784.62The differences between Gabriel and Mar Thoma clearly characterized their contradictory dogmatic positions. In a letter written in 1709 to the Patriarch of Antioch, Mar Thoma describes his opponent63This man, he says, calls himself Metropolitan of Ninive and says he was sent to India by Catholicos Elias. For Mar Thoma, at least, the Metropolitan therefore belonged to the Church of the dogmatic opponent and not to Rome. Mar Thoma accused him of professing to two natures and two persons in Christ There can be no doubt that the person being described here was a ‘Nestorian’, i.e. a “Nestorian Christology” was described. In addition, Mar Thoma states, he spoke in no uncertain terms against the view that Mary is the mother of God. This too would place Gabriel clearly in the dogmatic tradition 5f the Apostolic Church of the East The Letters of Bishop Mar Thoma The letters written in Syrian that are kept in Halle can be clearly ascribed to Mar Thoma. Missionary Walther gave a detailed account of the course of events leading to the receipt of these letters when he wrote to Prof. Michaelis in Halle on 23 October 1728.64 Michaelis had expressly urged the missionaries to India to seek contact with the St Thomas Christians. He 60 Joseph Simon Assemanus, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementiono-Vaticana III/2 (De scriptoribus Syris Nestorianis), Hildesheim: Olms (Reprint Rome 1728), 1975, p. 448. 61 Hambye, History o f Christianity in India III, p. 48. 62 Ibid, p. 48, footnote 9. 43 Germann gives a complete German translation of Thomas Yeates’ letter Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen, pp. 535-536, footnote 3; Germann also gives a complete German translation from the Latin of Assemanni, who had also added the Syrian text from the Proaganda Fide: see pp. 545-546. 64 AFSt: Walther’s consignment of letters also contains the letters from the Bishop Mar Thoma (see there for accession numbers). The New Testament presented by Schaaf could have been the 1704 edition that he had prepared for publication. But it is also possible that it was the copy sent to Schaaf by Mar Gabriel on 15 March 1720. Mar

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hoped that the missionaries would then offer the St. Thomas Christians the ‘Malabar Bible’ prepared in Halle. The missionaries were told to point out that this edition had not only been written on the basis of the Syrian Bible, but also on the basis of the Bible in Hebrew. However, this newly prepared text, he felt, could certainly be of use to the St. Thomas Christians alongside the Syrian version that had been handed down. In order to prepare for a possible contact with the St. Thomas Christians, on his journey through The Netherlands Walther had already met with Professor Karl Schaaf in Leiden. A scholar from Duisburg, Germany, a lecturer in oriental languages and Professor Extraordinarius at the University of Leiden since 1720, Karl Schaaf (died 1729) was of great help. He showed Walther a Syrian letter from the bishop of the Indian St. Thomas Christians, Bishop Mar Thoma. He also showed him a copy of the Syrian New Testament. Once in India, Walther got the opportunity in 1727 to establish contact with Mar Thoma. Because of his acquaintance with Schaaf, Walther made efforts to win the bishop as a “friend and acquaintance”, by sending him a letter in Syrian and one in Tamil. On this occasion he also sent the bishop the New Testament in Tamil. Walther sent the Syrian letters to Michaelis with the request to forward them after he had read them as they were to Prof. Schaaf in Leiden. A copy of the attached Latin translation could also go to Schaaf after it had been revised and corrected. Schaaf was thus often the final destination for many letters from Mar Thoma in his struggle against his opponent, Mar Gabriel.65On the advice of the Dutch Governor, Adam van der Duin, Mar Thoma had written a letter to the Syrian-Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch to send learned and highly-placed priests to India. The Governor ensured the delivery of the original letter to the Patriarch and, in addition, asked for a copy. Although the original was taken on a battleship to Antioch, the Dutch were in possession of the contents of the letter through a translation done in Leiden by Karl Schaaf. Schaaf published his translation in 1714 in Leiden along with Thoma sent him a New Testament only on 25 July 1725 (‘'Novum Testamentum Syriacum manuscriptum”). 65 In his letters, Mar Thoma requested the Patriarch of the Syrian Orthodox Church to send him learned priests in order to be able to fight the battle within St. Thomas Christendom. Julius Richter's portrayal of these events clearly shows his dismay at the ruthless research impetus of the Dutch scholars. l(These letters were to no avail, since they fell into the hands of vain Dutch scholars (Professors Schaaf, father and son) who boasted about this Syrian correspondence in the academic world, but who were so ignorant that they did not even know where the Patriarch of Antioch lived.” Richter, Indische Missions geschichte, pp. 97-98.

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the letter written “in somewhat barbaric Syrian” by Mar Thoma, and his own reply.66Schaaf received a number of further letters from Mar Thoma and soon carried on an extensive Syrian correspondence. Mar Gabriel too turned to him and asked him to write a letter to Patriarch Elias.67 Schaaf later maintained that an influential countryman gave his translation of Mar Thoma’ Syrian letter to the Pope, and that he himself had had nothing to do with this.68 The letter finally landed in the hands of the Propaganda Fide in Rome.69 Schaaf said that Mar Thoma was happy about this since the East India Company subsequently took him under their protection. It is said that in 1724 in a box containing the Syrian letters of Mar Thoma, there was also a Syrian New Testament.70 However, on 15 March 1720, Mar Thoma’ opponent, Mar Gabriel, had already granted Schaaf’s requests for a Syrian New Testament as an enclosure to a well-formulated letter. He had written this letter in the house of the Commandant in Cochin. With this he also sent a ‘Nestorian’ profession of faith. In his letter he asked for freedom from the Portuguese and requested that his letters be sent to the Patriarch of the Eastern Church, Mar Elias. He described his ecclesiastical position as an intermediate one between the independent St. Thomas Christians and those united with Rome, in order, particularly, to win over the latter to his side. Schaaf did not enter into further correspondence with Mar Gabriel, since he was offended both by his understanding of liturgy as well as by his Nestorian profession of faith.71 Mar Thoma’ letters, in the meantime, strongly urged Schaaf to become politically active on his behalf with the Company, and to tell them about the persecution by the ‘Franks’ (20 66 Relatio Histories ad Epistolam Syriacam a Maha Thome id est Magno Thoma, Indo, aniquorum Christianorum Syrorum in India Episcopo ex Chaddenad in Malabaria scriptam ad Ignatium, Patriarcham Antiochenum. Et ipsa ilia Episcopi Indi Epistola Syriaca cum versione Latina. Accessit epistola Syriaca ad eundem Episcopum etiam cum versione Latina. Accessit epistola Syriaca cum versione Latina. Accurante Carolo Schaaf, ex authortate Perillustrium D. D. Procerum Universitatis Lugduno-Batavae Linguarum Orientalium Doctore. Lugduni Batavorum, Sumptibus Editoris et Authoris MDCCXIV. Germann talks of “a boastful preface” to this by Schaaf, Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen, p. 535. 67 Karl Schaaf s letter to La Croze, dated 25 July 1725, cited in Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen„ pp. 538-539, here p. 538. 68 Ibid. 69The German translation of the complete text on the basis of the edition in Assemani (Bibliotheca Orientalis III) see Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen, pp. 545-546. 70Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen, p. 539. 71 Ibid, pp. 542-543.

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January 1715).72On 30 September 1720, Mar Thoma complained that he was still awaiting a reply, and he enclosed a letter with a request to the Patriarch of Antioch to send it out to learned priests.73 Johann Heinrich Schaaf, the son of Karl Schaaf, replied to this letter on 12 December 1720 saying that five letters had already been sent. The letters had evidently been intercepted by Catholic agents. The Patriarch of Antioch, however, had already been condemned before Mar Thoma had written the letters, and had died in exile before even one of the letters could be handed over to him.74 Interestingly, Mar Thoma tells the Syrian-Orthodox patriarch that Metropolitan Gabriel had been sent by Patriarch Mar Elias.75 They - the clerics of the independent St. Thomas Christians - did not “have the wisdom” to “answer” the learned East Syrian. In addition, he requests that the Patriarch write a letter to the Dutch Commandant in Cochin for the protection of the independent St. Thomas Christians.76 Johann Heinrich Schaaf continued the correspondence with Mar Thoma till October 1135.71 The letters from the Syrian bishop that are still kept in Halle came from Schaaf. They are all addressed to Schaaf, as an intermediary who could intervene for Mar Thoma with the King or the Company. Astoundingly, the content of the letters is widely similar. They were written on the same day: on the Twelfth Day (the Epiphany), that is on 6 January 1728.78 The place where they were composed was the Virgin Mary’s Church in Kandanad. The three letters all begin with the introduction of the Bishop, who is depicted in rhetorical phrases as being “unworthy” and called “the miserable”, or simply “the weak”. In the tradition of the Syrian bishops and patriarchs, such rhetorical phrases have a theological basis, and express, to some extent, the writer’s spirituality. The latter discovers himself in his own weakness and incompetence, or at least he identifies himself with the sea of human experiences gained in the same manner. Then Mar Thoma describes himself, which should be regarded as a mere customary topos, followed by a just description of his position: “Metropolitan and bishop of the true St. Thomas Christians from India,” or “Bishop of the Syrians, of the Indian Christians,” or “Bishop 72 Ibid, pp. 541-542. A second letter of 10 October 1717 was attached with the same contents though it also contained a short poem in the appendix. 73 Ibid, p. 545. 74 Ibid, p. 550. 75 Ibid, p. 546. 76 Ibid, 546-547. 77 Ibid, p. 540. ^ AFSt/M 1 B 1 : l l a b l-7;AFSt/M 1 B 1 : 1l a b 08-13; AFSt/M 1 B 1 : 1lab 14-20. p.

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of the Syrian St. Thomas Christians from India.” Not only is the position of the church indicated here. The bishop considers himself responsible for all the Christians from India who assert themselves as belonging to the St. Thomas tradition. He correctly designates these believers as ‘Syrians’. The fact that he places the Syrian Christianity represented by them in India on par with Indian Christianity proves that he was aware that the original Christianity in India was the Syrian, and that all the other denominations and churches belong to Indian ecclesiastical power centres that were not Indian. As clear as this enunciation of the historical understanding may have seemed at that time, it was actually a challenge to the Protestants to whom he addressed this letter. In the first letter not only does he emphasise that his believers embody “the true St. Thomas Christians from India,” he even stresses that, adding in the next sentence that his community is one of ‘true Syrians’. Therefore, starting with the introductory phrases, it becomes obvious that the author of the letter writes on behalf of a group who had to assert their existence against another group. Mentioning that this group “was Christianized by the Apostle Thomas, who touched the Lord’s rib,” the bishop not only places them in the apostolical succession, but emphasizes their guaranteed connection with Christ’s era. In the second letter both emphases are rather held back. India is only described here as being the geographical area “where the blessed Apostle St. Thomas” used to preach. Here another aspect of the emphasis upon the inter-communion with Thomas and with Christ’s era stands out: “I was named Mar Thoma because I was raised on the seat of the Apostle St. Thomas.” In order that this direct connection between the bishop and the Apostle conceived as rightful apostolical succession should not be regarded as aleatory or as a mere florid indication, this explanation of his name is followed by a strengthening redundancy: “(Therefore) I was named Mar Thoma after the name borne by this Apostle.” Whereas the first sentence claimed his canonical status, the second one stressed once again the direct connection between the bishop and the Apostle. The bishop does not leave his reader in the dark regarding his denominational status. He belongs to “the glorious and holy See of Mar Ignatius, Patriarch of Antioch, who rules us all today.” The Patriarch of Antioch is “the fourth Patriarch, invested by our true orthodox 318 Fathers who gathered in the city of Nicaea. This one is famous and well-known in all four comers of the world. So be it. Amen.” A double aspect is to be noticed here: the positioning of the Patriarch in world Christendom and the link back to the Council of Nicaea. Nicaea was the only Council

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acknowledged by the East Syrians as well, and before the arrival of the Portuguese, Indian Syrian Christendom had been under its jurisdiction. The controversial Council of Ephesus is not mentioned. Speaking of India as an eastern diocese of Antioch, the bishop designates his own position in the Syrian leading priesty. The position of the Patriarch of Antioch corresponds to the order developed among the Old Church, where Antioch comes in fourth place after Rome, Constantinople and Alexandria, nowadays belonging further to the Byzantine Orthodoxy. The bishop uses various titles when addressing his interlocutor: ‘General’ or even ‘King’. Each title is joined by superlatives: the latter seems to be grand, respected, famous, and well-known in all four corners of the world (that is worldwide); apparently he is the Lord who rescues and who knows what is right and just. His own modesty and the grandeur of his interlocutor correspond to each other. This is obvious in the first letter, in a direct phrase like “I am unworthy before your Majesty.” But he dares to write to him because of the letter sent to him by the leader of the Company, “and due to the love and the friendship you showed me.” The second letter no longer expresses a direct connection between the author of the letter and its receiver, but refers only to the difference between their positions, and afterwards to the main request. “I am not worthy to write to you, who so much resemble the Sun, because your concerns are not the common people, but justice and righteousness.” Yet he sends his request because he is in need and hopes to make his situation known. In the last letter the request is quickly enunciated, together with the usual difference of status between the persons involved. He is not worthy to write to his Majesty, yet he, the weak, does it in order to make his petition known. The Franks are the enemies of the Syrians. Recalling the former good relationship between the Dutch and the Syrians, the Bishop asks for a written paper which would ensure his protection. The ambassadors of the Catholic monastic order - “Patrimar Sanpaulo Karmalita” - should stay away from his people. This means that they should not be allowed to enter the Kingdom of Cochin. If the King of Cochin were to get furious because of him, a letter signed by the high leader of the Company could save him. The letter should be written both in Dutch and in Syriac. The two letters written in Syriac which were sent to them before could have been read. They do not understand another language. Even Tamil is alien to them. They do not understand why a letter written in Tamil was sent to them. “You are writing like this, but we cannot understand why, and who should benefit from it. And you cannot even speak the language of

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our countries.” He will be, nevertheless, “a treasure for the bishop until the end of the world.” The request for support was preceded by an act of military cooperation between the Syrian Christian and the King of Cochin. When “the enemies came and besieged the Cochin fortress, our people supported the son of the heathen (literally: unbeliever or denying) Kings of India.” The Syrians sent their military support to the oppressed because the besiegers settled in their country and “were living on their food and on the taxes (literally: the tenth) they were forced to pay.” In the second letter, the bishop’s request becomes more urgent: “O Lord, for the sake of God please accept my request, because we were with you, in communion, and far from the Franks.” A brief from the leader of the Company could persuade the King of the Cochin fortress to save the Syrians. In this context, “to save” means that the ambassadors of the Catholic monastic order should stay away from his people and from the Kingdom of Cochin. He would immediately show the document to the rulers in Cochin, who would then be able to help him on their territory. “O Lord, do this benefit to me. I’m begging you for Heaven’s sake. So be it. Amen.” The third letter contains a couple of further stresses and clarifications. What he now wants is that the monastic ambassadors connected to the Franks should stay away from his people and from the Cochin Kingdom. Obviously, the ecclesial-denominational competition is also indicated in the competition between the colonial powers. The leader of the Company could issue such a letter of protection because the Syrians were “in communion” with them and “connected to you”. Here the Bishop does not insist upon an ecclesial communion, which never existed. He repeatedly refers to the politic coalition between the Syrians and the Dutch. The territory of the Christians whom he represents is clearly outlined by the bishop: “From the Kullam fortress up to the Scherway (Chatuvay) fortress there are Christians from our tribe.” Yet the Syrians covering this area were divided into two groups. “Among them there are some connected to the Franks and another half is faithful to us. The St. Paul’s adherents and the Kermalites belong to the foreigners living at the sea.” There were, for sure, Syrians united to Rome, and now the danger was also that the monastic ambassadors should come again upon the Syrian people as an effective influence from outside. “They shouldn’t joind our group. For the sake of our living God. If you order, I will survive. So be it. Amen.” Besides, the first letter illustrates the political consequence of the ecclesial separation of the Syrians, up to the issuing of the taxes. “If

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it comes to levy and taxes against people’s will (against the will of those who belong to the Franks), some of them will follow me and some of us will follow them.” In 1653, the Syrian St. Thomas Christians had been allowed to have their own leader, and suddenly they placed themselves dogmatically opposite the Nestorians, although until then they had belonged to the latter: they became part of the miaphysite tradition.79 The signs of authorisation were the raised hands of twelve representatives and one written confirmation - probably by Ahatalla. The leading priest’s name was Mar Thoma. After his death he was succeeded by other church leaders bearing the same name: Mar Thoma. At least local tradition ascribes the consecration of Mar Thoma to the Bishop Mar Gregorius (died 1672), who was sent by the Syrian Orthodox Patriarch in 1665. Ever since, the church became more intensely aligned with the dogmatic orientation of the Syrian Orthodox Church. The conquest of the last big Portuguese fortress on the Malabar Coast, at Cochin, sealed the fate of the Portuguese rulers. The St. Thomas Christians played a crucial role in the political and martial struggles for hegemony between the colonial powers. “If the Portuguese had hoped to be supported by the St. Thomas’ Christians in conquering and controlling India, in the end they realised that owing to their and to the Jesuits’ inverted politics the St. Thomas’ Christian didn’t move a finger to save them from falling.”80 It is these circumstances that Bishop Mar Thoma refers to in his writing. He interprets the attitude he and his believers assumed as not passive at all, but as active support of the Dutch against the Portuguese. The ecclesial scene in Kerala had also changed. Even though the Dutch agreed to reduce the activity of the Catholic mission, they proved inconsistent and gave the Carmelites more rope. The Dutch Governor Hendrik Adrian von Rheede (1669-1677) allowed them to settle near Cochin. Among the St. Thomas Christians united to Rome it now came to stronger competition between the later acting Jesuit Archbishops like Antonius Pimentel (1721 -1752) and Bishops like Franz de Vasconelles (1721-1743) from Cochin, and also between these and the Carmelites dedicated to activity among the united St. Thomas Christians. The Jesuits appealed then to the (Papal) Bull issued in 1600, which conferred on the Portuguese Crown the authority over the Episcopate of Cochin and the 79Thdckedath, History o f Christianity in India II, pp. 91 -109 (see also Richter and Neil). *° Richter, Indische Missionsgeschichte, p. 92.

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Archbishopric of Kranganur. Despite the fall of the Portuguese colonial power, they strove to regain their influence upon the St. Thomas Christians. The struggle between the two orders ended first with the cancellation of the Jesuit Order. Now the Carmelites enjoyed the protection of the Dutch. And through the Carmelites, the Dutch also came to favour the St. Thomas Christians united to Rome. In the contracts with the local Indian leaders, especially in Cochin, they assumed the protection of the Syrians united to Rome. Henceforth, an Indian leader could levy taxes from the St. Thomas Christians united to Rome only with the consent of the Dutch. The highest jurisdiction was also connected to the protection right. The bishops bearing the name Mar Thoma regarded themselves as leaders of the St. Thomas Christians independent of Rome, and opposed to one fivefold matter: the Jesuits were continuing to work under the late glamour of the Portuguese colonial empire and the Carmelites’ influence was very effective among the St. Thomas Christians united to Rome. The efficiency of the Carmelites was possible even under the visible protection exercised by the Dutch. The independent St. Thomas Christians thought of losing any protection against the local leaders and of submitting to the latter’s discretion. The fifth danger was the activity of the east Syrian Metropolitan Gabriel, which could have gained on the side of the east-Syrian Church parishes belonging to the Church independent of Rome. However, it is interesting that Mar Thoma does not mention clearly anywhere this fifth aspect in his letter. Even the actual attitude towards the Dutch is left out. The bishop expressed his need of help against the three main dangers. On the one hand, he tried to defend himself against the two Catholic orders, while on the other hand, he was concerned about gaining for his believers the same privileges that the united part of the Church enjoyed, owing to the Dutch favour. He had no doubt that the local rulers’ politics could not be depended upon as far as the independent St. Thomas Christians were concerned and that their depressed condition was caused by the never ending taxes and tributes. With regard to the Dutch, he exercised his discretion and reminded them of the fortress at Cochin for which they had fought together. Yet the situation had changed radically. The Dutch mistrusted the independent St. Thomas Christians and turned their favour exclusively towards those united to Rome. But this lack of balance did not lead to the fall of the independent St. Thomas Christians, as it is constantly recorded in the secondary literature connected to the European mission in India, which goes up to the second half of the twentieth century. Apart from the political favour, it was a moment of mutual resistance.81

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Obviously, Mar Thoma IV hoped that his writings would help him out of the crushing clasp. In 1728, when these letters were written, his successor, Mar Thoma V, was in a difficult situation. His uncle, his predecessor, had died before having consecrated him. In addition, Mar Gabriel refused to acknowledge him.82 Our three letters date from the first year of the new bishop, who entirely lacked canonical acknowledgement. Only much later, after the elaboration of the letters, did Mar Thoma V intensify his efforts for a legal consecration: in 1746 he wrote in this regard to the Syrian Orthodox Patriarch. Through the mediation of an influential Jew in Cochin, the Metropolitan Mar Yuhanon was sent to Kerala.83He immediately corrected the Latin influence, endeavoured to legalize marriage for the priests, and himself ordained a few priests, though he did not consecrate Mar Thoma as it was hoped and expected he would. Thereupon, on the instigation of Mar Thoma he was arrested by the ruler of Cochin, and only with Dutch support was he finally rescued. Mar Thoma turned to the Pope in Rome for reunion (undated letter, possibly from 1750) and at the same time he approached the Carmelites. A new strongly-worded appeal to the Patriarch resulted in the sending to India of the second highest Syrian Orthodox leading priest. If the demand had proved successful, the Dutch would have been rewarded by Mar Thoma with a great sum of money. On 23 April 1751 the Maphrian Basilios landed together with seven attendants in Cochin.84 Bishop Gregorius followed him after eleven months. Yet the Dutch prevented a meeting between the Maphrian and Mar Thoma V, who barely escaped being arrested by the Dutch. In 1754 an agreement was reached between the two Church leaders. Yet the Maphrian died in 1764, Mar Thoma in 1765, the consecration still not a reality.85 Only Mar Thoma VI succeeded in 1770 in obtaining the " “The Dutch had been pleased to afford protection to the adherents of Bishop Chandy (the united leading priest and cousin of Mar Thoma); the party of Thomas, as we have seen, was left without the advantage of such protection. Yet that party managed to maintain its position, to hold the flock together, and to stand up for the rights and privileges of the Thomas Christians against the perpetual danger of encroachment by Hindu rulers,” Neill, A History o f Christianity in India, p. 328. Unlike the St. Thomas Christians united to Rome, who “benefited by a definitely favourable peace,” “the free Syrians”, “whom the Dutch treated coldly and mistrustfully for a long time, and who could, therefore, only hardly resist the depression and the extortions exercised by many rajahs” couldn’t have benefitted by anything like that. Richter, Indische Missiongeschichte, p. 93. K Hambye, A History o f Christianity in India III, p. 49. *3 Ibid, p. 50. MIbid, p. 51.

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consecration from a Delegation of the Syrian bishops who remained in India.86In 1723 the Dutch preacher from Cochin described both the main counterparts of the St. Thomas Christians.87Mar Gabriel was depicted as being a white man sent from Baghdad to India. He was old, had a long white beard and a venerable appearance. He was dressed like the Jewish priests and did wear a cap in the shape of a turban. He was God-fearing and his behaviour was polite. He did not show any exterior sign of splendour; around his neck he was only wearing a golden crucifix. Moreover, he was a vegetarian. As far as dogmatic principles are concerned, he belonged to the Nestorian doctrine. On the other hand, Mar Thoma was born in India. He was a dark man, ponderous and slow in his movements. Besides, he lived lavishly and showed up accompanied by several soldiers, as if he were a local prince. Crosses are sewed on the silk habit which covered his head. He proved no wit in his arrogance, allegedly professed Eutyches’ doctrine, and referred to Mar Gabriel as a heretic. On 26 October 1725 the missionaries again besieged the Dutch preacher from Cochin with questions about the St. Thomas Christians.88 The preacher, Valerius Nicolai, who arrived in Cochin on 30 October, answered them only on 1 July 1728. He let them know that Mar Thoma had just died and that he had been succeeded by his nephew.89Christoph Theodosius Walther and his comrades turned to Mar Thoma himself in the year 1725. The three letters Mar Thoma V had written played a very significant role in the preparation of this direct contact. According to Walther’s information they had been provided by Professor Karl Schaaf in Leiden in order to facilitate this step towards direct correspondence. Walther Christoph Theodosius Walther considered with solidarity the resistance of the St. Thomas Christians against Rome. He explained in his letter to Michaelis how intensely he had dealt with the failure of the Catholic endeavours to achieve unification in Ethiopia. He had quoted this example as he wanted to prove to the Christians from India how the endeavours of the Catholics could possibly fail. Walther had sent letters written in Syriac and Malabaric to Mar Thoma. According to Walther’s 85 Ibid, p. 52. 84 Ibid, p. 53. 87 Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen, p. 550-552. 88 Ibid, p. 548. 89 Ibid.

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statements, he composed both letters in 1727 (on 23 October 1728 he says that one year earlier he had the opportunity to write to the Bishop) and sent them via Nagapattnam and Colombo to the Bishop, whose address had been reported to him by the professor from Leiden. The purpose of his letters is said to have been “the seeking of the bishop’s friendship and acquaintanceship.”90 The missionaries had read Mar Thoma’ letter to Schaaf dated 26 October 1721. They reached the conclusion that the belief of the bishop was also their belief.91Their spiritual fathers ordered them to pursue his friendship. As a sign of their deference they enclosed the New Testament in Tamil. The enclosed Latin translations of the letters often approach the statement of the Syriac texts, but occasionally they also differ. There was, always, previous knowledge that too often determined the interpretation during translation and distorted the content. In the first letter the author justifies his demand with the reminder that the Syrians had always been companions of the Dutch and that they had separated from the Franks. The enemies entered the territory helped by Syrian traitors and by the infidelity of the Indian King. The present King could not stand the bishop at all. The Paulists and the Carmelites had joined the “proselytes”, who were living at sea, and would not trespass upon the independent Syrians. It is known that nepotism was quite familiar to the Indians and that spiritual authority was handed down to kinsmen. But illuminating comments are due to the knowledge of local history. The phrase “Padrimar Sam Paulu”, which is barely comprehensible, is explained as originating from the “Padri” and leads back to the Collegio Paullino (after Pope Paul III). In short: here it is the Jesuits that are meant. In the letter sent to the Syrians in 1727, the addressees detect ten senders: “ 1. Nicolaus, 2. Dal, 3. Martinus, 4. Bosse, 5. Christianus, 6. Fridericus, 7. Pressier, 8. Christophorus, 9. Theodosius, 10. Walther.” But the supposed ten are actually the five well-known missionaries Benjamin Schultze, Nicolas Dal, Martin Bosse, Christian Frederic Pressier and Christopher Theodosius Walther.92 Benjamin Schultze’s name was added in the explanatory note, not in the text.93 The bishop is said not to speak Tamil, but Malayalam. 90 Nikolaus Dal mentions, on the other hand, the recording of the correspondence already in 1725, see AFSt/M 1 H 3 :2, Letter sent by Nikolaus Dal to Christian Benedikt Michaelis, dated 01.09.1725, Tranquebar. 91 Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen, p. 555. 92 Ibid, Germann was pleased to report - p. 556 - that Schaaf was also subject to the same error as the Indians, assuming that there were ten missionaries, counting the first names of four missionaries as “autonomous individuals”.

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Chetuvay is a town not far from Cochin, and the Dutch are said to own trading centres there. In his letter addressed to Schultze, Dal, Bosse, Pressier and Walther, the Dutch preacher Jakobus op den Akker / Jakobus Canter Visscher provided them with information about the situation of the Syrians. According to Jakobus, it was hard to bring the Syrians to the Protestant service. They were of a noble origin and proud of their past; too proud “to think highly of the holy matters.” Only the poor could be won over. Many of them were important traders. Many renounced the bishops during Lusitanian rule because of the Catholics’ “insidiousness”. Yet there still existed over 100,000 Christians in the ancestral tradition, regarded “here” as representing “the Greek confession.” However, in the note concerning the Latin text it was correctly stressed that after the Council of Ephesus the Syrians and the Greeks had no longer been parts of the same community. Grounding his view on his own experience, the author of the letter believed that those Christians who remained independent of the Catholics could easily convert to Protestantism. Most of the Syrians decided not to acknowledge the Roman Pope and also to turn down the adoration of the icons. Two bishops were well-known. One of them was Mar Gabriel, who was sent from Syria or from Babylonia. He was a holy, mild man, and erudite. The other one was Mar Thoma, a native, who proved to be arrogant, insincere and ignorant, but rich and powerful. Both believers were subject to the governmental power of the local Indian ruler. The letter written by the Dutch preacher Valerius Nicolai, dated 1 July 1728 and consisting of the answer to the letter sent by the missionaries on 26 October 1725, underlined once again the fact that the Syrians had no country of their own. They lived dispersed under the rule of the local princes. Once again he characterised the competing bishops. Mar Thoma was said to be “black” and originating from among the St. Thomas Christians. He was the one to whom the missionaries had sent different letters. He had recently died and was succeeded by his nephew, who bore the same name as his late uncle, Mar Thoma. The other bishop was Mar Gabriel, who came from Jerusalem. The two bishops represented the two separated groups of Syrian Christians, but Nicolai could not explain which doctrine they professed. And the missionaries still didn’t receive the needed answer from the Indian bishop. On 23 October 1728 MGermann reports correctly. Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen. p. 556, note 1: Nicolaus, Dal, Martinus, Bosse, Fredericus, Pressier, Christophems, Theodosius, and Walther. He speaks accurately about four missionaries, not about five.

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Christoph Theodosius Walther forwarded the three letters which the late bishop sent to him, adding some clues regarding the information they contained concerning the separation between the Syrian Christians and their bishops. The materials placed by Schaaf at the missionaries’ disposal enabled them to establish direct contact with the bishop. Only now were the borders towards interaction breached. The information delivered by a third person was no longer admitted; it was a real dialogue with the desired interlocutor that was possible. If the letter had been answered, direct correspondence would have been established and a dialogue would have been opened for the first time. This would have accomplished Ziegenbalg’s intention. Only after two years did the Dutch deliver the letter of the missionaries to Mar Thoma. Schaaf had by no means wanted to be an intermediary in an agreement, where he would have been superfluous. The missionaries’ autonomous letter written in Syriac caused the fierce and long exacerbated reaction of both Schaafs. Until 1735, both the Schaafs, father and son, had been insistently writing to Mar Thoma till his death (his successor did not continue the correspondence) and to the Dutch Governor. Johann Heinrich Schaaf reported that while travelling through Leiden, Walther had visited Karl Schaaf. During this visit he was provided with information about the correspondence with the Syrians. The knowledge he had of Syriac was gained from the Syriac alphabet which he ordered in England. The letter which Walther wrote afterwards must have been pieced together from the previous Syriac letter. The letter contains many mistakes. Walther must have craftily taken the three letters. Before the Governor in Cochin, who couldn’t decipher the address, Walther pretended that the letters were addressed for Tranquebar. There the letters were unsealed and damaged, but the attempt at translation failed. The letters were sent afterwards in a poor condition to Professor Michaelis in Halle, who was supposed to publish the letters and the covering letters of both Dutch preachers. The procedure was obviously a crime and has already been written of as such. Mar Thoma is said not to have answered the Danes, who were Schaafs rivals. Schaaf underestimated Walther, claiming that his knowledge of Syriac was inadequate and meagre. On the other hand, Land noticed that Walther’s Syriac was not so bad at all.94When Schaaf had to choose between Mar Gabriel and Mar Thoma, according to theological solidarity, 94 Ibid, p. 556 notes 2 and 3.

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he chose Mar Thoma.93Mar Thoma’ ‘Monophysitic’confession seemed to him closer to the Reformed one than Mar Gabriel’s Diophysitic confession. Schaaf was not against the approach of Mar Thoma, but against that of the missionaries. The German professor in the Netherlands suspected their Pietism, and in the year 1730 he wrote to Mar Thoma, about them.96 By this time the missionaries had already sent their letter to Mar Thoma and although the Dutch prevented delivery of the letter for two years, it reached the addressee. The missionaries did not know anything about SchaaTs hostility. The delayed delivery of the missionaries’ letters to Mar Thoma made their decision to send a negotiation group of their own to Mar Thoma unnecessaiy, a decision which they shared with Professor Bayer on 16 October 1726.97The Dutch must have had some interests in not hiding from the German missionaries their efforts concerning the St. Thomas Christians and their scepticism regarding the group around Mar Thoma. Yet only now the missionaries had the opportunity of assuming a direct dialogue. Schaafs claim that Walther pretended before the Dutch Governor that the letters were sent to Tranquebar, cannot lead to a clear conclusion. Schaaf could only have founded his statement on his correspondence with the Governor, who struggled to win the St. Thomas Christians over to the side of the Dutch Reformists. Did Walther secure for himself access to the Syrian St. Thomas Christians with the help of the Dutch Governor under false pretences? Or does this claim underline Schaafs regret at having helped Walther in establishing direct contact at the very moment when the Dutch themselves were struggling for a unity with the St. Thomas Christians? Walther built his commitment to the St. Thomas Christians on their resistance before Rome, from which he got an important argument for his missionary strategy. He compared the procedures under the rule of the Portuguese and the Jesuits in India with those under the Portuguese and Jesuits in Ethiopia, where the Christians were as resistant to submitting to the Pope as were the Syrian Christians on the ‘Pepper Coast’. At both places the Catholics strived in vain. Should the two historical processes be compared, it would become obvious that the same comedy was played out, although by different actors. Both the Jesuit Patriarch Alphons 95 Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen, p. 543. Hambye wrongly describes Schaaf as being “German Lutheran”, Hambye, pp. 81 and 82. 96 Hambye, History o f Christianity in India III, p. 82. 97 Ibid.

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Mendez and the Archbishop Alexis de Menez disputed the errors of the Indian Christians and demanded their submission to the Pope. The former competed against Dioscorus, the latter against Nestorius. Walther blamed both for rebaptism. They are said to have introduced the adoration of icons, which was an abomination both for the Indian and for the Ethiopian Christians. Their imperiousness brought about uprisings, and they did everything they could to bring both countries under the rule of the Portuguese King. They attracted ‘ignorant’ people with their magnificent churches. The Syrian Bible was corrected according to Vulgata, the way the new Amharic Bible was created according to the Vulgata. Moreover, an Alexandrine Metropolitan had been prevented from coming to Ethiopia and a Babylonian Metropolitan from coming to India. The similarities between the course of events in Ethiopia and India made Walther believe that the example of the successful Protestant missionary Peter Heyling in Ethiopia could be effective and inspiring to the Indian Christians. He used his contacts with the Armenians to ask for a biography of Heyling. At Walther’s insistence, the Armenian merchant Peter Nuri obtained the report of the Armenian Morad, written in Persian, which depicted Heyling’s end. The merchant was also entrusted with the task of searching all over the world for information concerning Heyling and, if something was found of sending it to Madras. However, Walther was not very confident, because nothing could be found about Heyling, even at the Royal Court in Ethiopia. Walther had an abstract about Heyling’s life written, and also a report concerning the riot in Ethiopia that led to the chasing away of the Jesuits and the Portuguese. From the comparison between the Ethiopian and the Indian courses of events, the Indian local catechists could learn, how vain were the Catholics’efforts to submit these countries to the Pope. At the same time they could learn how the Catholics had used the same disguised strategy in order to achieve their aim in both countries. Consequently, the Syrians’ existence independent of Rome was a very significant element in the Lutheran missionary’s strategy in India concerning the Roman competitors. He expected that the confessionally independent Syrians would support him with a strong resistance against the Roman activity, and that the Christian Indians should be deeply self-confident, just like their ancestors who heroically confronted the Roman oppression. The Dutch informants encouraged the missionaries to try to win the independent St. Thomas Christians onto the side of the Lutheran belief. Due to their independent confessional position they seemed appropriate

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for an annexation. Yet the informants revealed to the missionaries the low esteem in which they held Mar Thoma, who died in 1725. The scepticism of the Dutch regarding the independent St. Thomas Christians becomes obvious when they express their view of the Syrian leading priests. What is really interesting is that one Dutch informant holds out a surprising alternative for the German recipient of the letter. He does not refer to the St. Thomas Christians united to Rome and to their Carmelite and Jesuit leading priests, but to a third group, which occasionally could successfully establish themselves among the St. Thomas Christians. Richter suggested that it could have been “Nestorian”.98 Indeed it is about the already mentioned Mar Gabriel, who between 1705 and 1730 managed to exert an amazing influence upon both groups of St. Thomas Christians, without belonging to either of them and yet manifesting solidarity with both. It seemed, indeed, that half of the St. Thomas Christians united to Rome would temporarily join him. The pressure was so strong on the part of the Syrian Orthodox St. Thomas Christians that Mar Thoma strove for the sending of erudite priests from the Middle East. They had to be able to assume the spiritual struggle against this successfully campaigning Syrian. The Dutch didn’t leave any doubt regarding the supposed advantages of this man. Mildness, sanctity and erudition were attributed to this foreigner coming from the Middle East. That his counterpart belonged to the aboriginal people was emphasised and, probably in a disrespectful undertone, the colour of his skin was indicated as ‘black’; furthermore a list of denigrating factors were to be taken into account: he was said to be arrogant, ignorant, false, rich and powerful. This characterization was definitely biased. The Dutch informants followed the path of the Dutch policy supporting the colonialism.99 However, historical knowledge had its effect on the German recipients of the letter, and worked to correct this partially coloured information. Due to the resistance against the unification with Rome, they held on to their conviction that the act of resistance itself generated an opportunity for togetherness, and that from that moment on the process could be further developed. The Ethiopian example helped them to consolidate this attitude among the Indian Christians and to bring them towards a collective recall, in which the most significant moment was the successful resistance against their affiliation by force to Rome. Richter, Indische Missionsgeschichte, p. 93. 99 Germann noticed as well, their bias of the Dutch in their estimation of the two bishops; see Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen. p. 551.

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The missionaries no longer relied on their informants. Due to their missionary-theological intentions, their historical knowledge, and their increasing familiarity with the St. Thomas Christians from India, they themselves became capable of building an independent position. And yet they turned in the end to the path opened by their Dutch informants. In 1729 the missionaries had acquired a translation of one letter written on palm leaves by Mar Thoma VI himself. With this letter dated 8June 1729 he turned to the Governor, Jakob de Jong.100Despite their sympathy for Mar Gabriel, the Dutch considered it convenient to provide the German Lutherans with the information contained in the letter. Mar Thoma drew from the beginning a connection between Nestorius, who was condemned in Ephesus because of his Diophysitism, and Mar Elias, the Patriarch who sent Mar Gabriel to India. He blamed the Diophysites for murdering two bishops who he considered to be on his side. Then Mar Gabriel is said to have submitted to the Pope, and to have come to India with Papal recommendation. Mar Thoma V could not agree with him in matters of faith. Both went to the Dutch Commander and handed over to him their documents. Thereupon the Dutch disposed that the group around Mar Thoma should include Mar Gabriel in their community, should pay him a salary, and place a church at his disposal. In the end Mar Gabriel intended to murder Mar Thoma one night. Mar Thoma VI then indicated that his church belonged to the Patriarchy of Antioch. In dogmatic terms, he stated that Christ is only one person and only one nature and that the Holy Spirit proceeds only from the Father. During the Eucharist only fresh bread was to be used that must have been baked that very day. Mar Gabriel was celebrating the liturgy after the Roman rite, and during fasting time he used to admit the Syrian Orthodox practice. The comment on Mar Gabriel’s attitude towards the liturgy contradicts the other information, according to which he had been faithful to the East Syrian tradition. The missionaries categorically rebutted the reference to the possible murder attempt. “This is definitely a mere unfounded suspicion.”101 They appealed to the attestation of the preacher Canter Visscher dated April 1728, who certified that Mar Gabriel was a holy and spotless man. On behalf of the Dutch East-India Company, the Dutch preacher Valerius Nicolai turned to both parties, blaming them both for heresy - he called the people around Mar Thoma ‘Eutychianists’ and 100Ibid, p. 557. 101 Ibid, p. 557, note 3. Canter Visscher’s estimation regarding Mar Gabriel: “Gabriel est sanctus, mansuetus et doctus, indigena Mar Thoma est superbus fucosus et intoctus, sed dives et potens.”

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those around Mar Gabriel ‘Nestorians’ - and invited them both to accept his mediation “so that they should gather in the true, orthodox doctrine.”102 Mar Gabriel responded several times with arguments seemingly voicing the Roman influence. On 11 February 1730, Mar Thoma replied that he could not accept the Dutch mediation before receiving adequate instructions from his Patriarch at Antioch. In this context of Nicolai’s attempt to assimilate the St. Thomas Christians with the Protestants, his encouraging letter addressed to the missionaries in Tranquebar is important. Because Nicolai was himself obviously frustrated, the missionaries in Tranquebar were sceptical about a possible unification between the St. Thomas Christians and the Protestants, and even said that “it was out of the question.”103They regarded the local priesthood of the St. Thomas Christians as an asset, which they at once wished for themselves. Before his death, Mar Gabriel sought contact with Mar Thoma, but the latter hesitated too long and Mar Gabriel eventually died, before he could rightfully consecrate his adversary. The change in the missionaries’ attitude occurred after direct contact with a priest belonging to Mar Gabriel’s party, who visited the missionaries on 8 December 1733 in Tranquebar.104 It was during his pilgrimage to St. Thomas Mount. He was going on pilgrimage for the second time although his enterprise provoked the Roman Catholics’ indignation. This priest, who was a Syriac teacher, was consecrated by Mar Gabriel. He considered that the main point of controversy between the two parties was the use of leaven or unleaven bread for the Eucharist. The priest could provide a treatise of Mar Gabriel’s, in which the latter proved that the sour bread had been introduced by the West Syrian Bishop Johannan of Jerusalem together with Bishop Gregory and with another two recently deceased holy men. However, according to 1 Corinthians 5:8, this was something unusual. Depicting the practice of the group around Mar Thoma as a West Syrian innovation against the background of the older East Syrian tradition in India, Mar Gabriel emphasised once more that Indian St Thomas Christendom belonged ,02 Ibid, p. 558. I0] Ibid, p. 561. See the missionaries' answer to Callenberg and Francke regarding the relationship between the missionaries and the St. Thomas Christians, AFSt/M 2 A 1 : 1 2 Answer from Benjamin Schultze and Jens Siewerts to the questions asked by Johann Heinrich Callenberg and Gotthilf August Francke, n. d. (around 1729/1730, Tranquebar). 104Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen. pp. 559-561.

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to the Apostolical Church of the East. Moreover, the priest could provide the missionaries with explanations regarding the instruction of the clergymen in his church. The priests were supposed to leam Syriac using a grammar book and under the guidance of the Syrian specialist. Still, knowledge of Syriac was declining. What was read out in Syriac in the church was explained to the people in Malayalam. Already at that time, the youth among the St. Thomas Christians were learning the Creed, Our Father, the most significant prayers and parts of the catechism in Malayalam. Also, the St. Thomas Christians who were independent of Rome gave up the practice of marriage for priests. The reason for the priest’s visit however, was not to provide the missionaries with this necessary information. The priest had a request. He asked the missionaries to support the Syrian Christians who, after the death of Mar Gabriel, were to receive a new Syrian bishop in India. It was not by chance that a couple of months before the priest’s journey in the year 1733 the rival Catholic bishops had gathered against the arrival of a Syrian Metropolitan from Babylon, who was certainly a “Nestorian”.105 The European observers feared increased discord among the St. Thomas Christians if such a bishop arrived in India. He would further nourish the Syrian St. Thomas Christians’ sympathy for East Syrian Christendom, just as Mar Gabriel had already done, and the split with Mar Thoma’ group, oriented towards the Syrian Orthodox Patriarchy, would grow deeper. Efforts Towards Unification and Continuation of the Mission by the Syrian S t Thomas Christians? The common character of the resistance against Rome indeed motivated the missionaries to carry on their efforts, but their contacts with the St. Thomas Christians were established exclusively by letters. A memorandum concerning the appointment of Syrian priests as missionaries within the work of the missions of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK)106is all the more surprising. The SPCK claim that the missionaries established contact with the St. Thomas Christians because of the requests made by Europeans. In 1725 the missionaries had turned to the St. Thomas Christians in order to unite them to the Protestant Church, or at least to make them declare in their doctrine, consensus with the Protestants. For this purpose they employed the clergyman representing the Reformed Church in Cochin. However, in the end the Lutherans had 105 Ibid, p. 562, note I. 106Andreas Gross kindly sent me the text.

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to give up any hope of a possible unification. Unification, however, was not simply the aim of Ziegenbalg, GrOndler and Walther. This becomes obvious if we consider their efforts, though they did seek to emphasise the common features with Syrian St. Thomas Christians. Walther made attempts to compete with the advance of the Catholic attempts at unification in Ethiopia and India,107where it was obvious that although there were two different persons (Alphons Mendez in Ethiopia, Alexis de Menez in India), they proceeded similarly in demanding submission to the Pope. Both of them are said to have deliberately fought against the existing tradition of the teaching among the Oriental Christians. Walther clearly noticed that in India there must have been competition against Nestorius’ doctrine regarding Christ’s nature and person. He also assumed that the East Syrian tradition was the original one in India. He blamed Mendez and de Menez for rebaptism, and stands out for the validity of the baptizing among the St. Thomas Christians. Both of them dismissed fasting on Wednesdays, introduced the adoration of icons and caused rebellion and confusion with their imperiousness. They strove to determine the countries where they worked in the name of their Church and of their order (the Jesuits) to submit to the Kings of Portugal. Thereby they didn’t only seek to outwardly enthral “the ignorant people with splendorous churches, comedies, music and all kinds of pomp,” but they also corrected the existing version of the Bible with the Latin Vulgata. Walther seemed ready to acknowledge the transmission of the biblical books in the Syrian tradition as bearing the same value as that of his own tradition. Finally, the measures taken by the two competitors for the unification with Rome also agreed that the one working in Ethiopia didn’t accept any other Metropolitan from Egypt. At the same time, the other one wouldn’t accept any “Babylonian Metropolitan”. In the given context, the Metropolitan who was forbidden to come to India could only have been a Metropolitan belonging to the Apostolic Church of the East. Thus, with the Synod of Diamper, India was locked against the old mother church. The Lutherans’ sympathy for the St. Thomas Christians went beyond their proximity due to their common opponent. While they might have induced hopes for unification, they preserved a clear distance when the preacher from Cochin urged them to do so. 107 AFSt/M 1 B 1:11 Walther to Michaelis (covering letter to Mar Thoma’ letters,) Tranquebar, 23.10.1728.

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Things are depicted differently in the ‘Account of the Society For Promoting Christian Knowledge’ from 1811. The supposed Lutheran efforts towards unification with the Syrian St. Thomas Christians are traced back to Tranquebar and Madras, but the beginning of this endeavour is said to be the year 1725. An additional summary containing the results of their efforts was supposed to prove how incapable the Syrian clergy were as Protestant missionaries. This was not the intention of the missionaries. The points which were then brought together clearly indicate that it was not Zeigenbalg’s knowledge and that of his followers that was collected. These proved to be totally different from the broad anthology, which was provided as proof of the Syrians’ incompetence, disguising the ignorance with a conceited dogmatic attack. The Syrian St. Thomas Christians were praying to the Virgin Mary and to the saints (though it must be mentioned that their saints were not exactly the same as the ones worshipped in the Roman Catholic Church), and believed in the rewarding of their good deeds. Apart from that, it was pointed out as noteworthy that the public prayers and the liturgy of the sacraments were held in a language which the people could not understand. This remark suggests that the classical Syriac was used during the liturgy, instead of the colloquial language, Malayalam. Finally, celibacy became customary among the Syrian clergy, although they were not pleased with it. Their characteristics are reflected in the direct confrontation between the traditional confession of the St. Thomas Christians and the Church of England: “They are so ignorant, that they could even be used as Sub-Assistant to our native Catechists, and of course, as such people use to be, they are obstinate, and would demand of us to conform to their persuasion and Ritual, instead of conforming themselves to that of the Church of England.” Here, as well as in the remark regarding the Syrian St. Thomas Christians’ claim to being the superior caste, it is obvious that recourse to the Lutheran missionaries from the beginning only helped in justifying the rejection on the part of the Syrian St. Thomas Christians. These reasons would be sufficient to absolve the missionaries from the efforts towards a possible unification with the Syrian St. Thomas Christians. Indeed, the missionaries corresponded with the SPCK regarding the St. Thomas Christians. In 1730 they received from Henry Newman an abstract of a report about the St. Thomas Christians.'08 On behalf of the SPCK, Newman made them ,0*ALM W / DHM 5/8:46 Letter from Henry Newman on behalf of SPCK addressed to Nikolaus Dal, Martin Bosse, Christian Friedrich Pressier and Christoph Theodosius Walther, dated 26.01.1730, London.

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aware that die correspondence with the St Thomas Christians was of great significance for the mission’s effectiveness.109 In 1733 he expressed his gratitude for the information regarding the St. Thomas Christians and the progress of Christianity in the Dutch colony.110In 1735 he expressed once more the delight of the SPCK at the contacts of the missionaries with the St. Thomas Christians and with the Dutch colony.111 In January 1734, the six Lutheran missionaries had informed the Secretary of the SPCK about their new determination to correspond with the St. Thomas Christians.112Due to the visit of the priest belonging to the group around Mar Gabriel, they seemed ready to establish a relationship with this section of the St. Thomas Christians. Yet the question of unity led to sceptical estimation of a possible unification of the St. Thomas Christians with the Protestants. “It has not hitherto seemed practical to unite those Christians with the Protestant Church, considering that they have broken the close unity that had existed among themselves for so long.” The conflict between Mar Thoma and Mar Gabriel, between the Syrian Orthodox and the “Nestorians,” provided them with the argument that the attitude of the Syrian St. Thomas Christians was not sufficiently favourable to make reconciliation and unity possible. In addition, there was the lack of understanding regarding the controversial subjects - hardly comprehensible to them - like that of using a certain type of bread for the Eucharist. Hambye was quite right in his assessment when he said that the missionaries in Tranquebar had not harboured such illusions, as the Dutch preacher Nicolai and the Dutch Governor Moens had.113 The missionaries did not believe that the St. Thomas Christians were open to

109ALMW / DHM 5/8:47 Letter from Henry Newman on behalf of SPCK addressed to Nikolaus Dal, Martin Bosse, Christian Friedrich Pressier, Christoph Theodosius Walther, Andreas Worm and Samuel Gottlieb Richtsteig, dated 3.02.1731 / 2.03.1731, London. 110ALMW / DHM 5/8 :49 Letter from Henry Newman on behalf of SPCK addressed to Nikolaus Dal, Martin Bosse, Christian Friedrich Pressier, Christoph Theodosius Walther, Andreas Worm and Samuel Gottlieb Richtsteig, dated 5.02.1733, London. 111ALMW / DHM 5/8 : 51 Letter from Henry Newman on behalf of SPCK addressed to Nikolaus Dal, Martin Bosse, Christian Friedrich Pressier, Christoph Theodosius Walther, Andreas Worm and Samuel Gottlieb Richtsteig, dated 1.02.1735, London. 112 Hambye, History o f Christianity in India III, p. 83. 11’ Apart from that, the lack of precision and the Catholic bias concerning the historical facts are striking in Hambye. Indeed, Germann accurately quotes him several times; however, he doesn’t include Hambye in the bibliography but with other works that don’t deal with the St. Thomas Christians.

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unification. They were afraid that Protestant activity among them would only lead to further conflicts within St. Thomas Christendom. The quality of the discussion can be seen in the dialogue with the priest Nabdeh.114The missionaries found his social behaviour distinct. In deference to the division of the Syrian St. Thomas Christians into castes he could not eat together with Sudras and with missionaries, so he took along his own cook from his own caste. He openly confessed to the missionaries his personal views on the three “shortcomings” of Protestantism: it lacked partaking of the sacrifice, the adoration of Mary and fasting days. The missionaries definitely understood from this dialogue why the efforts towards unification carried on in Cochin by the Dutch preacher Nicolai were doomed to failure. They found too little understanding of the fact that one of the main controversial subjects between Mar Thoma and Mar Gabriel was the use of leavened or unleavened bread for the Eucharist."5 They were still far from the later opinion of a Buchanan or Ringeltaube that the liturgy of the St. Thomas Christians was in accordance with the Scripture. But they strove for the reconstruction of the St. Thomas Christians’ history, for instance, regarding the contacts with Theophil Siegfried Bayer. What Ziegenbalg could hardly have exploited was of great interest to the professor from St. Petersburg: he sent a letter written in Latin regarding the “Script about Thomas’cross” to Benjamin Schultze and inquired the St. Thomas Christians after the relics of the apostle as evidence of his preaching in China.116 The missionaries, who were watching the St. Thomas Christian pilgrims journeying to the St. Thomas Mount, were compelled by their correspondents to look for instances that could have been historically exploited, without making the question of the observed consistency with their own dogmas the sole key of their perception. The discussion about a possible unification had its sequel when Buchanan and Ringeltaube advocated this unification on the basis of a certain closeness between the St. Thomas Christians and Protestantism.117 114Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen, p. 561. 115 Hambye, History o f Christianity in India III, p. 83. 1.6ALMW/DHM 9/19:6 Letter from Theophil Siegfried Bayer addressed to Benjamin Schultze, dated 2.10.1732, St. Petersburg. 1.7 Buchanan’s works were regularly translated into German. Thus, M. Christian Gottlieb Blumhardt translated his key-work: Claudius Buchanan, Neueste Untersuchungen uber den gegenwartigen Zustand des Christenthums und der biblischen Litteratur in Asien, Stuttgart; J.F.Steinkopf, 1813. Buchanan claims here that the Syrian Christians’ dogmas correspond to the most significant theorems of the English Church, Buchanan, pp. 119-120.

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In a script dating from 21 November 1816, Ubele confirms that it had been suggested that “the clergy of this church should be related to the mission/’118 The discussion regarding the dogmatic position of the St. Thomas Christians played an essential role. The question of whether they were Monophysites - always identified with the status o f‘Eutychianists’ - or whether they were Nestorians, now arose,119 Both positions were declared theologically unacceptable. On the other hand, there were instances cited which the Syrian St. Thomas Christians highlighted as appropriate for the unification of their clergy with the mission, so that they “should support the continuation of the mission." Ubele discussed Ringeltaube’s and Buchanan’s knowledge, weighing it with a permanent scepticism; still, he expressed no decisive attitude against such an employment of the Syrians. His attitude was different. As far as he was concerned, he wanted to prove that the new information regarding the supposed closeness between the Syrian St. Thomas Christians from India and the Anglican and Lutheran Churches was founded on the information contained in the old reports of the missionaries of the first decade of the Tranquebar-mission. All that Buchanan and Ringeltaube had written about the Syrian Christians was to be rightfully found in the Mission’s reports. 1,8 AFSt / M 1 C 51 : 10, Letter from Johann Christian Cristoph Ubele to Georg Christian Knapp, dated 21 November 1816, Hampshire. The efforts concerning the St. Thomas Christians were not carried on by Walther alone. Two letters dating from 1754 prove that fifty years after the arrival of the first Lutheran missionaries in India, the Syrian St. Thomas Christians were uninterruptedly the focus of the missionaries* interests. The hardships of the transmission of news to Germany naturally concerned the flow of information about the Syrian St. Thomas Christians from India as well. A letter sent to Halle on 10 June 1753 informed inter alia that the missionaries could not “easily comprehend” why the supervisor Finckenhagen in Halle did not hand over the information he had taken with him regarding the Syrian St. Thomas Christians. The same happened with the corresponding information sent to Dr. Callenberg. Only an abstract of the letter written by the preacher Michel arrived in Halle. The missionaries had no other choice but to write the data once more and to send them again to Dr. Callenberg. In 1750 Callenberg had inquired after the St. Thomas Christians (and after the language of the Jews in Cochin), ALMW/DHM 3 / 4 : 6 Letter from Johann Heinrich Callenberg to Johann Christian Wiedebrock, Johann Balthasar Kohlhoff, Daniel Zeglin, Oluf Maderup and Jakob Klein, dated 9.04.1750, Halle. 119 Even Neill’s A History o f Christianity in India uses the totally erroneous identification of the Monophysites with the Eutychianists, which amounts to a double heresy (it is an ecumenical consensus that due to their self-understanding the Monophysites should be denominated as Miaphysites, and that the old heretical denomination should be adjusted; the term “Eutychianiast” had been used during the Middle Ages only as a confessional polemic around the detraction of the Oriental Orthodox Churches.)

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Their further investigations regarding Christendom in India could serve as proof and testimony “that the efforts of your predecessors, Reverend, and the activity of the missionaries were blessed by God.” At the same time such investigations confirmed that the information provided by the first German missionaries was “straight and true”. At least Ubele regarded the enthusiastic efforts towards unification from the nineteenth century as being consistent with the animated endeavour from the eighteenth century. He thus opened an alternative to the opinion made public also in Halle by the Jesuit Dubois from Mysore. According to him, the St. Thomas Christians, the independent section of whom he designated - in some degree anachronistically - as “Nestorians”, were “equally ignorant; nor have they means of receiving a proper education.”120Dubois centred his main criticism on the orientation of the Syrian clergy towards the Liturgy said in Syriac. “And as the Liturgy of both is in Syriac, all the Science of their Clergy is reduced to the study of reading or rather spelling this dead Language, in order to be able to perform the Church service; - but you may rest assured, that, at this time, there is not one, either among the Catholic or the Nestorian clergy, capable of understanding & explaining two phrases of their Church Books; - They have no houses of education, no teachers, no professors; but only some schools kept by those ignorant priests for the purpose of teaching to read the Syriac to the young men destined to become clergymen.” Ubele’s explanations, included in his letter, defy these observations, which were justified by the advantage of his academic education. Buchanan’s knowledge, bitterly criticised by Dubois as a sort of spiritual frenzy - the Syrian bishop honoured by Buchanan as if he were John Chrysostom was said to be so feeble-minded that he could not comply with his public function any longer121 - was not denied, but positively recorded and regarded as confirmation of the earlier data. Ubele discussed Buchanan’s book when he received a letter from Immanuel Gottfried Holzberg, dated 2 June 1810.122Since Holzberg 120 AFSt / M 1 C 52 : 31 a letter from Joseph Dubois from Attacoapf, dated 7.08.1815. 121 Buchanan elaborately reports about his meeting with the Bishop Mar Dionysius. The comparison to John Chrysostom was related to the exterior aspect of the bishop. The site of the Bishop had a great impact on him: his garb made of dark red silk, his big golden cross and his rich beard touching the belt. See Buchanan, Neueste Untersuchungen Ober den gegenwdrtigen Zustand des Christenthums und der biblischen Litteratur in Asien, p. 123. 122AFSt / M 1 C 51:38 Letter from Immanuel Gottfried Holzberg to Johann Christoph Ubele, dated 2.6.1810.

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painted a positive image of the St. Thomas Christians, Ubele supported it, bringing arguments in accordance with Buchanan’s book, which he had read in its English edition, published in London in 1812. He found it worthy to be mentioned that Buchanan stated that the Syrian Christians had in their hands the means which enable “a Church to preserve itself even during the cloudiest times,” that is the Holy Scripture and an appropriate Liturgy. Their doctrine was said to correspond to that of the Church of England. Syriac manuscripts were found in every church and in many private houses. Indeed, as a whole it seemed bound to forms and dead, but individuals distinguished themselves by displaying a “lively Christianity” and through the purity of their customs. Because they had to flee for protection from “Roman persecution”, they were compelled to submit to the Indian rulers. Yet they preserved their “freedom of conscience” and their Bible. The local ruler respected their religion. The Hindus converted to their belief only occasionally. They were “not so active like they used to be,” a priest reported to the English, and then to Ubele. Although they had “declined so much”, concluded the priest, conversion to Christianity was still the most important aspect for them. In the end the Syrian bishop Mar Dionysius would accept the unification with the Church of England if “the dignity and the purity” of his own Church remained untouched. Scholars would then be sent to England in order to deepen their knowledge and, with the help of the most erudite clergymen, begin the translation of the Holy Scripture into Malayalam. Despite Buchanan’s accomplishments, about which Ubele alone reported, Holzberg categorically expressed his reluctance to accept the Syrian priests into the mission. Missionaries could not be sent in search of suitable priests for the mission for want of money, and correspondence seemed to be even less promising.123Holzberg was aware that the survival of the independent St. Thomas Christians could be cited as an objection against his opinion that they were not suitable to take over the mission’s communities. “How comes it then that even the St. Thomas Christians are holding together and survive?” he inquired. “My answer is that they are a small colony, just like the Hermhuters, and consequently they hold together around their will of living.” It should be underlined that the St. Thomas Christians did not survive thanks to their doctrine, or thanks to their ecclesial organisation, but due to the size of their small social unit. In order to be of any use, the priests needed to be paid regularly. Yet it was precisely money that the mission lacked.

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The parallel between the St. Thomas Christians and the Hermhutters, who laid stress upon the small community instead of the grand church, was perceived by Ubele as positive for the St. Thomas Christians. After all, Holzberg was (iwell known” among the Hermhuters. The argument regarding their holding together was not justified by the many conflicts among the Syrian St. Thomas Christians. He only had to make it clear that the survival of the St. Thomas Christians was due to their subjective will of living, and not to aptitudes which could be attributed to the mission’s community. Nevertheless, a similarity - at least from a phenomenological perspective - between the St. Thomas Christians and a Protestant Church was claimed here once more. To some extent the argument had changed. This time, the historical resistance of the St. Thomas Christians was no longer the common ground for building a community against Rome; rather, a circumstance from the St. Thomas Christians’ history was compared to a phenomenon of early Protestantism - the similarity was not seen in Luther’s fight against Rome and in defending the Protestant Reformation, but in the isolation of a devout minority from the majority. All the possible similarities between the special case of the Protestants and the special case of the St. Thomas Christians in India clearly preserved the sceptical tendency which hindered both the inter-confessional exchange of spiritual dignitaries, and a possible ecclesial unification. Conclusion Ziegenbalg’s effort did not aim at direct unification but, in the first place, at reliable knowledge with the hope of finding companions on their path against Rome. Yet, the necessities of the early nineteenth century gave rise to considerations regarding unification which, during the next period of time, had to be turned down. The spring of inter-confessional meetings was gone. From that moment on, the supporters of unification were countered by the opponents, who rejected a common way along with the St. Thomas Christians because of the move towards their different ways of assessing the same facts. The rejection of unification represented a milestone in Lutheran-Syrian-Orthodox ecumenism in India, in the sense of a dialogue between two parties which acknowledged their differences and acted according to them. The romantic postulation regarding closeness transcending actual antagonism, which necessarily leads to an attraction between the opposites, probably goes too far. Dialogue is not the only solution for a fruitful coexistence. Loving the other and tolerating weaknesses could also be effective. And of

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course, accurate self-understanding, which provokes questions and answers from the Other, helps coexistence, steering clear of indifference and confrontation. The Lutheran missionaries from Halle categorically contributed to the initiation of a qualified dialogue and not merely to temporary attraction or alienation. That was supposed to be the most significant result of the Lutheran missionaries’ efforts concerning the St. Thomas Christians in India.

PART VI

MISSION AND HINDUISM

INTRODUCTION Geoffrey A. Oddie In contrast to the Romans, who usually thought of religion (religio) as ceremony, custom or tradition, as something which one did or performed, early Christians stressed the importance of attitudes and belief.1However, the initial emphasis on the significance of inner life and conviction was eventually matched, and perhaps even overshadowed, by a long process of objectification. The notion of religion as something expressed objectively in written creeds, doctrine or stated belief (a view nurtured in medieval Europe, and reflected in accusations of heresy and in the debates of the Reformation) persisted in Christian thinking throughout the colonial period. Furthermore, attached to these views, was the notion of a basic source, a foundational scripture, a written text, with only those with the correct attitude or training, such as priests, scholars or pastors, having the right to interpret. During the seventeenth century religion came to be thought of even more strongly as an objective reality, rather like natural objects which could be explored through scientific enquiry. It was ‘a system’ with its theologians, philosophers and priests, its institutions and people. It was also something which had a shape and boundaries and which, like other objects, could be compared or even arranged in a hierarchy of value from true to false, or from the most to the least beneficial. The usual assumption of commentators in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was that there were four religions, namely Judaism, Christianity, Islam and Paganism or Heathenism. This assumption is reflected in the correspondence of Ziegenbalg who, writing to Tamil religious leaders in the early eighteenth century, asked diem “Among the Four different Religions of die World, which is the most proper to render 1 For the basis of this introduction, including references, see Geoffrey A. Oddie, Imagined Hinduism. British Protestant Missionary Constructions o f Hinduism, 17931900, Delhi: Sage (Forthcoming).

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us most happy in the next world?” The same idea of a fourfold religious system is reflected in William Carey’s well-known Enquiry in 1792.2 Paganism or Heathenism, perhaps the least familiar of the four religions referred to in these and other writings, was an especially vague concept linking all non-Semitic faiths and traditions together. According to Carey, for example, Paganism was the religion of vast numbers of people in Africa, the Americas and Asia, including Australasia and die Pacific Islands. When describing the religion of India’s native inhabitants, European travellers, missionaries and merchants of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries began by using the simple categories they knew. Natives’ who could not be described as Christians, Muslims or Jews were classified as pagans or, in other words, heathens, idolaters, or gentiles - the followers of a form of religion which was not only Indian but global in dimension. According to the Italian adventurer, Varthema, the kings of various countries in south India were “Pagans’’. They included the powerful King of Bisinegar (Vijayanagar), who was “a pagan” with all his kingdom, “that is say, idolaters”. Other travellers relied to a much greater extent on the term “gentile” or “heathen”. According to Della Valle, another Italian traveller, the people of India were mostly “Gentiles”. The same term was used frequently by other observers, such as the Frenchmen Bernier and Tavemier and Englishmen such as Fitch, Terry, Hamilton and Ovington, and in the eighteenth century was supplemented by the Portuguese word for gentile, namely ‘Gentoo’. However, while these terms continued to be popular, for example, among men and women applying for service with Protestant missionary societies in the nineteenth century, they were already losing their usefulness as descriptive categories in the broader circles of European discourse. Even if they were not seen as offensive, references to people as pagan, heathen or gentile were believed increasingly to be inadequate and imprecise. This was largely because of the new insights and knowledge acquired by Europeans through exploration, travel, business activity and missionary enterprise in so-called 'pagan' countries in the Americas and in the East in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The question inevitably arose as to whether Paganism was really the same everywhere. Was there no difference, for example, between the form it took in India or Africa or in other countries? Should not commentators 2An Enquiry into the Obligation o f Christians to use Means for the Conversion o f the Heathens, Leicester, 1792.

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revise their ideas and instead of thinking of four religions, think in terms of many more? Only in this way could European observers and scholars begin to understand and deal with the different peoples overseas. Qualifying adjectives became increasingly common so that instead of speaking merely of pagans, heathens, or gentoos etc. commentators used the term “Indian pagans” or “Indian heathens,” or referred to Hindus as “the gentiles of India”, or the “gentiles or idolaters of India.” This led easily to references to Indian or Hindu religion or to ‘the’ Hindu religion. This phraseology, clearly apparent in the eighteenth century, reflected a growing conviction that there was, after all, something unique about Indian beliefs and practice. And from references to “the Indian” or “the Hindu” religion (a religion distinct from other forms of paganism) it was an easy next step for observers to coin or invent and use the term “Hindu-ism”. Though, according to Sweetman, the Jesuit missionaries had “no single term equivalent to Hinduism” they expressed the same idea in various ways. Notable among them were Pierre de la Lane (in India from 1704) and Le Caron, who both offered summaries of “the religion of the Indians,” and Jean Calmette (in India from 1725 to 26), who referred to the original books of “the religion of the Indes.” But while Jesuits were searching for words or some kind of terminology which would suggest the unique features of Indian or Hindu religion, it appears (from our present state of knowledge) to have been the Protestants who first used the term Hinduism in official papers and correspondence during the last quarter of the eighteenth century. Charles Grant, an Evangelical and a future Director of the English East India Company, used it in correspondence with his friend Thomas Raikes in England in 1787, and also in his influential policy paper Observations o f the State o f Society among the Asiatic Subjects o f Great Britain, a treatise written chiefly in 1792. Not long afterwards the term “Hindooism” appeared in William Ward’s diary written in Serampore in 1800. Clearly by this time its usage was well established among Europeans in and around Calcutta, and probably also in certain circles in Britain as well. European pre-suppositions with regard to 'religion' were not only reflected in the notion of four religions (a teaching modified in the eighteenth century), but also in a widespread and continuing belief in what was known as 'natural religion.' This was the view that people of all races and religions shared a common God-given humanity. They

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were all descended from Adam and children of the one Creator, with characteristics that included the ability to reason, a conscience and some knowledge of God’s work and activity in the world. While divided into different religions, people therefore shared a common background and history and, in many instances, could be appealed to on the basis of the insights and feelings they already possessed. There were, however, marked differences of opinion among Christians as to how far these natural gifts and instincts as found in people of other faiths had been overlaid or undermined by the teachings and culture of non-Christian religions. While, for example, William Stevenson, Company Chaplain in Madras (1713 -1718), was optimistic, believing that Christianity could be easily introduced among Indians on the basis of natural religion, Charles Grant was less sanguine. But while, in his opinion, the introduction of Christianity was going to be difficult, he accepted the idea that Hindus had lived in a better age in the past and that conscience “though smothered” was “not extinct.” Lastly, although European assumptions and views of a fourfold division of religions were subsequently modified through experience, the assumptions and background of observers continued to play a part in Western constructions of Hinduism. Attempts at description relied heavily on European models of Christianity. It was assumed increasingly that Brahmins, who reminded Christians of the priests and scholars of Europe, were at the apex of a unitary system. They were selected as the key group for an understanding of Indian religion and society. Religions were expected to have written texts and the Brahmins were looked upon, not only as the legitimate interpreters of the texts, but as those who controlled the life and behaviour of the lower classes. The result was, (amongst other conclusions) a top down view of Indian religion and society which underestimated the role and significance of oral tradition, popular and local movements and non-Brahmin views of the world. Furthermore, while for many Christians, Hinduism was similar in many ways in its structure to Christianity, it was the direct opposite with respect to the values it represented. While Christianity was all light, Hinduism was all darkness. And again it was only through greater knowledge and experience that these stereotypes began to lose something of their power and impact during the second half of the nineteenth century. The extent to which these views, dominant among many Christians, can be attributed to exponents and practitioners of the Tranquebar mission is a topic for further reflection.

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES AND THEIR PERCEPTIONS OF HINDUISM: INTERCULTURAL ENCOUNTERS Hans-Jdrg Hinze* This essay concerns three encounters of Christian mission with the Indian or rather Hindu culture and religion, whose main protagonists were, in certain ways, all key figures of historic missionary and religious initiatives which were all linked with each other in a very peculiar manner. In his novel ‘Elective Affinities’ (Die Wahlverwandtschaften), Johann Wolfgang von Goethe quotes the allegory of “a red thread” running through every rope in the royal fleet of the English navy. On account of this “certain arrangement” it is impossible, Goethe tells us, to extract that very “red thread” without unravelling the whole rope, “so that even the smallest piece of this rope can be recognized as belonging to the Crown.”1 Such a thread, one can say, also runs through the history of Christian mission in India “that binds everything together and characterizes the whole.”2 The Danish-Halle and the English-Halle Missions, in this connection, can be considered as a kind of mediator between the early history of mission in India and its future aspects, as will be explained in the following discussion.

* I am thankful to Dr. Michelle Boulous Walker for her corrections and comments on this essay. 1 Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Elective Affinities, trans. with an introduction by RJ. Hollingdale, London: Penguin Books, 1971, p. 163. 2 Ibid, p. 164.

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Connecting the Past and the Future of Mission in India: The DanishHalle and the English Halle Missions When Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg (1682-1719) and Heinrich Pliitschau (1677-1752), the founders of the first Protestant mission in India, arrived in 1706 in Tranquebar, a Danish trading base, they came to a region which had already had contact with Christian mission through the Jesuit Order, one hundred years before their arrival. After Ziegenbalg’s arrival in Tranquebar he began an intense study of Tamil, and subsequently to translate passages of the Bible as well as composing sermons. For his writings he could make use of a scriptural inheritance which had remained from the Jesuits, in particular, the work of Henrique Henriques (1548-1600) and very likely that of Roberto de Nobili (15771656), an Italian, who had come to India in 1605 and set up the Madurai Mission the following year. Ziegenbalg mentions altogether sixteen Roman Catholic works which he had collected in his Bibliotheca Malabarica? In all probability Ziegenbalg benefited from the Christian vocabulary de Nobili had created. For example, he frequently used the word Caruvecuran (= Skt. SarveSvara, ‘The Almighty’) as a term for the revealed biblical God. There are more striking resemblances to other words such as ‘angel’, ‘devil’, ‘world’, ‘human being’ etc. that de Nobili had used in his own works. Even the twenty-six sermons written by Ziegenbalg in Tamil correspond to the number of sermons composed by de Nobili.4 In a letter from 22 September 1707 Ziegenbalg remarks: We also received different kinds of books, particularly from the Catholics written in Malabarian language, which, though full of dangerous mistakes, nevertheless contributed significantly to my learning of this language, so that I was capable of adopting a proper 3 Until the middle of the eighteenth century terms such as ‘Malabar’ and ‘Malabarian* were particularly used in mission accounts to describe the whole southern region of India and its inhabitants. Speaking of the ‘Malabar coast’ today refers only to the western coastline of South India, but Ziegenbalg used that term also for the east coast (Coromandal coast) or the area of today’s Tamil Nadu. Gita Dharampal-Frick, “Malabarisches Heidenthum. Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg tiber Religion und Gesellschaft der Tamilen”, in Michael Bergunder, ed., Missionsberichte aus Indien im 18. Jahrhundert. Ihre Bedeutung fur die europaische Geistesgeschichte und ihr wissenschaftlicher Quellenwert fur die Indienkunde (Neue Hallesche Berichte, Bd. 1), Halle: Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftung zu Halle, 1999, p. 132. 4 Daniel Jeyaraj, ed., Bartholomaus Ziegenbalgs “Genealogie der malabarischen Gutter", Edition der Originalfassung von 1713 mit Einleitung, Analyse und Glossar (Neue Hallesche Berichte Bd. 3), Halle: Verlag der Franckschen Stiftung zu Halle, 2003, pp. 290-293.

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Christian style. However, up until that point in time I did not know how to express certain words and phrases so that these religious subjects would not bare traces o f heathenism.5

Thus it appears that Ziegenbalg acknowledged the linguistic achievements of the Jesuits and could benefit from their writings. Nonetheless, he emphasized the differences in content compared to his Lutheran faith and corrected the Catholic works in accordance with his own purpose.6 In a letter from 22 December 1710 he states: Yet I have to admit that various books from the Catholic missionaries, that have been here for some time, are written in a very refined style, but at the same time display so many human misconceptions and erroneous teachings, that it is worth the effort to go carefully through these books again in order to weed out such dangerous mistakes .. .7

Regarding such statements, it seems obvious that the Tranquebar Mission is linked to an earlier Christian context, but at the same time it also pointed the way ahead for the establishment of a pan-Indian Protestant mission under British rule, although missionary work in India had never been seriously enforced by the English in the eighteenth century. This was because the East India Company attached great importance to their mercantile constitution and consequently practiced a strict policy of ‘Non-Interference’ concerning social and religious affairs. The East India Company prevented any entry of missionaries into British India and also restricted the number of chaplains. However, since the beginning of the eighteenth century, private organisations with royal support had been established in order to promote missionary work in the British trading bases. Among these were organisations such as the 5 “„.[W]ir [bekamen] auch unterschiedliche BQcher, so von den Katholiken in malabarischer Sprache geschrieben, welche zwar voller gefthrlicher Irrtflmer waren, aber nichts desto weniger zur Erlemung dieser Sprache bei mir ein GroBes kontribuieret, also daB ich aus selbigen mir einen recht christlichen Stil angewOhnen kflnnen; da ich sonst vorher nicht wuflte, mit was fflr WOrtem und Redensaiten ich die geistlichen Materien ausdrQcken sollte, damit nichts nach dem Heidentum schmecket.” Amo Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien. Unverdffentlichte Briefe von Bartholomdus Ziegenbalg. 17061719, Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt Berlin, 1957, p. 59. 4 Jeyaraj, Bartholomdus Ziegenbalgs G e n e a lo g ie p. 291. 7 “Jedoch weil ich bekennen muB, daB unterschiedliche BQcher von den papistischen Missionaren, die vor langen Zeiten hier auf dieser Kflste gewesen sind, einen gar feinen Stil in sich fassen, aber dabei so gar viel Menschentand und irrige LehrtQmer vortragen; so habe ichs der MQhe wertgeschatzt, urn sclbigc noch cinmal akkurat zu durchgchen und sie von solchen geflhrlichen Irrttimem gflnzlich zu reinigen ...” Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien, p. 171.

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Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (SPG) and the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK). The latter was even permitted to be active outside the British territory.8 Ziegenbalg was in contact with the SPCK and his intention was to expand his missionary efforts beyond the limited area of the Danish trading base. As a result of this contact, in 1712 Ziegenbalg was able to set up a press which was a gift from the London SPCK, and he began gradually “to print Portuguese and German books and pamphlets.”9One year later he started to print writings in Tamil with specially modelled metal types, which had been manufactured in Halle in accordance with to his own examples of the Tamil script.10 This relationship between the Tranquebar Mission and the SPCK was later revived in 1726, seven years after Ziegenbalg’s death, by the Danish-Halle missionary Benjamin Schultze (1689-1760). He had asked the SPCK for permission to settle in Madras and became the founding member of what was to be known as the ‘English’ Mission. As this was linked to the Tranquebar Mission, its status was officially independent from the SPCK organisation. In the following period, branches were set up in Cuddalore (Fort St. David) in 1737, in Tiruchirappalli in 1762 and in Tanjavur in 1772. The last two missions are particularly associated with Christian Friedrich Schwartz (1726-1798), who became an important figure in the diplomatic negotiations between the British and the local ruler, Haider Ali of Mysore. Because of his political and linguistic talents, Schwartz’s work was supported by the Government of Madras, even though at this time the policy of ‘Non-Interference’ prevailed in the East India Company." By the end of the eighteenth century, the British had significantly increased their dominance over India; however, an organized contribution of English missionaries in British India was still only possible from Danish soil. Because of this situation, voices in Great Britain grew louder, claiming the necessity of opening British India to Protestant mission. * Cornelia Witz, Religionspolitik in Britisch-lndien I 793-1813. Christliches Sendungsbewufitsein undAchtung hinduistischerTradition im Widerstreit, Stuttgart SteinerVerlag-Wiesbaden-GmbH, 1985 (BeitrSge zur Stldasienforschung; Bd. 98), pp. 22-25. 9 Briraj Singh, The First Protestant Missionary to India. Bartholomaeus Ziegenbalg (1683-1719), New Delhi: Oxford University Press, p. 31. 10Ibid, pp. 32-34. 11 Stephen Neill, A History o f Christianity in India. 1707-1858, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985, pp. 40-58. Witz, Religionspolitik in Britisch-lndien, pp. 28-29.

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The leading advocate of this cause was Charles Grant (1746-1823), who belonged to the Methodist influenced ‘Evangelical Movement’. Grant had started his career as a Commercial Resident in Bengal, where he had lived for twenty-two years. After his return from India in 1790, he had become a high-ranking member in the ‘Court of Directors’ of the East India Company. Alongside William Wilberforce (1759-1833), he fought for twenty years - between 1793 and 1813 - trying to persuade the public of the necessity to spread the gospel in India. To this end Grant refered to the “unquestionable success” of the Tranquebar Mission, which he knew well, because he was on good terms with Christian Friedrich Schwartz, a close friend of his brother-in-law.12 In 1792 Grant published Observations on the State o f Society among the Asiatic Subjects o f Great Britain, particularly with respect to morals, and on the means o f Improving It. Here he stressed the importance of missionary work in India: Nearer to our own days, the single Protestant mission which has been seriously prosecuted, that o f the Danes at Tranquebar, under the patronage o f the English Society for promoting Christian Knowledge, though extremely limited in its funds, and aided by little, if any, territorial influence, has produced solid and valuable effects, not among the lowest castes only, but among the Brahmins and Pandarims, persons o f the highest order and great knowledge; and some o f the converts have themselves become useful teachers to their countrymen. There has been, since the beginning of this century, a succession of zealous missionaries at Tranquebar, who by no other means than preaching the truth, and exposing the errors of Heathenism, have won multitudes over to the faith o f Christ, and formed several respectable churches on the Malabar coast.'3

Grant had published his Observations with the intention of influencing the negotiations for the renewal of the Company’s Charter in 1793 in his own interests. He had, however, underestimated the opposition’s strength in the House of Commons. It therefore took him l! Ainslie T. Embree, Charles Grant and British Rule in India, New York: Columbia University Press, 1962, pp. 44, 51. ” Charles Grant, “Observations on the State of Society among the Asiatic Subjects of Great Britain, particularly with respect to morals, and on the means of Improving It Written chiefly in the Year 1792”, Parliamentary Papers, 1831-32, VIII, Paper 734, General Appendix, Number 1, p. 67. Pagination (pp. 3-92) is according to the above Parliamentary Paper. It is also found in Parliamentary Papers, 1812-13, X, Paper 282, pp. 1-112.

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and his supporters another twenty years of work to reach their aim; their demands were finally fulfilled only in 1813. Grant had attached great importance to the Danish-English-Halle Mission, and evidence of this can be seen in the fact that he appended correspondence between Schwartz and the Secretary of the SPCK to his Observations. Here Schwartz, even after forty-six years of missionary work, underscores the need of spreading the gospel in India.14 In summary, we might then conclude that the Danish-Halle mission and consequently the later English-Halle mission was inspired or influenced by the writings of the early Roman Catholic mission in South East India, which had a significant impact on a general Protestant mission in British India. Missionary Accounts of Hindu Society and Religion If we take a closer look at the different periods of missionary effort, different perceptions of Indian or Hindu culture can be found. The missionaries, by necessity, had to deal with the native culture and belief systems, because to spread the gospel effectively, they had to have knowledge about the 'heathen faith’. Therefore they had to describe and define the current ‘Paganism’ so that the primacy of the Christian faith was ensured. In the following section I shall discuss these varying views on Hindu religion and society11 as presented in the central writings of Roberto de Nobili, Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg and Charles Grant.16 14 Ibid, pp. 89-92. 15De Nobili, Ziegenbalg and Grant focused their attention on that body of religious ideas which today is generally known as ‘Hinduism’. In this essay terms such as Hindu-Religion or Hindu Culture/Society are frequently used equivalent to Hinduism. However, this topic can’t be discussed in detail within the limitations of this essay. For further discussion on ‘Hinduism’see Richard Buighart and Audrey Cantlie, “Editors’Preface”, in Id., eds., Indian Religion, London: Cuxzon Press, pp. vii-xi. Heinrich von Stietencron, .JHinduismus", in: Gerhard Krause and Gerhard Mflller, eds., Theologische Realenzykiopddie, Vol. 15, Berlin, New York: de Gruyter, 1986, pp. 346-347. Id., “Hinduism: On the proper use of a deceptive term”, in Giinther D. Sontheimer and Hermann Kulke, eds., Hinduism Reconsidered, New Delhi: Manohar Publications, 1989, pp. 11-27. Gabriella Eichinger Ferro-Luzzi, “The polythetic-prototype approach to Hinduism”, in Ibid., pp. 187-195. Axel Michaels, Der Hinduismus. Geschichte und Gegenwart, MQnchen: Verlag C.H. Beck, 1998, pp.27-47. Will Sweetman, Mapping Hinduism. ‘Hinduism "and the Study o f Indian Religions. 16001776 (Neue Hallesche Berichte Bd. 4), Halle: Verlag der Franckschen Stiftung zu Halle, 2003, pp. 32-52, 154-168. 16 For detailed bibliographies of de Nobili’s, Ziegenbalg’s and Grant’s writings, see in Soosai Arokiasamy, Dharma, Hindu and Christian, According to Roberto de

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Roberto de Nobili: ‘Infomatio de quibusdam Moribus Nationis Indicae1,7 The Christian mission in South and South East Asia began in the middle of the sixteenth century and is closely connected to the Jesuit Order. It was made possible after the sea route was discovered by Vasco da Gama. The first Jesuit who gained success for his missionary work in India was Francis Xavier, who was active from 1542 to 1551 in Goa and Cochin on the Malabar coast. But the history of the Jesuit mission in South East India (in today’s Tamil Nadu) is closely associated with the person of Roberto de Nobili, even though he was not the first missionary in this region. De Nobili had come to Goa in 1605 and was first sent to the Coromandel Coast, the east coast of South India, and a little later transferred to Madurai in the mountainous country, where he established his mission. His approach to the local culture was in, particular, based on his continuous effort to integrate himself into the Indian way of life and to become a part of the social context. He took great pains to distinguish himself from the Portuguese Christians, because the Hindus, for various reasons, considered them to be impure. As a result they had no social prestige or standing with the local communities. Such a situation, de Nobili realized, would have been a very bad starting point for his whole mission, because the fear of impurity would keep away every potential neophyte. As a result, de Nobili had to find a way to demonstrate that he had nothing in common with Portuguese Europeans. He undertook a complete change in his lifestyle and began to live as a Hindu ascetic and scholar (saifinyasin). This strategy of cultural adoption or accommodation had become a tried and tested method of the Jesuit Order in order to create the best possible conditions for their missionary work all over the world. Through his decision to become a sarfinyasin, de Nobili hoped to established contact with the Brahmins and to win them gradually for the Christian faith. De Nobili regarded their support as the key to his success in spreading his missionary work to every social class.18 In addition, Nobili: analysis o f its meaning and its use in Hinduism and Christianity, Rome: Editrice Pontifica University Gregoriana, 1986. Daniel Jeyaraj, Inkulturation in Tranquebar. Der Beitrag derfrQhen ddnisch-halleschen Mission zum Werden einer einheimischen Kirche (1706-1730), Erlangen: Verlag der Ev.-Luth. Mission Erlangen, 1996. Embree, Charles Grant and British Rule in India. 17 "Information concerning certain Indian Customs ” 11 Peter R. Bachmann, Roberto de Nobili 1577-1656: Ein missionsgeschichtlicher Beitrag zum christlichen Dialog mit dem Hinduismus, Roma: Institutum Historicum

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de Nobili demanded the maintenance of the caste system or status of birth (varna) and its related attributes for his neophytes, because he understood that the loss of those distinctive features would have serious social consequences. This very conviction became a central problem for de Nobili and his Madurai Mission, because his critics accused him of supporting the native superstitions by allowing converts to retain pagan attributes such as the sacred string (yajHopavTta), the tuft of hair at the back of the head (sikha), as well as other emblems. Despite these criticisms, de Nobili attached great importance to the so-called ‘Malabar Rites’ and tried to defend those characteristic features as an indivisible part of the social order which had nothing to do with faith or devotion, although those features undoubtedly have soteriological implications. In such questions de Nobili displayed an astounding ability to distance himself from his own conventions, an ability he also demanded from his critics in order that they better understand Indian culture: Truly, I am forced to repeat what I have said time and again: it is risky to pronounce on the customs of the people [...] here, unless a man has first thumbed diligently through their books and familiarised himself with these same customs and usages from knowledge of their origin and source: for they differ so widely from our European usages that it is no wonder if those who base themselves on the culture of Europe to pass judgment on the culture of India, err in this and similar conclusions.19

However, even though de Nobili considered the Indian culture very carefully, with the help of knowledge from Sanskrit literature (smrti), the epics and the sastra (science books), he nonetheless had his very S. I., 1972, pp. 25-55. Roberto de Nobili, Informatio de quibusdam Moribus Nationis Indicae, ,[1613?]; edited by S. Rajamanickam, trans. Peter Leonard, Roberto de Nobili on Indian Customs, Palayamkottai: De Nobili Research Institute, 1972, pp. 111-112 (lat); pp. 149-150 (engl.). Additionally important is de Nobili’s work “Adoption” that refers to the former. Roberto de Nobili, Narratio Fundamentorum quibus Madurensis Missionis Institutum caeptum est et hucusque consistit [An exposition of the basic principles which inspired the founding o f the Madurai Mission and continue to guide //], [1619]; ed. S. Rajamanickam, trans. J. Pujo, Roberto de Nobili. Adoption, Palayamkottai: De Nobili Research Institute, 1971. 19 De Nobili, Informatio, p. 77 (engl.). “Enimvero repetere hie compellor quod semel et iterum dixi difficile esse de horum populorum moribus iudicare, nisi quis prius eorum libros diligenter evolvent, easdemque mores ex ipsorum origine et fonte didicerit, sunt enim valde ab europeis moribus dissidentes, ut mirandum non sit, eos qui ex Europae cultu de cultu Indico iudicum feire volunt in has et his similes consecutiones prolabi", p. 60 (lat.).

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own approach which was, of course, connected with his idea of what a successful mission would be. As already suggested, de Nobili held the Brahmins in high esteem, but as scholars, not as priests. He tried to marginalize their ritual position in order to prevent his critics from accusing him of cooperating with a pagan priesthood. He therefore underscored the existence of a ‘lay priesthood’, a fact he concluded from the common custom ofpuja (divine service) which does not necessarily require a religious specialist.20 What this meant is that de Nobili’s perspective on the social context was, in essence, a ‘quasi-desacralized Brahmin-centred’ one, whereas the religious or clerical sphere appeared to be ‘democratized’. Obviously de Nobili saw no other solution for his missionary work, but to divide the Hindu or Tamil culture into clearly identifiable sections: one profane, the other religious. This demonstrated an attitude that was familiar to the occidental interpretation of the world. It was, in other words, a mentality that was shared by the Catholic Church and the critics of de Nobili’s mission. He thus laid stress on the purely social character of the ‘Malabar Rites’ in order to avoid their characterisation as either heathen or superstitious. He tried to manage ‘the pagan customs’ by restricting them exclusively to the devotion of Hindu gods and goddesses. This way he hoped to set up clear guidelines for his mission and to establish criteria which allowed him to distinguish between social and pagan customs. He had come to realize that the entirety of Hindu culture was suffused with religious aspects or rituals: From all this one can see what great hardship will befall human life if all the things which these heathens use for their sacrifices are to be excluded from their social and civil mode o f living, since there is hardly anything normally used in their civil mode o f living which is not requisitioned for sacrifices.21

One may come to the conclusion that de Nobili’s convictions concerning the appropriate method of mission and his strategy to convince the ever distrustful spiritual authorities about the ‘Malabar Rites’ are one and the same thing. The dispute within the Church about de Nobili’s missionary method continued from its beginnings for more 20 Ibid, pp. 49-57 (engl.); pp. 39-45 (lat.). 21 De Nobili, Informatio, p. 130 (engl.). “Apparet igitur quantum sit consecutunim incotnmodum humanae vitae si omnia quae ab his ethnicis in sacrifices usurpantur in politico civili cultu fugienda dicantur, cum nihil fere in cultu civili sit quod non suum in istorum sacrificio locum habeat.”, p. 97 (lat.).

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than fifteen years, when finally in 1623 Pope Gregory XV confirmed de Nobili’s work by raising no objections to the ‘Malabar Rites’.22 One topic concerning the controversial ‘Malabar Rites’ had been about the extensive application of holy ash (vibhutf) to the body, which was in common usage among Shiva devotees. De Nobili respected this practice and it was even adopted by other Jesuit missionaries. This usage must have continued for quite a while, because Ziegenbalg, who arrived in India a hundred years after de Nobili, also mentions the custom: So nearly all the Jesuits smear ash upon themselves, in order to be tolerated among the heathens and so as not to expose themselves as Christians. However, they prepare the ash in a different manner, by using holy water.23

Bartholomdus Ziegenbalg’s ‘Malabarisches Heidenthum'u Bartholomdus Ziegenbalg grew up in petty bourgeois conditions unlike de Nobili, who came from a noble family and had studied theology in Rome. Ziegenbalg had a secondary education, but had to break off his studies in theology after only one year, because of health problems. Ziegenbalg’s writings are characterised by his quasi-ethnographic competence and detailed descriptions of Tamil society along with knowledge of the regional literature, for example the scriptures of the Saivasiddhanta. Though well acquainted with Tamil culture, he nonetheless displayed a vast ambivalence towards his object of Mission, the ‘Malabarian Heathen’. He condemns their idolatry, but at the same time concedes them a possible ‘natural’ acquaintance with the Revelation. Ziegenbalg writes the following in the introduction to his work Malabarisches Heidenthum: From their own writings we can see on one side the enormous blinding caused by the devil and the tremendous errors in which those heathens believe, and on the other side we see how they have achieved knowledge of god and natural phenomena in the light of reason.25 22 Bachmann, Roberto de Nobili, pp. 210-211. 23 “Wie denn auch die Papistischen Christen fast durchgehends sich mit solcher Asche beschmieren, damit sie unter den Heiden geduldet und nicht verrathen werden, dasz sie Christen sind. Sie praeparieren aber solche Asche anders und vermischen sie mit Weihwaszer.” Wilhelm Caland, ed., Malabarisches Heidenthum, Verhandeling der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam. Adeeling Leterkunde. Nieuwe Reeks, XXV/3. Amsterdam: Uitgave van Koninklijke Akademie, 1926, p. 116. 24The english translation is: Malabarian Heathenism. 23"... (A]us ihren eigenen Schriften... man wird sehen kOnnen, eines Theils die grosze Erblendung des Teufels, und die greulichen IrrthGmer, welchen solche heiden ergeben

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Ziegenbalg’s ambivalent outlook towards the spiritual attitude of the Tamil people runs through his entire work. On the one hand he vehemently rejects any ‘heathen superstition’ and confronts it with the ‘truth’ of the Christian faith. For example, opposed terms like God/Satan, light/darkness, revelation/blindness etc. are used in his comments to underline the differences between Christianity and the ‘pagan misconception.’26On the other hand he truly admires the effort of penance which he notices among the Tamil people, an endeavour which fits in well with the pietistic idea of penitential struggle ( or BuBkampf): “The word sin is well known among these heathens and they have to confess that they are sinners.”27 But for Ziegenbalg the idea of sin is related to the Christian God, not to dharma (‘cosmological order’), the actual frame of reference in Hindu religion concerning normative infringements. The Hindu concept of God is fundamentally different to the Christian one, because there is no antithetic dualism between God and human. The deity can be playful, moody or even cause sin and harm. Ziegenbalg deeply rejects such an idea of God which makes the concept of theodic superfluous.28 In contrast to de Nobili, Ziegenbalg developed a ‘non-Brahmincentred focus’in his view of Hindu society. Consequently, he was opposed to the practice of the Jesuits and, in keeping with his anti-hierarchical pietistic basic attitude, insisted on equal treatment and respect for each convert. Correspondingly, he gave no weight to the concept of caste (varna), but recognized the professional groups or kinship (jati) as most significant for the subdivision of the Tamil society.29 Ziegenbalg’s research into Hindu religion and society was intended to be a useful support for the next generation of missionaries, but it also contributed to ridding Europe of prejudices concerning the ‘Malabarian Heathen’. Unfortunately, only parts of his writings were published in sind; anderen Theils auch wie weit sie es in Erk&ntnis Gottes und der natttrlichen dinge bey ihren Vemunftes Lichte gebracht haben..." Ziegenbalg, Malabarisches Heidenthum, p. 11. 24 Gita Dharampal-Frick, Indien im Spiegel deutscher Quellen der Fruhen Neuzeit (1500-1750). Studien zu einer interkulturellen Konstellation, TQbingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1994, pp. 352-354. 27 “Das Wort SQnde ist unter diesen Heiden sehr bekannt, und mQszen gestehen, dass sie SOnder sind.” Caland, ed., Malabarisches Heidenthum, p. 67. a Ibid, p. 68. 29 Ibid, pp. 195-199. Jeyaraj, Inkulturation in Tranquebar, pp. 226-227.

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Europe, because the mission chairmanship in Halle considered only a few works, such as the Malabarische Correspondenz30to be suitable for a broader public readership. These missionary accounts were to serve as educational instruments. The faithful reader should become aware of the fact that ‘heathenism’, far from being remote, was on the contrary a threat that due to the wickedness of the devil was all pervasive and a danger for oneself.31 On the other hand, ‘heathenism’ was considered to be a religion in its own right, based primarily in Africa, America and Asia. Ziegenbalg writes: “The heathens constitute the great majority of all people and occupy most parts of the planet.”31 This description corresponds to European thinking at the time. Nevertheless, Europe was not seen in sharp contrast to the heathens’ world. More importantly, stress was laid on the potential for such pagan societies to open toward the light of Christian revelation. However, the opposition between Christianity and Paganism appears to be much more entrenched by the times of Charles Grant, during the expansion of the ‘British Raj’. This was repeatedly expressed in opposed categories such as ‘civilized’ and ‘barbaric’. Charles Grant: ‘Observation on the State o f Society among the Asiatic Subjects o f Great Britain, particularly with respect to morals, and on the means o f Improving it. ’ Grant had come to the conclusion that India was in every respect backwards and that its moral standards were totally depraved. The remedy for this state of affairs was to open British India to the Protestant mission, a concern which Grant promoted in his Observations between 1793 and 1813.33 Grant proposes a combination of political issues and 30A project started by Ziegenbalg and Johannes Ernst GrQndler in 1708, but carried out seriously between 1712 and 1714. The missionaries had initiated a correspondence with the ‘Malabarians’ to inquire into their religious beliefes and practices. The Malabarische Correspondenz consisted of 99 letters. They were translated and annotated (probably made by Grtlndler) by the missionaries. Johann Ernst GrQndler - Bartholomfius Ziegenbalg, Malabarische Correspondenz. Tamilische Briefe an deutsche Missionary; eine Auswaht, Johann Emst GrQndler - Bartholomfius Ziegenbalg; eingeleitet und erlfiutert von Kurt Liebau, Sigmaringen: J. Thorbecke, 1998. 31 Dharampal-Frick, Indien im Spiegel, pp. 309-310. 32“Die heiden machen das grOste Volck aus, und bewohnen dasz meiste Theil des Erdkreises.” Caland, Malabarisches Heidenthum, p. 9. 33 Already in 1787 Grant had put into words his thoughts about mission in a paper with the title: “A Proposal for Establishing a Protestant Mission in Bengal and Bihar." Witz, Religionspolitik in Britisch-lndien, pp. 44-47.

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Christian humanitarian arguments by demanding that the English take care of the ‘Asiatic Subjects of Great Britain’. Despite this, he leaves no room for doubt that he despises Indian or rather Hindu culture,34 upon which he looks with horror: Discord, hatred, abuse, slanders, injuries, complaints, and litigations, all the effects o f selfishness unrestrained by principle, prevail to a surprising degree. They overspread the land, they come perpetually before all men in authority... And the avowed enmity with which the people pursue each other, and sometimes from father to son offer a very mortifying view o f the human character.35

Grant demands a Christian education for the Indians, based on the English language, through which the moral standards of the Western civilization were to be imparted. Considering this, his missionary formula was as follows: ‘The true cure of darkness, is the introduction of light.’36 In his diagnosis of Indian society Grant was convinced about the fact that Hinduism,37 especially the caste system and the Brahmins, was to be blamed for its depraved condition. To prove his allegations he quotes parts of the ‘Hindoo code’ (in particular the legal book of Manu or the Manusmrti, a work that de Nobili had also referred to), indigenous treatises compiled by the British concerning civil and criminal law, as well as caste regulations and ritual instructions. The translation of the ‘Hindoo Laws’ (dharmasastra, dharmasmrti) had begun in 1773 and was directed by William Jones, the founder of the ‘Asiatic Society.’38 Other than these works, Grant cites various European travel accounts and uses their portraits of Indian culture as support for his own opinions and purpose.39 Overall, Grant develops a much more distanced view of Hindu religion and society compared to de Nobili and Ziegenbalg. The whole tenor of his description is throughout polemical and interspersed 34Grant’s attitude towards the Indian Muslims was as follows: “The vices, however, of the Mahomedans and the Hindoos are so homogenous, that in stating their effects, it is not inaccurate to speak of both classes under the description of the one collective body into which they are now formed.” Charles Grant, Observations, p. 31. 35 Ibid, p. 22. 36 Ibid, p. 60. 37 It is noteworthy, that Grant uses the explicit term 4Hinduism* [sic!] twice in his Observations instead of the frequently used expressions "Hindoo religion* or ‘Hindoo superstition*. Ibid, pp. 58,68. “ Ibid, p. 32. 39 Ibid, p. 33.

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with pity, a circumstance that seems to be rooted in the firm belief of his own cultural superiority. Corresponding to this, Grant focuses on social topics which from his point of view indicated the moral deprivation of the Indian people. He already mentions subjects which in the following period became stereotypes, such as ‘robbery’, later known as ‘dacoity’, the devadasT (female temple dancers) and sati (‘suttee’, widow burning).40A critical analysis of social and religious features can hardly be found in Grant’s writing, probably because the whole essay was intended for political agitation, linking the idea of a Protestant mission with certain governmental concerns. The Christian mission became an ‘affair of civilizing the Other’ - it was this outlook that supported the development of imperialism in the nineteenth century.41 Grant’s attitude towards Indian culture is diametrically opposed to de Nobili’s approach, because he demands that the Indians give up their own customs and way of life in order to become, in his words, “useful subjects and fellowcreatures”.42 Indeed, Grant remarks: ... [The] leading idea is plainly the principle of assimilation. It would neither suit us, nor our subjects, to act upon it universally, as Alexander proposed. We ought not to wish, that the distinctions between the two races should be lost ...43

Homi K. Bhabha detects in this claim to hegemony something he calls ‘colonial mimicry’, because of the desire for “a reformed, recognizable Other, as a subject o f a difference that is almost the same, but not quite.”44 So that in the end, Bhabha says, all Christian humanitarian intentions prove a distinctive form of social control.

40 Ibid, pp. 22,43-44 and 51. 41“The Hindoos err, because they are arrogant; and their errors have never fairly been laid before them. The communication of our light and knowledge to them, would prove the best remedy for their disorders; and this remedy is proposed, from a full conviction that if judiciously and patiently applied, it would have great and happy effects upon them, effects honourable and advantageous for us.” Ibid., p. 60. 42 Ibid, p. 20. 43 Ibid, p. 82. Grant refers to Alexander the Great, who was in India between 327-325 B.C. and had built up a huge empire in the Middle East. 44 Homi K. Bhabha, The Location o f Culture, London: Routledge, 1994, pp. 86.

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Perception and Representation of Hinduism: The Result of a Relationship In the light of Bhabha’s analysis it is interesting to note that Grant claimed to make an 4Observation’ among the Asiatic subjects, while de Nobili’s writing intended to be an ‘Informatio’, and Ziegenbalg wanted to give a ‘Detailed Description' (Ausfuhrliche Beschreibung) 45 about the ‘Malabarian Heathens’. This leads to the question of whether there are any criteria to characterise these different missionary encounters. One suggestion, in this connection, has been made by Tzvetan Todorov, whose research on the colonization of South-America carries some significance.46 Todorov developed a typology to express the complexity of intercultural relations. He distinguishes between three different categories, namely an axiological, a praxeological and an epistemic level or axis. The axiological level articulates an explicit value judgement about the ‘Other’ in comparison with oneself. The praxeological axis represents the status of approaching the other or the dissociation of oneself from him or them. This level can vary between submission to the ‘Other’ and the ‘Other’s’ submission. The third possible category of relation is marked by neutrality or indifference. This so-called epistemic level allows an endless gradation between lower and higher states of knowledge. There are, of course, relations and affinities among these three dimensions, but no logical implication; one cannot therefore be reduced to another, nor predicted on the basis of another.47

45 Caland, ed., Malabarisches Heidenthum, p. 7. 44 Tzvetan Todorov, Die Eroberung Amerikas. Das Problem des Andem, Translated from French by Wilfred BOhringer (Title of the original version: La conquete de VAmerique. La question de Vautre), Frankfurt a. M .: Suhrkamp, 198S, pp. 221-222. 47 Ibid. Gita Dharampal-Frick, “Die Faszinadon des Exotischen. Deutsche IndienBerichte der frtlhen Neuzeit (1500-1750)”, in Urs Bitterli and Eberhard Schmitt, eds., Die Kenntnis beider „Indien" im friihneuzeitlichen Europa: Akten der zweiten Sektion des 37. Deutschen Historikertages in Bamberg 1988, Mflnchen: Oldenbourg, 1991, p. 127. Bemd Lenz und Stefanie Remlinger, “Imperiale Fremdbegegnung. Englands kolonialer Umgang mit Indien”, in Bemd Lenz and Hans-JQrgen Lilsenbrink, eds., Fremdheitserfahrung und Fremdheitsdarstellung in okzidentalen Kulturen. Theorieansdtze, Medien/Textsorten, Diskursformen, Passau: Wissenschafts-Verlag Rotbe, 1999, p. 279. Yoshiro Nakamura, Xenosophie. Bausteine fu r eine Theorie der Fremdheit, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2000, p. 31-36. Theo Sundermeier, Den Fremden verstehen, Gottingen: Vandenhoek und Ruprecht 19%, pp. 19-35.

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If we take Todorov’s idea as a basis, the missionary encounters with the Indian people or culture can be outlined as follows: de Nobili

Ziegenbalg

Grant

holding in high greatly esteem respecting, at the same time critical and condemning Praxeological identities with does not level the other, gives identify with up his way o f the other life

disapproving and condemning as well as feeling pity wants to assimilate and educate the other

high degree o f scholarly and scriptural knowledge

experienced, general knowledge, but not on a scholarly level

Axiological level

Epistemic level

high degree o f scholarly and scriptural knowledge, field research

This table illustrates that the way Hindu society and religion were perceived by the missionaries reveals something about the observer himself, such as his self-image and self-concept, his denominational tradition, his education, his particular living conditions etc. Additionally, it indicates significant changes in the European history of thought. The missionaries’ representations of Hindu culture correlated with their own intentions, strategies and abilities to attain knowledge. Accordingly, a specific relationship to the ‘heathens’ is inscribed into the writings of de Nobili, Ziegenbalg and Grant. This author-centred view is, with varying degrees, evident in the missionary records, but applies to contemporary scientific papers as well; a fact that has been pointed out by Clifford Geertz48 and James Clifford49 with reference to anthropological or ethnographical writings. As far as the reception of ** Clifford Geertz, Works and Lives: The Anthropologist as Author, Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1988. 49 Clifford examined, in this connection, the given context for ethnographic writing and noticed at least six types of dependences: “(I) contextually (it draws from and creates meaningful social milieux); (2) rhetorically (it uses and is used by expressive

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Hinduism is concerned, since the beginnings of European colonization and the practice of cross-cultural encounters, many reports and narratives have been produced, texts and images of complex, ambiguous and often contradictory content. In terms of reconsidering and reassessing those presentations, “recent approaches in ethnology and cultural studies take account of this when they emphasize polyphony and interaction in the process of intercultural understanding. ... With regard to the historical dimension, there thus arises a multi-polar field of interaction between indigenous peoples,”50 contemporary missionaries, ethnographers and sociologists, “their societies of origin and the historians of later periods and cultures.”51 In the light of this Will Sweetman writes: “No view of Hinduism that is not ‘distorted’ by any concepts whatsoever is available to us.” and he carries on: “Any abstractions will to some extent colour our view of Hinduism, all will have their specific limitations and allow us to see different truth about Hinduism.”52 As a consequence, every attempt to describe cultural phenomena, whether they belong to one’s own scope of experience or to an Other’s, seems only to be a more or less useful way to grasp “reality”. This would suggest, that a ‘thick description’ depends on the author’s ability to impart his or her intention and method of interpretation towards the reader. Just as it is important to develop concepts and terms out of the analysed context, ethnographically speaking, the self-image of the portrayed people or ethnic group has to be carefully considered. More comments could be added, but in summary it may be said that in the effort of representing a cultural context, one’s own thinking generally conventions); (3) institutionally (one writes within, and against, specific traditions, disciplines, audiences); (4) genetically (an ethnography is usually distinguishable from a novel or a travel account); (S) politically (the authority to represent cultural realities is unequally shared and at times contested); (6) historically (all above conventions and constrains are changing).” James Clifford, “Introduction: Partial Truth", in James Clifford and George E. Marcus, eds., Writing Culture. The Poetic and Politics o f Ethnography, Berkley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1986, p. 6. 50 Susanna Burghartz, ‘Translating Seen into Scene? Wahmehmung und Representation in der frtlhen Kolonialgeschichte Europas”, in Susanna Burghartz, Maike Christadler, Dorothea Nolde, eds., Zeitsprunge. Forschung zur Friihen Neuzeit. Berichten. Erzdhlen, Beherrschen, Bd. 7, Heft 2/3, Frankfurt am Main: Verlag Vittorio Klostermann, 2003, p. 175. 51 Ibid. 52 Sweetman, Mapping Hinduism, p. 51.

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has to be questioned, because understanding means, following HansGeorg Gadamer, always to understand differently.53 “You cannot walk among palmtrees with impunity, and your sentiments must surely alter in a land where elephants and tigers are at home.”54

53 Hans-Georg Gadamer, Wahrheit und Methode: Grundziige einer philosophischen Hermeneutik, Ttibingen: Mohr (2nd ed.). 1965. MGoethe, Elective Affinities, p. 215.

ENCOUNTERING THE HINDUS: THE LEGACY OF ZIEGENBALG Israel Selvanayagam The background of Ziegenbalg’s encounter with the Hindus in and around Tranquebar includes the following factors. He was a member of the Pietist movement of Halle, Germany, which emphasised individual salvation through the way of Christ alone, in terms of personal relationship with God and assurance of a heavenly life after death. He was also a royal missionary sponsored by Frederick IV, King of Denmark, who shared the faith-position of this movement. His missionary mandate was unequivocal: he was going to save the souls of the heathenish Hindus from eternal damnation and to lead them on to the way of true morality. The Hindus in and around Tranquebar at the time of Ziegenbalg belonged to one of the major devotional sects of southern India: the Tamil Saiva and Vaishnava traditions. These were the result of an amalgamation between the Brahminic Hindu tradition and the regional and popular Tamil cults. This amalgamation had taken place through a long and complex process of myth-making, royal patronage and development of new religious architecture and literature. Besides, there were diverse cults at the grassroots, which, while connected with devotional traditions, had unique features. At the time of the first missionaries there were five major temples and as many as fifty-one shrines in Tranquebar. Obviously Ziegenbalg was bewildered by the complex variety of the Hindu religious traditions. Before him some of the Roman Catholic missionaries from Europe, with Portuguese as their common language, had already encountered the Hindus. On the whole, their attitude to the Hindus was very negative, although some were ‘daring in order to know’. Exceptionally daring was the attempt of Robert de Nobili, in the early part of the seventeenth century, to ‘brahminise’ Christianity through the study of the Sanskrit language and texts, presenting the Christian message in their terms and adapting the lifestyle of a Brahmin priest and

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teacher.1 Ziegenbalg was not less daring in his efforts to study the beliefs and practices of the Hindus and in his engagement with them in dialogue through personal encounters and written correspondence. Most notable are Ziegenbalg’s Tamil studies, that effected great and gradual change in his attitude to the South Indian Tamils, called ‘Malabarians’ in those days. No more were they for him barbarous, with superstitious beliefs and practices, but a civilised people, though their ‘idol’ worship was still a problem. As Stephen Neill observes, “Ziegenbalg never changed his view that Hinduism, as an idolatrous religion, was displeasing to God and could bring no salvation to its adherents. But by 1709 he had come to realise that the Indians are a civilised people; and as he penetrated more deeply into their classical writings, he was amazed to discover the depth of their moral insights and the admirable style in which their wisdom is expressed.”2 In Ziegenbalg’s own words: Most Christians in Europe suppose the Malabarians to be a very barbarous people, but this arises from the Europeans who have been amongst them not understanding their language, so that they have not been able to read their books, but have drawn their conclusions from outward appearances. I must acknowledge that when I first came amongst them I could not imagine that their language had proper rules, or that their life had the laws of civil order, and took up all sorts of false ideas on their actions as if they had neither a civil nor a moral law, - but as soon as I had gained a little acquaintance with their language and could talk to them on various subjects, I began to have a much better opinion of them and when at last I was able to read their own books I found that the Malabarians discussed the same philosophical subjects as the Savants of Europe, and that they had a regular written law, wherein all theological subjects were treated of and demonstrated. This surprised me extremely, and I was delighted to be thoroughly instructed in their heathenism from their own writings.3

A manuscript of Ziegenbalg entitled Catalogue ofMalabarian Books, discovered late in the nineteenth century, contains an annotated list of 1 See S. Rajamanickam, “Roberto de Nobili and Adaptation" and Achilles Meersman, “The Catholic Church in Tranquebar and Tanjore during the Formative Years of the Lutheran Mission”, Indian Church History Review. Vol.l, No.2, 1967, pp. 83-92,93-112. 2 Stephen Neill, A History o f Christianity in India, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985, p. 32. J Quoted in C.S.Mohanavclu, German Tamilology: German Contributions to Tamil language, literature and culture during the period 1706-1945, Madras: The South India Saiva Siddhanta Works Publishing Society, Tinnevelly Ltd., 1993, p. 7.

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Hindu writings on palm leaves he collected during his first two years in Tranquebar. They were 112 Tamil works of different age and character, including the famous Saiva devotional text Tiruvacakam, and ethical text Tirukkural, which Ziegenbalg appraised as “specially ingenious”. It is believed that “At least three of the writings listed, of a mainly ethical character,” were translated into German by Ziegenbalg and then sent to Halle for publication.4 These were apart from his Tamil Grammar and Tamil Lexicon, which inspired his successors to continue his example.5 The intention was to dispel the preconceived ideas about the morality and understanding of the Tamils. As will become clear in the course of this essay, the European morality and wisdom evident in the life of the Danish colonists in Tranquebar fell far short of that of Indians, who in their way of life “would put to shame most Christians.” For Ziegenbalg this was one of the obstacles in the way of communicating the gospel to the Hindus. An Assessment of the Sources There are extensive studies already done on Ziegenbalg’s approach to and understanding of the Hindus and their religious traditions. We will refer to most of them in this essay. The writings of Ziegenbalg himself on Hinduism and Tamil culture are yet to be fully codified, and recently there have been a few significant materials unearthed. There are clues for new inferences and even discoveries. Therefore, before we proceed further, it is useful to list out Ziegenbalg’s major writings that are extant, their position in terms of translation, and their nature with regard to attitude towards the Hindus. Ziegenbalg’s first major work, Malabarisches Heidenthum (completed in 1711), has a long sub-title meaning ‘Complete description of the Heathendom of Malabar in which from the heathen’s own writings their precepts and their doctrines in theology as well as in philosophy are set out in detail and are communicated for the useful instruction of 4 D.H.-W. Gensichen, “Daring in Order to Know: The Contribution o f Christian Missionaries to the Understanding of Hinduism, 1550-1850”, International Review o f Missions, Vol. LI, No. 201, January 1962, pp.93f. 3 Ibid, p. 95; Most remarkably, J.E. Griindler, Ziegenbalg’s colleague during his lifetime, translated a Brahmin’s treatise on Indian medicine and medicines from Tamil into German and added a commentary and glossary o f his own. ‘‘With the title ‘Der Malabarische Medicus’ (The Tamil Medical Doctor) the manuscript found its way into the Mission archives in Halle where it is still being kept without ever having been printed.”

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beloved Europe.’6 It was published only in 1926 and has not yet been translated into English. Scholars have been puzzled by the discovery of three more manuscripts with the same title, and a comparative and analytical study might reveal the changing positions of the author or the editors. For example, in the abridged version published in Berlin in 1791, the word ‘heathen’ is replaced with the word ‘Indian’.7 The original work is divided into two parts, and Brijraj Singh gives the following sketches: “Part one consists of 26 chapters and deals with the Hindu concepts of Godhead, sacred Hindu texts, Hindu gods, virtues and vices as conceived of in Hinduism, and Hindu temples, fasts and festivals. The second part has 18 chapters devoted to such subjects as caste, eating, rituals, medical practice, south Indian agriculture, chemistry, poetry and poets, music, astrology and fortune telling.”8 The first part dealing with theological and religious issues is most significant for our purpose, although the second part dealing with cultural, sociological and anthropological issues helps one to appreciate the missionary’s broad view of estimating the religion and culture of the strange society he was encountering. The theological and religious issues were treated more comprehensively by Ziegenbalg in his second major work, Genealogy o f the South Indian Gods, the original of which was completed in 1713. The discovery of the manuscript and its translation bears a dramatic story. The work was quite laborious, especially as entry to temples was probably denied to him. As he mentions in the preface of this work, he used replies to his correspondence with a wide selection of Hindus, and persuaded a Brahmin painter to go into temples and paint pictures of gods despite harassment by the Hindus.9 When he sent the manuscript to Halle, he stated all the difficulties he encountered in putting the manuscript together and mentioned further that, “where otherwise we should have regarded this our labour as a punishment and not as a pleasure. Wise people will not make an ill use of this our work of ‘hay and stubble’, nor be induced by it to do evil, but on the contrary learn from it how much more grace God has bestowed on them in spiritual matters, than on these heathens, and 6 Brijraj Singh, The First Protestant Missionary to India: Bartholomaeus Ziegenbalg (1683 - 1719), New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999, pp. 106f. 7 Ibid, p. 107. 8 Ibid. 9 See B. Ziegenbalg, Genealogy o f South Indian Gods - A Manuel o f the Mythology and Religion o f the People o f Southern India: Including a Description o f Popular Hinduism. Freely translated into English by G. T Metzger, New Delhi: Unity Book Service, reprint, 1984, p. xviif.

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thereby be moved to have compassion on them, and, when opportunity offers, try, by every means in their power, to bring them out of their idolatry.”10 But his venerable mentor and Director of the Halle Mission August Hermann Franke, did not appear to be ‘wise’ when he responded, saying that the printing o f the Genealogy “was not to be thought of, inasmuch as the Missionaries were sent out to extirpate heathenism, and not to spread heathenish non-sense in Europe.”11This would explain why the manuscript was shelved for 154 years! Ziegenbalg seems to be more objective in his treatment of Hindu gods, piety and practices in Genealogy than Malabarsches, although he still calls Hindus ‘blind Heathens’, whose religion is inferior to Christianity, and for him the Christianisation of the whole of India is desirable. The 1984 edition of Genealogy bears the additions and editorial glosses of Wilhelm Germann. However, it is not difficult to tell which portions are original and which are additional. The appendices on the gods of the Vedas, on South Indian languages, and on the Tamil alphabet are not Ziegenbalg’s, nor are some of the anti-Hindu sentiments that betray the attitude of the editor and the translator. Nor are those footnotes where the writer appears to be trying to show off his scholarship, for ‘Ziegenbalg was totally above praising his learning’.12 The translator’s intention is not hidden, as he concludes his preface with the earnest prayer that “this little work may, by its faithful exposure of the religious errors of the Hindus, be subservient to the spreading of the saving knowledge of the Truth.” This minimizes the changing perceptions about the religion of the Hindus and the obstacles in realizing the truth as experienced by Ziegenbalg. Further, as Brijraj Singh observes, “the book is excellent source material for a study of the shifts, cross-currents, mergings and meldings of races, cultures and beliefs in the period just before the beginning of the colonial era in India and shows the extent to which populist beliefs and practices fertilize with Brahminical ritual to produce what we know today as Hinduism. We also learn a great deal about the iconography of populist deities and about the nature of their temples.”13Also evident 10 Ibid, p. xixv. 11 Quoted by W. Germann, Ziegenbalg und Plutschau. Die Grundungsjahre der Thmquebarschen Mission. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Pietismus nach handschriftlichen Quellen und dltesten Drucken. Two Volumes, Erlangen: Andreas Deichert, p. xv. 12 See Singh, The First Protestant Missionary, p. 112. 13 Ibid, p. 117f.

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from both books is Hinduism’s powerful ability to create myths. “Even as he seeks to reveal Hinduism as superstitious, the mytho-poetic power of Hinduism and its celebration of the variety of life assert their sway on him and hold his imagination in thrall.”14 For nearly a century Ziegenbalg’s Genealogy served as a text book on Hinduism for theological students, and it is fair to say that modem studies on the Hindu gods and goddesses as well as the fundamental beliefs cannot easily beat it, though they bear additional information and differing nuances. Further, there are two notable works which represent eighteenth century Indian voices in the recordings of Ziegenbalg. One is An Account o f the Religion, Manners, and Learnings o f the People in Malabar in the East-lndies, In Several Letters written by some o f the most learned Men in that Country to the Danish Missionaries (1717). This was the result of a creative field study he had launched. He gave letters in the form of a questionnaire to Hindus, asking them to respond about their beliefs and practices. First he received fifty-eight letters, then forty-six and he sent them to Halle with German translations. At first Franke refused to publish them, but due to pressure from the Danish Crown he published fifty-five from the first batch and forty-four from the second. The fifty-five were later translated into English from the Tamil original, as An Account, which proved to be more accurate than the German translation. Understandably, the replies were not even near-unanimous, betraying the multifarious nature of the religious life of the Hindus. Some were “serious, intellectual, detached and present a highly refined and philosophical view of Hinduism”; some reflected “an eloquent account of a moral life free of ritual”; others confessed their knowledge was limited and they had to consult Brahmin teachers, or else they offered more populist versions which came close to being folklore or superstition, with the practices such as going on pilgrimages to local shrines, building temples and feeding Brahmins, while some were critical of the Brahmins. Some sounded more personal, one respondent wishing Ziegenbalg well and a happy New Year, and expressing the hope that the ship they awaited would come from Denmark with money for the missionaries. Besides, there were voices both decrying Christianity for its bad culture and admiring Christianity for its good values and principles, but without any interest to convert.15 14 Ibid, p. 119. 15 Ibid, pp. 130f.

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The other document that most remarkably reflects the continuing dialogue between Ziegenbalg and the Hindus, as well as a few Muslims, in the form of meetings and debates in various places, is ‘Thirty four Conferences between the Danish Missionaries and the Malabarian Brahmans (or Heathen Priests) in the East-Indies, Concerning the Truth of the Christian Religion (1719)’.16 These were selections from many more, including the ‘Fifty four Conferences’ published in German by Francke. They contain some fine arguments from Hindus and the exclusive position on God of Ziegenbalg, for whom Christ as the only way persisted. After giving a summary of the most interesting debates, Brijraj Singh observes: Indeed, Ziegenbalg comes through in his accounts of some of his dialogues with the Hindus and Muslims as opinionated, humourless, given to long harangues, occasionally ill mannered, and having a much more closed mind than his interlocutors.17

However, no one can underplay his honest efforts in initiating such a dialogue, although the response was far from his expectation, and this leaves an important legacy for learning not only about the method of dialogue but also the method of presenting the gospel to the Hindus. Besides, Ziegenbalg’s miscellaneous writings include the famous Tamil texts NIti Venba (Verse of Justice), Kontrai Venthan (King of Kontrai) and Ulaka NTti (World Justice). He gave “a mass of Indological facts in his letters, reports, and accounts, now available in Complete Reports of the Royal Danish Missionaries in India, and also in Remarkable News from India, and Remarkable voyage to Proclaim the Gospel... 1710.”18 Further, the discovery of Ziegenbalg’s works suggests an open-ended attitude. For example, a forgotten pamphlet of 1713, reprinted in 1729 and 1745, was found in Czechoslovakia in 1965 and was sent to Gensichen. Its title was Abominable Heathenism, and it was the very first product of the Tamil Press at Tranquebar.19 16 For a discussion on sources, classification and publication, see H. Grafe, “Hindu Apologetics at the Beginning o f the Protestant Mission Era in India”, Indian Church History Review, Vol. VI, No. 1, 1972, pp. 45ff. 17 Ibid, p. 143. 18 Amo Lehmann, It Began at Tranquebar: The Story o f the Tranquebar Mission and the Beginnings o f Protestant Christianity in India, translated from German by M.J. Lutz, Madras: CLS on behalf of the Evangelical Lutheran Churches in India, 1956, p. 28. 19 See H.W.Gensichen, “ "Abominable H eathenism ': A rediscovered Tract by Bartholomaeus Ziegenbalg”, Indian Church History Review, \bl. I, No. 1,1967, pp. 29-40.

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The content reflects Ziegenbalg’s early attitude towards the Hindus in relation to whom his task was three-fold: ‘to convince them with good arguments that they are stuck in their heathenish blindness; to deprive them of their prejudices and objections against Christianity; and to set forth from the Word of God the right order of salvation’.20There are clues to his admittance of ‘general truths’ perceived by the Hindus, but he saw the true nature of their religion as ignorance, which had its origin in a ‘satanic seduction’ and therefore was abominable. Constructing a systematic treatise on Ziegenbalg’s study of Hindu beliefs and practices, and his encounter with Hindus, is still the dream of a few scholars. However, there have been some remarkable studies using materials old and new, original and in translation. Gleaning from these studies, I make in this essay an attempt to present the most important aspects of Ziegenbalg’s encounter with the Hindus. This I do using the four perspectives of interfaith dialogue, which I identified and applied to understanding the dynamics of the Hindu religious traditions and HinduChristian dialogue.21 The four perspectives are socio-political, cultural, theological and missiological.

On the Socio-Political Plane The initial harassment that Ziegenbalg experienced from the hands of the Captain of his ship and the Danish authorities in Tranquebar suggests a correction in the popular notion in the circles of mission studies and non-Christian critics that the missionaries were agents of the expansion of colonial rule and commercial enterprise. Our concern here is not to elaborate on this but to point out an interesting alliance that emerged between the missionaries and the local people of other faiths. For example, at the height of the harassment and persecution from the local Danish authorities unleashed on him and his colleague Heinrich Plutschau, Ziegenbalg, in his letter to his Berlin friends, mentioned the following: Certain it is, if they use force against us, there would arise a rebellion among non-Christians as well as Christians since everyone is aware of our innocence and all the non-Christians are extremely angry that we are treated so shamefully while we seek nothing other than the glory of God and the welfare not only of the non-Christians but also of the Christians. Although the leaders prosecute us greatly, on the other hand 20 Quoted in Ibid, p. 37. J1 See I. Selvanayagam, The Dynamics o f Hindu Religious Traditions: Teape Lectures on Sacrifice, Gita and Dialogue, Bangalore: Asian Trading Corporation, 1996, pp. 104- 144.

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the common folk love us and refuse to be ruled against their conscience, that they should remain away from our services and prayer meetings because of angry threats. At the same time the non-Christians show us much love and they have often consoled us because of the loss of our money, saying that because it was chanty money, it was impossible that it should remain lost, though much time might lapse.22

There are other examples of the kindness and love he enjoyed from many Hindus and Muslims. There were instances of his rude behaviour in transgressing prohibitions and facing conspiracy of attack, but he was saved by some Hindus and his servants.23The reason was that they ignored his rudeness and outspokenness and held him in high regard. This would illustrate the typical characteristics of Hindu tolerance of people of other lands and other faiths in social life, while remaining unshakeable in their own religious adherence. This fact is being highlighted by moderate Hindu scholars in the context of growing intolerance and hostility perpetrated by a section of Hindus today. A Clash of Cultures We have already mentioned how Ziegenbalg’s Tamil studies changed his view on Tamil Hindu culture. As Brijraj Singh observes: he had a genuine regard for the virtuous living and other admirable qualities of the Hindus. His writings are full of laudatory references to the high attainments of Hindus in various fields, and he was indefatigable in trying to make his European readers understand that Hindu culture and Civilization were highly complex and evolved. In Thirty Four Conferences he complimented the Tamils because ‘God ha(d) liberally bless’d...(them) with Strength of Thought and Readiness of apprehending the various Aspects and mutual Relations of all Sublunary Things’... he praised the Hindus’ skill in debate and argument, saying that conversing with them had ‘led me to a deeper consideration o f many subjects, and.. .both in theology and in philosophy I have learned much of which neither I nor other students had thought before’.24

This realization was significant for his theological estimate of the Tamil culture, as we will explain later. 22 Quoted, Erich Beyreuther, Bartholomaeus Ziegenbalg, Madras: CLS - Federal Evangelical Lutheran Churches in India, 19SS, p. 36. a For two stories, see Brijraj Singh, “Ziegenbalg, Hindus and Hinduism”, Indian Church History Review, Vol. XXXI, N o.l, 1997, p. 29. 24 Brijraj Singh, The First Protestant Missionary, pp. 122f.

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Ziegenbalg’s understanding of the word ‘heathen’was changing. He distinguished ‘heathens’, the largest group on the earth, from Jews, Christians and Muslims. “Among all these four great world-religions”, he writes, “the Devil has at all times proven himself busy in that he wants to bring the souls of man (sic.) in confusion and seduce them to eternal damnation...they have nevertheless divided themselves into many different sects. For different gods are worshipped by the African heathens, others by the American heathens, and yet others by the East Indian heathen, (they) are also very much different from one another in their teachings.”25 Further, he observes that the Malabarian heathens are the largest of the East Indian heathens and within them, spread from the north of India to Ceylon (today’s Sri Lanka), there are different traditions and languages. Though he thought that ‘heathen’ was the most appropriate word for Hindus, and insisted on using it all the time, the Hindus who heard him could not identify themselves with this term because there is no concept of heathenism within Hindu or in Tamil traditions. In Genealogy and elsewhere he talks often of ‘learned heathen’, ‘intelligent heathens’ and ‘noble heathens’, indicating that by now the word has become a value-free adjective for him. Orthodox Hindus themselves regard as degraded or heathen-like those who do not follow the prescribed rules of worship and social life, particularly those of the lower caste and outcaste communities and Jaina and Buddhist mendicants. Introduced by the missionaries, some Hindus, however, also started using the word ‘heathen’. Thus one correspondent writes: If one does not love God, nor believe in him, nor go into the Pagodas and to the sacred water; but rather nourishes a sinful mind and heart, and leads a life which is against both heaven and also the earth and contrary to them; likewise, if one goes after whores, is abandoned to gambling, exerts oneself to steal, drinks too much, speaks falsely, takes people for fools and tempts them, mixes together with devils, regards others without any compassion and pity, and is abandoned to other similar sins: all this can be called Heathenism, according to our Malabarian way of thinking.26

25 Quoted and translated, Will Sweetman, Mapping Hinduism: ‘Hinduism'and the Study o f Indian Religions, 1600-1776, Halle: Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen zu Halle, 2000, pp. 109f. 26 Quoted in Ibid, p. 118.

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Aware of this newer definition, Ziegenbalg would not have called all the Malabarian ‘heathen* though he had no other word to define those who worshipped idols and many gods, thus living in ignorance. Brijraj Singh is of the opinion that, “In a country and a culture full of racial, religious and caste classifications and categorizations, Ziegenbalg’s heathen became just another term for classifying people, not necessarily judging them.”27 Perhaps it is more reasonable to say that his definition of ‘heathen’ changed considerably in due course. To the embarrassment of the first Protestant missionary, some of his correspondents openly pointed out how low the moral life of European Christians was, as evident in their behaviour. For example, one wrote: “As for the Law of the Christians abstractly considered in itself (i.e. Christian doctrine and commandments?) ‘tis a holy law, but it is not accompanied with Good Works, like unto ours.” Another mentioned as the common opinion of the people of his country about the Christian religion: “That your Law is very just and very good, but your lives very bad; and that therefore men should have nothing to do with you, or with your religion.” And a third, writing in more detail, said that the judgment of the lives of the Christians would have to be negative, “since Christians have little justice or chastity, take bribes, seldom give alms, are drunk, kill living creatures and eat them, are not clean, despise other men, and are covetous, proud and angry.”28One correspondent gave the following answer to the question why he and his community despised Christianity: “because Christians slaughter cows and eat them, because they do not wash after easing themselves, because they drink strong drinks, because they do not do many works, when someone has died, in order to help the soul of the deceased to reach the place of bliss, because they do not do many works of joy at weddings.”29Compared to the rich cultural activities

21 Brijraj Singh, “Ziegenbalg, Hindus, and Hinduism”, p. 39. 2* Quoted in Ibid, p. 43. 29 Quoted in H.Grafe, “Hindu Apologetics”, p. 51; “Ziegenbalg is prepared to condemn only the misuse o f strong drinks. He himself received wine and beer from Europe for health reasons, and it seems that he had no intention to abstain from these drinks for the sake of identification with the Hindus, that is for the sake o f removing this impediment in the way of the Hindus”, ibid, p. 52; a footnote of Ziegenbalg explains about dancing in reference to dancing girls in the temples and social dancing among the Europeans: “European dancing is not customary among them at all. When they see men and women dance together, it does not make any sense to them - in the same way as idol worship does not make sense to us - and they regard dancing among the two sexes as unchaste”, p. 55.

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connected with the daily life and rites of passage, to this correspondent, the European culture looked very bland and colourless. This reflects an interesting turning of tables, although one should be careful about generalization on both sides. And also at that time difference in cultural behaviour like eating, drinking and socializing was not appreciated, nor commonly evaluated. From his elderly Tamil tutor to a variety of people who came into contact with him, Ziegenbalg learnt a great deal of the cultural life of the local people. He was impressed by their wit and understanding, wisdom and discretion, analogy and coherence, their ‘Very quiet, honest and virtuous Life, by the mere Influence of their natural Abilities; infinitely outdoing our false Christians, and superficial Pretenders to a better sort of Religion.”30 His agony about certain aspects of the European culture as obstructing a positive response to the Christian message will be dealt with later. A Theological Dialogue One repeated question Ziegenbalg asked in his debates and correspondence with the Hindus was about their understanding of the Supreme Being. In spite of a certain amount of openness and eagerness to know their views, in his reasoning, he could not understand and appreciate their belief in a multiplicity of gods and the practice of idolworship. What he could not empathise with was their understanding of the ‘Christian God’ as so stringent in providing only one way and only one understanding of the way. However, he acknowledged that some of their arguments led him to a deeper consideration of issues in theology, which neither he nor other students of religion from Europe had thought about before. It is important to recognize that Ziegenbalg’s study of God, gods and goddesses in Hinduism is very comprehensive and, to a great extent, objective also. Apparently he was very careful not to allow any of his theological prejudices to affect his study. This is evident in the original section of the Genealogy in which he has clearly ordered the material, starting from the idea of Supreme Being and moving on to discuss the ‘double-being’ of Siva and Sakti, the Indian Triad constituted by ISvara, Vishgu and Brahma and their consorts, incarnations or family associations. M See D. Dennis Hudson, Protestant Origins in India: Tamil Evangelical Christians, 1706-1835, Cambridge/Surrey: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 2000, pp. 14f.

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The final two major sections deal with the village deities, malignant beings and the secondary gods, including guardians, sages and celestial attendants. Thus he has brought together philosophical ideas about the Supreme Being, images of this Being in the devotional traditions and the diverse cult-figures of so-called popular Hinduism. It is striking for any reader today that Ziegenbalg was not adopting a 'methodological agnosticism’ as many scholars of religion would want, but a dialogical encounter raising questions on behalf of Christians and providing answers on behalf of Hindus. For example, in his ‘Introduction’ to Genealogy he states: “you tell the Hindu that it is foolish to think that God is like a material image and his answer is that there is nothing wrong in seeing the God of everywhere in an image; you try to show him that there is a difference between being everywhere and being everything and he asserts that all is divine or part of God or God himself. You point out that Hindus differ in attaching supremacy to a particular deity and his reply is that the supreme Being is One and it does not matter whether It or He is called &iva, Vishnu, Parabaravastu or Parabrahma; all these are only different names of one and the same being.”31 The dialogue is then stretched to the affirmation of God’s unique revelation of love in Jesus, but the dialogical style of the introduction is not continued in the main body. Ziegenbalg could not overtly deny certain ways of theological exposition given by Hindus. One of his correspondents, for instance, wrote: “The supreme Being has a form and yet has no form, he can be likened to nothing; we can’t define him, or say he is this or that; he is neither man nor woman, neither heaven nor earth, and yet he is all.. .he is almighty and Omnipresent, without beginning and without end.”32 At the same time it is not difficult to decipher full consciousness of his Christian position hidden in the way he treats subjects like God. The clearest case is his description of the infinite qualities of the Supreme Being with reference to various scriptures, including the Thirukkural of Thiruvalluvar, which is not strictly religious. Ziegenbalg concludes the discussion on the Supreme Being with the following words: “From all this it is sufficiently evident what these heathens believe of God, the supreme Being, and how much further they have come in his knowledge, by the light of nature, than the heathens of Rome. But the light of nature 31 Ziegenbalg, Genealogy, p. 12. 32 Quoted in Brijraj Singh, “Ziegenbalg, Hindus, and Hinduism", p. 35.

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has been quite obscured by their ancient poets and Brahmins, who have written many fabulous stories, and introduced a confused idol-worship, out of which they cannot easily extricate themselves, though they feel much opposition to it in their consciences, and can speak very reasonably of the Supreme Being.”33 Probably, by ‘heathens of Rome’he means Roman Catholicism, “for on a number of other occasions he was to make derogatory comments about Roman Catholicism vis-a-vis Hinduism. Thus in two letters...he denigrated Papist ceremonies and beliefs as being no better than those of the Hindus.”34 Elsewhere, instead of “poets and Brahmins”, he wrote that “the devil has done his best in extinguishing the light of nature.” Of course this language of his original vision and the later distortion was not peculiar to a missionary like Ziegenbalg, but also to many Hindu reformers and revivalists, including Swami Dayananda Sarasvati (1824 - 1883), the founder of the neo-orthodox Arya Samaj, who called for a move back to the Vedas, particularly those early parts which represent the pristine glory of the Vedic tradition before distortions like idol-worship and fabulous legends crept in. Some Hindu correspondents tried to respond to Ziegenbalg’s charges of contradictions within plurality, such as the dispute for supremacy between Siva and Vishnu, in terms of divine sports. This was somewhat like the answer to the question whether originally sin was part of creation or whether it came later due to the failure of the first human. One correspondent explains it in terms of his understanding of Hindu psychology and anthropology - since instincts like anger and patience are connected with the five human senses, they must have existed from the beginning; and human beings were created with sin. The character of one’s present life is conditioned by the acts in the previous birth, thus justifying the doctrine of karma and rebirth, but no one said when and how evil karma entered human life.35 Though the words “ordained and decided in the womb of one’s mother” and this “cannot be fathomed” was used in one answer, another answer said: God has created heaven and hell, salvation and condem nation, in order that he m ight be known and recognized. Therefore he has given to every man the five senses and the reason to live according to his will. But to him who does not recognize G od and does not live according to

” Ziegenbalg, Genealogy, p. 22. 34 Brijraj Singh, “Ziegenbalg, Hindus, and Hinduism”, p. 35. 55 For details of the discussion, see Grafe “Hindu Apologetics”, p. 62.

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his commandments, hell has been ordained. This is the actual meaning of ‘God’s play’.34

In tackling a puzzling doctrine of Original Sin within the framework of creation-fall-salvation, understandably the Hindu voices could not go further, and Ziegenbalg was not willing to reformulate the framework so that a more creative discussion could be initiated. Further, when the missionary identified idolatry, fornication, fraud, quarrel, witchcraft and laziness as the cardinal sins among the Tamils, the first one was refuted, while the others were said to be common among all nations. Equally, they pointed out the common ground of theology in the positive sense, as was evident in Hindus wishing the missionary “not only God’s grace and love, but also the necessary eloquence and power to teach all the holy doctrine.”37 This affirmation of a positive common ground and common refutation of unsympathetic attacks continue as the typical Hindu position even today, though not many personal encounters of the above kind have taken place since the time of Ziegenbalg. The ridicule of Hindu beliefs and practices by Ziegenbalg evoked a harsh response. For example, after referring to the low moral quality of the Europeans, one writer went to the extent of stating, “Indeed our Brahmins say that the white people are descended from the giants, that they do not know the difference between good and evil, but sin continuously. Anyone who has read and understood their law thinks good of their religion, though it seems to be not very reasonable that they believe in a God who was tortured and put to death by his own people.”38Similar observations were made by other partners in dialogue, on the issue of eating the flesh of Jesus and drinking his blood by Christians in a literal sense. As Hindus have continued to argue, if the symbolic value of idol-worship is positively recognized, there can also be recognition of the symbolic value of eating the flesh of Christ and drinking his blood in the Holy Communion. For according to one interpretation, the Supreme Being, omnipresent, out of his grace for his devotees, condescends himself to reside in an image, although life is to be infused into this image by proper rituals and sacred utterances.

*6 Quoted in Johannas Ferdinand, Ibid, p. 63. 57 Ibid, p. 64. 38 Quoted in J.Ferd. Fenger, History ofthe Tranquebar Mission: Worked outfrom the Original Papers, Madras: M.E. Press, 1906, p. 18.

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Mission Perspective Ziegenbalg desired the mass conversion of the whole of India and used many methods for proclaiming the gospel, the most prominent of which were direct preaching, personal encounter, letter correspondence and distribution of tracts. At times he lacked sensitivity to the feelings of Hindus, although they proved to be more tolerant. For instance, once during a walk in the country, he and his colleague PIQtschau, seeing idols in a shrine, broke down some and struck the heads off others. It is remarkable that this act did not evoke an angry reaction. Instead, one scholar-teacher, restraining his agitation, told them that the pottery figures they had destroyed were of the guardians of the gods, not of the gods themselves. “Nevertheless, the missionaries persisted in arguing the foolishness of such images.” In the conversation that continued, the scholar-teacher explained that those images destroyed by the missionaries were merely symbols pointing the “meaner and duller sort of people beyond themselves to Siva, the Supreme Reality.” From the later accounts of Ziegenbalg, that particular temple was known to be that of Ankalamman, one form of the Sacred Power, and a consort of Siva. It stood in the Danish colony, and “the missionaries may have felt free to act that way because of their presumed safety as members of Tranquebar’s ruling caste”, as thought by the local people. In any case, if they had dared to enter the temple and destroy the main deity, the reaction would very likely have been different.39 When Ziegenbalg’s study of Hindu literature changed his opinion about the faith of the Hindus, and when he was heavily engaged in literary work, there was suspicion among his colleagues about his single-minded devotion to evangelism. For example, “In 1711 Johann George Bdvingh, Ziegenbalg’s third colleague, had returned to Germany after a short period of fruitless work and brought forward several accusations against Ziegenbalg, one being ‘that especially Mr Ziegenbalg speaks too little of the most beloved Saviour and of faith in him, and does not stick to the example of the sound Word, but talks in a suspicious way about works and other articles’.”40 It is reasonable to say that this accusation was by someone who did not ‘dare to know in order to understand’ and be open as was Ziegenbalg. Writing to the British King George I on 24 May 1718, less than a year before his death, Ziegenbalg said: 39 For full details, Hudson, Protestant Origins in India, pp. 17ff. *" Quoted in Gensichen, “Abominable Heathenism”, p. 37.

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When we missionaries preach God’s Word there are various reactions. Some, indeed, but particularly their Brahmins or Priests, gainsay and scoff. Others come to a sense of the Abomination of their Idolatry, and leave off worshipping idols; Others are brought to better Principles, and show in their Discourse and Writings, that they got a greater Light than their Forefathers; Others indeed give full Assent to all the truth of Christianity, but out of worldly considerations, waive Baptism and the Name of Christians and others subduing their Reason to the obedience of Faith, resolutely profess Christianity.41 Ziegenbalg did not rush to baptize the converts but carefully prepared them for that final act through a process of free consideration. While some might think that winning only 250 converts was not enough to say that his mission was a success, his approach in this matter should be appreciated. When the approach to Hindus was not with a sense of ‘justice, courtesy and love’ as advocated by a missionary who worked in South India later,42the reaction was strong and challenging. For instance, one of Ziegenbalg’s Hindu correspondents charged him with wanting to destroy their religion by distorting the nature and message of their scriptures, and denouncing their belief in a multiplicity of gods and practices like wearing cowdung ashes, carrying talismans, worshipping cows, going on pilgrimages and performing rituals. Further, while acknowledging certain shortcomings of his tradition and co-believers, this Hindu struck a note typical of the Hindu approach to religious pluralism. Accordingly: (E)very nation has its own manners and fashions which to another nation seem ridiculous; and so ‘tis with our religion. God is manifold and various in His creatures, and in all His works, and ‘tis His will and pleasure to be diversely worshipped by diverse nations...we are all God’s creatures, have the same way of entering into, and the same exit out of this world. So far God exercises His mercy on us, so far we are happy; and as He is pleased to govern us, so we must obey Him, and can do neither more nor less than what He has destined and decreed for us.43 These words not only echo the poignant and reasoned affirmation of a Hindu but also, to a great extent, are reminiscent of the preamble of 41 Quoted in Brijraj Singh, The First Protestant Missionary, p. 131. 42 See the approach o f Thomas Ebenezer Slater (1840-1912) in Kenneth Cracknell, Justice, Courtesy and Love: Theologians and M issionaries Encountering World Religions, 1846-1914, London: Epworth Press, 1995, pp. 108ff. 43 Quoted in Brijraj Singh, The First Protestant Missionary, p. 134.

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the Apostolic preaching as evident in the New Testament (Acts 10, 34f; 14, 15-17; 17, 24-28). Instead of affirming this with them, by openly ridiculing everything the Hindus believed and practiced, Ziegenbalg received different responses, ranging from an outright rejection of the Christian claims, to justifying their remaining in the religion of their forebears in identification with their communities. The colonial atmosphere was the worst possible context for Indian people to develop an appreciation and understanding of the Christian message, with the domination and subordination of the Indian people and the inferiorisation of Indian culture. The lives of the Christians who the Indian people encountered appeared to be far from exemplary. Ziegenbalg openly acknowledged this. Once he reported: “The name of Christ has become so hated and despised among them because of the offensive and shameful life of the Christians that they think a worse people could not be found in the whole world than the Christians. Therefore they will neither eat nor drink with any Christian nor permit such in their house.”44 At the same time it became clear that the missionaries were different from the colonists, and for that reason, they were received with all kindness, respect and love. Yet this did not help bring about a mass conversion as expected. Concluding Remarks On the whole, Ziegenbalg, in his encounter with the Hindus, proved to be both a man of his time and ahead of it. His study and writings on devotional and popular Hindu traditions have lasting value if carefully separated from the value judgments. However, his understanding of Hindu theology and philosophy was limited. There is no evidence that he was familiar with anything like the entire corpus of Vedic literature, their classifications and contents, with Upanishadic thought, Orthodox systems of philosophy and the Vedantic schools. Knowledge of these traditions would have helped him to understand the dynamic and dialogical nature of the development of Hindu thought. He knew the Ramayana but obviously the Bhagavad Gita was not popular in his time. Further, apparently most of Ziegenbalg’s correspondents were Brahmins and other high caste nonBrahmins such as the Velalas, and although many of his converts came from the ‘untouchable’ community, we have no evidence that their view of Christianity was different from the above. Mass conversion in response 44 Quoted in, Hudson, “Protestant Origins in India*1, p. 22.

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to liberation was not the case, as in the later phases of the missionary movement in southern India. The uneasy relationship between the earliest Protestant missionaries and the colonists needs greater recognition in the history of Christian mission. This would balance the often generalized view that the missionary movement was part of the colonial expansion and commercial interest. Equally important to note is that the non-Christians were more kind and helpful to the missionaries than were the colonial authorities. Their religious position did not impede their attitude to the strangers, and Hindus in general deserve great credit in this matter. The complex issue of the appreciation of a new culture and conflicting views about civilization and morality was evident in Ziegenbalg’s encounter with Hindus. Perhaps the European prejudice about the native culture was the starting point of the problem of misunderstanding. Certainly, the colonists’ treatment of the locals as ‘just black dogs’ with ‘proud and insulting temper’, as Ziegenbalg observed, created a hostile atmosphere. No European would have expected that they too would be viewed by the natives as barbaric because of their wild lifestyle and insensitive behaviour. It was a turning of the tables for those who thought and continued to think that European culture alone represented civilization. Ziegenbalg was caught up in the middle of conflicting perceptions, which adversely affected his spreading of the gospel, but he was not in a position to initiate a critical yet open evaluation of culture. He realized that the Tamils had been blessed with many resources, including a discerning mind, ancient literature and native medicines. But his obsession with the liturgy and doctrines he knew prevented him from experimenting in indigenous liturgies, including thanksgiving for this heritage. Those Christians who continue to live with a ‘colonised psyche’ are not able to appreciate their own cultural tradition, nor are they able to evaluate culture on the whole, both eastern and western, in the light of the gospel. The western image of the Church in India not only represents religious slavery, but also alienates itself from the renaissance the cultures have undergone. Ziegenbalg, after his encounter with the Hindus, appreciated some aspects of Hindu theology. But he was not able to go beyond seeing them as the outcome of reason and a natural light that was distorted by the devil or by Brahmin poets. Like many outsiders even today, he was bewildered by the variety and plurality of traditions, beliefs and practices.

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He could not appreciate the belief in many gods and the practice of idol worship. Conversely, the Hindus of his time were not able to appreciate the Christian message, which he had brought in the form of doctrinal capsules manufactured in Europe. Moreover, his claim o f‘one Truth and one Religion’ was upset by the Hindu response of ‘one Truth and many religions’. The outcome was a lack of openness to create a better selfunderstanding and understanding of others, which has continued today. Finally, what is most fascinating and of lasting value is Ziegenbalg’s method of encounter with Hindus. He was accessible to everyone and eager to engage in dialogue. His commitment to truth motivated him to understand the truth of others. He initiated meetings and correspondence, which proved to be enriching and - to some extent - transforming too. Of course he was a European missionary held in high regard by the people in general, and therefore people at that time responded enthusiastically. This may not happen in every context, because of the differing attitude of Indians and others towards Europeans and Americans in relation to people of their own country and culture. This is very obvious in Christian initiatives in interfaith dialogue. But there is no alternative to a dialogical approach to one’s own religious life as well as to that of others, and Ziegenbalg’s pioneering attempts will be a constant reminder for generations to come of the need to learn, evaluate and move on in making sense of mission and church life in multi-faith contexts such as India.

THE PREHISTORY OF ORIENTALISM: COLONIALISM AND THE TEXTUAL BASIS FOR BARTHOLOMAUS ZIEGENBALG’S ACCOUNT OF HINDUISM1 Will Sweetman In the last years of the twentieth century, few topics were more widely discussed among scholars of Hinduism than the early history of their subject, and in particular the role of colonialism in motivating and shaping the study of Hinduism, or indeed in constituting the very object of that study. In 1988 the English translation of Wilhelm Halbfass’s magisterial Indien und Europa appeared, having first been published in German in 1981. The following year saw the publication of Hinduism Reconsidered, an edited collection of papers, mostly arising from the IXth European Conference on Modem Asian Studies in Heidelberg in 1986. The 1990s began with the publication of Ronald Inden’s Imagining India, and closed with Richard King's Orientalism and Religion. In between appeared two further important edited collections, Orientalism and the Postcolonial Predicament, edited by Carol Breckenridge and Peter van der Veer, and Representing Hinduism, edited by Vasudha Dalmia and Heinrich von Stietencron, as well as S.N. Balagangadhara’s The Heathen in his Blindness..., Thomas Trautmann’s Aryans and British India, an expanded second edition of Hinduism Reconsidered and numerous other articles addressing the topic. While there is, of course, much disagreement concerning the nature and significance of the continuing effect on the study of Hinduism of the colonial context in which much of it was carried out, it is nevertheless possible to identify some areas in which there is substantial, 1 This paper first appeared in the New Zealand Journal ofAsian Studies. I am grateful to the editor, Brian Moloughney, for permission to reprint it here. Research for this paper was carried out during tenure of an Alexander von Humboldt Foundation Research Fellowship at the Franckeschen Stiftungen, Halle, and Martin-Luther-Universitflt, HalleWittenberg.

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if not universal, agreement that colonialism influenced the study of Hinduism even if, again, the degree of such influence is debated. The first such area is the concern of early European Orientalists, many of them shaped by a Protestant culture, to establish a textual basis for Hinduism. Many of the first direct translations from Sanskrit to modem European languages were published by those connected with the British East India Company’s establishment in Bengal. Among these are Charles Wilkins’ translation of the Bhagavad-GTta (1785), William Jones’ translations of the GItagovinda, the Isa Upanicad, some works of Kalidasa and, most pertinently for Jones’s role as a judge, his translation of the Manusmrti under the title Institutes o f Hindu Law: or, the Ordinances o f Manu (1794). While philological scholarship on Hinduism quickly transcended its origins in British Orientalism in Bengal, the Company continued, directly or indirectly, to support the publication of much of this scholarship, including Max Miiller’s iconic critical edition of the Rg Veda Samhita. While the concern to establish a textual basis for Hinduism is attributable in part to the classical education and Protestant formation of most of the Company’s servants, it seems clear that this was also driven by the colonial state’s preference for written rather than oral authority. Closely connected with this “textualization of Indian tradition”2was the predominance, in European constructions of Hinduism, of the perspectives of those who preserved and provided access to the texts, whose authority was both drawn upon and enhanced in this process. At some significant points the interests and the perspectives of the literate brahminic castes coincided with those of European Orientalists, perhaps most obviously in the perception of a general decline from an originally pure religion to which both the deist inclinations of several early Orientalists and the puranicyuga theory contributed. While the privileging of brahminic perspectives is by no means only a feature of the colonial era, recent scholarship has identified colonialism as a significant factor in the reinforcement of their position and the acceleration of the ‘brahminization’ of Hindu society. A third area in which European constructions of Hinduism have been seen to be influenced by colonialism is in the identification of Vedanta, more specifically Advaita Vedanta, as “the paradigmatic example of the mystical nature of the Hindu religion.”3Richard King 2 Richard King, Orientalism and Religion: postcolonial theory. India and 'the mystic east’, London: Routledge, 1999, p. 101. 5 Ibid, p. 128.

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reports the argument of Niranjan Dhar that the reason for the choice of Vedanta as the “central philosophy of the Hindus” is to be found in fears of the spread of French influence in British India, and hopes that the supposed quietist and conservative nature of Vedantic thought would prevent the development of revolutionary sentiment in the newlyestablished College of Fort William. While King points to a range of other factors in Vedanta’s appeal—the predominance of idealism in nineteenth century European philosophy, the amenability of Vedantic thought to both Christian and Hindu critics of ‘idolatry’ in other forms of Hinduism—and argues that “[i]t seems more appropriate... to point to a confluence o f interests which allowed the ‘discovery’ of Vedanta to come to the fore and remain largely uncontested until well into the twentieth century,” he concludes: “It would be preposterous to suggest that the pioneering work of British Orientalists such as Colebrooke and Wilkins remained unaffected by British fears about the wider impact of the French Revolution at home and abroad.”4Inden argues that both the choice of Advaita Vedanta and the construction of it as an “illusionist pantheism” reinforced other stereotypes of colonial discourse which repesented “a Hindu mysticism indifferent to ethics and life-negating,” the product of “a feminine imagination.”5 The influence of colonialism upon European constructions of caste has been widely discussed, perhaps most influentially by Nicholas Dirks in a series of articles published from the late 1980s, and his 2001 book, Castes o f Mind.6 Dirks goes beyond other writers7 who have examined changes in caste during the colonial period, to argue that “Paradoxically, colonialism seems to have created much of what is now accepted as Indian ‘tradition’, including an autonomous caste structure with the Brahmin clearly and unambiguously at the head.”8 Caste, writes Dirks, 4 Ibid, p. 132. 5 Ronald Inden, Imagining India, Oxford: Blackwell, 1990, p. 10S. See also Parimal Patil, “The Colonization of Religious Reasoning In South Asia” (Paper presented at the 55th Annual Meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, New York, 27-30 March 2003). 6 Nicholas B. Dirks, “The invention of caste: civil society in colonial India”, Social Analysis, Vol. 25,1989, pp. 42-52; Nicholas B. Dirks, “The original caste: power, history and hierarchy in South India”, Contributions to Indian Sociology, Vol. 23, No.l, 1989, pp. 59-77; Nicholas B. Dirks, “Castes of Mind”, Representations, Vol. 37,1992, pp. 5678; Nicholas B. Dirks, Castes o f Mind: Colonialism and the Making o f Modern India, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001. 7For example, Susan Bayly, Caste, Society and Politics in Indiafrom the Eighteenth Century to the Modem Age, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. * Dirks, “Castes of Mind”, p. 61; see also Dirks, “The original caste”, p. 63.

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“was refigured as a religious system, organizing society in a context where politics and religion had never before been distinct domains of social action. The religious confinement of caste enabled colonial procedures of rule through the characterization of India as essentially about spiritual harmony and liberation; when the state had existed in India, it was despotic and epiphenomenal, extractive but fundamentally irrelevant."9 The colonial diagnosis of India as a place where, in Dumont’s terms, the religious ‘encompassed’ the political, has for Dirks the character of a self-fulfilling prophecy, because it was precisely the conditions of colonialism that produced “traditional”, i.e. caste, society by removing genuine political power from Indian states and thus exaggerating the importance of other signs of status, such as ritual honours.10When disputes over ritual honours turned violent, they became a sign of India’s essential religiosity and backwardness, and of the necessity for the benevolent, paternalistic rule by a more ‘advanced’nation, with better developed forms of civil society. Extending Cohn’s analysis of the function of ceremonial display in the indirectly ruled princely states," Dirks argues that the construction of caste as the centrepiece of Indian society enabled what he takes to be the “very particular form of indirect rule” which characterized the British Raj even in areas under direct rule: “Because of caste, and the colonial ethnology that constructed it as the centerpiece of Indian society, the British could rule all of India indirectly, as it were.”12 This transformation of caste depended upon a denial of its political salience, and an insistence upon its essentially religious character. For Dirks then, necessarily, “caste was configured as an encompassing Indian social system in direct relationship to the constitution of ‘Hinduism’ as a systematic, confessional, all-embracing religious identity.”13This brings us to perhaps the most radical of all the claimed impacts of western scholarship upon Hinduism. Gauri Viswanathan writes: One o f the most striking advances in modem scholarship is the view that there is no such thing as an unbroken tradition of Hinduism, 9 Nicholas B. Dirks, The Hollow Crown, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1993, p. xxvii. 10See also Dirks, Castes o f Mind, p. 80; Dirks, “The original caste”, p. 63. 11 Bernard S. Cohn, “Representing authority in Victorian India”, in Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, eds., The Invention o f Tradition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983, pp. 165-209. 12 Dirks, Castes o f Mind, p. 80. 13 Ibid, p. 7.

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only a set o f discrete traditions and practices reorganized into a larger entity called “Hinduism”. If there is any disagreement at all in this scholarship, it centers on whether Hinduism is exclusively a construct o f western scholars studying India or o f anticolonial Hindus looking toward the systematization o f disparate practices as a means o f recovering a precolonial, national identity.14

The recognition that Hinduism, understood as “a systematic, confessional, all-embracing religious entity” was constituted, at least in part, by the scholarship that took it as an object of knowledge, is part of a wider rethinking of the taxonomy of religions which emerged in the early modem period.15The emphasis of many studies in which this argument has been elaborated has been on the construction of Hinduism in the image of Christianity.16Among those who have attended to the role of colonialism in the construction of Hinduism we may distinguish between those who examine the emergence of Hinduism primarily in works of European scholarship, and those who examine the institutionalization of Hinduism in India as the result of acts of policy of the colonial state. Following Frykenberg, we might label these “the ideological and the institutional reification o f‘Hinduism’.”17The distinction is not to be overplayed; many of those producing scholarly works on Hinduism were also significant agents in the political processes associated with the Company, and it is arguable that the same presuppositions drove developments in both spheres. Nevertheless, the distinction is important, not least because the latter process was necessarily constrained by interaction with Indians to a much greater degree than was the former.

14Gauri Viswanathan, “Colonialism and the Construction of Hinduism”, in Gavin A. Flood, ed., The Blackwell Companion to Hinduism, Oxford: Blackwell, 2003, p. 26. 15 Wilfred Cantwell Smith’s 1962 work, The Meaning and End o f Religion, was seminal in this regard. 16 S.N. Balagangadhara, ‘The Heathen in his blindness...A sia, the West and the dynamic o f religion, Leiden: E.J. Brill; 1994; Timothy Fitzgerald, “A critique of ‘religion’ as a cross-cultural category”, Method and Theory in the Study o f Religion, Vol. 9, No.2, 1997, pp. 91-110; Heinrich von Stietencron, “Voraussetzungen westlicher Hinduismusforschung und ihre Folgen,” in Eberhard Mailer, ed., “...aus deranmuthigen Gelehrsamkeit”, Tubingen: Attempto, 1988, pp. 123-53. 17 Robert Eric Frykenberg, “The Construction of Hinduism as a ‘Public’ Religion: Looking Again at the Religious Roots of Company Raj in South India,” in Keith E. Yandell and John J. Paul, eds., Religion and public culture: encounters and identities in modem South India, Richmond: Curzon, 2000, p. 3.

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With few exceptions, the scholarship to which Viswanathan refers dates the construction of Hinduism by western scholars, or by western scholars and anticolonial Hindus, to the nineteenth or, at the earliest, the late eighteenth century.18There is also a strong reliance on evidence from the nineteenth, or late eighteenth, century in many of the works whose conclusions relating to the textualization and brahminization of Hinduism, the privileging of Vedanta and the construction of caste as a religious system I have summarized above. There are some good reasons for concentrating on material from the late eighteenth century onwards: writers who wrote at length about Hinduism on the basis of a good knowledge of Indian languages are rare during what Sanjay Subrahmanyam has called “the pre-history of ‘Orientalism’.”19 Nevertheless, as Subrahmanyam argues, this “is a ‘pre-history’ that we can ill-afford to ignore, if we wish to make any argument on the long-term relationship between politics, power and European perceptions of India. For unless we can demonstrate how changes in any one of these are related to changes in any other, we cannot even begin to credibly establish any causal links, let alone assert that this or that aspect of nineteenth-century Orientalism is the result of this or that political phenomenon.”20

18 E.g. Inden, Imagining India, p. 86; King, Orientalism and Religion, p. 100; Frykenberg, “Construction of Hinduism”, p. 3. One often-cited, but misleading, piece of evidence for this is the dating by the Oxford English Dictionary of the first use of the term Hinduism’ itself to 1829. In fact, as Geoffrey Oddie has shown, the term was already in use more than four decades earlier. See Geoffrey A. Oddie, “Constructing Hinduism: The Impact of the Protestant Missionary Movement on Hindu SelfUnderstanding”, in Robert Eric Frykenberg, ed., Christians and Missionaries in India: Cross-Cultural Communication since 1500, Richmond: Curzon, 2003, pp. 156-7. See also Will Sweetman, “Unity and Plurality: Hinduism and the Religions of India in Early European Scholarship”, Religion, Vol. 31, No. 3, 2001, p. 219. 19 Sanjay Subrahmanyam, “An Eastern El-Dorado: The Tirumala-Tirupati Templecomplex in Early European Views and Ambitions, 1540-1600”, in David D. Shulman, ed., Syllables o f Sky: Studies in South Indian Civilization in Honour o f Velchuru Narayana Raof Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995, p. 381. 20 Ibid, p. 382. Sheldon Pollock has likewise criticized, as a matter of methodology, the neglect of “Pre-Orientalist ‘Orientalism',” arguing that it is not possible i4to survey the constructions of colonial domination without a detailed topography of precolonial domination” (Sheldon Pollock, “Deep Orientalism? Notes on Sanskrit and Power Beyond the Raj”, in Carol A. Breckenridge and Peter van der Veer, eds., Orientalism and the Postcolonial Predicament: Perspectives on South Asia, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993, p. 104).

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This article seeks to make a contribution to the writing of this pre­ history of Orientalism by examining, in the light of four21 of the five generalizations about later European Orientalism summarized above, the works on Hinduism of one of the few earlier Europeans to have had a good knowledge of an Indian language. The author in question is BartholomSus Ziegenbalg (1682-1719), a German Lutheran who spent thirteen years as a missionary based in the Danish enclave of Tranquebar on the coast of Tamil Nadu.22 Bartholomlus Ziegenbalg Ziegenbalg was a prolific writer, composing works in German, Tamil, Portuguese and Latin which include dictionaries, hymn books, translations both into and out of Tamil, school textbooks, catechisms, sermons, and book catalogues. Many of these works are extant, in print or manuscript; a significant number are known only from the titles and brief descriptions of them in Ziegenbalg’s other works. To this must be added his extensive correspondence, much of which was published in German, and some of which also appeared in English. It is impossible to give anything like a complete account of his works here; I want instead to give only an outline of his writings on Hinduism, and even here the thrust of my comments will be limited to suggesting, first, that the characteristic emphases of Ziegenbalg’s view of Hinduism remain remarkably consistent in all his writing on Hinduism and, second, that the essentials of that view were not suppressed but rather very widely disseminated by the spiritus rector of the mission, August Hermann Francke. Ziegenbalg’s writing on Hinduism begins within months of his arrival in India in July 1706 and comes to an end, somewhat abruptly perhaps, just before his return to Europe in October 1714. Although he continued to write during his voyage to Europe, and after returning to India in 1716, he wrote nothing substantial on Hinduism after September 21 I leave aside here the question of the ideological reification of Hinduism. I have argued elsewhere that the idea of a single, pan-Indian Hindu religion is already apparent in the writings of Jesuit missionaries in the early decades of the eighteenth century (Sweetman, “Unity and Plurality”; Will Sweetman, Mapping Hinduism: 'Hinduism 'and the study o f Indian Religions, 1600-1776, Halle: Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen zu Halle, 2003). 22For Ziegenbalg’s biography see Wilhelm Germann, Ziegenbalg und Plutschau: Die GrOndungsjahre der Trankebarschen Mission. Ein Beitragzur Geschichte des Pietismus nach handschriftlichen Quellen und dltesten Drucken, Erlangen: Verlag von Andreas Deichert, 1868.

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1714. While a number of possible reasons for this suggest themselves, none is compelling enough to be regarded as a complete explanation. Whatever the reason, the consequence is that effectively, all his writing on Hinduism is produced during a period of only eight years. Although he learned an enormous amount about Hinduism during that period, reading hundreds of Tamil texts in the process, the characteristic emphases of his view of Hinduism are already apparent in two of his earliest statements on Hinduism. The first is a letter dated 2 September 1706, just under two months after his arrival in India, and only the third of his letters known to have been written from Tranquebar. The manuscript is not extant,23 but an abbreviated version of the letter was published in 1708 in the second edition of Ziegenbalg’s early letters edited by Joachim Lange under the title Merckwiirdige Nachricht,2* and an English translation by Anton Wilhelm BOhme of this version was published in the following year, under the title Propagation o f the Gospel in the East. A much fuller version of the letter had already appeared in German in 1708 in a kind of unofficial third edition of the Merckwiirdige Nachricht edited by Christian Gustav Bergen.25 The letter is roughly twice as long in Bergen’s edition, which, together with other material included in Bergen’s edition but not available elsewhere, suggests he had access to the letters in manuscript. Already in this letter some characteristic emphases of Ziegenbalg’s view of the religion of the Indians appear. The most significant is his insistence on the essentially monotheistic character of their religion: “They have many hundred gods, but recognize only a single divine being as the origin of all gods and other things.”26Another 23 Of the letters printed in Lange and Bergen only one is extant in manuscript. 24The first edition, which appeared already in 1706, contained only one letter, written from the Cape of Good Hope. 25The second edition edited by Lange appeared in 1708. A further edition by Lange in 1709 was described as a third edition on the title page although Bergen's edition, also described as the third on the title page, had already appeared in 1708. 26“Sie haben viel hundert Gutter, erkennen aber nur ein eintziges Gflttliches Wesen ftlr den Ursprung alter Gutter und andrer Dinge” (Christian Gustav Bergen, Herm Bartholomdi Ziegenbalgs und Herrn Heinrich Pliitscho, K&n. Ddnischer Missionariorum, Brieffe, Von ihrem Beruff und Reise nach Tranqvebar, wie auch Bifihero gejuhrten Lehre und Leben unter den Heyden, Sonderlich aber Von denen uns Europaem nicht allzu bekandten Malabaren, An einige Prediger und gute Freunde in der Marck und Ober-Lausitz [i.e. PulsnitzJ geschicki, Jetzund vermehret, mit etlichen Erinnerungen, und einem Anhange unschadlicher Gedancken von neuem heraus gegeben von Christian Gustav Bergen. Die dritte Aufflage, Pima: Georg Balthasar Ludewig, 1708, p. 19); Lange's version differs only slightly, although the substitution of “einig” (unified) for “eintzig” (single, unique) is perhaps significant: "Denn sie haben viel hundert Getter; erkennen aber doch

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is his orientation toward Saivite forms of Hinduism: Ziegenbalg notes that of the three great gods which take their origin from the single divine being, it is Igvara, i.e. Siva, who most of the Malabarians take to be the greatest, and worship.27 A more detailed but still early statement of Ziegenbalg’s view of Hinduism appears in the foreword to his translation of three Tamil ethical treatises, which is dated 30 August 1708.28 In July 1710, Franz Julius Liltkens (1650-1712) wrote to Francke that the Danish King, Friedrich IV, to whom the work was dedicated, had commanded him to have it published. In November of the same year, Ltttkens wrote further that while he had not been able to have it printed in Denmark, he thought it would be very good to have it published and he would send the manuscript to Francke for publication as soon as he saw the slightest possibility to do so, adding that it should be made clear on the title page that it was published “at the most gracious command of his majesty.”29 Despite this, for reasons which are not documented,30 the translation itself was not published by Francke, but almost the whole of the foreword, amounting to almost 7,000 words and omitting only the last section (which describes the first of the translated texts), appeared with only minor nur ein einiges GOttliches Wesen ftlr den Ur-sprung aller GOtter und alter andern Dinge” (Joachim Lange, MerckwOrdige Nachricht aus Ost-Jndien Welche Zwey EvangelischLutherische Prediger Nahmentlich Herr Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg Gebilrtig von Pulsnitz in Meissen Und Herr Heinrich Plutscho Von Wesenberg in Mecklenburg So von Seiner Kdnigl. Majestat in Dennemarck undNorwegen Den 29. Novemb. 170S. aus Copenhagen nach Dero Ost-Jndischen Colonie in Trangebar gesandt: Zum Idblichen Versuch Ob nicht dasige angrentzende blinde Heyden einiger massen Zum Christenthum mOchten kdnnen angefuhret werden: Erstlich unterwegens den 30. April 1706. aus Africa von dem Vorgebirge der guten Hoffnung bey den so genanten Hottentotten. Und bald darauf atts Trangebar von der KQste Coromandel, an einige Predige undgute Freunde in Berlin Qberschrieben und von diesen zum Druck befdrdert. Die andere Auflage, Leipzig and Frankfurt am Mayn: Joh. Christoph Papen, 1708, p. II). n Bergen, Brieffe, p. 20. w Willem Caland, B. Ziegenbalg's Kleinere Schrifien, Amsterdam: Uitgave van Koninklijke Akademie, 1930, p. 26. 29 Wilhelm Germann, Ziegenbalg und Plutschau: Die GrOndungsjahre der Trankebarschen Mission. Ein Beitragzur Geschichte des Pietismus nach handschriftlichen Quellen unddltesten Drucken. Abth. II. Urkunden, Erlangen: Verlag von Andreas Deichert, 1868, pp. 72-3. M But see the reservations expressed by Christian Michaelis about the publication o f the treatises (Wilhelm Germann, Ziegenbalg und PlOtschau: Die GrOndungsjahre der Trankebarschen Mission. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Pietism us nach handschriftlichen Quellen und dltesten Drucken. Abth. /., Erlangen: Verlag von Andreas Deichert, 1868, p. 280).

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alterations in the first 'Continuation9of the Hallesche Berichte , published in 1710.31 A full English translation appeared in the same year in the Propagation o f the Gospel in the East, with a second edition in 1711, and a somewhat altered third edition in 1718. The foreword again emphasizes the monotheistic core of Hindu belief, and praises the subtlety of Hindu philosophical thought about the divine. Other characteristic emphases of Ziegenbalg’s view of Hinduism are also here, particularly his stress on the high moral standards of the Hindus, which he invariably contrasts with the degenerate lifestyle of the supposedly Christian Europeans in Tranquebar, which causes the greatest resistance to conversion on the part of the Hindus. The foreword to the translation also introduces for the first time in Ziegenbalg’s writings the idea of a genealogy [‘Geschlechts-Register’32] of the gods, which becomes the title and organizing principle of his final major work on Hinduism, the Genealogie der malabarischen Gotter of 1713. The idea may well have been suggested to him by his reading of a Tamil work he names as Dirigdla Sakkaram (i.e. Tirikalaccakkaram) and attributes to Tirumular, the first Tamil cittar (siddha). In his Bibliotheca 31 The series usually referred to as the Hallesche Berichte (hereafter HB) began with the publication, in 1710, of a single letter, to which further instalments ('Continuationen') were subsequently added at irregular intervals. Ziegenbalg’s letters are contained in the first two of the eventual nine volumes (consisting o f 108 instalments in all), later given the title Der koniglich ddnischen Missionarien aus Ost-Indien eingesandte ausfuhrliche Berichte von dem Werck ihres Amts unter den Heyden (Halle, 1710-1772). The first volume, edited by August Hermann Francke, containing twelve continuously paginated instalments was complete by 1717 (August Hermann Francke, ed., Der Kdnigl. ddnischen Missionarien aus Ost-Indien eingesandte ausfiihrliche Berichte von dem Werck ihres Amts unter den Heyden, Halle in Verlegung des WSysenhauses, 1710-1717), and is abbreviated here as HB I. 32 4Geschlechts-register*also appears in the Bibliotheca Malabarica, composed in the same year (see below). The word 'genealogy* itself appears in 1711 in an English translation o f some sections o f the foreword published by Btthme (Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg, Propagation o f the Gospel in the East: Being a further Account o f the Progress Made by some Missionaries to Tranquebar, Upon the Coast o f Coromandel, For the Conversion o f the Malabarians; O f the Methods by them takenf fo r the effecting o f this great Work; o f the Obstructions they meet with in it; and o f the Proposals which they make, in order to promote it. Together with Some Observations relating to the Malabarian Philosophy and Divinity: And concerning their Bramans, Pantarest and Poets. Translated and Extractedfrom the Original Letters ofthe said Missionaries lately arrived: And most humbly Recommended to the Consideration o f the most Honourable CORPORATION for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts. The Second Edition, London: Printed; and to be sold by J. Downing in Bartholomew Close; and by the German Bookseller near Somerset House in the Strand, 1711, p. 20).

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Malabarica, a catalogue of 119 Tamil manuscripts in his possession,33 written in the same year and sent to Europe with his translation of the ethical treatises, Ziegenbalg describes the work in question as follows: This book shows the genealogy [‘Geschlechts-Register’] o f their great gods, how all gods are derived from the Being o f all Beings, the Highest God, what offices they hold, where their places of residence are, how long they will live, how many incarnations they have, etc... This book is the basis of all other Malabari books since it lays down the principles on which they are based. Once I had it in mind to translate this work into German but 1 could not help wondering whether this was really advisable. It would cause a lot of unnecessary speculation and only distract people from more important things. But I am still keeping my mind open whether or not I should do this translation; so far I am not sure about it myself.34

Having established that the best Malabarian thinking is monotheistic, Ziegenbalg goes on in the foreword to describe “the origin of their great Gods and the beginning of all creatures” from “the being of all beings, the supreme God,” here called Arianaden (ariyanadan).35 The same theogony and cosmogony appears in his first major work on 33A short extract from the catalogue was published in the Hallesche Berichte, (HB I, pp.23-34) but the fourth section, entitled ‘Verzeichnis der Malabarischen BQcher’ and dealing with Tamil Hindu texts was not published until 1880 (Wilhelm Germann, “Ziegenbalg’s Bibliotheca Malabarica”, M issionsnachrichten der Ostindischen Missionsanstalt zu Halle Vol. XXII, 1880, pp. 1-20 and 61-94). A translation of another, slightly shorter, version of this section of the catalogue describing 112 Tamil works from a manuscript in the British Library was published by Albertine Gaur (Albertine Gaur, “Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg’s Verzeichnis der Malabarischen BQcher”, Journal o f the Royal Asiatic Society, 1967, pp. 63-95), who does not appear to have been aware of Germann’s edition. Kamil Veith Zvelebil describes the Bibliotheca Malabarica as “a relatively complete account of Tamil literature” see Kamil Veith Zvelebil, Tamil Literature, Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1974, p. 2. 34 Gaur, “Verzeichnis der Malabarischen Bflcher”, pp. 88-89; see also Germann, “Bibliotheca Malabarica”, p. 90. Thus even if, as Jeyaraj suggests, Ziegenbalg’s 1713 Genealogie was influenced by a 1709 German work of Benjamin Hederich which defined what a genealogy should contain, the idea of a genealogy of the gods predates any knowledge he might have had of this book (Daniel Jeyaraj, Bartholomdus Ziegenbalg’s "Genealogie der malabarischen Gdtter”: Edition der Originalfassung von 1713 mit Einleitung, Analyse und Glossar, Halle: Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen zu Halle, 2003, p. 278). Jeyaraj cites no direct evidence that Ziegenbalg knew Hederich’s work, suggesting only that GrQndler could have taken a copy with him on his voyage to India in 1709. Hederich’s work does not, however, appear in a catalogue of books in the mission’s library published in 1721. 35Caland, Ziegenbalg’s Kleinere Schriften, p. 13.

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Hinduism, the Malabarische Heidenthum, written three years later in 1711, in which Ziegenbalg again names the source of this theogony as the Tirikalaccakkaram. Although Ziegenbalg cites dozens of other works, in his writings on Hinduism, the importance of this work, which does not appear in any of the standard accounts of Tamil literature, in structuring his understanding of Hinduism, and particularly his final work, the Genealogie, has not been sufficiently appreciated.36 A more detailed case for this claim must await another occasion, for our present purposes it will suffice to note that already in 1708, just two years after Ziegenbalg’s arrival in India, this work is shaping his understanding of Hinduism, which reaches its final expression five years later in the Genealogie, a work whose structure appears also to have been derived from the Tirikalaccakkaram. Not only was Ziegenbalg’s account of the central ideas of the Tirikalaccakkaram already in print in the Hallesche Berichte by 1710; the passage in which he describes them also served as the main source for another more popular work, Ost-Indisches Gesprdch in dem Reiche der Todten, published in 1731. The work is a 'dialogue of the dead’, between Ziegenbalg and Johannes Coccejus (1603-1669), a renowned Dutch reformed theologian, presented here as a ship’s chaplain, drowned when his ship sank en route to Bengal. It is a curious work, and one that has not, to my knowledge, been reported in the literature on Ziegenbalg. The dialogue of the dead is a classical form which continued to be used during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, when translations of many of the classical models appeared. The genre was also popular at the time of the Reformation, but its greatest flowering was in Germany from 1680-1810. John Rutledge counts more than 500 dialogues of the dead published in eighteenth century Germany, and notes that dialogues “concerned with religious subjects were especially prominent during the 1720’s and 1730’s,” although the setting remained the underworld of Greek mythology and not the Christian afterlife.37 The work draws on the Hallesche Berichte to describe through a rather stilted dialogue the development and tribulations of the mission. The last fifth of the work describes the religion of the Hindus, and begins with a gentle long-hop of a question on their conception of the divine, which allows 36 Jeyaraj notes that this is one o f three Tamil works Ziegenbalg studied particularly closely, but does not discuss his use of it. See Jeyaraj, Genealogie, p. 286. 37 John Rutledge, The Dialogue o f the Dead in Eighteenth-Century Germany9Bern; Frankfurt: Herbert Lang, 1974, p. 32.

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Ziegenbalg to launch into his description of the monotheistic character of their belief. The source is again the foreword to his translation of the ethical treatises as it appears in the Hallesche Berichte, and thus again we find the theogony taken from the Tirikalaccakkaram, the account of the great gods and so on. Apart from being converted into dialogue form, very few changes are made to the wording or organization of the text; only short, helpfully leading, questions from Coccejus interrupt the flow. The Ost-Indisches Gesprach thus adds little to what was already available elsewhere; nevertheless it supports the claim that the essentials of Ziegenbalg’s account of Hinduism, which remain largely consistent over the short period in which he was active in writing on Hinduism, were very quickly made available to a wide audience in the Hallesche Berichte, and in its English translation in the various editions of the Propagation o f the Gospel in the East as well as in the Ost-Indisches Gesprach. In these works Ziegenbalg’s view of Hinduism appears, albeit in brief, largely without editing and in his own words. The situation is somewhat different with respect to his larger works, the Malabarische Heidenthum of 1711 and the Genealogie of 1713. Ziegenbalg, Francke and the Question of Censorship A.H. Francke... wrote back to Tranquebar that the printing of the “Genealogy of the South-Indian Gods” was not to be thought of, “inasmush [s/c] as the Missionaries were sent out to extirpate heathenism, and not to spread heathenish nonsense in Europe.”38 This dramatic statement, quoted by Wilhelm Germann in the preface to his 1867 edition of the Genealogie, and cited also in the 1869 English translation, has contributed to the impression that Francke suppressed Ziegenbalg’s works on Hinduism. Daniel Jeyaraj also quotes this statement in his edition of the Genealogie noting, however, that this quotation has not yet been identified in Francke’s extant writings.39Germann also published the full text of a work by Francke entitled Zufallige Gedanken tiber die koniglich-danische Missions-Affaire zu Tranquebar in Ostindien, written MG.J. Metzger, Genealogy o f the South-Indian Gods, A Manual o f the Mythology and Religion o f the People o f Southern India. Including a description o f Popular Hinduism, Madras: Higginbotham and Co., 1869, p. xv. See also Wilhelm Germann, Genealogie der Malabarishen [sic] Gdtter. Aus Eigenen schrifien und briefen der heiden zusammengetragen und verfasst von Bartholomaeus Ziegenbalg, weil. Propst an der Jerusalems-Kirche in Trankebar, Madras: Pr. for the Editor at the Christian Knowledge Society’s Press, 1867, p. vii. 39 Jeyaraj, Genealogie, p. 316.

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at Ziegenbalg’s request, on his final departure from Halle on 2 December 1715. Germann reports that he found the manuscript, dated at Halle on the 20 December 1715, in India.40In this work, Francke expresses a much more positive opinion of the Genealogie, and Ziegenbalg’s efforts in composing it. He writes: “If, indeed, I... did not consider it necessary to publish this book—because in printing new and strange things we have to look not to idle curiosity but rather to the glorification of God’s name and the real benefit of the Church, which I cannot hope to achieve through the publication of the writing in question—nevertheless I could not by any means find fault with the great efforts which you for your part have expended on the accurate study of the heathen theology.. .”41 Kurt Liebau acknowledges that there was censorship of the missionaries’ writings, but suggests that both the extent of censorship and the reasons for it have not yet fully been investigated. All writers appear to regard the question of censorship in Halle as settled. It is not asked whether a particular text was censored, and if so, what was censored, when, by whom, and for what reason... Censorship there was, but not everything was censored. Sometimes ideological considerations prevailed. Mostly, however, a complex of political, theological and, not least, economic interests played a role in the publication of a work in Halle.42 While neither the Genealogie nor the Heidenthum was published by Francke, as has long been known and as Germann himself points out, he made Ziegenbalg’s manuscripts available to Mathurin Veyssiere de La Croze, who used them for the account of Hinduism in his Histoire du Christianisme des Indes?* La Croze, the Librarian Royal at the Prussian Court, was an ex-Benedictine who had converted to Protestantism in 1696,44 and his Histoire is a sustained polemical assault on his former 40 Germann, Ziegenbalg und Plutschau, Abth. /, p. 264. The text of the Zufallige Gedanken is printed in Germann, Ziegenbalg und Plutschau, Abth. II, pp. 127-67. See also AFSt/M: IIA 1: 2. 41 Germann, Ziegenbalg und Plutschau, Abth. II, pp. 152-3. 42 Kurt Liebau, Die malabarische Korrespondenz: tamilische Briefe an deutsche Missionare; eine Auswahl, Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1998, p. 28. 41 Germann, Genealogie, p. vii. A list of the manuscripts sent to La Croze appears in a letter from Michaelis to the missionaries in Tranquebar dated 1.12.1717 (AFSt/M: IC 10:43). 44 Friedrich Wiegand, “Mathurin Veyssiere La Croze als Verfasser der ersten deutschen Missionsgeschichte", Beitrage zur Forderung Christlicher Theologie, Vol. 6, No. 3, 1902, p. 89.

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confession, and in particular the Jesuits, to whose domination of the French Catholic church one biographer attributes, at least in part, La Croze’s conversion.45 Much of the Histoire consists of an account of the Thomas Christians, who emerge in La Croze’s account as virtual Protestants, until corrupted by the Portuguese following their arrival in India. The final two books, however, contain an account of “The idolatry of the Indies” (Book VI) and of the Protestant, that is the DanishHalle, mission (Book VII). If the essentials of Ziegenbalg’s view of Hinduism were already available, in La Croze’s widely-read Histoire they became known in more detail to a still wider audience.46 There is much more that could be said on Ziegenbalg’s account of Hinduism, but I wish here to focus on the first four of the five areas identified above, where ‘politics and power’ have been seen to have influenced European perceptions o f Hinduism (the textualization and Brahminization of Hinduism, the privileging of Vedanta, and the construction of caste as a religious system). Textual Sources and Ziegenbalg’s Account of Hinduism There can be little doubt of the value that Ziegenbalg placed on knowledge of Hindu texts. The titles of both his extant major works on Hinduism make the claim to be taken “from these heathens’ own writings.”47 Moreover, in the foreword to his translation of the ethical treatises, published in the Hallesche Berichte, Ziegenbalg describes the impact of being able to read the texts of the “Malabarians” upon his view of them, and his subsequent intensive study of their texts: When finally I was completely able to read their own books, and became aware, that among them are taught, in an entirely regular manner, the very same philosophical disciplines as, for instance, are dealt with by scholars in Europe; and also that they have a regular written law from which all theological matters must be derived and demonstrated; then this astonished me greatly, and I developed a very great desire to be thoroughly instructed in their heathenism from their own writings. I therefore obtained for myself ever more books, one after the other, 45 Ibid, pp. 89-90. 46Ibid, p. 97; on La Croze’s use of Ziegenbalg see further Will Sweetman, “The Curse of the Mummy: Egyptians, Hindus and Christians in the Lettres edifiantes et curieuses and La Croze’s Histoire du christianisme des Indes." (Paper presented at the 18th European Conference on Modem South Asian Studies, Lund, Sweden, 6-9 July 2004.) 47Willem Caland, Ziegenbalg s Malabarisches Heidenthum, Amsterdam: Uitgave van Koninklijke Akademie, 1926, p. 8; see also Jeyaraj, Genealogie, p. 22.

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In the foreword Ziegenbalg refers also to his Bibliotheca Malabarica, written in the same year and sent to Europe with the translated ethical treatises. This catalogue of Tamil texts has 119 entries and bears witness to his engagement with Tamil works in his first two years in India.49It ends with Ziegenbalg expressing the hope that he would be able to buy or to copy many more Tamil works.50It seems that he was able to do so, for in a letter written in the following year he notes that his library contains 300 Malabarian books.51 He notes that while the books are not expensive, they are hard to get hold of, and the “great efforts” he was put to in order to obtain them is further evidence of the importance he laid upon texts. Not all of these dealt with Hinduism,52and Ziegenbalg may not indeed have managed to read all of those that did, but on the evidence of the works referred to or quoted from in the Malabarischen Heidenthum and the Genealogie, it seems that he read many of them. 48 Caland, Ziegenbalg's Kleinere Schriften, p. 11. Sec also Francke, ed., HB I, pp. 44-45. 49 Not every entry represents a different work, some describe multiple copies of a single work (e.g. the Civavakkiyam, see further below) and some describe parts of larger works. 50Germann, “Bibliotheca Malabarica”, p. 94. 51 Letter 7.10.1709, see Amo Lehmann, Alte Briefe aus Indien. Unverdffentlichte Briefe von Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg 1706-1719, Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1957, p. 120. A catalogue composed by the missionary C.T. Walther and dated 1731 lists an additional 33 Tamil Hindu works said to have been purchased by Ziegenbalg. Christoph Theodosius Walther, Bibliotheca Tamulica consistens in recensione librorum nostrorum, mscr-torum ad cognoscendam et linguam & res Tamulicas inseruientium, 1731. Royal Library, Copenhagen, Ny.Kgl.Saml. 589C. It is likely that these do not represent the whole of his purchases during the years he was in India after 1708, but rather only those works that were still in the Mission’s library in 1731. Walther states that many of the works purchased by Ziegenbalg, including many of those described in his own catalogues, had been lost, destroyed or damaged, Walther, Bibliotheca Tamulica, p. 3. 52 A letter written in 1713 to George Lewis (see below) mentions that the library contains only “An Hundred fifty six Books of Malabarick Theology, Physick, and Philosophy” see Bartholom&us Ziegenbalg, Propagation o f the Gospel in the East: Being a Collection ofLettersfrom the Protestant Missionaries, and other worthy Persons in the East-Indies, &c. Relating to the Mission; the Means o f Promoting it; and the Success it hath pleased GOD to give to the Endeavours used hitherto, for Propagating True Christianity among the Heathen in those Parts, but chiefly on the coast o f Coromandel. With a map o f the East-Indies. Part III. Published by the direction o f the Societyfo r Promoting Christian

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Apart from reading Tamil works, Ziegenbalg wrote numerous works in Tamil, for dissemination among Hindus, and his prose style and establishment of a printing press in Tranquebar have won for him a minor place in the history of Tamil literature.33 He was fully conscious of the importance of print in the history of the Protestant Church.34 In a letter dated 7 April 1713 to George Lewis, the Anglican Chaplain at Madras - and first printed in Portuguese - on the press the mission had recently received from the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, Ziegenbalg writes: “We may remember on this Occasion, how much the Art of Printing contributed to the Manifestation of divine Truths, and the spreading of Books for that End, at the Time of the happy Reformation, which we read of in History, with Thanksgiving to Almighty God.”55 He continues with “an Account of such Books as have been written by us in both languages [i.e. Tamil and Portuguese] these Six Years last past” in order “[t]hat it may be known likewise how we have here, on all Occasions, employ’d our Care and Time, in order to bring in the Use of Books.”56 He lists thirty-two57books written or translated into Tamil, beginning with the New Testament, and ten in Portuguese, four of which had already been printed by the mission. The Orientalist concern with texts is often taken to be connected with a tendency to denigrate, or to distrust, the living representatives of Knowledge, London: printed and sold by J. Downing, in Bartholomew Close near West Smithfield, London, 1718, p. 107. 51 On this see Stuart Blackburn, Print, Folklore, and Nationalism in Colonial South India, Delhi: Permanent Black, 2003, pp. 43-59. 54 See also HB I, p. 638. 53 Ziegenbalg, Propagation o f the Gospel in the East [Part III; expanded editionJ, p. 105. The letter was subsequently translated into English (by Lewis) and printed in London in 1715, and reprinted in the expanded edition of the third part of the Propagation o f the Gospel in the East in 1718, from where it is quoted here. A German translation was sent to Halle, HB I, p. 630. 54 Ziegenbalg, Propagation o f the Gospel in the East [Part III; expanded edition], pp. 105-6. 57 The first printed edition, the Portuguese translation, lists 33 Tamil books. See Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg and Johann Ernst GrQndler, A letra a o muy reverendo senhor George Lewis, o ministro da palavra de Deus em Madraspatnam, naqval se da aviso da ordem e instruiqad, que se trata nas escolas da charidade da igreja, chamada Jerusalem, em Tranquebar, Tranquebar: Com letras dos missionaries Reaes de Dennemark, 1713, p. 15. Two works, whose titles are translated into Portuguese as 'A Ordem da salva^ad’ and ‘O Caminho da salvacaO’, appear to have been listed as one ‘The Method (or Way) of Salvation’ in the English translation.

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the tradition. The locus classicus for this tendency is a letter of William Jones where he writes that he “can no longer bear to be at the mercy of our pundits, who deal out Hindu law as they please, and make it at reasonable rates, when they cannot find it ready made.”58 This in turn is connected with the perception that Hinduism had declined or degraded from a glorious or pristine past.59 Many - but by no means all - earlier European writers on Hinduism were unable to read Indian languages, and in particular Sanskrit, and were therefore entirely dependent on informants, often through the medium of Portuguese as a linguafranca in which neither party was fluent.60They were not, then, able independently to compare the present condition of Hinduism with supposedly normative textual sources. Despite his ability to read Tamil, and his emphasis on the importance of having access to Hindu texts, Ziegenbalg displays no comparable tendency to discount oral testimony. Although on occasion he remarks that a particular text is not understood by most Hindus, this is presented as an indication of the difficult or specialized nature of the text, rather than the declined or degraded state of contemporary Hinduism. Moreover, there is an almost equally strong emphasis in Ziegenbalg’s works on the testimony of contemporary Hindus. The title of the Genealogie states that the work is “composed from these heathen’s own writings and letters:™ and Jeyaraj notes that in the Genealogie Ziegenbalg 58 Jones, letter to Charles Chapman, 28 September 1785, Garland Cannon, ed., The Letters o f Sir William Jones, Oxford: Clarendon, 1970, pp. 683-4. The letter is widely cited, most recently in Sharada Sugirtharajah, Imagining Hinduism: A Postcolonial Perspective, London: Routledge, 2003, p. 29. 59 Buddhism was similarly perceived to have degenerated from a pristine condition represented in the Pali canon. It would not have been difficult to find 'insider9perspectives to confirm these perceptions in either case. 60 See also Anquetil-Duperron’s scathing comments on this method. AbrahamHyacinthe Anquetil-Duperron, Zend-Avesta, ouvrage de Zoroastre, contenant les idees theologiques, physiques & morales de ce legislateur, les ceremonies du culte religieux qu’il a itabli, & plusieurs traits importans relatifs a Vancienne histoire des Perses: traduit en frangois sur I ’original zend, avec des remarques; & accompagni de plusieurs traites propres a eclaircir les matieres qui en sont I ’objet, Paris: N.M. Tilliard, 1771, pp. 87-88. 61 Bartholomdus Ziegenbalg, Genealogia der Malabarischen Gdtter, darinnen umstandlich berichtet win/, wie manche Gdtter dieser Heiden glauben woher sie ihren Ursprung deriviren. wie sie auf einander folgen. wie sie heifien, was vor mancherley Nahmen sie in den Poetischen Biichem fuhren. wie sie gestaltet und beschaffen seynf was vorAemmter und Verrichtungen sie haben, in welche Familien sie sich ausgebreitet, welche Erscheinungen von ihnen geglaubet werden, was vor Pagoden sie ihnen bauen. was vor Fast- und Fest-Tage sie ihnen zu Ehren halten welche Opfer sie ihnen anthun, und was vor Bucher sie von ihnen geschrieben haben. Verfafiet von den KdnigLfichenJ

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refers at least as often to contemporary letters as to other texts.62 Here and elsewhere, there is no indication that Ziegenbalg regards letters as less authoritative than the texts he cites. From the point of view of the dissemination of Hindu writings in Europe, Ziegenbalg was markedly more successful with contemporary perspectives than ancient texts. While he translated three Tamil texts, and considered translating other works,63the only translations from Tamil texts that he succeeded in having published were two collections of letters—the so-called Malabarische Correspondenz—written by Tamil Hindus in answer to questions about their religion and a host of other matters.64 Ziegenbalg also recorded and sent to Halle records of his discussions with Hindus on religious questions, usually during his journeys outside Tranquebar. Many of these were published in the Hallesche Berichte, and a selection of those were also published in English translation.65 To the question of how far Ziegenbalg’s view of Hinduism was based on textual sources, must be added the question of the nature of the texts he draws on, and the consequent effect upon his account of Hinduism. King writes: ...certain 61itist communities within India (notably the scholarly brahmana castes) exerted a certain degree o f influence upon the Western Orientalists, thereby contributing to the construction of the modem, Western conception o f ‘Hinduism’. The high social, economic and, to some degree, political status o f the brahmana castes has, no doubt, contributed to the elision between brahmanical forms o f religion and ‘Hinduism’. This is most notable, for instance, in the tendency to emphasize Vedic and brahmanical texts and beliefs as central and foundational to the ‘essence’ o f Hinduism, and in the modem Ddnischen Missionariis in Ost-Indien zu Tranquebar, 1713. Royal Library, Copenhagen Ledreborg 424, p. lr. emphasis added. 62Jeyaraj, Genealogie, p. 299. 63 In addition to the Ttrikdlaccakkaram, mentioned above, Ziegenbalg also reports in his Bibliotheca Malabarica that he considered translating a philosophical work he names as ‘Udelkurudadduwam’, but decided to postpone this until he had a better understanding of philosophical terminology in Tamil. Germann, “Bibliotheca Malabarica”, pp. 84-5. 44Liebau, Die malabarische Korrespondenz. See also Kurt Liebau, “Die ‘Malabarische Korrespondenz’ von 1712/1713 und das Bild der Tamilen vom Europfier”, Asien Afrika Lateinamerika, Vol. 25, No. I, 1997, pp. 53-73. 45Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg, Thirty Four Conferences between the Danish Missionaries and the Malabarian Bramans (or Heathen Priests) in the East Indies concerning the Truth o f the Christian Religion: together with some letters written by the heathens to the said Missionaries. Translated out o f High Dutch, by Mr. [Jenkin Thomas] Philipps, London: printed for H. Clements, W. Fleetwood, and J. Stephens, 1719.

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Writing of British Orientalism in the later eighteenth century, Rocher likewise notes “the privileging of the Gita and of Vedanta by the British,”67and the consequent impact on the Hindus’ own understanding of their textual traditions. Given the privileged place that the Veda, especially the Upanishads, and the Gita, came to occupy in later Orientalist constructions of Hinduism, it is notable that none of these texts plays an important role in Ziegenbalg’s understanding of Hinduism. Ziegenbalg does mention the names of the four Vedas, describing them as “four small law books”, but his account of them is drawn from a Saiva Siddhanta source in which they are correlated with the four ‘feet’ (pada) or portions of a &aiva Siddhanta agama, namely carya (proper conduct), kriya (ritual action), yoga (discipline) andjhana (knowledge).6® He shows none of the fascination with the Vedas or obsession with obtaining them that was to characterize later European Orientalism. Ziegenbalg’s perspective on Hindu texts is of course profoundly shaped by the fact that he only had access to them in Tamil. While Ziegenbalg was aware of Sanskrit,69there is no evidence to suggest that he was able to read it, nor indeed that he thought it important to be able to do so.70 An annotation to one of the Tamil letters published in the Malabarische Correspondenz, which mentions the four Vedas in answer to a question about the ‘Law-books’ of the Malabarian religion, notes that while the Brahmins make much of these books, among the ‘common people’ the puranas, agamas and sastras are “the fundamental books... according to which the whole Malabarian idolatrous worship is arranged.”71In answer to the next question, concerning which books are in widespread use, we find a list of twenty-nine works, including the Kural, Tamil versions of 64 King, Orientalism and Religion, pp. 102-3. 67 Rosane Rocher, “British Orientalism in the Eighteenth Century: The Dialectics of Knowledge and Government”, in Carol A. Breckenridge and Peter van der Veer, eds., Orientalism and the Postcolonial Predicament: Perspectives on South Asia, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993, p. 228. “ Caland, Malabarisches Heidenthum, p. 34. 69 In his description of the Kantapuranam, a Tamil version of Skandapuranam, and again a work based on &aiva Siddhanta thought, he mentions that the work was first written in “the Malabarian Latin” (Germann, “Bibliotheca Malabarica", p. 66), which he elsewhere identifies with Kirendum [kirantam. i.e. Grantha]. 70 This is of a piece with Ziegenbalg’s general approach, focussed on reaching the mass of people rather than the elite. 71 Liebau, Die malabarische Korrespondenz, p. 94.

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the Mahdbhdrata and Ramayana, and several puranic texts but beginning with two canonical texts of South Indian Saivism, the Tevaram and the Tiruvacakam, and dominated by Saiva works. While this list reflects the perspective of Ziegenbalg’s correspondent, the texts cited in his own works reveal a similar preference for &aiva works. No work is cited more often in Ziegenbalg’s Malabarische Heidenthum than Civavakkiyam (‘diva’s utterance’), of the Saiva cittar and poet, CivavSkkiyar.72 The reasons are not far to seek: the author condemns idol worship, denies the authority of the Vedas, and rejects many of the practices of Brahminical Hinduism, including caste. Ziegenbalg’s insistence that Hinduism is basically monotheistic derives from cittar conceptions of the unity of die divine as civam, “an abstract noun meaning ‘goodness’, ‘auspiciousness’ and the highest state of God, in which he exists as pure intelligence.”73 It is this conception of the divine which opens Ziegenbalg’s Genealogie: “Barabarawastu, which is the Ens Supremum, or the supreme, divine being, which is there considered: first, as an immaterial being, which is formless and cannot be compared with anything, which has neither beginning nor end, and is the origin of all things, out of which everything has flowed and into which everything will again flow, on which the gods depend, and which is all in all and the unified God.”74 This conception of the divine is, as Kailasapathy notes, “an abstract idea of the Godhead rather than a personal God” and is contrasted with Civan (Siva).75 While there was much about the cittar conception of the divine that was not to Ziegenbalg’s taste, especially the depiction of the undifferentiated unity of the divine in the sexual union of a divine couple, he nevertheless regarded this as evidence that the knowledge of the truth that there is one God is implanted by conscience and the light of nature, and that the heathen did not have to be instructed in this by Christians.76 72This is all the more remarkable since Ziegenbalg appears, at least in 1708, only to have had portions of Civavakkiyam. There are three separate entries for Civavakkiyam in the Bibliotheca Malabarica, the first a text containing 48 stanzas, the second 103 stanzas and the last 65. The Civavakkiyam consists, however, of 520, or 527 stanzas (see Kamil Veith Zvelebil, Lexicon o f Tamil Literature, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995, p. 179). 73 K. Kailasapathy, “The Writing of the Tamil Siddhas”, in Karine Schomer and W. H. McLeod, eds., The Sants: studies in a devotional tradition o f India, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1987, p. 393. 74Ziegenbalg, Genealogie, p. 9r. 75 Kailasapathy, “Tamil Siddhas”, p. 393. 76 Ziegenbalg, Genealogie, p. Ur.

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Ziegenbalg even comments that on first reading Civavakkiyam and similar works, he thought that ‘their authors were perhaps Christians, because they not only condemned the plurality of gods and adduce the one God but they also criticize all other heathen elements and call them blindness.”77 While he later learnt that they were not Christians, he suggests that their expressions for the divine are finer than those found among the “Greek and Latin heathens.”78 We have noted above that one element in the attraction of Advaita Vedanta for both European Orientalists and Hindu reformers of the nineteenth century was that it provided “an indigenous source for the critique of Hindu polytheism and idolatry.”79 King writes that “for Christian missionaries the Upanisads could also be used as evidence of an incipient monotheism within the Hindu tradition” and adds that even Max Miiller “became increasingly preoccupied by the possibilities of a ‘Christian Vedanta’ in his later years.”80 While we might therefore expect Vedanta to occupy an important place in Ziegenbalg’s account of Hinduism, in fact we find that although he knew at least some works in the Advaita Vedantic tradition, there is no sense in which for him Advaita is “the central theology of Hinduism.”81Ziegenbalg’s catalogue of Tamil texts includes the Tattuvavilakkam of Tattuvarayar, whom Zvelebil describes as holding a unique place in Tamil theological writing as the greatest exponent of Sankara’s Vedanta, albeit best characterized as &iva Advaita rather than absolute advaita,82 Ziegenbalg describes the work as follows: ...a book on philosophy. It discusses the nature o f the hum an body

and the human soul, the essence o f all connected with it, and also the 77Caland, Malabarisches Heidenthum, p. 42. 78The morality of the Hindus, both as expressed orally and in their texts, led Ziegenbalg to similar conclusions. Describing Muturai ('ancient utterance'), one of four works by the poetess Auvaiyar listed together in his Bibliotheca Malabarica, Ziegenbalg writes that: “As can be proven quite clearly from this and similar books, even after the wretched Fall into sin the Law, which reveals itself in these writings, is still written in the hearts of the heathen. And I can truly testify, that I have read in their books and heard from their own mouths, a far better morality than even the Greek and Latin heathens once wrote.” Germann, “Bibliotheca Malabarica”, p. 86; see also Gaur, “Vcrzeichnis der Malabarischen Bflcher”, p. 85. The other works of Auvaiyar mentioned by Ziegenbalg are Atticumi, Nalvai and Kolraivantal, the last being one of the ethical treatises he translated. 79 King, Orientalism and Religion, p. 123. “ Ibid, 122. •' Ibid, p. 118. Zvelebil, Lexicon o f Tamil Literature, p. 654. p.

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capacity for perception mainly in relation to God. It is a very difficult book in its content as well as in its verse form. Such books are no longer written by the Malabaris, they were all composed in ancient days by those whom they call prophets. Altogether the Malabaris have ninety-six such philosophical sciences, but so far I have not been able to learn more about them.85

While the Bibliotheca Malabarica, written in 1708, represents a relatively early stage in Ziegenbalg’s engagement with Hinduism, Vedanta plays no significant role in his account of Hindu monotheism.84 If Ziegenbalg, like later Christian missionaries, was looking for “incipient monotheism” in the Hindu tradition, it appears that he found it rather in the works of the cittar writers like Civavakkiyar than in Advaita VedSnta. Like other cittar writers, Civavakkiyar’s iconoclasm is expressed in his use of everyday Tamil in preference to the high Tamil more usual in Tamil literature. Ziegenbalg also used the colloquial form of Tamil in his Tamil writings, notably his translation of the New Testament. For this he was ridiculed by his contemporary, the Jesuit Constant Joseph Beschi, whose own reputation as a Tamil stylist earned him the title ‘VTramSmunivar Cuvami’. In a 1728 polemic work in Tamil entitled Veda Vilakkam, Beschi describes the Tranquebar Bible as “like a gem thrown in the mud, like poison mixed with ambrosia, like black ink spilt on a beautifully drawn picture.”85 In another work, Lutterinattiyalpu, (‘The Essence of Lutheranism’), Beschi described the effect of reading the Lutherans’ Tamil: “Already in reading the first line the reader’s eyes bum, his tongue dries up and his ears must burst; one looks around and bursts into loud laughter.”86 43 Gaur, “Verzeichnis der Malabarischen Bflcher”, p. 59. 84 See also Richard Fox Young, “Seeking India’s Christ-Bearing Word: Some Reflections - Historical, Indological, and Theological - on the Quest for a ‘Christian’ Vedanta”, International Journal o f Frontier Missions, Vol. 19, No. 3, 2002, p. 22. *J Blackburn, Print. Folklore, and Nationalism, p. 54. 86Arno Lehmann, It began at Tranquebar: the story o f the Tranquebar mission and the beginnings o f Protestant Christianity in India, Madras: Christian Literature Society on behalf of the Federation of Evangelical Lutheran Churches in India, 1956, p. 24, cited in S. Rajamanickam, “Madurai and Tranquebar”, in Michael Bergunder, ed., Missionsberichte aus Indien im 18. Jahrhundert: Ihre Bedeutung fu r die europaische Geistesgeschichte und ihr wissenschaftlicher Quellenwertfur Indienkunde, Halle: Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen zu Halle, 1999, p. 55. Blackburn suggests that this is a mistranslation, because “printed books at that time were primarily heard.” Blackbum, Print, Folklore, and Nationalism, pp. 54 and 202.

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In a study of sixteenth and seventeenth century European accounts of the Venkate£vara temple at Tirumala, Subrahmanyam confronts what he calls two “opposed, and somewhat gross, myths... concerning the contrast between Catholic and Protestant views of Hinduism and Hindu institutions.” The first is that Catholicism was inherently more sympathetic to Hinduism, the second that Protestantism’s supposed rationalism rendered it more tolerant of Hinduism. He dismisses both, concluding: “It seems to me impossible to speak of two streams, or simply of ‘Catholic’ and ‘Protestant’ discourse, in the materials we have examined.”87 While broad generalizations of the sort Subrahmanyam describes are perhaps unsustainable, it does seem that in relation to the question of Brahminical perspectives, it is possible to draw a distinction between, on the one hand (minimally), one strand of thinking among Jesuit missionaries which stems from Roberto Nobili and is clearly apparent in Beschi and, on the other, a tendency among Protestant missionaries, stemming from Ziegenbalg, to prefer texts of an anti-brahminical cast. Stuart Blackburn cites a remarkable image used by Beschi in a third tract against the Tranquebar missionaries, Petakamaruttal (‘Refutation of the Schism’): Is it possible for a washerwoman, a Panchama woman, picking over oysters in the paddy field, to explain the Chintamani or discuss the Tholkappiyam? Is it not proper that the Scriptures, like a tank of drinking water, should be guarded from the pollution o f the unclean and the casteless, who shall, instead, be served with a potfull by the guardian brahmin?88

It is difficult to imagine either Ziegenbalg or his Protestant successors comparing themselves to Brahmins in a way that Beschi does here. As Geoffrey Oddie suggests, most Protestant missionary writers thought Hinduism “was created and maintained by Brahmins, primarily, if not wholly, for their own benefit.”89 Civavakkiyar’s antipathy to caste is notable in relation to the charge that European Orientalists contributed to the ‘brahminization’of Hinduism in the modem era. Another work repeatedly cited by Ziegenbalg in his Malabarische Heidenthum is Kapilar’s Akaval, described by Zvelebil as a “violent attack on [the] caste-system and the ‘establishment’, almost

*7 Subrahmanyam, “An Eastern El-Dorado”, p. 382. ** Blackburn, Print, Folklore, and Nationalism, p. 54, citing Thomas Srinivasan, “Beschi, the Tamil scholar and poet”, Tamil Culture, Vol. 3,1954, p. 303. N Oddie, “Constructing Hinduism”, p. 158.

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unique in medieval Tamil literature except for some poetry of Cittar.”90 At the end of the chapter on caste in the Malabarische Heidenthum, Ziegenbalg cites both CivavSkkiyar and Kapilar: One, however, called Kawiler, held among them to be a great prophet, disapproved of such damaging differences, and wrote that Bruma himself had a Bareier \'paraiyar] woman as concubine. Other great prophets were also born from the lowest and most contemptible caste. Of this, be says: Thus too was I, Kawiler, initially bom out of the body of a Bareier woman. What? Falls the rain only on some, or on all without discrimination? Does the wind blow only for some, or for all? Gives the sun its light only to some or to all without discrimination? Is the earth, upon which we walk, of one sort or many? When river water flows into the salt sea, is there still a difference to be seen, or is it indistinguishable from salt water? Men have for sure all the same form, one nature, and God is one God, Agawel [Akaval\... Thus the author of the book called Tschiwawaikkium [Civavakkiyam] writes: Although you mention many castes and kinds, do we not all have one body and one type of life? Were we not begotten in the same way through our parents’ intercourse? Is the law not one law? Is language not one? Do we not eat and die like each other? Hence there is only one caste among men.91 Despite this, Ziegenbalg and his successors in the mission that he founded were unusual—but not unique—among Protestant missionaries in tolerating caste practices to a certain extent. I have reviewed the evidence for Ziegenbalg’s attitude to caste at greater length elsewhere,92 and will only note here that while he acknowledges that caste practices are accompanied by what he calls “superstitions”, which converts to Christianity were required to give up, he relegated many related observances, concerning clothing, food and drink, to the realm of “outward and physical things” of no essential significance for Christian faith. In relation to his textual sources, it is to be noted that it is not least because of his reliance on the works of Hindu writers such as Civavakkiyar and Kapilar, that Ziegenbalg does not construct caste as a fundamentally religious institution constitutive of Hinduism. 90 Zvelebil, Lexicon o f Tamil Literature, p. 332. 91 Caland, Malabarisches Heidenthum, pp. 198-99. 92 Will Sweetman, “Colonialism all the way down? Religion and the secular in early modem writing on south India” (paper on “Religion and Secular Dichotomy: Historical Formations within Colonial Contexts,” presented at the University of Stirling, 4-6 July 2003).

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Like later European Orientalists, Ziegenbalg sought textual warrant for the statements he made about Hinduism; unlike many later writers, he did not highlight ancient texts, and specifically the Veda, as the only authentic or even the primary textual source for Hinduism, nor did he regard Hinduism as degraded to the point where contemporary Hindus were not a reliable source of information about their religion. In selection of texts on which he relies, Ziegenbalg reveals no tendency to privilege Brahminic perspectives, if anything the opposite is true. He does not construct Advaita Vedanta as the central theology of Hinduism, rather his account of Hinduism is strongly informed by South Indian &aiva Siddhanta and cittar traditions. Conclusion Much work remains to be done on the history of European Orientalism before the nineteenth century, particularly in relation to India. This is particularly true o f the Continental tradition.93

In the short space of time since this statement by Subrahmanyam, several significant studies of European writing on India prior to the establishment of colonial rule have appeared.94Nevertheless we are still a 93Sanjay Subrahmanyam, “The Career of Colonel Polier and Late Eighteenth-Century Orientalism”, Journal o f the Royal Asiatic SocietyW61. 10, No. 1, 2000, p. 57. 94In addition to Subrahmanyam’s own studies of Charles de Bussy and Dom Ant6nio Jose de Noronha (Sanjay Subrahmanyam, “Profiles in transition: Of adventurers and administrators in south India, 1750-1810”, Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol. 39, Nos. 2&3, 2002, pp. 197-231), the following recent works on continental Orientalism are noteworthy: David N. Lorenzen’s studies of eighteenth-century Italian missionaries (David N. Lorenzen, “Marco Della Tomba and the KabTr-Panth,” in Monica Horstmann, ed., Images o f Kabfr, Delhi: Manohar, 2002, pp. 33-43; David N. Lorenzen, “Europeans in late Mughal south Asia: The perceptions of Italian missionaries”, The Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol. 40, No. 1, 2003, pp. 1-31); Joan-Pau Rubies’ work on late medieval and early modem European accounts of South India (JoanPau Rubies, Travel and Ethnology in the Renaissance: South India through European Eyes, 1250-1625, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000; Joan-Pau Rubies, “The Jesuit discovery of Hinduism: Antonio Rubino’s account of the history and religion of Vijayanagara (1608)”, Archivfur Religionsgeschichte, Vol. 3, 2001, pp. 210-56), Daniel Jeyaraj’s edition and analysis of Ziegenbalg’s Genealogie der malabarischen Gotter (Jeyaraj, Genealogie) and Hanco Jttrgen’s study of late-eighteenth century German missionary writing (Hanco Jiirgens, “German Indology avant la lettre: The Experiences of the Halle Missionaries in Southern India, 1750-1810”, in Doug McGetchin, Peter Park, and Damodar SarDesai, eds., Sanskrit and Orientalism: Indology and Comparative Linguistics in Germany; 1750-1958, New Delhi: Manohar, 2004, pp. 43-84). In addition some earlier studies of eighteenth century French Orientalism by Jean-Marie Lafont

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long way from being able to form the sort of conclusions about the nature of European depictions of Hinduism prior to the establishment of British colonial rule that would enable us to demonstrate causal connections between colonial power and the nature of European knowledge of Hinduism. My examination of Ziegenbalg’s writings on Hinduism in the light of some of the generalizations which have emerged from recent research on later eighteeenth and nineteenth century Orientalism suggests that such generalizations cannot simply be extended backwards into the early eighteenth century. To explain such discontinuities in European perceptions of Hinduism during the eighteenth century transition to colonialism by reference to the establishment of colonial rule is of course a further step, and one that raises one of the most vigorously debated questions in the historiography of eighteenth century India: namely the extent to which the advent of Company rule in India itself represented a radical rupture with the past.95

have recently appeared in English translation. See Jean-Marie Lafont, Indika: essays in lndo-French relations, 1630-1976, New Delhi: Manohar, 2000. MFor divergent views on this question, see David A. Washbrook, “Eighteenth-century issues in South Asia”, Journal o f the Economic and Social History o f the Orient, Vol. 44, No. 3,2001, pp. 372-83, and the ‘Coda’ to Dirks’ Castes o f Mind.

SINGER OF THE ‘SOVEREIGN LORD’: HINDU PIETISM AND CHRISTIAN BHAKTI IN THE CONVERSIONS OF KANAPATIVATTIYAR, A TAMIL ‘POET’ Richard Fox Young and Daniel Jeyaraj Under seven headings, this essay discusses Kanapati Vattiyar (ca. 1685-1740), a Tamil ‘poet’ of double identity - Hindu and Christian. Although Kanapati figures only sporadically in the records of the Danish-Halle Mission (in Tranquebar, on India’s southeast coast), he authored an unusual text addressed to theologians in Europe. The text offers valuable insight into the Gospel’s appropriation in the South Indian context. The section called “Retrieving Subjectivity” relates the case at hand to larger issues having to do with historiography; “Whose Voice and Why?” relates the case at hand to larger issues having to do with methodology; “Danish-Halle Exceptionalism” makes a case for the case at hand, arguing that subjectivity can be retrieved from the past; “Erbauung and Bekehrung” responds to an argument of the opposite kind, put forward by a cultural studies scholar who deals with the same specific case; “A Voice from the Rooftop” introduces the first signs of retrievable subjectivity from our subject; “Doktor or Dichter” discusses the kind of role Kanapati played in Tamil society; and, finally, “Certifying the Sovereign Lord” draws on extra-textual sources to interpret the first of Kanapati’s conversions in terms of Bhakti (fervent devotion to a personal Divinity).1 1 Background on the Mission can be found in D. Dennis Hudson, Protestant Origins in India: Tamil Evangelical Christians. 1706-1835, Grand Rapids, Mich.: Win. B. Eerdmans, and Richmond, UK: Cuizon Press, 2000; Daniel Jeyaraj, Inkulturation in Tranquebar: Der Beitrag der fiHhen danisch-halleschen Mission zum Werden einen indisch-einheimischenKirche, 1706-1730, Erlangen: Verlag der evangelisch-lutherischen Mission, 1996; Heike Liebau, “Country Priests, Catechists, and Schoolmaster as Cultural, Religious and Social Middlemen in the Context of the Tranquebar Mission”, in Christians and Missionaries in India: Cross-Cultural Communication since 1500, edited

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Retrieving Subjectivity Despite the recent and altogether welcome appearance of a new paradigm for World Christian historiography - a paradigm of the ‘bottomup’ variety that reverses the prevailing ‘top-down’ paradigm by making indigenous appropriation of the Gospel more critical to the emergence of non-Western Christianity than its missionary transmission - scholars who work outside contemporary Africa where the new paradigm was formulated first, might be excused for thinking of it as sound in theory but unsustainable methodologically. The simple reason is, the more remote the time the less one learns about indigenous appropriation except through missionary transmission.2 Unlike the present, field research cannot be conducted in the past, and those who work on pre-modem non-Western Christianity do not suffer from the same embarrassment of riches. The problem is not so much the quantity of evidence as the quality, and of how well we handle what we have, instead of how much we have. The problem, as such, is hardly unfamiliar; mission studies scholars have always wrestled with it, and those who did archives-based research were hardly naive about the rhetoric of ‘devout partiality,’ which made all things Christian look good and all things ‘Pagan’ look bad (by exaggeration and inflation, legitimation and rationalization); nor, of course, did they always take archival documentation at face-value. Reading between the lines is nothing new. Still, at the end of the day, historians did feel reasonably confident that ‘history’ - objective, space­ time factuality, for instance - could be found in the lines instead of only empty rhetoric. The situation today is hardly the same. Advocates of the new paradigm for World Christian historiography, which is optimistic about retrieving non-Western subjectivity from the past, have to argue their case in a more skeptical milieu, made inhospitable by by Robert E. Frykenberg, Grand Rapids, Mich.: Wm. B. Eerdmans and Cambridge: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003, pp. 79-92. 2 The paradigm we refer to - and happily identify with - is primarily associated with three scholars whose writings on African Christianity have revolutionized the whole field of mission studies: Andrew Walls, The Missionary Movement in Christian History: Studies in the Transmission o f Faith, Maiyknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1996; The CrossCultural Process in Christian History: Studies in the Transmission and Appropriation o f Christian Faith, Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 2002; Lamin Sanneh, Translating the Message: The Missionary Impact on Culture, Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1989; and Kwame Bediako, Christianity in Africa: The Renewal o f a Non-Western Religion. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, and Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 199S.

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postmodernist historiographies that treat history as nothing less and nothing more than a self-justifying exercise in rhetoric. And to be taken seriously, its advocates will need to be creative in recovering lost voices that their mission studies predecessors did not, could not, or would not hear because to them the Gospel’s missionary transmission was the one thing that mattered most. Whose Voice and Why? Understandably, even mission studies scholars who have the ‘ears to hear’ rely most often on Westem-language materials. Of these, there is a great profusion. Many purport to be verbatim records of long-past interreligious exchanges - coloquios, disputations, dialogues, gesprache, korrespondenz - and historians instinctively know that to handle them properly, a keen sense of ‘hermeneutical suspicion’ comes in handy. Occasionally, a non-European language source turns up, as happened nearly a century ago in the Vatican Archive when the Nahuatl original of a 1524 Franciscan-Aztec coloquio was chanced upon, ostensibly in the actual words of the participants. The text has undeniable historical significance - nothing earlier has yet been found that tells of the Gospel’s transmission and appropriation in a language other than Spanish in the immediate aftermath of the Conquest. Being in N4huatl, however, brings us only a little closer to the Nahua experience of conversion; actually, the text was composed half a century afterward by Christianized Nahua at the College of Santa Cruz under the supervision of Bernardino de Sahagun, himself a Franciscan who arrived later and was not an eye-witness.3 A quick inventory of additional materials familiar to us from other studies may help in driving home the point that the more remote the time the less we know of indigenous appropriation except through missionary transmission. Thanks to the Jesuit Cosme de Torres (1510-1570), one of Francis Xavier’s companions in Japan during the first critical years after his arrival in 1549, we have minute accounts in Spanish of the first coloquios conducted in halting Japanese with Zen monks in Yamaguchi. 1 For a translation, see J. Jorge KJor de Alva, ‘The Aztec-Spanish Dialogues of 1524,” Alcheringa/Ethnopoetics 4 (1980): 52-193. Fray Bernardino claims to have based his account on contemporaneous notes and to have consulted ten of the surviving Franciscans from the original band of ‘Twelve Apostles.” Note, however, that the Nihuatl version lacks the crucial chapters that have the Aztec priests admit the “defeat” of Ipalnemoani and other indigenous deities: for that, scholars consult the derivative Spanish version.

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“What is ‘Spirit’ [the Latin spiritus had been used, untranslated]?” asks an unsuspecting Bonze, who receives a full-throated Thomistic definition in reply, and on it goes - and goes; though a Buddhism that one might recognize as Zen is hard to find in these coloquios, Torres did not pretend that his interrogators were easily bowled over: Aquinas himself, he says, could not have responded satisfactorily.4 Now, jumping a century and a continent to the New World, thanks to Puritan John Eliot (1604-90), minister of Roxbury in the Massachusetts Bay Colony, we have long lists of questions posed to him by the “Praying Indians” of the Algonquian-speaking coastal tribes he had gathered into Christian villages in theaftermathofviolent-virtuallygenocidal-conflict with land-hungry colonists. A master of several indigenous dialects who translated the scriptures into Algonquian, Eliot unfortunately includes only a few questions of the kind that “Praying Indians” might have asked before they began to pray in Puritan fashion. Still, the questions sometimes asked - “Why,” for example, “have not the beasts a soul as man hath, seeing they have love, anger, &c. as man hath?”3 - are ones that Eliot transcribed to demonstrate his interlocutors’ seriousness and sophistication, which other Puritans failed to acknowledge. In short, the Westem-language materials we have, which are hardly scant, come to us pre-adapted, already processed for Catholic or Puritan consumption, to mention but a few of the possibilities based on the cases adduced. Not much, it would seem, has been handed down raw, as it were, or unmetabolized; whose voice we are hearing, and why, remains 4 Georg Schurhammer, Das Kirchliche Sprachproblem in der Japanischen Jesuitenmission des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts, Tokyo: Deutsche Gesellschaft fOr Naturu. V6lkerkunde Ostasiens, 1928, p. 55. For a Gentian translation from the Spanish of the original coloquios in Japanese, see idem. Die Disputationen des P. Cosme de Torres (S.J.) mit den Buddhisten in Yamaguchi in Jahre 1551, Tokyo: Deutsche Gesellschaft fiir Natur- u. Volkerkunde Ostasiens, 1929-30). 5 From John Eliot, Glorious Progress o f the Gospel amongst the Indians in New England, London: Printed for Edward Winslow, 1649, p. 20. Along with Eliot’s other writings, containing more than a hundred “Praying Indian*’ questions, Glorious Progress is reproduced in The Eliot Tracts, edited by Michael P. Clark, Westport, Conn.: Praeger Publishers, 2003. Going beyond the transcription method, Eliot ‘invented’ or ‘imagined’ dialogues - not, however, out of thin air - between the “Praying Indians"’ and other Algonquians. The dialogues appear to be historically-grounded insofar as several o f the figures who appear in them have been identified as the indigenous clergy of Natick, one of the earliest Christian villages. See Henry W. Bowden and James P. Rhonda, eds., John Eliot’s Indian Dialogues: A Study in Cultural Interaction, Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1980.

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uncertain. And this is one reason why certain schools of postmodern historiography disdain archival materials as empty of historical content, and treat them instead as hollow rhetorical shells. It is, moreover, die reason why our preamble must continue now that we turn to South India. Danish-Halle Exceptionalism Besides the obvious significance of the Danish-Halle Mission to South Indian, Indian, and World Christian history - as the title of Arno Lehmann’s classic study puts it, “Es [viz. Tamil Protestantism] begann in Tranquebar”6 - mission studies scholars recognize that its archival heritage, preserved mainly in the Franckesche Stiftungen of Halle, is exceptionally rich and voluminous. A fair amount of the material is raw and unmetabolized, making it more certain whose voices are being heard, and why. Of interreligious interaction, Gesprdche and Korrespondenz, one finds that a good deal occurred and accumulated; of particular interest are the conversations Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg (1682-1719) had with a whole gamut of Tamil Hindus and Muslims, fifty-four of which were redacted, translated, and dispatched to Halle.7Additionally, there are ninety-nine letters received by Ziegenbalg from indigenous correspondents in reply to inquiries, which were wide-ranging and not only religious - no subject (ethnography, political history, science) was off-limits.8 Despite the apparent loss of the Tamil originals, the 6 Issued in English as It Began at Tranquebar: The Story o f the Tranquebar Mission and the Beginnings o f Protestant Christianity in India, Madras: Christian Literature Society, 1956. Much more, of course, resulted from the transplantation and transformation of the Lutheran churches that continue to flourish in South India today. For a wide-ranging review, see Robert E. Frykenberg, “The Halle Legacy in Modern India: Information and the Spread of Education, Enlightenment, and Evangelization”, in Michael Bergunder, ed., Missionsberichte aus Indien im 18. Jahrhundert: Ihre Bedeutungfur die eurvpdische Geistesgeschichte und ihr wissenschafilicher Quellenwert fu r die Indienkunde, Halle: Verlag der Franckenschen Stiftungen, 1999), pp. 6-29. 7 Regrettably, a complete, accurate, and unabridged English translation is still unavailable. Until one is, use can still be made of the J. T. Philips edition, Thirty Four Conferences between the Danish Missionaries and the Malabarian Bramans (or. Heathen Priests) in the East Indies, London: Printed for H. Clements, W. Fleetwood, and J. Stephens, 1719, which includes versions of nineteen of the ninety-nine letters next discussed (n. 8). Philips, the translator, was associated with the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, which had a keen interest in the Tranquebar Mission. 1 Fortunately reprinted in full with annotations by Kurt Liebau as Die Malabarische Korrespondenz: Tamilische Briefe an deutsche Missionare, Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 1998. For an English translation of selected letters from the ninety-nine, see An Account o f the Religion, and Learning, and Government\ Oeconomy, &c. o f the

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anonymity of the Gesprache and Korrespondenz, and the pre-adaptation of the whole for Pietist consumption (a process that began in Tranquebar and ended in Halle where August Herman Francke is known to have scissored and suppressed some of Ziegenbalg’s reports), the material, such as it is, has been read and reread, in the lines and between the lines,9 creatively and constructively, in ways that contribute to a better understanding of the Gospel’s rejection by the many and its indigenous appropriation by the few.10 Mission studies scholars who work with these and other Mission materials find much to concur with in the following remarks of Eugene Irschick, a South India historian whose historiographical perspectives developed during research on the region surrounding Tranquebar in roughly the same era: [W]e can no longer presume that the view of local or what later became Indian society was a product of an “imposition” by the hegemonic colonial power onto a mindless and subordinate colonized society. Writers like Edward Said have argued that the construction of meaning was a “willed activity” by white European colonizers of the Middle East and South Asia. “My contention is,” Said writes, “that Orientalism is fundamentally a political doctrine willed over the Orient because the Orient was weaker than the West, which elided the Orient’s difference with its weakness.” The research presented here [Irschick’s Dialogue and History] questions this claim that knowledge Malabarians: Sent by the Danish Missionaries to Their Correspondents in Europe London: Printed for W. Mears, 1717. 9 Even in translation, Ziegenbalg’s language has an ‘emic’ quality that is suggestive of authenticity and integrity, i.e., of replicating insofar as possible the kind of speech indigenous speakers would recognize as their own. Consider, for instance, a passage in the first of Ziegenbalg’s conversations, which reflects the content and even the idiom of a passage from the Bhagavad Gita (9.23). Even the old English of Philips (n. 7) is a fairly precise rendition of the original Sanskrit, mediated through Tamil and German: “[He, the “Prime Cause”] whom we, in and through them [viz. “the Plurality of Gods”], revere and worship: And our Adorations thus perform’d according to his own Prescription, are as acceptable unto the Supreme Being, as if immediately directed to himself.” Philips, Thirty Four Conferences, pp. 2-3. The interlocutor in this conversation (dated March, 1707) is identified as a Brahmin. Especially remarkable about this is that the Gita had not yet been translated into a European language; Ziegenbalg could only have known the passage from hearing this individual recite it - or, possibly, from reading a Tamil corollary. 10 One of the earliest studies, and still one of the best, is Hugald Grafe’s “Hindu Apologetics at the Beginning of the Protestant Mission Era in India”, Indian Church History Review 6 (1972): 43-69, reprinted in Bergunder, ed., Missionsberichte. pp. 69-93.

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is constructed by willed activity o f a stronger over a weaker group. It suggests, instead, that changed significations are the heteroglot and dialogic production o f all members o f any historical situation, though not always in equal measure . . . . 11

Irschick’s general orientation, though compatible with ours and the growing number of those who advocate the new paradigm for World Christan historiography, is far from being uncontested. One who finds Said’s anti-Orientalist critique compelling and applies it with unflagging vigor to the Danish-Halle Mission is Gita Rajan, now a cultural studies scholar, who entitled her doctoral dissertation “Labyrinths of the Colonial Archive: Unpacking German Missionary Narratives from Tranquebar, Southeast India (1706-1720).”'2 Edification and Conversion Adopting the Saidian position on Orientalism as a “willed activity” (i.e, conspiratorial and designedly political) Rajan explains that her dissertation is about deconstruction, and the kind of knowledge she sets out to deconstruct is the same kind that Irschick calls “heteroglot and dialogic.” Note, too, that on the Christian missionary presence in Tranquebar, Rajan pours her scorn - in the lines and not only between the lines. She deems it to have been politically motivated and therefore undesirable. The ‘politically correct’ story behind the Halle Archive of the Franckesche Stiftungen, she states, is that of an archival production in the German Evangelical terrain which is founded on the fantasy of an alternative idiom o f empire and Europe based on the idea o f the Empire o f God, rather then [s/c] on the script o f nationhood and imperialism. Within the first decade o f the eighteenth century, German Pietist writings institute a unique ethics for Orientalism which would enable an idiom o f empire to link individual bodies to the empire of God, making labor and word as the prime modalities o f its expression and surveillance. European Evangelism [sic] would be ostensibly founded on self-effacement rather than domination, ministration rather than conquest, conversation rather than carnage, conversion rather than possession. Instead o f engaging in territorial imperialism, German Pietism offers itself to the making " Eugene F. Irshick, Dialogue and History: Constructing South India, 1795-1895 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1994), p. 8. The Said quotation comes from Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1978), p. 204. 12 Submitted in 2001 to the Department of Germanic Languages and Literatures, University of Michigan.

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of Evangelism [sic] as righteous bearer of the European imprint par excellence, promising an unfolding of Europe that would secure it from histories of imperialism and false Christianity. In order to do so, it would recoup the missionary labor among the heathens as words, creating a definitive link between the institutions of Erbauung at home and Bekehrung abroad.13 Besides vacuous, if intimidating, jargon, Rajan offers precious little that is original or undogmatic; of the desirability of framing her argument with at least a nod toward indigenous Tamil sources for confirming or discontinuing the European sources on which she utterly depends, there is no recognition whatsoever. Were it not that Rajan makes use of Kanapati Vattiyar to sustain her thesis, one could simply move on.14As it stands, however, nearly a whole chapter, fully a fifth of her dissertation page-wise, is devoted to him.15Only a brief critique of Rajan’s discussion is needed here, for the simple reason that she ignores the fairly considerable range of references to Kanapati in the Tranquebar materials, which do in fact offer modest scope for a diachronic perspective. Instead, she exegetes a handful of letters about him, esoterically, that Ziegenbalg wrote around the time the young poet received baptism.16 Most glaringly absent is any interest in Kanapati’s Tamil writings. She knows of their existence from reading Ziegenbalg and would have found in them Kanapati’s most authentic voice had she dug into the Halle Archive and not only disdained it A final quotation explains why: [W]ritings commemorating the indubitable supremacy of the Christian doctrine depend on one paradoxical fact: their value derives from 13Gita Rajan, “Labyrinths of the Colonial Archive”, p. 35. On p. 3, Rajan highlights her thesis of “willed activity” with a forceful statement about history as an exercise in political rhetoric: “I argue that these narratives [Tranquebar mission writings] do not secure for us the concurrent reality between two disparate historical subjects, but map, instead, the conditions under which such encounters should be rendered linguistically and phantasmatically coherent in the future.” 14 For a historiographical perspective more congenial to our own and of immediate pertinence to the issue at hand, see Robert E. Frykenberg, History and Belief: The Foundations o f Historical Understanding, Grand Rapids, Mich.: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1996, especially Chapter Nine, “History as Rhetoric: A Disputed Discourse,” pp. 278-303. 15 Chapter Four, “Civil Encounters, Wounded Bodies: Conversion without Conversation”, pp. 156-96. 16 Note that Rajan has her citations wrong. Using the same source she does, Amo Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien: Unverdffentlichte Briefe von Bartholomdus Ziegenbalg. 1706-1719, Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1957, we find these letters on pp. 130-50, not 112-23.

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a thinness, a sketchiness and illegibility of that which the missions have been commissioned to perform, spiritual conversions. Rather than affirming the individuation of a colonial convert through autobiographical narratives, only epigrammatic recordings of spiritual consummation enter the annals of evangelical history. At no point in the evangelical writings is there an attempt to account for the numbers, much less to trace the personal histories of the converts if they deviated from the doctrinal trajectory.17 On the contrary, it is the thickness of the Tranquebar conversion narratives that would have impressed Raj an, had it not been for the Saidian dogmas that relieved her of routine scholarly accountability. One cannot fail to rummage and scrounge in the Archive and then complain of “narratological embalming.”18 Still, Rajan is right in drawing attention to the fact that some converts failed to conform to the ideal “doctrinal trajectory.” What might surprise her is that one of them was Kanapati and that the Tranquebar missionaries did not disguise the fact; actually, Kanapati was an thrice an apostate, first from Shaivite Hinduism, then from Lutheran Pietism, and last from Roman Catholicism for a final reversion back to Shaivite Hinduism. As in all complex cases of this kind, one simply has to ‘nose around’ in the available material and try to piece it all together with a view toward the overall context, which is not only European but also Indian. It so happens that in Kanapati’s case an exceptional quality of archival material is accessible in his own voice. To that material we now turn, having had enough of Rajan’s Eurocentric Orientalism-in-reverse, which denies the possibility of indigenous appropriation of the Gospel and maligns South Indian Christianity as a thing of contempt, utterly dependent for its existence on missionary transmission. So, having made a case for Danish-Halle exceptionalism, and having arrived at the point where we can now say that early eighteenth century South India offers the possibility of learning more about indigenous appropriation of the Gospel apart from its missionary transmission, there is still no getting around the fact that much of what we know about Kanapati Vattiyar’s multiple conversions would not and could not be known at all except through missionary transmission. It must therefore be with an eye on the observations that Ziegenbalg and others make about him in the lines that we first proceed; only then will we know 17Rajan, “Labyrinths of the Colonial Archive”, p. 157. '* Rajan, “Labyrinths of the Colonial Archive”, p. 176.

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what use to make of the Tamil sources that might enable us to return and reread the others between the lines constructively and creatively. A Voice from the Rooftop Unlike Aaron (1698/99-1745) and Rajanayakan (1700-1771) the one a pastor (the first Tamil to be ordained, 1733) and the other a much-respected catechist19- Kanapati Vattiyar remained throughout his Christian life a rather minor figure, not quite a mission subaltern but never a major figure of the same status as his younger contemporaries. Before he knew better, Ziegenbalg had the impression that vattiyar (variously transcribed as “Wathiar” or “Wathyjan” in German and early English sources) meant “Divinity-Doctor”;20 though an honorific, the word actually carries the more modest meaning of “scholar-teacher” (from Sanskrit upadhyaya) and was used as a term of respect for persons learned in the Tamil classics who taught them in village schools. Though vattiyar would not be a transferable title, Kanapati’s father was honored as one as well; a formidable septuagenarian, and not a polyglot like the son (who knew several of the European languages spoken on the southeast coast), the father had been Ziegenbalg’s first Tamil tutor and the first to preside over the “Malabarick [Tamil] School” opened by the Mission. Within months after his arrival (July 9, 1706), Ziegenbalg wrote to Europe of how the two interacted: 1 roust confess that my School-Master being a Man o f Threescore and Ten Years has often put such Philosophical Questions to me, as really made me believe, that in searching their Notions, one might discover things very fit to entertain the Curiosity o f many a learned Head in Europe. ... Truly, the M alabarians [Tamils] being a witty and sagacious People, must needs be managed with a great deal o f Wisdom and Circumspection. Our School-Master argueth daily with us, and requireth good Reasons and Arguments for everything. We hope to bring him over to Christian knowledge; but he is confident as yet, that at one time or other, we shall all turn Malabarians, and in this Hope he takes all the Pains imaginable, to render things as plain and easie to us as possible.21 19On both, see Hudson, Protestant Origins in India, pp. 30-34,42-45, and on Aaron in particular, Daniel Jeyaraj, Ordination o f the First Protestant Indian Pastor Aaron .Madras: Gurukul Lutheran Theological College & Research Institute, 1998. 20 Propagation o f the Gospel in the East: Being an Account o f the Success o f Two Danish Missionaries. Lately Sent to the East-Indies,for the Conversion o f the Heathens in Malabar, London: Printed for J. Downing, 1709, p. 57. 21 Propagation o f the Gospel in the East (1709), p. 30.

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Neither man hedged or budged, Hindu or Christian, and later on, when Kanapati turned Christian, ‘livid’ would be too mild a word to describe the elder vattiyar’s reaction; at the time of first-contact, however, wanting to make Ziegenbalg and Pltitschau (viz., Heinrich PlOtschau, Ziegenbalg’s Tranquebar colleague) into “Malabarians” probably had less to do with Hinduizing two Christians and more to do with Tamilizing two Europeans.22 The elder vattiyar being so closely connected to the Mission - and now economically dependent on it - it stands to reason that the younger, who appears not to have been an independent householder, would be too. We are told, however, that Kanapati had had a Tamil school of his own already and that he enjoyed a degree of local renown: “before his Conversion to Christianity,” Ziegenbalg writes, “[he] was one of the most famous Poets and School-Masters among the Malabarians at Tranquebar.”23 One could milk the archival record for a good deal of detail about Kanapati’s involvements with the Mission in his role as successor to his father - initially as a lowly copyist of Tamil Christian texts (which, until a press was obtained, had to be mass-produced by hand on palmleaves with a stylus), later as a Mission teacher, and finally as Ziegenbalg’s trusted personal encyclopedia whom he consulted when the need arose to unravel the grammatical intricacies and literary mysteries of Tamil belletristic literature. Already, however, we have enough ‘critical mass’ to provide a context. Bear in mind that all such interactions over three years before Kanapati received baptism occurred in close-quarter contact; except for some satellite institutions (the Jerusalem Church, for instance) - the Tranquebar Mission was structurally self-contained with interconnected European and Tamil populations residing within and around its precincts. Unsurprisingly, the ‘heteroglot and dialogic” exchanges that transpired in these surroundings triggered a reciprocal process of transculturation; both were affected, Ziegenbalg becoming more Tamil and Kanapati more European, although we do not mean by this either deculturation or deracination. “Malabarische Heidenthum,” for instance, came to have a changed signification for Ziegenbalg, as he read with the still-as-yet unbaptized Kanapati in Tamil gnomic literature, realizing as he did so that the normative code of conduct prescribed by the indigenous 22 In this, we concur with the suggestion first made by Hudson, Protestant Origins in India, p. 16. 23Propagation o f the Gospel in the East (1709), p. 28.

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texts of antiquity contained a good measure of underrated moral integrity, enough to bridge cultures and be admired by all.24 Although never overawed by India, Ziegenbalg was arguably more inclined as a result of these triangulated transactions - Tamil, text, tutor - to deabsolutize Europe and reconceptualize Christianity in ways that took what he was learning into serious account. While his high view of Tamil civilization has been well-documented (and of which we have already provided sufficient evidence by citing the passage from Ziegenbalg, supra, about his interactions with the senior vattiyar), his heightened awareness of God’s presence outside Christendom bears reiteration: God is all wisdom and does not need man’s help. Yet he walks around in the whole world so to speak offering his grace and his wisdom to men. And if He did not precede men in this work, nobody would feel even the desire for wisdom, let alone seek it and achieve it as they ought.25 We say “heightened awareness” because, of course, a lot of this is straightforwardly Lutheran. As much, however, is found between the lines and around the lines as in the lines; there is also an openness about discovering in the Book of Nature a new chapter in the Book of Grace as Ziegenbalg grapples - communicatively, concretely, and contextually - with culturally encoded signs and indications that Tamil civilization is pre-adapted for the Gospel. Overall, it is a theological orientation that takes the hard edge off the polemical language of his earliest printed tract in Tamil, “Abominable Heathenism” (1713). For Kanapati, Christianity likewise came to have a changed signification beyond a growing awareness that the Christianity he had 24 For details on the texts that Ziegenbalg read around 1708 with Kanapati, who had a role in the translation of at least one (the Ulukanitt), see Jeyaraj, Inkulturation in Tranquebar, pp. 154-65. Palmleaf manuscripts of the actual texts they may have consulted can be found in the Franckesche Stiftungen catalogued as AFSt/Pb 91. In the same collection, Ziegenbalg’s German translations, including Ulukaniti, are listed as AFSt/M IIA 6b. 25 From the Halle Reports {Hallesche Berichte), vol. 1, p. 724; cited from HansWemer Gensichen, “’Abominable Heathenism’: A Rediscovered Tract by Bartholomaeus Ziegenbalg”, Indian Church History Review 1 (1967): 40. Genischen rightly observes of this passage that it brings missiology into alignment with an essentially theological insight (into the wisdom and goodness of God). For more on the underlying theology, see section 2.1 ff., “Ziegenbalg and the Residual Image of God”, in Daniel Jeyaraj, Genealogy o f the South Indian Deities: An English Translation o f Bartholomdus Ziegenbalg s Original German Manuscript with a Textual Analysis and Glossary, London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2005), pp. 16ff.

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encountered was a variant called ‘Lutheran Pietism’; considering the spirited resistance of die senior vattiyar to Ziegenbalg’s “attempt to bring him over to Christian knowledge,” this looks all the more remarkable (and is perhaps suggestive of intra-family conflict as a factor in the junior vattiyar’s conversion). That Ziegenbalg made a similar attempt on Kanapati seems likely, although the ‘official’ account (Ziegenbalg’s) purports otherwise; on his own initiative, according to that account, in the private sanctum of his inner self, Kanapati did what only a “poet” would do or could - he versified into “Damulian” meters a “melodie” for singing Luther’s Catechism, the Decalogue, and a life of Christ. That creative act, of course, could hardly have been entirely disconnected from the routine life of the Tranquebar Mission, for these were some of the same basic components of the small repertoire of texts that constituted the core curriculum of the “Malabarick School” in which he taught (not yet as the master, being elevated, post-baptism, to that position). Still, in the lines of his account, Ziegenbalg inserts the kind of detail that supports our contention that the history being inscribed by him is more than simply political rhetoric: “at night, when Business was over, he [Kanapati] would sing with the Children at the Top of the House” - that is, sing with them the songs he composed.26 “Fiddler on the Roof’ might spring to mind for those who know their Broadway musicals; that would give the wrong impression. Song - choral and communal, doctrinal without being doctrinaire, ecstatic instead of enstatic - is one of piety’s most symptomatic features, Christian or Hindu. The lyrics, regrettably, are unknown, and so it remains unclear whether the songs Kanapati sang in this pre-baptismal phase were more Christian than Hindu, or vice versa. Although helpful for understanding conversion as a process (as opposed to an aoristic event), the stage-model formulated by Lewis Rambo27 - “context,” “crisis,” “quest,” “encounter,” “interaction,” “commitment,” “consequences” - is rather too Eurocentric in presupposing the existence of an “individuated self’ to shed much light on Kanapati’s conversion (the self in Tamil society being more 24 Propagation o f the Gospel in the East, Part II. Containing a Further Account o f the Progress Made by Some Missionaries to Tranquebar, Upon the Coast o f Coromandel, fo r the Conversion o f the Malabarians (London: Printed for J. Downing, 1710), p. 31. pp. 30-37 contain the text of Ziegenbalg’s letter, dated 19 October 1709, to Anton Wilhelm BOhme (London) about events surrounding Kanapati’s conversion and baptism. Unless otherwise specified, all further references are to this same source. 27 Lewis R. Rambo, Understanding Religious Conversion, (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1993.

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communally constructed). Still, at some unspecifiable point prior to receiving baptism, Kanapati had already ceased to be exclusively a singer of Shaivite songs despite vehement opposition from his family, friends, and caste-fellows. Had he known of him, Kanapati might have found a kindred spirit in Gregory Nazianzus, a noted Christian litterateur and theologian of the 4thcentury, who tired of writing of Isis, Osiris, and Bacchus, and declared: “As for me, I will sing of the things Christ the light has taught me well, the divine song of Christ-bearing words.”28 In Tamil, Ziegenbalg would have spoken to Kanapati about conversion as manacai-ttirupputal (lit., “turning, changing, and reorienting the heart, mind, and will”),29that is, as a metanoic, transformative process, always incomplete and ever on-going. And this might be why Ziegenbalg the Pietist mentions that he tried to impress upon Kanapati “the Duty of Prayer, of Repentance, of a living Faith." Still, as a process, converting to Christianity was agonistic, disorienting and frightfully wrenching. In the passage below, it will be seen how Kanapati “unbossomed” himself on one occasion; to what extent the German redaction is pre-adapted to Piestist expectations remains, of course, uncertain: [AJfter I began to apply my self to the reading o f Christian Books,

I met indeed with Things that did much perplex and alarm me, though as for their fundamental Principles, I found them in the main, so strong and prevailing, that I was oblig’d at last to yield to the conviction resulting from thence, and to own this to be the only true, and saving Religion in the World. I have not been easy in the very Nights, nor would my Thoughts suffer me to sleep quietly, till things were brought to this pass. Our purpose not being to exhaustively catalogue all that was ever said by or about Kanapati, we leave aside the details of his baptism (taking the name “Christian David” on 16 October 1709 at age twenty-four), the heartbreaking familial rupture and communal uproar that followed,30the apostasy to Roman Catholicism, and the final reversion back to Shaivite 28 From a letter by Gregory to one Nemesius. For a fuller discussion of the context, see Richard Fox Young, “Seeking India’s Christ-Bearing Word,” International Journal o f Frontier Missions 19/3:26. Thanks are owed to Kathleen Elizabeth McVey, Professor of Patristics, Princeton Theological Seminary, who translated this passage for us from the original Greek. w Jeyaraj, Genealogy o f the South Indian Deities, p. 23. 30 The fullest account of which comes from the same text already cited, Ziegenbalg’s letter of 19 October 1709 (n. 26), which should be read in tandem with the German original, followed by others containing extracts from Kanapati’s letters (to family, friends, and the Tranquebar Kommandant) in Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, pp. 130-50.

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Hinduism.31 For the time that he was identifiably Christian - and, for all we know, with a residual empathy as a Hindu after his reversion Kanapati sang “Christ-bearing” songs in a growing corpus of hymnody (components have been recovered from the Franckesche Stiftungen), earning for him the honor of being Tamil Protestantism’s first “Christian Poet.”32 Doctor or Poet Being a “Christian Poet,” however, was not altogether different from being a “Hindu Poet,” and here there is indeed a certain “thinness” in the Danish-Halle materials that stands in need of being thickened. In keeping with the Mission’s reluctance to countenance caste (while Ziegenbalg was alive, at least), mention is not made of the fact that Kanapati was Vellala; as such, he was Shudra according to Sanskritic sociocultural categories (yama) and, unlike a Brahmin, would not have been entitled to recite the Veda or ritually officiate inside temples (in most extra-temple contexts Vellalas, as landowning cultivators, constituted the dominant Tamil caste). Like most Tamils, Brahmin or Vellala (or otherwise), Kanapati was Shaiva in sectarian orientation. In all likelihood, as a scholar-teacher, he would have received initiation 31 One does not like to speak of conversion to Catholicism as “apostasy”; still, this was how the change was perceived by 1^-century Pietists, who had not yet learned that converts did not always feel bound to the first variant of Christianity they happened to come into contact with. Shifting identities and affiliations were quite common. On the inter-church troubles of the era in which Kanapati became embroiled, see H. Grafe, “The Relation between the Tranquebar Lutherans and the Tanjore Catholics in the First Half of the 18*1Century”, Indian Church History Review 1 (1967): 41-58. Less is known about Kanapati’s final reversion, but this was openly acknowledged. The relevant references from the Halle Reports are inventoried in J. Ferdinand Fenger, Geschichte der TYankebarschen Mission [translated from Danish by Emil Francke], Grimma: Gebhardt, 1845, p. 132-35; for the same in English, see idem, History o f the TYanquebar Mission, Madras: Evangelical Lutheran Mission Press, 1863, pp. 150-56. Note that Kanapati’s association with the Tranquebar Mission was of long duration, and until at least 1717 Ziegenbalg thought highly of him. Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 495. 32Besides hymns for the Gesangbuch of the Jerusalem Church he was a member of, Kanapati is credited with several metrical compositions (one announcing Ziegenbalg's translation of the Gospel of Matthew into Tamil, another of a polemical nature in the form of a Hindu-Christian ‘dialog,’ and so forth). For details, see Jeyaraj, Inkulturation in Tranquebar, pp. 243-45. Though small, the significance of the total output cannot be overestimated; with each new piece, it became more realistic to think of a ‘Christian canon’ in Tamil, or as Ziegenbalg wrote in 1717 in his final reference to Kanapati, “wir nicht mehr ndtig haben, heidnische Poeten lessen zu lassen.” From Lehmann, Alte Briefe, p. 495.

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(Pline fran(;ais< reprfisentiert eine Frilhphase der Naturforschung, in der die Artistik der Beschreibung noch Qber die Genauigkeit der Beobachtung triumphiert.” (“The >Pline francais< represents an early phase of the study of nature, in which descriptive artistry still triumphs over the exactness of observation.”). Even in the new edition of his natural history Buffon repeated the old statements about the sexual behaviour of elephants. See: Georges Louis Le Clerc de Buffon: Naturgeschichte der vierfufiigen Thiere. Aus dem Franzdsischen flbersetzt... von Bernhard Christian Otto, vol.8, Berlin: Pauli, 1783, p. 134: “Das Geheimnifi ist Gesellschafter ihrer Vergnflgungen. Noch nie sah man sie sich begatten; sie scheuen besonders die Beobachtungen von ihres Gleichen, und kennen vielleicht mehr wie wir, die reine Lust, im Stillen zu geniefien, fllr nichts denn zu leben, als einzig nur fOr den Gegenstand unserer Liebe. - Sie begeben sich in die dicksten WSlder, wfihlen die geheimsten Eindden, urn sich da, entfernt von alien Zeugen, von nichts gestOrt, alien Trieben der Natur, ohne Zurtickhaltung zu weyhn.” (“Secrecy is the companion of their pleasures. They have never been seen mating; they are particularly shy of being observed by their ilk and, more than us, they perhaps know how to enjoy pure passion in secrecy, to live for nothing more than for the object of our love. - They move into the thickest forests, choose the most secret wilderness, and there, undisturbed, they give themselves up to all their natural instincts with complete abandon.”). 49 Smend, “Johann David Michaelis und Johann Gottfhed Eichhom”, p. 67. 50 Buhle, Literarischer Briefwechsel, Vol. 3, 1796, pp. 307-310. 51 Lepenies, Autoren und Wissenschaftler im 18. Jahrhundert, p.70.

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discussion of the question concerning the sexual behaviour of elephants. In 1787, Governor Angelbeck again sent a letter to the missionary Jacob Klein, in which he took up the scientific debate once again and engaged in polemics with the views of de Buffon and Johann Christian Wolf: Ich habe mir nicht einbilden kOnnen, dafl die 5 bis 6 Worte, die ich im Jahr 1780 in meiner Antwort auf Ihren Brief Ober die Begattung der Elephanten habe fallen lassen, bis nach Europa kommen und daselbst zu neuen Disputen Gelegenheit geben wtlrden: denn sonst wttrde ich die Beweise gleich beygefilget haben. [...] Im Gegentheil ist von den mitlBuftigen UmstSnden solcher Begattung, die durch neue Reisende aus der Seuche um was Neues und Verwunderung erweckendes zu erzehlen, ersonnen und jetzt vor kurtzem durch den Hn. de Btiffon mit seiner gewdhnlichen Wohlsprechenheit auf das angenehmste vorgetragen sind, niemals etwas gesehen oder entdecket worden. Und die Candianer, die diese Thiere fast so gemein behandeln, als ein Bauer in Europa seine Ktthe und Pferde, lachen uns aus, wenn wir sie fragen, ob die Elefanten wohl auf solche Weise den Cortum solchen bewerckstelligen. Der H. Wolf, den ich auf Jaffanapatnam gesehen und als einen Herm von guter Conduite kennen lemen, hat dieses alte Lied, auf gutem Glauben ohne eigne Untersuchung, nachgesungen, und dis muB auch von dem guten Herm Koenig gelten: ob sie gleich beide auf Ceylon bey der geringsten Untersuchung bessere Einsichten h&tten bekommen kOnnen.52

Angelbeck therefore requested Klein to give him Michaelis’address, so that he could send him his views directly. The enlightened intellectual discourse, therefore, took place between Michaelis and a contact person of the Tranquebar mission, not with the missionaries themselves. The 52 Excerpt of a letter from Johann Gerard von Angelbeck an Jacob Klein, 22.4.1787, AFSt/M 1 C 28 : 51. The excerpt of this letter was sent by J. L. Schulze to Michaelis in Gottingen. Johann Ludwig Schulze to Johann David Michaelis, 20.11.1787, SUB Gottingen: 2° Cod. Ms. Michaelis 328 : 478-482. (** I could never have imagined that the few words I wrote in 1780 in my reply to your letter asking about the mating habits of elephants would reach Europe and give rise to new debates: otherwise I would have also provided the evidence at the same time. [...] On the contrary, no one has ever seen or discovered such mating habits as have been invented by travellers in their attempt to narrate something new and astonishing, and which Mr. de Buffon has recently presented with his usual turn of phrase in the most pleasing manner. The people of Candy, who deal with these animals almost as normally as a peasant in Europe with his cows and horses, laugh at us when we ask them if the elephants perform tlw coitus in this manner. Mr. Wolf, who I met in Jaffhapatnam and who came across as a well-mannered gentleman, has sung the old song in good faith and without examining the matter himself. This is also true of the good Mr. Koenig, although both of them could have learned something in Ceylon with very little effort.”)

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missionary Angelbeck mentions, Johann Friedrich Kdnig (1741-1795) who travelled to Ceylon in 1785, could not be used as an informant since, like Wolf, he believed the traditional authorities in the field of natural sciences and was not interested in scientific questions. This was probably the reason why the extensive correspondence found so little echo in the Neue Halllesche Berichte. Angelbeck’s first letter was published along with Mr. Dessaue’s article from Colombo about the food and mating habits of the elephants, albeit in an abridged form.33 It was probably not thought appropriate for a mission journal to report such matters. The editor of the text also failed to mention that the reason for this report lay in the fact that Michaelis wanted to interpret a passage in the Bible from the Book of Hiob. In the Neue Hallesche Berichte the report was merely included as a part of the report on the activities of the missionaries in order to give an account of their work in India to Christian readers in Europe. The Neue Hallesche Berichte, which avoided the use of a rigorous scientific discourse, also did not offer a forum for an intellectual exchange on the question whether observations of nature from India could be considered as a source of scientific knowledge. This becomes apparent when one compares passages from the letters written by the missionaries which appeared both in Johann David Michaelis’ Orientalische und Exegetische Bibliothek as well as in the Hallesche Berichte. An example of this is the question put by Michaelis in 1773 with reference to 1 Macc, 6, 34: “Wie schickt man einen Elefanten an zum Streit?” (How does one send an elephant into battle?) and the reply to it from India.54

53 NHB Vol. 25, 1782, pp. 136-144, esp. pp. 137-138. 54 See footnote 33.

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OEB 12, 1778, p. 176-177

NHB 19, 1779, p. 794

Qu. 2. Wie schickt man einen Elephanten an zum Streit: auf welche Weise macht man es ihn beherzt, oder furieus? Wild ein rather Safi dazu gebrauchet? etc.

Die zweyte Frage: Wie schickt man einen Elephanten zum Streit an? A uf welche Weise macht man ihn beherzt, oder funds? Wird ein rother Saft dazu gebraucht, oder dergleichen? Antw. In diesem Lande weis man nichts von einem rothen Saft oder Getr&nke, welches man den Elephanten geben sollte; vielmehr bedient man sich verschiedener giftartiger und betfiubender Mittel, die betrunken, unempfindlich und rasend machen, so wie die Elephanten in der Brunst sind.

Resp. a) In diesem Lande weifi man nichts von einem rothen Saft oder GetrSnke, welches man den Elephanten geben sollte. b) vielmehr bedienet man sich folgender Mittel: 1. nawi wagei (Gift-Arten) 5 Sorten. 2. Abir (ist hSufig in Bengalen) 3. Umattam55 wirei. 4. edti kodtei. 5 madana kamatschi pfl.56 Dieses alles macht betrunken, unempfindlich, rasend, (so wie die Elephanten in der Brunst sind). c) Solche und mehrere dergleichen betflubende Ingredientien reibt und verwischt man und macht ein Futter daraus, welches die Elephanten vor dem Streit fressen: d) Wenn es zum Streit gehet, wird an ihren 2 H6mem oder Hauem des Nachts 2 Fackeln, des Tages aber 2 Mattapu (*) gebunden. Von dieses Mattpu57 Rauch werden ihre Augen geblendet, dafi sie das Fiirchterliche des Kriegs nicht zu sehen bekommen.

Sie werden gerieben, unter einander gemischt und dem Elephanten vor dem Streit zu fressen gegeben.

Wenn es zum Streit geht, werden an ihren zwey Hdmem oder Hauem des Nachts zwey Fackeln, die aus Schwefel, Salpeter u. d. g. zubereitet werden, gebunden. Von dem Rauch dieser Mattapu werden ihre Augen geblendet, dafi sie das Fiirchterliche des Kriegs nicht zu sehen bekommen.

e) Uebrigens weis man durchaus nichts Uebrigens weis man nichts vom irgend von irgend einiger Sache, die roth seyn einiger Sache, die roth seyn, und ihnen und ihnen auch nur vorgezeiget werden auch nur vorgezeiget werden sollte. sollte. * dieses ist eine Art von von Schwefel, Salpeter etc. zubereiteter Fackeln 55 Ibid; in the original it says “Umattam” MIbid; in the original this is followed by “ 4 ist hSufig in Bengalen macht rageckam (dieses alles macht betrunken, unempfindli ch, rasend) so wie die Elephanten in der

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The English translation is follows:

OEB 12, 1778, p. 176-177 NHB 19, 1779, p. 794 Q. 2 The second question: How does one send an elephant into How is an elephant sent into battle? How battle: how is it imbued with courage is it imbued with courage or fury? or fury? Is a red juice used for this? Is a red juice, or anything like this, Etc. used? Ans. a) In this country we know Ans. In this country we know nothing nothing about a red juice or a drink about a red juice or a drink that the elthat an elephant should be given, ephant should be given; rather, various b) Rather, we use the following means: toxic and narcotic substances are used 1. nawi wagei (toxic substances) 5 which make the elephants drunk, insenkinds. 2. Abir (common in Bengal) sitive to pain and furious, like elephants 3. Ummatam wirei. 4. edti kodtei. 5. are when on heat. madana kamatschi pu. All these things make an elephant drunk, insensitive to pain and furious (like elephants are when on heat) c) These and other narcotic substances are These substances are powdered and powdered and mixed together into a feed mxed together and are fed to the elewith the elephants eat before a battle. phants before a battle. d) When the battle approaches two When the battle approaches two flares flares are tied to their tusks at night made from sulphur, saltpetre and other and two M&ttapu (*) during the day. similar material are tied to their tusks. Their eyes are blinded by the smoke Their eyes are blinded by the smoke from the Mattpu and so they don’t see from these Mattapu and they don’t see the horrors o f war. the horrors o f war. e) However, one hasnever heard of However, one had never heard o f somesomething red that should be shown thing that is said to be red and is supto them. posed to be shown to them. (*) this is a kind o f flare made from sulphur, saltpetre etc.

Michaelis effected minimal changes in the text and even these were aimed, firstly, at making the text more readable, for example, by putting additional commas, by reducing the end syllables (“macht”, “reibt”, “verwischt”, instead of “machet”, “reibet”, “verwischet” of the original), and, secondly, at philological correctness, as for example, by changing the Brunst sind.” (“4 is common in Bengal and creates ‘rageckam’ (all this makes elephants drunk, insensitive to pain and furious) as elephants are when on heat.”) 57 Ibid; in the original it says “Matt&pu”. Further deviations from the original are not marked here.

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emphasis marker (Mattapu instead of MattSpu in the original). Michaelis also took over the footnote marked by an asterix from the original. In the Neue Hallesche Berichte the editorial changes were far greater. The Latin abbreviations for “question” and “answer”, the footnotes, the brackets and the markers for the structural organisation of the text (a,b,c etc) were eliminated in favour of a flowing text that could be read easily. The fact that even the indigenous terms for the kind of poison used were removed from the text proves that the Neue Hallesche Berichte only aimed to communicate information of a general nature to a Christian readership in Europe.58Michaelis, on the other hand, targeted a scientifically interested and educated readership with his review organ and he, therefore, retained the indigenous terms. As far as he was concerned, the answers from India were of immense scientific value and he, therefore, continued to use the sources of information from India. Michaelis sent questions to Tranquebar on two other occasions through the director of the Orphan School. These questions were not about the exotic elephant that was so fascinating from a European perspective, but about other zoological, and also botanical and ethnological matters for which Michaelis believed that he could get the correct answers from India. It is clear that his interest lay in the interpretation of particular passages from the Bible, as for example, following Isiah 18,2, he asked whether there was papyrus in India from which ships could be made.59 While the questions are available in the mission archives of the Francke Foundations, or in the Archives of the Lutheran Mission in Leipzig, evidence of the replies from India are missing there. However, the answers to the questions that Michaelis had sent to the missionaries in 178260 were published in the Orientalische und Exegetische Bibliothek of 1785.61 There was probably no reply to the other questions that Michaelis had sent.62 58 Andreas Nehring, ”Natur und Gnade: Zu Theologie und Kulturkritik in den Neuen Halleschen Berichten”, in Michael Bergunder/Helmut Obst, eds, Neue Hallesche Berichte: Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte und Gegenwart Sudindiens, Halle: Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen, 1999 (Neue Hallesche Berichte 1), pp.220-245, esp. p.240. 59 Johann David Michaelis to the missionaries, [1782], ALMW/DHM 3/4 : 32b. 60 Ibid. 61 Johann David Michaelis, Beantwortung einiger an die Tranquebarischen Herm MiBionarien gethanen Fragen, vom 12. Febr. 1784, OEB, vol.23, 1785, pp. 133-137. 62 Johann David Michaelis to Gottlieb Anastasius Freylinghausen, 15.1.1783, AFSt/ M 1 B 73 : 12-13. The questions concerned the wood of the Aloe-tree, the local names for “promontory” and “squid”, the appearance and the use of squid and polyps. The missionaries reported that they had forwarded the questions; see: Christoph Samuel

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Michaelis considered exact scientific knowledge and - for an Orientalist a matter of course - an excellent knowledge of language to be of fundamental importance for an exegetic study of the Bible. He used the expedition to Arabia and the information from Tranquebar for his exegetic studies. It apparently did not make a difference whether a scholar on an expedition, or a missionary, i.e. a theologian, transmitted scientifically verifiable information. He took it upon himself to examine this evidence critically and to compare it with existing theories. In this respect, he used the method of Biblical source evaluation on evidence that his informants sent him concerning questions of zoology, botany and other areas of knowledge. This is why he also reviewed in his Orientalische und Exegetische Bibliothek the latest zoological and botanical books and travelogues on India and other countries which could provide information about Bible passages from the Old and the New Testament.63 To which tradition do the questions that Michaelis sent to the missionaries in Tranquebar belong? If one looks at the Hallesche Berichte, one finds in the early volumes, or Continuations, catalogues of questions and answers about the political, religious and general conditions of life in India. As early as in 1709, Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg (1682-1719) had sent a thirty-five page letter - in its edited version with numerous questions and answers from Tranquebar to Halle. Among the questions in “Physis and Oeconomicis”, for example, there are the following: “Was giebts daselbst fiir rare Thiere? was fur GewSchse und andere Raritflten? wie kalt ists im Winter? wie lange dauret derselbe? dauren die GewSchse durchs gantze Jahr? Antwort: Es giebet alhier sehr grosse und wohlabgerichtete Elephanten, die aber von Ceylon und andem Ortem hergebracht werden. Es giebet rare Hirsche, [....J4*64 etc. The early missionaries, Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg, Johann Ernst John to Johann Ludwig Schulze, 1S. 10.1785, AFSt/M 1 C 25 :39; comments by [Jacob] Klein, 28.6.1786, AFSt/M 2 A 6 : 3. Freylinghausen had sent Michaelis’ questions once again to India in 1783, since they had not been forwarded the first time. Cf. Memo from Gottlieb Anastasius Freylinghausen to Johann Balthasar Kohlhoff [et al], Halle, 29.12.1783, AFSt/M 1 B 73 : 53. 43 JQigens, “German Indology avant la lettre”, p. 66. ** HB Cont.3, 1713, pp.l 11-146, esp. p.121. (“What kind of rare animals are found there? What are the kinds of plants and other rare specimens ? How cold is it in winter ? How long does the winter last ? Do plants grow all the year round ? Answers : There are very large and well-trained elephants that have, however, been brought here from Ceylon and other places. There are rare species of deer, [...] ”)

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GrOndler (1677-1720), Benjamin Schultze (1689-1760) and Christoph Theodosius Walther (1699-1741) pursued philological, etnographic and natural science interests and used the question-answer pattern in order to send detailed information about the reality of life in India to Halle. There are also letters from the missionary, Christoph Theodosius Walther, to Christian Benedict Michaelis with so-called “Observationes” in which there is information on the customs and usages of the Tamilians and on questions concerning philology and the natural sciences. There is even information about the elephant with reference to Hiob 40, 10pp.65 If one proceeds on the assumption that Johann David Michaelis knew the Hallesche Berichte and that his father not only looked after his upbringing but also his scientific education, one gets the impression that his questions link up to the early period of the Tranquebar mission. Even as far as his father was concerned, the questions to the missionaries had been directly related to the interpretation of passages from the Bible, as for example, his interest in Jonas and the “whale”, or the translation of the word “snow” in Tamil.66Whereas, however, the letters from Christoph Theodosius Walther to Christian Benedikt Michaelis, published in the Hallesche Berichte, mention the passages from the Bible, thus establishing the explicit connection of the “Observationes” with Bible exegesis, this is not found in the Neue Hallesche Berichte from the 1770s and 1780s. Here, the questions and answers pertaining to natural sciences - as has been shown - are simply included in an account of the work done by the missionaries. Johann David Michaelis revived the tradition of “enlightened” scientific dialogue from the initial period of the Tranquebar mission. If Ziegenbalg was a Pietistic theologian with an “enlightened” scientific impetus, then Michaelis was a “rational-enlightened” theologian who used the potential for scientific knowledge of the information from East India in an enlightened-scientific sense. As with his rediscovery of the Biblia Hebraica of 1720, he recognized the progressive components of Halle Pietism and of early Halle mission work and transported them into his times. He could not, of course, as his father had done, carry on a 65Christoph Theodosius Walther to Johann Jakob Specht, 7.9.1725, AFSt/M 1 B 2 : 29; cf. HB Cont.21, Ed.2, 1728, pp.716-719, esp. p.716. 66 Christoph Theodosius Walther and Christian Friedrich Pressier to Christian Benedikt Michaelis, 28.9.1729, AFSt/M 1 B 22:3-4; excerpts published in HB Cont.29, 1732, pp.431-436; Christoph Theodosius Walther to [Christian Benedikt] Michaelis, 12.1.1727, AFSt/M 1 B 3 : 26; cf. HB Cont.24, 1728, pp. 1017-1019.

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direct scientific discourse with the missionaries, because they themselves weren’t interested in scientific questions, but he used the contact and the contribution network of the Orphan School, Halle in order to gain authentic testimony for his Bible exegesis.67 When Michaelis died, a new generation of missionaries had established themselves in Tranquebar. They tried to combine faith and science in order to establish a new concept of mission. Christoph Samuel John and Johann Peter Rottler (1749-1836), who carried out zoological and botanical studies, cited the initial phase of the Tranquebar mission, the philological and natural science studies of Ziegenbalg and Walther.68 They gained an exceptional reputation in learned circles and became members of numerous scientific academies.69They would have been the ideal partners for a correspondence with Michaelis. John, for example, gave detailed answers to questions from Johann Reinhold Forster (17271798) about snake bites and antidotes known to Brahmins.70 John and Rottler could not make good their claim to renew the mission. Their work was forgotten as was that of the orientalist and theologian Johann David Michaelis. When parts of Michaelis’ unpublished work was found in London, Johann Christian Christoph Ubele (* 1767), the contact person of the Danish-Halle mission in London, advised the Foundation director, Johann Ludwig Schulze, against their publication. His reason lay in Michaelis’ enlightened attitude: “Die Welt [...] mdchte sich nur flber die in Mode-AufklSrung verHnderte Denkungs-Art des Ritters kitzeln.4*71We already get a glimpse here of the manner in which mission history writing of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries criticised the

67 Interestingly, the renewal of contact with the Orphan School, Halle led to the fact that after a period of 30 years works by Johann David Michaelis were again published in the publishing house of the Buchhandlung des Waisenhauses. Johann David Michaelis, Erklarung der Begrdbnis- und Auferstehungsgeschichle Chrisli nach den vier Evangelisten: mit Riicksicht auf die in den Fragmenten gemachten Einwurfe und deren Beantwortung, Halle: Waisenhaus, 1783; Johann David Michaelis, Grammatica Syriaca, Halle: Waisenhaus, 1784. 48 Nehring, “Natur und Gnade”, pp. 225-226; cf. also Karsten Hommel, “Physicotheology as Mission Strategy. Missionary Christoph Samuel John’s (1746-1813) under­ standing of nature”, in this volume. 49 JQrgens, “German Indology avant la lettre", p. 59, p. 65. 70 Ibid, p. 65. 71 Johann Christian Christoph Ubele to [Johann Ludwig Schulze], [1792], AFSt/M 1 C 33b : 71. (“The world [...] would only like to amuse itself with the knight’s way of thinking about fashionable Enlightenment”).

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theologians and missionaries of the last quarter of the eighteenth century who carried out studies in the natural sciences.72 However, it was mainly the increasing professionalization and specialization of the individual scientific disciplines in the nineteenth century that was responsible for the fact that scientifically schooled theologians and missionaries were ousted from the scientific discourse. In this process, theology was also dethroned from its position as the “mother” of all sciences.73 Like the missionaries John and Rottler, the theologian Michaelis had also used the other sciences for religious, theological or missionary purposes. This symbiosis was dissolved by the emancipation of the individual sciences from theology. To this extent, the dialogue between the scientifically interested theologian, Michaelis, and the missionaries in East India represents an “enlightened” dialogue on the threshold of secularized modernity.

(Translated from the German by Rekha Kamath Rajan)

72 Nehring “Natur und Gnade”, p. 240. 75 Van DQlmen/Rauschenbach, Macht des Wissens, p. 3.

PHYSICO-THEOLOGY AS MISSION STRATEGY: MISSIONARY CHRISTOPH SAMUEL JO H N ’S (1746-1813) UNDERSTANDING OF NATURE Karsten Hommel After a voyage lasting several months, Christoph Samuel John, son of a pastor from Frdbersgriin, arrived at the Danish trading settlement, Tranquebar, on 13 June 1771.' The most programmatic missionary of the Danish-Halle mission in the spirit of theological rationalism, he would work there till his death on 1 September 1813. Having studied theology and having worked as a teacher of the German girls’ school and the Latin School of the Orphan Schools in Halle,2 John gained a reputation in several areas while working as a missionary in South East India. In the framework of his tasks as a missionary, he worked as an educationist and school-reformer, as a linguist, Tamil translator, ethnologist and naturalist, though he openly admitted to his lay status with regard to his studies in natural history. Despite this he received great honours in this area, and his natural history beliefs and activities made him the chief advocate of physico-theology among the Danish-Halle missionaries. John’s concept of nature and its manifestations as a reflection of God, and the consequences he drew from this, the subject matter of this article, led to differences of opinion even among his contemporaries. Till recently they were also the basis for the charge against him of being partially responsible for the decline of the Danish-Halle mission. In fact, however, John tried, as will be shown in the course of these arguments, to reform missionary work on the basis of his personal experiences in India and on the basis of his ideas about natural theology. The aim was to increase the effectiveness of the mission and to ensure its continued existence. 1 Diary of the journey from Copenhagen to Tranquebar by W. J. Mailer and Ch. S. John, 02.11.1770- 13.06.1771, AFSt/M 2 E 34. 1 See the manuscript of Ch. S. John’s autobiography [1747-1770], Archives Francke Foundations (AFSt) M 1 K. 5 :9.

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Existing Research and Sources Despite the enormous and challenging variety presented by Christoph Samuel John’s writings, and despite his eminent significance for the history of the Danish-Halle mission at the end of the eighteenth century, existing research has taken very little notice of him. This is even more surprising considering the availability of sources - thanks to John’s passion for writing and the availability of these writings in the archives of the August Hermann Francke study-centre in the Francke Foundations in Halle and of the Evangelical-Lutheran Mission in Leipzig.3 The most detailed monograph about Christoph Samuel John was written in 1852 by Reinhold Vormbaum. It does not, however, meet the requirements of contemporary biographical studies or of studies in history and religion. John’s work as a “naturalist” is only mentioned in a footnote.4 A more contemporary short biography in an encyclopedia of 1998 by E. M. Jackson must also be mentioned. However, the content is basically the same and does not provide any further information.3 In the well-known historical overviews by Johannes Ferdinand Fenger, Amo Lehmann and Anders Nergaard, the authors ascribe the decline of the mission predominantly to the enlightened, rationalistic “spirit of the age”. While Fenger makes a general statement, Lehmann and Norgaard personalize it and thus link up directly with Wilhelm Germann’s verdict against “John and persons with beliefs of his kind.”6 Andreas Nehring questioned the consensual and tendentious tenor of 3Apart from his own articles, letters and diaries (almost 400 texts), John was also the sole author of collective diaries, cf. for example, AFSt/M 2 E 2 : 2, AFSt/M 2 E 3 : I. 4 Reinhold Vormbaum, Christoph Samuel John, evangelischer Missionar in Tranquebar, Evangelische Missionsgeschichte [...], Bd. 2/4, Dilsseldorf: W.H. Scheller, 1852, p. 67. 5E. M. Jackson, “John Christoph Samuel”, in Gerald H. Anderson, ed., Biographical Dictionary o f Christian Missions, Michigan/ Cambridge: William B. Eerdman, 1998, p.334. For information on John's family members on his gravestone in the cemetery of the New Jerusalem Church in Tranquebar see Karin Kryger, Lisbeth Gasparski, Tranquebar. Cemeteries and Grave-Monuments, [Copenhagen]: Kunstakademiets Arkitektskoles Forlag, 2002, p. 127. 6Johannes Ferdinand Fenger, Geschichte der Trankebarschen Mission, Grimma: J. M. Gebhardt, 1845, p. 251; Amo Lehmann, Es begann in Tranquebar, Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2nd ed. 1956, p. 300; Anders Nergaard, Mission und Ohrigkeit, Die Ddnisch-hallische Mission in Tranquebar 1706-1845, GGtcrsloh: Gerd Mohn, 1988 (henceforth: Neigaard 1988), pp. 195-198; Wilhelm Germann, “Der Ausgang der Dflnisch-

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mission history writing in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries for the first time in 1999. He stated that the views of nature propounded by Johann Peter Rottler, a friend of John, were an attempt “to find new and rational guidelines for the mission among the Tamilians in the context of intellectual developments and to establish new structures of knowledge.” With this Nehring opened up a new perspective for research on the natural history theologians among the first Protestant missionaries at the end of the eighteenth century.7 The following remarks are based mainly on the evaluation of hand written sources of the first Protestant mission in the Halle and Leipzig archives mentioned above. Their study with regard to Christoph Samuel John’s concept of nature was carried out in connection with a project sponsored by the German Research Council to make an inventory of the entire collection. The author undertook this extensive inventory of the manuscripts for the period from 1769 till the second half of the nineteenth century. John’s correspondence with Johann Ludwig Schulze, Director of the Orphan School, Halle, between 1785 and 1799, as well as with his successor, Georg Christian Knapp (1799-1825), is particularly significant in this context. In addition, the mission diaries and John’s travel diaries are rich sources of historical information on daily life and the work of the mission in South East India. The latter also contain numerous observations and descriptions of natural history. As far as possible, the author has refrained from consulting the published mission reports, since censorship, exercised by the concerned editor, has put paid to conflicts and controversies. This practise had already been sharply criticized by the missionary Georg Heinrich Conrad Hiittemann.8 Hallischen Mission in Indien**, in Gustav Wameck, e d Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift. Monatshefte fiir geschichtliche und theoretische Missionskunde, vol. 13, GQtersioh: C. Bertelsmann, 1886, pp.348-350. 7Andreas Nehring, “Natur und Gnade: Zu Theologie und Kunstkritik in den Neuen Halleschen Berichten”, in Michael Bergunder, Helmut Obst, eds., Neue Hallesche Berichte. Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte und Gegenwart Sudindiens, Vol. 1, Halle: Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen, 1999, p.242. 8G.H. C. HOttemann to J. B. Kohlhoff, D. Zeglin, J. Klein, J. F. Kdnig, Ch. S. John, J. P. Rottler, 09.02.1780, AFSt/M 1 B 70: 7a. From the large number of letters of donation handed down, it bccomcs dear that the main task of the published mission reports was to popularize the mission m order to collect donations. See for example, AFSt/M 3 C 1 to 3 C 22.

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Development of John’s Physicotheological Views At the time of his departure for India, Christoph Samuel John was considered one of the most promising missionaries on account of his professional experience as a teacher at the Orphan School, Halle. Yet, his intensive study of nature and his pedagogical reforms in South East India had a rather unexpected point of departure. Unable to manage on a missionary’s salary, John had incurred debts, especially after his marriage on 27 November 1776 to Christiana Sophia Guldberg.9 In this context the accusations of Johann Friedrich Kdnig, one of his sharpest critics among his fellow-missionaries, were not completely baseless. Kdnig accused John of vanity and prodigality and reproached him for having introduced luxury and finery in dress and in the construction work of the mission: “Following your example all Tranquebar missionaries now dress in satin.”10 John tried on his own to extricate himself from what was, to a large extent, a self-created financial crisis. He reports: I first thought o f natural history and collections of natural, especially herbal specimens, which are very expensive here, in order to also make our diary more productive. I began this work clearly intending not to neglect my duties in any way. However, I faced a number of difficulties and lack o f resources, and so, afraid that my duties would suffer, I left this work. I then thought that another method would be better and more in tune with the intentions o f the mission, namely to take in five or six Dutch or German children for five pagodas each monthly towards food and tuition, and to bring them together with some Malabar children who had made some progress in German...11

Thus the plan for setting up an “integrated school” with boarding facilities was bom as a way out of a personal financial crisis.12At the same 9 On John’s debts and on the salary of a missionary, see Ch. S. John to G. A. Freylinghausen, 10.10.1778, AFSt/M I B 69 : 24. 10J. F. Kdnig to Ch. S. John, 21.11.1792, AFSt/M 1 C 33c : 26. 11 Ch. S. John toG. A. Freylinghausen, 10.10.1778, AFSt/M 1 B 69 : 24. D. Schreyvogel reported: “Mr. John told me that after his marriage he was forced to borrow 10 Reichsthaler every month and that he would never have been in a position to repay these debts if the Dutch had not given him pupils for instruction.” D. Schreyvogel to G. Ch. Knapp, [?]. 01.1818, AFSt/M 1 C 54a : 9. The Moravian Brethren in Tranquebar, for example, carried on a flourishing business in natural history specimens, see Ch. S. John to J. R. Forster, 20.01.1792, AFSt/M 2 B 1 : 4. 12For John’s school models see Heike Liebau, Von Halle nach Madras: Pietistische Waisenhauspadagogik und angloindische Appropriationen, 2005 (forthcoming publication). For having placed this manuscript at my disposal and for other information I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Dr. Heike Liebau.

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time, the missionary Johann Wilhelm Gerlach, was also trying to set up a “School for Languages and Sciences in East India” in Tranquebar on the model of the Orphan School in Halle.13While Gerlach’s efforts at the level of the mission failed, John's privately carried out plan quickly became a success and freed him of his pressing debts so that he could tell his friend, David Gottlieb Niemeyer, in 1781: “I will not complain of scarcity any more though I need not fear wealth.”14John did not give up his occupation with natural science even after establishing his school. Rather, he included the study of science in the school curriculum, especially in religious instruction, as will be shown. In doing this, he followed the example of his own schooling in Halle where, as a pupil of the Orphan School, he had had access to an art and natural history collection which had been organized in the years between 1736 and 1741 according to the latest scientific principles - the “Systema Naturae” (1785) of Carl von Linn6.15The lasting impression created by this experience can be seen in John's paternal wish that his son, August, study the natural history collection in Halle.16 Even after Christoph Samuel John - deeply dismayed by the death of his children, Julia Susanna and Ernst Christian - had once again announced the end of his intensive study of natural history in 1782, he clung to it.17On the contrary, under the influence of well-known scholars, he developed into a reputed natural history collector and scholar. He was known in Europe as a supplier of natural history specimens, and was held in high esteem as a field researcher. John concentrated on the animal kingdom as his field of work while Rottler, who shared his ideas, devoted himself to botany.18 John justified his zeal towards the “Gelehrte Welt” with a pointed reference to the scientific ambitions of his predecessors, Bartholomfius Ziegenbalg and Christoph Theodosius Walther.19 For John, the decisive personalities of this much sought-after “Gelehrte Welt” were the Swedish doctor and botanist Carl von Linne, 11 J. W. Gerlach’s essay “On the setting up of a school for languages and sciences in East India”, 20.02.1778, AFSt/M 1 B 67 : 24. 14Ch. S. John to D. G. Niemeyer, 12.03.1781, AFSt/M 1 B 72 : 36. 15Thomas MQller-Bahlke, Die Wunderkammer. Die Kunst- und Naturalienkammer der Franckeschen Stiftungen zu Halle (Saale), Halle: Franckesche Stiftungen, 1998 (henceforth: MQller-Bahlke 1998), pp. 32-36. 14See Ch. S. John to G. Ch. Knapp, 06.09.1805, AFSt/M 1 C 46 : 49. 17Ch. S. John to G. A. Freylinghausen, 19.10.1782, AFSt/M 1 B 72 : 39. " Very productive sources on J. P. Rottler’s work in botany are, for example, his diaries 1789-1806, AFSt/M 2 E 24 : l-18b. 19Ch. S. John to Secretary ROdiger, 15.02.1790, AFSt/M 1 C 3 la : 53.

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with his epochal work “Systema Naturae” (1735); the naturalist Heinrich Sander, with his work “Uber Natur und Religion filr die Liebhaber und Anbeter Gottes” (1779); the Berlin astronomer Johann Elert Bode, with his “Anleitung zur KenntniB des Gestimten Himmels” (1786); and the Dutch philosopher, theologian and naturalist Johannes Florentinus Martinet, with his opulent four volumes on the “Katechismus der Natur” (1777), in which the author gives an imaginary pupil directions for recognizing God in the manifestations of nature.20John included such dialogues held in natural surroundings in his pedagogic praxis, as for example in the conversations with a European pupil on a journey to Nagapattinam and Tanjavur in 1790, or with Serfoji, the heir to the throne of Tanjavur, in 1795 in Madras.21 The numerous editions and translations of these texts on natural history are proof of their contemporary circulation in Europe. Martinet’s “Katechismus” alone, which appeared between 1777 and 1779 in Amsterdam, was translated into almost all European languages by 1790 and, by this time, there had already been 21 editions of the English version alone. John acknowledged the significance of these scholars for the development of his own views as follows: When I started work as a missionary my views were restricted because I did not pay heed to other areas of knowledge and thought that only the truths o f the catechism needed to be taught. Through Martinet, Sander and others I learned how knowledge of nature was connected so well and so movingly with the Holy Book and how this can be used to understand, worship and glorify God better. I no longer considered these areas to be trivial.22

In the framework of this marked experience he recommended the reading of these natural history works mentioned above in his programmatic text “Erinnerungen filr neue Missionare” which provided guidelines for mission candidates for their future work in South East India.23 20 Johannes Florentinus Martinet, Katechismus der Natur, parts 1-4, Leipzig: Weidmanns Eiben und Reich, 1779-1782. 21Diary of the journey from Tranquebar to Nagapattinam by Ch. S. John, 1790, AFSt/M 2 E 27 :4; Diary of the journey from Tranquebar to Tanjavur, Tiruchirapalli and Madras by Ch. S. John, 1795, AFSt/M 2 E 27 : 12, also AFSt/M 2 E 27 : 13. 22 Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 10.10.1794, AFSt/M 1 C 35b : 64. 23 Published as “Des Herm Missionarii John Erinnerungen filr neue Missionarien" 20.02.1784, AFSt/M 2 C 14 : 10, and AFSt/M 2 B 3 : 4. AFSt/M 2 E 27 : 2; similarly as a manuscript “Promemoria fiir neue Missionare” (AFSt/M 1 B 74 : 22b) as an enclosure to Ch. S. John to G. A. Freylinghausen, 28.02.1784, AFSt/M 1 B 74 : 2 1.

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The fruits of John’s scientific work appeared very soon in his own personal zoological collection, which he, however, looked upon as being “for public benefit”.24This collection contained preserved specimens of sea animals (molluscs and fish), reptiles, amphibia and insects as well as small stuffed mammals and birds. In 1789 John, along with Rottler, also contributed decisively to the setting up of a botanical garden in Tranquebar.25 John tried to rectify the lack of scientific resources he had complained about in the beginning by building up a correspondence network with scholars in Europe. To this end he offered - with growing success - to exchange natural history specimens for scientific literature and instruments. An offer of this kind stated, for example: The missionaries in Tranquebar can send all kinds of beautiful molluscs and other sea-plants such as sea-apple, corals, small dried fish; also, preserved in spirit, snakes, lizards, turtles, crickets, frogs, toads and other worms; in addition, all kinds o f butterflies or white-butterflies, small dried birds and stuffed land-animals; similarly, all kinds o f fruit and seeds o f trees, shrubs and plants and, finally, all kinds of ores and types o f earth along with rocks, clothing and artifacts.26

The importance attached to a private collection of natural history specimens in the late eighteenth century can be seen from the fact that it entitled a person to become a member of the Berliner Gesellschaft Naturforschender Freunde, of which Alexander von Humboldt was also a member. On the basis of this exchange, John corresponded in the course of time with well-known scholars like the Jewish doctor and ichthyologist in Berlin, Marcus Elieser Bloch, with the micro-paleontologist in Vienna, Leopold von Fichtel, the theologian, naturalist and traveler around the world, Johann Reinhold Forster in Halle, the doctor and naturalist, Patrick Russell in London, the doctor and botanist in Erlangen, Johann Christian Daniel von Schreber, the orientalist and zoologist, Oluf Gerhard Tychsen in Rostock, the entomologist Eugen Johann Christoph Esper in Erlangen, and the theologian and mollusc scientist, Johann Hieronymus Chemnitz in Copenhagen.

24Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze 20.01.1790, AFSt/M 1 C 31a:26. ” J. Klein to S. A. Fabricius, 12.01.1789, AFSt/M 1 C 30c: 19; Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 20.01.1789, AFSt/M 1 C 30c : 24. 26 Memo of the “Missionaries in Tranquebar”, no date, AFSt/M 2 B 9 : 16.

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John had been able to admire Chemnitz’s rich collection of molluscs on 3 November 1770 before his departure for Tranquebar.27Chemnitz, an advocate of testaceo-theology,2* the branch of physico-theology dealing with molluscs, later acted as John’s agent for the natural history specimens sent from Tranquebar to Copenhagen. In return for the molluscs sent to him for his own use every year from 1771 onwards, Chemnitz sent his text “Neues systematisches Conchylien-Cabinet.”29 In 1792, John gave detailed answers to Johann Reinhold Forster’s questions about the animal kingdom in India, especially about snakes, scorpions, oxen, buffaloes, birds, fish etc.30 Forster had worked in Halle since 1779 as a professor of natural history and mineral sciences. Between 1772 and 1775 he had, along with his son, Johann Geoig Adam Forster, taken part in James Cook’s second Pacific voyage. As a sign of his life-long gratitude, the missionary also continuously sent objects to the art and natural history collection in Halle, for example, insects, molluscs, plants and seeds.31 In order to meet the demand for natural history specimens from Europe, John involved his pupils in collection of the desired objects. For this purpose he even sent a boy in 1787 to the Nicobar Islands for one or two years.32John also entrusted his pupils with ordering and classifying his collection as well as with describing and drawing the objects. The most promising of these helpers was Heinrich Julius Lebeck. In 1789, the teacher writes about him: “Lebeck is more of an organizer, sketcher and lover of the animal kingdom; he puts my molluscs, minerals, snakes and collection of fish in order and writes descriptions according to [Carl 27 Diary of the journey from Copenhagen to Tranquebar by W. J. Mailer and Ch. S. John, 02.11.1770 - 13.06.1771, AFSt/M 2 E 34. MFriedrich Christian Lesser, Testaceotheolgie, oder: Grundlicher Beweis des Daseins und der vollkommenen Eigenschafien eines gdttlichen Wesens, aus natiirlicher und geistlicher Betrachtung der Schnecken und Muscheln. Leipzig: Blochberger, 1744. 29 Friedrich Heinrich Martini, Johann Hieronymus Chemnitz, Gotthilf Heinrich von Schubert, Neues systematisches Conchylien-Cabinet, vols. 1-12, Nttmberg: Raspe, n.d. Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 12.09.1789, AFSt/M 1 C 31a : 1. 30 Ch. S. John to J. R. Forster, 20.01.1792, AFSt/M 2 B 1 : 4. For Forster’s questions see memo from J. R. Forster 27.12.1790, AFSt/M 2 B 1:3. 31 Ch. S. John toG. A. Freylinghausen, 27.10.1779, AFSt/M 1 B 70:28; Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 18.10.1787, AFSt/M 1 C 29b : 34; similarly 12.10.1789, AFSt/M 1 C 31a : 1; similarly 20.01.1790, AFSt/M 1 C 31a : 21.For the objects from India in the art and natural history collection of the Orphan School, Halle, see MOller-Bahlke 1998, pp.90-95. 32 See Ch. S. John to J.L. Schulze, 18.10.1787, AFSt/M 1 C 29b : 34.

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von] Linn6, which I then correct.”33 After successfully completing his study of medicine in Europe, under the doctor and botanist Carl Peter Thunberg, among others, in Uppsala, where Carl von Linn6 had also been a professor of botany from 1742 till his death in 1778, Lebeck returned to India. John praised Lebeck as the “supreme example” of his pedagogic methods. To honour him, he named a “star-gazing fish” described in the new series of the Gesellschaft naturforschender Freunde zu Berlin “Uranoscopus Lebeckii”34In 1787, John had sent a drawing of this fish to his “noble and unforgettable friend”, Marcus Elieser Bloch in Berlin.33Bloch’s collection of fish specimens consisting of 1500 different kinds of fish is housed today in the Museum of Natural Science of the Humboldt University in Berlin, and represents a source of reference for taxonomy. It also contains numerous objects sent by John.36 In return for John’s help the famous ichthyologist had sent him different editions of his “Allgemeine Naturgeschichte der Fische”.37 An example of this exchange-related correspondence with people who were not scholars but supporters of the mission, is John’s connection with C.H.D. Germar, who sent valuable copperplate prints from the famous “Hortus malabaricus” of Hendrik Adriaan van Reede tot Drakenstein. In exchange, the State Assessor from Wemigerode received molluscs.38 John not only succeeded in getting books, but his requests for scientific instruments also met with success. The proof of this was, for example, his wish that a future missionary be trained in “experimental 53Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 20.01.1789, AFSt/M 1 C 30c : 24. 34[Christoph Samuel] John, Beschreibung und Abbildung des Uranoscopus Lebeckii", in Der Gesellschaft naturforschender Freunde zu Berlin, Neue Schriften, Vol. 3, Berlin: Realschulbuchhandlung, 1801, pp. 283-287 (henceforth: John 1801). In the same volume Lebeck also described the Ganges dolphin or “Dolphinus Gangeticus”, ibid., pp.280-281. 35 John 1801, p.287; Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 18.10.1787, AFSt/M 1 C 29b : 34. See also Richard Lesser, “Dr. Marcus Elieser Bloch. Ein Jude begrttndet die modeme Ichthyologie”, Das achtzehnte Jahrhunder. Zeitschrift der deutsschen Gesellschaft fur die Etforschmg des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts, Vol. 23, Gdttingen: Wallstein, 1999, pp.238-246. 36See Hans-Joachim Paepke, Bloch's Fish Collection in the Museumfu r Naturkunde der Humboldt- Universitdt zu Berlin: an illustrated catalogue and historical account (Theses Zoologicae 32). Ruggell/Liechtenstein: A.R.G. Ganter, 1999. 37 Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 20.01.1789, AFSt/M 1 C 30c : 24. Marcus Elieser Bloch, Allgemeine Naturgeschichte der Fische, Berlin: Selbstverlag, n.d. M Hendrik Adriaan van Reede tot Drakenstein, Hortus malabaricus, Amsterdam: Joannis van Someren/ Joannis van Dyck, 1678-1693.

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physics” in order to be able to use the instruments that were now available in Tranquebar.39 Despite all the difficulties he encountered, and more than his own scientific articles in, for example, the Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung, it was this supply of natural history specimens which brought John recognition from scholars and inclusion in their midst.40This is testified by die honorary doctorate that he and Johann Peter Rottler received on 30 April 1795 from the Sacri Romani Imperii Academia Caesaro-Leopoldina Naturae Coriosorum (today: Deutsche Akademie der Naturforscher Leopoldina) under the presidency of Johann Christian Daniel von Schreber.41 In addition to this, John became an extraordinary, or honorary member of reputed scientific societies. These were the Gesellschaft Naturforschender Freunde Berlin, the Regensburgische Botanische Gesellschaft, the Naturforschende Gesellschaft Jena that had been co-founded by Goethe in 1793, the Freie Okonomische Gesellschaft St. Petersburg and the Asiatische Gesellschaft in Calcutta. John was also the co-founder of the Gesellschaft zur Befftrderung Indianischer Kenntnisse und Industrie as well as of the Gelehrten Gesellschaft in Tranquebar.42 Despite these public honours, John always openly confessed to his status as a layman in the field of natural sciences. He repeatedly asked naturalists like the entomologist and supervisor of the art and natural history collection of the Orphan School, Halle, Johann Gottlieb Schaller, 39 Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 12. 10. 1789, AFSt/M 1 C 3 1a: 1. 40 For John's contributions to the Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung see Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 25 January 1792, AFSt/M 1 C 33a: 28, similarly 14 February 1793, AFSt/M 1 C 34a : 63; Ch. S. John to G. F. Stoppelberg, 8 February 1794, AFSt/M 1 C 35a : 58, similarly 18 January 1795, AFSt/M 1 C 36a : 18; Ch. S. John to G. Ch. Knapp, 15 July 1802, AFSt/M 1 C 43b : 64. On the problems of sending natural history specimens see Ch. S. John to G. Ch. Knapp, 15 July 1802, AFSt/M 1 C 43b: 64. John wanted his report concerning this to be published in the Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung, but he left the final decision on this to Knapp. 41 See Johann Daniel Ferdinand Neigebaur, Geschichte der Kaiserlichen LeopoldinoCarolinischen Deutschen A kademie der Natrurforscher wdhrend des zweiten Jahrhunderts ihres Bestehenst Jena: Friedrich Frommann, 1860, p. 64; Hanco JUrgens, “German Indology avant la lettre: The Experience of the Halle missionaries in Southern India”, 1750-1810”, in Douglas T. McGetchin, Peter K. J. Park, Damodar Sardesai (eds.), Sanskrit and the ‘Orientalism \ Indology and the Comparative Linguistics in Germany, 1750-1958, Manohar, 2004, pp. 50-51. 42 Ch. S. John's essay “On Indian Civilization [...], February 1782, AFSt/M 2 C 17:5 ; similarly (transcript) AFSt/M 2 C 17 : 6. It is reprinted in this publication. See: Appendix 1, Vol.Ill, source no. 18.

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to correct the texts he had sent, “because we are auto-didacts and not learned experts, but only enthusiasts and collectors.”43He also lamented: “I have too little time to begin a systematic study of natural history, but, apart from my office, it is my most favourite occupation to look at nature in connection with the wonderful creator and with feelings inspired by David or even [Heinrich] Sander. Rottler does the same.”44 John’s Concept of Nature as a Path to Conversion These statements by John show his basic understanding of natural theology since the eighties, which was based on the certainty “that God’s revelation in nature is the only universal one.”43 Logically, therefore, his missionary work and pedagogy was “instruction in the knowledge of God through nature.”46This makes John the chief advocate of physico-theology among the Danish-Halle missionaries, more so than Johann Peter Rottler and August Friedrich C&mmerer. This branch of theological rationalism, which saw the divine in manifestations of nature, established a close link between Christian piety and natural history. It attained great significance in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and disappeared with the rise of “strict” secular natural sciences in the course of the Enlightenment. Physico-theology was linked in Halle with theologians like Siegmund Jacob Baumgarten, Johann Salomo Semler, Johann August Nflsselt and August Hermann Niemeyer.47 From 1799 to 1825 August Hermann Niemeyer was co-director of the Orphan School, Halle, with Georg Christian Knapp, but he was not in charge of mission affairs.48Christoph Samuel John was a friend of his brother, Pastor David Gottlieb Niemeyer, in Glaucha.49

41 Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 18 October 1787, AFSt/M 1 C 29b : 34. See on this Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 20 January 1789, AFSt/M 1 C 30c: 24; similarly 20 January 1790, AFSt/M 1C 31a: 26. 44Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 29 March 1787, AFSt/M 1 C 29b : 14. 41Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 15 October 1792, AFSt/M 1 C 33c : 13. 46 Ch. S. John to G. F. Stoppelberg, 10 October 1794, AFSt/M 1 C 35b : 63. 47 See Susanne Erhardt-Rein, Zwischen Glaubenslehre und Vemunftwahrheit. Natur und SchSpJung bei Hallischen Theologen des 18. Jahrhunderts. Physikotheologie im historischen (Context, ed. by Manfred BQttner, vol.3, MQnster: Lit, 1996. 44 See Brigitte Klosterberg, “Die Oberwindung der Krise unter dem Direktorat Niemeyers”, in: Brigitte Klosterberg, ed., Licht undSchatten. August Hermann Niemeyer. Ein Leben an der Epoche um 1800, Kataloge der Franckeschen Stiftungen zu Halle 13, Halle: Franckesche Stiftungen, 2004, p. 134. 49 Ch. S. John to D. G. Niemeyer, 12 March 1781, AFSt/M 1 B 72 : 36.

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On the basis of his daily experiences of life in south East India, with its polytheistic beliefs, John regarded the approach to God through nature to be a promising method for the conversion of Tamilians. The need for a reformed method becomes clear if one looks at John’s critical evaluation of the situation of the mission in 1784, which he had undertaken in consultation with the missionaries Johann Peter Rottler and Christian Wilhelm Gericke.50 In his essay, “Some proposals concerning the mission”, John replies to four self-posed questions about the need for reform in the mission. The most important question is, of course, the first one: “What is the appropriate manner of convincing the heathens to accept the teachings of Christ for their salvation?”51At this point of time John felt that the work of the missionaries should consist merely in training the local “national workers” also in the “European sciences”, in order to enable them to convert their countrymen. Then and later, he considered the method used by the missionaries of preaching and explaining the message of salvation to a large gathering, to be fairly ineffective.52This was based on his experience that Christian “truths in the [biblical] passages about the Son of God” led to “unnecessary questions and debates and, therefore, I would rather use other means to express these truths.”53This position was hardly new; the missionary Christoph Theodosius Walther had already described it in April 1726.54 In the nineties, on the other hand, Christoph Samuel John favoured personal conversation similar to the dialogue in Martinet’s “Katechismus 90On the consultations with J. P. Rottler and Ch. W. Gericke see Ch. S. John to G. A. Freylinghausen, 28 February 1784, AFSt/M 1 B 74 : 21. 51 Ch. S. John’s essay “Einige VorschlSge die Mission betreffend”, 1784, AFSt/M 1 B 74 : 22, as an enclosure to Ch. S. John to G. A. Freylinghausen, 28 February 1784, AFSt/M 1 B 74: 21. 52 “I do not wish to find fault with or criticize the enthusiasm shown in preaching on the streets and in the market-places, nor would I deny its usefulness. However, it does not create any lasting impressions and I have not encountered a decision based on such preaching to come for preparation and instruction, except if the people hoped to be served food during or after the class. Since we don’t have money for this, the number of heathens baptized annually is very low.” Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 22 October 1796, AFSt/M 1 C 37b : 50. 53 Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 10 October 1794, AFSt/M 1 C 35b : 64. 54 I have often experienced that if I name the Son of God at the beginning of a conversation ... the people are prejudiced against our teachings and 1, therefore, lose the opportunity of talking to them about the really important matters...” Joint diary of Ch. F. Pressier and Ch. T. Walther, 1726, in Gotthilf August Francke, ed., Zwei und Zwanzigste Continuation des Berichts der Kdniglich Ddnischen Missionarien in O st-In d ie n Halle: Waisenhaus, 1727, p. 874.

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der Natur” as an instrument of conversion. The aim here was to communicate one’s own evangelical message of faith and concept of God, while also getting to know the ideas of the local people. John’s preferred places for these conversations were his house and the mission garden. We get a concrete idea of his method from a report he had written in which he says that he liked to invite Brahmins, doctors and peasants to his house in order to talk about Indian languages, texts, mythology and other sciences with the former, and about natural history, the benefits, uses and cultivation o f natural products and about other economic matters with the latter, so as to link their knowledge and experience with mine. This attracts them because they see that their knowledge is not despised, and that there is an effort to team from them and to value and use the good wherever one finds it. If one has warm feelings for God, Christ and all fellow-beings, then such quiet conversations offer a far greater opportunity to make them aware of their Creator, their Saviour and of their spiritual and physical well-being.”

During one such conversation John told an Indian how astronomy was one of “the noblest sciences which portrays God most clearly in His infinite greatness and which awakens the deepest admiration and worship.”56 John often illustrated his explanations about natural phenomena with the use of scientific instruments, for examples, globes of earth and heaven, a microscope, or the observatory set up by the preacher of the Danish congregation in Tranquebar, Engelhardt, on the tower of the Zion Church.57 John has also written about his pedagogical intentions and his method of teaching natural history to his European and Tamil pupils “who, first and foremost, are guided to a living and active understanding of God ” Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 14 March 1797, AFSt/M 1 C 38a : 35. See also Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 3 February 1798, AFSt/M 1 C 39a : 19; diary of the journey from Tranquebar to Nagapatdnam by Ch. S. John, 1790, AFSt/M 2 E 27:4. * Ch. S. John, diary of 1793, AFSt/M 2 E 22 : 7 57 “My large, assembled microscope is placed by the window and under it there are objects which I allow them to observe. Afterwards I encourage them to place the smallest and most insignificant insects, grasses and flowers that they have collected under it. The astonishment and admiration that they express cannot be described. A Brahmin was so filled with delight that he called out: You don’t need to say anything more. One look through your microscope is enough to convince me, more than an entire sermon.” Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 14 March 1797, AFSt/M 1 C 38a: 35, cf. also Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 18 October 1787, AFSt/M 1 C 29b : 34.

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and Jesus Christ through the Holy Bible, but who also collect molluscs, fish, crabs, herbs and insects, help with flowers, vegetables and plants, who nurture trees, who look at the globe and the stars in the evenings. When I walk with the European pupils among God’s bounty in nature, they pray joyfully: Heaven, earth, air and sea show the greatness of our creator.”58 Numerous statements made by John show how unfounded Nergaard’s accusation of 1988 is, when he talks of John’s pantheism in the sense of a general identification of God and nature.59 In these statements John clearly expresses his physico-theological conviction of the primacy of God’s revelation in Jesus Christ while admitting that: “Nature would not be worth anything to me if everything in it did not lead me to my beloved heavenly Father who I also see and love as my Father reconciled in Christ. I consider it my greatest good fortune that He has given me Jesus Christ... for my salvation.”60 A further statement made by John in 1802 reveals the honesty of his declarations to his superiors and his rejection of the Enlightenment as a “religion of reason” as seen by Immanuel Kant. In his statement he laments: “When I read the public reports and reviews and see how the Christian religion is generally sought to be abased under the rule of reason, it makes me afraid on account of all the things that reason has given birth to and will continue to give birth to if it is not guided by a higher and brighter light.. .”61Two years later the missionary went one step further in his verdict against “enlightenment” and “reason”. Criticizing the “despisal of religion” by Europeans, he wrote in his diary: “The bitter fruits are apparently lust, luxury, intoxication, injustice, deception, lack of ennobling, sweet and selfless friendship, foolishness, ailing bodies and early, unfeeling death. These are the evident fruits of a false enlightenment that has been installed on the throne in place of the salutary soul of Jesus; the monstrous births of reason left to its own devices.. .”62 5‘ Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 28 June 1786, AFSt/M 1 C 25 : 39. 59 Norgaard 1988, p. 197. 60 Ch. S. John to G. F. Stoppelberg, 10 October 1794, AFSt/M 1 C 35b : 63. Cf. also the profession of faith: “You [Christ] came from the Father as the noble envoy who revealed God in nature, who sacrificed himself for our sakes, who went back to the Father and was made the Lord and the Judge of the world.” Diary of Ch. S. John, 1803/1804, AFSt/M 2 E 27 : 18. 61 Ch. S. John to G. Ch. Knapp, 24 September 1802, AFSt/M 1 C 43b : 35. 62 Diary of Ch. S. John, 1803/1804 (entry of 21 April 1804), AFSt/M 2 E 27 : 18.

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John was also always concerned that his natural history inclinations would be misunderstood, and therefore rejected by the benefactors of the mission. Therefore he repeatedly requested that the essays and communications of the missionaries concerning natural history, which Johann Ludwig Schulze wanted for reasons of popularization, to be printed as an appendix to the published mission reports, “so that those who might be offended by the fact that the missionaries occupy themselves with such things can have the mission news separately.”63 Among John’s essays on natural sciences written for the Mission Reports, the following could be mentioned: “Beschreibung einiger schdnen Spinnen. Der gtlldene Lorbeer” (around 1790), “Lacherta [Lacerta] Chameleon. Malab[arischer] Katschei Onde, oder der grtlne Ondi” (1787), “Drachenkopf [Lacerta dracona oder Leguan]” (1787).64 Consequences of John’s Physico-theological Strategy for the Mission Given his programmatic, natural-theological and pedagogical views it is not surprising that Christoph Samuel John polarized his contemporaries and his fellow-companions and that he was accused of a “lust for glory”. He countered this accusation concerning his natural history ambitions with humility, but not without sadness: “My imperfections in this area, which any knowledgeable person will notice, and which shame me, will keep me from getting a good name.”65 Whereas John’s conflicts with older colleagues like Johann Friedrich Kdnig, who held on to established conventions, were more basic and concerned the concept of the mission,66personal animosities dominated, for example, in the younger missionary Karl Wilhelm PSzold, who in a resentful manner often expressed his personal grudge against, for example, John’s honorary doctorate.67In contrast to this, John’s initially harmonious relationship with his superior, Johann Ludwig Schulze, deteriorated on account of John’s understanding of nature and the consequences he drew “ Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 25 January 1792, AFSt/M 1 C 3 3a: 28. 64AFSt/M 2 B 1 : le; AFSt/M 2 B 1 : lg. 65 Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 20 January 1790, AFSt/M 1 C 3 1a: 26. 64 “I also believe that in this life you and 1 will never share the same opinions and principles with regard to the mission.” J. F. Kdnig to Ch. S. John, 10 December 1792, AFSt/M 1 C 32c: 27; cf. also Ch. S. John to J. F. KOnig, 8 November 1792, AFSt/M 1 C 32c : 25; J. F. KCnig to Ch. S. John, 21 November 1792, AFSt/M 1 C 32c : 26. 67 “He [John] should not lay too much store on his title of Doctor. If he had had to earn his title in Halle or Leipzig by defence, he would perhaps not have become a Doctor?” K. W. Pfizold to G. Ch. Knapp, 5 March 1805, AFSt/M 1 C 46 : 92.

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from it. The concrete cause for this was John’s demand in 1792 for the publication and distribution of a “Katechismus der Natur” inspired by Johannes Florentinus Martinet Linked with this was the very controversial idea put forward by John to print “only the most necessary excerpts and not the entire Bible” in future. John’s experience showed that the biblical parables, the register containing the lineages of the Old Testament and the “imagery in the Prophets and in the Revelation of S.John created confusion among the local people as well as among the missionaries.”68The superior in Halle replied in an unusually detailed and ‘"troubled” manner to John’s letter. Along with an unequivocal rejection of the proposed catechism of nature, Schulze also refused to be party to John’s indirectly expressed demand for a mission reform. In an old-fashioned and appeasing manner he assured the young missionary: “I believe it was your conscientiousness that led you to express the good things you perhaps intended in such strong terms; things which, if they were to be understood as they sound, could create the impression that the mission should be completely changed and modernized. But I cannot, and will not, believe you to be capable of such plans and intentions.” Given the conditions in Germany, the author of the letter had already, in the opening paragraph, warned, indirectly but unequivocally, against “naturalism” in theology: “May God in His mercy save His Church in East India from such [theologians].”69 A year later Schulze confronted the shattering events of the French Revolution. In a letter to all the missionaries in East India he went to the extent of holding the “nature religion” responsible for the overthrow of the “divine order.”70 John ventured to criticize the views of this superior in Halle only after his death. At a superficial level he linked this criticism with Schulze’s unfortunate decision to send out the alcoholic missionary, Lambert Christian Friichtenicht.71In addition, however, he criticized the traditional, Euro-centric idea of mission advocated by his superior, according to “Indeed there cannot be a more disgusting and more skilled hypocrite and Jesuit than John!” K. W. PSzold to J. P. Rottler, 15 February 1806, AFSt/M 1 C 47: 97; cf. also K. W. Pazold to [I. G. Holzberg], 11 March 1806, AFSt/M 1 C 47 : 100a. “ Ch. S. John to J. L. Schulze, 15 October 1792, AFSt/M 1 C 33c : 13. 69J. L. Schulze to Ch. S. John, 26 November 1793, AFSt/M 1 C 34c : 95. 70 Letter from J. L. Schulze to J. F. KOnig, Ch. S. John, J. P. Rottler, A. F. Cammerer, Ch. W. Gericke, Ch. F. Schwartz, Ch. Pohle, J. D. Janicke and J. C. Kohlhoff, 23 December 1793, AFSt/M 1 C 34c: 114; similarly ALMW/DHM 4/6b : 8. 71 For John’s criticism of J. L. Schulze with regard to L. Ch. Friichtenicht, see Ch. S. John to G. Ch. Knapp, 28 February 1801, AFSt/M 1 C 42a : 29.

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which - out of ignorance of the actual conditions - the mission was administered from a distant Europe with false notions and expectations, as well as with a perception that suppressed criticism. In 1801, therefore, John communicated his observations to Schulze’s successor, Georg Christian Knapp, as follows: “I notice that in Europe people still expect religious awakenings similar to those in the early period of Christianity, or as with [John] Wesley, [George] Whitefield etc. Certainly not! The Malabars are neither Greeks, nor Romans, nor Englishmen, who were all of one caste.”72John’s intentions to travel to Europe in 1787,1790,1795, 1802 and 1806 should be seen in connection with his desire to clarify these mistaken, or inadequate, ideas, especially those regarding the caste system. Once there, he also intended to directly influence the selection of suitable candidates for the mission. Yet, in Knapp too, John was confronted with a superior who was also dogmatically convinced “that our missions can only prosper as long as one remains faithful to the genuine evangelical truths both in word and in action.”73 The directors in charge of the Orphan School, Halle, Schulze and Knapp, paying tribute to the spirit of the age, regarded natural history merely as a means to popularize the idea of mission. The aim was to keep the interest in the published mission reports alive, and to also rejuvenate the flow of donations by publishing articles in keeping with the spirit of the age. Natural history was, however, not regarded as a basis for a reform of the Danish-Halle mission - which, at the end of the eighteenth century, was unmistakably ailing74- especially since such a reform was not considered necessary. The extent, on the other hand, of Christoph Samuel John’s and Johann Peter Rottler’s readiness for reform in 1806 under conditions 72Ch. S. John to G. Ch. Knapp, 23 March 1801, AFSt/M, 1 C 42a : 8. For John’s critique of the caste system, especially of the relationship between the Sudras and the Parias, see also Diary of Ch. S. John, 1792, AFSt/M 2 E 36 : 1. 73G. Ch. Knapp to Ch. S. John, 4 January 1801, AFSt/M 1 C 42a : 52b. 74 The decline of the Danish-Halle mission is a complex, independent theme on account of the large number of causative factors, both in Europe as well as in India. What is no doubt important is the gradual retreat of Denmark from its responsibility towards the mission. This retreat became apparent in the increasingly disturbed relationship of the missionaries with the Danish government in Tranquebar and the Mission Board in Copenhagen, who, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, considered the mission to be merely a cost-factor without a political role in colonial politics. See Nergaard, Mission und Obrigkeit, pp. 227-231.

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that threatened their very existence can be seen in their programmatic suggestions to the “kind-hearted” English Governor in Madras, Lord William Hendrick Cavendish-Bentinck. These suggestions sought to show “... how the mission and its main purpose can also be used for the promotion of industry, economy and sciences.”73 Denmark’s allegiance with France on the basis of trade interests had also led to English sea blockades against the Danish trading colony, Tranquebar, during the Napoleonic wars. Particularly in the years between the two English occupations ofthe colony (1801/1802 and 1808 to 1815) and in connection with a conflict regarding the civil jurisdiction of the missionaries, this situation led to an existential crisis of the Danish-Halle mission.76John and Rottler were forced into action, and thus they offered Governor CavendishBentinck comprehensive services “for the promotion of the arts, the economy, natural history and other useful knowledge” in exchange for financial support which would ensure the continuance of the mission through the appointment of new assistants.77Apart from school instruction oriented towards natural history, that was already being practised, these services included instruction for the local people in prevention of water pollution, storm protection, road construction, in forestry, as well as in agriculture and the economics of food-supply. In 1804, on his journey to Tanjavur, John had already been instructed by the British General and Supreme Commander of British and allied troops in India, George Harris, to answer questions about such measures.78 In the said petition to Cavendish-Bentinck, John and Rottler also suggested the compilation of an “economic dictionary” in Tamil and English and the creation of a bi-lingual “national newspaper". “Questions of natural history, Indian literature and other sciences” would be the focal point of the latter, which would not touch upon political and religious conflicts. Since censorship of the newspaper was deemed to be necessary, this would be in the hands of a European “official”.

75Ch. S. John to J. C. Ch. Ubele, 17 October 1806, AFSt/M 1 C 47 : 72. For a character portrayal of W. H. Cavendish-Bentinck see: Dairy of the journey from Tranquebar to Madras by J. P. Rottler, 1803/1804, AFSt/M 2 E 24 : 16a. 76On the conflict regarding jurisdiction see Norgaard 1988, pp. 209-212. 77 Ch. S. John and J. P, Rottler to W. H. Cavendish-Bentinck, 16 October 1806, AFSt/M 1 C 47 : 60. 78 Diary of Ch. S. John about his journey to Tanjavur, 1804, AFSt/M 2 E 27 : 9.

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In order not to arouse the suspicion of the Tamilians by having the English government support the Danish-Halle mission and its twelve congregations, John and Rottler suggested in the petition that the action be named: “Grant for the promotion of industry and economy in the interests of the poorer classes of the nation”. For this basic reform of the Danish-Halle mission they allowed for at least twelve missionaries and the same number of European assistants. This would entail a monthly financial grant of 500 pagodas. After expressly declaring the “intimate” ties of the mission in Tranquebar with the English missions in India, John and Rottler summarised their intentions in the following words: “... it is simply our intention to relieve the sufferings of a large number of your own subjects with your help, to take care of them and to intercede on their behalf.” This amounted to a request to enter into the services of the English. In their petition to Cavendish-Bentinck, John and Rottler displayed a pragmatic, socio-economic understanding of mission work which went far beyond all Pietistic ideas of conversion of the eighteenth century. The petition testifies to the rationalism of both the missionaries and demonstrates their unbroken desire to continue their work in accordance with John’s conviction of the necessity of the missionary profession “... at least till we have the desired, but not yet existing, kind of citizens who are willing and capable of recommending religion through their behaviour and actions.”79

(Translated from the German by Rekha Kamath Rajan)

79Ch. S. John to D. G. Niemeyer, 12 March 1781, AFSt/M 1 B 72 : 36.

TAMIL MEDICAL SCIENCE AS PERCEIVED BY THE MISSIONARIES OF THE DANISH-HALLE MISSION AT TRANQUEBAR Josef N. Neumann When countries of the “Third World” took over scientific-technical medical systems before and after gaining political independence (since 1960) there was a confrontation between indigenous forms of medicine and European-North American systems. While setting up public health systems in former colonies one has to, therefore, deal with the possibility of a co-operation between medical systems of different cultures. This is an eminently practical problem, since it concerns the question of how an understanding can be reached between different cultural significations of illness and cure and how allowances can be made for these differences in medical practice. Intercultural co-operation in the field of medicine presupposes that scientific-technical systems of medicine are not simply exported from the societies of Western industrial nations with the claim to sole validity. Such claims ignore the fact that traditional societies have their own understanding of health, sickness and cure and that European medicine does not encounter a vacuum in medical care in non-European cultures. In the face of such a global situation it is imperative that every system of medicine is understood and recognized as a culture-specific praxis. A historical situation of an intercultural encounter which lends itself, in several respects, to a historical study of medical enculturation is the “Danish-Halle Mission” in Tranquebar in the eighteenth century. Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg (1683-1719), Heinrich PIQtschau (16771747) and the missionaries after them, who were all trained in Halle, not only sought an encounter in the sphere of religion with the Tamils living on the Coromandel Coast, but they perceived this new culture in all its diversity. In this context they also discussed notions of illness and cure with their informants. Johann Ernst Griindler (1677-1720),

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for example, who worked in Tranquebar from 1709 onwards, also collected and translated works on Tamil medical science. Their interest was governed by practical considerations. Directly after their arrival in Tranquebar in 1706, and influenced by the pedagogical project of the Francke Foundations, they began to establish schools. As was the case in Halle, they also provided the children with medical care by working together with Tamil doctors. This intercultural encounter determined by the need for medical care can be the subject of a historical ethnomedical study oriented towards the following questions: firstly, how did the Pietist missionaries at the beginning of the eighteenth century, given their own cultural and religious background, perceive South Indian medicine as part of an alien cultural context; secondly, how did they deal with the unfamiliar and how did they, when faced with unusual cures, act in situations when they themselves or their Tamil pupils and co-workers fell ill; thirdly, how did these experiences affect notions of illness and cure on both sides. With regard to both content and method, we must remember that the encounter of the Pietist missionaries with Tamil culture took place before the comprehensive subjugation of India1and, therefore, at a time when relations between the local population and Europeans were not yet characterized by the latter’s decisive claim to superiority in all spheres of culture. The missionaries reported about their work and their encounters with the Tamilians and did not link this information with a scientific claim or with the intention of making it the basis for an ethno-medical and historical study. The reports sent by the missionaries to Halle were meant as information, but also to enlist sympathy for a mission that was being criticized in Church circles. We must also remember that Tamilian medical science was confronted with a European system that was not yet oriented to the technical imperatives of the second half of the nineteenth century, but which represented the synthesis of a greatly modified humoral pathology of antiquity, of a mechanistic conception of man (Descartes) and of physiological theories of early modem times: a system, therefore, in which the historical reference was still considered significant for medical theory and practise of the times. 1 Around 1750 the European powers had created a sufficiently strong base for themselves with which to carry out the total conquest of the sub-continent. Robert Clive’s victory over the Nawab of Bengal in 1757 in the Battle of Plassey is considered to be a turning point in the colonial conquest of India. See Dietmar Rothcrmund, Epochen der indischen Geschichte, in, Diebnar Rothermund, ed., Indien. Kultur, Geschichte, Politik. Wirtschaft# Umwelt. Ein Handbuch. Mttnchen, C.H.Beck, 1995. pp. 93-94.

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Tamil Medical Science and South Indian Society in the First Half of the Eighteenth Century When Ziegenbalg and PIQtschau reached the Danish colony of Tranquebar on 9 July 1706, they encountered a multicultural society that had been established through historical processes of migration and consisted of almost 7,600 people. 200 of these were Europeans of different nationalities; one-ninth of the population consisted of Muslims, mostly of African or Arabic origin, while the large majority was Tamilian Hindus and a group of Catholic Tamilians, called “Portuguese” in the sources, who were mostly descendants of unions between Tamilians and Europeans (mostly Portuguese). Both groups generally practised agriculture and skilled craft.2 It was mainly two groups that determined the outer appearance of that society: the Hindus, called the “heathens”, and the Tamil-speaking Muslims, who Ziegenbalg called the “Moors” on account of their dark skin. In this environment, and in the context of their work of conversion, the missionaries developed an interest in all spheres of Tamil culture and sent their reports to Halle. These were then selected, edited and published from 1708-1772 in nine volumes as the Hallesche Berichte (HB) with 108 ‘Continuations’ by the Director of the Orphan-House. In 1711 GrOndler sent the manuscript of the translation of a comprehensive Tamil tract, the Malabarischer Medicus, to Halle. As the title shows,3 Grundler proceeded on the assumption that Europeans could learn from Tamil medical science. Ziegenbalg too had reported in the ninth chapter of the book A usfiihrliche Beschreibung des Malabarischen Heydenthums (1711) “about their [of the Malabarians] art of medicine”. On the whole one notices in the reports of the missionaries that their perceptions and descriptions of conditions in South India are guided by belief in the similarity of cultures, or in the implicit recognition of a relative historical simultaneity between pre­ industrial Germany and India before the British raj, in a diagnosis, 2 See Kurt Liebau, ed., Die malabarische Korrespondenz. Tamilische Briefe an deutsche Missionare. Eine Auswahl. Sigmaringen: J. Thorbecke, 1998, pp. 10-11. 3 The full title is: “Malabarischen Medicus, welcher kurtzen Bericht giebet, theils was diese Heyden in der Medicin vor Principia haben; theils auf was Art und mit welchen Medikamenten sie die Kranckheiten curieren. Denen Herren medicis in Europa zu dienlicher Nachricht aus denen Medicinischen Buchem der Malabaren zusammen getragen und Qbersetzet yon J.E.G. ”. See for this, Der von den KOniglich-DSnischen Missionen aus OstIndien eingesandte ausfllhrliche Bericht, erster Theil, 1710... bis siebter Theil, Halle, 1760: Hallesche Berichte, hereafter HB1, Cont. 6, p. 286..

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In addition, it becomes clear that the missionaries are reporting about external as well as inner perceptions; they talk about aspects of the life of the Tamilians and, at the same time, about their own feelings and state of mind. The climate of South India, for example, would have been a difficult challenge for the missionaries; a challenge which was constantly associated with the question of health and survival. They compare their experiences with the state of health and the condition of the Tamilians, and say that the latter suffer from the heat of summer despite rain, as also the chill of the winter, due to their light clothing and sleeping on bast mats spread directly on mud-pounded floors.5 The missionaries did not mention the relationship between climate, dress-habits and living conditions as a remark on the social conditions, but because they were accustomed to seeing a causal connection here. This connection corresponded to a pattern of explanation common to European and Tamil medicine at the beginning of the eighteenth century, which determined the pathogenetic notions of patients as well as of the practitioners of medicine, and which doctors trained in European medicine have to deal with even today in South India.6 The Halle missionaries gained their knowledge about the life of the Tamilians by talking to people from all walks of life. However, they were particularly interested in people from the lower rungs of society. The missionaries noted how their lives were affected by an unstable social situation and by inflation,7 which could easily lead to famine. On the other hand, they saw a connection between their impression that “older 4 Gita Dharampal-Frick, Malabarisches Heidenturn : Bartholomflus Ziegenbalg Ober Religion und Gesellschaft der Tamilen. In: Michael Bergunder, ed., Missionsberichte aus Indien im 18. Jahrhundert. Ihre Bedeutung fur die europdische Geistesgeschichte und ihr wissenschaftlicher Quellenwert fu r die Indienkunde. Halle: Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen, 1999. pp. 126-127. (“implizite Anerkennung einer rclativen geschichtlichen Gleichzeitigkeit zwischen dem vor-industriellen Deutschland und Indien vor dem Beginn des British raj, in einer Diagnose also, die sich von hegemonialen Theorien und von der Annahme einer strikten Ungleichzeitigkeit im spSteren kolonialistischen Diskurs bemerkenswert unterscheidet”) 5 See HB l,Cont. 3, pp. 117 and 119. 6 See Damans LQthi, Erkl&rungsmodelle far Erkrankungen und Strategien zur Gesundheitserhaltung im tamilischen Kottar (SOdindien), Curare 24 (2001), pp. 10-11. 7 See HB 1, Cont. 4, p. 167.

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people in South India were more numerous than among the Europeans” and the eating habits of the Tamilians. They stated that: the Malabarians stick to a very good diet and only partake o f simple food and drink. The Europeans, on the other hand, are careless about their diet, they are insatiable as far as food and drink is concerned, thus speeding up the process o f nature. There are many old men and women to be found among the heathens who can still move around and work. [...] I myself have talked to people who were over a hundred years old and who spoke sensibly.8 There are very strict rules among the Tamilians for personal hygiene. Because o f the constantly troublesome epifauna, the men shave their hair. One o f the main dangers to health stems from the lack o f clean water. Those who don’t wish to pay for water have to go themselves to those wells from which good water is drawn. Since there are so few wells, most of the Malabarians here drink water from ponds and rivers. They always eat with their right hand, since the left hand is used to clean oneself after passing stools.9 When these heathens relieve themselves, they wash away the dirt with their left hand. They all do this, young and old, and they also have books which contain instructions for this washing. Since they use their left hand for this, they are not allowed to eat with this hand, nor touch any food with it. Because they see that the Christians do not observe this, they consider them unclean, especially since they also don’t bathe very often which, for the heathens, is very important.10

In his Malabarisches Heydenthum Ziegenbalg sketches a differentiated portrait of South Indian society, unusual for his times. Going beyond the description of occupational groups, of economic and * Ibid, Cont. 3, p. 126. (“die Malabaren sehr gute Diaet halten, und nur einfachen Trunck und Speise geniessen: da hingegen die Europ&er wenig auf Diaet sehen, sondem in Essen und Trincken gantz uners&ttlich leben, und die Natur sehr forciren. Es werden unter diesen Heyden sehr alte Manner und Weiber gefunden, die aber noch wohl gehen und arbeiten kdnnen. [...] Indessen aber habe ich doch selbst mit Leuten geredet, die Qber 100 Jahr alt gewesen, und noch mit gutem Verstande gesprochen haben.”) 9 Ibid, Cont. 3, p.121. 10 Ibid, Cont. 7, pp. 340-341. (“Wenn diese Heyden ihre Nothdurft thun, waschen sie alien Unflath mit der linken Hand ab. Solches thun sie insgesamt, klein und grosse: haben auch BQcher unter sich, darinnen von solcher Reinigung Unterricht gegeben wird. Und weil sie ihre linke Hand dazu gebrauchen, so dOrffen sie mit selbiger nicht essen, noch einige Speisen bertlhren. Weil sie nun sehen, dafi die Christen solche Manier nicht gebrauchen, so halten sie selbige fiir unrein, zumahl weil sie auch nicht so gar Otters ihren Leib waschen, darein nach diesen Heyden fast alle ihre Reinigung setzen.”)

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social dependencies, he is the first to give an analysis of the ninetyeight castes, among which he differentiates four “main castes” ( Vamas): Brahmins, (priests, learned men), Kshatriyas (rulers, warriors), Vaishyas (tradesmen, writers, businessmen, money lenders) and Shudras (peasants, artisans). Of these, he was particularly interested in the Shudras, by far the largest group in the Tamil population (seventy-one of ninety-eight castes). Ziegenbalg’s further analysis led him to a differentiated concept of caste which shows that the Shudra-community was not perceived as being rigorously structured, but rather as a dynamic social and economic structure in which, on the one hand, familial and racial affiliations and, on the other, categories of classification based on profession had a structural effect. This is why professional divisions overlap with clans (Jatis), where ancestry and kinship determine inclusion. On the basis of these two interlinked principles of caste-formation it is possible, on the one hand, to distinguish between several familial and racial groups (Jatis) in one professional group while, on the other hand, a single profession can be represented in different social classes of the Vamasystem. An example is agriculture which, as a respected activity, can be carried out by everyone who does not wish to or cannot do the work assigned to his caste." The system of social welfare that Ziegenbalg and his co-workers encountered among the Tamilians at the beginning of the eighteenth century was determined by the close link with a feudal aristocratic structure of power in which welfare measures were doled out by the regent, and sometimes by high-ranking officials and well-to-do persons. It was expected that they set up places to feed the poor and the needy in cities and in large settlements. Rulers provided land for Brahmin monasteries (ashrams) which paid for the stay of pilgrims and poor people in shelters. Rest-houses were built and maintained along the roads.12Time and again, Ziegenbalg points out to the willingness among the Tamilians to help the poor, which was motivated by the belief in reincarnation and transmigration of souls and which put the Christians to shame. He writes: Therefore one sees many houses built everywhere in which the poor and the travellers can rest and receive some alms. Along with these 11 See W.Caland, ed., Ziegenbalgs Malabarisches Heidentum [1711]. Amsterdam, Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, 1926 (Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Nieuwe Reeks, Deel XXV, No. 3) p. 196. ,J See HB 1, Cont. 3, p. 115.

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they have also built large convents at some places in which often up to a thousand poor people are fed.13

Especially during famines, which were not uncommon on account of continued wars, bad harvests and inflation, the ruler was expected to provide help by feeding the poor and giving them alms.14 Ziegenbalg, however, also draws attention to the basic problem of a social system which is dependent on the largesse of the ruler and the discretion of individual high-ranking persons. In the 1730s the missionaries are not afraid of talking about the deplorable political and social conditions. According to them, the large majority of the Tamils lived in complete poverty due to the hierarchy inherent in the feudal nature of the state, “step-wise there is always a stronger person above another, who takes away the booty from the former till everything lands in the king’s, and from there, in the Great Mughal’s treasure.”15 The abysmally low price of grain, the missionaries further feel, is a result of the “reduction in wages” as well as of the monopoly of the King, his government officials and some Brahmins who were given arable land by the King. They then see a causal connection between poverty, disease and bondage: Many, who cannot even find work, are wom out and sick from hunger and impoverishment. Many, in dire straits and to still their unbearable hunger, have to deliver either themselves or their families into slavery and bondage.16

The temples, as religious centres of Hindu worship and the goal of pilgrimages are tied up in the welfare and health network, but, in the power structures sketched above, the extent of their welfare work is also dependent on gifts from the ruler and on the discretion of leading Brahmins. In food kitchens and in the shelters pilgrims and others are taken in. Also, 11 HB 1, Cont. 1, p. 60. (“.. .dahero man allenthalben sehr viel Hauser gebauet findet / darinnen die Armen und Reisenden ruhen / und einige Almosen empfangen kflnnen. Nebst diesen haben sie gleichfals hier und dar grosse Gebflude als KlOster aufgebauet / darinnen oftmals zu tausend Armen gespeiset werden.”) 14 See ibid. Cont. 11, pp. 910-911. 15 HB 3, Cont. 34, p. 1056. “[...] da denn immer Stuffen=weise ein stSrckerer ilber den andem kommt, und ihm seinen Raub wegnimmt, bis endlich alles in des KOniges, und von da in des grossen Moguls Schatz hinein gezogen wird.” 16 Ibid, Cont. 34, p. 1056. (“Viele, die nicht einmal Arbeit finden kOnnen, werden vor Hunger und Blflsse kranck und aufgerieben. Viele mtlssen aus hdchster Noth, ihren aussersten Hunger zu stillen, entweder sich selbt [sic!], oder die Ihrigen, an andere zu Sclaven und Leibeigene dahin geben.”) ]

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in the ritual cleansings in the temples the people look for forgiveness for their sins, but also for cures for diseases, infirmities and barrenness. The medical phenomena which Ziegenbalg and his co-workers in the early phase of the Tranquebar mission observed in their Tamilian surroundings were, from an ethno-medical-historical perspective, associated with different periods of Indian cultural development. They were impressed with the highly-developed system of ayurveda. This system arose in antiquity in North India as part of a Hindu-Buddhist world-view. From about 500AD the system was brought into South India with the Brahminic culture, where it superimposed itself on older forms of medicine and developed into a special form of ayurveda (Siddhamedicine). This is characterized more by magical elements as well as alchemistic methods of producing cures. Therefore, at the beginning of the eighteenth century, the missionaries were actually reporting about an intercultural ethno-medical situation in which a written form of medical scholarship, transmitted in Brahmin schools, confronts a medical science still rooted in the population, where medical knowledge is handed down in families and is not yet fully dependent on professional healers. Rather, this latter form of medical knowledge is based on experiences that are, to a great extent, part of the common knowledge of the castes of the S/wdra-community. Thus Ziegenbalg reports in Malabarisches Heidentum about healers without any formal training who gather plants and roots on the basis of their experience and who produce medicines: The medicines o f such heathen doctors were prepared from herbs which grow here in their own village, or which are brought from outside. There are certain people who go out in search o f such herbs and sell them either to the manufacturers or the doctors. The most common doctors are those who work with these medicines and, often, they have not studied medicine as a profession but have come to it by chance like many such doctors in Europe. Those, however, who have learned their art from books, use not only herbal medicines but also those that have been chemically prepared.17

In the experiential Tamil system based on medicinal plants diseases are interpreted in the context of an animistic belief in demons who, as 17 W.Caland, ed., Ziegenbalg's Malabarisches Heidentum [1711]. Amsterdam: Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, 1926 (Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Nieuwe Reeks, Deel XXV, No. 3) p. 221. (“Die Medicamenta solcher heidnischen Medicorum wurden sonderlich aus KrSutem praepariret, die allhier in ihrem eigenem Lande wachsen, theils auch anderw&rtlich hieher geftlhret werden. Da sind derm nun gewisze Leute, die da nach

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souls who have not found peace, live on after death.18These malevolent spirits, who appear in dreams and who wander around restlessly, cause physical sufferings as well as strange emotional and behavioural changes which the missionaries - on the basis of their own cultural background - interpret as being possessed. Thus, demons cause hot fevers, pestilence and all kinds of evil things to bring harm to people. They work mainly at night and present themselves in dreams [...]. But those who see such spirits and are frightened of them are caught and possessed by them. The spirits then rattle around in these people, make them talk nonsense and make them go around naked. Such people then no longer behave reasonably but do all kinds of wrong and fiendish things.19

The Tamilians look for protection against such demons from their local, mostly female, deities,20 who are invoked with feasts and religious processions to avert epidemics,21 since the phenomenon of a disease attacking many people at the same time is ascribed to the anger of divine beings who have total power over humans.22 In order to ward off diseases, people also take oaths which can only be fulfilled by enduring pain and which perhaps serve as a reminder of the times when solchen Krflutem ausgehen, und sie entweder an die Materialisten oder an die Artzte verkauffen. Die nun damit mediciniren, sind die allergemeinsten Medici, die offtmahls nicht eben ex professo medicinam studiret haben, sondem per accidens darzu kommen sind, eben als wie auch viele solche Artzte in Europa gefunden werden. Diejenigen aber, die ihre Kunst aus den bQchem gelemet haben, mediciniren nicht nur allein mit KrSutcm, sondem auch mit solchen Medicamenten, die da durch die Chymie pracparirct werden.”) '* See HB 1, Cont. 7, pp. 426-427. 19 Ibid, p. 427. (“hitzige Fieber, Pestilentz und allerhand bOses zum Schaden der Menschen. Sie handtieren sonderlich des Nachts, und pr&sentiren sich in TrSumen [...]. Wer aber solche Gespenster siehet und sich ftlrchtet, Ober selbige kommen sie alsobald, und ergreifen ihn, daB er nachmals von ihnen besessen wird. Alsdenn rumoren sie in solchen Menschen, und machen, dafi sie allerley unter einander hinein reden, dafi sie ohne Kleider nacket herum gehen, und nichts ordentliches nach menschlicher Vemunft thun kdnnen, sondem lauter verkehrte und unmenschliche Dinge anrichten.”) 20Michael Beigunder, Die Darstellung des Hinduismus in den Halleschen Berichten, in, Michael Bergunder, ed., Missionsberichte aus Indien im 18. Jahrhundert. Halle, Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen, 1999, p. 121. 21 See HB 4, Cont. 47, pp. 1384-1385. 22 See Wilhelm Germann, Ziegenbalg und Plutschau. Die Grundungsjahre der Trankebarschen Mission. Ein Beitragzur Geschichte des Pietismus nach handschriftlichen Quellen und dltesten Drucken. 2 Vols., Erlangen, A. Deichert, 1868. pp. 175-176. See also HB 3, Cont 28, pp. 387-388, footnote (q); HB 4, Cont. 47, pp. 1384-1385.

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reconciliation with divine beings required a human sacrifice. Thus, there is a custom among the fishermen on the Coromandel Coast that during a festival with dancing, ritual sacrifices and feeding of the poor, the young men and boys hang from trees with two iron hooks stuck into their backs. Others, and the fisher boys, have holes made in their sides through which a thread or a wire is passed, inside which they dance.23

The South Indian modification of Ayurveda corresponds to a theory-based medical science in the context of Hinduism and Buddhism, where the interpretations of health and sickness are based on a doctrine of five elements that constitute the material world (earth, water, fire, air and ether). These basic components of the outer world find their material correspondence in human beings, on the one hand, in their senses and, on the other, in the winds, fluids and solid matter of the body. This means that all components of the human organism consist of the five elements, although they are to be found in varying relations and mixtures. Dalhana, for instance, a commentator around 1200 BC, was of the opinion that blood is made up of the five elements: its smell is the property of earth, its liquid quality corresponds to the element of water, its red colour to fire, its pulsatory movement is a qualiy of air and its weightlessness indicates the element of ether. Breath and winds in human beings correspond to air; bile contains mostly fire; and mucus contains part of the element of water. In varying degrees of mixture the materiality of the cosmos is repeated in human beings, and this causes Ziegenbalg to interpret the relationship between the world and humans in Tamilian natural science and medicine with reference to the wellknown juxtaposition of the macrocosm and the microcosm in Greek medicine of antiquity: They lay a lot o f store by the winds in the body o f which they say there are ten. These are divided again into seventy according to their specific movements: when all o f these are in the right order, the person is healthy, but if they get mixed, all kinds o f diseases occur. They demonstrate this through a comparison with the winds o f the world and attach a lot of importance to the harmony

21 HB 2, Cont. 21, p. 647. (“mit 2 eisemen Haken hinten im RQcken ins Fell einhaken, und dabey an einen Baum aufh&ngen [lassen], Andere und die Fischer=Knaben lassen sich in beyden Seiten ein Loch durchstechen, wodurch eine Schnur oder eisem Drat gezogen wird, darin sie tanz.”)

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of the microcosm and the macrocosm, or o f the small and the large world.24

In the concept of man in Ayurveda, health is understood as a wellbalanced mix of elements in the substances that make up a human being, as also the balance of wind, bile and mucus, while an imbalance of lifesubstances leads to illness. The missionaries anwer the question about diseases found among the Tamilians by listing clinical pictures given to them by the Tamil doctors.25 In doing this they use Tamil names for the diseases instead of European ones. It does not, however, remain at the level of lists. When Ziegenbalg had the opportunity, before 1711, to conduct a more detailed conversation with a Tamilian doctor, he was able to portray the guiding principles that form the basis for distinguishing and classifying diseases. According to this, the nosological classification of Tamil medicine follows, in the first instance, a hierarchical order which also finds its expression in South Indian society in the distinction between the superposed social class ( Varna) and the individual caste. Secondly, it follows the natural theory of the five elements of Ayurveda and, thirdly, it follows Hinduism and Buddhism as a general context of interpretation which appears, among other things, in a symbolism of numbers.26 Medicine in the Context of the Mission Project Following the example of the Halle Orphan-House the mission project in South India also saw formal education as its primary task. The missionaries linked education with a three-fold aim: to combat poverty in the underprivileged castes, to convert the Tamilians to Christianity, and to gain local workers for the mission.27 In the first ‘Continuation’ of the Mission Reports, Ziegenbalg already reports about the setting-up of two schools which also took in girls. Children from poor families 24HB 1, Cont. 3, p. 147. (“Sie machen viel Redens und Schreibens von den Winden im Leibe, derer sie hauptsSchlich zehen statuiren, diese aber wiederum nach ihren sonderlichen GSngen in siebenzig eintheilen: Wenn nun diese in ihrer richtigen Ordnung stdnden, alsdenn, sagen sie, sey der Mensch gesund; kflmen aber dieselbe in Unordnung, so entstunden daher allerley Kranckheiten. Dieses wollen sie aus Vergleichung mit den Winden der groBen Welt, nach ihrer Weise demonstriren: wie sie denn von der Ubereinstimmung des Microcosmi und Macrocosmi, oder der kleinen und groBen Welt, viel Wesens mac ben.”) "Ibid. 24 W.Caland, ed., Ziegenbalg’s Malabarisches Heidentum [1711]. Amsterdam, Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, 1926, pp. 217-218,221. 21 See HB l.Cont. l.p . 17.

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who attended the schools lived in the houses of the missionaries and were provided with food and clothing. The missionaries also reproduced the idea introduced in the Orphan School in Halle of the necessity of physical exercise, which they linked with illustrative instruction in the natural sciences. Personal hygiene was taken care of by ‘‘taking the children on Saturdays to a pond outside the village where they washed and bathed in the manner prevalent here.”28 Women employed specially for this purpose looked after the personal hygiene of the children: The care o f the school children consists in the following: 1) that they eat their rice with some vegetables three times a day during which a preceptor is always present to ensure that the food is cooked properly; 2) that they are always clean, for which two women are employed; 3) that they get clean clothes once a week from the washer man; 4) that they bathe once a week and, as is the custom here, apply oil in their hair; 5) that they have regular movement and 6) if someone falls ill we have our own doctor who gives them the necessary medicines, prescribes a diet for them and tells the nurse how to look after the patient.29

On Ziegenbalg’s death in 1719 the educational institutions in Tranquebar comprised five schools divided according to language (Tamil, Portuguese, Danish) and gender,30 three of which had living facilities attached.31 Medical facilities were also planned. The reports often mention sick-rooms as well as a sick-chamber for women32 in 28 Ibid, Cont. 4, p. 159. 29 HB 2, Cont. 13, p. 23. (“Die Pflege aller Discipulen und Kinder in den Schulen bestehet darinnen, 1) daB sie alle Tage 3 mal ihren ReiB, mit einem wenig ZugemQse essen, wobey allezeit ein Praeceptor mit seyn muB, der Achtung giebt, daB alles wohl gekocht sey, 2) daB sie am Leibe reinlich gehalten werden, worzu gehOrige Frauens=Personen gesetzt sind, 3) daB sie alle Woche vom W&scher reinliche Kleider bekommen, 4) daB sie sich alle Woche am Leibe waschen, und nach hiesiger Landes=Art das Haupt mit Oele salben, 5) daB sie dann und wann motiones haben, und 6) wenn einige kranck werden, so haben wir darzu einen eigenen Medicum, der ihnen nach ihrem Kranckheits=Zustand die ndthige Medicin reichet, ihnen die diaet verschreibt, und (ibrigens der Krancken=W&rterin saget, wie sie den Patienten warten solle.”) 50 Ibid, Cont. 13, p. 2. 11 “Drey Schulen von diesen, nemlich 2 Malabarische und die Poitugiesische, werden in Essen, KJeidung, BUchem, Medicin und in anderer Pflege aus der Missions-Casse frey erhalten, und geniessen die Wohnung in den HSusem der Mission.” HB 2, Cont. 13, p. 21. (“Pupils of three of these schools, namely two Malabar schools and the Portuguese school, receive food, clothing, books, medicine and other care from the mission and live in the houses of the mission.’1) ,J HB 2, Cont. 13, p. 2; HB 2, Cont. 21. pp. 730-731.

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which a nurse took care of the patients. Initially, local doctors were asked to treat patients whenever necessary, but in 1712 a Tamil doctor was employed permanently according to the model of the Halle OrphanHouse doctor: We employed a Malabar doctor for the mission. After one o f us had used his services for some time in translating some medical books, and he had gotten to know us and had understood how to use medicines from Halle, we thought it necessary to have him permanently in our service in order not to have to use different Malabar doctors each time. His duties consist in the following: 1) that in the event o f sickness he provide our school children and the congregation the required, mainly local, medicines; also, wherever necessary, he will use European medicines; 2) for one hour every day he will explain the ideas o f a Malabarian medical author to the oldest school boys; also, 3) since the school children are taken out to the village every Monday, he will use this opportunity to teach them botany, or the knowledge o f herbs, and these herbs will be collected each time and stored in a special room so that they can be used for medicines whenever the need arises; 4) he will also gradually collect all ingredients used in Malabar medicine which is not available locally and store them in the above-mentioned room. The knowledge of these he will also impart to certain selected boys; S) in his spare time he will collect the medical books o f the Malabarians and will copy them for the benefit of the mission.33

53 Ibid, 1, Cont. 6, p. 313. (“An[no] 1712. den 27. Jun. Nahmen wir einen Malabarischen Medicum bey diesem Wercke an. Denn nachdem ciner unter uns denselben bey der Gbersetzung einiger Medicinisehen BOcher eine Zeitlang vorher zu seinem Dienste gebrauchet hatte, und dieser dabey in ein solches Werck sich wohl schicken lemete, auch einigen Begriff bekommen hatte, wie er unsere aus dem Waysen=Hause zu Halle mithabende Medicin in Kranckheiten appliciren sollte: so erkannte man es ftlr nttthig, um nicht immer fremde Malabarische Medicos bey diesem Wercke zu brauchen, dafi man diesen Menschen in Dienste bey uns ndhme. Seine Verrichtungen sind diese: 1) dafi er unsere Schul=Kinder und Gemeinde bey zustossenden Kranckheiten mit ndthiger, ftimehmlich mit hiesiger Landes=Medicin versehe; auch wo es fiir ntithig gefunden wird, ihnen die Europaeische Medicin applicire; 2) dafi er denen grdssesten Schul=Knaben, tfiglich eine Stunde, einen Malabarisch=Medicinischen Autorem erklire; auch 3) denen Schul=Kindem, da sie alle Montage hinaus aufs DorfT gefuhret werden, bey selbiger Gelegenheit die Botanic oder KentniO der KrSuter beybringe, welche Kr&uter iederzeit mit herein genommen, und in einer dazu bestimmten Rammer verwahret werden, damit man sie nachmals, wo es ndthig, zu den Artzneyen daraus nehmen kflnne; 4) dafl er die in der Malabarischen Medicin gebrSuchliche Materialien, so von fremden Orten herkommen, in bemeldte Kammer nach und nach sammle, und denen hierzu bestimmten Koaben gleichfalls bekant mache; 5) dafi er bey Ubriger Zeit die medicinischen Bflcher der Malabaren zusammen suche, und diesem Wercke zu gute abschreibe.”)

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An interesting question in this context is the perception of local therapies by the missionaries. Information given by the missionary Martin Bosse (24 January 1735) about an infectious eye-disease is illuminating. At a point, when the disease “was rife among the children”, a “fairly experienced black heathen eye-doctor” undertook the treatment which is described in the report: For those whose eyes appeared to be the most affected, he used a special method to cure the disease which was, in fact, only external. Apart from applying his medicine in the affected eye, he used a lancet or a sharp knife to make 6 to 8 cuts in the foreheads o f some children, and where the cuts did not grow together again the foreheads are disfigured. For some children he made a cut above the eyelids and took out some glandular material, a process which was very painful and which also looked very dangerous, but which did not harm them in any way, although it appears that some o f them will always have a cretinous looking face.34

The therapeutic method described above was an alien one for the German missionary. Yet, he calls the Tamilian doctor experienced and does not claim that his method is wrong, although the missionary cannot recognize the therapeutic value of a method known to ethno-medicine as scarification, which is still used today in animistic societies. In his evaluation of the medical treatment he has witnessed, the missionary is not guided by the impression of something alien and strange. Instead, he applies the criterion of usefulness, or something which will not cause any harm (to be confirmed empirically), and thus retains the possibility of extending his own horizons in the space of an intercultural encounter. Introduction of the Mission Doctor In July 1730, twenty-four years after the beginning of the Tranquebar mission, and for the first time in the history of non-European medicine, M HB 4, Cont. 40, pp. 510-511. (“Er brauchte bei denen, derer Augen am schlimmsten aussahen, eine besondere Methode dieselben zu curiren, und zwar nur ausserlich. Nemlich ausser dem, daB er seine Medizin in die schadhafte Augen schmierete, schnitte er etlichen mit einer Lancette oder scharfem Messer wol 6 bis 8 Ritzen durch die Haut in die Stim, dadurch die Stim der Kinder auch etwas verstellet worden, wo sie es nicht wieder auswachsen. Bey einigen that er einen Einschnitt Qber den Augen=Liedem, und nahm daselbst eine drttsigte Materie heraus, welches die Kinder sehr schmertzete, auch sehr gef&hrlich anzusehen war, doch hat es ihnen eben nichts geschadet, wiewol es scheinet, daB manche ihr Lebetage ein blades Gesicht behalten werden.”)

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a doctor trained in Europe was sent overseas with the task of taking over medical care in the framework of a missionary undertaking.35 The reasons for this decision taken in Halle with the consent of the Mission Board in Copenhagen will have to be examined. The choice, at any rate, fell on Caspar Gottlieb Schlegelmilch from Sagan in Silesia, who was supported by the doctor of the Orphan-House, Johann Juncker (16791759). Schlegelmilch “was given all the necessary instruments as well as a supply of tried and tested medicines from the pharmacy of the Orphan-House, in order that he could start work immediately after his arrival in India.”36The basic expectations from the mission doctor were: firstly, to treat the co-workers of the mission as also the local patients; secondly, to contribute to the growth of knowledge of European doctors by observing and describing natural phenomena and diseases; thirdly, to pave the way through his work for the missionaries in their efforts to reach out to the Tamil population. However, Schlegelmilch fell ill a few days after his arrival in Tranquebar. As was reported, “he fell into a blessed sleep in the LORD on the afternoon of August 30, between 4 and 5 p.m., and on the following afternoon, at 5 o’clock, he was laid to rest in the New Jerusalem church.”37 After Schlegelmilch’s premature death a successor was chosen without delay. Samuel Benjamin Cnoll, like his predecessor, had worked in the Orphan-House, taking care of the sick under Juncker’s guidance. He worked for almost thirty-five years as a doctor in Tranquebar (Cnoll died on 27 February 1767), and is, therefore, particularly suited for an analysis of the intentions and motives linked with the concept of the mission doctor in the middle of the eighteenth century. In addition, we must ask in what way the relationship between European and Tamil medicine in the context of the mission changed with the arrival of a professional European doctor and, to what extent, these events in the middle of the eighteenth century are an indication of general changes in the relationship between European and South Indian culture. Six months after his arrival in Tranquebar (30 August 1732) Cnoll reported in a letter to Johann Juncker (9 January 1733) that he had treated 250 patients in the first four months after his arrival and that he 39 Prior to this there were missionaries who also carried out medical treatment. Some among them had studied medicine before deciding to become missionaries, which was then their main job. Till then it had not been a practice to have a trained doctor look after the medical needs of a mission. 36 HB 3, Cont. 26, p. 155. 37 Ibid, Cont. 31, p. 688.

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had kept a record ( “catalogum aegrotorum ”) which he was enclosing. Cnoll also added that in Tranquebar he was “not only a doctor, but also a surgeon and an apothecary, indeed even a nurse [...]. I am forced to administer medicine to the children myself, because the Malabarians have a poor mental capacity." Cnoll also states that “the medical science of the Blacks” is “purely empirical” and without a “ratio medica”. He continues: “Doch wissen sie zimlich mit ihren affectibus oculorum umzugehen, mit andem Kranckheiten aber treffen sie es nur casu, und weil fast alle febres morbi acuti sind, so hilft sich die Natur selbst; hingegen bey chronicis moibis, ja selbst bey febribus intermittentibus quotidianis & tertianis will es mit ihnen nicht fort.”38

Compared to the situation at the beginning of the mission these few statements show us marked changes in intercultural relations in the area of medicine. There is no interest in Tamil names for the diseases and in local cures; instead, the European doctor observes, names, classifies and explains the diseases to be found in South India in the context of his own nomenclature and nosological classification as well as in categories of European science. On the basis of his own cultural perspective Cnoll claims to be competent to judge the state of “sickness” or “health” of people from an alien culture, to decide how medicine should be practised and what it should be guided by. The medical systems of the local and the invading culture are in opposition to each other, whereby, in an unreflected manner, the European system is given precedence amounting to an exclusive right. There was hardly any justified cause for this claim in the middle of the eighteenth century, when academic doctors in Halle were competing with quacks, barbers and barber-surgeons who practised medicine as a business, and were fighting against unqualified chemists and surgically active executioners. Yet, Cnoll perceives only prejudices in the fears and the barriers put up by Tamil patients in their encounter with European medicine: When I came here in the beginning the patients were afraid of taking any medicine from me. Even the old women in our mission thought: what does the white man want to do here; he does not understand the ways o f the country etc. It took a lot of effort on my part to dispel such prejudices and if GOD hadn’t blessed my work no one would have come to me. Since all my cures were blessed (except for a girl who was treated by a Black for 18 days and was brought to me only * HB 3, Cont. 34, pp. 1072, 1074.

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when she bad gone into a coma) none o f my other patients died. This made them give up their prejudices and I now have more work to do with our people than I can manage.39

In this competitive situation the decision regarding which doctor to consult with which complaints is left to the patient. Even before Cnoll arrived in India the missionaries appear to have observed this pragmatic and selective behaviour of the patients, resulting from the juxtaposition of two medical systems. When, a few days after Schlegelmilch’s death, Tranquebar was told that the doctor should cure the King of Madewipadtnam of an “injury to his leg”, the missionaries used this occasion to comment on the behaviour of Tamil patients: It must be remembered that when Indians look to a European doctor for help, it generally happens in cases where they have suffered at the hands of local doctors and despair that a deep-rooted disease can be cured. This is more so in the case o f surgery, at which the Indians are less skilled, than in medical cases. Very often people who have dangerous wounds come here from the villages and have themselves treated by the garrison doctors.40

The juxtaposition of the medical systems reveals the therapeutic limits on both sides. However, since this question is not debated within an intercultural exchange of experiences, but has already been resolved in the context of colonial relations of power, the concrete medical situation becomes an intercultural confrontation in which only pragmatic decisions are possible. Faced with a choice, Tamil patients develop criteria based on needs, experiences and prospects of cure to accept 39HB 3. Cont 34, p. 1072. (“Als ich anfangs hierher kam, furchten sich die Krancken von mir etwas einzunehmen. Denn auch die alten Weiber in unserer Mission raisonirten: was doch der Blancke hier machen wolte, er verstehe ja die Landes-Weise nicht, etc. Solche praeiudicia zu heben, hat mir grosse MQhe gekostet, und wenn GOtt nicht Segen zu meiner Arbeit gegeben hStte, so ware niemand mehr zu mir gekommen. Weil aber bisher meine Curen so gesegnet gewesen, daB (ausgenommen ein MSgdlein, bey welcher ein Schwartzer bis in den achtzehenden Tag Medicin gegeben, und man mich, da es schon in hecticam gegangen, geruffen,) sonst noch keiner von alien gestorben; so haben sie solche praeiudicia abgelegt, und ich habe ietzo mit unsem Leuten mehr zu thun, als bestreiten kann.”) 40HB 3, Cont. 31, p. 692, footnote . (“[Es] ist zu erinnem, daB, wenn die Indianer bey einem Europ&ischen Medico Hfllfe suchen, es nur gemeiniglich in solchen Fallen geschieht, da sie von den hiesigen Aerzten schon viel erlitten, und an der Heilung ihrer eingewurtzelten Kranckheit desperiren; und zwar noch mehr in chirurgicis, darin die Indianer weniger bewandt sind, als in medicis: wie denn dfters solche, die gefthrliche Wunden bekommen haben, aus dem Lande hierher kommen, und sich unter die Cur des Guamison=Chirurgi begeben.”)

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or reject the therapeutic possibilities of the one or the other medical concept. The manner in which, in the middle of the eighteenth century, scientific-medical knowledge is extended to an alien cultural environment corresponds to the Eurocentric understanding of disease and cure in praxis. Cnoll’s epistemological interest and methodological practise reflect the claim of Enlightenment (which increasingly establishes itself at the university in Halle from the 1720s) to exact observation and the intellectual determination of action with the aim of enabling a rational mastery over problems. This was considered to be principally possible in all spheres of human life. In letters to his teacher, Johann Juncker, Cnoll describes, on the one hand, the clinical pictures of diseases in South India with the intention, with each reported “Historia morbi endimii huius loci,”41 of extending the catalogue of known diseases in Europe and, on the other hand, he compiles, shortly after his arrival in Tranquebar, a herbarium of South Indian plants in 12 volumes which is kept in the Gdttingen university library even today.42 The encyclopedic approach is unmistakable. It is clearly different from the method of the missionaries in the early phase of the mission, but is to be found in the middle of the eighteenth century also among the missionaries who succeeded the early ones, like Christian Friedrich Pressier (1697-1738), Christoph Theodosius Walther (1699-1741) and Benjamin Schultze (1689-1760). Compared to the early phase of the mission, the introduction of a mission doctor leads to a shift of interest aimed at a systematic extension of knowledge based on the claim of European scientific thought to be the only valid categorical and methodological norm. Even the question of how the newly-acquired knowledge is to be understood and applied in practise is answered exclusively in the context of the concepts and intentions of European medicine. Cnoll is interested in learning about new remedies in South India.43 However, he is not interested in their use in the Tamil theory of diseases and its concepts of therapy, but only in the question of whether and in what way a hitherto unknown medicinal plant can also be used in European medicine. The question of intercultural relations in the area of medicine appears to be reduced to an interest delinked from cultural contexts, primarily directed at availability and which seeks to discover 41 HB 4, Conl. 40, p. 474. *2Archiv Franckesche Stiftungen (AFSt) M/1 B II, Fasc. 18. 45 See HB 4, Cont. 38. pp. 251-252.

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which techniques and means of an alien culture can be appropriated for one’s own concepts of praxis. Concluding Remarks On the basis of the Hallesche Berichte published since 1708 for more than sixty years, continuity is established, which allows us to go into the question of changes and developments in the relationship between European and Tamil culture which encountered one another in South India. This attempt at a diachronic reading of the sources has shown till now that in the middle of the eighteenth century a marked change took place in the sphere of medical treatment and research within the European-South Indian context of cultural contact. This change got a decisive impetus with the introduction of the mission doctor from the beginning of the 1730s. Compared to the preceding initial phase of the Tranquebar mission, the work of the mission doctor appears to mark the beginning of a situation characterized by competition between the medical systems. In the subsequent colonial period this situation becomes part of the movement towards suppression which the invading European culture carries out against traditional societies and their cultural forms in the overseas colonies, and which, in a modified form, even today represents a basic problem while setting up health services in the countries of the so-called third World. The attitude of the Pietist missionaries of the first generation (till 1720) stands out in sharp contrast to this practice of suppressing traditional forms and establishing European forms of cultural praxis. Ziegenbalg, Plutschau and Griindler conducted conversations with people of all groups in South Indian society, and from these conversations one gains an impression of a relationship based on partnership - an impression that is evident even in the edited reports. The missionaries not only asked questions, but also answered those of their Tamilian informants. They also collected facts and made precise notes on ethnographic data. In addition, they made an effort to understand the underlying categories of thought and the norms of conduct and action of the alien culture without giving up their own cultural identity. Their knowledge of Tamil paved the way for their access to the alien culture and enabled them to take note of phenomena of South Indian culture in the framework of its own concepts and categories. The missionaries then translated these into their own cultural horizon. The encounter of Pietist missionaries with Tamil culture, which took place on the basis of

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an excellent knowledge of the language and an open-ended perspective on time (they were mentally prepared to stay in India till they died), can thus be characterized as empirical, but at the same time criticallyreflective. The theoretical interests were directed primarily at praxis, since a differentiated knowledge of the other culture was meant to make it possible to live together. (Translated from the German by Rekha Kamath Rajan)

LINGUISTIC VARIATIONS IN EVERYDAY LIFE: THE PORTUGUESE LANGUAGE IN THE PROTESTANT MISSION OF EIGHTEENTH CENTURY SOUTH EAST INDIA Stefan Pffinder and Alessandra Castilho Ferreira da Costa “I find it amazing... that the social character of language, the fluid boundaries of its spatial and temporal distinctions can be perceived clearly.”1Later the same author stated: “The reports of the Tranquebar missionaries contain several more or less important contributions to the outward history of Portuguese in these areas.”2 When we as linguists focus on the extensive amount of documents that have been handed down from the first Protestant Mission in India - located today in the archives of Franckesche Stiftungen in Halle - two aspects appear significant: there are a large number of letters in Portuguese and an equal number of letters and reports on Portuguese. Taken together, these documents allow for highly interesting insights into everyday - linguistic - life on the Indian east coast of the eighteenth century. When examining the microcosm of a mission, linguistic research could provide important elements regarding the current search for a theory of variation; for especially in a mission it is multilingualism and the process of language acquisition which lastingly characterize everyday life.

1 “Wunderbar dilnkt es mich, dass man [...] den gesellschaftlichen Charakter der Sprache, die fliessenden Grenzen ihrer rSumlichen und zeitlichen Verschiedenheiten so deudich wahmehmen kann“ Hugo Schuchard, Ober die Lautgesetze. Gegen die Junggrammatiker, Berlin, 1885, p.20. 2 “Die [...] Berichte der protestantischen Missionflre von Tranquebar enthalten an sehr vielen Stellen mehr oder weniger wichtige Beitrflge zur Sufieren Geschichte des Portugiesischen in jenen Gegenden.“ Hugo Schuchard, “Beitrflge zur Keimtnis des kreolischen Romanisch IV“, Zeitschrift fu r Romanische Philologie 13,1890, p.490.

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The documents in Portuguese are primarily letters which were sent since 1706 - the year of arrival of Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg and Heinrich Pliitschau, the first missionaries from Halle - from Tranquebar to the Franckesche Stiftungen in Halle (less frequently also to Copenhagen) as well as other lusophonian missions (such as Batavia). Some of these letters are available, others have been handed down as cited passages in other documents mainly written in English or German. Although written in the Portuguese language, the Portuguese used in the letters dealing with the Indian mission’s concerns and accomplishments of everyday life is far from being homogeneous. On the contrary, the range of variation is of such dimensions that it should itself be the object of further examination. A few examples: In the Tranquebar mission it is the case with respect to quite a number of writers that Portuguese is not their mother tongue and that they only learnt the language in India, primarily via oral mediation. As a result, we often find typical traces of language acquisition processes; i.e., on the basis of the adjective bom ‘good’, the forming of a regular superlative o mais bom (literally ‘the most good’ instead of the correct o melhor ‘the best’). Additionally, many letters show traits of oral everyday language, such as por respeito da Religiao (instead of written language: por respeito a religiao), rico de dinheiros (literally ‘rich in money’; instead of written: "r/'co” or “fem dinheiro ”), “tem muito poder nos animos” (written more likely as the preposition ‘sobre’: sobre os animos). If the aspects mentioned above relate to an incomplete knowledge by the writers, then, in letters produced by other writers, variants can be found that imply, for instance, a very good knowledge of Latin, and, therefore, access to a higher education. What is possible in Latin, such as the separation of the adjective from its reference noun, is then directly transferred to Portuguese. As a result, you might read de muitas tirou-me aguas, literally “out of many he pulled me waters” instead of “he pulled me out of many waters”. In this case, the Portuguese appears similarly re-latinised or archaic; it refers to older, proto­ romance development stages still closely linked to Latin. However, in another passage one finds forms termed as ‘creolization’ which can develop in situations of language contact, such as “my tummy wants to eat” (instead of “I am hungry”). Within research, creolised Portuguese has also been labelled as particularly progressive Portuguese or NeoPortuguese.

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Finally, due to contact with other languages, in this case the Romance language, a number of hispanisms can be found in the texts; e.g., instead of the port, muito ‘very’ you find the spanish muy. A truly great range of variety, but still very widespread. We find such linguistically varied everyday life in the mission reflected in the letters written in the Portuguese language - that is the one side of the matter. The other side hinges on the fact that there are in a number of documents which - whether in the German or English language - report on Portuguese. Thus, for example, we read in a letter from Bartholomdus Ziegenbalg, written as early as late summer 1706, just a few weeks after his arrival in India: When we [...] reached land [...] and the Malabar heathens saw us, there was much discussion among them about who we were and why we had come here. In the beginning we couldn’t talk to themat all because we only understood Danish, but not Portuguese or Malabarian. We therefore made it our first concern to leam the former as quickly as possible.3

How did the missionaries leam Portuguese? The same letter by Ziegenbalg provides an answer: “A Malabarian from a highly-placed family, who can speak Portuguese, helps me in the house. He became our first teacher for the Portuguese language.”4 The teacher was obviously a competent one and his students quick to leam, for in that same year they had advanced so far in their studies of Portuguese as to be able to “properly speak and catechize”. Yet, the problems would come when a sermon was to be delivered, as even two decades later Christoph Theodosius Walther would emphasize in a letter to the student Hensler, written in Tranquebar the on 29 September 1726. The problem lay in the fact that in India there was not merely “one” Portuguese in use, but one “high” standard language and another “low” version: “In Portuguese, the difference between the high language (as it is spoken in Portugal and is used in books) and the low language (as it has been 5 “Als wir denn [...] an Land traten [...] und von den malabarischen Heiden allhier gesehen wurden, war unter ihnen unsertwegen ein groBes Nachfragen, wer wir w9ren und zu was Ende wir doch hierherkftmen. Wir konnten mit ihnen anf&nglich ganz und gar nichts reden, weil wir allein d&nisch, sonst aber weder portugiesisch noch malabarisch verstanden; lieBen aber unsere vomehmste Sorge sein, dass wir uns die erste bald bekannt machen mdchten.“ 4 “Ich bekam einen Malabaren zu meinem Diener, der aus ftlrstlichem Geschlecht ist und in der portugiesischen Sprache wohl reden kann. Dieser musste hierinnen unser erster Lehrmeister sein“.

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corrupted here in India) is like the Italian used in Turkey, only much greater.*45 As can be observed, for the missionary Walther who was rather interested in linguistic topics, the differentiation between the “high” written language and the “low” oral language seemed comparable to other contact situations between romance and non-romance languages (Italian-Turkish in this case). However, in Tranquebar the gap appears especially wide and, therefore, rather problematic; for in Tranquebar you “always have to make a distinction between [the words] that are used in everyday life and the ones that only appear in writings. When engaging in a conversation not using frequently used terms, one tends to become indistinct”. Yet, using terms that are “highly frequent” may work in informal conversation, but what happens when having to deliver a sermon? Several solutions were considered:6 At first sight, one solution could have been to preach in low or common Portuguese, instead of High Portuguese; however, this primarily oral variety was not very suitable for conceptionally written matters, assuming that “it is not possible to form a proper sentence in this corrupt language”. As a consequence, instead of preaching in Indian, creolised (often mentioned in the texts as “corrupt”, “depraved”, “broken”, or “low”) Portuguese, English was rather used; yet, not everybody could understand it. Finally, there was a suggestion to find a middle course between High and Low Portuguese.7 Apparently, this was the most widely used way, meaning that for a sermon “such words would be used which, if not entirely, at least be partly understood by everybody”. The two approaches - to follow the biblical guidelines and still be “somehow understandable” 5 “Im Portugiesischen ist der Unterschied zwischen der hohen Sprache (so wie sie in Portugall gesprochen wird, und in den Bachem vorkommt,) und zwischen der platten (so wie sie hir in Indien verderbt worde) ebenso wie bei der Itali&nischen in der Tflrkei, nur noch grOBer". 6The challenges for someone having to preach are, linguistically speaking, rather complex. A sermon spoken to the parish is - as can be comprehended very well by means of the established theory of Koch & Oesterreicher - just “medially oral”, i.e., is being presented with the medium of spoken language. However, the same sermon was usually planned in written form; therefore, it is “conceptionally written”. 7 With this approach Walther places himself in Ziegenbalg’s tradition; in the field of grammar he wants to do something similar to what Ziegenbalg did when he translated “the sleepwalking” of which “in this country nothing ... is known” as “being haunted by the devil”.

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coincide at a certain point. It also proves successful, at least with those who are “a little attentive” and get “rather accustomed to” this middle form. In India, together with his colleague Geister, missionary Kiernander would later write a catechistic statement in written Portuguese, and, next to it, add “the local broken language" for means of explanation. This happened in 1740, but the problem of many varieties of Portuguese existing side by side would remain. This was documented in a letter from Kiernander to Gotthilf August Francke on 11 February 1754: One preaches in English because, while some understand a little Portuguese, others don’t understand it at all.8 And even in 1806 missionary Schreyvogel writes: “When one reads the Bible [written in “high” Portuguese] with the children [...] one has to go through each verse very carefully and tell them its meaning in common Portuguese.”9 The second group of letters dealt with in this section that talk about Portuguese helps us - this much has become clear in the brief exposition - to interpret the variation found in the first group of letters in the Portuguese language. At this point, the following hypothesis can already be formulated: 1.

Apart from Malabaric as the main vernacular language, linguistic variations in Portuguese were very common in the Danish-Halle mission’s everyday life in Tranquebar.

2.

Due to multilingualism, language contact and (rapid) language acquisition, among others, the variation was rather diverse; however, people were only partly aware of it.

3.

In addition, variation was consciously produced as European and non-European speakers of Portuguese were in the process of finding mutually common ground.

Therefore, there is a promising perspective which, in contrast to past work, does not focus on extreme cases such as the production of a - in the words of the Halle Reports - “depraved” Portuguese (i.e., * “Man predigt auf Englisch, weil einige gar wenig, andere nicht von der portugiesischen Sprache verstehen“ Archive Francke Foundations (AFSt) M I B 43:50. 9 “Mit den Kindem muss man [...], wenn man die [in “Hochportugiesisch" geschriebene] Bibel mit ihnen liest, einen jeden Vers genau durchgehen, und ihnen sagen, was cr auf gemein Portugiesisch heiflt“.

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a creole language), but examines the everyday variation range of the “partly depraved” Portuguese. The object of such an examination, closely taking everyday life into account, would be a contribution to the currently highly topical discussion about modelling of variation.10 As a data base - apart from the yet unpublished documents in and on Portuguese - already published sources (particularly Ziegenbalg’s letters edited by Lehmann) can also be referred to, as well as study texts, grammar books and textbooks used in the mission, which show that the input the speakers’ or the language contact situation had was already rather heterogeneous. Such a linguistic reading of the mission sources is bound to enable one to learn from the mission’s history as well as to contribute to it. Last but not least, the internationally recognised Portuguese and Creole specialist Matthias Perl has recently proposed just such a project. This point in time is rather favourable for undertaking it, as the stocks of the mission’s archive have become rather easily accessible, due to the availability of the “Hallesche Berichte” on the Internet and, particularly, the continuously increasing amount of registers, given that the Halle Mission’s archives have been in the process of further exploration since January 2003.11The words of Hugo Schuchardt, following his research in the Franckesche Stiftungen in 1890, published in the renowned journal for Romance philology, can therefore no longer be considered valid: “(...) [that] a person will not be readily willing to closely examine these huge volumes only for this purpose [linguistic research].**12 Until today nobody has actually taken on the task; however, it would be possible now, as the reviewing of the documents is supported technologically as well as by the guidance of experts. Thanks to the thorough work done by the archive team, the registers, continuously written on a daily basis, are now accessible in a far more systematic way, compared to what Schuchardt would have had to deal with. Apart from the technological assistance fruitful dialogue can also be expected with research scholars, given that their basic assessments about the state of the sources, be it one far surpassing the mission’s history or the status 10 See: Wolfgang Raible, “El espacio y el juego de la variacion en el lenguaje”, Funcion No. 25-26, 2002, pp. 11-20. 11 See under www.francke-halle.de 12 “(•••) [dass] sich nicht leicht Jemand entschlieBen wird blofl zu diesem Zwecke [der Sprachforschung] jene ungeheum Quartbflnde genau durchzumustem". Schuchard, "Beitraege zur Kenntnis”, p.490.

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of documents richly discussing the linguistic variations, are congruent with our own observations. Selected Books for Further Research Henriette Bugge, Mission and Tamil Society: Social and Religious Change in South India (1840-1900), Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 1994. John Correia-Afonso, Jesuit letters and Indian history: 1542-1773, Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1969. SebastiSo Rodolpho Dalgado, Dialecto Indo-Portugues de Damdo, Lisboa, 1903. Daya De Silva, The Portuguese in Asia: an annotated, bibliography o f studies on Portuguese colonial history in Asia, 1498-c. 1800, Zug: IDC, 1987. Norma Diaz/Ralph Ludwig/Stefan Pf&nder, eds., La Romania americana procesos lingiiisticos en situaciones de contacto, Madrid: Iberoamericana; Frankfurt a.M.: Vervuert, 2002. Stephan Diller, Tranquebar - die Stadt an der Brandung: danischer Handelsstiitzpunkt, Kronkolonie und europaischer Freihandelsplatz (1620-1845), Bamberg: Fdrderverein Forschungsstiftung fiir vergleichende europSische Uberseegeschichte, 1993. Peter Feldbauer, Estado da India: die Portugiesen in Asien 14981620, Wien: Mandelbaum-Verlag, 2003. Athos Fernandes, “Influence of Portuguese Language and Culture of Daman“, in Charles J. Borges and Helmut Feldmann, eds., Goa and Portugal: Their Cultural Links, New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 1997, pp.220-223. Walter Fernandes, “Jesuit contribution to social change in India (16th to 20th century)”, in Teotonio R. De Souza and Charles J. Borges, eds., Jesuits in India: in historical perspective, Macau: Instituto Cultural de Macau, 1992, pp. 157-193. J.B. Harrison, “The Portuguese", in A.L. Basham, ed., A cultural history o f India, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975, pp.337-347. Elena Losada Soler, “The Encounter of Language: Reflections on the Language of the Other in Roteiro da Primeira Viagem de Vasco da Gama”, in Anthony R. Disney and Emily Booth, Vasco da Gama and the

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linking o f Europe and Asia, New Dehli: Oxford University Press, 2000, pp.202-219. Michael N. Pearson, The Portuguese in India, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. Matthias Perl, Axel SchOnberger and Petra Thiele, eds., Portugiesisch-basierte Kreolsprachen, Frankfurt am Main: TFM; Domus Editoria Europaea, 1993. Stefan PfSnder, Aspekt und Tempus im Frankokreol. Semantik und Pragmatik grammatischer Zeiten im Kreol unter besonderer Beriicksichtigung von Franzdsisch-Guayana und Martinique. Tilbingen: Narr, 2000. Stefan PfSnder, “Contacto y cambio lingtHstico en Cochabamba (Bolivia)”, in Norma Diaz and Ralph Ludwig and Stefan PfSnder, eds., La Romania americana, 2002, pp.219-253. Wolfgang Raible, “El espacio y el juego de la variaci6n en el Ienguaje“, Funcion Nr. 25-26,2002 [=2004], pp. 11-20. Fernand Salentiny, A ufstieg und Fall des portugiesischen Imperiums, Wien: Boehlau, 1977. HugoSchuchardt, UberdieLautgesetze. GegendieJunggrammatiker, Berlin, 1885. Hugo Schuchardt, “BeitrSge zur Kenntnis des kreolischen Romanisch IV“, Zeitschriftfu r Romanische Philologie 13, 1890, pp.463-524. Jos6 Leite de Vasconcellos, Esquisse d ’une dialectologie portugaise: these/prisenteepar J. Leite de Vasconcellos, Lisboa: Centro de Estudios Filol6gicos, 1970. Josef Wicki, “The Spanish language in XVI century Portuguese India”, Indica, XIV, March 1977, pp. 13-19.

THE CONTRIBUTION OF BENJAMIN SCHULTZE TO TELUGU LANGUAGE AND LEARNING* Adapa Satyanarayana In the existing historical literature on modem South India, the role and contribution of European Christian missionaries in the development of language, literature and culture has not been adequately discussed. The role of missionaries in religious conversion and socio-cultural change as well as the development of educational, health and self-improvement schemes in modem India has been acknowledged by many historical studies.1Although a few works dealt with certain aspects of social history, like social reform movements and their effects, growth of modem education and social change etc., a comprehensive account of the important role played by various Christian missionaries is not available. South India witnessed the advent of many Christian organizations in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Christian missionaries were considered to be great institution builders, since they pioneered work relating to social reform, language/literature/philology, socio-economic development of weaker sections, and so on. *1 am grateful to the following persons for their help and support: Dr. Thomas MilllerBahlke, Dr. Heike Liebau and Dr. J.V.D. Murthy. 1 G.A. Oddie, Social Protest in India: British Protestant Missionaries and Social Reforms, 1850-1900, Delhi: Manohar, 1979; Oddie, Religion in South Asia, Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 1991; G.A. Oddie, ed., Religious Conversion Movements in South Asia: Continuities and Change, London: Curzon Press, 1997; Oddie, Religious Traditions in South Asia; Interaction and Change, Surrey, 1998; Oddie, Hindu and Christian in South-East India, London, 1991; Oddie, “Protestant Missions, Caste and Social Change in India, 1850-1914”, Indian Economic and Social History Review, (hereafter IESHR) Vol.IV, (3), Delhi, pp.259-91; Oddie, “Christian Conversion in the Telugu Country, 1860-1900: A Case Study of One Protestant Movement in the Godavari Krishna Delta”, IESHR, Vol.XII, (1), Delhi, pp.61-79; D. Forrester, Caste and Christianity: Attitudes and Policies on Caste o f Anglo-Saxon Protestant Missions in India, London: Curzon Press, 1980; J.C.B. Webster, A History o f the Dalit Christians in India, San Francisco, 1992. A. Copley, Religions in Conflict: Ideology, Cultural Contact and Conversion in Late Colonial India, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997; G. Viswanathan, Outside the Fold: Conversion, Modernity and Belief Delhi, 1998.

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The Christian missionaries have been perceived as protagonists and patrons of the poor. The image of the missionaries as persons committed to justice and equality, prepared to champion the cause of the oppressed, as well as to act as advocates of the underprivileged, had certainly caught the imagination of the downtrodden masses and facilitated mass conversions of lower castes into Christianity. Especially in the Teiugu districts of erstwhile Madras Presidency (South India), German and other Protestant missionaries were instrumental in organising various programmes of literary and educational advancement, plus socio-economic progress for the benefit of lower and downtrodden castes and communities. Some scholars have studied the contribution of certain Protestant missionaries towards socio-cultural change in South India in terms of religious conversion and new consciousness, but the focus was mainly on the Anglo-American missionaries.2 In recent years, the attention of some historians of modem South India has turned towards the role and contribution of Christian missionaries in the development of language, literature and learning. A considerable number of studies on South Indian Christianity have been published in the last couple of decades, analysing the complexities of Christian mass movements, and also the effects of conversion. However, the impact of the German missionary enterprise remains neglected, though some important studies are available.3 Moreover, within South Indian studies 2 Forrester, Caste and Christianity, Oddie, Religion in South Asia; Hindu and Christian in South-East India; “Protestant Missions, Caste and Social Change in India’', and “Christian Conversion in the Teiugu Country: A Case Study of One Protestant Movement in the Godavari-Krishna Delta”; J.C.B. Webster, A History o f the Dalit Christians in India, Bugge Henriette, Mission and Tamil Society. Social and Religious Change in South India (1840-1900), London: Surrey, 1994; Kawashima, Koji, Missionaries and a Hindu State. Travancore, 1858-1936, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998.; Robinson Rowena, Conversion, Continuity and Change. Lived Christianity in Southern Goa, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998; Gerald Studdert-Kennedy, British Christians, Indian Nationalists and the Raj, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1991; R.E. Frykenberg, “The Impact of Conversion and Social Reform Upon Society in South India During the Late Company Period: Questions Concerning Hindu-Christian Encounters, With Special Reference to Tinnevelly”, in C.H.Phillips and M.D.Wainwright, eds., Indian Society and Beginnings o f Modernization, 1830-1850, London, 1976, pp. 127-242. 5 C.S.Mohanavelu, German Tamilology; Gita Dharampal-Frick, Indien im Spiegel deutscher Quellen der Fruhen Neuzeit (1500-1750): Studien zu einer interkulturellen /Constellation, (FrGhe Neuzeit; 18) Tubingen, 1994; Daniel Jeyaraj, Inkulturation in Tranquebar. Der Beitrag der fruhen danisch-halleschen Mission zum Werden einer indisch-einheimischen Kirche (1706-1730), (Missionswissenschaftliche Forschungen, Neue Folge 4) Erlangen, 1996; Michael Bergunder, ed., Missionsberichte aus Indien

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Telugu Christianity has not been adequately explored. Only a few studies, have gone beyond the framework of the usual denominational histories.4 Hardly any in-depth research has been done so far on the role of German missionaries in Andhra Desa. Hence, an attempt will be made in this paper to highlight the significant linguistic/philological contribution of a German missionary, viz., Benjamin Schultze. The main focus of this paper will be on Telugu language but it will also examine the scholarly and intellectual interaction between the German missionaries and South Indian society during the early colonial period. The objective of this study is to probe into the German missionary legacy from a long-term historical perspective. The Danish-Halle missionary station was established in the port city of Tranquebar on the South East coast of India in the early decades of the eighteenth century. When its first missionaries, Ziegenbalg and Pltitschau, both German Protestants, set foot on South Indian soil

im 18. Jahrhundert. Ihre Bedeutung fuer die europaische Geistesgeschichte und ihr wissenschaftlicher Quellenwert fuer die Indienkunde, (Neue Hallesche Berichte; 1) Halle, 1999; Andreas Nehring, Orientalismus und Mission. Studien zur Representation der sudindischen Kultur und Religion durch deutsche Missionare 1840-1945. Wiesbaden, 2003; Hans-Werner Gensichen, “Der Beitrag Christlicher Missionare zur Erforschung des Hinduismus”, in, Der Missionar als Forscher. Beitrtige Christlicher Missionare zur Erforschung fremder Kulturen und Religionen. Gfltersloh, 1988. pp.70-86 (=MWF, Bd.21); Heike Liebau, Kurt Liebau, “Der Missionar Benjamin Schultze: Eine Notiz zu seiner Korrespondenz und sein Beitrag zur Herausbildung der vergleichenden Sprachwissenschaft”, in Heike Link und Thomas MQller-Bahlke, ed., Zeichen und Wunder, Geheimnisse des Schriftenscharankes in der Kunst- und Naturalienkammer der Franckeschen Stiftungen, Halle: Franckeschen Stiftungen, 2003, pp.94-I10. Amo Lehmann, “Halle und die sQdindische Sprach- und Religionswissenschaft”, Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Martin-Luther Universitdt Hale- Wittenberg, 3/II, Halle, 1952/53, pp. 149-156; Gita Dharampal-Frick, “Malabarisches Heidenthum: Bartholom&us Ziegenbalg ttber Religion and Gesellschaft der Tamilen”, in, Michael Bergunder, ed., Missionsberichte aus Indien im 18. Jahrhundert, pp. 126-152. 4 Susan Billington Harper, In the Shadow o f the Mahatma. Bishop V. S. Azariah and the Travails o f Christianity in British India, Michigan: Grand Rapids, 2000; Webster, A History o f the Dalit Christians in India. Hugald Grafe, ed., Evangelische Kirche in Indien: Auskunftund Einblicke, Erlangen, 1981; Grafe, “Die Arbeit in Indien”, in Ernst-August Lttdemann, ed., Vision: Gemeinde weltweit. 150 Jahre Hermannsburger Mission und Ev.-luth. Missionswerk in Niedersachsen, Hermannsburg: Verlag der Missionshandlung, 2000, pp. 357-420. Oddie, “Protestant Missions, Caste and Social Change in India, 18501914” and “Christian Conversion in the Telugu Country: A Case Study of One Protestant Movement in the Godavari-Krishna Delta”, M.L. Dolbeer, A History o f Lutheranism in the Andhra Desaf 1842-1920, New York, 1959.

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in 1706, the German-South Indian contact commenced.5 Since then, a number of dedicated missionaries have propagated Christianity and rendered valuable service to South Indian languages, literature and culture. Some of the successors of Ziegenbalg like Benjamin Schultze (1689-1760), Johann Philipp Fabricius (1711-1791) and Christoph Samuel John (1747-1813) made valuable intellectual contributions to South Indian languages and literature at the missionary stations i.e. Tranquebar, Cuddalore, Tiruchirappalli, Tanjavur, Nagappattnam, Palayamkottai, and Chennapatnam (Madras). During the early eighteenth century the German Protestant missionary activities were mainly confined to the Tamil-speaking areas and the city of Madras. In fact, Madras was then predominantly a Telugu settlement. It is a well-known feet that the Telugus were very closely associated with Chennapatnam since its inception, and greatly contributed to its commercial, religious and cultural life. Among the early German missionaries Schultze was undoubtedly a unique personality for his outstanding contributions to Telugu language and learning.6 For instance, he was the first German scholar who wrote a treatise on Telugu grammar, known as Grammatica Telugica, in 1728. Schultze was the only missionary who leamt Telugu; all the others concentrated mainly on Tamil, though some also learned Marathi (Schwartz), Hindustani (Schwartz, Schultze) and Sanskrit (John, C&mmerer). In the popularisation of Telugu language, Schultze’s contribution was commendable and unparalleled. In fact, the German missionaries like Schultze were the foremost pioneers in propagating the gospel in Telugu language to the local people. He was one of the earliest German missionaries who gave religious discourses in local languages i.e. Telugu / Tamil, and also translated the Bible into them. He also produced the first Telugu dictionary and wrote a bilingual book on the city of Madras. The writings of Schultze provide a lot of interesting facts and descriptions of the multifarious aspects of South Indian society in the early eighteenth century.

5 Mohanavelu, German Tamilology; Hugald Grafe, “Benjamin Schultze and the Beginnings of the First Indian Protestant Church in Madras”, Indian Church History Review, Vol.HI, (1), 1969, pp. 46-7. 6 1 have collected information about Benjamin Schultze from his papers available in the Archives of Francke Foundations, Halle, Germany. See Heike Liebau, “German Missionaries as Research Workers in India: Their Dianes as Historical Sources. Benjamin Schultze (1689-1760) - Exception or Norm?”, Studies in History, Vol. 11,(1), New Delhi, pp. 101-118.

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Benjamin Schultze and his Work at Madras Benjamin Schultze came to Tranquebar on 16 September 1719 along with two other missionaries, Nicolaus Dal and Johann Heinrich Kistenmacher. Being a multi-linguist, Schultze acquired good command over the Tamil language and after a few months started preaching in it. During his stay at Tranquebar, between 1719and 1726, he translated many religious tracts into Tamil and published a hymn book in 1723. Later he also undertook the translation of the Bible into Tamil and completed it by November 1725. He was of the opinion that no task was more worthwhile than to provide the missionary church in South India with the Bible in its entirety. As a missionary at Tranquebar, Schultze rendered service to the cause of the spread of the gospel and propagation of Christianity among the Tamils, and authored several works in the local languages.7However, due to some internal problems, he left the Danish-Halle Mission at Tranquebar in 1726 and became an English Missionary at Madras in 1728. According to Hugald Grafe, “Schultze’s decision to leave Tranquebar.. .and to settle in Madras in 1726 was the result of a complex combination between his great missionary vision and his human shortcomings. Schultze has been called “a man of great energy but also of rash imprudent zeal.”8He was also said to be “arbitrary, self-satisfied and willful”.9 However, being a gifted philologist, he mastered the Teiugu language within a couple of months and began speaking and writing in that language. Schultze writes that he once met the Governor of Fort St. George, who asked him whether there were Warugian [Teiugu] children in his school. There were non, and Schultze began to wonder whether the Governor wanted him to teach Warugian children. Later, Schultze met an English priest who had started to learn Teiugu but found it difficult to proceed because his informant, a Teiugu Brahman, could not speak any language other than Teiugu. This priest explained some Teiugu words to Schultze and Schultze found it very easy and very similar to Tamil. So he started to learn Teiugu. His teacher was a Teiugu Brahmin who could speak Tamil as well. Schultze compared the similarities between Tamil and Teiugu with those between High German and the Danish language.10 7J.Ferdinand Fenger, History o f the Tranquebar Mission, Madras: ME Press, 1906; A. Lehmann, It Began at Tranquebar (Translated from German into English by M.J. Lutz), Madras: MCL Press, 1956, p.48 *Grafe, “Benjamin Schultze”, pp.8f ’ Ibid, p.80. 10Hallesche Berichte (HB) 25. Cont., p. 76/77, Schultze’s diary 2 January 1727.

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Madras, which was known to the Christian missionaries as Madrasapatnam, was sought to be developed as the main centre for the spread of Christianity. Benjamin Schultze listed all twenty-three languages spoken in Madras in 1729. They included the following Indian languages; Kirendum (Sanskrit), Marathi, Telugu, Tamil and Hindustani. The nonIndian and European languages included Persian, Arabic, English, French, Portuguese, German, Danish, Dutch etc. A Christian missionary described the importance of Madras in the early decades of the eighteenth century as follows: Madras is a populous city, abounding not only with a vast number of Malabarians, but also with many other Nations besides: so that next to Batavia, there is hardly a city so fit and conveniently placed for propagating the Gospel o f Christ in India. And because more than twenty four distinct Languages are spoken in this place, we may very much wish that the preaching o f the word o f the Lord may begin in that city; both and that from thence, as formerly from Jerusalem, the Gospel o f Christ, both by sea and land, may go forth, and spread itself over all the Parts o f India."

Schultze had the rare distinction of being the founder of the first Indian Protestant church on English territory, viz. the English Mission of the Society for the Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) at Madras. In his instructions for all Protestant missionaries in the English colonies at Madras and Cuddalore, Henry Newman, Secretary to SPCK, stated: Every Protestant Missionary is sent into the Indies to be a Light among the Gentiles, to open their eyes, to turn them from darkness to Light and from the power of Satan unto God. He is to testify to them the name of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, and the Salvation that is in him... In the manner of Converting Heathens to the Christian Religion, he is to take all possible care that on his part nothing may be done with sinister Ends or by unlawful means, viz., by Wordly promises, Gifts of money, Power o f the Government, Magistrate,... On the Contrary he is carefully to Examine and enquire into the Motives and views of every one that offers to be a Proselyte.12

Hence it was expected that a missionary, “besides his other qualifications and learning, be a truly pious and good man himself, 11 Quoted in:. Daniel Jeyaraj, Inkulturation in Tranquebar, p.37 12 Letter from Henry Newman, Secretary of Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge (SPCK), Archives of the Francke Foundationss (hereafter AFSt).M II C 2 and IIG 12.

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enlightened by the holy spirit, sound in Faith and Charity, holding the Mystery of the faith in a pure conscience.. .blameless, vigilant, sober... patient, just, holy, intemperate, a lover of good Men.”13 Benjamin Schultze seemed to have possessed the required qualifications to begin the first Protestant Church at Madras. He was also the first German/European missionary who mastered Teiugu language and produced a number of works in it. He was an outstanding linguist/ philologist and a multi-faced personality, who worked as a missionary for about a quarter century in South India (1719-43) in the eighteenth century.14 About Schultze’s efforts at founding the new station at Madras, the Secretary of SPCK remarked thus: The Reverent, Mr. Schultze, the Principal Missionary ... made a Journey into the Empire o f the Great Mogul, and thro’a long Tract of land o f 150 Miles between Porto Novo and Paliacattee, preached the Gospel in above one hundred places. On his journey he went to Fort S t George, and there preached for some time to the Malabarians in the villages adjacent to that Town, and Fort St. David...And not only so, but at the earnest Desire of the Governor, and the English settlement at Fort St. George, he fixed there, hiring a House in Madras, and there opening a School and Church for those o f the Malabarie Nation, in hopes, by these Means, o f having an opportunity to instill into the Youth the principles of Christianity.. .the Chaplains at Fort St .George conceive great Hopes o f its growing to Maturity and Perfection, and that they shall there see a Mission equal to any in those Parts, through the Charitable Assistance o f the English, and the Blessing of God in the Ministry o f Mr. Schultze. The Governor is very ready to protect and encourage it. The East India Company likewise have been so good as to send orders to all who act under them, to favour and assist this excellent Design.15

Further, As to the Protestant Mission in the East Indies it continues, thro’ the Blessing of God, in a very flourishing condition. That Part o f the Mission which has been lately planted by the Reverend Mr. Schultze, at Madras, the Heathen Town adjoining to Fort St. George, may now 15 Ibid. MHeike Liebau, “German Missionaries as Research Workers in India: Their Diaries as Historical Sources. Benjamin Schultze (1689-1760) - Exception or Norm?” p.51. 15AFSt/M I E 2, circular letter dated 26 December 1730.

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Properly be called English,..Mi. Schultze has indeed alone, and within the Compass o f half a year, made so considerable a beginning, as to instruct and baptize S3 Heathen: which success and the Esteem the Governor and Council o f Fort St. George have animated them to concert Measures among themselves, for building or purchasing such a house as may serve for his own Dwelling, a Catechetical School, and also a Place o f Divine Worship: believing that he will never foil o f a competent support by Charitable Remittances from England.... We are therefore full o f H ope...a great Door and effectual will be opened in this English Factory, for the Salvation o f Gentiles thro Faith in Christ

Schultze himself described his early missionary efforts in Madras as follows: ...I am engaged into self forth in laying down the first ground o f an English Mission. Just as every new work by its first raising out of the dust will want a great deal more that when it is advanced to perfection; so like a wife this English Mission will want many things which only the good Providence of God is capable o f to procure by exciting any Christian Benefactors, well-wishers and friends, as well in Europe as here in East India. Since I began to move on the Missions work here, the number o f Proselytes, increases every month and what she stands in need for, is chiefly a convenient house to meet in for the divine service and to keep a school, but finding the stock very low, I am not able to buy nor to build a house for my purpose.. .Knowing now by a long experience, how many good friends and patrons I have the honour to salute in Fort St. George, I do not doubt but persuade myself they will concur willingly to assist with any small gifts and kind presents for such a work, that concerns the Honour o f the English Nation remembering with all that what is spent for the Lord’s sake is only sent upon an advantageous Interest, for surely a great reward in this same life and in the World to come. The Benefactors are Respectfully desired to write down, what every one shall be pleased to contribute according to his own Pleasure, Estate and Family.17

Missionary Schools Among the German missionaries, Benjamin Schultze was considered to be “a man of extraordinary ability” even though sometimes “slipshod”; and for his untiring labours, the Madras station and educational

16 Ibid. 11AFSt/M 2 H 3:5, Benjamin Schultze to all Benefactors and Patrons.

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programmes would not have been a reality.18 After his arrival in Madras in 1726, Schultze founded two schools: the Malabar (Tamil) School (1726) and the Portuguese School (1732). His school project was quite a success with the local inhabitants of Black Town, who came to him “from morning till late at night.” To the Hon’ble Governor, Fort St. George, he wrote on 7 January 1730: “As my Journey was a foot, I had the opportunity to discourse with the Heathens concerning our Religion. Return to Madras on 20 August 1726 and on 26 August the school was introduced with one boy, but afterward the number increased to three.”19 Indeed, the SPCK authorities had stressed the establishment of Mission Schools: The Education o f Children and well ordering of the schools is what the Missionary must have most at heart and tend with their utmost Care and Diligence, being sensible not only that the pliable minds of children are more susceptible o f good impressions than those o f riper years; But that from those schools they may expect the greatest and best increase of their Congregation, and though the schools are at present but like a small seed, yet if well cultivated and cherished they may, by the Blessing o f God, grow up to a spreading tree yielding precious fruit to all the nations.. .20

Schultze wrote to his superiors at Halle in Germany that his schools received the enthusiastic support of the local people and twelve pupils joined the Malabar School. There were seven students in the Portuguese school, subsequently, the strength went up to thirteen. No fees were collected from the students. They were provided free boarding and lodging facilities in the church compound. Schultze informed Newman, “The Heathenish School, wherewith I begun, is now turned into a Christian one; Ten Boys I keep in the Mission, which proves a little beginning of a Charity School, for girls I cannot yet find any one to take care of them.”21 Missionary schools were also established in the rural areas '• Grafe, “Benjamin Schultze”; Lehmann, It Began at Tranquebar, p. 80; “Schultze was an able worker, even though sometimes slipshod. It was he who founded the mission at Madras in 1728. The temptations of ambition he was not always able to overcome, so it must unfortunately be said that, as in Tranquebar, also in Madras, he got into differences with his colleagues. This poor man went so far that he did not permit his colleagues to address him as ‘Colleague', if they were not ordained!” 19Letter from Schultze to the Hon’ble Governor dated 7 January 1730, SPCK Archives, United Theological College, Bangalore (henceforth UTC). I have consulted the microfilm collection in five reels. It consists mainly of Schultze’s letters from Madras to the Secretary (Henry Newman) of SPCK, London. “ AFSt/M 2 C 2. 21 Letter to Newman dated 7 October 1729, UTC Archives.

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for the benefit of village children: “As the Children of the Natives are commonly employed by their Parents in daily work, and can’t attend the ordinary Schools: the Missionaries have appointed two school masters in the villages out of town, to catechise and teach the Children: who come to them early in the Morning, and late in the Evening.”22In January 1741 Schultze informed the SPCK authorities that “the number of children kept in the school gratis amounts to 30...Some of the Youths, who had been wholly instructed in the school, were now able to perform the Duty of School masters and Catechists.”23 Schultze spent about 600 Varahas (60 pounds sterling) and purchased a house and acquired land for the establishment of church and schools. The British Governor also sanctioned monthly grants to the schools established by him. The curriculum of the schools included an hour’s instruction in Portuguese and an hour in English in the daily timetable. For the benefit of Telugu children, a Brahmin Pundit was appointed to instruct them in their mother tongue. The mission library was well provided with translations of the Bible and other religious books and literature into the Tamil and Telugu languages, for the benefit of new converts. To encourage enrolment in the school, free tuition and scholarships were provided to the students out of the grants sanctioned by the British Governor. Perhaps Schultze was the first European in India to have introduced the grants-in-aid system in educational institutions. He also produced religious literature in the local languages and delivered sermons in Telugu. These measures of Schultze increased the popularity of his schools. In the establishment of schools as public institutions, he was influenced by the philosophy of his teacher August Herman Francke, and continued the legacy of his predecessor Ziegenbalg.24 Frykenberg writes: “Among several Europeans who.. .went on to expand these new model or ‘public’ schools, the most outstanding were Benjamin Schultze (1719; Madras: 1727-1743)... Schultze initiated work with Telugus, compiling a dictionary and producing a grammar, collecting manuscripts, and translating the Gospels.”25 The schools were also used by the missionaries as centres for propagating Christianity and encouraging religious conversion. Schultze considered these schools as 22 Letter from Schultze to SPCK, dated 29 January 1741, Some Account o f the Society s Protestant Missions in the East Indiesfo r the year, 1742, p.Sl. (hereafter Some Account). 23 Ibid, p.41. 24 Lehmann, It Began at Tranquebar, pp. 44f. 25 Robert Eric Frykenberg, “The Halle Legacy in Modem India: Information and the Spread of Education, Enlightenment, and Evangelization”, in M. Bergunder, ed., Missionsberichte aus Indien im 18. Jahrhundert, p. 13.

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“the key to the hearts of the people.” The financial assistance and free boarding and lodging for the school children had facilitated conversion of lower castes to Christianity. The Account of the Society’s Protestant Mission to East Indies for the year 1744 mentioned: “The Christians are so increased in all the neighbouring villages, as to have, with the Consent of the Heathen Magistrates, a Christian Warden, or Head-man appointed over them, according to the Custom of the Country.”26Consequently, the number of converts went up from 34 in 1728 to 206 in 1730 to 224 in 1731 and to 678 in 1743.27 Telugu Works of Schultze The popularity of Schultze’s educational activities was mainly due to his close rapport with the Telugu speaking communities of Madras city, specially in the Black Town area. During his stay in that city (1726-42), which was dominated by the Telugus in all spheres of its activity, he had acquired a fair knowledge of the local languages and religion, and delivered sermons in them. In a short account of the religion, and some languages common to the natives in and about Tranquebar and Madras, Schultze stated: ... There is another Nation among the native Heathens especially in and about Madras, that understands the common Tamul or Mababarick, but hath also a peculiar language, which they call Telugu, but the Malabars call it Warugu and the Europeans Gentou. It is a quite different language from the Tamul both in Character and other respects... The Brahmans among these Telugians have like besides the Common Telugu, their most holy Language, which they call Samscritam, and differ very much from the Common Telugu although the Characters are the same.2®

Given his mastery over Telugu, he ventured into translations of original religious scriptures.29 He was said to be the first European scholar who learnt Telugu well enough to bring out books in that language and literature in the form of questions and answers, rules and regulations for a good Christian life etc. In the very first year of his arrival in Madras he translated the short Catechism and the New 26Some Account, p. 50. 27 Lehmann, It began at Tranquebar, p. 134. MLetter from Schultze to Newman dated 20 January 1730, UTC. 29 J. Mangamma, Book Printing in India: With Special Reference to the Contribution o f European Scholars to Telugu, 1746-1857, Nellore: Bangorey Books, 1975, pp. 32-35.

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Testament, Garden o f Paradise, True Christianity and other small religious tracts into Teiugu. In order to carry out perfect translations, Schultze obtained good knowledge of Teiugu grammar. In 1728, he produced a treatise on Teiugu grammar known as the Grammatica Telugica in Latin. It was considered to be his magnum opus. He informed his superiors at Halle thus: I have completed the Grammar with the help of God. It consists of eight Chapters and an Appendix. The first Chapter is about the Alphabets and their characteristics. The second is about the Pronounciation. Chapter three is about the Nominatives [Cases]. The fourth is about the Adjectives with declimics. The fifth is Pronouns. The sixth o f Verbs. The seventh o f Particles. The eighth is about Syntax. The Appendix is the Apostle Belief, The Prayer o f the Lord and the first Chapter of the First Book of Moses. The intention o f this Appendix is to give some material to practice reading and pronunciation. It is constituted in Latin to help all Europeans.30

It was also the first Teiugu Grammar book written by a European. It amply illustrates the structure of the popular colloquial language spoken by the common people in and around Madras in the first quarter of the eighteenth century. It is interesting to note that, unlike Ziegenbalg, for instance, he paid less attention to the written than to the spoken language and he was able to attract the attention of the local people and understand the functioning of the local grass roots society. The book consists of eight chapters, and an appendix which contains some Bible translations. The title page reads: “Teiugu Grammar or the method by which it shows the way for one, who would like to leam the Teiugu Language in a short time, compiled for the use of Telugu-Lovers and provided with rules and paradigms which are necessary.”31 The Grammar book contains many phonetical rules, a detailed description of script and different writings of letters with their possible ligatures. The Chapters deal with the Script and Alphabets; pronunciation; nouns; adjectives; pronouns; verbs; particles and syntax which is mostly explained by means of religious texts at the end of the Grammar. This manuscript work was printed in 1984 by the then East German Government. It is presently available in the Library of the Francke Foundations at Halle/Saale, Germany. The Grammar Book of Schultze was more than one hundred years older than the other Teiugu grammatical works of A.D. Campbell (A Grammar 50 H.B. 111.27. Cont p.265. Letter dated 4 May 1728. 51 AFSt/M I E 9:20.

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o f the Teloogoo Language) and C.P. Brown (A Grammar o f the Telugu Language). Thus Benjamin Schultze had the unique distinction of being the earliest European scholar of Telugu grammar. In an English translation the Telugu-Grammar Book was used by the English priest Consett, to teach new missionaries. Dr. Gerdes, Member of the SPCK, asked Schultze to send him the Telugu Grammar, which he did. In addition to the Grammar Book, Schultze also translated the entire Bible, including the Old and New Testaments, into Telugu between 1728 and 1735. A Telugu scholar helped him in his translations of the Bible which consists o f432 pages. The translation of the New Testament was completed as early as 1728. The translation o f659 chapters of the Old Testament was completed in 1732. He wrote to Newman: The translation o f the Bible in the Gentoe Tongue in this very year finished, for the benefit of that sort of heathens which use this language all there. Hitherto we have the Bible but in the Malabarian Tongue, printed at Tranquebar, but if we should have the pleasure to see them printed in a short time in the Gentoe Language too, according to the wish and desire o f so many people, we doubt not, but to meet such an opportunity o f communicating the Gospel more largely to a new kind o f heathens, who for want o f instructing are quite kept off from the knowledge o f Jesus Christ.32

By translating the Bible into Tamil and Telugu, Schultze had also created a four language dictionary of English, Telugu, Tamil and Latin. This Bible-cum-Dictionary contains Telugu meanings for about 10,500 biblical words. However, the words were not arranged alphabetically but according to their place in the Bible. Some examples; Aapeksha

= Wish

Sahetukam Nidranam

= With reason = Dormant

Aatmajnanam Swabhimanam

= Self-knowledge = Self-esteem

Mahodayama

= Great birth

Shubhapradam

- Fortunate

Jaganta

= A gong

” Letter from Schultze to Henry Newman, dated 24 August 1732, UTC.

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Pragalbhyam

Audacity

Aunnatyam

Tallness

Utkrushtam

Superior

Agnanam Pattugomma

Ignorance Support

Bhogam Bhagyam

Riches Luck

Sanghibhavam

To come together

Shlaghaniyam

Praiseworthy

This dictionary was an essential reference work for all the European missionaries who would come to South India. The four language Dictionary compiled by Schultze contains many local, colloquial words in addition to Biblical words. The influence of foreign languages like Arabic, Persian, Urdu/Hindustani on eighteenth century Telugu could be found through the vocabulary of the Dictionary. Some examples: Tainatu (Arabic) Adjective = To be attentive Sharatu (Arabic) Noun = An agreement; a condition agreed on, Harramkoru (Arabic & Persian) Noun = A wicked/vicious person Jamedaru (Persian) Noun = Head of soldiers Huzur (Arabic) Noun = Sir Wazir (Arabic) Noun = Minister Tahabilu (Persian) Noun = Comparison Subedari (Urdu) Noun = Province Khajana (Arabic & Urdu) = Treasury Majili (Urdu) Noun = A stage in a joumey Bandikhana (Urdu) Noun = Jail Darwaja (Urdu) Noun = Door Lladai (Urdu) Noun = A fight Gulapodu (Urdu) Noun = Slave Jumma (Arabic) Noun = Friday About the completion of the Bible-Dictionary Schultze informed the Secretary of SPCK, “I have been much detained at Madras these

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two years making some other preparation, as the New Testament in the Warugian or Telugic Tongue, also a Dictionary for the Warugian and Malabaric Languages, and a Warugian Teiugu Grammar, which are now all compleat.”33 During his stay in South India, Schultze had not only shown keen interest in the languages and literature of the region but also acquired many Teiugu palm leaf manuscripts. He also wrote religious songs and sermons on palm leaves, and distributed them among the local population. He collected nearly 167 palm leaf works and took them to Halle. His association with the Teiugu language continued even after he left for Germany in 1743, after serving in Madras for about a decade and a half. He was aware of the fact that there were not many books of any sort printed in Teiugu, and hence decided to get some elementary and basic works printed at Halle. He began to print religious literature in Indian languages like Hindustani (Urdu), Tamil, Teiugu, etc. He got the Teiugu and Tamil imprints/founts cut and published many books in these languages. In teaching and preparing notes on Teiugu at Halle, he made extensive use of the Teiugu alphabets book Conspectvs. Its title page Overview about the Teiugu script commonly called Warugic as per the arrangement o f the vowels and consonants used the most often, excepting these which do not appear in the sacred script as also the same multitude o f combinations compiled here alphabetically with the most different alphabets, as also the language that belongs to eastern India, namely Madras and all regions where (Teiugu) is the native language.u This booklet was published on 23 June 1747 and around 200 copies were distributed in Europe and India. Besides the booklet on Teiugu alphabets, Schultze had also printed a couple of religious tracts in Halle during the years 1746 and 1747. They included the following: (1) Small Teiugu Catechism i.e. Booklet wherein the Dialog is offered in Warugian language fo r use o f the ‘Teluguvandlu ’, the Apostolic belief, Sunday service, the Baptism, the Institution o f the Holy Last Supper, Confession o f Sins, Prayer before and after food, Morning and Evening Prayer etc. (2) Highest religious discussion which the Teiugu sage had with five Brahmins about Christ, the saviour o f the world, and about the faith that brings healing in the same by means o f recognizing the 33Letter from Schultze to Henry Newman, dated 17 December 1728, UTC.

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truth fo r a favourable pronunciation o f the Christian teachings fo r all. (3) The 100 rules presented, the customs and the life which are o f value to a Christian, and which the true devotee o f Christ should direct all his thoughts, words and deeds daily. (4) Clear localization o f the Christian teaching ordered as per the five chapters o f the great catechism. (5) Path or Order o f the Salvation i.e. Booklet in which it is shown in which Name and on which Path a sinner, who desires his Salvation, can reach Eternal Life through Jesus Christ. In addition to these books he also wrote a bilingual (Telugu-English) work on Madras or Fort St. George. It describes the culture, tradition, religion and socio-economic conditions of the local people in the form of thirty familiar dialogues. It was originally written in the “Waruga (Telugu) or Gentou language but afterwards translated into the English Tongue, for the benefit of some curious readers.” Its English title is: The Large and Renowned Town o f the English Nation in the East Indies upon the coast o f Coromandel, MADRAS or FORT ST. GEORGE, ... Subsequently it was also translated into German and was printed in 1750, at Halle. This book on the city of Madras provides interesting details about “the Genius, the manners, the carriage, the behaviour and the very character of the Natives; likewise their trade and House-keeping; the Product of the Gardens.” It reflects a European’s perspective on the nature of the country and indigenous cultural practices. The writings of Benjamin Schultze helped many Christian missionaries to know more about the socio-cultural and religious conditions of South India in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. During the first two years of his stay in Madras, he had undertaken the translation of religious scriptures and circulated them among the new converts. In addition to his translations he also had daily oral practice of Telugu at the school. Every day he used to spend at least an hour in conversation with the Telugu pupils. Having acquired reasonable command over the language he gave daily sermons in Telugu and developed close relations with the local population. Schultze informed the Hon’ble Governor of Fort St. George on 7 January 1730 that “every Sunday our new converts meet in the open Hall in the House belonging to the Mission, where they hear Sermons in the Malabar, Gentue and Portugueze Languages. In the morning from

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9 o’clock till 11 in the Malabar and Gentue and in the afternoon from 4-5 in Portugueze.” Schultze’s literary works, together with his school projects, facilitated the spread of the Gospel among the local people, chiefly the Tamil and Telugu speaking lower castes. For this he enlisted the support of the “English Gentlemen” of Madras including the Governor and Chaplain Rev. W. Leake, in whom he found “a very good friend”. With the moral and material help and support of Europeans in South India and beyond, he was able to carry out proselytisation work and religious propaganda among the native population. Conclusion The running of charity schools and literary works enabled Schultze to gain the confidence of the local inhabitants of the Black Town area of Madras City. He attracted Telugus from the beginning. Consequently he was able to convince a large number of Telugu people to change their religion. In religious conversion the native catechists played a significant role, as they were “diligent as ever in converting the Heathen by preaching and conferences.”35The first convert was a twenty-five year old woman, the daughter of an interpreter {dubash). The other early converts to Christianity were a distiller, a carpenter, a cook, a labourer, a shoe-maker, an embroiderer of stockings, a grass cutter, water seller and so on. From the available evidence it appears that “the first Indian Protestant Church at Madras was a congregation of lowly labourers and people who worked for Europeans.”36 The Pariah Christians made up the largest part of the congregation. There was one cup for all at Communion. Schultze was one of the earliest missionaries to opposed caste distinction among the Christian community. This caused some inconvenience to caste Hindus of the Black Town area, and some of them withdrew their children from the mission school. The children of the caste Hindus were also not sent for boarding and lodging by their parents. Yet Schultze, “with the strength of youth and the experience of a beginner and with much trouble did away with the separation in the church.”37

54AFSt/C 73. 35 Some Accounts, 1744, p. 65. 14 Grafe, “Benjamin Schultze”, p. 47. ” Lehmann, It began at Tranquebar, p. 64.

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The educational and religious efforts of Benjamin Schultze in Madras had brought about considerable social and cultural change among the Telugu-speaking communities. For the first time the lower castes like the Pariars, Madigas and Malas were able to acquire modem education and new consciousness. Many of the students of the charity schools became school masters and religious preachers. The mission schools acted as “cradles of awakening” for the untouchable communities. Through modem education they could obtain material gains, social dignity and identity. Therefore, Benjamin Schultze could be considered as a pioneer and an agent of socio-cultural change among the downtrodden castes in eighteenth century Madras.

FAITH AND KNOWLEDGE: THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM OF THE DANISHHALLE AND ENGLISH-HALLE MISSION Heike Liebau Educational work was always an indispensable instrument and an integral part of missionary work. Mission schools fulfilled an ambivalent function: from the point of view of mission strategy they helped prepare potential converts for baptism; they served to consolidate, reproduce and spread Christian beliefs among the local people and establish a local Christian elite. This narrowly defined religious aim was subjected to modifications by the actual conditions in the areas where the mission was active. Local methods of instruction, practical requirements and colonial rule, on the one hand, and the political, religious and cultural background of the mission societies, on the other, influenced both the contents of learning and the definition of the aims of education. In the eighteenth century a network of schools and educational institutions arose in South-East India in the framework of the first Protestant mission. Since the schools were open to all they became a form of advertisement for the mission. This essay will examine the development of the educational system of the Mission against the backdrop of historical changes in the region. It will focus on the attempts to find answers to the changing political and religious requirements through the introduction of new school models, new contents and methods of instruction. The first part of the essay contains an overview of the contents and the development of the missionary educational system. The second part examines the cooperation between the Halle missionaries and the English in the area of education, especially in Madras. While the third part examines the prospects for the continuation of the missionary educational system in the nineteenth century under the Leipzig mission.1 1 The author has already published several essays on the history o f the mission educational system: Heike Liebau, “Ober die Erziehung tQchtiger Subjekte' zur

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Development of the Educational System of the Danish-Halle Mission . Most of the missionaries had already some teaching experience prior to their departure for India. Many of them had worked as private tutors for wealthy families. Others, while studying in Halle, had worked as preceptors in the schools of the Francke Foundations.2 From the very beginning, deliberations on mission strategy emphasized the importance of work among the younger generation. On 22 August 1708, Ziegenbalg wrote: “If one aims to do something among the heathens that will have a lasting effect/ then most of the plans must be directed at the youth.”3 Neither material investments nor personnel ought to be spared, he felt. It would, he stated, also be necessary “...to maintain free of cost all those children who would like to join our congregation with their parents, so that we can bring them up better in our own way, and we will always find among them such people who can be used later to spread Christianity.”4

Verbreitung des Evangeliums. Das Schulwesen der D&nisch-Halleschen Mission,” in Artur Bogner, Bemd Holtwick and Hartmann Tyrell, eds., Weltmission und religidse Organisationen. Protestantische Missionsgeseltschaften im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, Wtirzburg: Ergon Verlag, 2004, pp. 427-458. Heike Liebau, “Von Halle nach Madras: Pietistische Waisenhausp£dagogik und anglo-indische Appropriationen”, in JOrgen Schriewer and Marcelo Caruso, eds., Nationalerziehung und Universalmethode. Fruhe Formen schulorganisatorischer Globalisierung. COMPARATIV, Leipziger Beitr&ge zur Universalgeschichte und vergleichenden Gesellschaftsforschung, IS. Jahrgang, 2005, Heft 1, pp. 31-57. Heike Liebau, “Religionsunterricht und Sprachenfrage. Zu den Auseinandersetzungen zwischen der Leipziger Mission und der britischen Koloniatregierung Qber die Gestaltung des Schulwesens in SQdindien", in Holger St6cker and Ulrich van der Heyden, eds., Mission und Macht im Wandel politischer Orientierungen. Europdische Missionsgeseltschaften in politischen Spannungsfeldem in Afrika und Asien zwischen 1800 und 1945. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2005, pp. 102-117 (Missionsgeschichtliches Archiv, Vol. 10). 2 3788 students of the Halle University worked as teachers in the Francke Foundations between 1696 and 1749. Historisch topographische Beschreibung der Stadt Halle im Magdeburgischen. Grottkau, im Verlag und zum Besten der evangelischen Schulanstalt, 1788, p. 175. Der Koniglich-Danischen Missionarien aus Ost-Indien eingesandter ausfiihrlichen 5 Berichten erster Theil Halle, 1710... bis siehenter Theil, Halle, 1760(Hallesche Berichte, hereafter HB), Volume 1, p. 16. (“Will man unter solchen Heyden etwas dauerhaftes ausrichten / so mufl man seine meiste Absicht auf die Jugend gerichtet haben.”) 4 Ibid, p. 18. (“alle Kinder/so da mit ihren Eltem zu unsercr Gcmeinde treten mflchten/ frey zu unterhalten/um daB wir sie desto besser nach unser eigenen Hand erziehen kfmnen/und unter ihnen stets solche Leute finden mdgen/so da ktinftig zurAuBbrcitung der christlichen Religion kdnnen gebraucht werden.”)

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Two main goals of missionary education are formulated here: on the one hand, it is a means towards conversion, and on the other hand, it is a prerequisite for the development of a staff of local workers who would work as multipliers for the mission. Soon after their arrival in Tranquebar, Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg and Heinrich PlOtschau set up “an own school with a schoolmaster”5 in their house and thus gained insights into local teaching methods. On their travels in the areas around Tranquebar they looked for schools and talked with the village teachers. On 27 August 1709 Ziegenbalg writes: “In all cities, small towns and villages one finds schools in which young people are taught to read and write.” But he qualifies this statement by adding: However, only very few achieve perfection in these skills, since they have to spend six years on this. Therefore, among a thousand people who can read and write, one finds very few who can write and spell correctly and read without faltering. Girls do not leam to read and write except for those who will serve the idols in the temples and are called servants o f God.6

Ziegenbalg’s portrayal mentions important foundations of the traditional Indian education system. In many villages there were no schools that helped to educate children for future employment in the local accounts or administrative sectors. The missionaries did not find any girls in these schools. Ziegenbalg notes that only a few chosen girls, who were meant for the life of devadasis, were taught in the temples.7 The missionaries kept up the contact with the local village schools even after they had established their own mission schools. Benjamin Schultze introduced the practice of regular supervision and inspection of local Hindu schools in the surrounding villages and towns. Representatives 5 Amo Lehmann, ed,,Alte Briefe aus Indien. Unverdffentlichte Briefe von Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg 1706-1719, Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, p. 43. 4HB 3. Continuation (hereafter Cont.), pp. 127f. (“Jedoch sind nur die allerwenigsten, die zu einer rechten perfection im Lesen und Schreiben kommen, indem hierQber sechs Jahr zugebracht werden mflssen. Daher findet man unter tausend kaum einen, der lesen und schreiben kann; und unter tausend, die schreiben und lesen kOnnen, findet man sehr wenige, die fertig und orthographic^ schreiben, und ohne AnstoB lesen kOnnen. Die Weibs=Personen werden g&nzlich nicht dazu gehalten, ohne diejenige Personen, so in den Pagoden denen AbgOttem dienen sollen, und Dienerinnen der GOtter genennet werden.”) 7 For the history of the Indian educational system see P.L. Rawat, History o f Indian Education, Agra, Bhopal: Ram Prasad and Sons, 1981, (8th ed.). First edition 19S6.

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of the mission often struck up conversations with village teachers and pupils, explained texts from the Bible and left behind songs and small prayers which they asked them to repeat on later visits. Some of these non-Christian teachers were, for a while, even paid by the mission. In this way, in 1725, all the traditional village schools around Tranquebar were placed under the supervision of the mission and the children took part in the regular examinations.® However, since the desired interest in Christianity could not adequately justify the costs incurred, this form of supervision of local schools was given up in 1727 and the salaries paid to the teachers and providing of teaching materials were stopped.9 From then on, the educational efforts of the mission were directed at developing and maintaining the educational institutions belonging to the mission. Sporadic attempts to revive the practice of supervision over local schools never lasted very long. In 1740, for example, Johann Ernst Geister and Johann Zacharias Kiemander placed a Hindu school under the supervision of the mission. The children were left in their familiar surroundings and taught by their teachers in the traditional manner.10 The first mission schools were “house schools” opened by Ziegenbalg and Plutschau in 1707. Classes took place in the living quarters of the missionaries. Plutschau set up a “Portuguese” school in which Danish and German were also taught, while Ziegenbalg set up a Tamil school." The school was housed in a separate building only two years later.12From 1710 onwards Griindler taught Tamilian children in his house inPoraiyar.13 Schools were established in all the districts under the care of the mission. In 1735, the mission had five schools in Tranquebar and others in the districts of Mayavaram, Tanjavur, Mahadevipattanam, Tiruppalatturai, Mannargudi and Marrawa.14 The mission schools were attended by children of the mission congregations as well as by other children, even non-Christians, in preparation for baptism. Of the ninety-four children in 1736 who were studying in the three schools of the Tamil city congregation in Tranquebar, nine were not baptized.15 In 1739, there were 173 school ■HB 23. Cont., p. 925. 9 Ibid, 25. Cont., p. 15. 10 Ibid, 57. Cont., p. 1461. 11 Ibid, Vol. I. pp. 17f., Ziegenbalg’s letter dated 22.8.1708. 12 Ibid, 2. Cont. p. 92, letter from Griindler dated 6.1.1710. Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 154, Ziegenbalg’s letter to A.H.Francke dated 30.8.1710. 14HB 42. Cont., pp. 784, 792. ' Ibid, Preface.

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children in the city of Tranquebar, of whom eleven were not baptized, but whose parents or relatives were preparing for baptism. Of these 173 children, fifty-seven attended the “Portuguese” school, forty-three of them being mission children and the other fourteen from outside.16 In 1780, along with the Tamil and “Portuguese” city schools in Tranquebar, five village schools in the districts around Tranquebar were placed under the supervision of the Danish-Halle mission.17 Wherever conditions permitted, boys and girls were taught separately according to the Halle model. Only in small places, where the number of pupils was too small and where there was only one teacher, the boys and girls attended classes together. In 1707, the Halle missionaries set up the first school for girls in Tranquebar. A widow was employed to look after the girls. Their classes were generally similar to those of the boys but contained other practical subjects, for example, stitching.18 Of the 190 school children of the Tamil village congregation in 1734, roughly onethird were girls. In 1735, sixty-one boys and forty -three girls of the Tamil city congregation in Tranquebar were enrolled in the schools.19 Female instructors and teachers were trained to supervise the girls; women were also employed to “teach them handicrafts”.20 “House schools” had been set up initially due to lack of space. However, the missionaries continued this practice even after a welldeveloped network of schools had been established. Indian children were sometimes brought up and educated in a missionary family. Christoph Samuel John, in particular, tried to institutionalize this practice, and he called on all married missionaries to bring up other children in their families, along with their own.21For reasons of cost and effectivity, prayer rooms and classrooms were integrated into the plans while building houses for local catechists or assistants. Initially a school for non-Christian children had been set up in Poraiyar. The classrooms were added to the house of the local catechist so that he could “visit these daily and teach there every day for one or two hours.”22 Wheatley, the schoolmaster in 16HB 49. Cont., p. 6. 17 Neuere Geschichte der Evangelischen Missions-Anstalten zu Bekehrung der Heiden in Ostindien. Halle, 1/1, 1770-8/95, 1848 (hereafter NGEMA), 25. Stack (hereafter St.), p. 2. '* HB 6. Cont., p. 241. 19Ibid, 40. Cont, Preface. 30 Ibid, 47. Cont., p. 1331. 21 NGEMA 32. St. p. 889. “ HB 14. Cont., pp. 163f.

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the English school in Tanjavur, took in some school children in 1784, fed them and taught them, since they could not otherwise have come to school on account of the heat.23 Many of the schools set up by the missionaries were charity schools or free schools. In 1707 Ziegenbalg informed the Danish King, Frederick IV, of the intention to set up a to set up a “free public school, in which mainly theology and true Christianity would be taught, but where the opportunity would also be grasped to teach all kinds of sciences on the condition that no one would be forced to become a Christian.”24 These charity schools were also open for non-Christians and were set up, financed and run by the mission.25In the first charity school established on Griindler's initiative, the children were also provided with free learning materials.26Griindler set up this school with the permission of the Danish Commandant, Hassius, who called on the people to send their children to school and pointed out that a school education would give them a greater chance of employment with the Company later.27Instruction was given in reading, counting and writing in Tamil and Portuguese, in Bible study, in theology as well as in the study of Tamil poetry. Although hardly anyone wished to become a Christian, the missionaries kept to this model.28The charity school set up by Griindler was taken over by Benjamin Schultze after Griindler’s death. In contrast to the Christian schools, the charity school was attended exclusively by non-Christians.29 In 1723, Schultze summarized what they hoped to achieve with this kind of school: the children would get a general idea of Christianity; they would lose their aversion to Christians; they would leam important moral principles; and the ability to read would give them access to other Christian literature.30 These schools enjoyed a good reputation among the people. The high standard of education was appreciated, but there were protests 23 NGEMA, 30. St. p. 693. 24 Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 57 (“freie, OfTentliche Schule, darinnen zwar hauptsSchlich die Theologie und das wahre Christentum gelehrt wflrde, aber gleichwohl auch Gelegenheit nehme, allerlei Wissenschaften zu traktieren und zwar mit dieser Condition, dafl ein jedweder seine Freiheit behalte, ein Christ zu werden oder nicht.”) 25 HB 11. Cont., pp. 864-869, letter from J.E.Grilndler to the Mission Board in Copenhagen, 16.8.1715. 24 Ibid, p. 864. 27 Ibid, pp. 864-65. 28 Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, pp. 471 f„ letter from Ziegenbalg and GrOndler to A.H. Francke in Halle, 7.1.1717. 29 HB 19. Cont., p. 344. 20.Cont., p. 467. 30 Ibid, pp. 344f.

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against the fact that children of different castes sat together for classes.31 The reasons for non-Christians sending their children to mission schools differed. For poor Hindus material considerations were important, since the schools often gave the children food and clothes. People from higher social strata had an eye to the professional prospects of their children. Some Brahmins who sent their children to the mission schools in the 1780s hoped to gain advantages through a good knowledge of English and were, therefore, willing to put up with the study of Christian texts.32 Around 1790 over forty children - all from Hindu families - were enrolled in the so-called English provincial school in Tanjavur.33Although, on the whole, the presence of the one or the other non-Christian in a mission school was not problematic, the ruling caste differences often created difficulties in the organization of school activities. The question of caste always had to be taken into consideration; for example, in the selection of teachers, in the vocational training offered or in the composition of the classes. In a letter dated 10 February 1731 to G.A.Francke, Johann Anton Sartorius referred to this problem. High-caste parents would not send their children to the school if untouchables were also taught there.34 The missionaries were also forced to take the caste question into account in the selection of children who would get assistance. “We recently took in Parraier children for special classes in order to make an attempt in this direction. We do not despise these people but the Suttirer are better suited for the mission,”35 wrote John in March 1787.

11 HB 11. Cont., pp. 957-959, "Der Malabarischen Korrespondentz anderer Theil”, letter 44. ” NGEMA 36. St, pp. 1395f. JJ Ibid, 40. St, p. 387; 47. St., p. 981. 14 HB 30. Cont, p. 673. Rajanayakkan, who set up a school in Tanjavur in the 1740s, had a similar experience. Since he was an untouchable, he had to have an assistant from a higher-caste for this venture. Heike Liebau, “Tamilische Christen im 18. Jahrhundert als Mitgestalter sozialer Ver&nderungen. Motivationen, Mdglichkeiten und Resultatate ihres Wirkens”, in Petra Heidrich and Heike Liebau, eds., Akteure des Wandeis. Lebenslaufe und Gruppenbilder an Schnittstellen von Kulturen, Berlin: Das Arabische Buch, 2001, pp. 19-44. MNGEMA 35. St., p. 1313. (“Parraier-Kinder haben wir kilrzlich zum besonderen Unterricht angenommen, urn es mit ihnen zu versuchen. Wir verachten dis Geschlecht nicht, kOnnen aber die Suttirer besser bey der Mission brauchen.”)

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The model of the free schools was further developed by John. He set down his experiences and plans in his text “On Indian Civilization”, which was published in London in 1813. Here John argued for cooperation between the East India Company and the various religious societies working in the education sector. He also proposed the establishment of a “Separate Liberal Native School Society.”36 After John's death, people from the Church Missionary Society helped to run the free schools set up by John.37In John’s opinion, free schools had to be supported by the local authorities, as was the case with his model - the “provincial schools” set up by Schwartz - which came into being in some places in the 1780s with the approval and support of local rulers. These schools either received regular financial support, or they were given assistance in the form of land. For this Schwartz had had discussions in several provinces on behalf of the English, and some rulers had promised to provide land and a monthly financial grant.38The provincial school in Ramanathapuram began with ten pupils, among them the adopted son of the ruler and the sons of some ministers. The schoolmaster was Wheatley.39Frykenberg considers these schools to be proof of Schwartz’s role as a pioneer: “His scheme for a modem, state-subsidized ‘public’ system of schools in India began with the Rajas of Tanjavur, Shivaganga and Ramnad. High schools that he established so impressed the East India Company’s resident at Tanjavur that the Company’s directors in London and its government at Fort St. George, in Madras, were persuaded to subsidize them, even though none of these schools lay within Company territory.”40 Income from land leased out by the mission was also used to set up and maintain schools41 The English Governor gave Schwartz an annual sum of 500, and later, 1000 pagodas.42 As a rule, the Tranquebar mission separated children of European descent and Tamilian children, and had a different curriculum for each 34Christoph Samuel John, On Indian Civilization, or, report of a successful experiment made, during two years, on that subject, in fifteen Tamil and five English Native Free schools; with proposals for establishing a separate, liberal Native School Society, etc., London, 1813. The original form of this book is reprinted in this publication. See Vol. Ill, Appendix 1, source no. 18. 37 NGEMA, 67. St., p. 592. “ Ibid, 30. St., p. 691. w Ibid, 33. St. pp. 1024-1027. 40Robert Eric Frykenberg, “The Legacy of Christian Friedrich Schwartz”, International Bulletin. Vol. 23, No, 3, July 1999, pp. 130-135, (quote, p. 132). 41 NGEMA, Vol. Ill, Preface, pp. Xf. 42 John, On Indian Civilization, p. 8.

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group. On the basis of language the missionaries assigned the children in the beginning to the “Malabar”, “Portuguese” or “Danish” school. Instruction was in the mother-tongue and the subjects taught were, to some extent, adapted to the social and professional paths envisaged for the children. With the decline of Portugal as a trading power in the Indian Ocean, and with the corresponding decline in the importance of Portuguese as a means of communication in South India, the need for an English education in colonial India grew. This affected the structure of the mission schools as well. The number of schools with English as a medium of instruction increased. These schools were often established with the support of the English East India Company or of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK). Anglo-Indian and European children were still taught separately from the Tamilians, and attempts to change this were never successful. In 1775, the Mission Board entrusted Johann Wilhelm Gerlach with the task of setting up a “school of languages and sciences” which would cater to Lutheran European children in Tranquebar as well as to Tamilians.43At the beginning of the 1780s Ch. S. John and J. P. Rottler developed a concept for a mixed European-Indian school.44 In February 1784 John received permission from the Mission Board to establish a “school for European children and Malabar boys.”45The basic idea of this school was to acquaint Indian children with a European way of life through daily dealings with European children.46John viewed this attempt as a means towards the “civic education of the Indians.”47 Each of the groups had a socially determined position in the school: “After this Mr. Rottler conducts catechism with all of them, during which the Malabar children stand behind the European children. The class begins with a hymn and a prayer for which the former kneel while the latter remain standing with the teacher - a distinction that is necessitated by the clothes they wear.”48Lunch-time was used to teach the Tamilian children European eating habits, .. where all Malabar boys have to wait at table 43Rigsarkivet, Copenhagen (hereafter RA), Kongelige Reskripter 1765,89. NGEMA 18. St., p. 738. 44 NGEMA 30. St., pp. 684f. 45 RA, Missionskollegiet 9g, Indkomne Sager den Ostindiske Mission vedk. 1781 92, UnterthSniges Pro memoria. Trankenbar, 12.2. 784. 46NGEMA, 32. S t, p. 889; 30. St., pp. 705f. 47 Ibid, 66. St., pp. 485ff., 839. 41 Ibid, 30. St., p. 707. (“Hierauf hilt Herr Rottler... mit alien Katechisation, wo die Malabarischen Kinder hinter den Europflischen stehen. Diese wird mit einem Gesang und Gebet angefangen, wobei jene Kinder knien, diese aber mit dem Lehrer stehen, welcher Unterschied wegen der Kleider sein muss.")

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in order that they become skilled in serving Europeans and in order to familiarize them with their way of life. The do, of course, break many glasses and plates before they learn how to use them. It also gives us a good opportunity to rid them of their stupid aversion for beef.”49 The experiment was abandoned after some time, and the reports don’t provide any information about the reasons for this.50 The influence of European ideas was evident in the structure of the educational institutions (for example, girls’ schools, charity schools etc.). However, the dependence of the missionaries on the European founders and supporters of the mission became especially apparent in the financial sphere. Since most of the children came from poor homes, the schools did not have much of an income. The children received assistance according to a tiered system: while some only received free education but were not given clothes, food or school material, others were not only educated free of cost, they were also given all the school material. The poorest children received, in addition, clothes and food. In the “Tamilian” schools most of the children were looked after entirely by the mission. In the “Danish”, “English” and “Portuguese” schools there were, as a rule, always children whose parents paid for their education.51 Under these circumstances the missionaries were dependent on continuous financial help from the friends of the mission in Europe. Along with large donations for the construction and maintenance of school buildings, for buying teaching material and for the care of the children, the model of personal sponsorship was also initiated. Friends of the mission in Europe donated money for one child and received regular information from the missionaries about the progress and development of the child. Contents and Methods of Instruction Just as the missionaries could not ignore social features like the caste system, religion, or the question of gender, while adapting their teaching experience to conditions prevailing in South-East India, they also had to take into account the existing educational system. By 49 Ibid, (“wo alle Malabarischen Jttnglinge dabey aufwarten, urn sie zum Dienst der Europ&er geschickt, und mit ihrer Lebensart bekannt zu machen. Da werden nun freilich viele G!2ser und Teller zerbrochen, ehe sie damit umgehen lemen. Hier gib! es zugleich gute Gelegenheit, ihnen den albemen Ekel vor Rindfleisch abzugew$hnen ” ) 50 NGEMA, 32. St., p. 888. 51 In 1734, fifty children in the “Portuguese” school in Tranquebar received support, while all the 177 children in Tamil village congregation received free education. HB, 37. Cont., Preface. In 1771, of the fifty children in the “English" school in Tiiuchirappalli, ten were given free education. NGEMA, 8. St., p. 1096.

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employing Indians as their language teachers, by visiting the village schools and by asking Tamilians about the goals, contents and methods of a traditional transmission of knowledge, they quickly gained insight into the specificities of the local schools and took over the one or the other practice in their teaching. Local facilities were initially used, especially from among the available teaching aids. Writing was done in the sand and only the older children could do some writing exercises on palm leaves. Paper was scarce. The Mission School regulations of 1709 state that the children in the mission schools learned “to write in the sand in the Malabar manner.’' Those who had already made progress in this learned “to write with a steel stylus on palm leaves.”52 The missionaries soon realized that the Tamilian method of writing in sand was also a form of memory-training: children whose standard was more or less the same sat together and one child wrote a number or a letter of the alphabet, naming it in a singsong tone. The others then wrote this down and repeated the name. After each child had written and said the number or letter, this was erased and the next symbol taken up. The missionaries were impressed with the speed with which these exercises were carried out. This happens very quickly and, as it were, according to the beat. The person reciting and writing first has to know the correct form in the correct order, because if he makes a mistake, everyone makes a mistake. But each time another child is chosen, so that everyone gets a turn.53

Religious education in its various forms was the most important part of the curriculum. It consisted of prayer, catechesis, recitation, Bible reading and meditation. Catechism was a basic component of religious education. It was also given outside of the school for potential converts and served to prepare the candidates for baptism, for their entry into the Christian community. An important goal of the educational work of all the missions was to gain local workers for the mission. To this end, the Tranquebar missionaries established a seminary in 1716 for selected pupils from the higher classes. The graduates of the seminary were first used as amanuenses and were then appointed as teachers, assistants and catechists in the actual work of the mission.54 With the increasing 52 HB 4. Cont., p. 157, Mission school regulations of the year 1709, Tranquebar, 29 September 1709. 53 Ibid, 1. Cont., p. 404. (“Solches geschiehet in einer grossen Behendigkeit und gleichsam nach dem Tacte. Der VorsSnger und Schreiber muB alles nach der Ordnung wohl auswendig wissen. Denn wenn er irret, so irren alle andere. Es wird aber allemal ein anderer darzu erwehlet, also, daB die Reihe an alle kommt.”) 54 Ibid, 33. Cont., pp.893f.

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influence of rationalism in Europe and against the backdrop of the growing requirements in colonial India, the secular content in the special instruction given to gifted pupils for the creation of the elite increased. Thus, in the 1780s, some gifted boys (selectans) were taught church history, geography, cosmography, Portuguese, German and arithmetic by the missionaries themselves.55 The selectans were not only trained for missionary work but also for work as businessmen or accountants. Those who were to later join missionary service underwent, in addition, practical training with one of the European missionaries.36 Language instruction in the schools was determined by different criteria and by practical requirements. In the first decades, for example, it was important to leam Portuguese.57Later, Portuguese was increasingly displaced by English. Around 1790, about forty non-Christian children of Brahmins and merchants learned English under the supervision of Ch. F. Schwartz in an English “provincial school” in Tanjavur.58The importance of an English education increased along with the consolidation of British colonial rule in South India in the second half of the eighteenth century. Frykenberg estimates that a regular demand for instruction in the English language as well as in science and technology began around 1780 among the Tamil population.59 According to August Hermannn Francke’s pedagogical principles, the tasks of the school included the aspect of work and training for a vocation. This principle corresponded to the intentions of the missionaries as well as to the actual demands on missionary educational work. The vocational training offered in mission schools was determined by the infrastructure of the mission as well as by the village crafts and the requirements of possible European employees. Vocational training and a Christian upbringing were important prerequisites for an independent life after school. Girls and boys were, as a rule, taught different crafts. The girls in the ‘Tamil” school in Tranquebar were trained to work as household helps, they also learned spinning, how to weave mats, to knit 55 NGEMA, 25. S t, p. 8; 26. St., p. 134. 54 Ibid, 30. St., p. 672f. 57 HB, 25. Cont., p. 30. 58 NGEMA, 40. St., p. 387; 47. St., p. 981. 59 Robert Eric Frykenberg, ‘The Halle Legacy in modem India: Information and the Spread of Education, Enlightment and Evangelization”, in Michael Bergunder, ed., Missionsberichte aus Indien im 18. Jahrhundert. Ihre Bedeutung fiir die europdische Geistesgeschichte und ihr wissenschaftlicher Quelienwert fu r die Indienkunde, Halle 1999, pp. 6-29, (here p. 15).

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socks60and make threads and ropes from the fibres of the coconut.61 Some boys received a similar training, others learned basket-weaving,62or were trained to become dyers, accountants, book-binders or type-setters.63The girls stayed in the school till they were married, while the boys were sent out when they were admitted to Holy Communion or were in a position to earn their own living.64 The vocational training also included special medical training and personal hygiene. Once a week the children were taken to a well outside Tranquebar where they had to “wash and clean their bodies in the local manner.”65The children who received their meals in the school were given a diet suited to local conditions. They were regularly given a laxative to purge the body.66 Tamilian doctors were also employed alongside the European medical personnel. In 1712 the mission appointed a Tamilian who not only worked as a doctor, but was also given the task of teaching the older children hygiene, herbal lore and Tamilian medicine.67 In 1775 and 1780 the reports also mention the appointment of Tamilian doctors.68 Local Tamil schools had, for centuries, laid great emphasis on the teaching of mathematics.69 Boys were instructed in the practical application of mathematical rules for dealing with accounts, measures and weights. The mission schools used the features of the Tamilian method of calculation which, in many ways, was different from the European method. From the 1760s onwards greater emphasis was laid on the natural sciences. The missionaries John and Rottler played a decisive role in the introduction of these subjects. Christoph Samuel John reinforced this in 1796 in a Pro Memoria addressed to the Mission Board in Copenhagen. As a representative of a generation whose idea of education had been 60 HB, 25. Cont., p. 30; 33. Cont. p. 895. 41 NGEMA, 30. St., p. 672. a Ibid, 25. St., p. 8; 30. S t, p. 671. 63 HB 42. Cont., Vorrede, § VIII, 4. Cont., p. 155ff. 64 NGEMA, 25. St., p. 8. 63 HB 4. Cont., p. 159; See also J.E.Grtlndler and B.Ziegenbalg, Die Malabarische Korrespondenz. Tamilische Briefe an deutsche Missionare. Eine Auswahl. Eingeleitet und erlflutert von Kurt Liebau. Sigmaringen, 1998, pp. 208-211. “ Ibid, 52. Cont., p. 682; Also GrOndler and Ziegenbalg, Die Malabarische Korrespondenz, pp. 208-211. 67 Ibid, 6. Cont., p. 313. Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe. p. 229. 64 NGEMA 15. St., p. 293; 25. St., Preface, p. 9. MGrOndler and Ziegenbalg, Die Malabarische Korrespondenz, p. 134.

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formed by enlightenment and rationalism, he viewed the spread of the (natural) sciences as an integral concern of the mission.70 Following the model of the Francke Foundations, illustrative teaching material was either produced or ordered from Europe. At the end of the eighteenth century, this included maps and globes.71 Material from nature collected during walks was also used in the classroom. Along with creative learning with such visual aids, learning by rote and meditation on texts from the Bible also played an important role in class activity.72Through constant repetition and memorizing of dogmas and passages from the Bible, the children inculcated the knowledge that they, as Christians, would need to use at all times. Among other things, they had to learn the catechism by heart through constant repetition.73 In contrast to the schools of the Francke Foundations,74 physical exercise and training were not independent components of the syllabus in the schools of the Danish-Halle mission. Sports, which primarily served to improve the health and well-being of the pupils, but did not have any commensurable use, were not given any importance. However, physical activity and physical exercise were linked to a definite, practical result. The children regularly went on excursions to nearby places, both as a form of relaxation and to learn about nature.75The mission also maintained gardens in which the children worked. In 1712, Ziegenbalg reported: “Every week the children are taken to the villages, where they are catechized in public, after which they are fed in our church garden and are made to do physical exercise.”76All the children were thus given “school-garden instruction” 70 RA Missionskollegiet 9h, (1793-1799); Pm Memoria from Ch. S. John dated 3. 2. 1796. 71 Indira V. Peterson, “Science in the Tranquebar Mission Curriculum: Natural Theology and Indian Responses”, in Bergunder, Missionsberichte aus Indien, pp. 175219. 72 NGEMA, 27. St., p. 259. 73 Ibid, 26. St., p. 173. 74 August Hermann Francke, Segensvolle Fuflstapfen. Geschichte der Entstehung der Halleschen Anstalten von August Hermann Francke selbst erzahlt. Bearbeitet und herausgegeben von M. Welte, Giessen, 1994, p. 209; Thomas Milller-Bahlke, “Kinderleben in den Glauchaer Anstalten zu Franckes Zeiten. Entsagung auf Teufel komm raus?” in Penelope Willard, ed.. Die Franckeschen Stiftungen zu Halle im Jahre 2000, Halle, 2000, p. 23. 75 HB 4. Cont., p. 160, School Regulations of 1709. 76Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 227. ( “Und alle Wochen werden die ersten Schulen auf die Ddrfer hinausgefilhrt, allwo mit ihnen nach allezeit vor den Heiden katechesiert wird, nach welcher Katechesation sie in unserm Kirchengarten gcspeist und zur Leibesmotion angewiesen werden.”)

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in the mission garden in Poraiyar. During die years of existence of the Danish-Halle mission the network of school gardens was systematically extended: “The two long large courtyards adjacent to the boys’ and the girls’ schools were made into gardens and useful trees, flowers, but mainly all kinds of vegetables were planted in it.”77 The guiding principle in the education of young people was discipline. This translated into a crowded daily routine. The day began at 6 a.m. with a prayer and a catechesis and ended at 8 p.m. after dinner. Free time was cut down to the minimum; it was measured out strictly and was always supervised. Meal times and craft work were generally accompanied by readings from the Bible or other religious texts.78The daily routine in the ‘Tamil” school in Tranquebar in 1709 was as follows: 6.00 - 7.00 a.m.

Prayer and catechization with a missionary

7.00 - 9.00 a.m.

A chapter from the New Testament is read out to the children and discussed with them in between, at 8.00 a.m. breakfast

9.00 - 11.00 a.m.

Continuation of classes and repetition

11.00am- 1200a.m. Lunch 12.00 - 1.00 p.m.

Rest hour under the supervision o f a preceptor

1.00 - 2.00 p.m.

Writing exercises in the sand or on palm leaves

2.00 - 3.00 p.m.

Reading and writing letters

3.00 - 4.00 p.m.

Counting

4.00 - 5.00 p.m.

A Tamilian assistant conducts catechization with all Tamil pupils and catechumen

5.00 - 6.00 p.m.

Repetition o f topics and singing with the Tamilian teacher

6.00 - 7.00 p.m.

Dinner accompanied by readings from the New Testament by the preceptors

7.30 p.m.

Bed time

This daily routine, which resembles a working day of an adult rather than a child’s day at school, was surpassed in the schools of the Francke Foundations during this same period. It was not rare for a child to run away in order to escape from the strict rules. However, an excellent 77 NGEMA 30. St., p. 670. (“Die zwey lange grofie H6fe bey der Knaben und Mflgdleinschule wunden zu Garten zugerichtet und nutzbare Bfiume, Blumen, haupts&chlich aber allerley KQchengemOse darein gepflanzet.”) n HB 4. Cont., pp. 155-162, School Regulations of 1709.

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education compensated for the strict discipline and the meagre provisions - especially for the orphans. In 1719 a school-day in the Orphan School was organized in the following manner: 4.45 a.m.

Wake-up call

5.00 - 6.00 a.m.

Morning prayers with the preceptors

6.00 - 6.45 a.m.

Breakfast, distributed by the preceptors

6.45 - 7.00 a.m.

Preparing for lessons; assembly

7.00 - 11.00 a.m.

Classes

11.00 a.m. - 12.00 a.m.

Bath time or silent independent work

12.00 - 1.00 p.m.

Lunch in the dining hall

1.00 to about 1.15 p.m.

Free time in the courtyard o f the Orphan School under the supervision o f the preceptors. Silence to be observed.

1 .1 5 - 1.45 p.m.

Gymnastic exercises in the woodshed or, in good weather, in the garden of the Assistant Director; in bad weather, distribution of paper and quills

1.45 - 2.00 p.m.

Preparation for lessons; assembly

2.00 - 6.00 p.m.

Classes

6.00 - 7.00 p.m.

Tea consisting of half the breakfast portion. Subsequently free choice of occupation under the supervision of the preceptors

7.00 - 8.00 p.m.

Dinner in the dining hall

8.00 - 8.30 p.m.

To be sp en t in the com m on room. Opportunity for individual discussions with the preceptor or with one another.

8.30 - 9.00 p.m.

Prayer time

9.00 - 10.00 p.m.

Short walk in the courtyard, then getting ready for bed. Silence to be maintained except for brief individual exchanges with the preceptor. Subsequently, lights out.79

Very little is known about punishments for a breach of discipline. A method of punishing a child for not passing an examination was to not give, or to reduce, the obligatory gifts on festivals.80 Evidently, praise did not form part of the pedagogical principles in Tranquebar. A child 79 MQller-Bahlke, Kinderleben; K. Deppermann, Der Hallesche Pietismus und der preufiische Stoat unter Friedrich III (1.), Gdttingen, 1961, pp. 88ff. 80 NGEMA, 25. St., Preface, p. 9.

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could, however, receive recognition and encouragement in other ways, for example, through special assistance on behalf of a European sponsor, by being given special tasks, or by being selected for further education or vocational training. Cooperation between the Halle Missionaries, the SPCK and the East India Company in the Field of Education in Madras In the eighteenth century the European East India Companies did not consider the education of the local population to be their concern. This was also true of the English East India Company, which strengthened its territorial presence in South-East India but developed its own educational policy only in the nineteenth century. Till then, educational activity in the English territories was dependent on the commitment of individuals. In the English colonial metropolis, Madras, where Anglican priests had been running schools for English and Anglo-Indian children since the seventeenth century,81German missionaries and English priests began systematic cooperation in the field of education from 1717 onwards. In that year the first schools were set up in Madras and Cuddalore with donations from the SPCK. For some time already, German missionaries and English priests had been exchanging views on the question of education. In 1711 Ziegenbalg gratefully acknowledged the sum of 60 pounds sterling from the SPCK for setting up a charity school.82 In a letter of 1713 to George Lewis, the English priest in Fort St. George, he explained his pedagogical concepts in detail.83 George Lewis returned to England in 1714. His successor as chaplain in Fort St. Geoige was William Stevenson. In 1717 a charity school for the “Portuguese” and Tamil children was sought to be established with the help of the missionaries. Ziegenbalg and Griindler supported the plan and sent local schoolmasters trained in 91 Henry Davison Love, Vestiges o f Old Madras 1640-1800. Tracedfrom the East India Company's Records preserved at Fort St. George and the India Office, and from Other Sources. In four volumes. Vol. II, New Delhi, Madras: Asian Educational Services 1996, pp. 164f [First published London 1913]. 82 Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 195, letter from Ziegenbalg to Bdhme and Hoar in England, 475. 12. 1711. 15 Bartholomfius Ziegenbalg, A letter to the Reverend Mr. Geo. Lewis, chaplain to the Honourable the East-India-Company, at Fort St. George: giving an account o f the Method o f Instruction used in the Charity-schools o f the Churcht called Jerusalem, in Tranquebar, ... translated from the Portugueze - copy printed at Tranquebar. London: printed and sold by J. Downing, 1715. HB 33. Cont., p. 928.

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Tranquebar for a “Portuguese” school in the English town and a Tamil school in the so-called Black Town of Madras.84Georg Jacob remained there as a teacher and opened a “Portuguese” school, which had to close down after Stevenson’s return to England in 1718 because there was no missionary to look after it.85 After this, cooperation between the Danish-Halle missionaries and the English in Madras was interrupted for almost a decade. It was resumed only in 1726 with the arrival of Benjamin Schultze in Madras. From November 1726 Schultze received a “certain contribution” for his school from the English Governor. This amount was promised to him for the entire period of his stay in Madras.86 From 1732 onwards Johann Ernst Geister and Johann Anton Sartorius worked along with Schultze for the SPCK in Madras. In 1733 seventeen children were enrolled in the Tamil school run by the missionaries, and one of the older children also worked as a teacher. Fourteen children were enrolled in the “Portuguese” school.87 A year later there were fifty children in all, among them seventeen girls.88 When Benjamin Schultze returned to Europe in 1742, Johann Philipp Fabricius was his successor in Madras. Fabricius shifted some of the classes from the mission house to the surrounding villages. In 1744 the children in the Tamil school were divided into three groups according to their social background and the material assistance they received from the mission. The lower group consisted of seventeen children who, because they had to help their parents, could only attend classes in the evenings in their villages. In the middle group five children received instruction in the forenoons in the house of an Indian schoolmaster. These children did manual work in the afternoons and received a monthly stipend from the mission. The third group consisted of sixteen children who lived in the mission house and were trained for their future work in the mission. Fifteen children were enrolled in the “Portuguese” school.89 During the siege of Madras by French troops in 1746/47, the number of school children went down. There were twelve children in 1747 in the socalled Free Orphan Schools, six in the “Portuguese” and six in the Tamil MLove, Vestiges o f Old Madras, Vol. II, pp. 164f. MHB 13. Cont., p. 32; 14. Cont., pp. 142,147 and 156; HB 46. Cont, pp. 1316-1329. u Amo Lehmann, Es begann in Tranquebar. Die Geschichte der ersten evangelischen Kirche in Indien, Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1956, (2nd edition), p. 227. 87 HB 38. Cont., p. 276. MIbid, 39. Cont., p. 454. •* Ibid, 61. Cont., pp. 175f.

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school.90The number of orphans in the care of the mission rose to twenty in 1750, while other children were taught by two Indian schoolmasters in the surrounding villages.91 In 1753 Fabricius opened a “Portuguese” girls’ school in Madras with four girls, among them an English girl. At this point of time thirty-three school children were being looked after by the mission - all the girls and twenty-one boys in the Tamil school, and eight in the “Portuguese” boys’ school.92 The parents of some school children paid fees which partly covered the cost of salaries of the schoolmasters. Along with two Tamilian and one “Portuguese” schoolmaster, the mission station in Madras also employed an English schoolmaster from 1761 onwards, an invalid English soldier who, in addition to his salary as a teacher, also got a small invalid’s pension from the Company.93Attempts were also made to recruit teachers for the mission schools from among their own pupils. A “governess” was employed to supervise the “Portuguese” girls.94In 1763, forty-three children in the different schools were financed by the mission, eight girls by the Anglican Church, seven boys and two girls by private individuals.95 In 1788 the Company paid five rupees a month for each of the 100 children of the “English” school in Madras.96 In addition, private sponsors could be found among the officials of the East India Company in India or from among supporters in England. Some German missionaries like Christian Friedrich Schwartz or Christian Wilhelm Gericke became advisors to the English in matters of education. On behalf of the SPCK, in October 1786 Schwartz wrote a letter to the Governor of Madras, Archibald Campbell, asking for the support of the colonial government for the plans of the Society with regard to the further development of the educational system.97 The Governor’s wife, Amelia Campbell, replied to this letter on 20 November 1786 proposing the establishment of an orphan-school for girls in Madras. In 1785/86 the Court of Directors had resolved to improve conditions for the education and upbringing of European orphans in the colonial cities of Madras and Calcutta. Amelia Campbell stated that by setting up such an institution, 90 HB 67. Cont., p. 1218. 91 Ibid, 73. Cont., p. 149. 92 Ibid, 79. Cont., p. 1125. 91 Ibid, 97. Cont, pp. 157f. 94 Ibid, 99. Cont., pp. 383f. 95 Ibid, 99. Cont., pp. 387f. 94 NGEMA 37. St., pp. 11 If. 97 Ibid, 34. St, pp. 1163f.

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which would mainly look after the daughters of impoverished Europeans, die East India Company wanted to create a “refuge for Protestant girls”. The Governor himself took over the general supervision of the plan, and was the head of the Founding Committee set up for this purpose.98 Schwartz, who was not a member of this committee, was requested to act as an advisor in the planning and establishment of die orphan-school for girls. When he visited Madras two years later, the construction work on an orphan-school for boys financed by the East India Company had also begun. At that point of time 108 girls were enrolled in the girls* school. The orphan-school for boys was initially built to accommodate 100 boys." The setting up of the orphan-schools for girls and boys in Madras is closely linked with the so-called Madras method of instruction developed by the English priest, Andrew Bell.100 Bell came to Madras on 2 June 1787. He first worked as a priest in different regiments, among them the Fourth European Regiment in Arcot, the 19th Cavalry Regiment and the 36thRegiment, Poonamalee, before being appointed chaplain of the East India Company in Fort St. George.101He probably also became a member of the Founding Committee for the orphan-school for boys.102 When this orphan-school for the male children of European military personnel was 98 NGEMA 34. St., pp. 1167ff.; Hugh Pearson, Memoirs o f life and correspondence o f Christian Frederick Swartz, Vol. II, New York, 1838, p. 41. "Ibid, 37. St. p. 111. 100 This method became well-known at the beginning of the nineteenth century as the Bell-Lancaster method. Its founders were Andrew Bell (1753-1832) and the Quaker, Joseph Lancaster. It was a tutor-system in which some pupils were appointed as tutors and received special encouragement by teaching younger pupils on their own. Apart from the actual teacher, each class was assigned assistant teachers. Another feature of the Bell-Lancaster method was the technique of learning reading: first the children learned to read printed alphabets, and then they began with writing (even in England writing was sometimes practiced in sand). After this they learned to read syllables and only then whole words. Andrew Bell, An Experiment in Education. made in the Male Asylum at Egmore, near Madras. Suggesting a System by which a School or Family may teach itself under the Superintendance o f the Master or Parent. By the Rev. Dr. Andrew Bell, London: Cadell & Davies, 1805; The Directory o f National Biography, Vol. XI, London, OUP, published since 1917, pp. 480-482. 101 Robert Southley, The Life o f the Rev. Andrew Bell, comprising the History o f the Rise and Progress o f Mutual Tuition, in three volumes, Vol. I, London, 1844, pp. 102,111 and 120; August Hermann Niemeyer, Grundsatze der Erziehung und des Unterrichtsfiir Eltem, Hauslehrer und Schulmdnner. Erster Theil, Achte Ausgabe, Halle, 1824, Zweyter Theil, Achte Ausgabe, Halle 1825, Vol. 2. p. 621. 102Charles Lawson, Memories o f Madras. Delhi, Madras: Asian Educational Services 2002, p. 209.[Reprint, London 1905].

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opened in 1789,103 Bell became the Superintendent of the institution,104 although Gericke had originally been considered for the post. After the death of the Governor and Amelia Campbell’s subsequent return to Europe, Christian Wilhelm Gericke was put in charge of the orphan-school for girls in 1790. Gericke, who had studied theology in Halle from 1760 and had taught in the Orphan School there since 1761, had also been the Inspector of the girls’school of the Francke Foundations from 1763 till his departure for India as a missionary in 1765. He could, therefore, draw on his pedagogical experience of several years in the European context. After more than two decades of missionary service in Cuddalore and Nagapattinam, he settled down in Vepery, Madras, in 1788 and took over the duties of Fabricius, whose health was fast declining. In 1790 he took on the additional task of Inspector of die orphan school for girls.105After Bell’s departure, Gericke also conducted communion for some children of the orphan-school for boys.106 Bell maintained contact with several German missionaries. In January 1792 Ch. S. John visited both the orphan-schools in Madras and reported: “D. Bell led me to the school for boys, examined every class, showed me their work and I was pleased to see that here too, on the whole, a lot of good is being done.”107After this, John and Bell carried (Hi an intensive personal correspondence for some time.108 In March 1794 Christian Pohle met Bell in Tranquebar.109When Bell was looking for a teacher for English, writing, arithmetic and drawing, he first thought of Carl Wilhelm Pflzold, who was then working with Gericke. P&zold, however, declined the offer because of his family circumstances.110Having met John, Schwartz, Gericke, P&zold and Pohle, Bell knew the leading educationists among the Halle missionaries. Andrew Bell left India in August 1796 after a nine-year stay.111 There is no evidence of any further contact with the missionaries after Bell’s return to England. From around 1810 the “Madras method of instruction”, now the “Bell-Lancaster method”, spread in England and ,M Bell, An Experiment in Education. "* NGEMA, 67. S t, Preface, p. VIII. 105 Ibid, 42. S t, p. 555. 104Ibid, 62. S t, p. 210. 107 Ibid, 42. St., p. 556. (“D. Bell ftihrtemich in das Asylumder Knaben, examinirte jede Classe, zeigte mir ihre Arbeiten, undich freute mich,daB auch da im Ganzen sehr viel Gutes gestiftet wind.”) I0* Southley, pp.l99ff. ,w NGEMA 49. St., pp. 17,33f. 110Southley, The Life o f the Rev. Andrew Bell, pp. 195ff. 1,1 Lawson, Memories o f Madras, p. 210.

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the British colonies, but also in other European countries."2The method received attention in mission circles only after it had attracted interest worldwide.113It was Christoph Samuel John who analyzed the method and applied it to the mission schools. In his essay “On Indian Civilization”, John referred to the importance of this method of instruction for the education of the young generation in India. On the basis of a study of the works of Bell and Lancaster, he argued for the use of this method in the free schools and suggested the setting up of the Liberal Native School Society to oversee the application of this method.114 Since London was now considered the centre of the new method of teaching, many missionaries were given the task of studying this method in England before their outward journey to India. Ernst August Georg Falcke was told to use his stay in England in 1821/22, prior to his departure to India, to visit English schools, especially the Bell-Lancaster institutions."3 He told his friend, Dr. Bernhard, former teacher and colleague at the Francke Foundations: “While learning writing, each class has a monitor and an inspector in its midst. The monitor reads and spells out words; the inspector ensures that everyone writes it down. For reading, a circle of ten children gathers around a blackboard and this circle reads according to the instructions of the monitor. (...) 400 boys were taught by “21 senior and junior masters - some adults, some boys - Christianity, reading, writing and counting.” 400 boys between the ages of six and thirteen were taught by “21 Ober- und Unterlehrem, theils Erwachsenen, theils Knaben, im Christenthume, im Lesen, Schreiben und Rechnen,”"6in a large bright room, Falcke wrote admiringly. Another room was meant for 360 girls. In the forenoons two teachers taught them religion, and in the afternoons the girls did “womanly work”. Teachers who wished to teach according 112Ludwig von ROnne, Das Unterrichts- Wesen des Preufiischen Staates, Band 1: Das Volksschul-Wesen des Preufiischen Staates mit Einschlufi des Privat-Unterricht, K6lnWien: BOhlau Verlag, 1990 (Nachdruck der 18SS in Berlin erschienenen Ausgabe), p. 26; see also footnote no. 100 of this paper. 113 NGEMA 67. St., Preface, p. VIII. 114John, On Indian Civilization, p. 2. 1,5 NGEMA 70. St., pp. 1034-1040; pp. 1041-1049; 71. St., pp. 1074ff. 1084ff. I094ff. 116 NGEMA 70. St., p. 1044. (“Beym Schreiben hat jede Classe einen Monitor und einen Inspector in ihrer Mitte. Der Monitor lieset und buchstabirt vor, der Inspector sicht darauf, daB jeder mitschreibt. Beym Lesen versammelt sich allemahl ein Kreis von zehn Schillcm vor einer Tafel: und dieser Kreis lieset dann nach Anleitung des Monitors....” 400 boys between the ages of 6 and 13 were taught by “21 Ober- und Unterlehrem, theils Erwachsenen, theils Knaben, im Christenthume, im Lesen, Schreiben und Rechnen”)

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to the Bell method had to work in this school for at least two months.117 Obedience and diligence were important, Falcke said; mechanical aids were used only in the lower classes, corporal punishment had been abolished and punishment consisted only in relegating students to a lower class."8 In Madras Falcke paid weekly visits to the Company’s school for boys where, even after Bell’s departure, his method continued to be used. The school also received financial support from Bell. On 20 September 1822 Falcke reported that 350 boys were being educated in this orphan school and that in addition, they were being given boarding, lodging and clothes free of cost.119Falcke stated that some aspects of the Bell system were also used in the mission schools.120 Johann Peter Rottler, helped by the widow of the late Christian Pohle, supervised the orphan-school for girls in which, at the beginning of the 1820s, 330 girls received free boarding, lodging and education.121 Falcke himself taught according to the Bell-Lancaster method in the Portuguese and English mission school in Madras. In February 1823 Peter Lauritz Haubroe opened another Bell school in Madras. The subjects taught were, among others, reading and writing in English and Tamil, counting and the principles of the Christian faith.122 The schools under Rhenius and Schmid in Palamcottah in the 1820s worked with the Bell method.123Bernhard Schmid taught according to the Bell-Lancaster method in the various Tamil schools opened by Rhenius in Madras and its surroundings. The children were - with a few exceptions - Hindus; some teachers were Christians, others Hindus who accepted the rules of the school. Once a month the teachers and the children of the higher classes met in the central school for examinations in reading and writing.124Most of the newly set-up mission schools used the Bell-Lancaster method.125 Whereas missionaries in India who had been trained in Halle studied and practised the Bell-Lancaster method, Halle itself was more reserved 1,7 NGEMA 70. S t, p. 1045. "* Ibid, 71. S t, pp. 1079f., Falcke to Bernhardt, 24.12.1821. "9 Ibid, 72. S t, pp.ll52f. 120 Ibid. 121 NGEMA 63. S t, pp. 268 and 279; 64. St, pp. 405f.; 65. St., Preface, p. XII, p. 461; 71. St., pp. 1102 and 1161. 122 Ibid, 71. S t, p. 1168. 123 Ibid, 72. St., pp. 1262f. 124 Ibid, 83. St., p. 966, Report by Bernhard and Deocar Schmid. 125 Ibid, 65. St., Preface, p. VII.

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in its enthusiasm for the model and emphasized the example o f the early missionaries. Georg Christian Knapp wrote in 1818: It is evident from our earlier Mission Reports that school instruction has been a main focus o f the Evangelical teachers o f the heathens in East India. In more recent times, and especially through the widelyapplauded text o f the Tranquebar missionary, Dr. John, (On Indian Civilization) as also through the productive efforts o f Buchanan and other excellent men as well as entire societies, but mainly through the excellent schools for heathen children set up by the late John, a general and active enthusiasm has been awakened for this important matter in Great Britain and India. Everyone has realized the salutary effects of such institutions on account o f their opportune and often unexpected successes. Missionaries o f all societies now take it upon themselves to set up new schools and improve the old ones. They are expressly encouraged and supported in this not only by the Christian rulers, but also, in many places, by heathen rulers and intellectuals.126

Even the Director of the Francke Foundations, August Hermann Niemeyer, who had an opportunity to visit the Bell institutions in London, did not consider the strict, military-like drill suitable for his institution, and expressed his criticism in his writings on pedagogy.127 The State and the Missionary Educational System - the Leipzig Mission With changes in the charter of the East India Company in 1813 and 1833, various territories in India were opened up for missionary activity. This process was accompanied by changes in the attitude of the East India Company towards the question of education. For the first 126 NGEMA 67. St., Preface, pp. Vlf. (“Aus unsem frilheren Missionsberichten ist bekannt, daB der Schulunterricht ein Hauptaugenmerk der evangelischen Heidenlehrer in Ostindien gewesen ist. In neuem Zeiten aber ist insonderheit durch die mit verdientem Beyfall aufgenommene Schrift des Trankenbar'schen Missionarius, Dr. John: Ueber die Civilisation Indiens, femer, durch Buchanan's und anderer ausgezeichneter einzelner Manner und ganzer Gesellschaften einfluBreiche Bemilhungcn, und vomehmlich durch die von dem sel. John gestifteten trefflichen Schulen fur Heidenkindcr, ein allgemeiner und thatiger Eifcr fiir dicse wichtige Angclegcnhcit in GroBbritannien und Indien geweckt, und das Heilsame solcher Anstalten, durch die erwunschtcstcn und zum Theil unerwarteten Erfolge, jedermann einleuchtend geworden. Alle Missionarien aller Societfiten lassen sich daher jetzt die Stiftung neuer Schulen und die Vcrvollkommnung der alten ganz besonders angelegen seyn; und sie werden dazu nicht nur von der christlichen Landesobrigkeit, sondem auch selbst von den heidnischen Obem und Gelehrten an vielen Orten ausdrQcklich aufgemuntert und unterstfltzt.”) 127Niemeyer, Grundsatze der Erziehung, Vol. 2, pp. 6l9f.

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time the responsibility of the colonial power in this area was defined.128 For the existing mission schools colonial efforts in the field of education developed into rival undertakings. Increasingly, state mechanisms of control and regulation influenced the missionary educational system.129 Efforts for the maintenance and furtherance of the missionary educational system by the Leipzig Mission Society have to be viewed against this background.130 Even in the area of education the Leipzig mission took up the legacy of the Tranquebar mission, both in structural as well as in substantial terms. With his report in 1822 about the educational system in the Madras Presidency, the Governor of the Presidency, Sir Thomas Munro (1761 -1827), had initiated government action in the field of education. A special council was put in charge of public education.131 This process received an official framework with the so-called Wood Despatch of 1854, in which the political responsibility of the British colonial Government for the development of the educational system in India was highlighted.132 These changes had a major effect on the conditions for the development of the educational system of the Leipzig 1J*J.C.Aggarwal and B.D. Bhatt, eds., Educational Documents in India (1831-1968), New Delhi, 1969, p. 1; Rawat, History o f Indian Education; S. Ch. Ghosh, The History o f Education in Modem India 1757-1968, Hyderabad, 1995. 129On the basis of a study of the educational work of the Anglican mission societies, Ingleby describes the period till 1850 as the revolutionary phase in the development of mission education in the framework of the “long” nineteenth century, whereas the period after 1854 was characterized by a “more settled and developed approach” on the part of the mission societies. J.C. Ingleby, Missionaries. Education and India. Issues in Protestant Missionary Education in the Long Nineteenth Century, Delhi: ISPCK, 2000, p. XIV. Mathew arrives at a similar conclusion in his study of the relations between the mission education system and the educational system of the colonial state in the period between 1870 and 1930. Mathew also sees a development from the dominance of mission schools to a policy of compromise by the (Anglican) mission societies towards state undertakings in the field of education. Arthur Mathew, Christian Missions, Education and Nationalism. From Dominance to Compromise. 1870-1930, Delhi: Anamika Prakashan, 1988. 130The “Evangelical-Lutheran Mission Society at Dresden” was set up in 1836 and renamed in 1848 as the “Evangelical-Lutheran Mission Society at Leipzig”. It considered itself to be the successor of the Tranquebar mission and sent out its first missionary, Heinrich Cordes, in 1840. Paul Fleisch, Hundert Jahre Lutherischer Mission, Leipzig: Verlag der Evangelisch-Lutherischen Mission, 1936; Niels-Peter Moritzen, Werkzeug Gottes in der Welt. Leipziger Mission 1836-1936, Erlangen, 1986. 131 Imperial Gazetteer o f India. Provincial Series. Madras, Vol. 1., New Delhi, 1985, pp. 117-125. 132In his report to the Court of Directors of the East India Company Sir Charles Wood (1800-1885), President of the Board of Control (1852) and Secretary of State (18591866), demanded that the state take over responsibility in the educational sector. See

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mission. Although the missionary school system was partly recognized by the grant-in-aid system or the result system introduced by the colonial government and received financial support according to definite criteria,133 the missions now not only had to deal with competition from the state, but also with state control. A Director of Public Instruction was appointed in every English province.134 The schools in the districts, on the other hand, were under the supervision of (Indian) school inspectors, often Brahmins. These inspectors had a certain number of teachers under them who introduced the local teachers to European teaching methods. For the education of girls in the Madras Presidency a European woman was appointed as inspector.135 Not all mission schools were placed immediately and automatically under government control after the introduction of the grant-in-aid system. Rather, a special application had to be submitted, after which the local authority undertook an evaluation. This determined the possibility of receiving a grant. In the early years the missionaries of the Leipzig mission supported the idea of the mission schools, first and foremost, as parish schools open also to non-Christians. They were against the so-called heathen schools, which were abolished in 1849.136 Heinrich Cordes himself had some schools placed under government supervision, among them the girls’ school in Tranquebar. The Director of Public Instruction initially approved a grant of forty rupees a month.137Wilhelm St&hlin supported government control over institutions for the training of catechists and teachers. The aim was to reach the standards laid down by the state with regard to the quality of training, so that Indians would L.Zastoupil and M.Moir, eds., The Great Indian Education Debate. Documents Relating to the Orientalist-Anglicist Controversy, 1781-1843. Richmond, Surrey: 1999, Introduction. 133The grant-in-aid-system was introduced by the East India Company as a form of state support for educational institutions. By giving these institutions financial aid on the basis of certain fixed criteria, the East India Company, and later the colonial government, tried to support private initiatives in the educational sector. An important criterion for receiving support was the adherence to the curriculum laid down by the state. See A.Misra, Grants in Aid o f Education in India. Delhi: Macmillan India, 1973. The result system gave aid in the form of financial grants or personnel on the basis o f examination results. Fleisch, Hundert Jahre, p. 101. 134 Fleisch, Hundert Jahre, p. 101. 135 Evangelisch-Lutherisches Missionsblatt (hereafter ELM), No. 20, 15.10.1885, pp. 311 f. See also Report on Public Instruction in the Madras Presidency for 1880-81, Madras, 1882. 136 Fleisch, Hundert Jahre, p. 78. 137 Ibid, pp.IOlf.

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not prefer to send their children to the state-run schools. In May 1858 Stahlin, therefore, asked for an inspection of the institutions by the government school inspector in Tranquebar. The teachers had to appear for a state examination. In 1863, six of the eight teachers passed this examination.138 While Cordes and StShlin supported greater state control, the Leipzig missionary Johannes Michael Nikolaus Schwarz, feared, on the one hand, that the mission education system would be anglicized and, on the other hand, that the mission would then concentrate too much on the educational system itself.139 Although StShlin’s far-reaching plans did not materialize immediately, it was evident, on the whole, that the educational system and questions connected with it increasingly took on an independent character. Under these circumstances the Mission Board and the mission church-council worked out their own school regulations, for which an expert opinion was taken from India. These school regulations stated unequivocally that the schools would serve towards “the continued existence and the future of the Church”.140Accordingly, there would be (Tamil) primary schools, English-Tamil secondary schools and a college for special training. Tamil would be the medium of instruction in the lower classes and English would be one of the subjects taught. In the higher classes the children would be trained to take the matriculation examination and English would be taught wherever necessary. With regard to teacher training and the college for catechists, it was decided that only those who had completed teacher training would be allowed to train as catechists. The medium of instruction would be Tamil; for catechist training special exercises in English would be offered. The mission board and the mission church council were of the view that only the English-Tamil school should be under government supervision, but not the college and the primary schools.141 In the conflict between the desire for social and official recognition and the wish to realize missionary educational concerns, the Leipzig missionaries looked for compromises at all levels in order to reach a solution acceptable to all concerned. The missionary Richard Handmann, a member of the missionary church council and Director of the college, reorganized the primary school in Poraiyar into a training school for 1J* Fleisch, p. 103. 1,9 Ibid, pp. 103f. 140Ibid, p. 109. 141 Ibid, p. 110.

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seminarians. In 1874 he set up a special training class in the college, and the pupils of this class taught in the training school. Talented children of the central school remained in the school till their matriculation examination, and often became teachers afterwards. In order to improve the situation of teachers trained in the missionary college, Handmann asked that they be allowed to appear for a state examination, but met with fierce resistance on this point.142 Cooperation with the state became inevitable after the report of the Hunter Commission in 1883. The status of educational institutions set up by the government was raised, and subsequently there was a greater rejection of mission schools among the people.143 Within the Leipzig mission there was disagreement about which schools should be placed under government supervision and, therefore, under state control. Since the state only conducted examinations in secular subjects, and the mission feared that, as a result, the teachers would neglect religious education, an additional examination in religion was introduced in the mission.144The examination system of the mission schools was completely re-structured in order to ensure the comparability and compatibility of the mission schools with state schools. The government, on its part, reduced the grants under the grant-in-aid system for the higher classes in favour of the result system, so that grants were now linked to examination results. Girls’ education remained an important niche for the Leipzig mission, since state measures in this area began to take hold only very slowly. Although it was difficult to establish so-called ‘boarding schools’ for girls, since the parents were often not willing to pay for their daughters’ education and girls were often married off at a young age, the missionaries saw this as an important task.145 In order to bring girls into the education system, Carl Ochs and his wife established an orphan-school for girls in Mayaveram in December 1847 in which the girls received free education.146 Religious education was a particularly sensitive area in the missionary debates regarding the position to be taken vis-&-vis state educational policies. Instruction in schools and colleges of the state could only be 142 Fleisch. p. 125. 143 ELM, No. 21, 1.11.1883, pp. 321f. 144 Fleisch, Hundert Jahre, pp. 128f. 145 ELM No. 20, 15.10.1885, E. Schaffer, Das indische Schulwesen und unsre Zentralschule, pp. 305-312. 146 ELM No. 14, 15.7.1849, pp. 21 If.

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secular.147 For the missions, however, religious education was at the heart of all educational efforts. Therefore, state ideas of restrictions and curtailments, of placing religious education at the end of the school-day and emphasizing the voluntary nature of participation in such instruction, always meant an immense loss of authority and autonomy for the missions. In the face of the growing number of state-run educational institutions, the manner of dealing with religious education became a serious problem.148 With the introduction of the grant-in-aid system the perspective on religious education in mission schools appeared in a new light. Giving up religious education completely in order to receive state grants meant giving up basic missionaiy principles. Therefore, one had to explore the possibility of more feasible compromises. In order to regulate participation in religious education, the colonial government introduced the so-called Conscience Clause in 1867.149 This clause stated that religious education had to take place at certain fixed times, and that those who did not want to take part in it would not be required to do so. The clause was confirmed and authorized by the Hunter Commission in 1882 and was applied to missionary schools. The aim was “to give freedom to their parents to exempt their children from religious education if there was no secular institution in their place.”150 Although this clause was not introduced immediately, and not everywhere at the same time, it was now difficult to insist on obligatory religious education in mission schools.151 Many missionaries regarded this as an anti-Christian stance of the government, which was free to give financial grants to those schools whose curriculum conformed to the guidelines of the state.152 There were differing views in the Leipzig mission with regard to religious education for non-Christian children. The mission debated the question whether there should be common classes in religious education for Christians and non-Christians. In the lower classes this was generally the practice, while in the higher classes religious education was held separately.153 147Aggarwal and Bhatt, Educational Documents, p. 6. ,4* ELM No. 20,15.10.1884, p. 305f. 149 Ingleby, Missionaries, Education and India, p. 185. 150Mathew, Christian Missions, p. 43. 151 A. Jeyasekaran, Educational Policies o f Protestant Christian Missions in South India till the end ofthe Nineteenth Century, New Delhi: All India Association for Christian Higher Education (no year), p. 41. 152 Ingleby, Missionaries, Education and India, p. 187. 153 Fleisch, Hundert Jahre, p. 129.

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The mission made concessions even in other subjects by consciously paying more attention and giving more space to “secular” subjects. In 1878 half of the teaching time was devoted to these subjects.154 In the highest class of the boys’ school in Tanjavur the following subjects were taught in 1884: religion (5 hours), English (7), Tamil (5), arithmetic (3), geometry (2), algebra (2), Indian history (3), geography (2). In the highest class of the girls’ school the classes and subjects were as follows: religion (5), Tamil prose and essay writing (2), Tamil poetry (2), Tamil grammar (2), arithmetic (5), geography (2) and craft (4).155 In the teachers’ training and theological college in Poraiyar there was a demand for a greater secular content even in the training of the roving preachers. This was based on the belief that more secular knowledge would increase the scope for recognition and acceptance of the preachers by the people.136 In 1882 Konrad Ihlefeld proposed that world history be introduced as a subject in order to be one step ahead of the state-run schools, since the English high schools only taught Indian and English history.157 Even in the nineteenth century the language question was important158 The increased need for an English education, which was also a popular demand, was contrary to the efforts of the mission to reach the masses more effectively through their workers educated in the local languages. According to the missionaries, the widespread use of English posed the danger of alienating the children from their local roots. The access to education in English was, however, increasingly transformed from a prestige issue to an existential issue since Indians were being admitted to higher posts in the civil service from the 1870s onwards. The schools of the Leipzig mission used the local language as the medium of instruction in the lower classes, and English in the higher classes.159Although the dangers linked with an untoward emphasis on English as a medium of instruction were constantly mentioned, the availability of English teaching was systematically expanded for pragmatic and opportunist considerations. In 1857 a special school was set up: what came to be

,MELM No. 10, 15.5.1879. 155 Ibid, No. 20, 15.10.1884, p. 310. 154Ibid., No. 7, 1.4.1881, pp. 97-103. 157 Ibid, No. 5,1.3.1882, p. 72, 15$See Zastoupil and Moir, The Great Indian Education Debate. 159Fleisch, Hundert Jahre, p. 101.

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known as the Fabricius School in Madras.160In the 1880s the missionary Schwarz stated, with some regret, that the compulsions to learn and teach English were increasing.161 One of the critics of the English teaching methods was Georg Stosch (1851-1920), who was in India from 1888 to 1892 in the service of the Leipzig mission. Although he recognized some of the merits of the English system, he was of the opinion that these teaching methods and subjects could not be applied to Indian conditions without some modifications.162 As a missionary who, in the course of his stay in India, developed a deep understanding of Tamil, this was also personally a painful process: There is perhaps no nation on earth which has to go to so much trouble to learn its own language like the Tamils... And, yet, Tamil is a wonderful language and the Tamilians have, through their language, a practically inexhaustible source of knowledge. Therefore, one almost feels sorry for the children who are plagued with learning English at the same time. Yet, this is desirable for their advancement because India is becoming more English every year. It is considered more fashionable to speak English rather than Tamil and, in general, English skills are more sought after than skills in Tamil.163

According to Stosch, the alternative to an English secular educational system could only be a Christian one which, in his opinion, would in no way harm the Indians. “There is no doubt that only positive Christianity 160 This school had a special place among the secondary schools of the mission. 2S0 children were enrolled in the school in 1890, of whom 78 were Lutherans, 14 belonged to other denominations and the rest were Hindus. In 1908 the school got state recognition as a secondary school, and in 1914 a senior class was added. The transformation into a high school was hindered by the outbreak of the First World War. The further development of this school was only taken up again after 1920. Cf. Fleisch, Hundert Jahre, pp. 79, 206f„ 387. ,6' ELM No. 7,1.4.1882, p. 101. 162 Georg Stosch, Im fem en Indien, Eindrucke und Erfahrungen im Dienst der lutherischen Mission unter den Tamulen, Berlin: Verlag von Martin Wameck, 1896, pp. 189f. 163 Ibid, p. 93. (“Vielleicht gibt es kein Volk der Erde, das in der Erlemung seiner eignen Sprache soviet Mdhe aufwenden muB, als das tamulische.... Und doch ist das Tamul eine gar herrliche Sprache und die Tamulen besitzen an ihrer Sprache ein schier unerschOpfliches Bildungsmittel ftlr ihren Geist Es kann Einem darum fast leid thun, dass die Kinder nebenan noch mit dem Englischen geplagt werden. Aber freilich ist das wQnschenswert fiir ihr Fortkommen in der Welt; denn Indien wird immer englischer von Jahr zu Jahr. Es gilt fOr vomehmer, englisch zu reden, als tamulisch und Fertigkeit im Englischen ist im Allgemeinen begehrter als Fertigkeit im Tamul.”)

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can heal the damage to the Indian soul, that every other kind of education, apart from the Christian, does more harm than good.”164 Concluding Remarks The work of the Danish-Halle and the English-Halle missions in South India coincided with the period of consolidation of British colonial rule. Political and military conflicts with the French as well as with different local rulers, and the growing influence of the English, determined events in the eighteenth century. While later Christian missions often came into conflict with the checks and regulations of the British colonial state, the Danish-Halle mission profited in some way from the policy of religious neutrality practised by the East India Company till the middle of the nineteenth century. Up to this point of time there was hardly any competition for the mission schools from secular schools controlled by the colonial state. The Danes, on whose behalf the mission was carried out, and in whose territory the missionaries mainly worked, played a marginal role in the power struggles in South India. As the local authority in the mission region they did not put forward their own concept of education. They simply used the mission schools which also produced officials for the Danish local administration. Since graduates of the mission schools often went into secular European institutions in the region, the mission legitimized its schools in the eyes of the colonial rulers. In the nineteenth century the educational system became a significant instrument both for the colonial power as well as for the Christian missions and it was thus an important field of negotiation in the conflicts between mission and state. Even though the Leipzig mission, on account of increasing British influence, came under considerable pressure to adopt to the changed laws, the colonial power, for its part, could not do entirely without the educational work of the missions. Although the mission schools were primarily subordinated to the aims of the mission, they had to be anchored in their social surroundings and had to, therefore, increasingly adopt themselves to the conditions created by the strengthening of the colonial state. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that the contents and methods in the educational policies of the colonial state and of the missions came to resemble each other

164 Ibid, p. 197. (“Zweifellos ist, dass nur das positive Christentum die SchSden der indischen Volksseele heilen kann, dass jede andere Bildung aufler der christlichen dem Volke mehr Schaden bringt als Nutzen.”)

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A

New School Building in Tranquebarfrom 1741.

even though the points of departure were different. The primary task of mission schools was defined by the basic goals of the mission: to directly recruit members for the local congregation, to train local mission workers and, in end effect, to plant Christianity firmly in local society. Through the policies of the colonial state the mission schools also became sites for the education of Western educated elite whose representatives were welcomed in the colonial administration and the service sector.

PART VIII

CORRESPONDENCE AND PUBLICATIONS

INTRODUCTION Andreas Gross The missionaries not only used the spoken word in their work in the form of conversations, sermons and instructions, but they were also aware of the importance of the written word. They, therefore, translated different books and had them copied onto palm leaves by their Indian co-workers.1These were then distributed among the Indians. As early as in 1709 the missionaries asked for a printing press.2 In 1712 the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) sent out a printing press with pica Roman type, 100 reams of paper, ink and a printer.3The first publication was in Portuguese and came out by the end of 1712 titled Explanation o f the Christian Doctrine, after the Method o f Catechism. Ziegenbalg, who had already translated the New Testament into Tamil in 1711, wanted to be able to print and distribute the Bible in Tamil. Therefore, he sent drawings of the Tamil alphabet to Halle with the request to create Tamil typefaces. The Tamil type arrived in Madras on 29 June 1713 accompanied by a team of printers led by Johann Gottlieb Adler.4The first Tamil text printed in Tranquebar was titled The 1Archives of the Francke Foundations (hereafter AFSt) M 1 C 2 : 10, letter from Ziegenbalg to Lange dated 19.8.1709. 2AFSt/M 1 C 2 : 10, letter from Ziegenbalg to Lange dated 19.8.1709; AFSt/M 1 C 2 : 1 5 letter from Ziegenbalg to Lange dated 27.9.1709. 3 During his visit to London Heinrich PlOtschau had heard about the printing press and had informed his former colleagues, Ziegenbalg and Griindler, about it. See Archives of the Leipzig Mission (ALMW/DHM) 10/22 : 3, PlQtschau to Ziegenbalg/GrOndler. The missionaries sent a detailed report to the SPCK about the arrival of the printing press. In this context they also mention the fact that the printer, Fincke, had not arrived. See: AFSt/M 1 C 4 : 17 a-c, letter Ziegenbalg/GrOndler to the SPCK dated 23.9.1712. 4 Johann Gottlieb Adler was in charge of the printing press in Tranquebar. He left Tranquebar in 1719 and died in 1721. He was accompanied by his brother Diedrich Gottlieb Adler, who returned to Germany in 1716. The third person was Johannes Berlin, who was bom in 1686 and first studied theology in Halle before training to be a printer. In 1719 he became the organist in Nagapattinam. He returned to Halle in 1720 where he worked in the Glaucha institutes till his death in 1742.

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Abomination o f Panganism and the Wayfo r the Pagans to be saved} A list of texts printed at Tranquebar is mentioned in the Halle Reports.6 The majority of the publications are translations of the parts of the Bible and of Christian books from Europe. However, the missionaries themselves wrote texts and some of these were also printed. Among these are grammars and dictionaries, hymns and sermons as well as treatises on religion, nature and education. The missionaries were not only expected to set up Christian congregations in India; they also had to help in the task of convincing people in Europe about the necessity of the mission in India. There were two publications that reported extensively on the mission in India: in 1710 the first of the Der Koniglich ddnischen Missionaren aus OstIndien entsandten ausfuhrlichen Berichte appeared in Halle,7 while, in London, the Annual Reports o f the SPCK were published, which contain important information about South India and the mission. The idea in Halle and in London was to awaken interest in the mission and to win over people who would support it. The published mission reports, therefore, avoided mentioning anything that could harm the reputation of the mission. Thus, the letters, diaries and reports of the missionaries were edited and censored. Conflicts and differences of opinion among the missionaries as well as failures in missionary work could not be made public. A study that examines the image of Indian society and the Indian Church that was presented to the public is yet to be carried out. Similarly, the handwritten letters and the printed versions have to be compared. From the correspondence carried out by the missionaries it is clear that the first Protestant mission was an international undertaking. The directors and secretaries of the different institutions in Germany, England and Denmark corresponded with each other as well as with the missionaries in India. The missionaries in India, for their part, wrote letters to each other, to friends and family members as well as to the institutions and societies in Halle, Copenhagen and London. Letters, 5 This text has been commented by Will Sweetman in this section, and the English translation of the first text printed in Tranquebar is in Appendix I. 6 The list is printed in Vol. Ill, Appendix 1, source 09. 7These are 108 volumes of a periodical which appeared till 1772 and are known as the Hallesche Berichte. The publication that succeeded it was called: Neuere Geschichte der Evangelischen Missions-Anstalten zu Bekehrung der Heiden in Ostindien. It appeared from 1770-1848.

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diaries, annual reports, tracts, books, descriptions and instructions were dispatched. The languages used, depending on the context and on the addressee were: German, English, Danish, Latin, Portuguese, Tamil, Telugu and Hindustani. In this section scholars have commented on and explained selected letters, reports, instructions and biographies related to the first Protestant mission in India. Each article is an explanation of a source that is given in English translation in Appendix I.

CULTURAL DELIMITATIONS: THE LETTERS AND REPORTS OF BARTHOLOMAUS ZIEGENBALG' Rekha Kamath Rajan This article gives the background to source 02 in Appendix I: ‘Bartholomdus Ziegenbalg to August Hermann Francke To what extent can German missionary sources be of interest to German studies in India? With a background of a research interest in depictions of India in German literature and philosophy, I approached the material available to me from the theoretical perspective of representations as it has been debated in the cultural sciences and in anthropological theory since the 1970s. The focus of such an investigation does not lie in the relationship between representations and reality, but looks at representations as representations and seeks to understand their motives and strategies. The idea is to see what kind of information was reaching Europe, what the manner of presentation of this information was, and how it contributed to, or corrected, European images and ideas of India. The importance of this material from the early eighteenth century also lies in the fact that it pre-dates the cementing of a German discourse on India by the German philosopher G.W.F.Hegel, in the early nineteenth century, as a discourse of backwardness, of irrationalism and lack of possibility of development. The subsequent eulogisation of ancient India as the cradle of civilization by the German Romantics was also only apparently a positive realignment of the discourse, as notions of India changed only to the extent of postulating a great past in contrast to a “degraded present”. The value of the source materials available in the reports and letters of the missionaries is further enhanced by the fact that they were the 1 Revised version of an essay that first appeared in TRANS, Intemet-Zeitschrift fUr Kulturwissenschaften, No. 13/ 2002 under the title Die Darstellmg Indiens in den Briefen und Berichten Bartholomdus Ziegenbalgs, and subsequently published in the Yearbook of the Goethe Society of India 2001-2002, Madras: German Book Centre, 2003, pp.62-88.

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outcome of empirical observations and not theories based on the study of texts alone. In this regard they represented a unique source of information for contemporary Europe. Since this essay is not part of a study of a history of missions, it does not go into the details of missionary activity and does not seek to provide justifications for or rebuttals thereof. The context of mission is important only to understand the strategies of representation. The institutional framework provided by Halle, the conflicts between the Pietists and orthodox Lutherans in Germany, the interests of readers in Europe - all these factors play a role in the production of texts, i.e. the letters and reports, which will be analyzed in this framework. Introduction Cultural delimitations are an integral part of missionary discourse. At the level of practical missionary activity there is the constant attempt to posit Christianity as the only path to salvation. On the textual level of reports and letters, these delimitations gain a far greater importance since they are directed at European readers and are linked with the pragmatic need to encourage donations for the mission. The representation of the foreign culture and of the people must therefore be capable of arousing both abhorrence (of so-called heathen practices) as well as pity (for the poor, lost souls). In a framework that is dictated by practical necessities, a more differentiated description of the Other is the exception. However, the long stay in a foreign country combined with knowledge of the local language has consequences for representational activity, leading to contradictions between these necessities and subjective experiences.2 The Protestant Church was slow in beginning its missionary activity. Initially, the reasons lay in the lack of Protestant colonies. This changed in the seventeenth century when Dutch, Danish, English and Swedish companies established trading settlements in different parts of the world, thus bringing people and regions under their control.3 Apart from this 2Kate Teltscher, who analyses the reports of Jesuit and Lutheran missionaries, is of the opinion that there is no question of contradictions arising in this context:“.. .these missionary letters show few signs of anxiety or self-contradiction in their representation of India. Certainty and consistency are the defining characteristics of missionary rhetoric; inevitably so, since both publishing ventures were intended to justify and finance their respective missions' activities.” Kate Teltscher, India Inscribed, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995, p. 74f. 3 England and Holland were the first to initiate Protestant missionary activity. See Wilhelm Oehler, Geschichte der deutschen evangelischen Mission, Baden-Baden: Fehrholz, 1949, p. 21.

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historical reason, however, Protestant missionary activity was hampered by the stand taken within the Church on the question of mission. Orthodox Protestants maintained for a long time that only the apostles had been charged with spreading the word of Christ, and that they had already completed this task. In contrast to this, the Pietists believed that the “order to evangelize had a concrete and practical significance for all times.”4Dr. Ltttkens, the court chaplain in Copenhagen, who was close to the Pietist group around August Hermann Francke (1663-1727) in Halle, therefore turned to Francke when the King ofDenmark was looking for missionaries to send out to the Danish settlement in Tranquebar on the south-east coast of India. Halle was therefore the spiritual centre of the mission; the missionaries were selected there, and it was here that they regularly sent their reports which were published by Francke and his successors. Intra-cultural Delimitations Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg and Heinrich PIQtschau were the first German Protestant missionaries who arrived in India on 9 July 1706. On behalf of the Danish king, Frederick William IV, they established the first Protestant mission in South India in the Danish trading settlement of Tranquebar. It is here that Ziegenbalg worked till his premature death on 23 February 1719. In these 13 years Ziegenbalg not only sent off his regular reports to Halle, but he also carried on an extensive correspondence with people in Europe.5 In addition, he wrote several books on the religion and customs of the Tamils which, however, were only published in the twentieth century.6 This essay attempts to analyze Ziegenbalg’s letters and reports with reference to his portrayal of a foreign country, its culture and its people. In this context it is important to ask what effect the institutional framework provided by Halle had on the modes of representation, and whether these were also affected by the fact that the texts were written for a European * Knut Westmann and Harald Sicard, Geschichte der christlichen Mission, MQnchen, Kaiser, 1962, p. 72. Sec also Peter Zimmerling, Pioniere der Mission im dlteren Pietismus, Giessen/Basel: Brunnen-Verlag, 1985, p. 12: “A new type of Protestant mission, shaped by Pietism, came into existence, which was characterized by subjectivity and individualism. In contrast to orthodox notions, it was now not the governments that supported missions, but groups of ‘awakened’ people.” 5 Ziegenbalg’s unpublished letters were edited and published in 1957 by Arno Lehmann. See Amo Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien. Unver&jfentlichte Briefe von Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg, Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1957. 6 W. Caland, ed., Ziegenbalg's Malabarisches Heidenthum, Amsterdam: Koninklije Akademie, 1926; W. Caland, ed., Die Malabarische Sittenlehre, Amsterdam: Koninklije Akademie, 1930.

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public. The tensions between orthodox Protestants and Pietists, and, particularly, the need to justify the mission, constitute the institutional point of reference of Ziegenbalg’s letters and reports. He describes his own task as not being limited to the conversion of the heathens, but to also show them what ‘true’ Christianity is in contrast to the Catholic mission. Moreover, he is concerned with salvaging the image of Europe and of Christianity which has suffered greatly on account of the behaviour of Europeans in India. While describing the lives of these Europeans, Ziegenbalg tends to interchange conventional notions and to portray the heathens as the better human beings. Three months after their arrival in Tranquebar, Ziegenbalg talks of the hindrances that he and PlQtschau had to overcome. Repeatedly, it is said that the greatest hindrance is the “vexatious life of the Christians”. The first volume of the Halle Reports carries an account by Ziegenbalg of the prejudices amongst the Indians against the European Christians. It says: ...they said that they had thought the Christians were rather stupid and without learning, because they gave no thought to God or to the future life. I asked how they could think that, when they saw that we had a church in which three times a week we sang and preached, all the Europeans attending divine services. Yes, they saw and heard this, but they had thought that the preachers in the church taught how one could indulge in drinking, gluttony, gambling, adultery, and do all sorts o f evil things to the black people. 1 asked them what gave them such wicked thoughts and they replied that they did not understand the Danish language and therefore could not judge our teachings; but when they saw our actions, they found that the Christians did such things right after Church. (...) I disabused them of these false notions and told them how, from now on, they should not only give credence to the life o f the Christians, but also to their teachings. Now, after having heard us preach in the Malabar and Portuguese languages for a whole year, they have changed their opinions.7 Halle Reports, 1710, p. 49-50. ("Nach gegebener Versichenmg / sagten sie / daB 7 sie uns Christen bishero filr das allerdummeste und ungelehrteste Volck gehalten hatten / das so gantz keine reflexion machte weder auf GOTT noch auf das zukQnftige Leben. Ich fragte / wie sie doch solches gedencken kOnten / da sie ja sdhen / daB eine Kirche unter uns ware/ darinnen alle Woche dreymal gesungen und gepredigt wilrde / wobei sich denn alle EuropSische Christen einfttnden / und des Gottes-Dienstes pflegten. Darauf sagten sie / daB sie ein solches alles zwar sShen und hOreten; gleichwohl hatten sie nichts anders gedacht / als daB unsere Prediger in der Kirche lehreten / wie man solte SaufFen / Fressen / Spielen / Huren und ihnen / den Schwarzen allerley BOses anthun. Auf femeres Befragen / was sie zu so argen Gedancken verleitet / antworteten sie: Sie verstflnden die Dflnische Sprache nicht / und kttnten also von unserem Gesetz nicht urtheilen; aber wenn sie unser

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The strategy employed in the above lines can be seen in the systematic manner in which the work of the missionaries is justified. By contrasting it with the initial description of the life of the Europeans in the colonies, this work is not only shown in a positive light, but in the given circumstances of the existing negative example it gains the added function of saving Christian teachings. It is not only Ziegenbalg who fashions his account keeping in mind the institutional frame of reference. Francke, who selects and edits the accounts of the mission for the Halle Reports, strategically includes this account in the first volume of the Reports. In 1708 a public debate had taken place in the University of Wittenberg where the missionary enterprise of the Pietists had come under sharp attack, and the missionaries had been dubbed ‘false apostles’ who not only worked against the established churches in distant countries, but whose sole motivation for travelling to these countries lay in the desire for riches.8 The inclusion of Ziegenbalg’s account is therefore aimed at deflecting the charge that the missionaries were “destroying the church set up among the heathens and dispersing and dividing the converts.”9 By choosing to publish this account, Francke goes on the offensive. The established church in the trading settlements and the life of the European Christians there, he implies, are a blot on Christianity and an impediment for real missionary work. The missionaries were, therefore, not in a position to carry on the work begun, but had to start afresh. Inter-cultural Delimitations In these matters the institutional framework required intracultural delimitations both in textual production as well as in the strategy of publication. The orientation towards European readers, however, led to completely different developments on the part of the reporting missionaries and on the part of the editors. Detailed accounts of the progress in the conversion of the heathens, news about the construction of the church Leben ansfihen / so bef&nden sie / dafi unsere Christen glcich nach der Kirche solche Dinge thfiten. (...) Ich benham ihnen aber solchen Irthum / und zeigete / wie sie hinfQhro nicht so wohl auf der Christen Leben / als auch auf ihre Lehre acht haben solten (...) Dies geschahe voriier ehe wir unsere Jerusalems Kirche erbauet hatten. Nachdem sie aber nunmehro Qber ein gantzes Jahr in Malabarischer und Portugiesischer Sprache predigen gehOrt / haben sie nun gantz andere Meynung.”) All translations from the original German sources are by the aurthor, unless otherwise mentioned. *Halle Reports, 1710. pp. 63-64. ’ Halle Reports, 1710, p. 64.

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building, about the daily routine of the missionaries, as well as accounts of the lifestyle and customs of the Tamilians can be found in the Halle Reports. These accounts primarily served to make the readers aware of the work of the mission in order to gather donations. Over and above this primary function, however, the accounts in the Halle Reports also had an ethnographic function of communicating interesting aspects of this distant country to a European readership. This is why Ziegenbalg often wrote about the people, their way of thinking, their religious customs etc. Ziegenbalg’s description of a foreign culture at the beginning of his stay registers what we would call today a ‘culture shock’. In his first letter to the King of Denmark written in October 1706 he says: “Whereas they are almost entirely a wild and rough nation, people who not only do not believe in the righteous judgment o f God, but who also consider the slavery o f Satan (in which they unfortunately find themselves) to be a special freedom, citing thereby the antiquity of their abominable idolatry.10

This portrayal of a ‘wild and rough nation’ stands in contrast to another depiction of these same people given by Ziegenbalg in September 1706 in a letter to a friend in Germany. In this letter he talks about his progress in learning Tamil and expresses the wish that this language also be taught and studied in Europe so that these people could be shown the way out of their ‘heathen blindness’. It would also be helpful, he writes further, because we should thus be able to understand from their writings the mystery of their theology and philosophy out o f which one might extract much that is good and sensible. Indeed, I must confess that my 70-year-old tutor often asks such questions to make me realize that in their philosophy everything is by no means so unreasonable as we in our country usually imagine about such heathen." 10In Amo Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien, p. 47. (“Sintemal es fast durchgehend ein wildes und freches Volk ist und solche Leute, welche bisher ans gerechte Gerichte Gottes dahingegeben zu tun, das nicht tauget, so daB sie auch die Sklaverei des Satans (worinnen sie leider stecken!) fiir eine sonderliche Freiheit achten, sich dabei kQhnlich berufend auf das Altertum ihrer greulichen Abgfltterei.”) 11 Arno Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien, p. 40. (“der Nutzen wird auch dieser sein, dafi man aus ihren Schriften die Arcana ihrer Theologie und Philosophie verstehen kOnnte, darinnen man vielleicht so viel gutes und vemunftmflfiiges antreffen wOrde (...) Wie ich denn bezeugen mufi, dafi mir mein 70jahngcr Schulmeister oft solce Fragen vorlegt, daraus ich genugsam verstehen kann, dafi in ihrer Philosophie nicht alles so gar ungereimt sein mag, als man sich im Vaterland von dergleichen Heiden wohl einzubilden pflegt”) English version of the quote taken from D. Dennis Hudson, Protestant Origins in India. Tamil Evangelical Christians 1706-1835. Richmond; Curzon Press, 2000, p. 15.

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The contrast between the two depictions clearly shows that the portrayal of the Other is also dependent on the person to whom the letter is addressed. The other important factor is, of course, the subject being talked about. The letter to the King of Denmark deals with the ‘idolatry of the heathens’ which to Ziegenbalg, as a Christian, is an abhorrence. In the letter to the friend, however, he presumes, on the basis of his experiences with his language teacher, that this 4wild and rough nation’ possesses a sensible philosophical system. Here we have a first indication of a possible contradiction between Ziegenbalg’s function as a missionary and his interests as a scholar. As a missionary he often displays a paternalistic affection for the heathens he wants to convert. As a scholar he learns to respect them and must learn to give up some of his prejudices. He finds it increasingly difficult to maintain the dichotomy of the ‘wild’ and the ‘civilized’, particularly after he has learned enough Tamil to conduct conversations with the people and to read Tamil books. In the preface to his first translations from Tamil texts he writes in 1708:12 Most Christians in Europe are obviously of the opinion that the Malabar heathens are a barbaric people who know nothing o f the true GOD, or o f other learned matters and o f good morals or virtues. This is because those Europeans who have lived among the Malabars have not been conversant with their language and have not read their books, but have merely drawn conclusions on the basis o f externals. As I must confess, when I first came here I could not imagine that they had a structured language or that they led proper lives. I entertained all sorts o f false notions about what they did and believed that they had neither a civic nor a moral code. (...) Once I had learned their language and could talk to them on all sorts o f matters I was gradually freed of these notions and began to have a far better opinion o f them. Once I had reached the stage o f being able to read their books I realized that the same philosophical questions that are discussed by learned men in Europe are also dealt with quite competently here, and that they also have properly written laws.13 11 The translation referred to here is Die Malabarische Siltenlehre which was edited and published by W. Caland in 1930. (See footnote 6) The preface, however, was published in the Halle Reports whose editor briefly states: “Our purpose is not served by editing this tract”. See Halle Reports, 1710, p.43. 13 Halle Reports, 1710, p.44. (“Es sind wol die meisten Christen in Europa von solcher Meynung / dafi die Malabarischen Heyden ein recht barbarisches Volk seyn / das nichts wisse wie von dem einigen wahren GOTT / also auch von anderer Gelehrsamkeit / und guten Sitten oder moral-Tugenden. Solches aber kommt daher / dafi die Europler so unter den Malabaren etwa gewesen / deroselben Sprache nicht recht kundig gewesen sind / noch

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Simple dichotomies cannot be maintained any longer. From a proper language to a civic order to a moral law and learning: the ‘heathens’ have it all. Ziegenbalg shows here that these people too have a degree of civilization, as is apparent in their books. The only, yet decisive, difference then lies in religion. It is belief alone that justifies the necessity of conversion of an otherwise civilized nation. The attributes ‘true’ and ‘false’ banish all uncertainty and doubts. Ziegenbalg justifies the study of the cultural and intellectual achievements of the Tamilians by pointing out that under these conditions the missionaries would have to develop better arguments in order to convince the people. In this context Ziegenbalg writes in 1708 to Dr. Ltitkens in Copenhagen: Despite the fact that both their dogma and their life shackle them in deep darkness and deception, I must confess that in my conversations with them I have often been made to reflect on many subjects, and (...) both in theology and in philosophy I have learned much o f which neither I nor other students in Europe had thought before. I remember that various learned men in Europe have written about the manner in which heathens can be converted. It was easy for them to write, since they were only arguing with themselves. If they were to come among the heathen and enquire into their condition, they would find that for one reason which they brought forward, the heathen would have ten to oppose them. It requires great wisdom to converse with such people and to convince them that their heathenism is false and our Christianity true.14 ihre BQcher gelesen / sondem nur nach ausserlichem Ansehen diese und jene Schlttsse gemacht haben. Wie ich denn selbst von mir gestehen muB / daB / als ich anfSnglich unter diese Heyden kam / ich mir nicht einbilden kontc / daB ihre Sprache eine recht regul-mSBige Sprache / oder ihr leben ein recht / oder bQrgerlich eingerichtetes Menschen-Leben ware / sondem machte mir allerley falsche Concepte von allem ihrem Thun und Lassen / und als wenn ihnen weder BQrgerliches noch moral-Gesetz wSre (...). Sobald ich aber ihrer Sprache ein wenig kundig wurde / und in derselben mit ihnen von allerley Dingen reden konte / wurde ich alm&lich von dieser Einbildung befreyet / so daB ich eine weit besser Meynung von ihnen zu fassen anfing. Da ich aber g&ntzlich zu dem VermOgen kame / daB ich ihre eigenen Bilcher lesen konte / ward ich inne / daB unter ihnen eben diejenigen Philosophischen disciplinen nach ihrer Art gantz ordentlich dociret wOrden I die etwa in Europa unter denen Gelehrten mdchten tractiret werden; auch / daB sie ein ordentliches aufgeschriebenes Gesetz hatten.) 14 Amo Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien, p.78. (“Unerachtet aber, dafi sie beydes mit ihrer Lehre und Leben in groBen Irrthflmem und starcker Finstemis einhergehen, so muB ich doch gestehen, daB ich aus ihren Discursen oftmals zu einem groBen Nachdenken Ober diese und jene Materie bewogen worden, und also allhier unter den Heyden so wohl in Theologicis als auch Philosophicis vieles erfahren habe, woran ich, oder sonsten andere Gelehrten, niemals hatte dencken kOnnen. Ich erinnere mich, daB unterschiedliche Gelehrte

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Ziegenbalg avoids dealing with the philosophical arguments of the ‘heathen’ by retreating to a position where the necessary wisdom for the work of conversion can only come from the Christian god.15A life devoted to this god as exemplified by the missionaries would therefore have the greatest power of conviction. The dichotomy between the self and the other is reduced to the question of religion, whereby even this difference is sought to be removed by the work of the missionary. In order to achieve this, Ziegenbalg considered it important to understand the intellectual, philosophical and moral underpinnings of this new culture, hoping thereby to marshal better arguments in favour of Christianity. He reiterates the focus of his investigations into this other culture in several letters, as well as in the foreword to his monograph of 1711 titled Ausfuhrliche Beschreibung des Malabarischen Heidenthums (Detailed Description of Malabarian Heathenism). In this he writes: My official duties have consisted, among other things, of an inquiry into their false notions, and I have carried out this duty partly by reading their books and partly by conversing with them, so that I am not only able to present the truth o f the Christian religion to them in a clear and simple fashion, but also to show them the falsehood of their idolatry and to refute it with their own teachings.16

Apart from reading Tamil texts, Ziegenbalg not only conversed extensively with people he met on his travels, but he also corresponded with several learned men. Between 1712 and 1714, Ziegenbalg and the new missionary, Johann Ernst Grflndler,17 sent various questions in Europa etwas von der Art und Weyse die Heiden zu bekehren geschreiben haben; aber sie haben gut schreiben gehabt, da sie nur allein mit sich selbst argument!rt haben. Solten sie selbst unter die Heyden kommen, und ihres Zustandes sich recht erkundigen, so wQrden sie erfahren, dafi solche Heyden auf ein Argument oft zehen andere zu machen wtisten. Daher ist eine groBe Weisheit vonndthen, mit solchen Heyden umzugehen, und sie zu einer rechten Oberzeugung zu bringen, dafi ihr Heydenthum falsch und unser Christenthum wahrsey.”) 15Ibid, p. 78. 16 W. Caland, Ziegenbalg *s Malabarisches Heidenthum, p. 11. (“(...) so ist unter anderen die Untersuchung ihrer Irrthttmer meine Amts-Pflicht mit gewesen, welche ich theils im Lesen ihrer Bttcher, theils in den vielfoltigen Discoursen mit ihnen fleifiig observiret habe, damit ich m&chtig seyn kOnne, ihnen nicht nur allein die Wahrheit unserer Christlichen Religion deutlich und einf<ig vor zu stellen, sondem auch die Falschheit ihres G&tzendienstes ihnen darzulegen und mit ihren eigenen Lehrsfitzen zu widerlegen.”) 17 GrOndler arrived with the second group of missionaries and had also learnt Tamil.

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concerning religion, customs and the way of life of the Tamilians to several learned men. Grttndler translated their replies to these questions and sent them to Francke, who edited and published them in 1714 and 1717 in the Halle Reports under the title Malabarische Korrespondenz (Tamil Correspondence).18 Before we examine this correspondence in greater detail, we must ask why Ziegenbalg and Griindler had initiated it. Here too, the interests of the readers in Europe could serve as an explanation.19 In Ziegenbalg’s letters one often comes across variations of the following sentence: as I have been asked in letters from Europe to provide more information about these heathens ...” Ziegenbalg, therefore, also considered it part of his duties to serve as an interlocutor to Europeans who were interested in knowing about India. The effect of the Halle Reports in stimulating European imagination about India cannot be discounted. Friends, patrons of the mission and strangers wrote to the missionaries with requests for information on a broad spectrum of questions, “partly curious, partly useful, partly also necessary to them.”20 The adjectives that Ziegenbalg uses to describe these questions offer clues regarding the scope of the desired information as well as the motives behind these questions. The ‘curious’ questions express a desire to hear more about this distant country; they arise from what has earlier been described as the ‘European imagination’. The ‘useful’ and ‘necessary’ questions arise from the desire of scientific persons to find out specific details from a new source concerning their area of interest,21 for example the questions from doctors regarding the state of 18Fora long time it was thought that Ziegenbalg had translated these letters. In a 1998 edition of the entire correspondence Kurt Liebau states that it was actually GrQndler who had done this work. Kurt Liebau, ed., Johann Ernst Griindler / Bartholomew Ziegenbalg: Malabarische Korrespondenz, Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke, 1998. 19Kurt Liebau sees the motive for this correspondence in Ziegenbalg’s and Grtindler’s attempt to examine and deepen their knowledge of the country and its people, as well as to “elicit relevant notions and arguments put forward by representatives of Hinduism (against Christianity), to contribute to missionary work and to improve the information of Christians in Europe." In addition, they felt that critics of the mission could be won over by authentic statements of the Tamilians themselves. See Kurt Liebau, ed., Malabarische Korrespondenz, pp. 23 f. 20 Halle Reports, 1713, p. 111. 21 The questions addressed to Ziegenbalg concern the nature of the Danish colony in Tranquebar, the local rulers and the extent of their kingdoms, language, climate, dress, food and drink, animals and plants, weather conditions, agriculture, books, people and religion etc. See Halle Reports, 1714; also Amo Lehmann , ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien, pp.l 12-121 and pp. 305-307.

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medical science in India.22 In his replies to these questions Ziegenbalg tries to give a balanced picture of the country and the people, since he considers it important to correct many false notions that Europeans have about the Indians. One sees in his depictions of India the wish to emphasize the positive aspects in order to show that the work of conversion is aimed at people who deserve to become Christians.23 The Tamil Correspondence is also to be seen within this understanding of missionaiy work. Ziegenbalg and GrOndler, therefore, take on the task of giving European readers information about another culture. What distinguishes this Correspondence from the letters is the fact that here the new country is not depicted from a European perspective, but from the viewpoint of Indians themselves. This aspect was already highlighted by Johann Gottfried Herder in 1802 in the journal Adrastea in a text called Propaganda: The reports o f the mission are varying and have now lost much of their original appeal, since India is written about by several nations; however, in the beginning and even later they were periodically distinguished by letters o f the Brahmins, by conversations with them and others, Indians and Mohammedans. One heard the Hindus themselves speak and defend their faith and their way of life; one saw them live.24 22 See the letter of 10.9.1712 to Francke: “After reading medical books in Tamil we have also written a tract about medicine as it is practised by these heathens on the request of some doctors in Europe.” Amo Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien, p.224. GrOndler wrote this medical tract. 23In a letter of 15.11.1713 Ziegenbalg replies in the following manner to the question about why the Dutch undertake so little with regard to missionaiy work: “Some people of this nation have told us that their Company does not want to interfere with the religion of the heathens, in order to carry on their trade with them unhindered.... However, the reason could also perhaps be that there are very few who can demonstrate the necessity and the possibility of such work to this nation in Europe, whereas there are many who think that such work is in vain and who do not think that these people are worthy of the money spent and the trouble taken for their conversion.” Amo Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien, p. 3S3. 24 Johann Gottfried Herder, Adrastea, Vol.3, Leipzig 1802. In, Herders S&mmtliche Werke, ed. by Bernhard Suphan, Vol 23, Berlin 1885. p. 497. (“Ungleich sind zwar (...) die Berichte der Mission, und haben jetzt, da Indien durch mehrere Nationen bekannt ist, viel an ihrem IntreBe verlohren; Anfangs aber, aber auch in der Folge periodisch hie und da zeichneten sie sich durch Briefe der Bramanen, durch Unterredungen mit ihnen und anderen, Indiem und Muhammedanem sehr aus. Man hOrte die Hindus selbst sprechen, ihren Glauben und ihre Lebensart verteidigen; man sah sie leben.”) In the Conversations about the conversion o f the Indians by our European Christians which follows after this text the statements criticizing colonization and mission by an ‘Asian’ come very close to the content and the tone of the letters in the Tamil Correspondence. Johann Gottfried

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It is true that the letters received from die Indian informants are the outcome of an 'ethnological enquiry’25and that the information gathered comes from replies to the questions asked by the missionaries, thereby representing the latter’s interests. However, Ziegenbalg’s and GrOndler’s major achievement in this ‘ethnological project’ is to be found in the area of text production, which is far ahead of their times.26 Instead of using the information received to write their own monologic text incorporating their own perspective on the matters at hand, Ziegenbalg and Grttndler only add their explanations and comments as footnotes to the translated letters. The text thus gains a dual perspective which allows both sides to express their point of view. It goes without saying that most of the questions deal with aspects of religion, since Ziegenbalg wanted to understand the intellectual and religious life of the Tamilians in order to carry out the duties of a missionary more effectively. However, it is important to note that the questions not only concern the religious principles of Hinduism, but also opinions about Christianity. The letters thus also provide an insight into the manner in which Indians perceived Europeans and their religion. This was, particularly in the missionary framework of those times, unusual, to say the least.27 In this context it is interesting to note the three questions to the first correspondent: “Question 1: How did the Malabar religion come into the world? Question 2: What do the Malabars think about the Christian religion

Herder, Propaganda/Gesprftche ilber die Bekehrung der lndier durch unsere europ&ischen Christen, in Herders SSmmtliche Werke, Vol. 23, pp. 496-505. 25 Duverdier uses this term because he wishes to underscore the fact that in contrast to the common attitude of Europeans of those times, to trust their own observations more than the explanations of the local people, Ziegenbalg considers the Indians as reliable informants of their own culture. See Gerald Duverdier, 'Die Malabarische Korrespondentz ’ und A.H. Francke, in, R. Ahrbeck /B. Thaler, eds., August Hermann Francke 1663-1727. Halle (Saale): Martin Luther Universitat Halle-Wittenberg, 1977. p. 109. 26 See the theoretical discussions in the 1970s and 1980s about textual strategies for representing the Other in, for example, Janies Clifford / George Marcus, eds., Writing Culture, The Poetics and Politics o f Ethnography. Berkeley: University o f California Press, 1986; Edward Said, Representing the Colonized. Anthropology s Interlocutors, in, Critical Inquiry 15 (Winter 1989), pp. 205-225. 27 See also Duverdier’s remarks on this. Gerald Duverdier, Die Malabarische Korrespondentz und A.H. Francke, p. 109.

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and its law? Question 3: Why do the Malabarians refuse to embrace the Christian religion?”28 While replying to these three questions the Indian correspondent not only gets an opportunity to provide information about his own religion, but he can also explain and assess it in relation to what he has observed of the life of the Christians. Such an assessment of Europeans by Indians is a great exception in the context of the eighteenth century. Even though Ziegenbalg’s and Griindler’s intentions may have been to use this information for their missionary work, the fact remains that this documented evaluation of Europeans would not have come about without this correspondence. With their comments and explanations Ziegenbalg and GrQndler try to intervene and correct the perspective for European readers. In many instances, however, they give up this role and instead use the comparison with the heathens to call upon the Christians in India and Europe to become better Christians. The answer from the Indian correspondent to the second question, for example, ends with the following lines: “As far as the law of the Christians is concerned, it cannot be rejected. The Christians have a holy law, but no works. Our law is not only a holy law, but it also has many works.”29 The commentary to this letter is also interesting from the point of view of the manner in which the heathens are held up as an example. It says: “The works of the heathens are many and various. Although they are concerned only with externals, they put many Christians to shame in their efforts to attain salvation according to their laws.”30 The statement made by the Indian correspondent of the twentysixth letter, however, is left uncommented by the missionaries. This correspondent questions Christian missionary zeal and pleads for the concept of difference. He writes: “Every nation has its own manners and fashions which to another nation seem ridiculous; and so ‘tis with our religion. God is manifold and various in His creatures, and in all His works, and 'tis His will and pleasure to be diversely worshipped by diverse nations.”31 MHalle Reports, 1714, pp.337-341. 29 Halle Reports, 1714, p. 341. See also D. Dennis Hudson, Protestant Origins in India. Tamil Evangelical Christians, 1706-1835. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 2000. pp. 92-93. MHalle Reports, 1714, p. 341. 31 Kurt Liebau, ed., Malabarische Korrespondenz, p. 196. English translation from Brijraj Singh, The First Protestant Missionary to India. Bartholomaeus Ziegenbalg. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999. p. 134.

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The questions sent by Ziegenbalg and GrOndler make it possible for the informants to provide information about different aspects of Hinduism, about religious ceremonies, religious texts and the moral code. In addition, there are questions concerning different aspects of social organization, like the caste system, the different professions, the status of Brahmins, the education of children, polygamy and widow burning. There are also questions seeking information about mathematics and astronomy, about plants and agriculture. The Tamil Correspondence, therefore, presented the European reader with a broad spectrum of information. The attitude that marks this entire correspondence is one of mutual respect, which talks of inter-cultural delimitations but tolerates and accepts differences, as can be seen particularly in the replies of the Indian correspondents. Although the missionaries cannot accept religious difference, their attitude demonstrates a willingness to listen to the cultural and religious Other. Censorship If the interest expressed by European readers was one of the motivating factors behind this ‘ethnological project’, Francke’s work as editor was also guided by the perceived welfare of these readers, leading to the opposite result. While Ziegenbalg gradually developed into an Indologist who wrote about Hinduism and translated Tamil texts, Francke increasingly became a censor and held back the publication of these books out of institutional considerations and also keeping in mind the sensibilities of the readers. Francke’s censorship of Ziegenbalg’s Indological works has given rise to diverse comments and interpretations. His often quoted sentence that the missionaries had been sent out to “eliminate heathenism in India and not to spread heathen nonsense in Europe”32 is used to accuse him of a religious dogmatism which the missionaries themselves are considered to have overcome. The letter written to the missionaries in 1710 by Prof. Michaelis in Halle to explain the reasons for not publishing Ziegenbalg’s Malabarian Heathenism, explains Francke’s position in a more polite form: We can foresee all kinds o f criticism, both from hostile as well as from well-meaning people, saying, for example, that the missionaries in East India must have a lot of free time to write many books, and that they

32 From Amo Lehmann, Es begann in Tranquebar, p. 56.

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were making the Malabar gods known in Europe rather than burying them in eternal forgetfulness and such like.31

An aggravation of intra-cultural delimitations through the publication of Ziegenbalg’s indological works would serve neither the interests of the mission nor of Pietism. Censorship was exercised for pragmatic reasons rather than for reasons of religious dogmatism.34 It was these reasons which also led Francke to delete all references to conflicts with the Danish commandant in Tranquebar.35 All letters, even the personal ones, were therefore sent to Francke, who edited and then forwarded the letters.36 Ziegenbalg and Griindler did not express any misgivings about the editorial activities in Halle and seemed, on the contrary, to agree to these. Both of them conceded that they could not always take the intricacies of public reaction into account while writing the letters and, since they did not know which of the letters would be published, they felt that it was justified if some passages were left out from time to time.37With regard to his translations from Tamil texts, Ziegenbalg wrote to Francke in 1714: In order that in future we don’t spend time writing about things that cannot be published, we request you henceforth to specify which 33 From Gerald Duverdier, Die Malabarische Korrespondentz und A. H. Francke, p. 116. Duverdier also goes into the question about why the correspondence was published in the Mission Reports although its content was similar to Ziegenbalg’s Indological work. (“Es wtlrden, wie wir leicht vorher sehen, allerlei Critiquen teils von widrigen, teils auch von guten GemQtem darOber gemachet werden, z. B. dafi die Missionare in Ost-Indien viele Zeit Qbrig haben mOflten, weil sie so viele BOcher schrieben, dafi man die malabarischen GOtter hier in Europa bekannt mache, deren Namen und Dicnst man vielmehr (so viel an uns ist) in ewige Vergessenheit begraben sollte und dergleichen.”) 34“The reasons why Francke and his colleagues viewed the matter more pedantically could be explained in the light of the precarious position of Pietism in early eighteenth century Europe. Undesirous of being branded still further as 'radicals’ and ‘eccentrics’, the leading Pietists judged it more prudent to publicize the least controversial data about die Indian mission, with the prime pragmatic objective of obtaining material aid.” Gita Dharampal, “Bartholomaeus Ziegenbalg and the Foundation of the Tranquebar Mission”, Neue Zeitschriftfu r Missionswissenschaft, 38/1982, pp.276-285. Quote on p. 280.” For a detailed discussion of these conflicts see Anders Nergaard, Mission und Obrigkeit. Die ddnisch-hallesche Mission in Tranquebar 1706-1845. Gfltersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1988. 34 Ziegenbalg’s and Grtlndler’s letter o f 6.10.1713 to Prof. Michaelis in Hal le: “As per your instructions we will now send all our letters unsealed to Prof. Francke in Germany. We suggested this twice to the others during our conference and also entered it into the conference-book that all letters sent from here should be first shown to us; but this is not being followed. Therefore you will have to open all sealed letters that you get from here and deal with them as you see fit.” In Arno Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien, p. 330. 37 See Amo Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien, p. 305.

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matters we should write about. We would also then report whether its publication would be prejudicial to us here or in Europe, since we are trying very hard to become more careful in what we write.18

It is difficult to say whether the tone of the letter, especially in the opening lines, is one of irritation, or whether the request for more specific instructions demonstrates submissiveness. The final sentence, however, shows how censorship has been internalized. The production of texts will now be more strongly oriented to the different parameters which determine their reception in Europe. Ziegenbalg’s broad understanding of his official duties surpasses the receptive capabilities of the readers in Europe, although it is with regard to his perceived role as a mediator of a foreign culture that he communicates the results of his study of this culture to Europe. His development from a reporting missionary to a scholar of religion threatens to bring down a system of cultural delimitations. Since Francke sees the danger that could arise from a cursory reading of the texts, he does not publish them.39The interests of the reading public are therefore the reason for the production of texts as well as for their censorship. A New Readership The framework of readers’ interests gained a new dimension for Ziegenbalg and Francke from 1709 onwards when a first English translation of the early letters and reports of the German missionaries appeared in London.40The translator, A. W. Bdhme, a former student and a friend of Francke, was Court Chaplain in England, and it was through his efforts that the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK)

38 See Amo Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien, p.390. (“Und damit wir ins KOnftige nicht mit Schreibung solcher Materien die Zeit zubringen dQrfen, die daselbst nicht zu drucken sind, so bitten wir uns zu spezifizieren, was fiir Materien insonderheit wir ins KOnftige Qberschreiben sollen. Wir wollcn denn auch dabei benchten, ob uns deren Publikation allhier oder in Europa prSjudzierlich sein kann oder nicht, indem wir mit FleiB suchen, von Tag zu Tag im Schreiben behutsamer zu werden.”). 59 Duverdier points out that Francke was not averse to the systematic studies carried out by the missionaries, and that on the contrary he too felt that a study of Hinduism was useful, and in fact even necessary, in order to carry out missionary work successfully. See Gerald Duverdier, Die Malabarische Korrespondentz und A. H. Francke, p. 113. 40 “Propagation o f the Gospel in the East, being an account o f the success o f two Danish missionaries, Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg and Heinrich Plutschau ”, London 1709.

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provided financial support for the mission. The first printing press was also financed by the SPCK and sent to Tranquebar in 1711.4I In view of the conflicts between the missionaries and the Danish governor in Tranquebar, and in view of the fact that a royal decree to resolve this conflict took a long time to come, it is not surprising that the missionaries turned to other governments for support. Time and again they approached the English Governor of Madras, who helped them in diverse matters, whether it was permission to use English ships for their post, or permission to carry out missionary work in Madras, or even loaning them money in emergencies. With the help of the English, Ziegenbalg and GrOndler set up schools in Cuddalore and Madras in 1717 which were financed by the SPCK and the English East India Company. These developments led to an active correspondence with England. The letters from England contained many questions about the country and the people. In 1712, Ziegenbalg wrote to Bdhme: England also saw the missionaries as informants who could not only portray another culture, but who could also provide information of a more practical nature which could serve economic and political interests.42 England’s support of the mission was linked to political considerations. Just as Ziegenbalg wanted to use his studies in Indian religions to devise better strategies for missionary work, England could put the information provided by Ziegenbalg to political use. This new readership proved, on the whole, to be less problematic, perhaps because BOhme was only the third link in a chain after Ziegenbalg and Francke. BOhme and Francke also carried on an extensive 41 “. ..it is Ziegenbalg’s press that marks the beginning of systematic modem Tamil printing. ... The metal type for the Tranquebar press was cast in Halle from drawings of Tamil letters that Ziegenbalg sent to Francke; it was then taken to England by three German missionaries who were transported gratis, together with the type, by a British ship to India.” Brijraj Singh, The First Protestant Missionary to India, p. 82. 42 Heike Liebau, Die Quellen der Danisch-Halleschen Mission in Tranquebar in deutschen Archiven. Ihre Bedeutungjur die Indienforschung. Berlin: Verlag Das Arabische Buch, 1993, p. 34, footnote 16: “Before the English finally established themselves as a colonial power in India, the East India Company got important information, among other things, about Indian religions, from various European missionaries. The book ‘An Account of the Religion, Manner and Learning of the People of Malabar ’which appeared in 1717 contains a series of letters from a Tanjore Brahmin to Danish missionaries who were stationed in this region. The first Danish-Halle missionary who formally entered the services of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge in 1728 was Benjamin Schulze.”

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correspondence, and B&hme only translated what had already been edited and published in Halle. Ziegenbalg’s letters to Bdhme contain very little information about the religious customs of the Hindus. They only report on the work of the missionaries and on the successes and failures of the mission.

Academic Delimitations Although Ziegenbalg’s academic writings were not published during his lifetime, his letters and reports to Halle, Copenhagen and London are a rich source of information about contemporary South Indian society. The rich detail and precision o f these texts makes them stand out from amidst missionary writing o f the early colonial period; and though the Pietist preacher’s voice is ever present, the descriptions o f Tamil religion and society testify to the search o f an enquiring mind coming into contact with this foreign culture for the first time.43

Apart from his studies in religion, Ziegenbalg also wrote a Tamil grammar and compiled a Tamil dictionary to be used in the training of future missionaries.44 Even these works, which were published in Halle in the early eighteenth century, were ignored by the new discipline of Indology that arose in Germany at the beginning of the nineteenth century.45 Ziegenbalg’s works gained academic recognition only at the end of the nineteenth century, when the Genealogie der malabarischen Gotter (Genealogy of the South Indian Gods) was published in 1867. Even subsequently, however, Ziegenbalg’s name was known mostly in the context of studies in the history of missions or in studies of religions. Recognition by the discipline of Indology has only gradually begun. Gita Dharampal comments on the marginalization of Ziegenbalg and his successors in Indology, by pointing to delimitations of a different kind:

41 Gita Dharampal, “Bartholomflus Ziegenbalg”, p. 280. 44 For a study of the linguistic contributions of the Lutheran missionaries cf. C.S.Mohanavelu, German Tamilology. German contributions to Tamil language, literature and culture during the period 1706-1945. Madras: The South India Saiva Siddhanta, 1993. 45 “The development of German Indology in the nineteenth century occurred in a roundabout manner through the study and translation of works that were published in English or other European languages.” Heike Liebau, Die Quellen der Ddnisch-Halleschen Mission in Tranquebar, p. 6.

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Though the linguistic contributions of these missionaries must have greatly influenced the upsurge o f interest in Oriental philology, especially in Denmark, where a university faculty was founded, the fact, however, that Ziegenbalg’s and his successors’ names were until quite recently scarcely known in Indological circles is especially revealing. Indeed, this testifies to a striking lack o f interest in Tamil and other South Indian languages due to the virtually unilateral concern, in particular o f nineteenth century indologists, with Sanskrit and the classical Brahmanic culture o f the North.46

The borders drawn between the ‘Indo-Aryan’ Sanskrit and the South Indian Dravidian languages is one of the explanations for the m arginalization o f the sources o f the Danish-Halle mission. Another explanation points to the borders drawn between an emerging academic discipline and religious institutions. Referring to the tendency of German indologists to deal only with Sanskrit text, Heik Liebau wrote: This situation (German indologists dealing only with Sanskrit texts = RKR) may appear strange, given the fact that there were sources available in Germany itself in the form o f ‘preliminary work’ done by the missionaries. It can probably be explained, on the one hand, by the attitude o f the institutions supporting the missions which prevented co-operation between religious and secular research, and, on the other hand, by the efforts o f new disciplines to develop independently of theology.47

Cultural, academic and ideological delimitations determined the fate of Ziegenbalg’s letters and reports which, to a large extent, displayed a far greater openness than the work of many Indologists in the nineteenth century. Through his portrayal of contemporary life, through the constant observations made during a 13-year stay, a lively and scintillating picture emerges that does not threaten to turn into a monolithic discourse.

46 Gita Dharampal, “Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg”, p. 282. 47 Heike Liebau, Die Quellen der Danisch-Halleschen Mission in Tranquebar, p. 6f. (“Dieser Umstand mag angesichts der in Deutschland selbst vorhandenen Quellen in Gestalt der von deutschen Missionaren geleisteten “Vorarbeiten” merkwiirdig erscheinen, ist aber wahrscheinlich sowohl mit dem Verhalten der missionstragenden Einrichtung selbst, die ein Zusammenwirken kirchlicher und weltlicher Forschungen verhinderte (...) als auch im Bestreben jQngerer Wissenschaftler, sich unabhSngig von der Theologie zu entwickeln, zu erklfiren.”)

GIVING INDIA THE PRINTED WORD Subbiah Muthiah This article gives the historical background to source 9 in Appendix I: Chronological List of Books published at Tranquebar 1712-1731. Printing came to India serendipitously. It was in 1556, just about a hundred years after printing with moveable type was developed in Germany, that a Portuguese ship put into Goa for victualling.1The ship had aboard it fourteen Jesuits bound for their mission in Preste2 and a printing press. One of the Jesuits, Joao de Bustamente, a Spaniard, had been trained as a printer and he was accompanied by an assistant of Indian origin. The clergy in the capital of all Portuguese territory in the East appear to have felt that their need for a printing press was greater that Preste’s and they requested the Governor-General to make the printing press aboard the ship available to them. By what means he persuaded the Jesuits to part with the press is not known, but not only did the press find its way to the College of St. Paul, a seminary that stills exists, but several of the Jesuits who were bound for Preste also stayed back in Goa. One of them was Bustamente, who might justifiably be considered the man who introduced modem printing to India. The first printing material turned out by the press was Christian literature in Latin, but when it was decided to reach the local masses in the local togues, the Visitor-General of the Jesuits ordered that the religious tracts be printed in Malabar, as Tamil was known to the 1 The basic books for printing in India are the following: B.S. Kesavan,

History of Printing and Publishing in India: South Indian Origins of Printing and its Efflorescence in Bengal, Vol. 1, Delhi: National Book Trust, 1985; A.K. Priolkar, The Printing Press in India: Its Beginning and Early Development, Bombay: Marathi Samshodhana Mandala, 1958; W.H. Warren, Early Tamil Printing, Madras: Madras Libray Association, 1941. 2Abyssina (today Ethiopia).

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Portuguese, and Konkani. Henrique Henrigues, the Jesuit Superior in Punniyakayal on the Fisheries (Tuticorin) Coast and a scholar in Tamil, was entrusted with implementing the decision. He sent a member of his Tamil flock, Pedro Luis, to Goa to help a Portuguese blacksmith, Joao Gonsalves, to cut the first Tamil type. This type cut in 1577 was further improved the next year by Joao de Faria, a printer in Quilon. And using his type, Faria in 1578 printed a catechism, a translation of Doctrina Christam, the first book printed in an Indian language. From Goa on the Konkan Coast to the Malabar Coast, then round the Cape of Comorin to the Fisheries Coast, printing in Latin, Portuguese, Tamil or Malabar and, to a lesser extent, Konkani, established itself over the next hundred years. But almost all the printing was of religious material, though an occasional secular publication did emerge. Significantly, all this was printed by presses established by the Catholic Church, no printing presses were set up by Indians, nor did printing spread to the rest of India. Then, as suddenly as it had started, printing died out in India. After the Synod of Diamper (Udayamperur) in 1599 the Church decreed that only Portuguese and Latin should be used by the missions to communicate with their flock. This immediately led to printing in Malabar and Konkani in the Church’s presses virtually dying out. A Government degree in 1684 that only Portuguese should be spoken by its subjects was the death knell of printing. Why printing even in Roman characters did not survive such policies of Church and Government has never been explained. But certainly there is no reliable record of any printing in India for forty years after the 1670s. Even as printing was dying out in Goa, an attempt to set up a printing press in Bombay was made by Bhimjee Parekh who imported a printing machine in 1674-1675 together with some Roman type and paper. Since the printer who came along with it from England was unable to cut types in Marathi the press was not used. Printing in India was to be revived - and survive, enjoying a thriving life today - only early the eighteenth century. Here again, the beginnings were serendipitous. When the Danish East India Company, formed in 1616, sought a foothold in India, it was at the Kanyan Kingdom of Ceylon that Admiral Ove Gedde presented himself at the instance of his guide, Captain Roeland Crape. A Dutchman. The Kandyan Kingdom, linked by marriage with the Nayaks of Tanjavur, suggested that the Danes seek a trading settlement in Tanjavur. Crape’s negotiations led to Ove Gedde signing a treaty in 1620 with Rajah Raghunatha Nayak of

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Tanjavur by which the Danes were granted the twenty-five square mile coastal territory of Tarangambadi, which they called Tranquebar. The territory remained Danish till it was sold to the British in 1845. For a good 125 years of that 200 year-old and more Danish settlement, Tranquebar played a role that only in retrospect can be seen as a significant contribution to modem India. For it was here that modem printing was revived and then spread throughout India. And it was here that the foundation was laid for the Protestant missionaries’ contribution to education in India. Just as the East India Company’s Fort St. George in Madras from where modem India grew refused to allow Protestant missionaries from Britain to work in its territories - for fear they would interfere with the lifestyle the ‘nabobs’ of Madras enjoyed - the Danish East India Company merchants in Tranquebar wanted no Danish missionaries in their territory. However, King Frederick IV invited two young Germans, Bartholomdus Ziegenbalg and his friend Heinrich PlQtschau, to go to India. They established in Tranquebar the first Protestant mission in India. Ziegenbalg was extraordinary if for no other reason than realizing that if he was to communicate with the locals he would have to leam not only the lingua franca of the coast, Portuguese, but also the local tongue, Tamil. He must have been a linguist bom, for within a couple of months he learnt sufficient Portuguese to be able to use it to leam Tamil with the help of an untrained tutor, Ellappar, who taught him in the traditional way, by tracing the letters of the Tamil alphabet on a bed of sand. Ziegenbalg was convinced that the only way the mission could fulfill its aim was if books could be prepared in Tamil. As early as October 1706 he was reporting back to Germany: “Their language is both hard and variable; (everything) must first put into the Portuguese language, and out of that into Malabarick. And whereas the Art of Printing is known in these Parts, transcribing must supply the Place of the Press... So the whole Design can’t advance without employing some Hands, first to translate and then with some Iron Tools to print upon the Leaves of Palm-Trees such things as are thought to be useful for Edification.”3

} Letter 1.10.1706 Ziegenbalg to Francke in: Amo Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien. Unverdffentliche Briefe von Bartholomdus Ziegenbalg 1706-1719, Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1955, p.43.

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Ziegenbalg sent the writers a great way into the country in order to buy up books. With the help of his assistants he formed his own library with many Tamil books. In 1708 he began to translate the New Testament and he also began to prepare a Tamil dictionary. All his works in Tamil made a printing press absolutely necessary. As early as 1709 requests were made to obtain a printing press. For some reason or other, Denmark did not want to get involved in sending out a printing press and the requests from Tranquebar were all forwarded to London to the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) which had been founded of the last years of the seventeenth century. The SPCK was only eager to help the Germans to spread the word and in 1712 shipped out to the Danish-Halle mission in Tranquebar a printing press with pica Roman type, 100 reams of paper, ink, and a printer. When the SPCK material arrived in Tranquebar the printer was missing. Fortunately, a German soldier in the Danish Company’s service knew something about printing and was recruited. Johann Heinrich Schloricke, thirty years old at that time, printed in Portuguese the Tranquebar mission’s first publication in 1712-1713. The first of these was titled in English translation The Christian doctrine in questions and answers. This publication came out on 24 October 1712. It was followed by an A,B,C in Portuguese - clearly indicative of Ziegenbalg and Pltltschau’s interest in spreading knowledge, for whatever purpose. With these publications, printing in India got its second wind and the foundations for today’s Indian Printing Industry were laid.4 Ziegenbalg, however, was convinced that the mission’s work could prove successful only if the printing press produced books and other literature in Tamil. He therefore sent back drawings of the Tamil alphabet to Halle with the request to create Tamil typefaces there. The pica-size Tamil type that was cast and sent out to Tranquebar arrived in Madras on 29 June 1713, together with three Germans who were to galvanise the press and printing when they got to Tranquebar by the end of August. Johann Gottlieb Adler led the printers’ team. He was a type founder, printer and mechanic but was to demonstrate his talents in several other areas of printing during the next five years. He was accompanied by his fourteen year old brother Dietrich Gottlieb Adler, who was to work as an apprentice in the printing press, but returned to Europe in 1716. The third member of the team was the twenty-seven year old Johannes 4 For all the other publications in the first twenty years see source 09 in Appendix 1.

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Berlin, a bookbinder and printing assistant, who worked with the press till 1720, when he returned to Halle. Ziegenbalg made sure the mission got lull value for its money from the three by using them also to teach the students in the mission school. The Adler team, using the Halle Tamil type, in September/October 1713 printed the first Tamil publication since Portuguese policies put a stop to printing in Tamil in the seventeenth century. This exercise resulted in the publishing of a tract known as The Abomination o f Paganism.s In 1714 the press got started with its first major publication, the New Testament that Ziegenbalg translated. But when printing had been completed of four Gospels and the Acts of Apostels, it was discovered that the Halle type, large in size as it was, being nearly 14points, was gobbling up the limited paper stock the mission had received from London. While more paper was sought from London, Johann Adler got down to finding local solutions. The Halle type was square in shape, crudely cut, and could not be faulted on gounds of clarity, as had been the case with Tamil type used in the Portuguese effort. So it was its unsatisfactory size that Adler focused on when he began to cut new and smaller Tamil type in June/July 1714 and cast it using, according to legend, the lead covers of tins of Cheshire cheese that were regularly sent out by the SPCK! It was using this type that Johann Adler completed the printing of the New Testament in Tamil in July 1715. Constantius J. Beschi of the Catholic Maduarai Mission, a scholar who was to become recognized as one of the modem Tamil Classicists, thought Ziegenbalg’s translation was too colloquial and the press would have done better to publish a translation in chaster Tamil. Ziegenbalg’s approach, however, has been considered a more pragmatic way to reach a wider audience that Beschi’s subsequent translation in Classical Tamil, which, ironically, was printed by this Protestant printing press. Adler’s type foundry was set up in Porayur, on the outskirts of Tranquebar. In 1715, he began setting up a paper mill in the same village, the Government meeting half the costs and the Mission the rest. This was the first paper mill established in India. Adler also set up a printing ink manufacturing unit nearby, again the first ink manufacturing unit in India. The Tranquebar mission press was now virtually self-sufficient and this was to help it to remain active for another hundred years. 5 part.

See source 17 in Appendix I and the article by Will Sweetman in this

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Between the arrival of Johann Adler and the death in 1817 of the last manager and printer of the press, Wilhelm David Becker, who arrived in Tranquebar in 1776 as a thirty-two year old, there were few Europeans, Eurasians and Indians whose employment in the press it has been able to trace. Christian Kuhn from Danzig worked in the paper mill in 1717, Meissel arrived in 1754 and after working in the press for a few years became its manager till his death, and Jens Sievertsen, A Dane was a typecaster who died in 1741. Amongst the Eurasiens and Indians were Joao d’Almeida, a bookbinder who died in 1757, and Bedito, another bookbinder who was in service in 1725 together with a printing assistant called Christian and a Tamil compositor called Mapathi. Joao was a Portuguese compositor and printer who was involved in printing the Bible in Portuguese and who died in 1760. In the 1760s there were two Indian printers, Schawrimuttu and Schawrirajen. Perhaps the best known of the Indians associated with the press was Timotheus, one of the mission’s first converts, after he had joined its school in 1709 as a thirteen year old. Ziegenbalg sent Timotheus to Europe with Pliitschau in 1711, as much to serve as an exhibit of the Mission’s success as to have him gain fluency in Danish and German and acquire a greater theological knowledge. Timotheus, however, was hardly a model student, both in Copenhagen and Halle. He was, therefore, by the middle of 1714, apprenticed with a bookbinder in Copenhagen and when he returned to Tranquebar in January 1720 employed by the press as a bookbinder till his death in 1726. At the time of his death, Timotheus was the highest paid Tamil employee of the mission, drawing a salary of fourty-eight Reichstaler. A happier experience was Ziegenbalg’s with Malaiappen, whom he took with him to Europe when he went on furlough in October 1714. Ziegenbalg hoped that not only would Maleiappen learn German and other subjects that he would then be able to teach in the DanishHalle Mission’s school in Tranquebar but he would also help him with his Tamil translation activities. In the event, he helped Ziegenbalg with his Grammatica Dam ulica in Latin that was printed in Halle in 1715; not only did he help considerably with explaining the grammar to Ziegenbalg during the voyage but he also helped with the proofing and printing in Halle. This grammar was to service the Protestant missionaries for almost 150 years. Back in Tranquebar in 1716, Maleiappen served as the Mission school Principal from 1717 to 1725. During this period he helped Benjamin Schultze considerably with his translation of the Bible, scribing the text and correcting it. He himself translated several tracts

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and prepared the Malabar Seminar in late 1716 that was used to train Tamil teachers. Ziegenbalg died in 1719. He was only thirty-six years old, but in thirteen years he spent in India he laid the foundations for German scholarship in Tamil that continues to this day. Apart from the numerous Tamil translations of Christian publications he made, he wrote several books and booklets that could be described as being Indological in nature and he encouraged the printing by the press of educational material of a more general nature. As early as 1708 he had compiled his Bibliotheca Malabarica, listing the 161 Tamil books he had read and describing their content. In 1713 the press printed what was perhaps the first Almanac to be printed in India. In 1716 there appeared what was probably the first book printed in Asia in English, a reader or spelling book titled A Guide to the English tongue, its autor a Thomas Dyche. What did not get printed in Tranquebar were Ziegenbalg’s Indological writings. In fact, some of them were printed many years later in Europe.6 But what Ziegenbalg and Adler started in Tranquebar did not end there. Not only did printing continue in the Danish settlement, but spread to Madras, Tanjavur and Serampore. In the eighteenth century the SPCK employed missionaries from Halle and asked them to work in Madras, Cuddalore, Tanjavur, Tiruchirappalli and Calcutta. Amongst these missionaries Johann Philipp Fabricius was to play a major role in laying the foundations of printing in Madras. It was in 1758 that the Comte de Lally brought with him to Pondicherry not only troops to oust the British from South India but also a printing press. This was used solely to print notes of credit to help the French pursue the war. But when the British captured Pondicherry in 1761, among the booty they took back to Madras the printing press and its printer, Delon. Fabricius, familiar with printing from his Tranquebar years, requested the Fort St. George Council for the press, offering to do Government’s printing on a priority basis and using the spare capacity for the Mission’s own work. That press, located in the then Madras suburb of Vepery, began printing official proclamations for the Government, ABC texts for the Mission, and almanacs in 1761. Five years later, Fabricius was sent Tranquebar’s old printing press and Tamil types together with a Tamil printer Thomas. That same year, the Vepery 6 See the list o f books under Ziegenbalg in Appendix II given by GrOschl, Missionaries.

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Press produced its first Tamil publication, a Catechism. Its first major work, Fabricius’ revised version of the Malabar New Testament, was released in 1772. In 1779, A Malabar English Dictionary, comprising 9000 words and prepared by Fabricius and his fellow German missionary Johann Christian Breithaupt, made its appearance. Fabricius expanded the dictionary and brought out the bigger publication in 1786. The press printed in 1799 the Tamil translation of John Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s Progress. The Vepery Press stills survives - as the SPCK Press - but on a much smaller scale that in its early twentieth century heyday when, as the Diocesan Press, it was the largest press in South India, barring the Government Presses. The Madras Government Press itself, started in 1831, had its roots in the printing done for Government at Fabricius’ Vepery Press. By the early nineteenth century, printing began to spread throughout South India. One of the first of these presses, another significant contribution of the first Protestant mission, was the printing press Rajah Serfoji II of Tanjavur started in his capital in 1805. This was the first time Devanagari type was used for printing in India. Serfoji was tutored as a boy by Christian Friedrich Schwartz who came from Tranquebar to Tanjavur in 1772 and who was to remain Serfoji adviser long after he ascended the throne. Serfoji was also tutored by another missionary, Christian Wilhelm Gericke, in Madras, where he saw young boys in the Civil Orphans’ Asylum being trained as compositors and printers. Schwartz and Gericke had much to do with the Tanjavur press being set up by Serfoji. Between printing coming to Madras and Tanjavur, there came the flowering of Indian printing in the Danish settlement of Serampore near Calcutta. There was a missionary from Halle working in Calcutta. His name was Johann Zacharias Kiernander. After him the Baptist missionaries William Carey, Joshua Marchman, William Ward arrived in Calcutta and established a printing press in Serampore cutting type in fourty different languages. Most of Indian printers tend to think of Carey as the father of modem Indian printing. They have forgotten the foundations of the industry laid by Ziegenbalg and Adler, when they revived printing in India with moveable type.

HEATHENISM, IDOLATRY AND RATIONAL MONOTHEISM AMONG THE HINDUS: BARTHOLOMAUS ZIEGENBALG’S AKKIYANAM (1713) AND OTHER WORKS ADDRESSED TO TAMIL HINDUS Will Sweetman This article analyses the source ‘The Abomination o f Paganism' translated and printed in Appendix I under number 17.

Although by no means the first work to be printed in India, Bartholomdus Ziegenbalg’s 1713 Tamil tract Akkiyanam nevertheless marks the beginning of a new era in print culture in India. Several presses had been established by Roman Catholic missionaries in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, but none remained in operation very long,1and a total of only ten Tamil books, and only six different texts,2 were printed on them. A continuous history of printing in Tamil begins only with the establishment of the Tranquebar press, “the longest-lived and most prolific of all 18th-century presses in South Asia,”3 and the publication of Akkiyanam.

Akkiyanam and “Das verdammliche allgemeine Heidenthum” The full Tamil title of the tract is Akkiyanam ettinai aruvarukkap-pata-t-takka kariyam enrum atile nikkira perkal yeppati rescikka-ppattu karai-y eralam enrum velippatuttukira veta-p-piramanam [vetap-piramanam].4 According to the mission diary, Ziegenbalg finished 1 Graham Shaw, The South Asia and Burma Retrospective Bibliography. Stage I: 1500-1800, London: The British Library, 1987, pp. 5-7. 2 Stuart Blackburn, Print, Folklore, and Nationalism in Colonial South India, Delhi: Permanent Black, 2003, p. 43. 3Shaw, The South Asia and Burma Retrospective Bibliography. Stage 1:1500-1800, p. 7. 4 In preparing this article I have had access to a photocopy of the 1713 Tamil text of Akkiyanam and to the unpublished English translation of the work by D. Rajarigam entitled “Scriptural evidences showing how detestable is a-jnana and how those in a-

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writing Akkiyanam in July 1713,5 a few weeks before the arrival in Tranquebar of the Tamil type cast in Halle.6 The Halle Reports1 record that typesetting began on 19 September 1713, and that printing was completed on 25 October 1713.8In several letters dated 6 October 1713, Ziegenbalg reports that printing had begun, describing the tract as “a booklet, dedicated to the heathen, consisting of eight chapters, wherein is shown how loathsome heathenism is, and how those who live in it may be rescued and saved.”9 Three days later, a further letter gives for the first time a translation of the title into German: “Eine Gesetz-Regel, welche zeiget, was das Heydenthum fiir eine abscheuliche Sache sey, und wie diejenigen, so darinnen stehen, davon errettet und selig werden kfmnen.”10 Another letter from the following year gives a slightly different title," and a later list of books printed by the mission alters jnana can be saved” and dated 2.7.1967.1 am grateful to Andreas Gross and to Hugald Grafe, respectively, for making these available to me. 5 Daniel Jeyaraj citcs an entry for 20 July 1713 from the mission diary in the Danish National Archives, Copenhagen (Reg. 107. Laeg. 6), as follows: “wurde ein Malabarisches Tractatlein verfertiget von dem Heidenthum, bestehende in 6 [sic] Kapitel, und wurde um deflwillen elaboriert, daB es am ersten zum Malabarischen Druck gegeben werden soil, um solches vielftltig unter die Heyden zu verteilen.” (Daniel Jeyaraj, Inkulturation in Tranquebar: der Beitrag derfruhen ddnisch-halleschen Mission zum Werden einer indischeinheimischen Kirche (1706-1730), Erlangen: Verl. der Ev.-Luth. Mission, 19%, p. 149). 4 Ziegenbalg and Johann Ernst Griindler to Francke, Tranquebar, 9.9.1713, AFSt/M: 1 C 5: 27/28p; Amo Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe aus Indien: unverdffentlichte Briefe von Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg 1706-1719, Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1957, p. 285. 7The series usually referred to as the Hallesche Berichte (“Halle Reports”) began with the publication, in 1710, of a single letter, to which further instalments (“Continuationen”) were subsequently added at irregular intervals. Ziegenbalg’s letters are contained in the first two of the eventual nine volumes (consisting of 108 instalments in all), later given the title Der koniglich ddnischen Missionarien aus Ost-Indien eingesandte ausfuhrliche Berichte von dem Werck ihres Amts unter den Heyden (Halle, 1710-1772). The first volume, edited by August Hermann Francke, containing twelve continuously paginated instalments, was complete by 1717, and is abbreviated here as HB I. The second (instalments 13-24,17191729) and third (instalments, 25-36, 1727-1732) volumes, edited in part by Francke and later by his son Gotthilf August Franckc, were not continously paginated, so references are given to the volume (HB 11or HB III) and instalment (Con.). 8 HB II, 13. Con.: 36; HB ill, 33. Con.: 928. 9 Ziegenbalg and Griindler to J. Trellund and J. Lodberg, Tranquebar, 6.10.1713, Missionsabteilung des Archives der Franckeschen Stiftungen zu Halle (hereafter AFSt/M): 1 C 5:60a-b; Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, pp. 318-22. See Ziegenbalg and Griindler to PlOtschau, Tranquebar, 6.10.1713, AFSt/M: 1 C 5: 51; Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, pp. 325-28. 10HB I: 633. 11“Was das Heydenthum fiir eine zu verabscheuende Sache sey, und wie diejenigen, so darinnen stehen, kdnnen daraus errettet und seelig werden.” HB 1: 924.

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“Gesetz-Regel” to “Lehrbuch”.12The title appears in English for the first time in 1718, in the expanded edition of the third part of the Propagation ofthe Gospel in the East, as “The Abomination o f Paganism, and the Way fo r the Pagans to be sav’d.”13A later English work, unconnected with the mission, referred to the tract as “Paganism, a state of damnation.”14 The tract has already been described in an article by Hans-Wemer Gensichen published in 1967 entitled ‘“Verdammliches Heidentum’: Eine wiederaufgefundene Schrift von Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg.”15 Despite the title of his article, Gensichen nowhere gives “Verdammliches Heidentum,” as a translation of Ziegenbalg’s title, using the phrase only once more in the article, and there only in describing the content of the tract.16 The tract is most often referred to in scholarly literature as “Verdammliches Heidentum” but this is not Ziegenbalg’s translation of the Tamil title. “Das verdammliche allgemeine Heidenthum” is the title of an earlier work in German, now lost, written by Ziegenbalg in the previous year (1712) and addressed to a European, rather than an Indian, audience. The use of “Verdammliches Heidentum” as the German 13HB II, 13. Con.: 35-6. 13 Anton Wilhelm Bdhme, ed., Propagation o f the Gospel in the East: Being a Collection o f Letters from the Protestant Missionaries, and other worthy Persons in the East-lndies, &c. Relating to the Mission; the Means o f Promoting it; and the Success it hath pleased GOD to give to the Endeavours used hitherto, fo r Propagating True Christianity among the Heathen in those Parts, but chiefly on the coast o f Coromandel. With a map o f the East-lndies. Part III. Published by the direction o f the Society fo r Promoting Christian Knowledge, London: Printed and Sold by J. Downing, in Bartholomew Close near West Smithfield, 1718, p. 68. It is here translated from a Latin letter (Ziegenbalg to the SPCK, Tranquebar, 6.10.1713, AFSt/M: 1 C 5: 54/55). 14John Henry Grose, A voyage to the East-lndies; began in 1750; with observations continued till 1764; including authentic accounts o f the Mogulgovernment in general, the Viceroyalties o f the Deccan and Bengal, with their respective subordinate Governments under their respective Nabobs, and independent States; particularly those o f Angria, the Morattoes, and Tanjoreans. O f the religions in India; the Mahomedan, Gentoo, and Parsees. Miscellaneous customs; and general reflections on the trade o f India. O f the European settlements, etc. The second edition, greatly improved, 2 vols., London: printed for the author, and sold by S.Hooper at the East Comer of the New Church in the Strand, 1766, Vol. I, p. 265. 15Hans-Wemer Gensichen, “‘Verdammliches Heidentum’: Eine wiederaufgefundene Schrift von Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg”, Evangelische Missions-Zeitschrifi Vol. 24 (I), 1967, pp. 1-10. An English translation appeared in the same year (Hans-Wemer Gensichen, “‘Abominable Heathenism’: A rediscovered tract by Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg”, Indian Church History Review Vol. 1 (1), 1967, pp. 29-40). “ Gensichen, “Verdammliches Heidentum”, p. 9.

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translation of the title of Ziegenbalg’s 1713 Tamil tract is the result of a longstanding confusion of the titles of the two works. The work Ziegenbalg entitled “Das verdammliche allgemeine Heidenthum” is first described in the “Historische Nachricht von der Bekehrung unter den Heyden in Ost-Indien,” an account of the mission’s daily activities, compiled in 1712 and published in the Hallesche Berichte in 1715.17 The entry for 15 March 1712 is headed “Composition of a German booklet on universal heathenism in the world” and reads: In the same way the writing of a German tract on universal heathenism was begun by one of us, which was completed on the 13th of April. There were various reasons for this, all directed to one end: to show the necessity and possibility in these times of the conversion of the remaining heathens to be found in this world. This tract will be sent to Europe this year with the following title: Damnable universal heathenism, namely how the same first arose in the world, wherein it consists, etc. Written in the East Indies, and presented by B.Z. to Christians in Europe for their careful consideration." There is a further brief reference to this work in a Latin letter addressed to the SPCK and dated 20 June 1712.19 In two further letters, one dated 17 September 1712,20 and the other 3 January 1713,21 Ziegenbalg gives the full title of the work as follows: Das verdammliche, allgemeine Heidenthum, wie nfimlich selbiges in der Welt seinen Ursprung genommen, worinnen es bestehe, wie sichs in aller Welt ausgebreitet habe; auch wie es in mancherlei Sekten zerteilt worden; was es noch mit dem Judenthum und mit der Vemunft in natUrlichen und geistlichen Dingen gemein habe. Welch ein Greuel es in den Augen Gottes sey; wie heftig es zur Zeit des Alten Testaments das Judenthum, und zur Zeit des Neuen Testaments das Christenthum verfolgt habe; auf was Weise Gott selbiges zur Zeit das Alten Testamentes ausgerottet habe und wie defien Vertilgung im 17HB I: pp. 217-336. " HB I: p. 287. 19Ziegenbalg to the SPCK, Tranquebar, 20.6.1712, AFSt/M: 1 C 4:6. Versions of the letter were published in Latin, German and English, giving the title of the work as “de Paganismo in genere” (HB I: 302), ‘"vom allgemeinen Heydenthum” (HB I: 308) and “on Paganism in general” (BOhme, ed., Propagation o f the Gospel in the East [Part III; expanded edition], p. 36). 20 Ziegenbalg and GrOndler, Tranquebar, 17.9.1712, AFSt/M: 1 C 4: 11; Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, pp. 247-51. 21 Ziegenbalg and GrOndler to the Theological Faculty in Copenhagen, Tranquebar, 3.1.1713, AFSt/M: 1 C 5: 3a-b.

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Neuen Testament geschehen; welcher Gestalt dessen Ausrottung von da an bis zu unseren Zeiten kontinuiret; wie noch heutzutage eine Bekehrung der Heiden zu hoffen, durch was fiir Hindemisse selbige noch aufgehalten werde; auch durch was Mittel und auf was Weise solche Bekehrung anzufangen und fortzusetzen sei.22

The first letter adds a note that the work was presented to Christians in Europe and dedicated in particular to Protestant professors of theology.23 A copy of the second letter, which does not include this note, was sent to Anton Wilhelm Bdhme in London, with the request that he should both send a copy to August Hermann Francke, and have it published.24 Although Bdhme did publish a translation of the title in 1714 (in the first edition of the third part of Propagation o f the Gospel in the East), this appears to be taken from the first of the letters, for it includes the note that the work was dedicated to Christians, and in particular Protestant professors, in Europe: A Treatise o f the whole Pagan Idolatry: Wherein is treated o f the first Rise and Origine o f Paganism; o f its Nature and Constitution; o f its vast Extent throughout the whole World; o f its Division into various Sects and Parties; o f its Affinity with Judaism, and o f what there remains in it o f Reason, both in respect to natural and spiritual Matters; o f its Abominableness in the Eyes o f God; o f the violent Opposition it raised against the Jewish Church in the Old Testament, and against the Church o f Christ in the New; o f the Means made use o f for extirpating it under the Old Testament, and o f the likeliest Means whereby it may be extirpated under the New-Covenant; o f the 22 See below for a contemporary translation of this title. 23 “Geschrieben in Ostindien und den Christen in Europa zum ndtigen Nachdenken vorgestellt vom 23.4. Dieses Buch ist den Herm Professoren S. S. Theologiae auf alien Universitaten der ganzen protestantischen Kirche dediziert worden, womit ein so allgemeines Werk in desto bessere Consideration mOchte gezogen werden.” Ziegenbalg and GrOndler, Tranquebar, 17.9.1712, AFSt/M: 1 C 4: 11; Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 249. 24 Ziegenbalg, GrOndler and Polycarp Jordan to Bdhme, Tranquebar, 5.1.1713, AFSt/M: 1 C 5: 9; Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 284. The letter to the Theological Faculty in Copenhagen is still unpublished in German. The manuscript in Halle, which is presumably the copy that Ziegenbalg asked Bdhme to have made for Francke, is incomplete. It is possible that either the copy sent to Bdhme, or that sent to Copenhagen, is extant, but I have found no evidence to suggest that either is. On this letter see also Will Sweetman, “The Curse of the Mummy: Egyptians, Hindus and Christians in the Lettres edifiantes et curieuses and La Croze’s Histoire du christianisme des Indes" (paper presented at the 18th European Conference on Modem South Asian Studies, Lund, Sweden, 6-9 July 2004).

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Hopes o f their approaching Conversion; o f the Impediments whereby their Conversion is obstructed, and o f the Means whereby it may be promoted. Written by B. Z. in the East-Indies. Recommended to the Consideration o f the European Christians in general, andparticularly dedicated to the Divinity-Professors o f the Protestant Universities in EuropeP

In June 1714, Francke mentions the tract in his foreword to the first part of the “Malabarische Correspondenz/' noting that while he would be willing to publish it, he had not yet received the work, despite the fact that it had been sent from Tranquebar in 1712.“ It may be that no copy of the tract ever arrived in Europe, for the only further reference to the tract of which I am aware is in a catalogue, prepared by Christoph Theodosius Walther in 1731, of Tamil works in the mission library in Tranquebar.27 The fifth section lists Tamil works written on paper, but also “manuscripts in other languages, relevant to Malabarian literature, or to their heathenism and philosophy/'28 The list includes eight works in Tamil, and six in other languages, including Ziegenbalg’s Genealogie and Johann Ernst Grttndler’s “Malabarische medicus.” Among the works in languages other than Tamil, is listed: Ziegenbalg's AUgemeines Heydenthum . In quarto, as thick as a thumb, written anno 1712. In the foreword he states his purpose for writing 25 Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg, Propagation o f the Gospel in the East: Being a Farther Account o f the Success o f the Danish Missionaries Sent to the East-Indies, fo r the conversion o f the Heathens in Malabar. Extracted from the Letters o f the said Missionaries, and brought down to the Beginning o f the Year MDCCX1I1. Part III. Wherein besides a Narrative o f the Progress o f the Christian Religion in those Parts, with the Helps and Impediments which hitherto have occurr'd; several Hints are inserted concerning the Religion o f the Malabarians, their Priests, Poets, and other Literati; and what may be expectedfrom the Printing-Press lately set up at Tranquebar, trans. Anton Wilhelm Bdhme, first ed., London: printed and sold by J.Downing in Bartholomew Close near West Smithfield, 1714, pp. 45-6. 26 HB 7: Vorrede. See Kurt Liebau, Die malabarische Korrespondenz: tamilische Briefe an deutsche Missionare: eine Auswahl, Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1998, p. 40. 27 Christoph Theodosius Walther, “Bibliotheca Tamulica consistens in recensione libromm nostrorum, mscr-torum ad cognoscendam et linguam & res Tamulicas inseruientium”, (1731). Royal Library, Copenhagen, shelf mark: Ny.Kgl.Saml. 589C. A partial translation of this catalogue, together with a translation of the British Library's manuscript copy of Ziegenbalg's earlier catalogue, the Bibliotheca Malabarica, has been published (Albertine Gaur, “Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg's Verzeichnis der Malabarischen Bttcher”, Journal o f the Royal Asiatic Society, 1967, pp. 63-95). Gaur, writing in 1967, reported that the Copenhagen manuscript was in “a state of progressive disintegration,” but this process seems to have been arrested; in 2004 the manuscript was quite legible. 28 Walther, “Bibliotheca Tamulica", p. 149.

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this work. From there it is immediately apparent that it contains not only a description o f the Malabarian Heathenism, but rather also a general treatment o f heathenism. It consists of thirteen chapters; in Chap. XI he deals with hindrances to the conversion of the heathen. Chap. 12, o f helps for the same. Chap. 13. The ways and means of working for heathen conversion.29

Jeyaraj suggests that it is possible that the 1712 German tract is a translation of a Tamil palm-leaf manuscript entitled Inta-p-pulokattile yuntana nalu piratana {piratana] catiyarutaiya vattamanankalai [varttamanankafai] velippatuttukira tarkka [tarukka\ casttiram.30 While there is clearly some overlap in perspective and subject matter, between this text—a dialogue on the religions of the four main peoples of world, i.e. Christians, Jews, Muslims and heathens (akkiyanikal)—and the 1712 tract, it seems unlikely that the later work is in any straightforward sense a translation of the earlier. The 1709 tract, Nalu piratana catiyar, is in the form of a dialogue between a teacher and his pupil and, according to Jeyaraj’s catalogue, consists of four palm-leaf pages each bearing ten lines of text.31Ziegenbalg does not describe the form of the 1712 tract as a dialogue, and his 1712 report states that he began to write (not translate) “Das verdammliche allgemeine Heydenthum” on 15 March finishing it a month later, on 13 April. It is unlikely that it would have taken him so long to translate a short Tamil text of his own composition. Like Akkiyanam, Nalu piratana catiyar is addressed to an Indian audience, whereas “Das verdammliche allgemeine Heydenthum,” is explicitly 29 Ibid, p. 153. 50 Daniel Jeyaraj, Bartholomdus Ziegenbalgs "Genealogie der malabarischen Gdtter": Edition der Originalfassung von 1713 mit Einleitung, Analyse und Glossar, Halle: Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen zu Halle, 2003, p. 257. In several places Jeyaraj dates this work to 1709 (Jeyaraj, Inkulturation, p. 322; Daniel Jeyaraj, Erschliessung der Tamil-Palmblatt-Manuskripte, Halle/Madras: Archiv der Franckeschen Stiftungen zu Halle/Lutheran Heritage Archives, 2001, p. 122 (#61); Jeyaraj, Ziegenbalgs "Genealogie der malabarischen Gdtter," p. 256), but elsewhere he dates it to 1707 (Jeyaraj, Ziegenbalgs "Genealogie der malabarischen Gotter", pp. 256-295 and 484). Although some dialogues in Tamil are described in Ziegenbalg’s Bibliotheca Malabarica of 1708 (Wilhelm Germann, “Ziegenbalg’s Bibliotheca Malabarica”, Missionsnachrichten der Ostindischen Missionsanstalt zu Halle Vol. XXII 1880, pp. 2, 8-9), none of these texts, which are described as dealing with the main points of Christian doctrine, fit the description of N&lu pijatm a cOtiySr, suggesting that the later date is to be preferred. The work is probably that described as “Kurtzer Unterricht von der Christlichen, JQdischen, Mahometanischen und Heydnischen Religion,” included in a list of the missionaries’ Tamil works compiled in 1712 (HB I: 332). 31 Jeyaraj, Tamil-Palmblatt-Manuskripte, p. 122 (#61).

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said by Ziegenbalg to be “presented to Christians in Europe.” Moreover, from the description of “Das verdanunliche allgemeine Heydenthum” in Walther’s catalogue, it is clear that this was a much longer work; written on paper, it is described as being “as thick as a thumb.” The confusion of Ziegenbalg’s “Das verdammliche allgemeine Heidenthum” with Akkiyanam may arise from the revision and republication of the latter work by Ziegenbalg’s missionary successors. The mission report for the last week of September 1728 states: “And because two Malabarian tracts, entitled the Order of Salvation and the Damnable Universal Heathenism had run out, therefore they were revised and reprinted, two hundred copies of the first and three hundred of the second.”32 A footnote makes clear that by “das verdammliche allgemeine Heydenthum” the authors mean the 1713 tract, Akkiyanam, and not the 1712 tract. The note records that because the Malabarians hated the words akkiyanikal and akkiyanam , which had been used to translate “heathen” and “heathenism”, these were altered in the revised work to mehnanamillavarka { and m ennanam -illam ai “those who lack true knowledge” and “the lack of true knowledge”. It adds that because the Malabarians find the method of presenting a topic through question and answer the easiest, the eight chapters of which the little tract is composed have been subdivided into questions.33The resulting work was published under the title M ennanam -illam aiye velippatuttukira veta-p-piramanam [veta-ppiram anam ]. Jeyaraj, who ascribes the revision to Walther, comments: “The language in the revised edition is somewhat better and more fluent than in Ziegenbalg.”34 Gensichen refers to a further edition in 1745,35 and a fourth edition of 1772 is listed in the catalogue of the University of Erlangen-Numberg library.36 Thus, while it is clear that the missionaries in 1728 knew this work to be Akkiyanam , they used the title “Das verdammliche allgemeine 32 HB III: 26. Con. 67-8. 33 Ibid, Con. 68. 34 Jeyaraj, Inkulturation, p. 151. 35 Gensichen, “Abominable Heathenism”, p. 31; Gensichen, “Verdammliches Heidentum,” p. 3. 36 See Germann, who also notes four editions (Wilhelm Germann, Ziegenbalg und Plutschau: Die Grundungsjahre der Trankebarschen Mission. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Pietismus nach handschriftlichen Quellen und altesten Drucken. Abth. /., Erlangen: Verlag von Andreas Deichert, 1868, p. 293).

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Heydenthum.” A diary entry from the previous year, which also refers to “das Malabarische Tractatlein vom verdammlichen Heydenthum,”37 seems to be the first time the shortened form of the title is used when referring to Akkiyanam. This title appears again in a chronological list of the mission’s publications printed in the Halle Reports in 1733,38 suggesting that this became the established translation of the Tamil title. Later writers on the mission most often use this title. Thus in 1867, Germann refers to “the Tamil tract ‘vom verdammlichen Heidenthum’”.39 The confusion of the two works is also to be found in a brief list of Ziegenbalg's works prepared by Amo Lehmann, which mentions “Vom verdammlichen Heidentum,” giving the year of composition as 1713, but without indicating whether he intended the German or the Tamil tract on heathenism.40 The date of 1713 suggests that Lehmann intends the Tamil tract, Akkiyanam, but the title suggests the lost 1712 German tract. The rare extant copies of Akkiyanam usually also have the title “Das verdammliche Heydenthum” connected to them in library catalogues.41 The copy in the Berlin Staatsbibliothek has a leaf glued in facing the title page which, in part, reads: “Verdammtes Heidentum (eigentlich: Der heidnischen Betrugs verSchtliche Tfitigkeit)”. Gensichen was perhaps following this tradition in the literature when using “Verdammliches Heidentum” in the title of his article, for he was aware of the 1712 tract. He writes that for a complete analysis Ziegenbalg’s ‘Letter to the Malabar Heathens’ should also be taken into account... further, see ‘Traktat ,7 HB III. 25. Con. 27. M “Das verdammliche Heydenthum, Malabarisch, davon der Titel also lautet: AkJtidnattei walippaduttugira weda-poramanam: vier Bogen in Octavo. Den 25. Oct." HB 33: 928. w Germann, Ziegenbalg und Pliitschau, Abth. 1, p. 293. Alwin Gehring, most probably following Germann, uses the same title to refer to a work of Ziegenbalg’s, published on the Tamil press in 1713 (Alwin Gehring, Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg, der Vater der evangelischen Tamulenmission. Eine Jubilaumsgabe, 2. erweiterte Auflage ed., Leipzig: Verlag der Evangelisch-Lutherischen Mission, 1907, p. 36). 40Amo Lehmann, “Halle und die sfldindische Sprach- und Religions-Wissenschaft”, Wissenschafiliche Zeitschrift der Martin-Luther-Universitat Halle- Wittenberg; Gesellschafts- undsprachwissenschaftliche Reihe Nr. 2 Vol. 2 (3), 1952/3, p. 156. 41 The catalogue of the Franckeschen Stiftungen library, which lists five copies of Akkiyanam, has the note: “‘Biblische Schrift, die zeigt, was fiir eine zu verabscheuende Sache die Unwissenheit ist und wie diejenigen, die darin stehen, kOnnen errettet werden’ [Tamil] Erstdruck der Missionary Press, Tranquebar. Nebentit.: Das verdammliche Heydenthum.”

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vom Malabarischen Heidentum’, in German, which was written in 1711 and intended for European readers (HB I, p.54,283), as well as another German writing ‘Das verdammliche allgemeine Heidentum’ (1712; HB I, p.287 cf. W. Caland (ed.) Ziegenbalg’s Malabarisches Heidentum, Amsterdam 1926, p.4 note 1). These two writings were never printed. In his list o f Ziegenbalg’s publications, A. Lehmann has included only the latter title.42

Nevertheless, there is still an element of confusion here, for the list by Lehmann to which Gensichen refers includes both the “Generalbeschreibung des Malabarischen Heidenthums 1711 (Amsterdam 1926)” and, as mentioned above, “Vom verdammlichen Heidentum. 1713,”43 suggesting that Gensichen regarded the “Traktat vom Malabarischen Heidentum” as still another work, not the work edited by Caland in 1926. More recently, in his 1996 work, Jeyaraj refers to Akkiyanam by what he calls, “the German title 'Das verdammliche Heidenthum’'’' noting, however, that this is not an adequate rendering of the Tamil.44 In his later edition of the Genealogie, Jeyaraj uses the full Tamil title.45 The confusion is further compounded by Singh in the checklist of Ziegenbalg’s works appended to his biography.46 Singh correctly identifies “A Treatise o f the Whole Pagan Idolatry’’’ as a German work, but incorrectly states that it was “printed at Tranquebar, possibly in 1712,” and goes on to list both “The Abomination o f Paganism''’ and “Das Verdammliche allgemeine Heydenthum (The Damned Condition o f the Hindus)” as Tamil works printed by the mission in Tranquebar. Singh correctly identifies “The Abomination of Paganism” [i.e. Akkiyanam] as a Tamil work, but wrongly suggests that it was not the first work to be printed on the Tamil press. He correctly dates the composition of “Das Verdammliche allgemeine Heydenthum” between 15 March and 13 April 1712, but wrongly describes it as “a Tamil tract in eight chapters addressed to the Hindus” (it is a German tract in thirteen chapters addressed to Christians in Europe), and wrongly identifies it as having been printed in 1713. 42 Gensichen, “Abominable Heathenism", p. 38; Gensichen, “Verdammliches Heidentum,” p. 9. 41Lehmann, “Halle und die sUdindische Sprach- und Religions-Wissenschaft”, p. 136. 44 Jeyaraj, Inkulturation, pp. 149f. 45 Jeyaraj, Ziegenbalgs “Genealogie der malabarischen Gotter", p. 309. 46Brijraj Singh, The First Protestant Missionary to India: Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg ( 1683- 1719) , Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999, pp. 164-75.

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The purpose of this rather laboured discussion has been not so much to suggest that the title “Verdammliches Heidentum” embodies a serious misunderstanding of the content of Akkiyanam, but rather to demonstrate that despite several mentions of it in the scholarly literature, the lost 1712 tract has been rather forgotten as a result of the confusion (as early as 1727) of its title with that of Akkiyanam. There is clearly a need for a comprehensive list of Ziegenbalg’s writings, both extant and lost, which attempts to reconcile the various titles given to his works by Ziegenbalg, his editors and translators, and those who have written on him.47 In the case of the 1712 and 1713 tracts, further confusion might be avoided if the title “Verdammliches Heidentum” (or “Verdammliches Allgemeines Heidentum”) is reserved for the lost 1712 German tract (which might be referred to in English by the 1714 translation of the title as “The whole Pagan Idolatry”). While “Abominable Heathenism” seems an accurate and historically-warranted translation into English of the title of the 1713 Tamil tract Akkiyanam, this work might best be referred to in German, following Ziegenbalg’s translations, as “Abscheuliches Heidentum”. The safest approach, however, and the one which will be adopted here, would be to retain the Tamil title, and refer to the work as Akkiyanam. AkkiyOmm in the Context of Ziegenbalg’s Interactions with Hindus In order to understand Ziegenbalg’s purpose in writing Akkiyanam, the tract must be considered in the context of his interactions with Hindus over an extended period. Fortunately the missionaries went to considerable lengths to document these interactions in their reports to the mission’s sponsors in Europe. In his earliest letters from India, Ziegenbalg reports debating at length with Hindus, at first with the seventy-year-old schoolmaster who instructed him in the Tamil language, and later with those he encountered in and around Tranquebar and on his journeys within the region. The missionaries recorded details of many such conversations, and reports of fifty-four of these were published in the Halle Reports, with a selection also appearing in English translation.48 Within two years of his arrival in Tranquebar, Ziegenbalg reports that

47 Such a list is under preparation by the present author. « HB I: pp. 505-605 and 662-808; HB II, 15. Con.:ll-72, 16. Con.: 73-151, 17. Con.: 153-224.

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he had also begun to conduct such discussions by correspondence, and expresses his frustration that he lacked the time and means to engage in “an intensive exchange of letters.”49 One reason for wanting to do so seems to have been the frustration of Ziegenbalg’s desire to extend the mission’s work beyond the Danish enclave of Tranquebar into the surrounding kingdom of Tanjore. His desire to do so may in turn have been prompted by the difficult relationship between the mission and the Danish Commandant, which had been deteriorating since mid-1708 and culminated in the imprisonment of Ziegenbalg from 19 November 1708 until 26 March 1709.50 In September 1709, Ziegenbalg planned “a short journey inland... in order to see whether in future the Gospel could be advanced”51 there. The journey had been aborted after a single day, however, when Ziegenbalg was informed that he would be liable to arrest if he did not have the permission of the King of Tanjore to travel in the lands under his control. Learning also that earlier Portuguese missionaries had died in prison after being arrested, Ziegenbalg decided to return to Tranquebar, where he and his colleagues reflected on the lessons the journey held for the conduct of the mission. They concluded that, considering the danger of arrest (in addition to all the other difficulties of travel), the mission would achieve more in Tanjore through the distribution there of books on the Christian religion written in Tamil than by going there in person.52 Visiting in person might be more successful in the “lands o f the great Mogul,” provided that they preached only to the “Malabarian heathen” (i.e. Tamil Hindus) and not the “Mohamedan Moors” (i.e. Muslims).53 Four months later, in January 1710, Ziegenbalg travelled to Madras in order to find out whether this was indeed the case.54 In a letter dated 16 January 1710, written from Madras, Ziegenbalg reported that while passing through land ruled by the King of Tanjore on his way to Madras, 4’ Germann, “Bibliotheca Malabarica”, p. 7. See AFSt/M: 1 C 1: 47; Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 86. 50 Ulla Sandgren, The Tamil New Testament and Bartholomew Ziegenbalg: A Short Study o f Some Tamil Translations o f the New Testament. The Imprisonment o f Ziegenbalg 19.11.1708-26.3.1709, Uppsala: Swedish Institute o f Missionary Research/ Svenska institutet ftr missionsforskning, 1991, pp. 89-121. 51 Ziegenbalg to Joachim Lange, Tranquebar, 30.8.1709, AFSt/M: 1 C 2: 11; HB I: 168. 52 Ziegenbalg to Lange, Tranquebar, U.9.1709, AFSt/M: 1 C 2:12; HB I: 174. 51 Ibid. MHB I: 93.

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he had distributed a “long letter to the heathen Malabarians,” which he says he had written “at New Year”55 and had had copied many times.56 “God’s letter to the Tamils” This letter, which is an important precursor to the later tract, Akkiyanam, was entitled by Ziegenbalg Paraparava$ttuvakiya caruvecurcm [carveccurcm] colamantalattile vacama yirukkira tamilar [tamilar] ellarukkum eluti anuppina nirupam (“The letter written by the Lord of All, the Supreme Being, to all the Tamils who live in Coromandel”).57 The letter is referred to in the Halle Reports, and by some later authors (e.g. Gensichen), as the “Brief an die Malabarische Heidenschaft” (“Letter to the Malabarian Heathens”). Jeyaraj, following Alwin Gehring’s translation of Ziegenbalg’s title, refers to the letter as “Brief Gottes” (“God’s letter”), reserving the title “Brief an die Heidenschaft” for a later work which will be discussed below. In the Halle Reports the letter is said to have been written “to convince the Malabarian Heathens of the falseness of their idol-worship and to bring them to the recognition of the only true and living God.”58 Francke considered publishing the letter in the fifth instalment of the Halle Reports, but decided that he could not do so because in the letter Ziegenbalg adopts the voice of God himself, speaking directly to the Malabarians. The implied claim to prophetic status would, he thought, provide ammunition for critics of the mission.59 In the letter 55Pace Gensichen (“Abominable Heathenism,” p. 38, “Verdammliches Heidenthum,” p. 9) and Jeyaraj (Inkulturation, p. 143; Tamil-Palmblatte-Manuskripte, p. 134 (#67)), who date this letter to 1709, the context (Ziegenbalg’s letter o f 16.1.1710) makes clear that New Year o f 1710 is intended and thus that the letter is to be dated 1.1.1710. Lehmann likewise dates the letter to 1.1.1710 (Amo Lehmann, Es begann in Tranquebar. Die Geschichte der ersten evangelischen Kirche in Indien, Second ed., Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1956, p. 216). 96 Ziegenbalg to a Professor o f Theology in Halle, Madras, 16.1.1710; HB I: 93. 57 AFSt TAM 37 L. See Jeyaraj, Tamil-Palmblatt-Manuskripte, p. 134. My account of the letter is based on the German translation by Gehring o f a copy of the letter in the WQrttembeig State Library. Gehring translates the title o f the letter as: “Brief Gottes, des Allherm, an alle in Tscholamandala wohnenden Tamulen” (Gehring, Ziegenbalg, pp. 41 and 99-104). Although the version o f the letter printed in the Halle Reports was presumably based upon a translation by Ziegenbalg o f his Tamil letter into German, no extant copy o f this is known to me. Few manuscripts of Ziegenbalg’s known letters from early 1710 are extant. 51 HB I: 211. 59Germann, Ziegenbalg und Plutschau, Abth. /, p. 295.

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God proclaims his qualities (sovereignty, immateriality, omnipotence, omnipresence, omniscience) and demands to know why the Tamils (tamilar [s/'c]) worship many gods who lack these qualities. Francke did, however, publish a summary of the contents of the letter, in which the qualities of God are listed, rather than proclaimed by God himself. Francke also omits the repeated commands which Ziegenbalg places in the mouth of God, to “smash and destroy the idols which are set up in your temples”60 and to “bring together all the books which are written about the idols, cast them into the fire and burn them”.61 Like Akkiyanam, the letter echoes Romans 1, charging the Tamils with worshipping creatures rather than the creator, and having become “full of deceit, fornication, desire, adultery, impure lusts, anger, hate, arrogance, thievery and other sins.”62As in Akkiyanam, the heathen Malabarians are described here as akkiyanikal.6i In the course of his ten-day journey to Madras, Ziegenbalg engaged in discussions with Brahmins, Pandarams and others. In each of the cities he passed through (Sirkali, Chidambaram, Porta Nova, Cuddalore, Pondichery, Sadraspatnam and St. Thomas Mount), and other places where he stayed overnight, Ziegenbalg distributed copies of the letter, and on occasion also copies of his translations of Matthew’s gospel and summary of Freylinghausen’s Grundlegung der Theologie:44 He also collected the names of Brahmins he wished later to exchange letters with.65 This correspondence seems first to have been taken up in earnest more than two years later when, on 1 August 1712, the missionaries reported the “inauguration of correspondence with the Indians in their language.” The correspondence began with a letter to the Brahmins in “Diruwuttur”66 near Madras, whom the missionaries had previously spoken to and found to be more learned than others. In the letter “several questions concerning religion were posed, with the request that they answer according to their principles.” While these letters would also 60 Gehring* Ziegenbalg, p. 100. 61 Ibid, p. 104. 62 Ibid, pp. 99 and 101. 63 Ibid, p. 101. 64 HB I: 93. 65 HB I: 95-97. 66 Grafe suggests this may be Tiruvallur (Hugald Grafe, “Hindu Apologetics at the Beginning o f the Protestant Era in India,” in Michael Bergunder, ed., Missionsberichte aus Indien im 18. Jahrhundert, Neue Hallesche Berichte, Halle: Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen zu Halle, 1999, p. 73).

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serve the purpose of making the missionaries and their work better known among those with whom they had no direct contact, the main purpose of this letter and the correspondence it initiated, was less to preach to the Indians than to solicit information about their religion, in order to understand more clearly the reasons for their resistance to conversion.67 In their defence of the mission against the criticisms of Johann Georg BOvingh, dated 9 September 1713, Ziegenbalg and Grilndler write: “We have begun a written correspondence with the heathen, and continued it intermittently up to now. In this we have as our purpose above all that we might be better informed by them on many points about their heathenism and, through translation of their letters, make known to the Europeans what knowledge these heathens have on this or that matter and how they express themselves on the points of their heathen religion.”68 Fifty-five letters received by the mission between October and December 1712 were translated and sent to Halle, where they were published as the seventh instalment of the Halle Reports in 1714. A further forty-four letters were sent to Halle at the end of 1714, and published as the eleventh instalment of the Halle Reports in 1717.69 A selection of these letters—the so-called “Malabarian Correspondence”—was published in English translation in 1717 and 1719 respectively.70 It is this correspondence which seems to have provided the immediate reason for the composition of Akkiyanam. In their “Apologia” Ziegenbalg and Grtindler continue: “Even if we do not find the time to answer all their letters at length, but rather are usually only able to send them further new questions with a short reply, nevertheless there is also an opportunity 67 HB 6: 315. ** Bartholomflus Ziegenbalg and Johann Ernst GrOndler, “Apologia Epistolis Bovingianis Opposita”, Tranquebar, 8.9.1713, AFSt/M: 2 C 5, pp. 57-8; NielsPeter Moritzen, ed., Von den Anfangen evangelischer Mission: zwei unbekannte Missionsschriften von 1713 und 1717, Bonn: Verl. fiir Kultur und Wiss., 2002, p. 143. 49 See Kurt Liebau, “Die ‘Malabarische Korrespondenz’ von 1712/1713 und das Bild der Tamilen vom Europaer”, AsienAfrika Lateinamerika Vol. 25 (1), 1997, pp. 5373; Liebau, Die malabarische Korrespondenz-, Grafe, “Hindu Apologetics”. 70 Jenkin Thomas Phillips, ed., An Account o f the Religion, Manners and Learning o f the people o f Malabar in the East Indies. In several letters written by some o f the most learned men o f that country to the Danish Missionaries, London: Printed for W. Mears and J. Brown, 1717, and Jenkin Thomas Phillips, ed., Thirty Four Conferences between the Danish Missionaries and the Malabarian Bramans (or Heathen Priests) in the East Indies concerning the Truth o f the Christian Religion: together with some letters written by the heathens to the said Missionaries. Translated out o f High Dutch, London: Printed for H. Clements, W. Fleetwood, and J. Stephens, 1719.

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to preach Christ, especially since now and then we send them a book concerning our Christian teaching, and refer to it in our letters, which has prompted this or that question about Christ and Christianity among them.”71 One letter in particular, the forty-first of the first part of the correspondence, dated 25 November 1712, seems likely to have prompted the composition of Akkiyanam. The letter was written in answer to three questions: “namely, what Heathenism is, which nations are to be called heathens, and if the Malabarians are not also to be known as heathens?” The author’s answer to the first question stresses immorality as well as irreligion: “If one does not love God, nor believe in him, nor go into the Pagodas and to the sacred water; but rather nourishes a sinful mind and heart, and leads a life which is against both heaven and also the earth and contrary to them; likewise, if one goes after whores, is abandoned to gambling, exerts oneself to steal, drinks too much, speaks falsely, takes people for fools and tempts them, mixes together with devils, regards others without any compassion and pity, and is abandoned to other similar sins: all this can be called Heathenism, according to our Malabarian way of thinking.”72 At the end of the letter, the author states that “the word Heathenism means sin and unruly character”.73 The missionary’s annotation to the letter comments: They do not describe heathenism thus: that it m eans both to w orship no God or m any gods. For they do not believe that there w ould be found peoples w ho do not w orship any god, and their w orship o f m any gods they excuse w ith the teaching, that they w orshipped through those only one divine being. They take the w ord heathenism in its actual [i.e. its Tamil] m eaning. Such is called Akkianum w ith them and com prises all sins and bad habits w hich originate from reason and will o f man. Because Dianum [tiyanam ] o r Gnanum [rianam] m eans for them w isdom , reason, holiness and is a general w ord for all good w orks w hich com e from m an ’s reason or will. Akkianum though is the opposite, and describes a w ild and rude character in will and reason.74

71 Ziegenbalg and Grilndler, “Apologia”, p. 58; Moritzen, ed., Von den Anjangen evangelischer Mission, p. 143. 72 HB I: p. 483. 71 Ibid. p. 484. 74 Ibid, p. 484-5.

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In his writings Ziegenbalg repeatedly praises the morality of at least some Hindus,” suggesting that he would have to agree that, on the “actual meaning” of akkiyanam, not all of them could be described as akkiyanikaX or heathens. It is for this reason that he is at such pains, in the first chapter, to stress that the worship of many gods (tevakal) is akkiyanam. The first chapter of Akkiyanam cites at length the first chapter of Romans, in which idolatry is said to lead to immorality. The second and third chapters, describing how akkiyanam has come into the world, and how widespread it is in the Tamil country, retain the emphasis on idolatry as the salient feature of akkiyanam. “Akkiyflnam” in Hindu, Catholic and Protestant Usage The term akkiyanam (or annanam) and its positive correlate, nanam, were already in use by both Hindu and Roman Catholic authors in India.76Tiliander notes that while the nanam, which is derived from the Sanskritjnana, “is rarely found in poetical writings where the Dravidian Telivu is used instead... in the didactic literature the term occupies a prominent place.”77 Of the Tamil literature with which he was familiar, Ziegenbalg valued most highly the ethical treatises, three of which he even translated,78 along with some cittar literature.79 By contrast, he frequently states that it is the Tamil poets who have been the agents of the devil in leading their readers away from a knowledge of the true God gained either by the light of nature80 or from their knowledge of 75 See, for example, Willem Caland, ed., B. Ziegenbalg’s Kleinere Schriften, Amsterdam: Uitgave van Koninklijke Akademie, 1930, p. 25; Gaur, “Verzeichnis der Malabarischen Bticher”, p. 85. 76 See Bror Tiliander, Christian and Hindu Terminology: a study in their mutual relations with special reference to the Tamil area, Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksells, 1974, pp. 60-64. 77 Ibid, p. 61. 78 Caland, ed., Ziegenbalg’s Kleinere Schriften. 79 See Will Sweetman, “The Prehistory o f Orientalism: Colonialism and the Textual Basis for Bartholomflus Ziegenbalg’s Account o f Hinduism”, New Zealand Journal o f Asian Studies Vol. 6 (2), 2004, pp. 12-38, reprinted in this volume. *° Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg, “Genealogia der Malabarischen GOtter, darinnen umstfindlich berichtet wird, wie manche GOtter dieser Heiden glauben woher sie ihren Ursprung deriviren, wie sie auf einander folgen, wie sie heiQen, was vor mancherley Nahmen sie in den Poetisehen BQchem fOhren, wie sie gestaltet und beschaffen seyn, was vor Aemmter und Verrichtungen sie haben, in welche Familien sie sich ausgebreitet, welche Erscheinungen von ihnen geglaubet werden, was vor Pagoden sie ihnen bauen, was vor Fast- und Fest-T&ge sie ihnen zu Ehren halten welche Opfer sie ihnen anthun, und was vor BQcher sie von ihnen geschrieben haben. VerfaBet von den Kdnigl.[ichen]

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the biblical revelation.81In both Paraparavasttu eluti anuppina nirupam and Akkiyanam the poets in particular are connected with akkiyanam. In the former, the akkiyanikal are said to have preferred the works of “lying poets” to the Word of God,*2 and in the latter schoolchildren are said to be taught akkiyanam from “o/a books written by poets” instead of “helpful admonitions or good morals.”83 Ziegenbalg was probably aware of the use of both Hanam and akkiyanam by Roman Catholic authors. Tiliander notes that Roberto Nobili “often uses Afif&nam... he shows how followers of the innumerable religious systems have sunk into Akkiyanam.”84Ziegenbalg found a library of Jesuit works in Tranquebar,85 which he says were very helpful to him in learning Tamil and in adopting a proper Christian style so that he could express himself on spiritual matters in a way that did not smack of heathenism.86Tiliander writes: “The Tranquebar missionaries took over the term [Nanam] without any reservation” and they used it D&nischen Missionanis in Ost-Indien zu Tranquebar”, (1713). Royal Library, Copenhagen, shelf mark: Ledreborg 424, p. 20r. 81 Ibid, pp. 6r-6v. Cf. Germann, “Bibliotheca Malabarica,” p. 66. 82 HB I: 213-4. In Gehring’s translation the works preferred by the akkiyanikal are those o f iVverblendeter Gelehrten”, but Francke’s version probably better reflects Ziegenbalg’s vocabulary as it is based on his own translation. 13 Akkiyanam chapter 3. Despite this, in the mission’s own Tamil schools, some poetical works were introduced “very carefully” to older children, so that uin time they might leam to understand and refute them” (HB I: 240). Among the books used were the Kura] and the Civavakkiyam (HB I: 865). Moreover, Ziegenbalg was aware that in other schools, books such as AuvaiySr’s Konraiventan, one of the ethical treatises he translated, were taught to children (HB 1:410). 84 Tiliander, Christian and Hindu Terminology, p. 63; see Soosai Arokiasamy, Dharma, Hindu and Christian, according to Roberto de Nobili: analysis o f its meaning and its use in Hinduism and Christianity, Roma: Editrice Pontificia University Gregoriana, 1986, p. 193. 85 Germann, “Bibliotheca Malabarica”, pp. 9-10. 86 Ziegenbalg, Tranquebar, 22.9.1707; Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 59; see Joachim Lange, ed., Merckwiirdige Nachricht aus Ost-Jndien Welche Zwey Evangelische Lutherische Prediger Nahmentlich Herr Bartholomdus Ziegenbalg GebUrtig von Pulsnitz in Meissen Und Herr Heinrich Plutscho Von Wesenberg in Mecklenburg So von Seiner Kdnigl. Majestat in Dennemarck und Norwegen Den 29. Novemb. 1705. aus Copenhagen nach Dero Ost-Jndischen Colonie in Trangebar gesandt: Zum loblichen Versuch Ob nicht dasige angrentzende blinde Heyden einiger massen Zum Christenthum mdchten konnen angefuhret werden: Erstlich unterwegens den 30. April 1706. aus Africa von dem Vorgebirge der guten Hoffnung bey den so genanten Hottentotten. Und bald darauf aus Trangebar von der Kiiste Coromandel an einige Predige und gute Freunde in Berlin iiberschrieben und von diesen zum Druck befbrdert. Die andere Auflagey Leipzig and Franckfiirt am Mayn: Joh. Christoph Papen, 1708, p. 4.

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in many compounds such as “Nanasttanam, a crude spelling instead of Nana snanam, Baptism.”87 He concludes that these “JMna-compounds give a familiar impression to a Hindu reader. He feels himself in terra cognita.'m Like many other missionaries, both before and after his time, in his choice of language Ziegenbalg had to walk a narrow line between using terms that would be familiar to his readers, with the inherent risk that the distinctively Christian content of his message would thereby be lost, and coining new terms which carried the risk of not being understood at all. In choosing fiartam and akkiyanam/cmnanam, Ziegenbalg would have been fully aware that he was using terms central to the theology of Saiva Siddh3nta, the Hindu tradition he had most to do with and which did most to shape his own view of Hinduism. In one of his earliest accounts of Hinduism, the foreword to his translation of three Tamil ethical treatises, dated 30 August 1708,89 Ziegenbalg describes four different degrees of liberation (mukti), a concept which is drawn from the Saiva Agamas: The first [salvation] they call Tschalogum, or paradise, which is also called Kailaschum by them. The second salvation they call Tschamibum, or that salvation in which one can be very close to the highest God. The third salvation they call 7icharubum, or that salvation in which one can be the very image of God. The fourth salvation they call Tschautschium, or that salvation in which one is entirely united with the highest being of all beings. In order to achieve this salvation, they make great efforts, striving and exerting themselves to live a truly virtuous life. There are thus a great mass of such people found among these heathen, who worship no idols at all, nor go into their pagodas like the others, but rather exert themselves only in the practice of virtue, and speak of nothing else, but only of virtue. These heathen indeed confess no religion, possess little of their own, but nevertheless something special is to be seen in them, and [they] lead a very austere life.90 r Tiliander, Christian and Hindu Terminology, p. 63. " Ibid, p. 64. * See Sweetman, ‘T he Prehistory o f Orientalism: Colonialism and the Textual Basis for Bartholomflus Ziegenbalg’s Account o f Hinduism”, pp. 18-20, reprinted in this volume. 90 Caland, ed., Ziegenbalgs Kleinere Schriften, p. 24; see HB 1: 61, and Willem Caland, ed., Ziegenbalg's Malabarisches Heidenthum, Amsterdam: Uitgave van Koninklijke Akademie, 1926, p. 173.

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The four degrees of liberation (caldkam, Sanskrit salokya, “being in the sphere of God”; cdniippiyam, Sanskrit samipya, “being in the vicinity of God”; cdrupam, Sanskrit sdrupya, “having the same form as God’s”; cayucciyam, Sanskrit sayujya, “having life in common with God”91) are correlated with the “four paths” {patananku) which are described in, and structure, the Saivagamas: kiriyai (Sanskrit kriya, “ritual action”), cariyai (Sanskrit carya, “proper conduct”), ydkam (Sanskrit yoga, “discipline, ascesis”) and nanam (Sanskrityna/ia, “knowledge, gnosis”).92 The patananku are described by Ziegenbalg in the first chapter of his Malabarisches Heidenthum.93 He devotes most space to those he calls “GnanigoF, i.e. hanikal, describing them as follows: The fourth type, that called Gnanum, comprises those who reject all divinities, and all special ways of life, and beyond all penances have achieved wisdom, for the word Gnanum means wisdom and sanctity. Therefore those who have become Gnanigol regard as blindness not only the things of the world, but even all that by which the others seek their salvation. They reject the many gods the others venerate so highly.94 He then quotes at length from the Civavakkiyam (“diva’s utterance”), identifying its author, Civavakkiyar, as one of the ndnikah In the Genealogie he describes the hanikal as those who annihilate (“vemichten”) idolatry, worship the single divine being without images, and whose books prescribe a virtuous life as worship of the only God.95 In addition to Civavakkiyam, he mentions also the Kura], and two other works (Nanavenpa and NJti-caram) as being the most important of their works. In Malabarisches Heidentum, he writes that on first reading these works, he thought that “their authors were perhaps Christians, 91 Mariasusai Dhavamony, Love o f God according to Saiva Siddhanta: a study in the mysticism and theology o f Saivism, Oxford: Clarendon, 1971, p. 117. 92 Richard H. Davis, Ritual in an Oscillating Universe: worshiping Siva in medieval India, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991, p. 10; Sanford B.Steever, “Civavakkiyar’s Ahecedarium Naturae", Journal o f the American Oriental Society, Vol. 114(3), 1994, p. 365. 93 Caland, ed., Malabarisches Heidenthum, pp. 26-28. 94 Ibid p. 27. 95 Ziegenbalg, “Genealogie”, p. 15r. In his recent translation o f the Genealogie, where Ziegenbalg writes “Gnanigdl oder Weise”, Jeyaraj gives “Jains” (Daniel Jeyaraj, Genealogy o f the South Indian Deities: An English Translation o f Bartholomfius Ziegenbalgs Original German Manuscript with a Textual Analysis and Glossary, London: Routledge Curzon, 2004, p. 50). Although Ziegenbalg was aware of the Jains, and refers to them elsewhere in the Genealogie (Ziegenbalg, “Genealogie”, p. 87v), he does not refer to them here.

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because they not only condemned the plurality of gods and adduce the one God but they also criticize all other heathen elements and call them blindness.”96 In fact CivavSkkiyar’s criticisms of elements of Saivism begin from premises which he shares with orthodox Saiva Siddhanta, namely, the doctrine of the “three realities” (mupporul): pati (the Lord), pacu (bound souls), pacam (bondage).97 Civavakkiyar radicalizes this doctrine, reasoning that “since pacam is by definition that which binds the soul, separating it from God \pati\, nothing which pertains to bondage [pacam] can help liberate the soul [pacu]'** Substantial matter (mayai) is one aspect of pacam, and as images of the deities are material, worship of them cannot lead to liberation. Ziegenbalg writes that Civavakkiyar “has got as far as recognizing that the heart must be a temple devoted to God.”99 He evidently regarded the writers of the Siddha Siddhanta tradition, whom he consistently refers to as the Hanikaly as those Hindus who had come closest to perceiving the truth in relation to the divine.100It is perhaps surprising, then, that in Akkiyanam he does not cite the texts of the cittar tradition for, as will be discussed below, he does cite them in another text addressed to the Hindus. Perhaps the reason for this is that Ziegenbalg would have been aware that the broader Saiva Siddhanta tradition regarded the worship of Siva through material images as an essential part of religious practice. He would also have been aware that this tradition was exclusive, claiming to be the true hanamarkkam, and regarding those who followed other paths as akkiyanikal101 In Akkiyanam, therefore, Ziegenbalg sought to redefine akkiyanam, in particular as the worship of material images of many 96 Caland, ed., Malabarisches Heidenthum, p. 42. A later missionary scholar, Robert Caldwell, argued that the cittar ideas were the result of Christian influence (K. Kailasapathy, 'T he Writing o f the Tamil Siddhas”, in Karine Schomer and W.H.McLeod, eds., The Sants; studies in a devotional tradition o f India, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1987, p. 386). 97 David Buck describes the writings o f Civavakkiyar and other cittar [Skt. Siddha] writers as Siddha Siddhanta, existing in close but oppositional relationship to the dominant current of Saiva Siddhanta (David C. Buck, “Siddhanta: Siddha and Saiva", in Fred W. Clothey and J. Bruce Long, eds., Experiencing Siva: encounters with a Hindu deity, Columbia: South Asia Books, 1983, pp. 59-74). 98 Steever, “CivavSkkiyar’s Abecedarium Naturae”, p. 367. 99 Caland, ed., Malabarisches Heidenthum, p. 133. 100 “Unter den Heiden sind einige, die JogigOl und wiederum andere, die Gnanig&l gennant werden; solche tegen sich vomehmlich auf die Gemttts-Kontemplationen und haben noch den besten Begriff von Gott und von dem Gebet mit Gott” Ziegenbalg to Passerin, Tranquebar, 10.11.1713, AFSt/M: 1 C 5 :68a-e; Lehmann, ed.,^//e5rze/e, p. 340. 101 Tiliander, Christian and Hindu Terminology, p. 62.

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gods. As was only to be expected, some Hindus among Ziegenbalg's correspondents resisted this redefinition. Responses to Akkiyanam The initial response to Akkiyanam is described in a letter to Francke written at the start of 1714.102 In the first weeks of November 1713, Ziegenbalg had travelled to Nagapatnam, taking with him multiple copies of Akkiyanam and also a Tamil translation of Luther’s Small Catechism, which had been printed after Akkiyanam. These were distributed to the literate among those with whom he talked on his journey, as they had been to others in and around Tranquebar. In Karaikal, he had Akkiyanam read out by “a heathen”, and as a result was brought before the Commandant of the town, who, with many others, listened to him speak and was then given two copies of Akkiyanam. In another town he met a group of Brahmin pilgrims who, after hearing the tract, told him they had nothing against its content but attributed the wisdom expressed in it to Ziegenbalg's reading of their own books. Ziegenbalg hastened to show them that although the divine truths could be expressed in their language, and that some of these coincided with the more reasonable of their doctrines, this did not mean that the truth was taught, believed and practised among them, for opposing doctrines could also be found in their books, their speech, deeds and conduct. In Nagapatnam he distributed further copies of Akkiyanam, in particular to schools. In Tranquebar, the tract had been distributed to schools for the children to learn, and to take home and read out to their parents. When asked by the missionaries what he thought of Akkiyanam, one schoolmaster answered that he could only give it his approval, even where it condemned their gods and the worship of them. The tract was also in demand from those who had heard about it, and asked either that the schoolmaster come to read it to them, or that they be sent copies of it. The widespread effect of distributing the tract put Ziegenbalg in mind of the contribution that the use of print had made to the Reformation. Already the mission had received enquiries about the possibility of printing in Telugu and Arabic. Ziegenbalg continued to distribute copies of Akkiyan am, and other Tamil works printed by the mission, to those he met on his journeys right up until the end of his life. On 22 February 1718, almost exactly a year before his death, it was reported that Ziegenbalg had just returned 102 Ziegenbalg and GrQndler to Francke, Tranquebar, 3.1.1714, AFSt/M: 1 C 6: 17; HB I: 635-643.

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from a journey, during which “his discussions in different towns, and the distribution of the Malabarian booklets had caused quite a stir here and there among the Heathen and the Moors.*'103Twenty of these discussions are recorded in the Halle Reports,10* and some of them directly refer to Akkiyan am and other Tamil works of the mission.105The most detailed accounts we have of Hindu responses to Akkiyan am are to be found, however, in the letters of those to whom the tract was posted. It was suggested above that the composition of Akkiyanam seems to have been prompted by the discussions on the nature of heathenism in the first part of the so-called “Malabarian Correspondence”. As well as being distributed in person, Akkiyanam was sent—as is mentioned in Ziegenbalg and Griindler’s “Apologia”—to some of those whose letters had appeared in the first part of the correspondence. Three letters published in the second part of the correspondence—written in the period from late 1713 to mid-1714,106that is, in the months immediately following the publication and distribution of Akkiyanam—refer directly to the tract.107 These letters have already been discussed briefly by Gensichen, and in more detail by Hugald Grafe.108 The author of the first letter excuses himself from responding to the tract on the grounds that he lacks the appropriate learning to reply. The author of the third letter not only emphatically rejects Ziegenbalg’s claim to know the truth, but places all such claims, whether by Hindus (whether Vaisnava or Saiva), Muslims or Christians. It is however the second, and longest, of the letters which responds most directly to Ziegenbalg’s attempt in Akkiyanam to redefine akkiyanam as the worship of material images of the many gods. IWZiegenbalg and GrOndler to Francke, Tranquebar, 22.2.1718, AFSt/M: 1 C 11: 2; HB II, 14. Con.: 155. 104 See the 15th, 16th and 17th instalments. The conversations were also published in English translation (Phillips, ed., Thirty Four Conferences). 105 E.g. HB II, 16. Con.: 95-110, see Gensichen, “Abominable Heathenism”, p. 39, Gensichen, “Verdammliches Heidentum”, p. 10. 106 Not all the letters in the second part o f the correspondence can be dated. Liebau lists the dates of those that can; the range is from 28 November 1713 to 1 June 1714 (Liebau, “Die ‘Malabarische Korrespondenz’”, p. 69). 107 The letters in question are the 25th, 26th, and 40th, HB I: pp. 923-25,925-30 and 952-54. Liebau suggests a fourth letter (the 39th, HB I: pp. 950-51) should be added to these (Ibid, p. 59). I0* Gensichen, “Abominable Heathenism”, p. 39; Gensichen, “Verdammliches Heidentum”, p. 10; Grafe, “Hindu Apologetics”, pp. 84-86.

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The author argues that those who make different sorts of offerings, sing praises and offer worship to “the idols, Aien, Piradi, Dukkei [perhaps Aiyanar, Pitari, and Turkkai, i.e. Durgaj” thinking that they will thereby be released from their sins, are clearly heathen. While there are many such in the world, there are also a few who practice true virtue, are of good conduct and offer proper worship, and acknowledge only the Supreme Being, the creator of all, as God, and cannot be called heathens. Moreover, not only are both sorts of people, Hanikal and akkiyanika1 (“Weise und Heyden” in the German translation), to be found among all religions, but the worship of many deities is “not all destruction and blindness”. As the one God has commanded that offerings, praises and worship should be offered to the many gods, “one worships the one true God through the gods, and in no way is the same worship offered to these gods themselves.”109Only those who worship the “Idirdewadegaer (perhaps turttevatakal, “demons, goblins, evil spirits”), believing them to be gods, may be described as heathens, and as not recognising their creator. The author goes on to acknowledge that there are “lying poets” among the Tamils, but denies that their works are “accepted by us as law­ books.” It is the Puranas which describe how one may be rid of one’s sins, and if one performs the ceremonies prescribed in them, and gives the Brahmins their due, one may be free of sin.110 We have no record of how Ziegenbalg may have responded to this writer, and indeed no certainty that he responded directly at all,1,1 but some indication of how the missionaries might have responded can be gained from examining a third Tamil work printed by the mission. “The letter of the Tranquebar Gurus to the Tamils” This work is a letter written by Ziegenbalg and Grttndler in 1717, and entitled Tarankanpatiyile yirukkira kurumdrkal yinta-t-teca-t-tara yirukkira tamilar ellarukkum elutina nirupam (“The letter written by the gurus in Tranquebar to all the Tamils who live in this country”). The letter was printed in Tamil on 17 December 1717, but with the year 1718 on the title page, and a German translation was printed twelve days later."2 109 HB I: 926-7. 1.0 HB I: 929. 1.1 See Ziegenbalg and Grttndler, “Apologia”, p. 58; Moritzen, ed., Von denAnfangen evangelischer Mission, p. 143, cited above. 112 HB III, 33. Con.: 931. On the printing o f the letter and its German translation, see Ziegenbalg and GrOndler to Francke, Tranquebar, 22.12.1717, AFSt/M: 1 C 10: 44/45; Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefef p. 502.

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Jeyaraj dates the first printed edition of this letter, which he calls “Brief an die Heidenschaft,” to 1712, arguing that therefore Akkiyanam could not have been the first work printed on the Tamil press.113 He states that he discovered four editions of the letter (1712, 1718, 1733 and 1744) in the library of the Franckesche Stiftungen, but the date on the title page of the copy he cites as a 1712 edition (MBFS C:38:93), is 1722 (ayirattu elunutt-irupatturentam). Moreover, not only do the missionaries’ letters repeatedly state that the first work to be printed was Akkiyanam,m but the Tamil type, cast in Halle, did not arrive in Tranquebar until August or September 1713.'15There is no mention of this letter {Kurumarkal elutim nirupam) prior to 1717, although the earlier (unprinted) Paraparavasttu eluti anuppina nirupam of 1710 is mentioned under the title “Ein Brief an die Malabarische Heydenschaft” in the mission diary for 1712.1,6 In addition to the four Tamil editions of Kurumarkal elutina nirupam (1718 [i.e. 1717], 1722, 1733 and 1744)117 and the German translation (reprinted in the Halle Reports"*), a Danish translation by the secretary to the Tranquebar Commandant’s privy council, Rasmus Hansen Attrup, was published on the mission press in 1719.1,9 The tone of Kurumarkal elutim nirupam, at least in the German translation, is markedly different from that of both the Paraparavasttu eluti anuppina nirupam and Akkiyanam. The emphasis is less on the fact that the Tamils are heathen, than on the fallen nature of all humankind. “The earth, on which we and you live, is one earth. There is only one God, who had us and you bom on this earth, and just as he has all people in this world born, so he also has them all die, and demands an appropriate account from all those who have lived.”120The missionaries write that they have found the Tamils beyond reproach in many aspects 113 Jeyaraj, Inkulturation, p. 146; see Jeyaraj, Ziegenbalgs "Genealogie der malabarischen Gdtter", p. 485; Jeyaraj, Genealogy o f the South Indian Deities, p. 356. "4 See Lehmann, ed., Alte Briefe, p. 326, HB I: 633,1: 923, II: 36. 115 Ziegenbalg and GrQndler to Francke, Tranquebar, 9.9.1713, AFSt/M: 1 C 5: 27/28p; Ibid. p. 285. 1,6 HB I: 332. 117 The third and fourth editions appeared under a slightly different title: Tarankanpafiyile irukkum kurumarka]a tamila-c-catiydr elldrukkum elutina nirupam. "*HB II, 18. Con.: 259-269. 119Et brev hvilket a f de Kongelige Danske missionarier i del Malabariske sprog er de Malabariske hedninger paa kystem Coromandel bleven tilsendt. Ferst i det Tydske sprog a f Missionarieme oversat, og nufordansket a f Rasmus Hansen Attrup. Tranquebar: trykt i det Kongel. Danske Missions-Bogtrykkerie, 1719. 120 HB II, 18. Con.: 259.

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of their corporeal life. While the Tamils are reproached for engaging in ceremonies, offerings, purifications, prayers and other practices taught by the Brahmins and priests which are impotent to purify the soul from sin, or to achieve salvation, the letter acknowledges that some among them have come closer to the truth: Even some of the fianikal among you have given written testimony that all such [ceremonies] are false, and merely such ceremonies and works which hinder salvation, and do not allow anyone to achieve wisdom [ftanam]. They have also rejected all your religious practices as unfit, and have taught all kinds of doctrines, dealing with sin and virtue, about which they have also written books. Much of what they have taught is indeed in accord with reason and propriety. But they provide only this and that doctrine, that you should avoid sin, and practise virtue; they do not, however, show you the ways and means by which you should convert, nor how you could become virtuous people, nor how true virtue and those good works which are in accordance with faith may be practiced, nor how you ought rightfully to worship the invisible God, nor how you might conduct yourself in this world according to his will and be saved. In this way even the doctrine of those among you who are somewhat rational is inadequate and false, and not able to improve or to save you.121 Although the Tamils are said in KurumarkaI elutina nirupam to have erred greatly in that which concerns the soul, the quest for salvation and the practice of religion,122 there are no passages equivalent to those in Paraparavasttu e\uti amppim nirupam, in which Ziegenbalg has God repeatedly command the Tamils to smash their idols and bum their books, or Akkiyanam, in which those who gave up akkiyanam are said to have burnt the books of the poets who had deceived them and broken the idols which they had been worshipping as tevakal.m The altered tone of Kurumarka] elutina nirupam may owe something to the reception of Akkiyanam. Like the change of akkiyanam and akkiyanikal to mennanamillavarkal and meHnanam-illamai in the later edition of Akkiyanam, this is no doubt primarily a matter of presentation rather than an indication of any more substantial change in the missionaries' position. Ziegenbalg’s oral exchanges (Gesprache) with his Hindu interlocuters at this time, as recorded in the Halle Reports, remain robust. But the evidence of 121 HB II, 18. Con.: 262. 122 HB II, 18. Con.: 261. 123 Akkiyanam chapter 2.

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the three texts written to the Hindus, together with the Malabarian Correspondence, indicates that Ziegenbalg was engaged in a genuine dialogue with his Tamil correspondents, and one can only speculate on how that dialogue would have developed, had Ziegenbalg’s part in it not been cut short by his premature death.124

124 Research for this paper was begun during tenure o f an Alexander von Humboldt Foundation Research Fellowship at the Franckeschen Stiftungen zu Halle and MartinLuther-Universit&t, Halle-Wittenberg.

THE MISSION INSTRUCTION Anders Nergaard This article is a commentary on the source 01 Royal Appointment and Instructions to the first Missionaries ‘printed in Appendix I.

Theological and canonical provisions The start of the mission at Tranquebar led to very important theological and canonical debates. Some theologians had great reservations against the planned mission, while others defended it. This important, necessary and fruitful theological debate manifested itself in a series of polemical texts in Latin,1in which the theologians explained their views on the debate openly and strongly in good academic manner. These polemical texts are worth reading even today. The resistance from the orthodox theologians of the so-called “Wittenberg school” was not fatuous, as it has often been described in the mission literature. Rather, it arose from a real theological concern about the Lutheran Church and was, in the context of the start of the mission, a concern mainly about official Lutheran theology, which the orthodox theologians strongly defended against the official Roman Catholic theology. In this connection we should remember that the period around 1700 was characterized in Lutheran Europe, not least in Denmark, by a very justified fear, in Denmark at any rate, of a Catholic counter-reformation. The orthodox side emphasized the fact that it was a necessary prerequisite for a Lutheran pastor to be nominated by a congregation (rite vocatus, Confession Augustana XIV). There was a conscious desire not to create a central Lutheran “new Rome”, from which priests would be sent out to disenfranchised congregations. The sending out of missionaries to Tranquebar threatened this important aspect for the first time in the history of the Lutheran Church. It was, therefore, of utmost 1A comprehensive list of the Latin polemical literature in Nordisk Missions Tidsskrift% 1995, pp. 266-67.

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importance to find a theological and canonical way out for the mission so that there was no danger of the “official” Catholic theology entering the Lutheran Church through the back door. A possible, and indeed an only way out, both theologically and canonically, was the Lutheran King who, according to the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648, had a cura religionis. According to Luther’s Small Catcchism, the head of the household was responsible for teaching his servants the Christian faith. The Lutheran King was a kind of “suprafather” for the inhabitants of his kingdom and he therefore had the right to nominate pastors in the name of the congregation and send them out. The evangelical call to mission (Matthew 28, 19) is never mentioned in connection with the beginning of the mission at Tranquebar, and it is also not invoked in the instruction. It is symbolically portrayed in the first charming picture drawn by the missionaries of the Indian congregation in the first “Halle Report”.2The Tamil words “thy kingdom come” are ascribed to the two representatives of the Indian congregation in Tranquebar being portrayed here for the first time; the ship, Fridericus IV, is anchored there. The King has heard the call of the congregation and sends out (several) missionaries. In this first picture one therefore sees a Tamil congregation “calling out”! The initial proxy call by the King is now replaced by a proper call from the congregation. In the beginning, however, this call was based in the cura religionis of the King, and it made the mission possible without endangering the Lutheran office of the pastor. Since Denmark was at that time the only Lutheran country with significant overseas colonies, Denmark and the Danish King were the only means to start a Lutheran mission. Fortunately, the Danish King, Frederik IV, was also very aware of the cura religionis, which was also inscribed in the Danish Royal Law (“Lex Regia”, 1665). The encounter of the Pietistic “will to mission” with the orthodox “Danish” possibility led to the “Danish-Halle mission”,3 the pioneer of the Protestant Mission. Author of the Instruction The management of the practical as well as the theological problems at the start of the Tranquebar mission was entrusted to the German court chaplain Franz Julius Liitkens (1650-1712) who had been at the Court 2 HB 1, between p. 113 and 114. 3 Der Kdniglich D&nischen Missionarien aus Ost-Indien eingesandte ausfuehrliche Berichte (hereafter HB), cont. I, pp. 113-114.

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of Frederik IV since 1704. We will not go into the difficult practical problems he often faced, but he used good judgment in dealing with the even more difficult theological problems. It is important to know that Ltitkens studied at the orthodox university of Wittenberg from 16681673. He knew and acknowledged the orthodox viewpoints. He went to a great deal of trouble in formulating the royal appointment of the missionaries and the royal instruction to be given to them.4 Ltttkens did not know Danish and generally worked with Latin. This fact was to prove, by lucky chance, to be very significant for the Lutheran mission. The royal cura religionis could only be invoked - both theologically and canonically - for sending out someone to work within the borders of the Danish colony of Tranquebar (in Ltttkens’ papers fines tranquebargienses). When the papers were translated into Danish and German by secretaries in the Danish Chancellery, this became “in our territory and in neighbouring regions” (which can also be an entirely correct translation of the Latin word). It was formally (also) a correct translation, but it did not reproduce the meaning. Through the extended Latin meaning o f ‘"fines” (not a boundary but - also - the neighbouring regions) a comprehensive mission became possible from Tranquebar, indeed a world mission! The world consists, after all, of a chain of “neighbouring regions”. Ltttkens carried out even the preliminary work on the mission instruction in Latin. The final form that was given to the missionaries was also in Latin, since they couldn’t understand Danish. A translation of the Latin text is given in Appendix I in eleven sections as reproduced in Homung.s For linguistic reasons we can assume that the Latin version is the original. Therefore, the direct and indirect quotes are from the enchiridion (the Latin and not the German edition of Luther’s Small Catechism). The History of the Instruction The first Lutheran mission instruction, which Ltttkens wrote for the first missionaries in autumn 1711, proved to be enduring, and also became paradigmatic in later mission dealings. From time to time the missionaries in Tranquebar made suggestions for new instructions,6 4 Appointment and instruction and their Latin drafts in the Rigsarkiv, Copenhagen, Danske Kancelli; the appointment in D34a, “Ostindiske Sager”; the instruction in A90. 5 Joh. Christoph Homung, De conversione Paganorum, Kiel 1717, p. 60ff. 6 So, for example, Ziegenbalg, in a letter: Archives o f the Francke Foundations, (hereafter AFSt) M 1 C 17:1.

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but the mission Directors never used them. The main problem was that the instruction did not lay out any guidelines for the relationship of the mission to the colonial authorities. The instruction was used in an unchanged form for all missionaries from 1711 to 1796. A new instruction, which was, however, not well formulated, was used only in 1798 when the missionary Lambert Christian Frttchtenicht was sent out.7 The Individual Sections The instruction is clear and self-explanatory and, therefore, requires very few explanations. The preamble lays down - and this is of prime importance - that the missionary is constitutes and can thus consider himself as being nominated and sent by the King according to Lutheran theology and canonical law. § 1 and 2: The task of the mission was not to lead the Indians into European life and into the established European church (the Danish Zion church), but the opposite: the missionaries were expected to go into the Indian language, the way of life and, more literally, into the Indian areas, and this “Indian ness” was to be a prescription for missionary work.8 The Indians were not expected to become Europeans by accepting Christianity, rather the European missionaries had to become “Indian”. § 3: Here, at the beginning, one can already feel the early effects of the Enlightenment, where the missionaries liked to use the “natural knowledge of god” in a pantheistic manner.9 The instruction does not deny this possibility, but it refers in a proper Lutheran-orthodox manner primarily to the word of god in the Bible. § 4: The missionaries were bound by the symbolic books that were obligatory in Denmark, i.e. the Holy Scriptures, the three symbols of the Old Church, the Confessio Augustana invarianta and Martin Luther’s Small Catechism. The Danish church decrees as laid down in the Danish church ritual of 1685 was also binding on the mission. § 5: The inspiration of the “responsibility of the head of the household” in Luther’s Small Catechism is evident. 7 See Anders Nwgaard, Mission und Obrigkeit. Die D&nisch-hallesche Mission in Tranquebar 1706-1845. GUtersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1988, p. 206. 8 See Anders Norgaard (pi. quote the article by me, at the end the opening prayer as recited by a layman). 9 See Anders Nergaard, Mission und Obrigkeit, p. 197.

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§ 6: Mission is an exemplary manner o f association with people.

§ 7: The (abused) system of perquisites common at that time, where a pastor could, and had to, constantly demand money from the congregation as part of his salary, was forbidden to the missionaries. They were possibly the first Danish pastors to receive a fixed salary. § 8: Mission is only possible through prayer to God. § 9: There were normally two Danish pastors in the Danish Zion church, who only looked after the Europeans and did not have any missionary obligations. Their period of service was normally limited to two years. The missionaries’ relations with the changing Danish pastors differed; often it was quite good. However, the Europeans and the Indians lived in separate parts of the town and, partly because of this, but partly also because of their brief period of stay, the Danish priests hardly knew about the life of the Indians in Tranquebar and could not help the missionaries in their “Indian” work. § 10: The duty to send reports to the King was often used as a kind of threat in the difficult conflicts with the unwilling authorities of the trading company.

THE B6VINGH CONTROVERSY Niels-Peter Moritzen This article gives an explanation to the ‘Preface o f Bdvingh's Book’ in Appendix 1, number OS o f this publication.

Johann Georg Bdvingh, born on 12 November 1676, was ordained as a missionary on 31 October 1708 in Copenhagen along with Magister Johannes Erast GrOndler. He arrived in Tranquebar on 20 July 1709 and stayed there till 25 August 1711. He then travelled to Bengal and left for Europe from there on 20 March 1712. At the beginning of 1713 he was in Copenhagen, and on 21 September 1714 he was installed as a pastor in Kirchtimpke near Bremen which was under the Danish crown till 1715. He died there on 6 January 1726. Why should we devote our attention today to this fourth missionary if not on account of the controversy caused, or rather, generated by a text he had written. This text was handed over in 1712 by “a good friend in Holstein”, the addressee, to a third person who then published it. Of the forty-six pages of the text only pages twenty-six to forty-six are controversial. They were used by critics of the Danish-Halle mission and of Halle Pietism as material and evidence for a fierce polemics. After his return Bdvingh encountered opposition from the Mission Board with regard to two points. The Board rejected his proposal to set up a second Danish mission in Bengal and to send him there. Bdvingh had pinned his hopes on this and he had expressly told his bride in Kiel that she would have to travel with him. The second point was with regard to further publications. Bdvingh was in the process of having a revised edition of his text published in Flensburg. This was confiscated on strict instructions from Halle to this effect. He was also asked to take a pledge not to publish anything more about the mission. This went beyond normal censorship by the Superintendent General which could be evaded by an anonymous publication, or by publishing abroad. As far

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as this point was concerned, pressure was brought to bear on him, but a formal declaration he had written was accepted. In this he pledged “not to publish anything that was prejudicial to the glorious work of the mission, or to the said mission or the missionaries including previous controversial writings, except if his office and his name were attacked, in which case he would be forced to defend his reputation in an appropriate manner.”1 Did he abide by this? I believe he did.2 In 1714 he edited and published a text in Hamburg, in another country therefore, which purported to be a second improved edition of the Curious information about the Hottentots. It is true that the text also contains this information, but in the first nine pages Bdvingh distances himself from the first text. He writes that it was published against his wishes, that parts of the text were changed and that some parts had been written in great haste. The nature of the text, he writes further, was not meant to be polemical, but he had only sought to remedy errors and effect improvements. The text, he states, is also cited wrongly leading to a change in its meaning. He does not revoke anything, he corrects nothing, he only tones it down without adding anything new. In 1716 he again made a public statement. Prof. Joachim Lange had mentioned Bftvingh on two pages of his work Die richtige Mittelstrasse (The correct middle-path). BOvingh’s reply to this comprised twentynine pages and appeared in Unschuldige Nachrichten (Innocent News) in Leipzig, a journal of the Orthodoxy which attacked Pietism. The essential theme here - along with a lot of crude polemics - is the question whether one can declare a person as not having been bom anew. One learns nothing of what had happened in India except that B&vingh had spent almost three-quarters of a year in Bengal where his work had been blessed. Once again nothing is revoked or corrected, but neither were the old accusations repeated. The Danish Mission Board treated Bftvingh positively on two counts. He received his missionary’s salary for the interim period without being asked to do anything for it. In addition, he was given a vicarship far away in Kirchtimpke near Bremen. He was, therefore, not dismissed; on the contrary, he got a position for life. 1 Elfriede Bachmann, Die Lebensbeschreibung des Johann Georg Boevingh, in: Rotenburger Schriften. Rotenburg. 48/49, 1978, pp. 141-142. 1 Contrary to Hans-Wemer Gensichen, “Neue Materialien und Forschungen zur FrOhgeschichte der evangelischen Mission. II. Der Fall BOvingh”, Zeitschrift fur Mission. Stuttgart, Basel.7, 1981.

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Bdvingh’s work in the mission and his points of criticism have been dealt with in great detail by Ziegenbalg and Griindler in the Apologia {Apology), written in 1713 on instructions from Francke. This text, however, was only published in 2002. Halle held it back in the eighteenth century in order not to revive the controversy which had died down. The extensive and not easily decipherable manuscript was therefore preserved in the archives but was hardly used. Halle and Copenhagen decided to remain silent. Modem researchers and scholars have naturally not abided by this. We will briefly go into four portrayals. Johannes Ferdinand Fenger, the Danish scholar, who used Danish sources, has to be mentioned first. He placed Bdvingh among the critics of the mission and claims that he was a tool in the hands of a secret and embittered party which wanted to destroy the mission.3 “In his point of view of the mission Bdvingh allies himself with its most bitter enemies, Commandant Hassius and the Papists. Much of what he alleges is careless talk, much of it evidently false. His prophecy of doom ruined the subsequent history of the mission.”4 This is the judgment of a precise historian who speaks from the perspective of the further work of the mission that survived the age of orthodox polemics. Wilhelm Germann is probably the first to have used the material from the archives in Halle. His portrayal of the episode is 20 pages long and is convincing because he subjects all the persons involved to a critical examination. He also shows how Bdvingh was initially selected as a missionary. Bdvingh had become the fried of a student in Jena, Andreas Hammerich, following him to Kiel and later to Copenhagen. Here Hammerich stayed with the court chaplain, Dr. Lutkens, and Bdvingh thus became part of an interim selection where he created a good impression.5Hammerich was also the addressee of the travelogues and letters; he apparently also did not agree to the publication but was pestered and tricked.6

3 Johannes Ferdinand Fenger, Geschichte der Trankebarschen Mission. Grimma, 1843, p.95. 4 Fenger, Geschichte der Trankebarschen Mission, p. 102. 5 Germann, Ziegenbalg und Plutschau. Die GrOndungsjahre der Trankebarschen Mission. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Pietismus nach handschriftlichen Quellen und dltesten Drucken. Two Volumes. Erlangen: Andreas Deichert, 1868, pp. 121-122. 6Germann, Ziegenbalg und Pliitschau, p. 151.

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From the opinions given here one gets a feeling for Germann’s attempt at fairness. The missionary candidate, Polykarpus Jordan, who set out with Bdvingh, said later: “He could not get on with the world, because he did not want to go along with its intentions.” Plutschau said in retrospect: “I felt that if 1 won Mr. Bdvingh over, I would have won over an entire congregation. But once he had cut himself off from church, confession and from Holy Communion I was, after many admonitions, forced to let him go and am now happy that he is no longer here. Germann does not wish to pass a final judgment on Bdvingh, “at least not to reproduce the disastrous manner of the people at Halle of passing summary judgments. Bdvingh had a love for the mission ... he always wanted to go back to Bengal.”7 Lehmann’s account does not provide new insights. ‘They are the letters of a young missionary written in the heat of the sun and of the battle.”8 Incidents such as this, he says, are not at all rare in the history of the mission. The last treatment of Bdvingh is by Gensichen. This was occasioned by the appearance of a new source, namely Bdvingh’s curriculum vita. Like others before him, Gensichen considers Bdvingh’s personality to be one of the main causes of the controversy, namely “the discrepancy between claims and achievements which would bother Bdvingh throughout his life and which he would never really be able to overcome.”9 Like Fenger, Gensichen sees the reason for the publicity given to Bdvingh’s critique in the planned criticism of Pietism in Halle and of the mission by the Orthodoxy. He also adds his own conjectures to this. Apart from Bdvingh’s curriculum vitae and Ziegenbalg’s Apologia the new, or rather the presently more easily accessible, sources will consist soon of the first of the two of Ziegenbalg’s prison manuscripts Vom gottgefalligen Lehrstand {The noble teachingprofession) comprising 716 pages which has hardly been used till now in the Halle archives. When one reads this text the conflict appears to have been practically unavoidable. The contrasting image to the noble teacher, i.e. the real preacher of the gospel, is, for Ziegenbalg, the hireling. The latter’s education as a

7Germann, Ziegenbalg und Pliitschau, p. 156. 8Amo Lehmann, Es begann in Tranquebar. Die Geschichte der ersten evangelischen Kirche in Indien, Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1956, p. 126. 9 Hans-Wemer Gensichen, “Neue Materialien”, p. 107.

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theologian is characterized not so much by love of the holy book and the practice of piety (Praxis Pietatis) but by knowledge of Aristotle’s heathen philosophy together with the knowledge of the disciplines of philosophy like metaphysics, logic, rhetoric, the art of disputation and such like. It was in these very disciplines that Bdvingh had excelled while at the university and for which he had gained a reputation among the students. Ziegenbalg also citicises the manner in which the hireling gets a vicarship meant to ensure his livelihood, namely by establishing and cultivating connections with influential people. Bdvingh’s family had tried in this very manner to get him a vicarship. Anyhow, he was thirty-three years old and engaged to be married. At this stage he became part of a joint household where everything, even the work, had to be regulated unitedly and in a brotherly fashion. The unwritten rules demanded cordial harmony. In addition, the expectations about the progress of missionary work nurtured by the Halle Reports were fairly high, but what one saw and heard was disillusioning. The senior most in the group was the reserved Plutschau, his confessor. But the motor was Ziegenbalg who was more than six years younger that the other three. Why had he been imprisoned for four months? Ziegenbalg gives him his diary to read but, instead of showing solidarity, Bdvingh asks critical questions. A conflict was practically unavoidable, and people outside the mission soon noticed it as well. In order to get information one could also turn to other Europeans, and, indeed, this could hardly be avoided. There is some circumstantial evidence that the conflict was used by opponents to create difficulties for the mission, but clear proof of this is lacking. Should one go into all the details? Does one have to pass a final judgment? Some of the points raised by Bdvingh could have been taken seriously. Bdvingh’s essentially constructive suggestion was to place the work in India under a superior authority. Ziegenbalg was of the same opinion and he himself became a superintendent. Bdvingh had imagined that his friend, Hammerich, would help him in achieving this through the court chaplain, Dr. LUtkens. This was how church politics sometimes functioned in those days. But Liitkens fell out of favour and died soon thereafter. The opponents in the controversy at that time saw the question of the new birth of a Christian and its consequences as the main point of quarrel. Halle did not consider Bdvingh to have been bom anew because

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they did not find the attendant characteristics in him. It was this which Bflvingh regarded as a pharisaical delusion. BOvingh spent the last fourteen years of his life as a pastor in Kirchtimpke. With marriage and a vicarship his life seems to have become more tranquil. The curriculum vita was not written for publication and the impression created in it is one of honesty and piety. Several weaknesses are portrayed without being glossed over and he often finds an occasion to praise god for the help and goodness he has received. Bdvingh did not have such a flair for languages and was not as dedicated in learning them like Ziegenbalg. He was not as enthusiastic a teacher of children as Pliitschau. He was obviously completely incapable of teamwork. But he was definitely not just a problem, in other words: problems are also part of a mission. Therefore, apart from the central points of his critique, other things written by him should be read; texts that show him in a different light than how the critics of the controversy saw him.

AN ANGLICAN CHAPLAIN AND THE LUTHERAN MISSION Geoffrey A. Oddie This is a commentary on a letter from the Reverend Mr. William Stevenson (1683-1760), Chaplain to the Honourable East India Company at Fort St. George, to the Secretary o f the Society (at London) for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK), dated Fort St. George, 27 December 1716printed in Appendix I, number 07J

The Rev. William Stevenson was rector of Tasburgh in Norfolk. He was appointed Chaplain in the East India Company’s service at Fort St. George in 1713 - a position he held for approximately five years until his resignation and return to England in 1718. Recommended for his learning, piety and quietness of temper, he was widely respected and, for the short time he was in India, influential among Company officials and other Europeans in Madras. According to Frank Penny, historian of the Church in Madras, Stevenson’s appointment marked “an ecclesiastical epoch in the history of the Presidency. He was not a more able man than some of his predecessors, nor more distinguished as a scholar, nor more keenly alive to the importance of the work.. .but [he] was more clear­ headed and practical than any of them.”2 The timing of Stevenson’s appointment was especially propitious for the SPCK. While the chief object of the society, founded in 1699, was to strengthen the Christian faith among white settlers in the Americas and among nominal Christians in Britain, before long it was also working for the extension of the Gospel among nonChristians. Having heard news of the Danish mission at Tranquebar, 1This letter was printed in An Abstract o f the Annual Reports and Correspondence o f the SPCK from the Commencement o f its Connexion with the East India Mission A. D. 1709 to the Present Day. London, 1814. 2 Frank Penny, The Church in Madras being the history o f the ecclesiastical and missionary action o f the East India Company in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, London: Smith, Elder and Co, 1904, p. 140.

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it established what was known as the East India Committee in 1810. However, as members of the committee lived in Britain they were unable to supervise their work in Madras and, for this reason, were heavily dependent on the information and advice of friends on the spot. Stevenson’s term in Madras was therefore an opportunity for the Society to gain much needed information. Indeed, according to Penny, Stevenson soon became the Society’s trusted correspondent “to whom they confided their money, their hopes, and their policy.”3 Stevenson appears to have written at least two letters expanding on what he saw as the possible future role of die SPCK in South India one of them spelling out the nature of the work that could and should be undertaken among Europeans and Anglo Indians, and the other, written in December 1716 after a visit to Tranquebar, outlining plans for missionary work in the region. The latter, which is reproduced below, is undoubtedly one of the most important texts advocating Protestant missionary work in India to be written in the eighteenth century. It preceded William Carey’s Enquiry into the Obligations o f Christians to use means for the conversion o f the Heathens (1792) by seventy-six years. However, while Carey’s remarks encompassed the whole world, Stevenson confined his comments to the need and feasibility of work among the people of South India. His letter to the Secretary of the SPCK was issued by the society to its subscribers as a single noteworthy communication, and was also included in a subsequent volume of letters from missionaries. But while it was recognized by the recipients at the time as an important document, it is difficult to say what effect or effects it had on the society’s subscribers or on the public. Certainly the SPCK during this period was not a large organization. In 1712 there were 450 members of the society, eighty of whom were “residing members” viz. those living in or near London who might be expected to attend committee meetings, and in 1763 there were “six hundred” odd subscribing and corresponding members.4 However, numbered among these supporters were some of the most influential and highly placed people in England - bishops, gentry and lords, even members of the Royal family - many of whom were in a strong position to influence others and help finance missionary work in India.s 3 Penny, The Church in Madras, p. 141. * Daniel L. Brunner, Halle Pietists in England: Anthony William Boehm and the Societyfor Promoting Christian Knowledge, Gdttingen: Vandenhoeck & Rupecht, 1988, p. 27; SPCK. Annual Report, 1763. 5See, for example, the benefactors listed in annual reports for 1733,1739 and 1742 and also Brunner's account of the status and prominence of founders of the SPCK, pp. 23-25.

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Stevenson’s letter is divided into three main sections (1) his discussion of the chief impediments to mission (2) the “great encouragements” and (3) the methods that might be most effectual in prosecuting the work. (1) His reference to impediments refers to some of the most serious difficulties that had by that time become clearly apparent to Ziegenbalg and others connected with the Tranquebar mission. These included the behaviour and bad example of Europeans professing the Christian religion, the opposition of Roman Catholic priests and the higher status Indians’ fear of losing caste should they convert to the Protestant Christianity. (2) Stevenson’s account of “encouragements” reflects both his experience and discussion with Ziegenbalg in India, as well as European Christian ideas and assumptions he brought with him when he settled in Madras. a. Like Carey, who followed long afterwards, he had to counter the idea that the heathen, if they were to be converted, would be won over through miracles. For those who believed in the continuing direct and miraculous intervention of God in human affairs, this suggested that human planning and efforts for mission were unnecessary. However, like Protestants and Evangelicals of a later date, Stevenson took the view that miracles terminated with the apostolic age, and held that even if God did display his miraculous power in the mission field, it must be to those who employed additional means. b. Underlying his approach to mission is a deep-seated admiration for the character, attitudes and achievements of the Tamil people, an admiration and liking for “the Malabars” which he shared with Ziegenbalg. Having met them and seen Ziegenbalg at work, he declared that they were “an ingenious and seemingly well-disposed people.” They not only showed “a greater sagacity, a quick fancy, and readier apprehension even of moral truths” than the common people in Britain, but also displayed a range of other virtues such as freedom from violent anger, temperance and a capacity for self-denial. c. This analysis of the Tamils’ character and endowments harmonized with Stevenson’s views of the role and influence of natural religion. According to this belief (a widely accepted principle which has been examined in some detail elsewhere),

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all of humanity is endowed with moral feelings or a conscience, and with the capacity for rational thought and enquiry.6 According to Stevenson, natural religion (the fruits of which were already so clearly apparent in the life and achievements of the Tamil people) would constitute an admirable basis for the teachings and spread of Christianity. In his view, there was a “reasonableness” in Christian doctrine, and the Christian missionary, appealing to reason and an innate sense of conscience in his hearers, would have little difficulty in convincing them of the inadequacy of some of their doctrines and of the truth of the Christian Gospel. Indeed, in developing missions in South India, missionaries would be working for the conversion of a people who were already half there. “In fact, their acknowledgement of one true God, and of a future state, and the just notions they have on many moral virtues, gives us reason to believe, that they are already somewhat prepared for embracing the other principles of the Christian religion.” d. Stevenson’s approach to mission raises an issue that has proved to be of fundamental importance in the spread of Protestant Christianity in India. The question has always been how far is it possible to build Christian faith on the basis on what is already there? Early Evangelicals who took up mission nearly a century later, could not ignore notions of natural religion. However, unlike Stevenson, they argued that the Hindus’ knowledge and understanding of God as perceived through reason and conscience had been either dimmed or completely overshadowed by the ethos and teachings of Hindu religion. The people of India who had once known something through the light of natural religion, had long lost their way. They lived in darkness, and there was no longer any possibility of building Christianity on the basis of their degraded condition as seen in the irrationality and evils of Hindu teachings and practice. These views, expounded by Ward, Duff and others, were subsequently countered by missionaries who, through increasing experience and a broader and a more mature knowledge, discovered much that was worthwhile in Indian religions. It was these men and women, increasingly conspicuous during the second half of the ‘Geoffrey A.Oddie, ImaginedHinduism. British Protestant Missionary Constructions o f Hinduism, 1793-1900, Delhi: Sage (forthcoming), Ch.10.

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nineteenth century, who developed more systematically what became known as the idea of fulfilment. This notion, which is at the basis of Stevenson’s argument, is that the best, most noble and true in other religions is completed or fulfilled in the Christian gospel. (3) Stevenson’s discussion of missionary methods anticipated some of the mission society policies adopted and developed during the nineteenth century. Among these measures were the establishment of missionary training institutions in Europe which would teach the necessary languages, and an insistence that missionaries should not only correspond with the home society, but keep journals of their progress while itinerating in the countryside. But perhaps the most remarkable of Stevenson’s suggestions under this heading was his proposal that the missionary society should be thoroughly ecumenical. It should employ missionaries “of the several societies in England, Denmark and Germany who have engaged to support the Protestant Mission” and, instead of propagating sectarian views, its missionaries should operate on the basis of “a short abstract of the Christian doctrine” and an agreed catechism. In this way Stevenson was proposing something like the current World Council of Churches’ statement of faith and a common approach to mission which included the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel and was probably broader in concept than the ‘evangelical’ comity and sense of collaboration which emerged in India in the nineteenth century.

AARON - THE FIRST INDIAN PASTOR Heike Liebau In this article the author gives some background information to the source 11 “Biography o f Pastor Aaron " in Appendix I.

The biography of the first Indian Pastor, Aaron (1698-1745) was written by the missionaries in Tranquebar (Dal, Bosse, Obuch, Wiedebrock, Kohlhoff, Zeglin, Maderup) after Aaron’s death (25 June 1745).' The text was based, on the one hand, on a description of his life that Aaron had himself written in 1733,2 on the other hand, on information and experiences gained by working and living with the national preacher. Aaron belongs to the group of Indian co-workers of the mission about whom the sources generally don’t provide much information. The specific characteristic of mission sources also lies in the fact that they are mostly written by European missionaries who, as a rule, allow the local co-workers to have only an indirect say. This is one of the reasons why the Indian co-workers only have a marginal role till now in the steadily expanding study of mission history. The information that we have represents opinions of the European co-workers, who the Indian employees were subordinated to. These texts have to be analysed, and the information about the Indians therein would have to be placed in the relevant historical and personal context. In other words, Eurocentric documents have to be used in order to reconstruct the lives of the local mission co-workers. However, the system of reporting in the Tranquebar mission offers some advantages in comparison to the reports of other mission societies.

1Der Kdnglich-DSnischen Missionarien aus Ost-Indien eingesandter ausfiiehrlichen Berichten (hereafter HB) 63. Cont. p. 513. 1HB 37. Cont. pp. 168ff.

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It is correct to say that here too the average numerical proportion: one fourth European and three-fourths Indian co-workers, is not reflected adequately in the documents. But, apart from the fact that the missionaries regularly wrote about the work of their Indian co-workers, there are a few special characteristics of the Halle Mission Reports which allow for a systematic search for information about the Indian side. 1. Life histories play a central role in the Mission Reports. On the occasion of the death of a co-worker a longish obituary is generally written, in which the course of life of the departed person is described. The life histories of Europeans are, as a rule, more extensive because self-written descriptions of the early years are available, whereas for the Indian co-workers this is the exception. The announcements of death are generally linked with a review of the person’s life and with an evaluation of his work. 2. Detailed reports were written when a national preacher or important catechists assumed office. Here we often find the questions that were put to the candidate in the examination and his replies to these questions, as well as a list of duties that awaited this person in his office. In some cases there is also a detailed description of the process of ordination, beginning with the considerations by the missionaries for selection, going on to the preparation of the candidate and ending with the examination. 3. The Indian co-workers in the mission were required - like the European missionaries - to maintain a daily account of their work. At the monthly meeting where they had to render an account of their work they had to read out their reports or have them read out. Some of these reports, written in the beginning on palm leaves and later on paper, have been preserved till today. The published Mission Reports deal with them in different ways. Whereas sometimes only a few facts from the reports of the Indian co-workers are incorporated into the diaries of the missionaries, in other cases there is a full translation of the diary otan Indian co-worker. 4. Along with reports of their life and work there are also - to a lesser extent - letters from Indian co-workers to the authorities in Europe, especially to the Mission Board in Copenhagen and to the Francke Foundations in Halle. These letters were mostly sent in the original to Europe with an attached translation by a missionary. In their replies the European authorities address themselves directly to the “national workers”.

Aaron - the First Indian Pastor

Pastor Aaron (1698-1745).

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The source reproduced here (Aaron’s biography) is in the nature of an obituary. The missionaries had an authentic biography of the national preacher, which he had written when he was ordained in 1733. Immediately after Aaron’s death the missionaries announced that a detailed account of Aaron’s life and the further particulars of his death would follow.3 In his preface to the sixty-three Continuation Gotthilf August Francke stated that this biography would be of great interest to friends of the mission in Europe who were familiar with Aaron from the reports. In these his “loyalty in his different posts” is shown. Francke emphasizes the opinions of members of the congregation about Aaron’s work, which they expressed on the occasion of his selection as a national preacher in 1733 as well as after his death in 1745.4 The biography, written in the third person, first contains a brief evaluation of Aaron’s life and his achievements. In the following extensive description of his life there is a great emphasis placed on the process of Aaron’s religious awakening. Important personal experiences and family developments are interspersed in this life history. There are several references to published accounts of the life of this Indian, and thus this source again offers an overview of preceding sources. This life history contains a detailed examination of the motives for Aaron’s ordination, a comprehensive description of his duties as a national preacher, and a vivid description about the end of his life despite the efforts of European and Tamilian doctors.

(Translated from the German by Rekha Kamath Rajan)

5HB 63. Cont. pp. 513f. 4 HB Preface to the 63rd Cont. p. (71).

JOHANN PHILIPP FABRICIUS AND THE HISTORY OF THE TAMIL BIBLE Rekha Kamath Rajan In this article the author explains the source 12 'Johann Philipp Fabricius to Gotthilf August Francke ’by giving a historical survey o f the Tamil Bible translation.

On 18 October 1756 Johann Philipp Fabricius (1711-1791) wrote a letter to his superior, Prof. Gottfried August Francke in Halle, in response to complaints received by Francke from the missionary George Heinrich Conrad HQttemann (1728-1781) about the work being done on the Tamil Bible. While defending his work of 10 years on the revision of the Tamil Bible, Fabricius went into the factors that made this revision necessary, and added that the need for a revision was not felt by him alone, but that the earlier missionaries in Tranquebar had already begun work on a revision which he, Fabricius, was merely continuing. The version being revised had been translated by Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg (1682-1719) and printed in Tranquebar in 1714 and 1715. Apart from its linguistic shortcomings, which Fabricius mentions in the letter, his main point of contention is that large parts of the original had been paraphrased in such a lengthy manner that the Tamil New Testament was a third longer than in any other language. Since the reading of the Bible was the very foundation of the Lutheran Church, Fabricius perhaps felt that it was imperative that the “magnificent core” have a more “proper and pleasant shell”. Translation as a Cooperative Venture Whereas translations are normally done into the mother tongue of the translator, Bible translations by missionaries are into a foreign language. This being the case, the translation theorist and former American missionary, Eugene Nida, chalks out the methods to be followed in the translation process. He takes it for granted that informants and consultants

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will assist the missionaries and he lays down the qualifications that such people should have.1 When Ziegenbalg embarked on the translation of the New Testament in 1708 he had been in India for only two years. He describes his venture in a letter of 22 August 1708: My foremost concern is now that the Holy Scriptures and the word o f God are translated into this Malabar language as the foundation o f the Christian Church. I pray to God daily to make me fit and able for this work. Although the Malabar language is very different from all European languages, I feel that the word of God can be translated very clearly and distinctly into it. However, it will be impossible to retain the verse form, especially since, owing to the structures of the language, what comes first in Hebrew and Greek would have to come last.2

Ziegenbalg worked alone on the translation using only a writer to whom he could dictate, since he felt that he neither needed any other help nor would he be able to get it if he had so desired. However, it must be mentioned here that from the time he started learning Tamil he worked systematically towards building up a vocabulary of religious terms. He collected several Tamil books written by Roman Catholic missionaries, and admitted that he had been reading them to get a grasp of the relevant style for expressing spiritual matters.3Apart from this, he read as many Tamil books as he could to gain an understanding of the style used in Tamil religious and literary discourse. These readings would have made him aware of the situation of diglossia represented in the differing forms of language used for everyday communication and for literary purposes. Despite this initiation into the language through literary texts Ziegenbalg chose to translate the Bible into colloquial Tamil. When Ziegenbalg reported in March 1711 that he had completed the translation of the New Testament, the news was greeted with jubilation in Protestant Europe. The jubilation seems to have stemmed mainly from the fact that the first Protestant missionary had achieved in 1 Eugene Nida, Bible translating. An Analysis o f Principles and Procedures with special reference to Aboriginal Languages, London: United Bible Societies, 1947, pp. 71-85. 2Quoted in Ch. F. Kremmer, “Unsere tamulische Bibel”, Evangelisch-Lutherisches Missionsblatt, No. 6, March 1862, pp. 281-288, here pp. 28If. 3 See Daniel Jeyaraj, “Early Tamil Bible Translation in Tranquebar", Dharma Deepika, Vol. 1, No. 1, June 1997, pp. 67-77, here p. 69..

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five years what the Roman Catholic missionaries had not done in 200 years.4 It was only Halle which did not appear to have fully shared in this jubilation. In 1713, when the printing press arrived in Tranquebar, they advised the missionaries to go through the translation together, well aware that the efforts of a single individual in such an important work were not enough.5 Ziegenbalg had also begun the translation of the Old Testament, but was not able to complete it due to his premature death in 1719. This work of completion was taken over by Benjamin Schultze (16891760) in 1723. Unlike Ziegenbalg, who had worked alone, Schultze took the assistance of Peter Maleiappan, his writer, and of other learned Tamilians. In a report dated 23 October 1724 he described his method of work in great detail.6 He would read out a verse from the Hebrew Bible and, when he was sure that he had understood the meaning, he repeated it to his writer in Tamil. When the latter, as well as the other Tamilians present, felt that it had been well expressed, Schultze dictated the verse. After it had been written down, the writer would read it out again to ensure that he had not made any mistakes. In addition, Schultze also employed a learned Brahmin who was consulted for particularly difficult words. Schultze mentions the fact that Peter Maleiappen could read and understand German and that he kept the German Bible in front of him while writing to see the structure of the verses. Some of the assistants knew only Tamil, others also spoke Portuguese. The translation thus took shape in a cross-cultural and multi-lingual context with the help of local informants. In fact, Nikolaus Dal (1690-1747) was of the opinion that it was only because of Peter Maleiappen that Schultze’s work turned out better than Ziegenbalg’s attempts.7

4 See Wilhelm Germann, “Die wissenschaftliche Arbeit unsere alten TamulenMissionare mit BerOcksichtigung neuerer Leistungen. Zweiter Beitrag: Die Geschichte der tamulischen Bibel-Ubersetzung“, Missionsnachrichten der Ostindischen Missionsanstalt zu Halle, Leipzig 1865, pp. 53-81, 85-119, here pp. 55-56. 5 See Germann, “Die wissenschaftliche Arbeit”, p.56: “It is advisable that not only Mr. Ziegenbalg again revise the same version, but that Mr. Grilndler too go through it carefully and whatever he feels can be said more clearly and in a better way he should communicate this to Mr. Ziegenbalg.” 6 See Germann, “Die wissenschaftliche Arbeit”, pp.60-61; see also Henry Victor, “Tamil Translation of the Bible by the Danish-Halle Mission During the 18thCentury”, Indian Church History Review, Vol. XVI, No. 1, June 1982, pp. 72-85. 7See Germann, “Die wissenschaftliche Arbeit”, p. 66.

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The players in the second phase of the history of the Tamil Bible translation are chiefly the missionaries Christian Friedrich Pressier (16971738) and Christoph Theodosius Walther (1699- 1741), who undertook a joint revision of Schultze’s translation of the Old Testament before it was printed in Tranquebar. The printing of this revised version was completed in 1728, and in 1734 Walther reported that he, Andreas Worm (1704-1735) and Pressier had begun to revise Ziegenbalg’s translation of the New Testament. The revision was planned from the beginning as a collaborative effort: the missionaries in Tranquebar (only Walther and Pressier after Worm’s death) translated in parts using the Hebrew Bible and Ziegenbalg’s version. This was then given to the catechist Diogo and to another learned Tamilian, who assessed the translation. After this the missionaries would confer on the comments, suggestions and doubts, including those received from Johann Anton Sartorius (17041738) in Madras who also regularly received the translations for his comments. Walther describes this long process in a letter of December 1735 in which he mentions that, apart from Diogo and a Tamil school teacher, Pastor Aaron and a Tamil Catholic also met regularly with the missionaries to discuss the translation. Even for the sake o f one word we would send for learned Malabarians in the city. The word “scandalum” alone cost us 3-4 days. Since the matter itself is unimportant for the heathens, there is also no word for it in their language till now .8

This revision, which was the outcome, as it appears, of a selective collaboration as far as other missionaries were concerned, led to a threepronged fight between the missionaries in Tranquebar, Johann Ernst Geister (?- 1746) in Cuddalore and Benjamin Schultze in Madras. A long and bitter dispute ensued, which has gone down in the history of the Tranquebar mission as the ‘language dispute’ among the missionaries. Johann Philipp Fabricius in Madras sought to put an end to the conflict by drafting a fifteen-point agreement between the missionaries.9 The salient points of this agreement underscore the need to respect the work of their predecessors and to continue using the old versions till the new ones were ready. The operative part of this agreement stated that while every missionary was free to embark on a revision, all such revisions would first be discussed locally and then sent out to the other mission stations, where they would be discussed jointly by all the missionaries 8 See Germann, “Die wissenschaftliche Arbeit”, p.77. 9 Ibid, pp.87-91. The following is also taken from here.

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there and the comments sent back for a review. Fabricius emphasized that suggestions and comments should be substantial, should give priority to the language in use, and should not try to change all words borrowed from Hinduism. Although this draft agreement did not meet with the approval of all the missionaries, and was therefore not binding, it appears to have served Fabricius as a personal framework for his revision of the Bible translation, which is evident in his strong reaction in the letter to attempts made by the missionaries in Tranquebar to make arbitrary corrections in his version, and to start the printing without informing him of these changes. In a letter to G.A.Francke dated 15 January 1745 Fabricius mentions that he had made the acquaintance of a Tamilian who not only knew English but who had also read the English and the Tamil Bible.10 This man, called Muttu, was able to give Fabricus linguistically sound explanations for the doubts he had. After initial discussions in 1743 Fabricius began working with him in earnest on a revision of the New Testament in 1744. He mentions that Muttu’s knowledge not only of English and Tamil, but also of Persian and, to some extent, Arabic was of great help in the work. Missionary Kremmer from the Leipzig Mission writes in 1862 that Fabricius worked diligently and very carefully. He was told, he says, that when he (Fabricius) had gone through a few chapters and had revised them he would call Brahmins, Sudras and Pariahs to his house. They gathered under a large tree in front o f his house and his catechist would read out the revised translation to them and would ask them if they had understood it and whether there were any mistakes in it. If Father Fabricius found any o f the objections raised to be justified, the catechist had to note it down in the translation. On the following day Fabricius would go over these comments once again with a language pandit and they would discuss in detail whether the proposed changes were correct or not."

In the span of about thirty-five years from the time Ziegenbalg began his work on the translation of the New Testament to Fabricius’ revision of this version, the procedure had undergone a radical change. Ziegenbalg’s 10Ibid, pp. 101-108. " See Ch. F. Kremmer, ”Unsere tamulische Bibel”, p. 285; see also Henry Victor, Tamil Translations, p. 81.

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solitary work had metamorphosed into a cooperative effort that not only included the other missionaries but Indian informants as well. If what Kremmer heard is true, Fabricius went beyond cooperation and initiated community participation in his translation procedure.'2 Later Developments The printing of the entire Tamil Bible in the version prepared by Fabricius was completed in 179613five years after the death of Fabricius. Misionary Jacob Klein (1721-1790), who had supervised the printing in Tranquebar, had also died in 1790, and Germann assumes that Christoph Samuel John (1747-1813) took over this work from Klein.14 The further history of the Tamil Bible is characterized by attempts to revise the Fabricius version. Missionary C. T. Rhenius undertook the first attempt. He arrived in Madras in 1814 and embarked on the revision in the following year, which, as Germann points out tongue-in-cheek, was certainly not a simple matter considering his incomplete knowledge of the difficult language.15Rhenius wrote about the guiding principles of his work and these include the following: The translation should not be a literal one, but the peculiarities o f the language o f the source as well as the language into which the translation is being done should be carefully observed. Every translation should simultaneously be an interpretation and an explanation. The faithfulness and the validity o f a translation rests entirely on whether the translator has understood and correctly reproduced the meaning o f the original. A translation based on the meaning is better than a literal one.16

The congregations rejected Rhenius’ translation and even Vedanaiyakan Shastri, the poet of Tanjavur, after reading it, wrote in defense of the “golden translation of the immortal Fabricius.”17 In the 1860s the English Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG) initiated work on a new translation which was completed in 1871, but parts of which had already appeared in the second half of the 1860s. ,J In the letter to G. A. Francke, however, Fabricius only mentions the help given by Muttu. See below. 13Germann, “Die wissenschaftliche Arbeit”, p. 113. Jeyaraj gives the date as 1798. See Daniel Jeyaraj, “Early Tamil Bible Translation”, p. 75. 14Germann, “Die wissenschaftliche Arbeit”, p. 113. 15 Ibid, p. 114. “ Ibid, p. 115. 17 Ibid, p. 116.

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The Madras Bible Society now declared that it would no longer print the Fabricius version, and instructed all its churches and schools to henceforth use only the new translation - the Bower version. One Secretary of the society went so far as to admit the hope that their congregations would now be freed of the “Lutheran leaven”.18 Since Missionary Bower had earlier also commented on the differences between the English Bible and the Fabricius version, Germann stated in 1865: Since such statements allow us to see the hidden intentions behind the revision, our Church at home can certainly expect its missionaries to find it incompatible with their ecclesiastical and national honour to participate in undertakings which, besides the original text, set up the English translation as the norm.19

This development marked the end of the exemplary AnglicanLutheran cooperation of the previous century. Along with the changes in the political situation in India from the eighteenth to the second half of the nineteenth century, English mission societies had, by now, also increased their involvement in India, and were now pushing through their confessional agenda. Boundaries were drawn and, as we see, even national honour invoked. The Lutheran mission, however, did not give up the fight. It appealed to donors and friends for financial support to bring out a new edition of the Fabricius version. The declared intention in 1872 was “to reproduce the Fabricius text as faithfully as possible.” The Lutheran missionaries did not defend the Fabricius version on confessional grounds, but on the basis of the linguistic quality of the translation and its effect on the reader. It is this effect, says Missionary Schwarz in 1874, which makes this version so special for the congregations: Even though the Fabricius version was not talked about as much as the present one, and even though it didn’t cost as much since he did it quietly for no payment, every page is witness to the fact that it was carried out with prayer and in a spirit of humility that does not seek to master the word but, instead, pays heed to the spirit of the word. This is why it is filled with a holy fragrance that charms the heart. When our Christians say that in Fabricius everything is so sweet, so heart melting, so refreshing, while the opposite is true o f the new version, they are completely right.20 " Evangelisch-Lutherisches Missionsblatt, No. 16, August 1874, p. 250. 19Germann, “Die wissenschaftliche Arbeit”, pp. 117-118. 20Evangelisch-Lutherisches Missionsblatt, No. 16, 1874, pp.250-251.

Rekha Kamath Rajan

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Postscript In a letter dated 15 June 1886 J.M.N.Schwarz reports that the Lutherans in Tranquebar had also completed the printing of the second part of the Tamil Old Testament containing the poetic and prophetic books (from Job to Malachi). This letter is quoted here in its entirety: The text that we printed is the same as the one produced by the late Fabricius with his extraordinary knowledge o f the matter and of the language and which was printed here in Tranquebar for the first time between 1770 and 1796. We (my assistants and I, who I will name later) obeyed the instructions o f the esteemed Collegium to the letter, which stated that the Fabricius version should be printed without any changes. This is why we did not attempt to make any changes or improvements. We would not have succeeded in the latter in any case because, even if Fabricius’ translation, like all human endeavours, is not without its faults, it is a work that cannot be surpassed. (...) When I read it through carefully and compare it with the source text I am filled with admiration for the way in which every word o f the source text, indeed every particle, has been taken into consideration and how even the smallest aspect has not been ignored. Yet, the translation is neither stiff nor awkward but flowing and easy to read. (...) Since we had to print the Fabricius version unchanged one would imagine that we would not have had much to do. However, this was not the case. The first edition, which formed the basis o f our work, contained the old orthography and grammatical forms, which were in use a hundred years ago and which have undergone change. In these matters as well as in others, like in the use of the Sandhi (=the compounds), in the separation o f words, in punctuation and in other such things we had to make changes and ensure that these were maintained throughout the work. The parallel passages had to be compared and corrected and proper names had to be written according to certain rules. The old version does not contain many printing errors but, in the later books, especially in the Small Prophets, we noticed a strange thing. Often, not just single words but entire verses are missing. When the Book o f Prophets was being printed Fabricius had already departed this world, and here in Tranquebar, where the entire Old Testament was printed, there were then only two missionaries (John and Rottler) who knew Tamil and who could, therefore, ensure that it was printed correctly. These missionaries, however, had too much work, even that o f their own making, and could not read the proofs. They therefore left the entire matter in the hands of the Tamil foreman who could read the Tamil script but who didn’t understand the matter. Thus, there were very few printing errors but the mistakes

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o f the (writer or) compositor weren’t corrected and were then repeated in all later editions. I must now mention my co-workers, without whose active support I would not have been able to bring this part o f the text through the press. Apart from my brothers Ihlefeld and Handmann who helped whenever they had the time, I must acknowledge my debt o f gratitude to the country pastors Samuel and Pakiam as well as to the teacher Pakiam in the central school. All o f them worked faithfully and untiringly. After my eye-affliction made it impossible, country pastor Samuel read the difficult first proofs very carefully, which made the reading o f further proofs much easier. Teacher Pakiam looked at the spellings and country pastor Pakiam went through the parallel passages carefully. These three men deserve recognition for their work from the Church Council. I would like to suggest that each o f them be given a nicely bound copy of this new edition with some words o f recognition written inside.21

One hundred years after Fabricius the missionaries still recognized the value of his work. The assistants are now also given due recognition. We should not overlook the fact, however, that now, a hundred years later, qualified assistants are also available who are not only native speakers of the language but who know the Bible as well. The discussions surrounding the revision of the Tamil Bible in the nineteenth century and the strong defense of the Fabricius version by the Lutheran missionaries highlight two important points. The first point raised by Germann quoting Dr.Graul concerns the formation and acceptance of a Christian vocabulary in Tamil. The early missionaries did not have such a vocabulary at their disposal and had to coin new words and phrases. Over the years their expressions gained currency among the Tamil Christians. Germann felt that if the established language of the church was changed completely it could lead to a “Babylonian confusion” among the Tamil Christians and could destroy everything that had been achieved.22The second point is the hope expressed by Kremmer that one day a suitable ‘reviser’ would appear from among the Tamilians themselves: “Thus, even today, the translation of Ziegenbalg - Schultze - Fabricius is unmatched. It will remain unmatched till one day a talented Tamil Christian, well versed in theology and languages, undertakes a light revision of the translation. This is what we would wish for.”23 21 Evangelisch-Lutherisches Missionsblatt, No. 5, 1887, pp. 70-73. 23Germann, “Die wissenschaftliche Arbeit”, pp. 118-119. 23 Kremmer, “Unsere tamulische Bibel”, p. 288.

THE INDIAN MIRACLE-WORKER IN THE GARDEN OF SPECIES. CHRISTOPH SAMUEL JO HN’S NOTES ON SOUTH INDIAN FOLK-RELIGIOSITY Andreas Nehring In this article the author analyses the document printed in Appendix I under number 16.

Fifteen years ago, the South African mission theologian, David J. Bosch, propounded the thesis that the modem missionary undertaking was a child of the Enlightenment.1On the tercentenary anniversary of the beginning of Protestant missionary work by the Danish-Halle missionaries, Bartholomdus Ziegenbalg and Heinrich Pliitschau in Tranquebar in 1706, this far-reaching statement still cannot be either verified or refuted. August Hermann Francke, who had mediated to have both these missionaries sent out to South India by the Danish king, thus not only initiated the world-wide contacts of his social and educational institutions at Glaucha - later called the Francke Foundations - but he also laid the ground for the Protestant missionary movement. Francke’s pedagogical and religious enthusiasm was characterized by Pietistic devoutness.2His educational concept, which gave as much importance to die natural sciences as to theological learning, was clearly characterized by the structures of thought brought forth by the Enlightenment. Paul Raabe, director of the Francke Foundations for many years, is right when he emphasizes Francke’s ambivalence. As a Pietist, Francke was against the Enlightenment in its criticism of theology, Yet, through the practical educational and social work that 1 David J. Bosch, Transforming Mission. Paradigm Shifts in Theology o f Mission, Maryknoll 1991, p. 344: “The entire western missionary movement o f the past three centuries emerged from the matrix o f the Enlightenment.” 2Thomas K. Kuhn, Religion und Gesellschaft. Studienzumsozialen unddiakonischen Handeln in Pietismus, Aufkldrung und Erweckungsbewegung, TObingen, 2003, pp. 35ff.

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Andreas Nehring has carried his name since 200 years, he took a decisive part in the reform movements o f his times.3

In the English debates on the “modem missionary movement”, which refers mainly to the Protestant missions, the beginning of the movement is controversial. Whereas the widely-held view places this beginning in the Serampore mission of the Baptists William Carey, John Marshman and William Ward in the 1790s, Andrew Walls recently suggested the need for a European perspective and emphasized the fact that Carey’s mission would not have been possible without reference to the Pietist mission from Halle.4 It is not a question of the rights and privileges of those who came first but, as Brian Stanley correctly argues, we are concerned here with the open-ended and ideologically (theologically) loaded question of the relationship between devoutness, Enlightenment and mission. There is a theologically delicate discourse about whether the missionary movement of the nineteenth century can be understood as a reaction to the rationalism of Enlightenment or as a denominational continuation of Pietist beginnings at the start of the eighteenth century, whose roots can be traced back to the Reformation. This discourse, however, overlooks the fact that “Enlightenment” was used as a slogan and as a concept for an epoch even in the nineteenth century in order to make contradictory statements about the relationship of Europeans to people of other cultures and religions.5 The Enlightenment promoted religious tolerance and the recognition of universal human values. Yet, it also produced a eurocentric rational world-view in which religious difference could be represented along with racial difference. The theologian, Kenneth Cracknell, for example, is of the opinion that the missionary perception of other religions as idolatry or as superstition was based on the rationalism of Enlightenment.6 5 Paul Raabe, ed., Pietas Hallensis Universalis. Weltweite Beziehungen der Franckeschen Stiftungen im 18. Jahrhundert (Katalog der Franckeschen Stiftungen, 2) Halle 199S, p. 17. (“Francke stand der theologiekritischen Aufklarung als Pietist feindlich gegentiber. Dennoch hat er durch sein praktisches p&dagogisches und soziales Werk, das nun seit 200 Jahren seinen Namen trftgt, ganz entscheidenden Anteil an den Reformbewegungen seiner Zeit.“) 4 Andrew Walls, “The Eighteenth-Century Protestant Missionary Awakening”, in, Brian Stanley, ed., Christian Missions and the Enlightenment, Richmond, Surrey, 2001, pp.30ff. 5Brian Stanley, Christian Missions and the Enlightenment. A Reevaluation, in: Brian Stanley, ed., Christian Missions and the Enlightenment, Richmond, Surrey 2001, p. 6. 6 Kenneth Cracknell, Justice, Courtesy and Love. Theologians and Missionaries Encountering World Retigiones, 1846-1914, pp. 14flf.

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Brian Stanley has compiled five characteristics which, according to mission historians, marked the early phase of the Protestant mission: firstly, the almost universally accepted belief that non-Westerners were “heathens” who were caught up in their sins and needed salvation through the gospel of Jesus Christ. The second characteristic is the opinion that other religious systems are “heathen idolatry” or, at best, superstition and not religions in which one can find traces of a divine presence. Thirdly, there is a conviction about the superiority and the liberating potential of Western civilisation in intellectual as well as technical terms. Fourthly, there is the unshaken faith in rational knowledge combined with Christian prophecy, while the fifth characteristic is the belief that the message of Christianity is directed at individuals, calling on them to experience the message inwardly and to convert. The following remarks on a manuscript by the Danish-Halle missionary, Christoph Samuel John (1747-1813), about a miracle-worker and an exorcist will not do justice to these questions about the origins of particular views and will, in fact, not deal with them at all. Rather, they follow the growing scepticism among historians regarding the standardized terms for epochs such as “The Enlightenment” or “Pietism”7 and raise questions about the structures, thought-pattems and discursive formations through which South Indian folk religiosity is represented by a German missionary at the end of the eighteenth century. These elements of missionary apologetics about South Indian folk religiosity can also be found in John’s report. The polemical manner in which John describes the arrival of the miracle-worker, his considered view that the man is a swindler, and the belief that the interest for the miracle-worker by Indian and even European inhabitants of Tranquebar is based on superstition can easily be related to the first two characteristics in Stanley’s list. Christoph Samuel John’s report on the arrival of the miracle-worker on the outskirts of Tranquebar can, however, not only be read as a document of Christian-missionary apologetics, but as a document of a Western form of rational representation which developed in the classical age.8This form of representation is evident mainly in the scientific texts written by John and his colleagues. 7J.G.A. Pocock, Enlightenment and Revolution: the Case of English-speaking North America, in Transactions o f the Seventh International Congress on the Enlightenment, Oxford 1989, p. 252. 8 Michel Foucault, The Order o f Things. An Archaeology o f the Human Sciences. New York, 1973.

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Bom in 1747, John was, in the words of a biographer in the middle of the nineteenth century, raised by his father, “a pious preacher”, “in the fear of the Lord”.9 This vague description of the origin of a missionary corresponds to an idyllic notion of family in the nineteenth century, but it does not explain the question of the discourses within which missionary forms of representation developed at the end of the eighteenth century and which enabled new insights into the foreign world of India. After completing his studies at the University of Halle, John worked as a teacher in the Francke Foundations. Brought up in the practice of Pietistic devoutness, John was introduced here to a “natural theology” which was central to the pedagogical concept of Francke’s orphan schools. Indira Peterson has shown how the view of nature prevalent in the early eighteenth century - which is also reflected in the art and natural history cabinet of the Francke Foundations - was disseminated in South India by the Halle missionaries and which found expression in, for example, the texts of the Tamil writer, Vedanayakam, who learned from John in Tranquebar.10 Undoubtedly, the view of nature in the pedagogy of the Francke Foundations had changed greatly since the time of August Hermann Francke in the early eighteenth century, as had the pedagogic concept underlying the setting up of the art and natural history cabinet. The texts which have been handed down as manuscripts or in published form from the end of the eighteenth century by a missionary like Christoph Samuel John do not represent a continuous line of development from Francke and the Pietistic beginnings of the Francke Foundations. We are concerned here mainly with particular structures of thought, structures that had changed, just as the importance of the art and natural history cabinet had changed even though it had not been closed down. I would like to analyze these structures of thought on the basis of the mission garden in Tranquebar. In contrast to a theoretical view that the garden, which will be discussed here, was only a reflection of certain structures of thought, I will proceed, with reference to Michel Foucault, from the assumption

9 Reinhold Bormbaum, Evangelische Missionsgeschichte in Biographien, Vol. 2, nos. 5 and 6, II. Christoph Samuel John. Evangelischer Missionar in Tranquebar, Dxisseldorf, 1852, pp. 51 -123, here p. 51. 10 Indira Vishwanathan Peterson, “Science in the Tranquebar Mission Curriculum: Natural Theology and Indian Responses", in: Michael Bergunder, ed., Missionsberichte aus Indien im 18. Jahrhundert, Halle, 1999, pp. 175-219.

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that discourses are “to be treated as practices that systematically form the objects of which they speak.”11 The art and natural history cabinet in Halle was re-arranged in 1736 and Gotthilf August Francke commissioned an artist from the Halle University, Gottfried August Griindler, to make new display cabinets. The encyclopedic and heterogeneous concept behind the cabinet in the first decades of the eighteenth century, in which the abundance of God’s creation could be admired as a whole and in details, was now abandoned. Till then there was no distinction in the cabinet between nature and culture. The display of God’s creations as well as of human artifacts served the didactic aim of pointing to God’s power and majesty. Whereas the exhibits were initially arranged according to completely different criteria12, they were now divided into natural phenomena (Naturalien) and human artifacts.13Mainly, however, Griindler arranged and named the natural history exhibits according to the classificatory system of Linnaeus.14 Michel Foucault has described the change expressed in this re-structuring in the following words: Until the mid-seventeenth century the historian’s task was to establish the great compilation o f documents and signs - of everything, throughout the world, that might form a marie, as it were. It was the historian’s responsibility to restore to language all the words that had been buried. His existence was defined not so much by what he saw as by what he re-told, by a secondary speech which pronounced afresh so many words that had been muffled. The Classical age gives history a quite different meaning: that of undertaking a meticulous examination o f things themselves for the first time, and then of transcribing what it has gathered in smooth, neutralized and faithful words. It is understandable that the first form o f history constituted in this period o f ‘purification’ should have been the history of nature.15

" Michel Foucault, The Archaeology o f Knowledge, London & New York 1989 (First published 1972), p.49. 12 J. Schlosser, Die Kunst- und Wunderkammer in der Spatrenaissance. Leipzig, 1904; A. Grote, ed., Macrocosmos in Microcosmo, Opladen 1994. 13 Thomas MQller-Bahlke, Die Wunderkammer. Die Kunst- und Naturalienkammer der Franckeschen Stiftungen, Halle 1998, p. 34. 14 Ibid; see also Peterson, “Science”, p.l87f. 15 Michel Foucault, The Order o f Things, p.l30f.

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In 1768, the Danish mission doctor, Dr. KOnig, went out to South India. In his history of the Tranquebar mission Lehmann describes Kflnig as a failure, because “he understood more about the gathering of natural phenomena (Naturalien) and plants than about medicine”.16 Kftnig was a pupil of Linnaeus and he thus exported the Linnaean representation of natural history to India; a mode of representation that was laid down in the art and natural history cabinet since 1739 and which, therefore, also determined the discourse in the pedagogical work of Francke’s orphan schools in the middle of the eighteenth century.17 The work of the Lutheran missionaries in South India at the end of the eighteenth century was difficult. Failures in the job, rejection by the Tamilians, problems of communication and serious illnesses kept throwing the missionaries back. These difficulties are also mentioned in their letters to Germany and to acquaintances and friends in Europe. In a new country filled with chaos the desire for order found expression in different ways. The group of missionaries, whose numbers had shrunk at the end of the eighteenth century18, had to stick together, especially since criticism of missionary work had increased in Germany.19 The mission garden is repeatedly mentioned as a sanctuary of order in the Mission Reports published since 1776 in the “Neuere Geschichte der Evangelischen Missionsanstalten zur Bekehrung der Heiden in Ostindien”. The Halle missionaries set up this garden behind their mission house and cultivated different kinds of plants in it. For Christoph Samuel John, a missionary in Tranquebar since 1771, this garden was not only a place of refuge, but in it he also found an order he considered to be a reflection of god’s grace. Johann Peter Rottler and Christoph Samuel John cultivated this mission garden jointly and collected plants from Tamil Nadu and Europe for it. Rottler set up several herbariums from which he sent samples to universities and institutes in

16Amo Lehmann, Es begann in Tranquebar, Berlin, 1955, p. 185. 17 C. S. John’s report in the “Magazin fiir die neueste Geschichte der evangelischen Missions- und Bibelanstalten”, Vol. 3, no.2, Basel 1818, pp.257f. l* For statistics cf. Anders Norgaard, Mission und Obrigkeit. Die Ddnisch-hallische Mission in Tranquebar 1706-1845. Gtitersloh, 1988, p.308. 19 For a criticism of the missionaries of the “Enlightenment period” in India see Andreas Nehring, “Natur und Gnade: Zu Theologie und Kulturkritik in den Neuen Halleschen Berichten‘\ in: Michael Bergunder, ed., Missionsberichte aus Indien im 18. Jahrhundert, pp. 220-245.

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Europe20, and through these collections he gained international fame as a botanist. Rottler describes the plants he collected between September 1794 and January 1795 on a journey to Jageraaikpuram according to the classificatory system of Linnaeus.21 In 1798 the herbarium consisted of more than 2000 plants, and in the same year John, Rottler and Klein were named honorary members of the Natural Science Society in Berlin and of the Botanical Society in Regensburg.22 Christoph Samuel John considered himself a teacher of the Indians, one who would lead them to order as well as to the divine basis of order and who would thus prepare them for an understanding of the revelation of God in Jesus Christ.23 In 1797 he reports about his encounters in the mission garden: This year I also enjoyed many delightful moments in my conversations with heathens, Mohammedans and Christians. Whenever, either exhausted from work or wounded by men, I retire for a day or for several days to the silent loneliness of this mission garden full of local and foreign plants, my heart rejoices in intercourse with God and his glorious works and I communicate my observations to my esteemed friends in Europe: at such times I invite Brahmins, doctors and peasants to join me in order to talk about Indian languages and texts, about mythology or science with the former and about natural history, the benefits, uses and cultivation of natural products and other economic matters with the latter. I link their knowledge and experience with mine. This atrracts them because they see that their knowledge is not despised and that an attempt is being made to leam from them. If one has warm feelings for God, Christ and all fellowbeings, then such quiet conversations offer a good opportunity to make them aware of their Creator and Redeemer, and of their spiritual and physical well-being. My large, assembled microscope is placed by the window and under it there are objects that I allow them to observe. Afterwards I encourage them to place the smallest and most insignificant insects, grasses and flowers, they might want to gather, under it. The astonishment and admiration that they express cannot be described. A Brahmin was so filled with delight that he cried 20Walter Leifer, Indien und die Deutschen. 500Jahre Begegnung und Partnerschaft, TObingen & Basel, 1969, p. 60. 21 NHB 49,1796, p.42ff. 22 NHB 54,1799, p. 541. 23 “Damit ihr weiser und verstfindiger werden mdget, sind durch die gQtige Leitung Gottes MQnner zu euch gekommen, die Euch sein Gesetz lehren ” (By the grace o f God men have come to you that you may become wiser and gain more knowledge and leam His laws.”) NHB, 58,1802, p. 877.

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Andreas Nehring out: There is no need to say anything more. One look through your microscope is enough to convince me, more than an entire sermon!24

John places the order of nature revealed in the structure of the mission garden in striking contrast to the wilderness confronting the missionaries. Thus, an analogy between nature and religion is established which makes it possible to relate Christianity with order and Hinduism with wilderness. Indologists have often pointed out that the categories of'“wilderness” and “order” are extremely important for an understanding o f religious history in India.25 I will only highlight a few aspects here which throw light on John’s method of describing South Indian religiosity. In the Vedic-Brahmanic tradition the habitable world is divided into gr£ma and aranya. Gr£ma is not only the village; it also includes the people who live there, while aranya is understood as the ‘other’ of the village.26 While examining the distinction between grama and aranya in the Sanskrit tradition, Malamoud sees in this a correspondence to 24 NHB 52, 1798, p. 369. (“Eben so genoB ich auch in meinen diesjfihrigen Untenedungen mit Heiden, Muhamedanem und Christen viel Freuden. Wenn ich etwa von Arbeit ermttdet, oder von Menschen gekrSnket, auf einen oder mehrere Tage in den mit vielen inn- und auslSndischen Pflanzen besetzten Missionsgarten in die stille Einsamkeit mich begebe, im Umgange mit Gott und seinen herrlichen Werken meinem Herzen Lust und Freuden schaffe, und meine Bemerkungen meinen schfitzbaren Freunden in Europa mittheile; so pflege ich gem Brahmaner, Aerzte und Landbauer zu mir zu bestellen, um mit jenen Ober Indische Sprache, Schriften, Mythologie und andere Wissenschaften und mit letzteren Ober Naturgeschichte, Nutzen, Anwendung und Beaibeitung der Naturprodukte, und Ober andere Okonomische GegenstSnde mich zu unterreden und ihre Kenntnisse und Erfahrungen mit den meinen zu verbinden. Man lockt diese Leute sehr an, wenn man ihnen zeigt, dass man ihre Kenntnisse nicht verachtet und dass man von Ihnen zu lemen sucht. Hat man ein warmes Gefilhl fiir Gott, Christus und fiir alle Mitmenschen, so findet man bey solchen einsamen Unterredungen gute Gelegenheit, sie auf ihren SchOpfer und ErlOser und auf ihr geistiiches und leibliches Wohl aufmerksam zu machen. Mein groBes zusammengesetztes Mikroscop habe ich dabey im Fenster stehen und unter demselben einige Objekte, die ich sie betrachten lasse und sie nachher selbst aufmuntere, die kleinstcn und unansehnlichsten Insekten, Gr&Bchen oder BlQmchen darunter zu legen, die sie selbst suchen und wahlen mdgen. Das Erstaunen und Bewundem, das sie dabey zeigen, ist nicht zu beschreiben. Ein Brahmaner wurde dabey so entzOckt, dass er ausrief: Ihr braucht nicht mehr viel zu sprechen, ein Blick durch euer Mikroscop ist genug zur Uberzeugung und mehr als eine ganze Predigt.14) 25Compare for this: Eveline Masilamani-Meyer, Guardians ofTamUnadu. Folk deities, folk religions, Hindu themes. (Neue Hallesche Berichte 5) Halle 2004. pp. 40*88. 26 Charles Malamoud, Cooking the World. Ritual and Thought in Ancient India. Delhi 1996, p. 79.

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the world of people (grama) and the world of the gods (aranya). Giinter Dietz Sontheimer, on the other hand, singles out the centrality of the concepts of vana and ksetra for the distinction between wilderness and habitation, and he places these concepts in a relation to different forms of the religion. Whereas vana (wilderness) represents the tribal forms of Hinduism, ksetra would correspond to codified Hinduism.27 The mission garden in Tranquebar as a place of order belongs to the pedagogical tradition of the art and natural history cabinet in Halle. As a place of retreat and of communication through conversations it represents and order through which John wanted to convey to the Indians the order of creation. Vellalar peasants, Brahmins and doctors are the people he talks to as representatives of a culture to which John cannot deny a certain form of order. He, therefore, rejects neither the religion of the Brahmins nor their texts outright. I am definitely not one o f those Europeans who despises your nation, your texts and everything that is Tamil or Indian because you are different from us or because of some obvious absurdities. Rather, I respect many o f your old texts, your older, excellent, rich, fine poetry and language, your knowledge o f medicine and chemistry from which Europeans can learn a lot. Your oldest ancestors and learned men had, in their times, more valuable knowledge than most of the other nations on this earth, and I think it is possible that even the wise Greeks, whose texts we read in our schools, received their best knowledge from your oldest ancestors.28

John was of the opinion that Tamilian culture, and especially the oldest literature, offered a possible point of reference to show the divine order of salvation revealed by god. However, India, he felt, fell back in the course of historical development, while Christianity made progress possible in Europe. John posits a theory of evolution for Europe, contrasting it with a decadence theory which proceeds on the 27 Masilamani-Myer, Guardians, p. 43. MNHB 46, 1795, p. 868. (“Ich bin gewiB nicht einer von denen Europ&em, die um eurer Verschiedenheit willen von uns, oder wegen einiger auffallender Ungereimtheiten, gleich Nation, Schriften und alles, was Tamulisch oder Indianisch heiBt, verachten. Ich schfltze vielmehr viele eurer alten Schriften, eure flltere, vortreffliche, reiche, nervige Poesie und Sprache, eure KenntniB der Heilkunde und der Chemie, davon EuropBer viel lemen kdnnen. Eure Slteste Vorfahren und Gelehrte hatten nach den damaligen Zeiten mehr schStzbare Kenntnisse, als die mehresten Nationen auf dem ganzen Erdboden und mir ist wahrscheinlich, dass selbst die weisen Griechen, deren Schriften wir in unseren Schulen lesen, ihre besten Kenntnisse von euren altesten Vorfahren erhalten haben.”)

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assumption that the knowledge possessed by early Indians, and which the Greeks brought to Europe, was later lost in India while European science developed it further. This kind of thinking about universal and human history, which is often found in the literature of the Enlightenment, is astonishing for a Christian missionary. John connects it with a further development of Christian Europe which gave rise to the sciences and the enlightenment of reason29 and which, as it were, was being brought back to India by the missionaries. The “introduction of a state religion” is, in John’s opinion, not in a position to bring order into civil life in India which is characterized by brutality and barbarity and which John compares to pre-Christian society of Germania.30This barbarity is not only apparent in the decline of the sciences, but is also reflected in the disorder of planting on Indian streets as well as in superstitions about nature and die cosmos. What can one say about your depictions o f the universe when your oldest texts state that the earth rests on a great snake, Adiseshan, which, in turn, is supported by eight elephants? That the snake darkens the sun and the moon with its spirit and you, therefore, conduct ceremonies and observe fasts during an eclipse o f the sun and the moon? The evidence against all these age-old fables can be clearly seen through our instruments.31

29NHB 46, 1797. p. 868: “Und da sonderlich die christlicbe Religion ausgebreitet wurde, so ging nicht nur ein neues Licht in Absicht der Gottesverehrung auf, sondem der Verstand wurde auch in alien Qbrigen Wissenschaften und nOtzlichen Kenntnissen dadurch aufgeklftrt, da unser Religion auf die beste Anwendung unserer Seelen-und Lebenskrafte dringet. Auf diese Art haben wir uns fiber unser Vorfahren emporgehoben, und haben Vorztlge aber andere Nationen erlangt, die ihr uns selbst zugesteht.” (Once Christianity became widespread there was not only a new light in the worship of god, but it also enlightened reason in all other sciences and useful spheres of knowledge, since our religion insists on the best use of the energies of our soul and of our vital strengths. This is how we rose above our ancestors and gained advantages over other nations which you yourself concede to us.) 30NHB 59, 1803, p. 1007; 46, 1795, p. 868. 31 NHB 46, 1795, p. 869. (“Was soli man von euren Darstellungen des Weltbaus sagen, wenn eure altesten Schriften behaupten, dass die Erde auf der groBen Schlange Adiseschen, und diese wieder auf acht Elephantcn ruhe? DaB die Schlange Sonne und Mond durch ihren Geist verfinstere, und daB ihr deswegen bey Sonncn- und Mondfinstemis Fasten und Ceremonien anstellt? Alle diese uralten Fabeln kann man durch unsere Instrumente aufs sichtbarste widerlegen.")

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John encountered this wilderness on his travels through the areas surrounding Tranquebar. At the beginning of February 179S, only a few days after the death of his fellow missionary, Kdnig, John left the mission garden in Tranquebar at one o'clock in the night and set off on a journey to Mayaburam (Mayaladutturai), Tanjore, Tiruchirapalli and Madras.32 The road from Mayaburam to Kumbakonam struck him as so “untidy” that one had to often “avoid it and walk by its side”. The sides of the road “had not been planted in a straight line, but according to a visual estimate of the Malabars”. "It consists o f woodland trees, mainly the castor-oilplant, Almaram (Ficus Bengal, Borus, Hibisc. populn.) which are both transplanted from branches, Margos, Melia Azadirachta, Nagel or Iamblang, (Iambolifera pedunculata) Pinneimaram, Callophyllum Inophyllum, Pungen Pterocarpus, Arassi (Ficus religiosa ) etc. which makes fo r an unpleasant combination o f green. "3i This unpleasant combination of disorder gets a structure only by being named. The categorising manner of the naming and the structure of things, but also the use of instruments for observation - John sees all this as the essential achievements of European thought in contrast to Indian thought. Foucault called this new way of seeing - observation: To observe, then, is to be content with seeing - with seeing a few things systematically. With seeing what, in the rather confused wealth o f representation, can be analyzed, recognized by all, and thus given a name that everyone will be able to understand.”

John also uses this method of observation when the miracle-worker appears in the vicinity of Tranquebar. In the text under discussion, John describes the arrival of the miracleworker in Tranquebar as well as some of the “miracles” performed by this man. Through his Tamilian co-worker, Sattianathen, John presents the man with questions designed to provide him with information about the miracle-worker. At the beginning of the 1720s, Ziegenbalg had also addressed questions to Indian correspondents with the aim of learning more about their religion and their way of life in order to be able to report about 32NHB 50, 1797, pp. 143ff. 33NHB 501797, p. 145. 34 Foucault, The Order o f Things, p. 134.

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this to Europe. The “Malabar Correspondence” is today considered to be an early example of an Indian-German dialogue.35 There is, however, a difference between Ziegenbalg’s questions to Brahmins and Velalars and John’s questions to the miracle-worker. The distinction lies mainly in the structure of the questions. Ziegenbalg’s questions to his correspondents (whose names were left out by the editors in Halle because, as Kurt Liebau presumes, they would otherwise have appeared to be “real people and not just ‘heathens’.”36) were formulated in such a manner that the replies would provide information about “the outward and inner forms of heathenism there/along with the prevalent customs/ ceremonies and sciences / as also about their inclination or disinclination for Christianity.”37 John puts five tightly knit questions to the miracle-worker, the structure of which gives him the possibility of representing his opposite number completely and of classifying him in categories that John himself has already laid down. This means that the questions themselves predetermine how the phenomenon is to be understood. The questions are the following: 1. Which country, place and caste is he from and what languages does he speak? 2. What did he learn in his youth, which arts and sciences did he pursue and what books has he read. 3. Which kind of life did he lead earlier, whether he had been a penitent, or doctor, or something else? 4. How did he get his miraculous powers and which of the arts did he actually practise? 5. Who has actually been cured by him and what their names are, where do they live, what kind of diseases did they have and how their condition is at present. He should be requested to bring some o f them to me so that I could talk to them.38 35 Kurt Liebau, Introduction to: Johann Ernst Grundler und Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg, Die Malabarische Korrespondenz. Tamilische Briefe an deutsche Missionare, Sigmaringen 1998. p. 7. 36 Kurt Liebau, 1998, p. 16f. 37 From the title page of HB 7, Cont. 7, Halle 1714. 381) Aus welchem Lande, Ort u. Geschlecht er sey u. welche Sprache er redete? 2) Worinnen er in der Jugend unterrichter worden, auf welche Kiinste und Meisterschaften er sich vorzOglich geleget und welche Bilchcr er vorzflglich gelesen habe? 3) Was fiir eine Lebens Art er anf&nglich gehabt, ob er als ein BilBender, oder Arzt oder sonst etwas gewesen sey? 4) Wie er zu diesen Wundergaben gekommen sey u. Welche KQnste er eigentlich triebe? 5) Wer von ihm sey eigentlich curiert worden, wie sie mit Namen heiBen, wo sie wohnten, was fiir eine Krankheit sie vorher gehabt hatten u. Wie ihr jetziger Gesundheitszustand sey, u. dass er einige von solchen zu mir bringen m&chte, damit ich selber mit ihnen sprechen kOnnte.

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One notices that John’s catalogue of questions comes very close to what Linnaeus said about the descriptive order of animals. According to Linnaeus, every description of an animal must correspond to the following criteria: name, theory, genus, species, characteristics, use. John first asks about place and lineage, which means the name of the caste, then about the theory, or education - the genus „human“ seems to be established, but he asks about the „kind of life” - then about the characteristics, i.e. „which arts he practises" and finally about the use, i.e. who has been cured. By classifying the miracle-worker in the sphere of nature there is not only a line of difference drawn between Christianity and Indian superstition, but a distinction is also set up between “High-Hinduism” and “folk religion” or “superstition”. The attempt to deal in a scientific manner with this phenomenon that had become dangerous (wilderness) for the Christian community, contributed significantly to the fact that in the nineteenth century the order of nature (genus, race), of language and religion developed into central themes of the orientalist discourse on India.

(Translated from the German by Rekha Kamath Rajan)

CHRISTOPH SAMUEL JOHN’S ESSAY ON EDUCATION POLICY Heike Liebau This article provides the background fo r source 18 ‘On Indian Civilization ’in Appendix I.

Towards the end of the eighteenth century English concepts of education began to have an influence on India. One of these pedagogical concepts was a method of instruction developed by a clergyman of the Episcopal Church, Andrew Bell (1753-1832),1 and the Quaker Joseph Lancaster (1778-1838),2 which gained worldwide currency under the name of the Bell-Lancaster method. The Bell-Lancaster system was a system of tutorship: sponsorship played an important role in it and an exemplary pupil was placed next to a difficult one. Individual pupils were appointed as tutors and received special encouragement by being allowed to teach younger pupils independently. Superior pupils were promoted to higher classes for some time, and then - according to the results - either came back or stayed on in the higher class. Each class had an assistant teacher who helped the main teacher. A schoolmaster or a superintendent was responsible for the organizational and financial requirements of the entire school. There was a “Black Board” for noting violations of discipline, and the schoolmaster had to decide what would be made public on this board. An important component of the BellLancaster method was the technique used to teach reading. Practise in reading syllables preceded the reading of words. Learning to read

1 For his life sec The Directory o f National Biography, Vol. II, published since 1917, London: OUP, pp. 149-152. 2 In his work “Improvements in Education” published in 1803 Lancaster described his experiences with the monitor-system and also referred to the book published by A. Bell “An Experiment in Education...’'. See: The Directory o f National Biography, Vol. XI, published since 1917, London: OUP, pp. 480-482.

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printed alphabets preceded writing in sand.3The first attempts at writing in the Lancaster schools in England were partly also done on sand as in India. The sand was given to the English children on flat boards.4 Andrew Bell tried out this method for the first time in Madras, which is why it is also known as the Madras method of instruction. Bell was Superintendent of the orphan school for boys there, which had been set up following a directive of the Court of Directors in 1785. The intention, as in Calcutta, was to improve conditions for the education and upbringing of orphaned European children. In 1786 Lady Campbell had opened an orphan school for girls in Madras. This was followed in 1789 by an orphan school for male children of European military personnel.5 Bell had come to India in 1787 and, in 1789, had accepted the post of Superintendent of this orphan school in Madras. At roughly the same time the Quaker, Joseph Lancaster, was working in England following the same, but slightly modified, method. Lancaster set up his first school for the poor in 1798.6 With his text “On Indian Civilization” Christoph Samuel John (1746-1813) contributed to the dissemination of the Bell-Lancaster method in the British colonial territories in India. The 50-page text was published in London in 1813. The title “On Indian Civilization, or, Report Of a Successful experiment Made during two years, On that subject, In fifteen Tamul, and five English Native Free-Schools...”7 immediately 1 An Experiment in Education, made in the Male Asylum at Egmore, near Madras. Suggesting a System by which a School or Family may teach itself under the Superintendance of the Master or Parent. By the Rev. Dr. Andrew Bell. London: Cadell & Davies, 1805. 4 See The Directory o f National Biography, Vol. XI, London OUP, published since 1917, pp. 480-482. 5Andrew Bell, An Experiment o f Education, made at the Male Asylum o f Madras. Suggesting a system by which a school orfamily may teach itselfunder thesuperintendance o f the master or parent, London: Cadell & Davis, Edinburgh: W. Creeck, 1797. 6 See: Neuere Geschichte der evangelischen Missions-Anstalten zur Bekehrung der Heiden in Ostindien (hereafter NHB), part 67, preface, p. VIII. 7 On Indian Civilization, or, Report Of a Successful experiment Made during two years, On that subject, In fifteen Tamul, and five English Native Free-Schools; Humbly Submitted to the Judgement and Patronage Of the Governments Of the Honourable East-India Company; Of the Respectable Religious Societies; And the Generous and Charitable Public, By Christopher Samuel John, Senior of the Royal Danish Mission at Tranquebar, D.P.I., corresponding member of the Imperial Academy of Curiosities at England, of the Imperial Academy of Oeconomy at Petersburgh, of the Asiatic Society, and of the Societies of Natural History at Berlin, Jena, and Ratisbon. London: Printed for F.C. and J. Rivington, No. 62, St. Paul's Church Yard. By Law and Gilbert, S t John's Square, Clerkenwell, 1813, iv, 50 pages.

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brings to mind the title of Andrew Bell’s work published in 1797: “An Experiment in Education, made in the Male Asylum at Egmore, near Madras...” The basis for John’s text is a report in English prepared in Tranquebar about work in the schools. There are two copies of this report in the archives of the Francke Foundations in Halle.8 A long excerpt from the text published in London was reproduced in German in 1816 in the sixty-sixth number of the "Neuere Geschichte der Evangelischen Missions=Anstalten ” with the title: “Auszug aus des sel. Missionarius, Dr. John's Abhandlung iiber die Mittel, besonders durch Christenthum und Schulanstalten Gutes in Indien zu verbreiten. Along with Christian Friedrich Schwartz (1726-1798) and Christian Wilhelm Gericke (1742-1803) it was mainly Christoph Samuel John who made his mark as a missionary by his work in the field of the missionary educational system. Whereas most of the missionaries were practitioners in this area, John must be called - as far as education is concerned the theoretician among the missionaries of the Danish-English-Halle mission. He repeatedly wrote new memos on missionary work, which also always contained innovative ideas on work in the schools.10During his more than 40 years of service as a missionary in Tranquebar John tried out various educational models, and he summarized his experiences and wrote about them at the end of his life when he was almost blind. The programmatic text “On Indian Civilization” arose out of John’s efforts to establish free schools for children of Christian and nonChristian parents from different social strata. In order to realize his plan to open more schools in which reading, writing and arithmetic would be taught in both Tamil and English,11 John required the support of the English colonial authorities, since the Danish colony of Tranquebar was under British rule between 1807 and 1815. He therefore addressed his * The report bears the same title as the printed version. Both manuscripts consist of 44 pages each. Archive Francke Foundations (hereafter AFSt), M 2 C 17:5 and AFSt/M 2 C 17:6. 9 NHB part 66, pp. 493-498. 10 See, among others “Einige Vorschlage die MiBion betreffend” of 20 February 1784 (Rigsarkivet Kebenhavn, Missionskollegiet 9g/1781-92, Indkome Sager den Ostindiske Mission vedk.) or the “Pro Memoria filr neue Missionarien” of 27 October 1784, (Rigsarkivet Kabenhavn, Missionskollegiet, 9g/l 781 -92, Indkome Sager den Ostindiske Mission vedk.). 11 In a report of the SPCK of 1816 twenty such schools - established by John - are mentioned, in which 400 children learned Tamil and 150 children learned Tamil and English. NHB part 66, p. 484.

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text to the Court of Directors of the East India Company as well as to the English societies for the propagation of Christianity like the SPCK. The government in Madras was already supporting John's educational activities.12 John felt that if the Court of Directors of the East India Company were to approve his ideas and promise additional help, his plans would be realized more effectively. John’s appeal to the East India Company to fulfill its responsibilities in India in the social sphere as well, and to invest in the education of the Indian youth,13meant, on the one hand, that he accepted England’s role in India as a colonial power, but on the other hand he committed himself to improving the condition of the underprivileged. The SPCK and other religious institutions were expected to contribute to the success of these plans by donating textbooks and edifying literature. Christoph Samuel John defined his main aim as the “civic education of the Indians through schools.”14He did not see missionization and civic education as a contradiction. John was a committed and critical missionary who had many interests. In his constant efforts to improve missionary work he put forward numerous suggestions for a more effective selection of new missionaries and for a more effective organization of missionary work. One of his most important spheres of activity was his research in natural history. John carried out a correspondence with important natural scientists of his time and was a member of various learned societies.15 Along with his natural history research John also sketched out pedagogical models and concepts. Among other things, he suggested that a training school be set up in Tranquebar for future missionaries of the different mission societies. This plan was never realized. On the basis of his experiences in teaching members of different European and Indian “nations” John developed the model of the integrated schools, in which European and Indian children would be taught together. This experiment was linked with the intention of training Indian and IndoEuropean children for European employment. Through their daily association with European children the Indian children were expected to get a closer look at the European way of life. 12NHB part 66, p. 485. 13AFSt/M 2 C 17; 6, On Indian Civilization, chapter 5. 14NHB part 66, pp. 485f. 15 Sec the essay by Karsten Hommel: Physico-Theology as Mission Strategy: Missionary Christoph Samuel John's (1746-1813) Understanding of Nature in this publication..

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After his more or less failed experiment with the so-called integrated schools, the plan for the “national free schools” was to teach only Indian children, especially since the East India Company had set up numerous educational institutions since the end of the eighteenth century in Calcutta, Madras and other colonial centres for the children of the Indo-Europeans. These included the so-called Male and Female Asylums in Madras. In order to make the free schools more attractive for non-Christian families, Tamil literature and culture were to be included in the curriculum so long as “they had a moral content and did not contradict the teachings of Christianity.”16 In John’s opinion, however, it was just as important for the upbringing of Indian youth to polish and civilize by degrees the native character, to extend the knowledge of our blessed religion, and to make those around us little more acquainted with European manners, services and useful sciences.”17 In his essay “On Indian Civilization” John deals with different aspects of educational work. He first goes into his motives and considerations and devotes special attention to the Bell-Lancaster method. In his later reflections on educational practice Christoph Samuel John was strongly influenced by the successful dissemination of the Bell-Lancaster method at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The aim of this method was to teach reading, writing and arithmetic to as many children as possible with a limited outlay of material and personnel. The monitor-method was used to achieve this, i.e. in the big classes the teachers had assistants who practised in smaller groups what had been taught.18In Madras John had become acquainted with one of the initiators of this school reform, the Anglican priest and educationist Andrew Bell, while Bell was the director of the male asylum in Madras, which was being run by the East India Company. John had visited this institution in Madras and had briefly carried on a correspondence with Bell. In his text “On Indian Civilization” John argued for the use of the method of instruction that

14NHB part 69, p. 840. 17 John, On Indian Civilization, London 1813, p. 6. '* See Heike Liebau, “Von Halle nach Madras: Pietisdsche Waisenhauspfidagogik und anglo-indische Appropriationen,” in JQrgen Schriewer/Marcelo Caruso, eds., Nationalerziehung und Universalmethode. Friihe Formen schulorganisatorischer Globalisierung. COMPARATIV, Leipziger Beitrfige zur Universalgeschichte und vergleichenden Gesellschaftsforschung, IS. Jahigang, 2005, Heft 1, pp. 31-S7. See also the introduction by Schriewer/Caruso.

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had been established by Bell, had been further developed in England by Joseph Lancaster, and was promoted by the royal house.19 Another important theme for the missionary was the establishment of a centralised institution which would develop and supervise the free schools. John made a suggestion to establish an over-arching “Separate Liberal Native School Society” which would be responsible for all English territories in India. Such a society, he felt, would provide guidelines and mechanisms of control for educational institutions. This society would first be established at Calcutta and would work closely with the Bible Society there.20 John deals in detail with the question of the use of English as the medium of instruction in schools in India. The language question had always been a particularly sensitive issue in the missionary educational system. The effort of the Danish-Halle mission to teach the Tamilian children in their mother tongue collided with the need to prepare the children for a professional life that was increasingly being dominated by the use of English. In the 1930s this question culminated in the so-called great controversy, a conflict between Orientalists and Anglicists.21 According to John, instruction in the mother tongues (reading, writing, literature) should be given by Indian teachers, whereas it was important to appoint European teachers for teaching English.22 In order not to be accused of a forced introduction to Christianity, instruction in Indian civilization was to have priority. John proceeds on the assumption that the parents would even be willing to support the school with taxes as they did with the temples.23 In addition, John raises the question of the influence of the national free schools on 19For more on this see my essay “Faith and Knowledge: The Educational System of the Danish-Halle and English-Halle Mission” in Vol. Ill of this publication. 20AFSt/M 2 C 17: 6, On Indian Civilization, Chapter 3. 21 Zastoupil, Lynn/Martin Moir, eds.. The Great Indian Education Debate. Documents Relating to the Orientalist-Anglicist Controversy, 1781-1843. Richmond, Sun-ey: Curzon Press 1999. See also: Heike Liebau, Religionsunterricht und Sprachenfrage. Zu den Auseinandersetzungen zwischen der Leipziger Mission und der britischen Kolonialregierung Ober die Gestaltung des Schulwesens in Sfldindien, in Holger StOcker/Ulrich van der Heyden, (eds.), Mission und Macht im Wandelpolitischer Orientierungen. Europdische Missionsgeseltschaften in politischen Sparmungsfeldem in Afrika und Asien zwischen 1800 und 1945. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2005, pp. 102-117 (Missionsgeschichtliches Archiv, Vol. 10). 23AFSt/M 2 C 17:6, John: On Indian Civilization, Chapter 2. 23 Ibid, Chapter 3.

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natural history, on Indian literature, art and the natural sciences.24 In the course of his missionary career John had studied Indian literature and had translated Tamil literature. He saw himself as a part of a tradition consisting of missionaries like Ziegenbalg and Walther. This too would flow into the work and find a place in the curriculum.25 A large part of the text deals with the question of suitable teachers. The twenty free schools opened by John were established by his Indian co-workers in the villages around Tranquebar. These Indian teachers also worked according to the Bell-Lancaster method. The school inspectors, who would guide the teachers, would be Europeans. The task of the Native School Society, to be run by English officials, would be to monitor developments in the education system and - wherever necessary - to influence these developments. Free schools, John felt, should be co-financed and borne also by high local authorities, as in the example of the provincial schools set up by Christian Friedrich Schwartz (1726-1789). John travelled to different places with this idea and apprised influential persons of the plan for establishing free schools. Schwartz’s efforts had, in his time, been supported by the Court of Directors of the East India Company as well as by the government in Madras. In a way, therefore, John continued Schwartz’s heritage in the field of education by setting up twenty free schools from 1810 onwards for children between the ages of two and six. He hoped to extend and continue these schools with the support of the East India Company.26 The free schools that John set up continued to be run, among others, by the Church Missionary Society after his death.27 Other u Ibid, Chapter 4. 33 Among the manuscripts in the archives of the Francke Foundations there are following translations by John: “Das Malabarische kleine Sittenbuch Atusudi, von welchem Aweiar die Verfasserin ist.” Tranquebar 1790, AFSt/M 2 B 7:5, NHB part 39, p.263-265; “Das Malabarische Sittenbuch Mudurei, von der berOhmten Philosophin Aweiar verfaflt” Tranquebar 1790, AFSt/M 2 B 7:6, NHB part 39, pp. 267-269; “Das Tamulische Buch Uluga Nidi, verfafit von Ulaganaden, Tranquebar 1790”, AFSt/M 2 B 7:7; “Das kleine tamulische Sittenbuch Pottia, verfaBt von Muttutandawan,” Tranquebar 1790, AFSt/M 2 B 7:8; “Das Malabarische Erbauungs - BQchlein fDr die einfaltigen Christen, sonderlich im Lande", AFSt/M 2 A :5, NHB part 44, p. 741. “ AFSt/M 2 C 17: 6, John: On Indian Civilization, Chapter 3. 27 NHB part 67, pp. 590ff, Von dem Zustande und dem neuesten Fortgange der andera evangelischen Missionen in Ostindien. Aus ihren eigenen Berichten gezogen; here p. 592.

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mission organisations established schools according to his model. John was not the only one who studied the Bell-Lancaster method. The missionaries in Tranquebar studied the experiences gathered by other missions in the use of this method. Excerpts from reports of the London Missionary Society and the Church Missionary Society were published in the Mission Reports.28 The Baptists, Carey, Marshman and Ward, for example, gave a detailed account of their experiences with the Bell-Lancaster method in Serampore. They considered this method to be eminently suited to conditions in India.29 Following the Bell-Lancaster method, children in Serampore first learned the printed alphabets with the help of large tables and simple printed words. They then repeated these words by spelling them and writing them. The missionaries modified the method for Indian conditions with regard to the tables and the books, the distribution of children in classes, and the appointment of teachers and monitors. Classes would consist of 10-12 pupils, wherein all pupils would be more or less at the same level. The most reliable child would be made the monitor. The function of the teacher was to administer and control, to decide what should be taught, and to select the monitors.30 It was necessary to teach arithmetic so that a person could manage in life; the solar system could be explained, however, only in simple terms. This method is “in consonance with the manner in which teachings and precepts are explained in the Hindu Shastras and, therefore, even conforms to the ideas of their learned men.” In the same way, geography and history would be taught in simple sentences, whereby special attention would be paid to Europe.31 From about 1810 onwards the use of the method spread in England and the British colonies as well as in other European countries. Thus, in 1829, there were 10,600 so-called Lancaster Schools in Europe with a total of 4,700,000 pupils; in Asia there were 1,600 schools with 500,000 pupils; in Africa there were 1,300 schools with 380,000 pupils, “ NHB part 67, pp. 597 ff. Winke Ober Schulen fiir die Eingebomen in Ostindien und Plan einer neuen Anstalt zur BefOrderung eines fiir sie zweckmSBigen Schulunterrichts. Mitgelheilt von Marsham, Carey und Ward, Missionarien der Baptisten zu Serampore in Bengalen. Aus dem Englischen. NHB part 67, p. VII, Bell-Lancaster Lehrmethode, ihre Einfiihmng in Ostindien; p. 610, Lancastersche Tabellen, ihr Gebrauch in Ostindien. 29 NHB pari 67, pp. 597-620. 30 Ibid. 11 Ibid.

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and in Australia there were 100 schools with 2,500 pupils.32 New free schools were established in India which were “greatly improved for teaching heathen children” by introducing the “Bell-Lancaster method of instruction.”33 The Lancaster tables, in particular, proved to be very useful for language instruction. Developed by Lancaster for teaching English, they were used in India for different subjects. The grammatical paradigms were printed on large posters34 and work was then conducted according to the monitor-teacher system.33 In the 1820s all schools under Gottlieb Ewald Rhenisu (1790-1838) and Bernhard Schmid (1787- ?) in Palamcottah worked with the Bell-method.36 Bernhard Schmid taught according to the Bell-Lancaster method in different schools set up by Rhenius in Madras and the surrounding region.37 In the history of the mission and the history of education John’s work “On Indian Civilization” has hardly been taken note of till now, let alone been studied comprehensively. Against the historical backdrop, however, we can assume that this work not only influenced the educational work of later mission societies, but also those in charge of the East India Company in London. Long before the East India Company became active in the field of education John presented a model for the aims and contents of the education of Indian children, and appealed to the English to fulfil their social responsibility to the people in territories administered by them in India. The work appeared in London at a point of time when the question was increasingly being debated within the East India Company. In Article 43 of its new Charter in 1813 the Company, for the first time, earmarked a certain sum of money for educational tasks in India. In 1823 the General Committee of Public Instructions was appointed and given the responsibility for questions concerning education in all British ruled territories in India. 32 Ludwig von ROnne, Das Unterrichts-Wesen des Preuflischen Staates, Band 1: Das Volksschul-Wesen des PreuBischen Staates mit EinschluB des Privat-Unterrichts. KOlnWien: Bflhlau Verlag, 1990 (Nachdruck der 1855 in Berlin erschienenen Ausgabe), p. 26. See auch: NHB part 67, preface, p. VIII. 33 NHB part 67, preface, p. VII. 34 Ibid, p. 604. 35 Ibid, p. 609. 36 In 1823 there were 12 such schools with a total of 314 children. NHB part 72, pp. 1262f. Report of the missionaries Rhenius and Schmid about the mission in Palamcottah 1823. 37 NHB part 83, p. 966, report by Bernhard and Deocar Schmid.

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It was only in the middle of the nineteenth century that the East India Company developed continuous programmes of support for a public education system separate from the mission schools that had dominated till then. (Translated from the German by Rekha Kamath Rajan)

APPENDIX I

SOURCES

INTRODUCTION Andreas Gross Many of the sources for the first Protestant mission in India are still available in different Archives.1 The most important among these archives are: Archives of the Francke Foundations in Halle,2the Archives of the Leipzig Mission,3 the Archives of Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz,4 the State Archives in Copenhagen,5 the Royal Library in Copenhagen, and the Archives of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) in the University Library in Cambridge.6 Some books and documents are also still available in scattered places in India.7 In this publication all the above mentioned Archives have been 1 An overview of the archives concerned has been provided in: Anders Nergaard, Mission und Obrigkeit. Die Danisch-hallesche Mission in Tranquebar 1706-1845, GOtersloh: GOtersloher Verlagshaus, 1987, pp. 2-10, 290-299; Daniel Jeyaraj, Inkulturation in Tranquebar Der Beitrag der fruhen ddnisch-halleschen Mission zum Werden einer indisch-einheimischen Kirche (1706-1730), Erlangen: Verlag der Ev.Luth. Mission, 1996 (Missionswissenschaftliche Forschungen; N.F. Bd.4), pp. 1-28.318348. An introduction to the German sources is given in Heike Leibau, Die Quellen der Ddnisch-Halleschen Mission in Tranquebar in deutschen Archiven - Ihre Bedeutung fuer die Indienforschung, Berlin: Verlag Das Arabische Haus, 1993. 2 More than 34,000 handwritten documents by missionaries, mission co-workers and the authorities in Halle, Copenhagen and London are available here. In addition, there is a collection of palm leaf manuscripts and books in different Indian languages. 3 This consists of the “old Tranquebar-archives”, which was handed over to Leipzig at the end of the nineteenth century. 4 August Hermann Francke’s unpublished works are kept in the manuscript department of this library. 5 These archives contain documents pertaining to the Mission Board. A part of the “old Tranquebar archives”, which came from Leipzig to Copenhagen, are also available here. 4 The archives of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge were transferred from London to Cambridge. Apart from some handwritten documents, it contains the Annual Reports of the SPCK. Only a few letters have been handed down out of the correspondence of the missionaries with the SPCK. 7 These are yet to be located in different archives in Tamil Nadu and Bengal. Along with some old books and records there are valuable microfilms from the SPCK in the

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made use of. However, according to the title of this publication the main emphasis has been on the Archive in Halle. A large project has been undertaken in order to provide detailed information about the content of all German sources to make the German sources regarding the first Protestant mission in India.8The co-operation with the Gurukul Lutheran Theological College and Research Institute has also helped to catalogue the sources in Tamil and Teiugu.9 In this appendix some texts are being made available in English translations. The selection does not consist of representative texts from the different genres of the sources, nor is it the case that particularly important texts have been translated. The following guideline served as the criterion for selection: The source would have a direct reference to an article in this publication. The selection was, therefore, often made by the authors concerned. Many of these articles are in Part VIII of this publication and have been written as a direct comment on the source concerned. The sources generally appear here in chronological order, the only expection being the two longer texts ‘The Abomination of Paganism and the Way for the Pagans to be saved’ and ‘On Indian Civilization’ at the end of this part. A brief introduction to each source indicates the place where it is to be found and the article to which it belongs.

Archives of the United Theological College, Bangalore. The Lutheran Heritage Archive at the Gurukul Lutheran Theological College & Research Institute, Chennai, received a large number (about 20,000 letters) as microfilm copies from the Archives o f the Francke Foundations in Halle in July 2006. This gives Indian scholars a better opportunity to study the history of the first Protestant mission in India. 8 This project was completed in 2006. A brief German and English summary of the more than 34,000 German manuscripts appear on the internet and make it easier for scholars to have access to these important sources of early mission history. 9 The work on Tamil manuscripts was completed in 2003, and the more than 100 bundles of palm leaves were carefully systematized into three catalogues. A publication of this collection is planned. The Tamil prints stored in Halle have also been catalogued. This catalogue is. however, being revised and supplemented by the books which belong to the collection of the Leipzig Mission.

01. ROYAL APPOINTMENT AND INSTRUCTIONS TO THE FIRST MISSIONARIES This sh o rt tex t is a v a ila b le in th e S ta te A rch ives in Copenhagen, Danske Kancelli D 34a "Ostindiske Sager”. It was written on 17 November 1705 shortly before the departure o f the first missionaries Heinrich Pliitschau and Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg. Anders Nergaard explains this important document in Part VIII o f this publication. It was translated from an old manuscript by Anders Nergaard.

It is our most gracious will to appoint Mr. Bartholomaeus Ziegenbalg and command him to go as a missionary from here to East India in order to make every endeavour to teach the heathens who live in our territory and in the neighbouring regions the holy doctrine as it is written in God’s word, in the symbolic books and in the Augsburg Confession and to bring them the message of salvation according to the guidelines of the instruc­ tion which we therefore communicate to them most graciously. Copenhagen, 17 November 1705.

We, Frederick IV, King of Denmark and Norway, etc., do in Our Royal favour desire, that Mr. Henry Plutschau, bom in Mecklenburg, whom we have resolved to send to Eastern India as a Missionary, should with all submission conduct himself on his voyage out to and there in India, until Our further Royal orders. 1.

He shall, on the whole voyage out, betake himself with all diligence to those on board ship, who have been in Eastern India ere this, and who are somewhat acquainted with the native language in order that he may leam from them something of that language.

2.

Having by the grace of God safely arrived in the country, he shall, in the name of Jesus, heartily calling upon the same, at once begin the work for which he is sent out, and shall labour among the pagans, as existing circumstances shall make it practicable.

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3.

Although it is of some help, to improve the little rest of the knowledge of God, which men still have by nature, and thus to lead them to the knowledge of God which he has revealed in His Word, - and it is left to the Missionary himself to judge when and in what manner this may be done with advantage, - yet he shall always specially betake himself to God's Word, not doubting that God will make the power laid therein prove effectual among the heathens.

4.

He must hold and handle there in Eastern India nothing besides the holy doctrine as it is written in God’s Word and repeated in the Symbolic Books of this realm after the Augsburg Confession, and teach nothing besides it. And as Christ himself began his prophetic office by preaching repentance, and commanded his disciples to preach repentance and remission of sins, so also he must follow the same course.

5.

He has to instruct the ignorant in the first principles of the Christian doctrine with all possible simplicity, so that the needful foundation may be laid the earlier.

6.

In order that the poor blind heathens may understand that the Missionary himself has in his heart what he teaches, he must always show himself a pattern of good works, so that also by this his conduct they may be won over.

7.

He shall not forget daily to pray for the co-operating grace of God and for everything required that he may perform his office faithfully and carefully, and to call upon God in the name of Jesus, that he would bless our Christian undertaking with abundant and happy successes to the salvation of many souls, and that he would grant to Our whole Royal house the reward of this pious work with every needful blessing for this life and the life to come.

8. He shall keep good friendship also with the Evangelical Pastors of the place, and shall gather from them, as from men acquainted with the country, all kinds of useful information. 9. He shall be content with what We in Our Royal favour have granted him for his annual pay and support, and not take any money from the people for the performance of his official duties. 10. Whenever a ship leaves India for this country he shall send letters therewith, reporting to Us according to his Christian conscience with all submission concerning his office, its successes and its hinderances.

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In the same way he may add his proposals suggesting how this new undertaking, which cannot be perfect at once, might, perhaps, be better arranged in future. 11. And finally he shall bind himself by a truthful promise as in the presence of God, to obey this Instruction, and with that intent he shall subscribe to a copy of it in his own handwriting. Given, etc., Copenhagen. 17 Nov., 1705, Frederick R.

02. BARTHOLOMAUS ZIEGENBALG TO AUGUST HERMANN FRANCKE This letter from Bartholomdus Ziegenbalg is available in the archives o f the Francke Foundations (AFSt) M /1 C 1:27. The original letter is printed in Amo Lehmann, Alte Briefe aus Indien. Unveroffentlichte Briefe von Bartholomdus Ziegenbalg 1706-1719, Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1957, pp.4246. The letter was written on 1 October 1706 and describes the first impressions o f Tranquebar. The article by Rekha Kamath Rajan deals with Ziegenbalgs letters and reports. She has also translated the letter into English. Tranquebar, 1. 10. 1706 Emmanuel! Respected friend and benefactor in our Saviour Jesus Christ! Having arrived here safely with my dear colleague Mr. Heinrich Plutschau through God’s grace and mercy and having lived for a while among the Malabarian heathens I have become aware of the difficulties as well as the possibilities of the task for which His Royal Majesty of Denmark sent us here. I would, therefore, also like to tell you of God’s great mercy and thus also give you the opportunity of joining us in praising God on high; in the hope that other dear friends there will also be encouraged to praise God for His mercy. Initially, we were very downcast and we felt that our possibilities had been ruined by the vexatious life of the Christians here among the heathens; we also felt that while most of the Christians here looked upon our venture as quite ridiculous, there were some who considered it to be offensive. But, despite all this, we remained firm in our prayers to God and begged Him to open a door for us and to help us in His infinite mercy all the more since we could not hope for much help from men. Thereupon God consoled us with an example and gave us the assurance that He would not leave us here among the heathens

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without testimony. As soon as we arrived here a young Malabarian man came on board the ship and asked us whether we would take him on as our servant. We recognized this as a divine ordinance and took him on. This man, after he had spent eight days with us and seen our ways, asked whether he could not stay with us forever and, later, also go with us to Europe. We said that this was possible if he resolved to become a Christian and to learn the German language. He was quite willing to do this but asked to be first instructed in Christianity. What has taken place till now with regard to him you will be able to gather from the letter that I recently wrote to Mr. Lange, Mr. Lysius and Mr. Kampe in Berlin along with the other good things that I mention in that letter. Many heathens come to us every day, but we could not converse much with them since we only practised Danish on the ship. This is why we initially spent most of our time learning Portuguese and have now come so far in it that we can talk in the language and write all the things that will help in promoting our cause. After that we also began with the Malabarian language, for which we have our own schoolmaster with a small school in our house. We hope, with God’s grace, to make good progress in this as well. We have already written a brief introduction to Christianity as well as the Lord’s Prayer and a prayer for true conversion in Portuguese, which was then translated for us into the Malabarian language. I am sending a copy of this for the Cabinet of Artefacts and Curiosities there. We have also had almost daily opportunities to preach the gospel to these heathens by word of mouth, if not for the purpose of conversion, at least as testimony that God has offered them His grace. In this way and in this short period of time the minds of both Christians and heathens have been excited, so that even the King of Tranjou (= of Tanjore/Tanjavur) will have heard of our intentions; some time ago, one of his employees approached us, and we have been corresponding with him since then. Today, I have sent my servant, Modaliapen, to him in a certain matter. The instructions we received leave the commandant and his council no choice but to extend their help to us; at the same time they are concerned that our work could cause a tumult. A few days ago, we handed over a memorandum to him asking that all the Evangelical Christians here send us their slaves for two hours a day so that they can first be instructed in Christianity and, subsequently through baptism, be deemed worthy of the community of Jesus

02. Bartholomews Ziegenbalg to August Hermann Francke

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Christ. The commandant himself came to visit us and promised to send us the slaves soon, since he knows that we have a written order to write to the king of Denmark at every opportunity and to report to him in good faith about what could hinder or promote this work. There are many Germans here who have often asked us to preach to them once a week, which, initially, the commandant himself had asked us to do. But, the Danish preachers are resisting this, which is why we do not wish to even go to them. Instead, we have resolved, with God’s help, to set up our own small church for the heathens in our house, where, even if we don’t preach in Portuguese, we will have catechism instruction in that language. Here, we can also have a gathering once or twice a week at the request of the Germans. In this way both Christians and heathens will have the opportunity of being righteous witnesses to the truth. Although we will suffer a great deal of persecution through all that we do, it will help rather than hinder the work of the Lord. We have delivered ourselves body and soul into the hands of the Lord and would, therefore, be willing to seal the preaching of the gospel with our blood if God deems us worthy of it. I often think of the words you said to me when I had first resolved to be sent to distant countries but was prevented from going due to my ill-health. You told me then: If, among such people, even one soul is led righteously to God, it would count the same as winning over a hundred people in Europe, since the latter come across means and opportunities for their conversion every day, whereas the former lack these. I was also greatly encouraged by what Mr. D. Breithaupt wrote in my album on my departure from Merseburg: Ideo nos facti sumus Christiani, ut plus de futura quam de hac vita laboremus. 1 let this be a daily reminder to myself so that I may never tire of constantly directing my actions to invisible eternity, disregarding the splendours as well as the bitterness of this world. My dear and faithful brother, Mr. Heinrich Plutschau, shares this belief. We remind each other of it all the time and try to work together towards establishing the kingdom of Jesus Christ in ourselves as well as among the heathens. We are certain that God will not allow our work here to be without blessing, nor will He destroy our trust. We comfort ourselves with God’s merciful prophecies and with the prayers of the many believers in Germany, which have accomplished far more for us and for the heathens here than we have done. T hese M alabarian heathens are a very clever and intelligent

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people who can only be won over with great wisdom. They have just as accurate an analogy in their religious beliefs as we Christians have. They are far more convinced about a life hereafter than the atheist Christians. They have many books, about which they say that they have received them from their gods as we say of the Holy Scriptures. Their books contain many amusing stories about their gods and very pleasant things about life hereafter, so that our word of God appears to them to talk only of disagreeable things. They lead a quiet, respectable and virtuous life, wherein they outdo the Christians in many different ways. They have a great respect for their gods and when, some time ago, I wrote in my translation how we could become God’s friends and children, our schoolmaster said it was wrong and wanted to write instead how God may grant us the honour of kissing his feet. They postulate that there is only one divine being that has multiplied into many gods, some in heaven and others on earth, that they may be governed well and be constantly entertained. Yesterday, when we went on a walk, we came upon a temple in which the wife of their great god Isparae (= Isvaran = Siva) is worshipped as a goddess; surrounding her were many gods made of porcelain. Filled with holy zeal we knocked some of them down and broke off the heads of others showing the poor people there that these were powerless and worthless idols who could not help themselves, much less their followers. Whereupon, a Wathyar, or teacher, told us that these were not gods but only the soldiers of God. We finally brought him to the point where he had to admit the foolishness of the entire thing, but he said, however, that the simple people needed these concrete images in order to direct their minds to the hereafter. We have often seen thousands of such idols in one place. Even if they allow themselves to be convinced of the falseness of their idol worship, they, on the other hand, can show us Christians a lot that does not hold with their idea of god. In particular, they have a strong loathing for Christianity on account of the vexatious life of the Christians and they are of the opinion that there can be no people in the world more evil and wicked than the Christians. They often ask, therefore, whether Christians lead just as wicked a life in Europe as they do here in East India. If we would reply truthfully it would be even more difficult to bring them over to Christianity. They do not sit down to eat or drink with a Christian, do not allow them to enter their houses, and if one of their own wants to become

02. Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg to August Hermann Francke

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a Christian, he has to give up all his possessions and friends and in their eyes he becomes a person to be despised. These are all the things that act as impediments to their conversion. God, however, can overthrow all these with His might and make the impossible possible. In the meantime, we wish that sufficient external resources may be sent to us so that we can make the necessary arrangements for this and can begin our work in earnest. First and foremost, we believe it would be very useful to set up a school with children bought from the Malabarians where these children could be trained to help, if not us, then our successors in this work. We have already made a small beginning with this. We also intend to set out the entire Christian doctrine in simple and clear terms in Portuguese and then have this translated into the Malabarian language. By translating and distributing copies of this the heathens will learn about Christianity and they will understand that God is seeking their conversion in all earnestness and does not wish to leave them to rot in their unbelief. In addition, it would also be very necessary to make such arrangements that the converted heathens can be supported by us temporarily, since they have to leave behind all their possessions for the sake of Jesus Christ. On the whole, this will entail a great deal of expenditure, both in order to make a proper beginning as well as to continue the work with divine blessings. This is why we have written a letter to our god-loving friends there in which we have requested them to come to the aid of the poor heathens. We hope that You will show this letter to all those people who you consider will be willing to help and then send the fruit of their love in all haste to Berlin or to Mr. D. LQtkens in Copenhagen. We also herewith give each one of them the freedom to write to us and assure one and all of our heartfelt and brotherly love, wishing that God showers His heavenly goods on them and all kinds of spiritual gifts that they may recognize the abundant mercy they have received for the heathen in Christ Jesus, and that they live with dignity in the profession to which they have been called. In particular, may God on high equip you with abundant strength and give you plentiful blessings in your work so that many tender shoots of justice may be nurtured there to spread the kingdom of grace of Jesus Christ. I request you to give my greetings in the Lord to Mr. D. Breithaupt and Mr. D. Antonius, also to Mr. M. Freylinghausen, Mr. M. Wiegleb, Mr. Zollner, Mr. Crasselius and all the others who are carrying out the work of the Lord there. My dear colleague, Mr.

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Heinrich Pliitschau, wishes upon all of them the blessings o f the Lord in all their work. May they pray for us. Giving all of you over to the mercy and love of Jesus Christ I remain, under the protection of the Almighty, Indebted in prayer and love, yours Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg Servant of the divine word among the heathens In East India at Tranquebar On the Coromandel Coast 1 October 1706

03. EARLY LETTERS FROM THE DANISH GOVERNOR AT TRANQUEBAR The following excerpts of two letters from the Danish Governor to the East India Company and one letter addressed to the Danish Governor were translated and explained by Anders Norgaard. He dealt with these letters in his article “The Mission’s Relationsship to the Danes ” in part II: The oldest documents from the East India Company’s archives in the Danish State Archives in Copenhagen give a unique and, compared to mission history prevalent until now, completely new picture of the Danish authorities ’ view of the Mission. Therefore these documents are central to the understanding of the Mission’s conditions in Tranquebar, although the description is undoubtedly very prejudiced. Some main examples from these old Danish documents are rendered below in English translation (using present-day orthography). The documents are no longer available at the Danish State Archives, due to their state of preservation, but they were transcribed in the 1970s when it was still possible to use them with great care. The composition of the mission congregation and the missionaries’activities are described in the Governor’s letter to the management of the East India Company dated 26 October 1708, item 8: The East Asia Company archives No. 1397. One would never have thought that it was such hotheads they have managed to scrape together since the arrival of this ship (whichever assurances or promises they had been given by this) (stated here: if they have now obtained the mentioned capital for this, they should have made a great to-do and even more upheaval - further to a good deal that they already have made) with the promise of procurement of clothes and food for their sustenance .. .who are good enough Christians, as long as they can have enough, but should this fail, we think their Christianity would be gone. In the case of some of those they thought they could command, they have used force, causing several complaints. A very bad example has been committed in this regard against a certain rifleman Johan Hoilender’s woman. The husband was of the Reformed and the wife of the Roman Catholic religion, and the husband had pledged to her

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parents, when he entered into marriage, that he should not force his wife against her will to take another religion than the one in which she was raised. And when they had the husband before them, they told him ...if she would not prevail on herself of her own free will, he had to force her to it with blows and beating. In order to avoid such, she finally did as her husband demanded, and according to the husband's own confession, they have immediately admitted her to the holy sacrament of the altar, before she knew in the least of what her adopted religion consisted, in order that her parents might not, before it had already happened, hear anything about this and complain, which, however, happened immediately after, and these people having lived in a loving and friendly marriage now instead experience hate and enmity every day. We doubt that such forced Christians and other above-mentioned bought Christians are acceptable to God. Others of our religion, who have allowed their slaves to adopt this, complain that they have since become quite bad at their service and not so willing as before because they teach and preach to them that the slaves are now just as good as their master and have said that their master no longer has the authority to punish or sell them ... and that His Royal Majesty’s most gracious command is awaited (which we will humbly hope differently) that all slaves who would adopt our religion, should be released from slavery, due to which some slaves have become so high-minded and refractory that they hardly pay heed to what their masters command them to do. ...Such would not only entail numerous evil consequences, but an even greater sin for poor people who have lived thriftily and accumulated enough to buy a slave for their service, that they should have to get rid of this slave again. What should it matter to a slave to say, knowing that this might release him from slavery, that he wanted to be Lutheran and adopt the same religion, until he was free and later do as he pleased ... Of the white congregation ... they have through their outward sanctimoniousness gathered such adherents, who have sounded very discontented towards others when they would not follow them, wherefore we, in order to prevent further evil, have prohibited the private gatherings which they have each evening in their house under the name of prayer meeting, which, however, they ignored. Our high-commanding masters can best judge themselves whether the mentioned missionaries, according to their duty, have complied with the instructions and orders most graciously given them by His Royal Majesty. ... We do not know what they will do after this, they may possibly, according to their

03. Early Letters from the Danish Governor at Tranquebar

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capricious heads, take so gross steps that, in order to take precautions against disadvantages, it may be considered necessary to take extreme measures, wherefore we most graciously ask that our high-commanding masters most favourably will accept this and present the mentioned missionaries’ outrageous circumstances to His Royal Majesty, and ensure that henceforth they have to remain within their limits and not go any further than allowed by their order, without which we hardly have the opportunity (due to their disturbance and much occasioned great todo in various respects) to carry out the Company’s service henceforth as previously, in a way that can be justified, quietly and peacefully, as we ought to. Themissionaries 'difficulties in maintaining the members of themission congregation and the composition of the members are described in the Governor's letter to the management of the East India Company dated 5 October 1710: The East Asia Company archives No. 1397. When their [the missionaries’] capital began to decrease ... [it happened]... that a number who were stout and strong members of their congregation and converted, whom they had previously supported with clothes and food, now themselves had to earn and procure, after which most of them all took their leave, some going to the Roman Catholics and some turning to heathenism again ... so that they now only have 20-25 small children, whom they have either bought or been given in the wealthy period, and they have to support them in their house with clothes and food. We believe that when they grow up they will return like the others and follow their footsteps, when they can no longer be supported with their necessities without work. As everybody with such great pleasure and eagerness let their people and slaves come to them in the beginning, so they now have equally great fear and modesty regarding this, due to the way they started to win them and teach them to be refractory and disobedient to their masters ... soon they did not later heed what they were ordered to do, and whereas they were good before, they instead took to both theft and other wickedness. And hardly anything could pass in their master’s house without them presenting it to the mentioned missionaries, which... appears most strange to us and we do not know what to say about this. In any case they are very unlike and dispute among themselves. Indeed, it is noticeable that the Hallensians are not prepared to pull together with him who has not been in the same school as them.

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In a letter to the Governor o f Tranquebar dated 15 March 1713 (item 17) the management o f the East India Company expresses its severe criticism o f the Governor’s conduct and complains that he has been too obliging to the Mission’s wishes. Thus the letter clearly indicates the Trading Company sfierce opposition to the Mission, describes how the management wishes to obstruct the Mission in all possible ways, and emphasises that the authorities only have to have the interests o f trade in mind: The East Asia Company archives No. 1232.

We consider that all the alarm caused by the missionaries originates in the governor’s far too excessive obstinacy and self-arrogated authority, who, without obtaining orders from the managers in such an important matter has interfered with the Danish clergyman in his congregation and allowed the missionaries to preach in German in the Company’s church for which they have not been sent out, but solely to convert the heathen, and later, without the order or consent of his superiors, not only allowed them to build a church in the town, but even churches or schools on the Sovereign’s land without any inquiry or warning to the Company’s managers and also now and then has yielded to them in matters which might have been omitted. For, if he had confided it earlier ... that he is solely employed to discharge the Company’s trade... he could... always have excused himself by not having any orders for that__ Additionally, the most important [offence] that he dared presume to have an ordained clergyman ... without sufficiently strong evidence so that he vigorously resisted, indeed! a Royal missionary who was not under the jurisdiction of the governor ... fetched by force in his nightshirt and slippers to the citadel, to the greatest disgrace for four months ... [The imprisonment of Missionary Ziegenbalg] has been taken most unfavourably by His Royal Majesty, and His Royal Majesty has therefore recommended us to order the governor that hereafter he shall not do any wrong to the mentioned missionary until the matter between him and the clergyman has been decided by His Royal Majesty, then he has to await what may follow, which will appear from the attached copy certified by the Company’s accountant. However, we forbid him ... seriously and under the highest penalty to have anything to do with the missionaries, further than what he has to do with the printers who have come out, through His Royal Majesty’s justice, like all other inhabitants in Tranquebar, and if they request anything, whether reasonably or unreasonably, he has to order them to do so in writing and send such to the managers in order that they may afterwards obtain His Royal Majesty’s most gracious

03. Early Lettersfrom the Danish Governor at Tranquebar

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desire as to whether their request has to be met or rejected, which is then to be indicated to him by the managers, and from this day he must not grant anything without the order of the highest authority. If they should also wish to take anything without previous permission, this should be hindered through prohibition, and afterwards legal evidence should be taken, and the missionaries ought to be summoned to reply at 8 days’ notice, and as His Royal Majesty does not wish anybody to be bought, led or forced to our religion, he has to carefully watch the missionaries’ conduct and keep a demonstrable journal of this and send a copy of this home with each return ship. Furthermore, the missionaries ought to remain in their own parish and preach in the Malabaric language in the granted church and not have anything to do with the other clergymen’s parish church, until otherwise instructed by the highest authorities, and the governor himself ought to ensure that his Royal Majesty’s citadel is not caused any inconvenience due to the missionaries, and that the Company does not have any unnecessary expenditure, as has happened previously due to the governor’s misplaced wilfulness, for which compensation will be sought from the governor in due course. Through its letter of 3 October 1715 the management of the East Asia Company informs the Governor in Tranquebar of the agreement entered into concerning the Mission’s circumstances, forming the basis of the Mission's work in the colony: The East Asia Company archives No. 1232. Because His Royal Majesty, our most gracious hereditary King and master, wishes with all seriousness the missionary work in Tranquebar begun by the missionaries appointed for this, to be continued and furthered, and we perceive that the disputes between you and the missionaries have ceased through a written amnesty, so that we assuredly presume that no unrest shall occur due to the mentioned Mission, nor anything be done by the missionaries which might entail any damage or disadvantage to the Company, we also having been assured by the mission directors and not less by Ziegenbalg, Missionary and Clergyman, that they could not imagine the Mission to be otherwise continued than in a way not damaging the interests of the Company, we make it clear to you that we look favourably upon this Christian work and according to the highest Royal orders we wish it to be furthered, and therefore wish that henceforth you do nothing against the Royal Danish missionaries, causing suffering to their person or po st... or allow that any hindrance

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befalls them, caused by others directly or indirectly, on the contrary, hereafter further the missionary work in all conceivable ways ... and display the inclination towards the Mission befitting a Christian wellintentioned authority ... without obtaining further special orders from Europe ... in so far as their demands are not at variance with the King’s laws or those of Tranquebar or ... do not endanger, prevent, damage or hinder the company’s charter, the state or trade. You should especially strive to ensure that the entire work according to His Royal Majesty’s most gracious command and serious wish prospers in the most desirable way and is propagated more and more.

04. AUGUST HERMANN FRANCKE TO THE CONGREGATION AT TRANQUEBAR On 8 September 1708 August Hermann Francke wrote his first letter to the congregation at Tranquebar. There are several copies o f this letter in the archives o f the Leipzig Mission (ALMW/DHM) 1/1 : 3 a-m. With the exception of a Tamil translation all other copies are in German. A year later, on 7 September 1709, Francke wrote his second letter to the congregation, which is in the archives of the Francke Foundations M 1 C 4 : 44 a-d and in which he refers to the first letter. JUrgen Groschl read the manuscript and Rekha Kamath Rajan translated it into English. It compliments the articles by Thomas Miiller-Bahlke in part I. To the chosen of God and of our Lord Jesus Christ on the Coromandel coast who have renounced the idols to serve the living and true God and to wait for his son from heaven, Jesus, who He raised from the dead and who saved us from His future wrath: Grace to you and peace from God, the father of our Lord Jesus Christ, and from the Holy Ghost! Dearly beloved! My heart filled with praise for the almighty God when I heard how attentively you listened as your teachers explained to you, in your language, my previous letter written some years ago. This prompted me to write to you again that you may know how much you are in my heart and in the hearts of many other children of God. Although we have not seen you and will perhaps not see you in this world, yet we have a deep love for you and are happy when we hear of your faith in the Lord Jesus and, now also, of the constancy of this faith. God has also increased your numbers and many more have joined those who heard my first letter; to them I first send greetings in the Lord. Dear people! I cannot express the joy that I feel whenever I think of you. How great will be our joy when we see each other portrayed together in the countenance of our Lord Jesus, without blemish and with joy. When I join in prayer with the others who work with me in

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the community of Christ, and when we bow our knees to the Lord Jesus Christ, we think of you with praise and gratitude to the LORD but also beseech HIM to perfect the good work he has begun among your people. A fragrance from the Coromandel coast has spread through Europe telling us that from the immortal seed, namely from the living word of God, children have been bom unto the Lord Jesus who have comprehended evil, who are striving for the good and who, like new­ born children, are eager for the pure milk of God’s word that they may grow through this. You, beloved of the heart! You have become a fragrance of Christ. Heaven and earth will rejoice because you love the Lord Jesus and partake in the blessed hope of eternal glory. The joy of God’s angels will be upon you! You love and defend the Lord himself who loved you and washed away your sins with his blood so that you are as white as snow in his eyes and shine in the reflected glory of his mercy. Oh, may you grow further like roses planted alongside a stream and may you give forth a sweet fragrance like incense, may you bloom like the lilies that smell so sweet! Let not sin that dwells in the infirmity of your flesh (and against which you must fight) make you doubt the love of Jesus Christ. He loved you when you were still his enemies, and it was this love which made him send his servants to you and which made him search for you like lost sheep. Would he then not love you now when you have converted to him as the shepherd and the bishop of souls? So long as you do not allow sin to have dominion over you and are not a slave to its pleasures, but are unhappy when it tempts you; so long as you resist its temptations and ask God for the help of His Holy Ghost to overcome it, these sins will not be counted against you. Therefore, do not be faint of heart and frightened that Christ does not love you on account of the sins that adhere to you. He is like a loving mother who does not throw away her child because it is unclean, but who washes and bathes it, dresses it in clean clothes, hugs and kisses it. You also know that a mother does not hate her child if it cannot do something properly because it is still a child. On the contrary, she is patient with the child till it learns to do things better. Lord Jesus is also like this. Indeed, even if a child were to cause offence to its mother and were to hurt her with words and deeds, a mother cannot forget that it is her child, and her motherly heart cannot deny pity to the child she has carried within her. Even if a mother can forget her child, the love of Lord Jesus is purer, more sincere,

04. August Hermann Francke to the Congregation at Tranquebar

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tenderer and more fervent, and he does not forget his poor children. He has marked them in his hands. I do not write about this, dearly beloved, so that you may take an opportunity to sin, because Lord Jesus is so full of love that he takes the sinners into his fold again. You know that in holy baptism you renounced the devil, all his works and his being, which is sin. You who have died to sin, how shall you any longer live therein? He who truly and from the heart believes in Lord Jesus, he also loves him because he died for us. If he loves the Lord, how can he find the heart to do something against him? He places all his hopes in Lord Jesus and aspires to gain eternal life through him. How shall he then knowingly give offence to him from whom he expects salvation? But, it can happen that someone who believes in Lord Jesus makes a mistake if he is not on guard against sin; he can be led astray and can sin grievously against his Saviour. Such a person, when he looks into himself and realizes that he has stumbled or fallen, must not think that he is now lost and cannot hope for any mercy from Lord Jesus. Instead, he must, without delay, turn to the Lord Jesus again with prayers and entreaties and beg for his mercy. Oh, his mercy is infinitely great to the fallen and lost souls. Just as he searched for them the first time in his infinite mercy till he found them, he then shows them the great riches of his goodness, forbearance and long-suffering which causes him to help them in their daily infirmities and shortcomings and offer them his hand to help them up again if they have fallen. He does this like a mother helps her child up again who has let go of her hand and fallen; indeed, she also wipes the tears from its eyes when it cries upon falling. Dear Ones! This very Jesus, whom you now believe in, is your high priest who has not only reconciled you with God through the sacrifice of his body, but who intercedes for you with his father. Oh, how dearly he loves you! Love him back and your only care will be to please him and not give him offence with words or deeds. Say a prayer with him and pour out your heart to him with all your troubles and woes. Trust in him and never doubt that your prayers are dear and pleasing to him and that he wouldn’t want to hear them. He is your very best friend, your brother, your shepherd, your father and, what is the sweetest and best, the bridegroom of your soul who will eternally delight you. You will receive the crown of life from his hand if you remain faithful to him and if you don’t deviate from the truth once you have recognized it. When you see that others, who call themselves Christians, do not

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follow his life but live in sin: do not let yourselves be led astray by them to follow their bad example. Such people will have to account for their deeds to Christ, because all of us must appear before his judgement throne so that each of us may receive according to our works in life, whether good or bad. Rather, continue in the good and you will put these people to shame, and the goods and gifts of the Lord, which they misuse or thrust away, will be taken from them and given to you, foT there is no respect of persons with God. If suffering and sorrow are inflicted upon you for your own good, do not get angry and let it not lead you away from the right path. You know that a father punishes a child out of love. The heavenly Father thus also punishes you, not in order to harm you but, in order that you may become devout and thus resemble the image of His son who also suffered greatly for sins before he entered the glory of God through his sufferings. Our depraved flesh and blood seeks to be without suffering; but the true living faith sees the cross differently. It is the crown and honour of the faithful. The might of our Lord Jesus Christ is best recognized in this. It teaches us to stop sinning, it teaches us to pray; it teaches us the greatest desire for God and for the eternal life; it gives us a taste of the friendliness of the Lord. All this shows that the value of the cross is, indeed, very great. Don’t be surprised either if you have to suffer at the hands of those who call themselves Christians. Your teachers will have explained the words to you: He that was bom after the flesh persecuted him that was bom after the spirit. Thus, Joseph was sold by his brothers and the Lord Jesus was handed over to the heathens by his people. Blessed are you who endure temptation, because after you have stood up to the test you will receive the crown of life. Be happy that your names are written in heaven; therefore, fear not those who kill the body, for they cannot kill the soul. But fear him who can destroy both body and soul in hell. Find comfort and joy at all times in the LORD; praise God who has taken mercy on you in Christ; sing to the Lord in your hearts; be manly and strong in your faith; renew your struggle against sin every day; do not become tired or weary of this, but only look to the Lord Jesus who began and perfected the faith and you will always be granted new strength; encourage and exhort each other so that no one among you falls back. If someone does fall back or does not lead life the way he should, shine the light of your better example and put fresh heart into him with friendly words that he may come onto the right

04. August Hermann Francke to the Congregation at Tranquebar

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path again. The other heathens must see all the good fruits of your faith so that they are convinced of your state of grace which brings goodness into your life and makes you wise and intelligent in all the things you do. I commend you all, even those who the LORD might add to your numbers, to the enduring love of God and of our Lord Jesus Christ. Pray for us also who love the Lord Jesus in this part of the world as we will pray for you, because one day we will rejoice together in the eternal glory. Praise be to God, the eternal king, from now and till eternity. Amen. 7 December 1712 August Hermann Francke S[acrosanctae] Theol[ogiae]: Processor]: Otd[inarius]: et Past[or].

05. PREFACE OF BOVINGH’S BOOK This document is described by Niels-Peter Moritzen in part VIII in his article "The Bdvingh Controversy." It was translated by Rekha Kamath Rajan, and is the translation of the preface of the book 'Kurze Nachricht von Hottentotten oder den Heiden, welche das dusserste Afrikanische Vorgebirge Cabo de bona Esperanga genannt, bewohnen', Hamburg: Caspar Jahkel, 1714. This second edition has been purged of the mistakes that had crept into the first edition and penned himselfby Johann Georg Bdvingh, Missionary. Preface Christian-minded and Gentle Reader You will have heard that a small tract was published under my name with the title Curieuse Beschreibung und Nachricht von den Hottentotten. [Curious description and account of the Hottentots].Although I remember writing about this subject some years ago in letters from India to good friends in Europe who asked me to do so, I cannot acknowledge the text as it lies before the eyes of all as mine. I say this because, firstly, the editor published it without, indeed against, my consent and will. If you look at page 26 of the said tract, you will find that in a letter dated 22 September 17101 expressly protested against a publication in these clear words: Therefore, if anyone were to publish this Charteque, it would be entirely against my consent and will, especially since I promise to give a more complete account of heathen idolatry at a later date if God were to grant me the health and strength for this. Secondly: this epistolary account was written partly in great haste, see page 31.1.6f, (where one cannot weigh one’s words properly and neither can one clothe the truth in all manner of delicate phrases) and, moreover, to a good and close friend, of whom I could say that he loved the unvarnished truth as much as the noble virtue of discretion. I believed that he would use what was written for the good of the glorious mission and for its promotion in the right places, and that he would do his best to rectify the widespread disorder in Trankebar. Solely to this good end

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I sent him my account secretly and in confidence. He took this account and imprudently laid it before the eyes of the whole world and thus acted against the rules of true friendship, since I had expressly forbidden its publication and, in several letters, had begged him to deal wisely and carefully with what was written out of an urgent sense of distress. The words were, as it were, whispered into his ear with confidence in his discretion. I did not wish any adverse consequences to arise either for me or for others through an injudicious and premature revelation of the odious truth. See the second letter, page 32, and the third, page 34.1.32, cf. p. 46, about the sole purpose and good intentions of my confidential account. Thirdly: the appended letters as well as the account of the Hottentots and the Malabarians together with the account of the journey has not been published the way I had sketched it out and written it down word for word. Either the editor’s naivety or lack of understanding (in order not to say anything harsher), or the printer’s carelessness, have rendered the text so falsely that often the entirely opposite meaning emerges, which is something I would never have thought of. Indeed, sometimes even I, let alone others, cannot guess what the author of such an adulterated text wants to say or point out to. To quote only some examples from many, I would remark on page 23.31.36: on the last but one line on page 23, the words “Not so” have been inserted, whereas the preceding and the following make the meaning clear: it is to be believed that if the necessary means are properly used, the evil and idolatrous system of heathenism, which is built on sand, will easily fall down. On page 36, line 15, it is supposed to be: “Thus, to date, not a single person, initially moved by the word, has been induced to come to us.” This means the following: That till now, not a single person, as far as I am aware, has been induced to come, initially moved by the word, but poverty, or something else, has been the cause of looking for a future with us, which is said quite clearly on page 23, No. 7. The meaning is certainly not as the authors of the Unschuldige Nachrichten of 1712 state in their review of the earlier words quoted on page 23 of the Curieuse Beschreibung und Nachricht von den Hottentotten, where my qualifying statements and explanation have been left out. What I mean is that poverty, the hopes for bodily sustenance or another temporal intention, as far as I am aware, have been the initial reasons why the heathens have come to us and promised to become Christians. It is also a fact that subsequently some of them, mainly the youth, have converted on the basis of the word and thus poverty and false intentions have been guided towards

05. Preface o f Bdvingh s Book

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a positive end by God. Fourthly: the title does not correspond to the contents, and on the cover as well as in the preface the editor has not behaved like a true friend, but like a mocker and a profit-hungry gloating Thraso, whose foolishness I should not partake in. Therefore, keeping in mind the reasons mentioned, on account of the publication - against my will - of the so-called Curieuse Beschreibung und Nachricht von den Hottentotten with the appended letters, I publicly declare my utmost displeasure with it and request friends and foes alike not to ascribe it to me henceforth, but to an unfaithful and shady anonymous individual who took the letters, adulterated them and misused my name as a cover for his unfaithfulness. On account of this falsified text I have been the target of some harsh criticism and some unkind judgments. One anonymous writer who, in order to criticize his fellow human being unabashedly, has hidden behind the mask of a busy secretary, has written uncharitably: I do not believe and I don’t wish that the system of idolatrous heathenism would fall down and that I have therefore caused offence to the public. I apparently don’t know what I am talking about and have reported that the Hottentots live in East India, that they walk around naked there with only their modesty covered with fur. I have had to endure such false accusations and slander since my return. Therefore, to prevent this kind of trouble as far as possible in the future and to salvage my reputation I have finally been forced to publish this present Kurze Nachricht von den Hottentotten myself and to purge this second edition of the mistakes that crept into the first edition. If God were to grant me life, health and freedom, a revised Nachricht von den indianischen Heiden und Beschreibung meiner Hin-und Her-Reise will soon follow. In the meantime, dear reader, farewell.

06. MARIA DOROTHEA ZIEGENBALG TO HER MOTHER This letter is one o f the few available documents written by Maria Dorothea Ziegenbalg. This letter is available in the archives o f the Francke Foundations, (AFSt) M/ 1 C 9 : 67, and was written on 10 October 1716 to her mother, Maria Dorothea Salzmann. Maria Dorothea Ziegenbalg wrote a similar letter a year later to August Hermann Francke (AFSt/M 10 : 28). The description o f the conditions o f her life led to some misunderstandings in Halle, and Francke finally admonished her in a letter (AFSt/M 1 C 11 : 55). The articles by Erika Pabst and Andreas Gross in Part IV o f this publication deal with the role o f the missionary wives. The translation into English has been done by Rekha Kamath Rajan. Dearest and most precious Mama, Our ship arrived safely on August 10th at Madras in East India, where my dearest husband and I went ashore and immediately wrote letters to dearest Mama announcing our arrival and about how God brought us safely over the vast and stormy seas. We stayed for a fortnight in Madras and received much affection from the English people there. From Madras we traveled overland to Tranquebar - a journey that afforded me great pleasure. It is far safer to travel among the heathens than among the Christians in some places in Europe. We were received with great joy here, especially by Mag. Griindler and his dear wife who treats me with motherly affection. Two months ago they had already repaired and furnished our house, so that we had beds, tables and everything else that we needed for a start. Our house, in which we live alone, is a fine house and has four beautiful rooms, a hall with tall pillars, a large courtyard with brick plastering which has a pigeon coop and six lovely trees, a spacious kitchen with a larder and also a lovely balcony. The house at the back, which is separated by a tall wicker gate, also has

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various rooms for the schools, the printing press and the foundry. Since we had to procure kitchen utensils and others things required for the household in the beginning, Mrs. Grundler was so kind as to invite us to her table free of cost for a whole month, during which she took good care of us after all the travails we had undergone and gave us all kinds of things that we needed in the way of clothes and household goods. I praise the Lord that he has given Mag. Grilndler such a wonderful person here who makes him happy and whose pleasant nature is a great comfort to me. As far as the food in this country is concerned I can say that one gets the most wonderful things at a very cheap price. In particular, it is good fish-country where one can eat different kinds o f good fish twice a day. We have an agent whose job consists solely in fetching fresh fish from the fisher-villages mornings and afternoons. Our cook has been trained by Mrs. Grilndler and she makes good and tasty food. There is a maid in the kitchen to assist her. Apart from these I have an adult maid who has always to be here, and another young one who is trained in all kinds of jobs. There is one woman whose job it is to make lace and who does the ironing. The waterman washes the clothes once a week and gets 10 Gulden per month. This means that all three of us can wear white and we can use white table-linen every day. There is a good woman who supervises the whole house, who has all the keys and who keeps the house clean. We also have two men as servants and one to carry the sun-shade. In Europe all this would cost a lot o f money, but here it is not expensive to maintain these servants. The garden provides green vegetables for the kitchen every day. I enjoy physical as well as spiritual care, especially since the sermons here are as good as in Halle and services in the Jerusalem church are conducted not only in Tamil and Portuguese but also in German. I am very happy with my dearest husband and he with me. Out of love for me he wants to borrow “ 1000 thala” here so that I am not left without any means if he were to die. But I trust that God will give us a long time to live in good health we are enjoying now. We would have liked to send our dear Mama something from this country, but it has not been possible till now. I know that dear Mama likes to drink coffee and am aware how necessary it is for her health. Therefore, my dearest husband has sent our dear Mama some. Both of us wish that we could have you here with us where you would not lack care and company. Since this cannot be, we only wish that we may receive news soon that dear Mama is well and that she has overcome her concern and worry for me. I have not been able to write to my other

06. Maria Dorothea Ziegenbalg to her Mother

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friends there this time because the Danish ship that is taking our letters cannot be delayed. Please convey greetings to them from me and my dearest husband, especially Dr. Anton and his wife, Prof. Lange and his family, Prof. Spener and his wife, Mrs. Weisner and the whole school and all other good friends and acquaintances. At the next opportunity I will write to Leipzig and Stuttgart. I remain My dearest and most precious Mama’s obedient daughter Maria Dorothea Ziegenbalg. P.S. Please also convey my greetings to Mrs. Freylinghausen and Hanne Muthgen and her family. 1 had meant to write to them as well as to Mrs. Spener and Mrs. Weisner, but there is no time left.

07. LETTER FROM WILLIAM STEVENSON, CHAPLAIN AT MADRAS This letter was written on 27 December 1716 by William Stevenson, the chaplain in Madras, to the Society fo r Promoting Christian Knowledge. It has been reproduced in the following book: 'An Abstract of the Annual Reports and Correspondence o f the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, From the Commencement of its connexion with the East India Missions, A.D. 1709, To the Present Day; Together with the Charges Delivered to the Missionaries At Different Periods, On Their Departures for their Several Missions’, London: F.C. and J. Rivington for the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1814. The letter has been explained in an article by Geoffrey Oddie in Part VIII o f this publication. SIR, When I wrote to you in August last, I promised to send you my thoughts concerning the most effectual way of propagating the Gospel in this part of the world. Let me now first point out the chief impediments that hinder this glorious work, and the reasons that induce me to hope for success in it: and then I shall propose those methods that I think are most likely to promote the conversion of the Heathen. One of the greatest hindrances to this excellent design, is the want of a sufficient number of Missionaries and Catechists, to carry it on. Mr. Ziegenbalg and Mr. Grundler have not the power of working miracles; and yet it seems miracles are expected from them. What they have already done, shews them to be laborious and indefatigable: they have laid a good foundation, by translating and printing many useful books in the Malabar language: but this, and the charge of their schools, and their adult converts, must employ them so constantly, that they are confined, as it were, within the bounds of Tranquebar; where two

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Missionaries will always be necessary: and there must be others sent up into the country, to instruct the natives, settle schools in their villages, and labour continually to promote both the knowledge and the practice of Religion among them. But in this I foresee another obstacle, it be not seasonably prevented; and that is, the mixing of disputable opinions with the plain and necessary doctrines of the Gospel. For, Sir, the natives here are generally a quick, penetrating people, who labour under too strong prejudices from their education; which therefore ought not to be increased, by proposing to them any scheme of controverted opinions. Nothing ought to be taught among them, but the plain unquestionable articles of the Christian Faith; in the same manner ( and, as far as may be, in the same words) that the Apostles used. The disputes, and uncertain tenets of particular churches, ought not to be mixt with the fundamental principles of our holy Religion; but as it is, in itself, most agreeable to the reason, and unprejudiced sense of mankind, so it ought to be set forth to the Heathen in the same advantageous light; in that primitive simplicity and plainness o f speech, which we find used in Scripture; and unclouded with the arbitary impositions, and pretended explications of our Christian Faith, which were made long after the days of the Apostles. Any person may easily perceive how much this would facilitate the propagation of the Gospel: and it is no less obvious, that every doubtful opinion, and perplexing point of doctrine, must be a prejudice, and therefore an impediment to that good design. A third hindrance that must be expected, is the violent opposition that the Romish Priests will make, when they find that the Protestant Missionaries begin to gain ground, and to meet with success in converting the natives. The scheme of popery is so very opposite to the genius and doctrine of the Gospel, that these people will be extremely surprised at hearing such different accounts of the Christian Religion. And seeing that both cannot be in the right, they will be apt to suspect the whole. This prejudice, however, may be overcome by our Protestant Missionaries, who can easily confute the Romish Priests by the very same arguments that they urge against the Heathen Idolatry; and by appealing to the Scriptures, which the Papists themselves own to be be divine. In such encounters our Missionaries will have occasion to show the greatest address and sagacity; and a thorough knowledge not only of our systems and controversies at home, but of the whole scheme of morality, and natural religion; which are not always perfectly understood, even by those who sometimes pass for very learned divines.

07. Letterfrom William Stevenson Chaplain at Madras

1369

Another impediment to the conversion of the Heathen will be occasioned by the ill examples of those who profess the Christian Religion. But this prejudice will be strongest in their minds who live among the Europeans; and may be overcome, in a great measure, by the pious deportment of the Missionaries, Catechists, and School-masters; who must be employed chiefly in the country, where there are no Europeans to be seen besides themselves. But the greatest obstacle of all, is that unaccountable spirit of bigotry and mad zeal, that the natives have for their several Casts or Sects; for the sake whereof, the generality of them are ready to sacrifice their lives, and every thing that is dear to them. These Casts, or Parties, are distinguished from one another, not only by their different modes of superstition, and observances of what they reckon sacred; but likewise by many other little customs and usages in common life; as in their food, eating, habit, trades, &c. for any of which Customs, or their several privileges, they quarrel with as much fury and rage as our Sects and Parties in Europe. To lose their Cast, or to be abandoned (and excommunicated) by it, is what they reckon the greatest evil in the world: and if the dread of this can be once overcome, there will be no great difficulty in their conversion. I am informed, that this bigotry is not so great in the country, as we find it in the sea-port towns among the Europeans; where the Casts rival one another in point of trade and business: and these political feuds heighten their zeal or rage against one another, on account of their other observances, which they call religious and sacred. These, Sir, are the main impediments that are most likely o obstruct the conversion of the Indians; most of the hindrances I have mentioned may be effectually removed, if proper measures be concerted at home, and executed here with suitable care and application. Let me now lay before you the reasons I have to hope for success in this difficult, but generous undertaking: and these are, the reasonableness of the Christian doctrine; the extraordinary grace and assistance that may well be supposed to attend the preaching of it; the quick capacity of the natives; the absurdity of their belief and practices; their austere manner of life; their freedom from passion; and their just notions of many moral truths. The reasonableness of the Christian Religion, gives me great hopes that it will meet with a ready reception among the Heathen; for seeing the great design of the Gospel is to teach men the most perfect system

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of morality, and such other important truths as reason alone could not have discovered; and to enforce the practice of all virtue and piety, by the most moving considerations, the greatest rewards, and the most terrible punishments: a scheme of religion that is so agreeable to the natural notions of mankind; and contains nothing but what reason must approve and acquiesce in; which gives us such just and worthy thoughts of Almighty God, the dignity of human nature, and the great end and design of our life: I say, such a scheme of doctrines as this, which is in itself so rational, noble, and consistent, and is supported by the most convincing proofs that the nature of such truths is capable of, bespeaks the regard and attention of mankind, and powerfully insinuates itself even upon a prejudiced spirit. Indeed, the necessity of moral obligations and the practical duties of the Gospel have been so clearly demonstrated from the light of nature, and the proofs of the Christian Revelation have been set in so clear a light, and may be offered with such incontestable evidence, that I am apt to believe miracles are not now necessary for the converson of these people; the want of such a wonderful power being in a great measure supplied by that surprising light and perspicuity which in these latter ages have been given to all the precepts and truths of the Gospel. The first ages of Christianity were destitute of this natural light, and rational kind of demonstration; and therefore the Apostles were supematurally assisted, and converted by miracles, and the demonstration o f the spirit; which abundantly supplied the place of argument and natural persuasion. There is another reason why miracles were necessary then, and do not seem to be so now; because the Gospel was to be preached throughout the whole world, in a short time, and by a few persons; whose lives and labours, without the power of miracles, could not have been sufficient to propagate the Gospel with sufficient success: but now, the truth of these miracles, which the Apostles wrought every where, is as well attested, and is as convincing a proof of the Christian Doctrine to sincere unbiassed minds, as if we had seen them with our own eyes: and a considerable number of Missionaries may be employed in the several parts of the world, and by assiduous labour and application, they may, in a course of many years, gain over great numbers to Christianity, without the help of miracles. The Apostles had the wonderful gift of tongues, which was then absolutely necessary; but now the want of that gift may be supplied in a great degree by study and labour, in a natural way. And when our own diligent and charitable endeavours may accomplish the conversion of the Heathen, there is no reason to expect, or wait for, the

07. Letterfrom William Stevenson Chaplain at Madras

1371

power of miracles. But if Almighty God should think fit to vouchsafe a miraculous power, it must be to those who use all the other industrious methods that prudence, zeal, and charity can suggest; for the use of natural means cannot possibly hinder the course of such supernatural helps, as God may be pleased at length to impart. But though it may be justly questioned, whether the power of miracles be now necessary, we have no reason to doubt but that Almighty God will accompany the preaching of the Gospel to the Heathen with a double portion of grace and spiritual illumination; which may have the same good effect and influence upon their minds, as if they saw the most astonishing miracles. If we suppose that they receive only so much assistance from the Holy Spirit of Christ as will engage their attention to the truths they hear preached, and lessen their prejudices against it; our Religion is so reasonable, and the natives are generally so discerning, that the sincere part of them could not but embrace it. This we may confidently expect, that the peaching of the Gospel will be attended with such measures of spiritual assistance, as shall be necessary to counter-balance the prejudices of the Heathen, and dispose them to a favourable reception of the truth. So much grace is generally given to those who are already Christians; and there is reason to expect, that more plentiful effusions will be bestowed on those who by their education and circumstances are unhappily prepossessed against the doctrine of the Gospel. I mentioned the quick capacity of the natives among the other reasons we have to hope for their speedy conversion to Christianity: but when I speak of their capacity, I do not only mean their skill and ingenuity in all manual arts, wherein they seem to excel the common artificers in Europe; and sometimes out-do the most ingenious; though they use but very few (and these but clumsy) tools in finishing the nicest pieces of work: their skills this way shews a quickness of fancy and invention, greater than is to be found among the common people in Europe; but they are no less remarkable for their skill in arithmetick, and their easy expeditious way of calculating the most difficult sums and proportions, after a manner unkown to Europeans: this is reckoned but a vulgar attainment among one Cast of them; there being a great number that excel in it. And they show no less art and address in their common affairs and business; some of them being masters of a more refined policy and deeper dissimulation, than most can imagine; and of all of them (as far as I could ever observe) show a greater sagacity, a quicker fancy, and readier apprehension even of moral truths, than our common people at home do. I was never better pleased in

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seeing (for though I heard, I did not understand) Mr. Ziegenbalg preach to a crowd of them; for they shewed so much attention, and seeemed so extremely pleased with his undertaking a voyage from Europe to instruct them; and with his humble familiar way of conversing with them in their own language; and (as he afterwards told me) they understood him so easily, and made such pertinent objections about the resurrection, and other points, that I thought it was great pity such numbers of ingenious, and seemingly well-disposed people, should not have some able Missionaries sent out to instruct them. Seeing they are so sagacious and inquisitive, it cannot be thought strange that the grossness of superstition, and their absurd belief, should give me some hope of their conversion; for though they are not capable of making such just reflections as might undeceive them, and free them from the lasting prejudices of education: yet if they were addressed to with proper arguments, there could be no great difficulty in convincing them, that their notions and practices are foolish and absurd. I do not find that they believe any thing so grossly stupid as transubstantiation; nor have the Romish Proselytes any notion of that strange doctrine. None of the natives that I have talked with, will own that they really worship idols. They say, that they acknowledge but one Supreme God, the God of the Christians, who made the world: and though their histories mention other gods; and that some of the populace pay a religious kind of respect to some statues and animals; the wiser sort know that their inferior deities were but heroes, kings, and famous men, who were taken into heaven, and rewarded by the great God of all. And they solve their worshipping the statues and images of these deities, by the very same arguments that the papists defend their worship of the cross, saints, and images: so that ‘tis hard to tell, whether the usual distinctions upon this point were originally Romish, or Indian. But though the Popish Missionaries can use no argument against the Heathen Idolatry, but what may be answered by the help of their own distinctions, and urged with equal force against their own more stupid idolatry; yet a Protestant might easily confute both, by arguments drawn from Scripture and reason, with such force and evidence as an honest Heathen could not withstand, though a true Papist propably would. But to proceed. The austere and abstemious life that the Indians generally lead, gives me some reason to believe, that they might easily be converted to the Christian faith and practice; they would find but little difficulty in the hard and shocking doctrines of temperance, self-denial, poverty, and

07. Letterfrom William Stevenson Chaplain at Madras

1373

contempt of the world; for these unpleasant duties are in some measure natural to them. Rice is their daily food, their head and middle only are covered with linen, they lie upon the ground, and for houses, have only such huts to cover them, as can screen them from the cold winds and rain. Even the persons of distinction among them (who are but few), live much after the same way; having only their bodies entirely cloathed, and a few seasoning things to eat with their rice; which the rest cannot, or will not purchase. Now seeing they are thus contented and happy with the necessaries of life, they do not lie under any great temptation or covetousness, pride, ambition, and envy: their affections may be more easily disengaged from the world, in which they usually seem to live with very great indifference; having seldom any prospect or foresight beyond the present day; the necessaries whereof they procure by their labour and toil. Many of them indeed do indulge themselves in lewdness, and some of them have several wives; but I believe they tolerate these practices among them, only because they reckon them lawful; for they punish adultery with death: and in these matters seem to act very much according to the Jewish law, though they know nothing of it. Another thing which I think must somewhat dispose them to embrace the doctrine of the Gospel, is their evenness of temper, and freedom from violent anger, to which Europeans are generally subject. They reckon passion a mean, unmanly thing, and can scarce help smiling when they see others angry, and railing at them in the severest manner. They take every thing in good part, and do not seem to be moved by the highest provocation. Though they sometimes quarrel, and fall into the most violent rage, this happens but seldom, and among the meaner sort. If ever passion rages among all sorts of them, it is upon account of their casts; for which they think that they cannot show too much zeal and concern. But in their ordinary conversation, they show the greatest temper, mildness, and good nature. I do not know whether they practise these virtues upon true principles, nor whether such behaviour can in them be reckoned virtuous; seeing it seems to arise out of their natural temper, and prevents their own reflection; nay, it is oftentimes practised through cunning and hypocrisy: but I am sure that upon so good a stock of natural dispositions, as they generally have, the Christian virtues might be easily grafted, and cultivated to the best purposes. In fine, their acknowledgment of one true God, and of a future state,and the just notions they have on many moral virtues, gives us reason to believe, that they are already somewhat prepared for embracing the

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other principles of the Christian religion. Nor have they only a notion of these things, but some of them show as great regard to them in their practice, as most Christians do: for seeing we ought to judge of peoples persuasion and sentiments, by their actions and behaviour, I must own that there seem to be some as just, charitable, and sober, among the Heathen, as among those who profess Christianity. Now seeing our holy religion is so agreeable to reason, and that we may well expect the almighty will accompany the preaching of it wthi uncommon measures of grace and spiritual assistance: seeing the people to whom we ought to preach the gospel, are easily capable of conviction, and that their austere life, their freedom from passion, and their just sense of the most fundamental truths of natural religion, do in a great measure dispose and prepare them for the reception of the Gospel; we have all the reason imaginable to hope for their conversion, if this great and glorious work were carried on with that zeal and diligence it deserves. Sir, having thus pointed out to you the chief hindrances to the propagation of the gospel in this part of the world, and the great encouragements we have to attempt it; I shall now propose to you those methods, that I think might be most effectual in prosecuting this necessary work. To begin then at the very source and foundation of it; it will be thought proper, I suppose, and practicable, so to unite the hearts and endeavours of the several societies in England, Denmark, and Germany, who have engaged to support the Protestant Mission, that laying aside all distrust and jealousy of one another, concerning the point of national honour in canying on this design, and all partiality and prejudices in favour of their several schemes and opinions, they may agree to promote the glory of God, and the conversion of the Heathen, by all proper methods and persons, without disputing about rights, precedence, or superior direction. Such an union may be begun and continued by frequent correspondence, and friendly communication of advice and assistance to each other; and by such regulations as they shall agree upon, for the most speedy and successful management of their affairs. When one common Society for promoting the Protestant Mission is thus happily formed, one of the first things that can fall under their consideration, is, how they may raise a sufficient fund for carrying on so great a work; towards which, it is but reasonable to expect that all

07. Letterfrom William Stevenson Chaplain at Madras

1375

charitable Christians will readily contribute. It is not possible to make an exact calculation of the annual expenses that will be necessary to subsist the Missionaries, and others to be employed under them: but their yearly charge here in India cannot be computed at less than £ 3,000. Besides this fund for expences, it were to be wished that there were colleges erected in Europe for training up Missionaries; and teaching the languages that are necessary for them, viz. the Malabar, Gentoo, Moorish, and Portuguese tongues; in each of which they might be somewhat instructed, before they come abroad; but chiefly in the Malabarian and the Portuguese, which is the Lingua franca used throughout the coast of the Coromandel. From such seminaries the Mission must be supplied from time to time, with at least eight well qualified Missionaries to reside in India; and if a greater number could be sent out, they might be very usefully employed in so great a Harvest as here offers itself. Two of these Missionaries will always find sufficient employment in Tranquebar; where a college might be erected for training up Catechists and Schoolmasters for the service of the Mission: there will be occasion for another Missionary to reside at Fort St. George, (and perhaps for one at Fort St. David,) to educate Schoolmasters; take the charge of the schools, to be erected in and about these settlements; and to facilitate a correspondence among the other Misionaries; whose business it must be to travel up into the country with Catechists and assistants; there to preach to the natives, settle schools in their villages, and distribute among them abstracts of the Christian Religion, engraved or written on the most durable materials. For the better management of the whole work, the Missionary who shall reside at Fort St. George, and one of those at Tranquebar, might be invested with some authority over the rest; to direct their progress and stations; determine their differences, and negotiate the affairs of the Mission: and it seems no less necessary, that one of them be impowered to ordain Gentile proselytes to the ministry. To prevent all disputes about religion, and further the propagation of it among the natives, it will be necessary that not only a short abstract of the Christian doctrine, but likewise a larger catechism, containing all proper (especially practical) instruction, be composed by some judicious members of the Society in Europe, for the Use of the Mission: and that no sort of books be printed, or used by any of the Missionaries, but such

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as shall be approved and recommended by the Society. That the itinerant Missionaries, Catechists, &c. may not be molested nor interrupted in their work, they must be powerfully recommended to the favour and protection of the governors at Fort St. George and Tranquebar; who by their letters testimonial and recommendatory, may procure not only protection from the governors of the inland provinces; but likewise their favour and good will to the Missionaries and their assistants. Seeing the whole success of the Mission must depend upon the abilities and good conduct of the persons to be employed in it, the greatest care must be taken in choosing them; that so none may be sent out but such as are not only learned and laborious, but likewise remarkable for their prudence, good temper, and Christian zeal. It will be necessary for the Missionaries to hold a punctual correspondence, and frequent conferences with one another, on any particular emergency: and that the itinerant Missionaries keep exact journals of their progress, and transmit copies of them from time to time, both to Fort St. Geoige, and Tranquebar; to be hence forwarded to the Society in Europe. One of the most effectual ways the Missionaries can take to propagate the Gospel among the natives, and procure their good will, is to begin charity-schools in their villages, and to stay several days at one place among them, in teaching and instructing the more advanced in age; they must leave a Schoolmaster in every considerable place, to teach their children to read, write, and cast accounts after their own way: to which villages the Missionaries ought to return again and again, to visit, instruct, and encourage, such as seem inclined to embrace the Christian Religion; and may leave a Catechist among them when they make converts; or ordain him a Minister, and settle a Church, in any place where they meet with sufficient success. It being absolutely necessary, that they who undertake the conversion of the Heathen live strictly according to that pure and holy Religion they teach and profess, the Missionaries must not only set a shining example of piety and all heroick virtue, but they must keep up the strictest order and discipline among those that assist them; lest any disorder in their lives should give offence and scandal to the natives and obstruct their conversion. And therefore none ought to be employed as Catechists or Schoolmasters, till they give sufficient proofs of their sincerity and stedfastness.

07. Letterfrom William Stevenson Chaplain at Madras

1377

Thus, Sir, I have freely communicated to you my thoughts, concerning the most effectual way of propagating the Gospel in this part of the world; which I freely submit to the judgement of the Honorable Society. I am sensible that the proposals I have made, are too general, and defective in many particulars; for I designed only to mention such things as to me seem essential and necessary. I am, SIR, Your most obedient servant, WILLIAM STEVENSON. Fort St. George, on the coast of Coromandel, 27 Dec. 1716.

08. MAR THOMA TO MR. CAROLUS There are three versions o f this letter written on 6 January 1728 by Bishop Mar Thoma in the archives o f the Francke Foundations: M 1 B 1:11 from 1-7; M 1 B 1:11 from 8-13; M 1 B 1:11 from 14-20. The different versions have been used in the following translations and changes have been explained in the footnotes. This work has been done by Martin Tamcke, who has also placed this letter in a wider context. His article, which describes the relations o f the missionaries to the Syrian Christians, can be found in Part V o f this publication. He was assisted by Gabriel Raba. The Bishop regarded the attempt by the Lutheran missionaries from Tranquebar to establish contact as a possibility o f ensuring far-reaching political support from a European power that was competing with the Portuguese on the Indian sub-continent. It is taken for granted that a religious community existed in the past. The Bishop therefore - in contrast to the missionaries - is not aiming at a unity in ecclesiastical or theological matters, but is only viewing the possible political gain. The writer himself is conscious o f the fact that the text is flawed. The sentence structure probably follows that o f Malayalam. Syrian alphabets like nun and e, or beth and koph cannot be distinguished from one another. Sometimes the dots on the alphabets doladh and rish are missing, and so are the dots for the plural. Sometimes the person referred to is not mentioned. A number o f words are not Syrian. Active and passive verbs are often interchanged, similarly feminine and masculine, singular and plural. To Mr. Carolus, the greatly esteemed teacher in Hollandia. YH [=Jahwe] In the name of the Lord, of the almighty God, of the omnipotent ruler1 ___________________ I begin and end 1 In the first draft it reads: In the name o f the eternal existence, o f the necessary being, of the omnipotent ruler.

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Whereas he has neither a beginning nor an end There is no comparison for him and no image. Yes, Amen.2 Let us give heed to the supreme authority of the proclamation of the Apostles who received their strength from above. “Before I send the prophecy of my father down to you, remain in Jerusalem till you are equipped with strength from above.” Yes, Amen. To the King, the [head] of the Company,3great esteemed, well known and famous in the four regions of the world. He is the Lord, who delivers and who knows justice and judgment.4 He who is writing to your esteemed Majesty (is) Mar Thoma, the sorry wretch, Bishop of the Syrians, of the Christians in India where the blessed apostle St. Thomas preached. I was given the name Mar Thoma when I was installed on the chair of the apostle, St. Thomas.s Therefore, I was named Mar Thoma after the apostle.6 I am not worthy of writing to you who resembles the sun, (but) since you do not look at the person and (act) instead (according) to justice and fairness, [I dare to do so nonetheless].7 [I] am sending (it to [you]) in order that you know of my distress petition.

2At the beginning of the third letter there is a theological substantiation of the Bishop's petitionary prayer. By invoking the Trinity he establishes the “community and love" with the Protestants as god-given. The Lord, he states, is close to those who invoke him. He fulfills the will, hears the prayers and delivers and protects those who fear him. 3 In the third draft of the letter Mar Thoma addresses the "famous general who sits in the fort in Batavia ” 4There is a dot on Yud which is otherwise to be read as Dayono (judge). In this context it is understood as a judgment in court. 5In far greater detail in the first draft: he is under the glorious and holy chair of Mar Ignatius, the patriarch of Antioch who still rules over them. This patriarch is named fourth among the 318 Fathers of the Council in the hierarchy of the patriarchates in the Council of Nicaea and is famous everywhere. 6 Instead of eshtamhath it says eshtamyath. 7 In the first draft Mar Thoma justifies his letter with the letter sent by the addressee (“because of your letter and of your great love (and) your friendship for me”). The letter that was addressed to Mar Thoma reached him on December 24,1727. He received two letters in Syrian that they were able to read and one in Tamil (tamulisch, tamuloyo) which they could not understand. They were only able to understand the letters written in Syrian. The bishop mentions that he had already described his request in a letter sent earlier, but had not received a reply to this.

08. Mar Thoma to Mr. Carolus

1381

O Sir, I request you, if you will, to grant in God’s name the request in this petition, since we are of the same community8as the Landier,9and have stayed away from the Franconians. I request you to write a letter so that all the high commandants'0 who rule from Fort Kokchi save us. This means that the Patrimar Sampaulites and the Carmelites should stay away from the Christians of my community and from the country of the King of Kokchi." You can save me if the king gets angry with me.12If you were to do this good deed for me, (then) (a letter) should be written in your language Landish13 and in our language, Syrian. I will show the commandants who rule from Fort Kokchi14(this letter) as soon as possible.15 And they (can then) help me within the borders of this country. O, Sir, do this good deed for me. I beseech you16in the name of the Lord. Yes, Amen. When the enemy came (and) attacked Fort Kokchi, our community supported the son of the heathen kings of India17because they settled in *Expressed in stronger terms in the third draft: because they had allied themselves with the Dutch. ’ In Syrian it says lindoye. In an explanatory comment of the first translator there is a reference to the fact that this was the common Indian abbreviation in the Syrian language for the Dutch. 10 The Syrian word Komadure appears in the text, reproduced here as “commandant”. 11 In the first draft Mar Thoma cites the fact that the addressee knows that the “Franconians” arc the enemies of the Syrians. Therefore he is sending his petition to him in all humility. Without going into the details he justifies his demand that Catholic monks and missionaries stay away from his country with the fact that India is an Eastern diocese of the Patriarch of Antioch. Since the Fathers of the patriarchates of Antioch had once also ruled the country of the addressee on account of the prominent position of Antioch, the Catholic missionaries should stay away from his country. 12The writer could have meant: “if the king deals with me”. 11In Syrian it says lindoyoto. The Syrian word leshono is masculine. 14In the first draft he also emphasizes that he will treasure the letter of protection till the end of the world. In the third draft he asks for a letter to be addressed directly to the ruler of Cochin. 15Literally: day for day. 16The Syrian word maume no in certain contexts can mean “to swear on oath”, but in other contexts, like here, mean, “to beseech”. 17 In the first letter Mar Thoma describes the situation of the Syrian Christians in his times as being divided into two groups. One group belongs to him, the other group to the Franconians. If taxes were imposed on one group against the will of the people, then convictions changed and members of his group went over to th« other, or members of the other group came over to his group. In the third draft a geographical description is included. Christians of his community lived from Fort Kullam to Fort Sherway

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their country and lived o ff their produce.18Yes, Amen.

We entreat God that your kingdom and your people may be fruitful and multiply. In order to praise God we all work together in love and harmony. May the Lord God shower his blessings on you. Yes, Amen. O, Mr. Carolus, famed teacher, tell the king, the company [chief], our esteemed great master, read this letter till the end.19 When you read this letter you might find20mistakes in these sentences, alphabets and (diacritic) marks.21 May the Lord God make you glorious in gratitude. Yes, Amen.22 (This letter) was written in the Church of the Holy Virgin Mart Maria in Ka(n)danad, on the day of Epiphany, January 6, on Saturday in the year 1728.

(Chatuway). Sampaulites and Carmelites, however, were part of the foreigners on the sea coast. Therefore they should not come near his community. 18In the first draft he also mentions that they lived off the taxes given to the King. 19In the opening sentences of the first draft the bishop addresses die teacher QRWLWS (Kyrillos or Karolos, therefore Karl) who is the highest among all those praised for their learning and who are teachers of the Church, about which the Church is happy. 29Probably the author did not use the word en in the sense of “if ’, but means “possibly”, since it is not possible to use the word in a main and a subordinate clause. 21This sentence is incorrect and unintelligible. The literal translation is: “if you find mistakes in the sentences and alphabets, kiss, when you read this letter.” Another version is improbable: “if you find mistakes in these sentences and alphabets [correct them]. Kisses [for you] when you read this letter.” The translation given in the main text would therefore be a conceivable sentence. The word nwsqta (PI., kisses) should be wnqsta (“and” + diacritic “marks”). The alphabets were interchanged. 22In the first draft the addressee is asked at the end to say the Lord’s Prayer.

09. CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF BOOKS PUBLISHED AT TRANQUEBAR 1712-1731 This list waspublished in: 'Der Kdniglich-Danischen Missionaries aus Ost-Indien eingesandter ausfuhrlichen Berichten (Halle Reports), 33 Continuation, Halle 1733, pp. 927-936 with the title ‘Chronologisches Verzeichniss aller in der Missions-Buchdruckerey zu Tranquebar diese zwanzigJahr gedruckten Buecher/nebst deren wiederholten Auflagen/ Grdsse und Format/auch Anzeige/wo ihrer inden Missions=Berichten Meldung geschehen. ’ The original list was sent by the missionaries in Tranquebar in the year 1732 and can be found in the Archive of Francke Foundations MI F 3:50. S. Muthiah in his article inpart VIII provides the historical background of Printing in Tranquebar. The list has been translated into English by Rekha Kamath Rajan. What follows is a chronological list of the books published in the last twenty years by the mission printing press in Tranquebar, including their further editions, size and format, and also indicating where they are mentioned in the Mission Reports. 1712 The Christian doctrine in questions and answers, illustrated with aphorisms. Portuguese. The title is: A Ordem da Salva^ao (Salvafam) ou a Doutrina ChristaS. Two sheets in duodecimo. These questions, which were printed several times in the following years in both Portuguese and Tamil without the aphorisms and called the Method of Salvation, are the Order of the Christian doctrine written as questions prior to Pastor Freylinghausen’s foundation of theology, and not his Method of Salvation as one would otherwise assume from the title. October 24. Contin. VI, a, 3, b. Contin. VIII, p. 633. Contin. XIII, p. 37. An A, B, C. Portuguese. Half a sheet in duodecimo. November 8. Contin. VIII, p. 633. Contin. XIII, p. 38. 1713 Excerpt from Dr. Spener’s catechism. Portuguese, the title of which

Appendix I

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is: Explica9ad (Explica^am) da Doutrina ChristaS. Fourteen sheets in duodecimo. March 21. Contin. VIII, pp. 616 and 633. Contin. XIII, p. 38. Contin. XVIII, p. 250. The Small Catechism, without a commentary, along with the abovementioned questions on the Christian doctrine. Portuguese. The title is: Summario da Doutrina ChristaS. Half a sheet in vigesimo quarto. March 28. Contin. VIII, p. 633. Contin. XIII, p. 38. Letter to Mr. Lewis in Madras about the schools. Portuguese. Two sheets in quarto. April 7. Contin. VIII, pp. 616 and 633. Contin. XIII, p. 39. Book of Hymns in Portuguese. The title is: Historia da PaixaS (Paixam). Three and a half sheets in duodecimo. August 28. Contin. VIII, pp. 616 and 633. Contin. XIII, p. 39. The Damned Condition of the Heathens. Tamil. The title is: Akki&nattei woelippaduttugira weda-pdram&nam. Four sheets in octavo. October 25. Contin. VIII, p. 633. Contin. XIII, p. 35. The Small Catechism, without a commentary, along with the above-mentioned questions on the Christian doctrine. Tamil. The title is: Mandirangoel. Two sheets in duodecimo. November 13. Contin. VIII, p. 635. Contin. XIII, p. 35. 1714 The Small Catechism, without a commentary, along with the abovementioned questions on the Christian doctrine. Portuguese. The title is: Summario da Doutrina Christa£. Half a sheet in vigesimo quarto. Second edition in August. The title page mentions the year 1715. Contin. XIII, p. 38. Catalogue of the books in the mission library. Portuguese. Three sheets in folio. October 24. Contin. XI, p. 856. Contin XIII, p. 45. 1715 Book of Hymns. Tamil, with the title: Pirattinei-Postagam. Four and a half sheets in octavo. January 24. Contin. IX, p.661. Contin. X, p. 845. Contin. XIII, p. 38. New Testament. Tamil. The title is: Pudu etpadu. Three consecutive quires and eighteen sheets in quarto. July 13. The title page mentions the year as 1714, when the first part was printed. Contin. X, p. 844. Contin. XIII, p. 35.

09. Chronological List o f Books Published at Tranquebar

1385

The Small Catechism, without a commentary, along with the above-mentioned questions on the Christian doctrine. Tamil. The title is: Mdndirangoel. Two sheets in duodecimo. Second edition, July 27. Contin. X, p. 845. Contin. XIII, p. 35. A summary of the Protestant doctrine in Portuguese with the title: A verdadeira ReligiaS (Religiam). Half a sheet in duodecimo. August 16. This is the Summa credendorum & agendorum summarised by Christiano Alethophilo in reply to the open letter Christiani Conscientiosi. Contin. X, p. 845. Contin. XIII, p. 40. The Small Catechism, without a commentary, along with the abovementioned questions on the Christian doctrine. Tamil and Portuguese alongside each other. Two sheets in octavo. October 7. Contin. XI, preface. Contin. XIII, p. 35. On future work in the conversion of heathens. Latin. The title is: Degentium conversione adhuc futura. It is taken from Dr. Lange’s Antibarbaro orthodoxie, part II, pp. 691-704. One and a half sheets in octavo. November 6. Contin. XI, preface. Contin. XIII, pp. 6 and 41. 1716 A reader or Spelling Book in English with the title: A Guide to the English tongue by Tho. Dyche. Five sheets in octavo. May 12. Contin. XIII, p. 40. Theology, from Pastor Freylinghausen’s foundation, in Tamil with the title: Wddasattiram. Two consecutive quires in octavo. December 21. The title page mentions the year as 1717. Contin. XIII, p. 36. Contin. XVII, p. 14. The Way of Salvation in Tamil with the title: Motschattukku pora warhi. One sheet in decimo octavo. December 24. 1717 The English Book of Psalms with the title: A new version of the Psalms of David, by N. Brady, D. D. and N. Tate Esq. Fifteen sheets in octavo. July 14. An A, B, C in Portuguese for the schools in English territories. Half a sheet in duodecimo, printed in July. Contin. XIII, F, 3, a. The Way of Salvation in Tamil with the title: Motschattukku pora warhi. One sheet in decimo octavo. Second edition. Contin. XIII, F, 1, b.

Appendix I

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Report on the mission in Latin with the title: Delineatio opens Missionis. Three sheets in octavo. July 19. Contin. XIII, E, 4, a, F, 2, a. A second Short Catechism. Tamil and Portuguese. The title is Catechismo. Two sheets in octavo. September 14. Contin. XIII, F, 1, b. The Way of Salvation in Tamil with the title: Motschattukku pora warhi. One sheet in decimo octavo. Third edition. Contin. XIII, F, 3, a. Letter to the heathens. Tamil. The title is: Nirubam. One sheet in duodecimo. December 17. The title page mentions the year 1718. Contin. XIII, F, 3, a. 1718 The Five Books of Moses. Portuguese. The title is: Os cinco livros de Moyses. One consecutive quire and fourteen sheets in quarto. December 6. The title page mentions the year as 1719. Contin. XIV, p. 163. 1719 Excerpt from Dr. Spener’s catechism in Tamil with the title: Njana Ubadesattinudeia Kurippudam. Eleven sheets in octavo. January 14. The title page mentions the year as 1718. Contin. XIV, p. 163. Contin. XV, p. 10. Contin. XVI, a, 4, a. Book of Hymns in Portuguese. The title is: Espirituaes Cantigas. Second enlarged edition in long duodecimo, thirteen sheets. February 16. Contin. XIV, p. 163. Account of the construction of the new church in German.The title is: Grundlegung, Bau und Einweihung der neuen Mifiions-Kirche in Tranquebar, genannt Neu-Jerusalem. Six sheets in quarto. July 22. Contin. XVI, a 3 b. Contin. XVIII, a 2 b. Danish translation of the Letter to the Heathens. One sheet in quarto, printed in October. Contin. XVIII, a 2 b. 1720 Seven passages from the Way to Salvation in Tamil. The title is: Oerhu Njajangoel (Niajangoel). One sheet in decimo octavo. These are taken from the five questions which the late Prof. Francke added to the sermon about the wisdom of the children of light. Cont. XX, p. 510. This was printed at the beginning of the year. The History of the Passion in Portuguese, or Historia da Paixad (Paixam). Second edition in duodecimo on three and a half sheets. March

09. Chronological List o f Books Published at Tranquebar

1387

1. Cont. XX, pp. 436 and 510. Funeral sermon for the late missionary Mr. GrQndler. Portuguese. Two sheets in quarto. May 6. Contin. XX, pp. 443-509. The same on two sheets in duodecimo. May 10. Contin. XX, pp. 443-509. The first part of the Old Testament containing the five Books of Moses, the Book of Joshua and of the Judges in Tamil. The title is: Wedapostagattin Inud[?] elam waguppu. Two consecutive quires and five sheets in quarto. Completed in June. The title page mentions the year as 1723. Contin. XIX, pp. 331 and 343. Contin. XX, pp. 443 and 481. Funeral sermon for the late missionary Mr. GrQndler. Tamil. Two sheets in quarto. July 15. Contin. XX, pp. 439 and 446. The same on two sheets in duodecimo. Contin. XX, pp. 446 and 509. Funeral sermon for the late missionary Mr. GrQndler. German. Three sheets in quarto. July 24. Contin. XX, pp. 446 and 509. Funeral sermon for the late Superintendent Ziegenbalg. German. Three sheets in quarto. November 29. Contin. XX, pp. 448 and 509. 1721 Catalogue of books in the mission library. Portuguese. Four sheets in octavo. Second edition printed in March. Contin. XX, p. 510. Book of Hymns in Tamil, the title of which is: Pirattinei-Postagam. Four and a half sheets in octavo. Second edition in September. Contin. XX, p. 510. Rules of life from Wilcken’s Communion book in Danish with the title: Levnets-Regler. One sheet in long duodecimo. October 6. Contin. XX, pp. 457 and 509. The Psalms of David in Portuguese with the title: Os Psalmos de David. 13 sheets in duodecimo. October 11. Contin. XIX, pp. 331, 335 and 346. Contin. XX, pp. 458 and 509. Christoph Wilcken’s worthy communicant, in Tamil, the title of which is: Natkarunei-Postagam. 12 sheets in octavo. November 14. Contin. XIX, pp. 331,335,346. Contin. XX, pp. 461 and 509. Rules of life from Wilcken’s Communion book, in Tamil, o r : Nuru kariangoel. One and a half sheets in sedecimo. December 14. Contin. XIX, p. 336. Contin. XX, p. 509.

Appendix 1

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1722 The Small Catechism in Danish, or: Den liden Catechismus. Three sheets in sedecimo. Printed in April. Contin. XX, p. 510. Letter to the heathens. Tamil. The title is: Nirubam. Second edition in duodecimo on one sheet. May 4. Contin. XX, pp. 464 and 510. Wilcken’s Communion book in Danish, or: Werdige Communicant. Thirteen sheets in long duodecimo. May 21. Contin. XIX, p. 336. Contin. XX, pp. 465 and 510. The Small Catechism, without a commentary, along with the abovementioned questions on the Christian doctrine. Portuguese. The title is: Summario da Doutrina Christad. Half a sheet in vigesimo quarto. July 1. Contin. XIX, p. 349. Contin. XX, p. 467. 1723 The History of the Passion in Tamil with the title: Padupatta-kadeiPostagam. Five sheets in duodecimo. March 22. Contin. XIX, p. 342. Contin. XX, pp. 478 and 510. Book of Hymns in Tamil, the title of which is: Pirattinei-Postagam. Third edition in octavo on thirteen sheets. July 6. Contin. XIX, pp. 341 and 349. Contin. XX, pp. 485 and 510. A Spelling Book or reader in English, the title of which is A guide to the English Tongue by Tho. Dyche. Second edition in octavo on five sheets. August 3. Contin XIX, p. 349. Contin. XX, p. 485. 1724 New Testament. Tamil. The title is: Pudu etpadu. Second edition in octavo on two consecutive quires and eighteen sheets. April 25. The title page mentions the year 1722. Contin. XX, pp. 448,470 and 510. Kempi’s The Imitation of Christ in Portuguese, or Imitacad (imitacam) de Christo. Thirteen sheets in duodecimo. April 28. Contin. XX, pp. 493 and 510. The Small Catechism, without a commentary, along with the abovementioned questions on the Christian doctrine. Portuguese. The title is: Summario da Doutrina Christaa. Fourth edition in half a sheet in vigesimo quarto. July 21. The psalms in Tamil with the title: Sangida-Postagam. Sixteen sheets in octavo. August 16. Contin. XX. pp. 499 and 510.

09. Chronological List o f Books Published at Tranquebar

1389

1725 First part of the Portuguese grammar. Portuguese, with the title: As Conjugazoens dos verbos regulares e irregulares. Four sheets in octavo. May 3. Contin. XXI, p. 623. 1726 The difference between the old apostolic doctrine and the new Roman doctrine in Portuguese. The title is: Differenza da Christandade. Two sheets in octavo. March 5. Contin. XXII, p. 862. Kempi’s Book of the Sacrament of Holy Communion. Portuguese, with the title: Livro da Comunhad (Comunham). Four and a half sheets in duodecimo. July 25. Contin. XXIII, p. 951. The second part of the Old Testament in Tamil. The title is: Wedapostagattin roendam waguppu. Three consecutive quires and ten sheets in quarto. August 5. Contin. XXIII, p. 968. The Way of Salvation in Tamil with the title: Motschattukku pdra warhi. Fourth edition in duodecimo on one sheet. August 8. Contin. XXIII, p. 968. Second part of the Portuguese grammar in Portuguese with the tide: A Prosodia ou Accentuzad (Accentuazam) das diczoens Portuguezos. Three and a half sheets in octavo. October 8. Contin. XXIII, p. 976. 1727 Third part of the Portuguese grammar in Portuguese, or: Os Adagios mais uteis e mais usados. Three and a half sheets in octavo. July 14. Conti. XXV, p. 104. Third part of the Old Testament in Tamil with the title: Wedapostagattin niunam Waguppu. Two consecutive quires and three sheets in quarto. October 3. Contin. XXV, p. 60. The Book of Jesus Sirach in Tamil with the title: Jesu Sirak postagam. Ten sheets in duodecimo. Printed in November. Contin. XXV, p. 62. Refutation of Mohammedan superstition in conversations. Tamil. The title is: Islamanawenum Christ anawenum pannugira Porasangam. Four and a half sheets in duodecimo. Printed in December. The title page mentions the year as 1728. Contin. XXV, p. 75. 1729 The difference between the old apostolic doctrine and the new Roman

Appendix I

1390

doctrine in Portuguese. The title is: Differenza da Christandade. Second edition on two sheets in octavo. May 12. Contin. XXVI, p. 36. The Apocryphal Books in Tamil. The title is: Njana postagangoel. One consecutive quire and fifteen sheets in quarto. September 26. Contin. XXVI, p. 67. Seven passages from the Way of Salvation in Tamil, or Oerhu Njajangoel. One sheet in duodecimo. Second edition in October. Contin. XXVI, p. 67. The Damned Condition of the Heathens. Tamil. The title is: Mennjanam-illameiei woelippaduttugira weda-pdramanam. Second edition in octavo on four and a half sheets. Printed in November. Contin. XXVI, p. 68. 1730 The Small Catechism, without a commentary, along with the above-mentioned questions on the Christian doctrine. Tamil. The title is: Mandirangoel. Fourth revised edition in duodecimo on one sheet. October 20. Contin. XXXI, p. 698. 1731 The Small Catechism, without a commentary, along with the abovementioned questions on the Christian doctrine. Portuguese. The title is: Summario da Doutrina ChristaS. Fourth revised edition in duodecimo on one sheet. October 20. Contin. XXXI, p. 698. A summary of the Protestant doctrine in Portuguese with the title: A verdadeira ReligiaS (Religiam). Second revised edition in duodecimo on two sheets. April 25. The title page mentions the year as 1730. Contin. XXXII, p. 814. The Way of Salvation in questions and answers in Tamil. The title is: Retschittudelin orhungu. Three sheets in duodecimo. Written according to Pastor Freylinghausen’s method with comments for the catechist. June 20. Title page mentions the year as 1730. Contin. XXXII, p. 821. Fourth part of the Portuguese grammar in Portuguese, titled: Vocabulario em Portuguez e Malabar. Five sheets in octavo. September 22. Contin. XXXII, p. 844.

10. INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE ENGLISH MISSIONARIES This document is in the archives o f the Francke Foundations in 2 C 2. It was written by the secretary o f the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. The instruction is meant for the English missionaries in Madras, which was at that time the only “English station" in India. The missionaries Benjamin Schultze, Johann Ernst Geister and Johann An­ ton Sartorius worked there. This document is i portant for understanding the English-Halle mission in India and refers to Part III o f this publication. The document was read by Christina Gross. INSTRUCTIONS for the Protestant Missionarys in the English Colonies at Madras, Cudulur, & c. to be observed by them in the Dis­ charge of their respective Functions. §. I. Of the good Disposition and Behaviour necessary in a Protes­ tant Missionary. Every Protestant Missionary is sent into the Indies to be a Light among the Gentiles, to open their Eyes, to turn them from darkness to Light, and from the power of Satan unto God. Acts. 26 verse 18. He is to testify to them the name of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ and the Salvation that is in Him. Acts. 9 verse IS. He is to Minister the Gospel of God to the Gentiles, that they may become obedient and an Offering acceptable to God, Sanctified by the Holy Ghost. Rom. 15 verse 16. It is therefore supposed as the first thing absolutely necessary that a Missionary, besides his other Qualifications and Learning, be a truly pious and good Man himself, enlightened by the holy Spirit, sound in Faith and Charity, holding the Mystery of the Faith in a pure Conscience. 1.Tim. 3 verse 9. To whom Christ is become Wisdom, Righteousness, Sanctifica­ tion, and Redemption, or as the Apostle very emphatically describes Him. l.Tim.3 verse 2.3. Tit.l.7.& blameless, vigilant, sober, given to Hospital-

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ity, apt to teach, not dreedy of filthy Lucre, not a Brawler, not covetous, not self willed, but patient, just, holy, temperate, a lover of good Men. Wherefore it behoves every Missionary to take heed first of all unto himself, and have a watchfull Eye over his own heart and inward prin­ ciple of action, that He may be really and sincerely before the Lord what he endeavours to appear himself, and to persuade others to be. Adorning the Doctrine of God our Saviour in all things, giving no just occasion to the Adversary to speak reproachfully of it. §. II. Of the Direction of the whole Business of the Mission As there is no chief Director over the Mission it is hoped all the Missionaries will consult together in the most Friendly manner upon all Affairs relating to the work. That all Business should be determined and ordered in a peaceable and regular way by the majority of Votes of the Missionaries. And to Establish and confirm a mutual and Lasting Unanimity, and that every one of them may be the better informed in the nature and Circumstances of theis great work. They are to hold a weekly General Conference, at which Catechists and Schoolmasters are to attend. Each Conference is by the Chairman to be opened and concluded with Devout prayer to Almighty God. In this General Conference, The Senior Missionary present is to take the Chair and to claim no other Power than what is expressly given in these future Instructions. At this Meeting all Publick Business is to be transacted such as Matter relating to the State and Behaviour of the new Converts, the Ser­ vants, the Schools, all Proposals of exchanging, repairing, or buying of Houses or Land for the use of the Mission with all other affairs of a General concern. Any Affair that is to be taken into Consideration, is to be propos’d to or by the Chairman who, after it has been fully considered in a meek and amicable manner, and all Persons concerned, heard or consulted, is to State the Question which is only to be determined as directed above, by the Majority of Votes of the Missionaries. All Resolutions are to be entered into a Minute Book and subscribed before the Conference ends by every Missionary present, a fair Copy o f

10. Instructions fo r the English Missionaries

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which signed by them all to be yearly transmitted to the Society. The Minutes shall be entered in this Book by each Missionary in his Turn, beginning with the Senior or Chairman, unless they appoint some trusty person, fit for the work, to act as a Clerk. If any Missionary should happen to differ from the Opinion of the Majority he may enter his reasons for such Difference. No Missionary is to Absent himself form this General Conference without some very weighty Reason. Besides this General Conference it will be also necessary that the Missionaries hold weekly a special one among themselves only, except they think proper to call in any of the Catechitst in order to give them an Opportunity of improving themselves for the Ministry. In this the Senior Missionary present takes the Chair, as in the General Conference and after joining in prayer and Christian Discourse on some portion of Scripture for their mutual Edification, they enter upon such matter of the Mission as more immediately are to come before them only viz. the distributing the particular shares of Business each of them is to take care of. The Inquiry into any personal differences if there should be any such happen among themselves, which God forbid, and continuing their good Correspondence with the Missionaries at Tranquebar. The most remarkable Cases of this private Conference, being agreed to unanimously or by a Majority of Votes of the Missionaries, are to be minuted and a subscribed copy of them Yearly to be sent to the Society at the same time with their other Accounts. On Extraordinay Emergencies that will not admit of Delay till the next General or particular Conference, the Chairman is to summon the proper persons and to proceed as before is directed. In Cases where the Missionaries are equally divided & cannot by any Conference among themselves come to a Conclusion they are agreably to Examples in Scripture, to cast Lots for deciding such Questions, if any such should arise. §.III. Of the Behaviour of the Missionaries towards each other. Forasmuch as the Missionaries are equally engag’d in the same weighty Ministry, they ought to Love and respect one another and live together as Brethren, and none of them assume any superiority over the

1394

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rest. However a due Regard must be had to those that are the Seniors and decent Subordination observ’d of the younger to the elder, who have serv’d Longer in the Mission. The Senior Ministers on the other hand will carry it friendly and affectionately towards the younger Missionaries, be ready to assist them in Learning the Languages and patient to hear their doubts and opinions, never slighting or disdaining to attend to the reasons of their Dissent, But to act together in Unity and Christian Concord as becomes Brethren and Fellow Labourers in the Lord’s Vineyard. §. IV. Of the Ministerial Function of a Missionary and the Care and Diligence incumbent on him for the discharge of it. 1. A Missionary is properly speaking, a Minister of the Gentiles, consequently he is to dedicate himself entirely to the service of the Gen­ tiles, and the new Converts. If he should be desired by any Christian Congregation to give them a Sermon or baptize a child he should always excuse himself except in case of necessity when they have no Minister of their own and even in such a Case he is to desire them not to make a common Custom of it, or to neglect to provide a Minister for them­ selves. In the manner of Converting Heathens to the Christian Religion, he is to take all possible Care that on his part nothing may be done with sinister Ends or by unlawfull means, erg. by worldly promises, Gifts of money, Power of the Civil Magistrate, or conniving at some heathenish Ceremonies, and Superstitions &c. On the contrary he is carefully to Examine and enquire into the Motives and Views of every one that of­ fers to be a Proselyte. 2. When there happen to be several Missionaries in one Place they are to consider in the special Conference of a proper Distribution amongst themselves of the whole Business & Affairs that belong to the carrying on of the mission. 3. Upon a Missionary’s arrival at Madras or any other Place he is sent to by the Society, he must apply himself immediately to learn the Languages of the Natives, knowing that this is absolutely necessary for the executing of his Function. But in the mean time he is to serve the Mission and assist his Brethren in every thing he is capable to do. After he has obtained a competent skill and readiness in the Language of the

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Heathens, he is to make without delay a good use of it in instructing and catechising the children or people that are to be prepar’d for Baptism, thinking himself very happy when the Lord has bless’d and prosper’d his Pains and Labours thus far. 4. The Catechizing of Children or other people is by no means to be left to the Schoolmasters only, or the Juniors of the Missionaries, but every Missionary Senior as well as Junior should have a share in it. And they will certainly find by experience that they may by the blessing of GOD do more good this way to the Old, Weak and ignorant than by preaching. 5. As to: - publick Sermons before the Congregation, every Mis­ sionary must spare no pains to make all necessary Preparations for it by serious meditations and fervent Prayers. He is carefully to consider upon every occasion what is most proper and instructive, especially he is to chuse and handle chiefly the most plain, important, and practical Truths of the Christian Religion, as having to do with people not train’d up in the Word of God, or that know from a child the holy Scriptures, but are unskilfull in the word of Righteousness, and have need to be taught the first principles of the Oracles of God, or like Babes have need of Milk and not of strong meat. Wherefore every Missionary will use his utmost care in all his Sermons to lay the right Foundation of Repentance from dead works, of Faith towards God, and to minister plentifully the Gospel of Christ and his Salvation like the sincere precious Milk, that the new Converts may grow thereby, and taste how gracious the Lord is. And as this is of the greatest Consequence (no less than the eternal Welfare of Souls) and no easy Task to deliver the Divine Mysteries of the Christian Faith in a proper stile and manner adapted to the comprehension of the Audience so as to render the discourse plain, intelligible and strong, especially when this is to be performed in a foreign Language, certainly every Missionary will take great pains in studying his Sermons; con­ sidering and examining them over and over again, and using his utmost care and diligence in Composing of them. 6. One of the chiefest Branches of the Missionaries Functions cer­ tainly is to converse with the Heathens and to address them by word of mouth in a friendly manner, therefore he is to watch and improve all opportunities for it, hearing and satisfying their Doubts with meekness and Candor, taking more particular notice of their most specious Objec­ tions against the principles of the Christian Religion, in order to prepare

Appendix I

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himself for Solid Answers to those Objections, suitable to the capacities of people involv’d in Gross Ignorance and Superstition. To prevent all manner of Contention, upon this account, the Missionaries do it by turns or determine by Balloting who is at such or such a Time to go among the heathens. 7. It is also recommended to the Missionaries and Catechists to visit from Time to Time, the new Converts in their Houses, as often as other necessary Business or distance of Places will permit it, neither will they forget to exhort earnestly and frequently, them and every Member of their Congregation to obey the Civil magistrate and to pray as well for them as especially for all Benefactors of the Mission in England and Elsewhere. 8. A Missionary being undoubtedly call’d to a spiritual Office tend­ ing to promote the spiritual and eternal Welfare of Mankind, especially of the Gentiles, He must by all means avoid incumbring himself with any other Concerns; not apppertaining to the Duties of his calling, and keep himself clear and unspotted from any dealings or aims of worldly Gains and Profits, under what name or pretence soever they may be of­ fered, taking St. Pauls advice as diriectly spoken to him. 2. Tim.2.4. No man that warreth, entangleth, himself with the affairs of this Life, that he may please him who has chosen him to be a Soldier. The Love of money is the root of all Evil, and they that will be rich fall into Temptation, and a Snare, and into many foolish & hurtfull Lusts, which drown men in Destruction and Perdition. l.Tim.6.9.10. §.V. Of the Insident Journey of a Missionary. A Missionary is to avoid all unnecessary Journeys, least the Affair of the mission should in any wise suffer by his absence. If a Missionary should have occasion to take a Journey on his own private Business, he must have the Consent of his Collegues for it, who are to consider and confer with him about the Time he may be absent, without prejudice to the affairs of the Mission, which time he is not to exceed; bearing himself his Travelling Expences. But if his Function or the concerns of the mission shall occasion his going from home either by Sea or Land, his Charges shall be paid out of the common Cash. No Missionary is allow’d, at his own Will and pleasure to go from

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the place appointed him to any other in order to set up a new Mission without Leave from the Society in England. §. VI. Of the Servants of the Mission. The Missionaries are to use their utmost Care and Caution that they employ no Servants to attend in the Church or Schools or upon themselves, but what are of good morals at least, that no offence may be given by them to the heathens nor any blame be cast upon the mission. The Missionaries therefore will more eanestly endeavour that such Servants may become true and serious Christions, narrowly inspecting their behaviour and treating them with less Indulgence than others, in case of any gross or notorious Transgression, seeing their Example may do more mischief than others. The Servants of the Mission are to be hired and dismiss’d and their Wages to be appointed, reaised or lessen’d not by any one of the Mis­ sionaries, but by the Consent and Approbation of the Majority. All the Servants of the Mission from the first to the last are by the Missionaries to be treated with Tenderness, meekness, moderation, and compassion. For the Servant of the Lord, according to the advice of Saint Paul. 2.Tim.2, 24. must not strive, but be gentle unto all men, apt to teach, patient. §. VII. Of the Schools of the Mission. The Education of Children and well ordering of the Schools is what the Missionaries must have most at heart and tend with their utmost Care and Diligence, being sensible not only that the pliable minds of Children are more susceptible of good impressions than those of riper years; But that from these schools they may expect the greatest and best increase of their Congregation; and tho’ the Schools are at present but like a small Seed, yet if well cultivated and cherish’d they may, by the Blessing of God, grow up to a Spreading Tree yielding precious Fruit to all the nations round wherefore they never are to neglect to visit every day those Schools that are in the Town where the Missionaries reside and to catechize the children. The Children belonging to these Schools are to be admitted and

Appendix 1

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dismiss’d and their paricular allowances of Food &c. to be assign’d to every one of them, by the majority of the Missionaries where there are more than one; and not by any one Singly. The same Rule is to be observ’d in other like cases not particu­ larly mentioned, such as receiving Persons that offer themselves to turn Christians, or desire to be instructed and Baptiz’d. Towards the Children the Missionaries will always behave with a tenderly paternal Affection, and never make use of wholesome Severi­ ties, but where it is absolutely necessary. The Missionaries are in Time to consider whether with God’s as­ sistance, they might be able to compass the erecting of a Seminary of youths, willing and capable to be ore fully instructed in the Grounds and Doctrines of the Christian Religion, from among which hereafter Schoolmasters and Catechists might be chosen. What has been done in this Regard at Tranquebar, may by the Blessing of God be Effected at Madras and other places also. §. VIII. Of the Money belonging to the Mission. All the Money which the Missionaries receive on Account and for the use of the Mission they must husband and Expend with all impos­ sible Care, Fidelity and Frugality that no part of it be disburs’d but for the proper ends intended by the Donors or Benefactors. An exact and particular account must be kept of all the Receipts and Disbursements relating to the Mission, which is every year to be sent to the Society, as has been done hitherto. Every half year one of the Missionaries either by agreement or Bal­ loting is to be chosen Treasurer to whom belongs the Receiving and Dis­ bursing of the money necessary to be paid every day, week, or month, keeping and exact account of each Distribution, and he is to have the key of the Cash in his Custody. All the Charities given or sent to any Missionary for the use of the Mission are to be dlivered to the Treasurer for the time being who at the end of half a year is to acquaint his Collegues with the state and condi­ tion of the Cash, and of the Receipts and Payments made by him. In Case of any new Expence he is to confer and advise with his Col­ legues about it, and is not without their Consent, to do any of these or

10. Instructions fo r the English Missionaries

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the like things, viz. Repairs of the Church, Schools, Dwelling houses, or buying a House or Lands or Grounds for the Mission. As to the Casual Alms, he is to give to every one so much as he thinks proper, yet not exceeding in the whole the Sum alloted for that purpose in the weekly conference. Those stated Alms that are weekly and monthly distributed among their own Poor, must be settled in the Special Conference of the Mis­ sionaries. §. IX. Of Books to be Printed and Published. Great care is to be taken that no Books small or great at the Expence of the Mission are printed, but what are undoubtedly necessary for the use of the Schools, and Congregation. The necessity of printing any Book is to be Considered of & debat­ ed in the special Conference, the Opinion of the Catechists and School­ masters if need be, asked thereon, and agreed to by the Majority of the Missionaries. The Schoolmaters are to take Care that the Scholars do not tear, spoil, or take away the Books given to them for their use only. §. X. These Instructions are to be read in the special Conference ev­ ery Year on the anniversary of the settlement of the Mission at Madras. At the arrival of a new Missionary these Instructions are immedi­ ately to be communicated to him for his perusal and Direction. If these Instructions in any material point should be found defec­ tive, the Missionaries in their Letters to the Society will take particular notice thereof that such Defects may in due time be remedied. May the Lord give to all Protestant Missionaries Understanding in all things, to know how they ought to behave in the house of God, and in the Building of it up. May he graciously be pleased to inspire them with becoming Zeal and Concern for the conversion of the heathen, that they study to shew themselves approv’d unto God fleeing all Lusts and Pollutions of the world, following Righteousness, Godliness, Faith, Charity, Peace and Meekness, that they may watch in all things, rightly dividing the word

Appendix I

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of Truth, do the work of an Evangelist, fulfill their Ministry, endure Af­ flictions, feed the Flock of Christ willingly, fight a good fight and after having finish’d their Course and Labour may when the Chief Sheperd shall appear, receive a Crown of Glory that fadeth not away. London. 9. December. 1735 By Order of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge Henry Newman, Secretary

11. BIOGRAPHY OF PASTOR AARON Aaron's biography is available as a manuscript in the ar­ chives o f the Francke Foundations M 1 K 5 : 10. It was w ritten by the m issionaries in Tranquebar in 1745 after Aaron’s death. The manuscript was read by Christina Gross and translated into English by Rekha Kamath Rajan. Heike Liebau has provided a b rief explanation o f this biography in Part VIII. The underlined words and the footnotes are part o f the original letter and sentences.

The late, reverend pastor, Mr. Aaron, our faithful co-worker and brother in the Lord, was, according to his own statements,1 bom in Cudulur, roughly in 1698, in the darkness of heathenism. His father, Sorcan&da-pullei, of the Vellalar caste (which is one of the most respected castes), was a trader who remained a heathen, although he had often been invited by the missionaries to join the kingdom of God. He also died as one in 1732 in Porreiar. His mother and sister,2 along with another woman of their acquaintance, decided to follow in Aaron’s footsteps and give themselves to the Lord, their God and Father. His mother was baptized on April 9, 1734 and named Nallatai, which means good mother. On June 6, 1738 she passed on into eternal life. The late Aaron’s young years were spent in ignorance and darkness. It was commendable of his father that he sent his son to school and made him learn to read and write. This served him well later and helped in his deliverance. But the blindness and foolishness of the father transformed the glory of the immortal God, who he could have seen and felt, into an image resembling mortal men, birds and four-footed and crawling animals. He also directed his son to such abominations and works of 1 See the present Mission Reports, Contin. XXXVII, p. 168, where, among other things, some of these aspects are reported. 2 For her blessed end see Contin. XXXVIII, pp. 92 f. under November 14, 1733.

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darkness. Later too, he tried to lead his son away from the true God and from eternal bliss with false promises.3The late Aaron once said that in his youth he was made to carry out idol-worship and had therefore often tasted libations in the temples of the idols. He praised the Lord, as we too did, for delivering him from the power of darkness and the slavery of Satan and for transporting him to the kingdom of His beloved Son. In the above-mentioned description of his life Aaron recollects the factors leading to his conversion.4 The English had set up a school for the poor in 1717 in Cudulur in a house built by Governor Collet opposite his parent’s house.3 Two school teachers sent from here, including the catechist Schawrimuttu, taught the children in this school. Aaron, who was almost twenty years old by this time, liked to join them and every day he would read the Biblical books they had brought with them. In this way God began to sow his seeds in Aaron’s soul. He felt the power of God’s word and his heart was moved. But since, on the one hand, he lacked sufficient knowledge and the necessary instruction and, on the other, all kinds of earthly thoughts rose up in him, the positive developments were almost suppressed. But merciful God was so good as to follow him through other means. On account of trouble with the Company, his parents left Cudulur and went to Aischaburam on the other side of the Cottapam river where they lived in great poverty. The father could not support him any more and told him to go and harvest the fields to earn his livelihood. During this time he remembered all that he had read and heard in Cudulur and wanted to go to Tranckenbar. Since he did not know how to get there, he could not fulfill this wish and the good intentions could again have been hindered. A few days later he asked his relatives to take him across the river near Tirumulleiwahel. On this side of the river, a Parreier travelling to Tranckenbar told him about the mission here and Aaron came with him. He writes in the description of his life that in the time of want God took him in as a lost son, Luke 15, and changed his heart.6 On his arrival here he went to the catechists who knew him well and who took him to the late superintendent, Ziegenbalg. This good man worked so seriously and with such enthusiasm on Aaron’s soul that, in 3Contin. XXXVII, p. 169 below. 4 Contin. XXXVII, p.68 f. 5 See the preface to Contin. XVIII, p. 16, sep. 6 There is more about all this in Cont. XXXVII, p. 169.

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his own words, the wounds of his sins became more apparent each day and his soul searched for and found salvation and life in Christ’s blood and in his death. His conversion from heathenism took place in 1718. On August 5 of the same year he was baptized by Superintendent Ziegenbalg and received the name Aaron. His baptismal witnesses were 1) Missionary GrOndler, 2) Mr. Berlin and 3) Mrs. M. D. Ziegenbalg. Since the late superintendent, Ziegenbalg, and the missionary GrOndler recognized Aaron’s honesty and reliability as well as his skills, they appointed him at once as a school master in the Tamilian school, initially to teach writing and counting. Very soon a temptation came his way. His father came here and tried to tempt him to come back to the village and to heathenism, but he remained faithful to his Saviour in his Christianity and in his job at the school. In the same year he married a school master’s daughter by the name of Rahel, whose mother is still alive and is an assistant in the city congregation. His wife was called to the Lord on November 29, 1731 after a difficult labour. He had four children with her, namely three daughters and a son. Three of them are still alive. The youngest daughter, however, died two days before her mother. In 1719 Aaron was appointedjunior catechist in the city congregation. He carried out his duties very faithfully and worked very hard, not only visiting the Christians in and around Tranquenbar, looking after them and instructing them in the will and ways of God, but also going out among the heathens and proclaiming the path to salvation. Thus, the supervision of the school in Porreiar was also entrusted to him.7 In the following years he gained more experience which is why the missionaries at that time respected and used him as a regular catechist. The late Aaron carried out his duties as a catechist very faithfully for many years, till 17?? (ink-mark) when he was ordained as a public preacher. He preached the word of the Lord in the villages here, especially in Sandrapadi, Porreiar, Tileiali and, further inland, in Atupacam,and was able to win over many souls, thus increasing the numbers in the congregation.8 Those who were specially entrusted to him were looked

1Sec Mission Reports, Cont. XVII, Preface, pp. 12-13 above. *Cont XXXVII, p. 166.

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after well and, although they had to walk quite a distance, he would urge them to come to church.9 Since the work of the Lord was progressing in the villages, he was often sent out, because he was adept at making good arrangements and had the ability to deal with simple and poor people, to catechize and lead them. In 1727 he went on his first journey into the villages.10Following this, he often went back and forth and carried out his village visits well, as the published reports show.11The Lord’s blessing was evident each time. Every time he returned and was here, he was a close assistant to the missionaries, especially in the task of preparing the catechumen for baptism, a task for which he demonstrated a great talent and which he carried out faithfully. Since this good man, as one could gather from his conduct, was in a state of grace, was god-fearing, led a Christian life and had done meritorious work here and in the villages, the missionaries of those times thought it would be only right to give him a higher position. Having received authorization for this from Europe, they wanted to select and appoint him as a national priest. Before we report about this in detail, we would only like to add that after his first wife died in 1731 he got married again in 1732 to a woman named Ananday. In getting married to her, he renounced some physical advantages and followed the advice of the missionaries. Ananday was the daughter of a poor widow from Marrawer village. His mother-in-law, Annamei, is still living and is an honest, god-fearing person. He lost this second wife also in 1737 on May 18 when he was away on a journey to Marrawer.12The Lord gave him two children in this marriage, a girl who died before her mother and a boy, who soon followed his mother into eternal life. This heavy cross caused him great grief, but the Lord turned it to his good. As far as the selection and appointment of this man of god as the first Indian pastor is concerned, there is a detailed account about it in the mission reports.13 We will, therefore, only touch upon some general aspects here.

9This was attested by the late missionary Worm when he voted for him at the election for a teacher. 10Cont. XXV, p. 48 seq. " For example, Cont. XXVIII, p. 350p., Cont. XXX, p. 546p, Cont. XXXV, p. 1171. XXXVI, p. 1249 etc. 12Cont. XI, V, p. 1137. u Cont. XXXVII, p. 147seq.

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Since the saviour of the heathens had begun to gather a congregation in the villages by preaching the gospel, some workers were sent from time to time to look after these souls. However, the missionaries realized that the arrangements made for pastoral work were insufficient and that each group of Christians, which made up the numbers for a congregation, had to have its own pastor and shepherd. Therefore, it would be necessary to provide them, especially the Mayaburam congregation with about 300 souls, with a regular priest. Since we are not allowed to travel in the villages, our intention was, regardless of all our wishes and desires, to select and appoint a person from this nation. Many servants and children of God in Europe agreed with this intention. And since the missionaries had asked the mission board about this, had also proposed the names of one or the other person, the board, with the merciful permission of His Royal Majesty, authorized the missionaries in 1729 to ordain an industrious person as a pastor in the villages.14 After the missionaries had reflected on this important matter before god, had given special instruction to the best persons among the catechists and had also held some necessary Lectiones exegetico-homileticas as well as a Collegium pastorale, they held the election in god’s name. The choice fell on our late Mr. Aaron, whom the missionaries had also had in mind when they had reported the matter to Europe.IS Although both men, Mr. Aaron and Mr. Diogo, received the same number of votes, namely 34 each in the congregations and 3 each among the missionaries, Aaron was finally selected for this office on October 2, 1733, because he was older, had served longer, was of a more serious bent of mind, better conversant with the ways of the villages, free, bold and without fear; also because he had a greater talent for the work and because he received the most votes from the village congregation. The most noteworthy reasons given by the Christians who voted for him are as follows. His conduct is good, it is God’s will. His exhortations are good, he directs us to the right path. He teaches well, looks after the sick, comes in the middle of the night and exhorts us. He often exhorts us not to quarrel. 14 I.e. p. 149. 15 I.e. p. 147 below.

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I feel that the Holy Spirit is directing me to give him my vote; he associates even with the lowly. He is already famous in the villages and can talk properly to the authorities when something happens; he is experienced in many things and knows how to give eveiyone the correct information. He is well-suited for the villages. He is patient, humble and conducts himself according to God’s commandments. He is humble and takes great pains to teach us. I believe that he carries out his duties in the fear of the Lord. He exhorts us in such a way that it touches us deeply. He is skilled in talking and a good teacher of faith. He has an enlightened mind and is also humble. A shepherd who takes care of his sheep and searches for good pastures for them must be a good shepherd. If someone is ill and in want, he takes care of the matter with the priests. I cannot judge his inner person - the Holy Spirit can see that. What I see is that he looks after people and gives them food and drink like a shepherd. One cannot find fault with his nature; he comes and exhorts us passionately and takes care of the poor. He fears the Lord Jesus and he is patient and kind. He is not afraid of anyone, he moves among heathens and Christians all day long. There is a particular skill required in going around preaching in the villages; he is adept at preaching in public gatherings and has great courage. He is better-suited for the villages, he knows how to exhort in a skilled and modest manner. He is fit to go out and preach and he knows how to deal with adversities. He does not get angry; even if one were to hit him he would tolerate it; he has experience of the villages. He knows how to get things done properly. He was bom in the country; his word counts for something.

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He is well-informed in all matters, he even knows how to talk in a royal palace; he can carry out a job well and provides a good example to others. He looks after us diligently and leads us in prayer. He travels back and forth often, many join us through his work, he does not cheat anyone with falsehoods. He looks after our souls. We can talk to him about our troubles. He is fit for the villages; I have no complaints about his conduct; he teaches with words of justice. He is very fit for this work, is solid, bold and courageous; he does not yield in a good cause and puts up resistance to confusion and disorder. He has a lot of experience in looking after the village people. We have mentioned all these votes, or rather testimonies, in order to show the character of the late Aaron as also his good reputation and standing with the village people and their love for him. On November 15 he was, therefore, nominated to this office and since he declared before god that he would accept it and carry out his duties faithfully, he was publicly ordained as a national pastor on December 28, especially for the Mayaburam district.16The diaries written by us from 1734 onwards are full of accounts about how this servant of God carried out his duties. His regular work consisted in: 1) holding divine service every Sunday alternately in different places;’7 2) celebrating the high festivals like Christmas, Easter and Pentecost in the Mayaburam district;18

For more about this see Cont. XXXVII, p. 17Ip. 17Cont. XXXVIII, p. 123; XL, p. 482. Diary of 1742 under January 16; 1745 under January 26. 14 For example, Cont. XXXIX, p. 330; ibid, p. 334,413; XLI p. 582p; XLI1, p.781; XLIII, p. 855; XLV, p. 1118p. XLVII, 1360; XLIX, p. 73, 96; L. p. 290p; LI p. 438 - celebration of Easter with a missionary; LII, p. 671; diary of 1741 under May 5; 25ej; under December 29; 1742 under April 5 and May 25; 1743 under April 22 and June 11; 1744 under January 3, April 13 and June 4. 1745 under January 8.

Appendix /

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3) travelling at different times around the Mayaburam district - to the west, south and north;19 4) travelling once a year to the outlying districts of the Thanjavur kingdom (namely in the Thanjavur, Tirupalaturei and Cumbagonam districts) for a church visitation;20 5) travelling south along the coast once a year upto Ramanadaburam and looking after the southern districts (namely Madewipatnam and Marraweri).21 6) His chief duties on these journeys were the following: 1. The proclamation of God’s word among the Christians and heathens, publicly and individually, according to the conditions. 2. To administer the Holy Sacrament and to carry out the preparations required for this, as also to conduct marriages. 3. Discussions with the catechists and assistants regarding the further spread of the kingdom of Jesus Christ, as well as necessary reminders and strict instructions about their duties. 4. Ensuring the Christian upbringing of children, looking after the poor, the sick and the suffering, both physically and spiritually etc. 7) On his return from his journeys and during his stay here he was never idle, but also found work for himself which included: %

1. Attending the weekly prayer meeting and the Colloquio biblico, in order to gain a greater insight into the Bible.22 For some time he also held a special Colloquium biblicum in Porreiar with the catechists and schoolmasters.23 2. He helped in preparing the catechumen for baptism.24 '* Cont. XXXIX, 315, 348, 359, 398. XLII, 733; XLII1, 839p.; XLV, 1098; XLV1, 1212p. 1277; XLV1I, 1375; XLVIII, 1454p; XLIX. 25p. 88. With three of us. XLIX, 132p; L227p 235p, 183, 199; LI,418p; LII,618p; diary of 1741 unter October 19; 1742 under February 26, June 18, July 11, October 23, December 31; 1743 under April 6; 1745 under May 28. 20 See Cont. XLV, 1107p; XLVI 1225p; diary o f 1743 under September 27; 1744 under September 7 etc. 21 For this see, among others, Cont. XLV, 1123; I I34p; LI, 483p; LII 573; diary of 1743 under March 15; 1744 under May 27; 1745 under April 13. 22 Cont. XXXIX, p. 339. ” Cont. XLII, p. 795. 24 Cont. XLI1I, 587, 857. XLIX, 125; L 184p etc. etc.

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3. He used to visit the Company villages here and stayed here and there for a few days, got to know the heathens, proclaimed the kingdom of god to them and looked after the welfare of the Christians.25 4. Sometimes he would preach in the city church.26 5. He had the job of inspecting the school in Porreiar and the villages around it, especially Sandrapadi. 6. He also inspected the work of the people in the Mayaburam district once a month, held necessary discussions with them, presented important matters in our Friday conferences and conferred with us on these etc. All these journeys, these jobs and duties that he carried out, are sufficient proof of the diligence and the loyalty of the late man. Once, when he had prepared a list of these duties for the mission board, he wrote at the end in conclusion: I have made many mistakes in my work, especially since I am not capable of goodness on my own. However, the strength of the Lord and the prayers of the faithful will give me new life, of that I am certain. In all truth, we can say about him that he worked faithfully in accordance with the knowledge and the insights, the mercy and the talent given to him by god, and that his service in the congregation here and in the villages was very useful and blessed. Particularly when we consider his work in the villages and how few faithful workers we have there, his death affects us more than if one of us had passed on; because none of us can go where he could go and work. He was a man who conducted himself in such a manner that the people, both Christians and heathens, not only respected him, but also loved and trusted him. In many cases affecting the congregation he could give healing advice on the basis of his intelligence and experience. He was particularly good at explaining to simple people how god directed their souls. He was able to report well on the congregations and knew how to examine what was lacking in any particular member of the congregation and how one had to exhort each according to his own special circumstances. 23 Cont. XLII 739; XLIV 927, 935; XLIX, 42p; L 279p, 284p; LII 601p etc. etc. 26 Cont. XLIV, 936,1017.

Appendix 1

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He had a talent for catechization and while preaching he knew how to come down to the level of simple people. He could exhort and also punish very seriously and emphatically and could also deal lovingly with the sick and the suffering. His own sufferings he bore with joy and fortitude.27 There is absolutely no doubt that this faithful servant is now enjoying the fruits of his labour. As far as the illness and blessed end of this teacher of the heathens is concerned, he always had a weak physical constitution.2*Therefore, a horse was purchased in 1737 so that he could travel more comfortably.29 However, he still undertook most of his journeys in a state of physical weakness. Often, he returned so miserable and ill that we doubted whether he would recover.30 The last, and especially the four journeys in this year 1745, were undertaken in a condition of great pain, which he never allowed to show.31 When he came back from his travels in the Mayaburam district in May of this year he lamented that he had suffered more pain on this short journey than on the longer one to Ramanadaburam in March. When he was told about the death of a Tamilian Soedti who he knew, he said: If this strong and healthy man is dead, how much more reason do I have to think about death? On all his last travels he also took leave of us as if he would not see us again. When he began his last journey on June 4 of this year in order to celebrate Pentecost in the Mayaburam district, he had almost recovered. However, on this journey he developed an ulcer and had a fever which stopped him from travelling to all the places. But, he made the assistant in Tattenur gather all the dispersed Christians and, according to the statements of the assistants who were present, he is said to have borne testimony to the truth, under great pain, but very emphatically. He warned the assistants against a hireling-mentality and exhorted them to be faithful. To the gathered Christians he said, among other things, that he would probably be celebrating the festival for the last time with them, and that they should therefore ensure that it was a blessing for them. He plaintively requested a sinner, who had fallen, but had 27 See the diaiy for 1743 under April 22. 21 Cont. XXIX, p. 474; ibid ; XLVI, p. 1232. 29 Cont. XLV, p. 1107. 30 Cont. XLVI, p. 1248; LI, p. 489. Our diary for 1743 under August 8. 11 See diary for 1745 under April 13; the same under May 28.

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since reconciled with the Church, to recognize his earlier sins and to rid himself completely of them through God’s mercy. Then he allowed them to carry him home on a small palanquin, because he could neither walk nor ride. He arrived home on June 11 in a miserable and wretched condition. In addition, his regular ailment32 that he had contracted on a journey to Madras in 1726 also set in and he had to suffer a lot from a pneumatocele. The dear man realized that the end was near. Therefore, he said to one of us who visited him in Porreiar: My journeys to the villages have now come to an end. Since his condition showed some improvement, and since he came here on June 23 for the marriage of his daughter to the son of Pastor Diogo, we hoped that we would enjoy his help and support for some more time. Only, what shock, grief and misery overcame us to see him on his death-bed the next day and dead and in the grave the day after on June 25. Since he was in town, our late Aaron had wanted to come to church on June 24, the day of John the Baptist. He was dressed and ready to leave. Suddenly, he felt a strong flatulence in his abdomen, which sank down to his scrotum causing it to swell. As soon as he felt this pain he doubted whether he would be able to go. He, therefore, sent someone to us in the church and requested that one of us come to him and prepare him for death. When one of the missionaries went to him he found him in great pain. He was sitting down and leaning on Pastor Diogo who was exhorting him to hold on to Jesus; this continued and he was given the words from the gospel of St. Luke, 1. 30. 78.79: Because of the tender mercv of our God whereby the davspring from on high shall visit us. to shine upon them that sit in darkness and the shadow of death. He could hardly speak on account of the pain and was almost unconscious. He repeatedly sighed: O. Jesus! o. Jesus! o. Jesus! mv Lord! mv Lord! Mv Saviour! Mv Saviour! You who have suffered on mv behalf, have mercv on me! You, who was crucified and died, have mercv on me! He then said: My Saviour, must you call me to you through such terrible pain? It is unbearable, yet, vour will be done. He was reminded of Jesus’ cry of fear on the Oehlberg and exhorted to bear the pain; he heard us in silence and then cried out a few times: Call me. my Lord, call me. call me quickly. Dr. Knoll and a few renowned Malabar doctors, one of whom he always consulted, were called and different kinds of medicines were administered. However, nothing had an effect and he said: Why are vou tormenting me with so many medicines? I will not live much 32 (In the original there is no reference given)

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longer: it is time for me to depart (namely from this life). He told his two sons-in-law to sit down beside him; he embraced them and gave them some necessary revelations which he whispered softly into their ears. He especially called on them to obey the exhortations of their teachers faithfully. He also had his youngest child brought to him and kissed him in leave-taking. He added: Mv Lord and God. You know that I have served vou faithfully and have walked around in forests and fields: vou are witness to this. After this the increasing pain prevented him from saying anything further. He only cried out: Jesus, my Lord, take me. take me etc. Since I had been with him for two hours and had given him comfort now and again, he reminded me a few times not to tire myself out, but to go home. He then committed his widow and children to my care and we gave him over, body and soul, into the hands of our heavenly father. He pressed my hand a few times to his forehead and took leave of me. In the afternoon another one of us went to him. As soon as he saw me he lowered his head, pressed my hand and said: I cannot speak to vou for more than 15 minutes on account of the pain. He was reminded of the great pain borne by the Saviour and of the approaching boundless glory. Overcome by my own grief, I could not say much to him and he, too, became weaker. When he noticed that the Malabar doctors wanted to apply some other medicines he said: It is in vain. I am going away and God’s mercv is enough for me. He then asked to be given Holy Communion, for which a third missionary visited him. His condition was, however, such that one could not say much to him. He bent over like a worm and could not remain in any one position for very long; he lay down, then sat up and supported himself on someone, first on one side and then on the other. Such physical movements also made him sigh often: O. Lord. O. Jesus! Deliver me! He was called upon to remain faithful to Jesus who would deliver him from pain. When he asked after some time whether he now wanted to receive Holy communion, for which I had come to him, he said: O. ves. I have already asked for it. I added that he must now remember all the mistakes he had committed in the conduct of his Christianity, since the source of evil lies in us. He answered: O. yes! I: in the important work entrusted to him he also failed to do many things. He: O. ves. ves! I: whether he regrets this and whether he, were he to recover, would demonstrate his willingness to do what he had failed to do? He: Yes. I: whether he believes that the Lord Jesus came into the world for the sinners, redeemed their sins with

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his blood and offers redemption even in Holy Communion? He: O. yes. With this I gave him Holy Communion in the presence of Pastor Diogo and other Christians and expressed the wish that it may strengthen his soul and thus relieve his physical pain, or make it easier to bear. When it was time to leave and recommend him to the Lord over life and death, he did a repeated Salam and took leave of me. Hereupon, a remedy was administered, but it had no effect, even though it was repeated several times. The Malabar doctor, who felt his pulse, also gave up and said that he would not survive, although we kept hoping for the best. However, after he had passed the entire night in unspeakable pain and with the usual sighs, the end that the Lord had chosen for him came the following day, on June 25, after 9 o’clock. His soul was liberated from his infirm body after 24 hours of struggling with pain, and it was taken unto the peace of the Lord. His time in this world, according to the year of birth mentioned earlier, lasted 47 years. He has left behind a pregnant wife, who is his third, and who he married in 1738, two children from this marriage and three from the first. He is, therefore, if one also counts the ones who died, a father of nine children. May the Lord let him find on that day a much larger blessing of spiritual children who he can present to the Lord! As soon as the news of his death reached us it was communicated to the governor, the commandant and other gentlemen of the council as well as to all the Danes of high-standing. Both Christians and heathens, mostly from the city here but partly also from other places, who had visited him yesterday, expressed great sorrow at his departure from this world. After preparations had been made, his body was carried to the Old Jerusalem church accompanied by the missionaries (except one who was ill), the local Danish preacher, the mission doctor and mission writer along with a large number of city and village catechists, schoolmasters and other Christians, as also by heathens. He was buried to the ringing of bells ( an honour which till now has not been accorded to any person from this country). After this one of us gave a funeral oration from the pulpit in memory of the departed soul and that all may take heart. The text was the words spoken by the Saviour from heaven to the Smymian bishop and his congregation in the revelation of St. John, 2.10: Be thou faithful unto death, and I will give thee the crown of life. This was accompanied by the explanation to heed the exhortation given therein, namely to be faithful, and, secondly, to remember the Saviour’s promise of the crown of life. In the first instance there was the reminder that they,

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whom this exhortation was directed at, had to have been faithful to Lord Jesus and remained thus till the end. Remaining faithful meant from the time of baptism, when we, bom faithless, promise God and Christ our loyalty and faith, or from the time of a subsequent conversion, when the oath of loyalty given during baptism, and which is generally broken by the wanton desires of youth, is renewed. He who has to remain faithful must first be faithful. It was also shown that the loyalty required consisted in being devoted to Christ, looking up to him, pleasing him in all one’s actions. This means that one does not look to one’s own advantage, such as goodwill, praise and fame in this world, but only to that what Jesus Christ is. i.e. to ensure his praise and honour and that he is recognized and glorified by all, even if it means sacrificing one’s own possessions, pleasures and one’s honourable name, or even one’s body and life. This is also reflected in this demand, since it does not say: Be faithful unto the hate, abuse, persecution, unto bands and prisons, but unto the martyr’s death, which is spoken of in this context. Such loyalty requires great strength, but Christ gives this strength to those who obey him; thus, many remained faithful to him in the first heathen persecutions. In the second instance it was shown that here a promise was spoken of in a more flowery fashion, which Lord Jesus himself had expressed more clearly when he said: He who remains constant till the end, he will be blessed, i.e. delivered eternally from all misfortune and will eternally enjoy the blessings of god. This everlasting bliss is what deserves the name of life. It is this which is called the crown of life - an indication of its greatness and excellence, because the world knows no greater splendour than a crown. What is also being taught here is that this bliss can only be gained by true warriors and champions of the faith. No one is crowned unless he fights, and that too, in such a manner, that he commands the field. It is for his reason that our Saviour links his special prophecies in the revelation of John with the aspect of surmounting. He who overcomes, will inherit this and that, indeed, everything. However, a crown won in this manner is a pure gift of mercy from the hands of the loving Saviour. Those thus crowned, recognize this and, therefore, lay it at his, the lamb’s, feet with an eternal hallelujah. In the dedication it was said that the late man, who had been our faithful colleague, had renounced heathenism and pleasures in the best years of his youth, had bent his head under Christ’s gentle yoke and had proven his declared loyalty to him in his 27 years as a schoolmaster, catechist and pastor by carrying out his duties faithfully till the last days of his life. We,

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therefore, believed that the Lord would have given him the promised crown of life, and this served as a genuine consolation for those he left behind. All of us should, however, remember, that the Saviour was now calling us to be faithful etc. You missionaries and pastors, you city and village catechists, you assistants and schoolmasters, all you Christians and school children - be faithful! Those who have been unfaithful till now should become faithful, and those who have become faithful should remain faithful and spend their time and energy in the service of the Lord. The time when He will come is uncertain, and the reward for faithfulness is great. This sermon was concluded with a prayer, just as it had begun with a prayer. Then a short hymn was sung, as had been done before the sermon, the collection was chanted and the blessing spoken. After this we returned to the house of mourning. However, since only a few members of the city congregation, who lived scattered in the villages, had heard about this sad incident, and even fewer could attend the funeral sermon because of work, the following Sunday another one of us explained in the new Jerusalem church the text from the revelation of John, 14.13. And 1 heard a voice from heaven, since their works follow them. The life and death of the late man was also held up to the congregation for their edification. In addition, several observations were made on the occasion of this painful loss about psalm 90 and Hebrew 13.7 in the daily prayer-hour with the school children and the mission workers, as also in the monthly exhortation with the city catechists, the assistants and school teachers, which took place on this occasion. As far as the village congregations were concerned, we, along with Pastor Diogo, announced the sudden and sad passing of their shepherd and teacher together with some exhortations on a palm-leaf text. The catechists and assistants received a copy of this so that each one could read it out and impress it upon the Christians in their area. On the next pay-day each one brought back a reply from his area, and the content of all the letters was: 1. That they had heard, with great sorrow, about the death of their shepherd who had cared for them so well and had visited them in their houses which we, the missionaries, could not do. 2. That they would have to regard his death as a punishment from god for their bad conduct and for many kinds

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of sins, which made god take their shepherd away so suddenly. 3. That they were trying to emulate his teachings and exhortations and preparing for death. 4. That they requested god to give them another true shepherd and teacher in his place. We also join in this wish and request the Lord to send us loyal workers in his harvest here in this heathen country. Our constant lament is: the harvest is good, but where are the workers? Where are honest and diligent workers who can be used as teachers and leaders?

12. JOHANN PHILIPP FABRICIUS TO GOTTHILF AUGUST FRANCKE This letter was written by Johann Philipp Fabricius on 18 October 1756. It deals mainly with the controversy about the Tamil translation o f the Bible. It has been explained by Rekha Kamath Rajan in an article in Part VIII. The let­ ter is in the archives o f the Francke Foundations M / 1 B 46 : 22 and was p rin ted in German in: Wilhelm Germann, Johann Philipp Fabricius. Seine funfzigjdhrige Wirksamkeit im Tam ulenland und das M issionsleben des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts daheim und draussen, nach handschriftlichen Q uellen geschildert, E rlangen: Andreas D eichert, 1865, p p .160-173. The E nglish tran sla tio n has been done by Rekha Kamath Rajan.

Reverend Sir, Most cherished in the Lord and esteemed Mr. Doctor! On September 19 the ship, the Walpole, arrived here with God’s grace, and I received your kind letter of November 28,1755 full of proof of your paternal affection. I also received as an enclosure an excerpt of a letter that my dear brother, Missionary Hiittemann in Cudulur, had written to you. 1 give my heartfelt thanks for this kind communication, since you, Reverend Sir, have thus given me an opportunity to give a detailed reply to the complaints about our work on the Tamil Bible presented to you, Reverend Sir, in a letter written in haste and without much reflection or knowledge of the matter. But first I must ask you, Sir, to believe that 1 have been assured by this worthy brother that he did not have any malicious intentions and that our devout fraternal feelings and our association with one another has not been affected by this incident and nor shall it, by God’s grace, be affected in the future. I have already given him my sincere assurance about this in a letter to him. I am only unhappy that you, Sir, have had to suffer because of this incident and on my account. But 1 am sure that God will bring you solace, will comfort

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Appendix I

you and give you fresh heart, perhaps now more than ever, and this will give consolation to my humble person also. To begin with, it is a good sign that you, Sir, have not mentioned any complaints from the dear brothers in Tranquebar against me, and I have good reason to believe that no complaints have reached you from there and nor will there be any. As I sat down to continue this letter and to first present my reason for working for 10 years on a revision of the old Tamil translation of the New Testament, I received a reply to my above-mentioned letter from my dear brother, Mr. HQttemann, in which he has told me under what terms he had revoked his complaints to you on October 8, 1755. Since he has probably not sent you a copy of this letter, I am enclosing it under Sub. No. 1 herewith, just to be sure. It will also serve as proof of our continued sincere association with each other. As far as 1) the need for a fundamental change of the old Bible translation is concerned - one can call it, in the mildest terms, a revision or, which is closer to the truth, a new version - this was already acknowledged by the late missionaries, Mr. Pressier and Mr. Walther, who, at that time, had made an attempt with the Mathew where one sees the same fundamental change as in our continuation of the work. Could the old version have been in any way compared to the version of the Septuanginta Interpretum, or even to the excellent Versione Lutheri (as was actually done in Mr. HQttemann’s letter), the arguments against changing this version would be valid, indeed, the change would not be necessary at all and no one would think of undertaking this work given all the urgent tasks of the mission. A few inconsistencies could easily have been rectified in a new edition. When one comes here from Europe and does not yet understand everything, one does not like to hear that the Tamil Bible is not very good. This happened to me in the beginning and it also happened to Mr. HQttemann. But the matter is actually quite different. The Septuag. Interpretes are in proper, clear and plain Greek and what they seek to express is done correctly and verbo divino digne. In the old Versione Tamulica, however, there are not only a number of words and phrases throughout that are either too weak, or too unseemly, too unacceptable and barbarae, or even incorrect, but there is also so much periphrasis in it that the Bible has become at least one-third longer than the Bible in other languages (since our dear, honourable predecessors thought they could express themselves more clearly in this manner and,

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with all their other work, had not yet learned the art of speaking and writing succinctly in other languages). This is why the late Mr. Pressier would take his German Bible to the pulpit instead of the Tamil Bible. No one will deny that, notwithstanding this, many souls found edification in it from the very beginning. But it is a shame when the noble and wonderful core is found in such an unpleasant shell that renders it contemptible and empty to many. On the other hand, when the word of God is seen in its real form as a brightly polished sharp sword, it can be more powerful and recommends itself easily to many more people so that, in a city like Madras, it can even be sold publicly. This is not possible with the old version which one hesitates and is ashamed to show to anyone outside the congregation. There is also no reason to worry that the change will upset those who have become accustomed to the old version; rather, we can be sure that it will be of use and will help in bringing about a new awakening. We can also be sure that there will be very few, or even none, who have become so accustomed to the Holy Book in the old version that they cannot leam to appreciate a changed, correct, shorter and more powerful version. There are, unfortunately, far too few, let alone diligent, readers of the Bible among the Tamil Christians, even among the assistants, and I believe that many more will be found when they can read God’s word in a clean and pure form. 2) And now to come to that which has happened in our missions in this regard: as you will see, Reverend Sir, from the following that our dear brother, Mr. HUttemann, was not even aware of the historical circumstances of this or, perhaps, in his hurry, he did not remember everything when he wrote to you. From his letter you, Sir, would have imagined that I alone consider such a fundamental change of the old version to be necessary. He did not write that the dear brothers in Tranquebar, without telling anyone, intended to undertake a change that, in certain respects, would deviate much more from the old version than I had ever envisaged, as 1 will show below. Firstly, he states incorrectly that we have had (in the course of 40 years) three different versions of the New Testament and, if my version is added, we would have four, whereas, apart from the Mathew as mentioned above, till now we are all still working only on the second version which is yet to go into print and is not yet ready. Even though a part of it has been printed, it has not yet been edited. Therefore, Mr. HUttemann’s arguments, which derive for the assumption of many versions, are baseless and are also presented in a dangerous manner. He talks of great disputes and debates which can

1420

Appendix /

conjure up images of quarrels, shouting, mutual problems and enmities in the reader’s mind. Nothing of this kind has occurred. All the discussions regarding this matter have taken place in an atmosphere of brotherly love; in fact, our mutual relations have become deeper than they were, since we are working collectively on the Bible and the dear brothers in Tranquebar now realize that my ideas do, indeed, have some merit. The actual circumstances of the matter are as follows. Even before I came to India an improved version of the Mathew had been printed as a sample as has been mentioned above. In the two years I spent in Tranquebar the older missionaries undertook various steps to continue the work, but nothing was actually completed. After I came to Madras in 1742, it so happened that a particularly intelligent and learned heathen, who had read the English Bible and had also been given the Tamil Bible to read by Missionary Schulze, sought my acquaintance since he was without work and in difficult circumstances. From time to time this man showed me the many anomalies in our Tamil Bible and books, some of which I had also mentioned in my letters from Tranquebar. Since, at that time, this man came to me almost daily, I could not help making the best use of this opportunity and, after a while, I spent one or two hours with him everyday correcting the old version. I began with Mark, although later some parts of the above-mentioned Mathew also had to be changed. This work with him continued till our city was captured by the French in 1746. However, I also consulted other people at the same time to be more certain. Before I went to Paleacatta, I sent a copy of some of the work done till then to Tranquebar, however, only from Mark till the end of the Acts of the Apostles. My assistant in this work fled to Fort St. David to where the English government had shifted, and - at his request - 1 gave him a letter of introduction to Mr. Kiernander who recommended him to the governor. This turned out to his great advantage: he was taken on as a translator since he knew Hindustani and Persian apart from English. He has subsequently become so popular that, at present, he occupies the highest position among all the native employees of the government here in Madras. I continued the work diligently and even once sent a copy of the epistle to the Romans and the one to the Corinthians to Cudulur, from whence it was sent to Tranquebar. I stopped further communication in this matter till such time as the work could be completed and I had had an opportunity to make corrections in order to then send a more accurate copy of the entire New Testament to Tranquebar. In all this time I never told anyone that I wished to have this work printed, and even when the

12. Johann Philipp Fabricius to Gotthilf August Francke

1421

dear brothers in Tranquebar informed me that they had received an order from the Mission Board in Copenhagen (on the specification of Missionary Schulze) to publish the old version again without any changes I did not object because an unrevised edition would not have created a stir or given offence and neither would it have been prejudicial to us if a small number of copies had been printed. This happened roughly around 1748 when I was still in Carumanal. From then till about the end of September 1753 I believed that the old edition was being reprinted since there was no information to the contrary. Then I not only heard that the dear brothers had made great changes, but one of them wrote to me on behalf of all his colleagues and informed me that they had used much of the work I had sent them previously, not from the beginning of the New Testament, but from the gospel of John, or from the Acts of the Apostles. He also added that since my earlier communication stopped at the end of the first epistle to the Corinthians, and since they were now at this point, they requested me to send them my work on the later books of the New Testament. I replied to this on October 22 of the same year saying that their news had taken me completely by surprise and I requested them to send me something of what they had printed so far for my perusal. I enclose their reply of November 12 of the same year in the original under Sub. No. 2. I would have maintained silence about this very grave mistake of the dear brothers in Tranquebar and, especially since the mistake has now been redressed, I would never have mentioned it. Just as you, Sir, have not found it mentioned in my letters till now. After receiving your letter, however, I find myself compelled to give an adequate account of the entire matter, but I must attest at the same time that I am not doing this to impugn my worthy brothers in any way and, in contrast, show myself in a good light. As the Lord who sees into our hearts also knows that I like to place myself last and have always tried to rid myself of any feelings of base arrogance. As far as the Tranquebar printed version which goes up to the end of Cor. 1 and which I finally got to see is concerned: it was in such a state as to make it evident that I owed it to God to use this opportunity given to me to be firm and to oppose the method being used. I did this in a letter to them dated December 7 of the same year and of which I am enclosing a copy of the concept here under Sub. No. 3. From this you, dear Sir, will be able to see quite clearly what the shortcomings of the printed version so far were. To make it clearer 1 will mention only two points here as an

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example. (1) Although from Mr. Pressier’s and Mr. Walther's times the word Parabaren (God) has replaced the inappropriate word Saruwesuren both in written texts and in speech, the dear brothers have again reverted to the word Saruwesuren of the old version, whereas they have changed many other words. The further the printing progressed the more words were changed. However, from the Acts of the Apostles onwards they have again chosen to use Parabaren instead of Saruwesuren. This alone would be a valid reason for not accepting the printed version, since God would have one name in the gospels and another in the subsequent books. (2) They state that they have used a large part of my work beginning with the Acts of the Apostles. However, in doing this, they have used a method which deviates much more from the old version that my own work. This point requires a brief explanation. Tamil construction normally requires a strong transposition or inversion of the original text if it is to be understood and if the meaning is to be retained. There are long compositions of periods which are extended by 2, 3 or 4 verses. The old version has generally taken the order of Tamil construction into account, and I have also tried to do this because otherwise it would be like planting a tree with its branches below and its roots on the top. Therefore, where there are long periods, it is sometimes unavoidable that the words o f the third verse in Tamil become the words of the second verse and vice versa. The numbers of the verses, however, are kept as they are in all chapters, and sometimes there are entire passages where the verses continue in their original order. The dear brothers had decided that, come what may, they would not have any transposed verses. Therefore, the inner substance of the text had to suffer on account of an external, accidental form of verse construction. This has created such abrupt endings that, at times, instead of a translation of the text we find many single, disjointed propositions, like the ones produced in a Collegio exegetico. An example of this is the epistle to the Romans I, 1 ff. The Tranquebar printed version runs like this: V. 1. Paul is a disciple and an appointed apostle of Jesus Christ and one chosen to preach the gospel. V. 2. God promised this through his prophets of his son in the holy texts. V. 3. He was the flesh of the seed of David. V. 4. He has proved, according to the Holy Spirit, to be the son of God by rising from the dead. This is our Lord, Jesus Christ.

12, Johann Philipp Fabricius to Gotthilf August Francke

1423

And so on. You will, Sir, observe that they still had to take over words from one verse into another. If one transforms the long periods into individual, disjointed propositions the Tamil Bible will not resemble the original text or any other version. Who gives us the right to be so brutish? The old version conforms, to a great extent, to the features and scope of the text and - in this necessary imitation of the system of Tamil construction - my work too conforms in every way to the original period in the links, features, intensity and meaning, although an inversion has taken place. The reason for mentioning both these points is because they can also be understood by Europeans who do not know any Tamil. To my above-mentioned letter the dear brothers replied that they agreed to my suggestion to work together on the Bible translation beginning from the second epistle to the Corinthians. It was decided that I would spend a few months with them in order to properly discuss and regulate the words, phrases and methods where our opinions differ, and that till my arrival they would give their printers other work (if the latter has not happened, I am not to blame for it). The only thing they insisted on was that differences of opinion in our future work together would be resolved by a majority vote, to which I agreed. Subsequently I sent them my work till the end of the New Testament, as also - to facilitate our work - some preliminary observations on the greatest points of differences, so that they could examine these before we began. In another letter I also apologized in all humility and in a heartfelt manner to the dear brothers in Tranquebar for having been compelled in my earlier letter to use an unusually strong manner of expression to voice my opposition - which had, however, had a good effect. On April 19,17521 went to Tranquebar taking Mr. Httttemann from Cudulur, but he hurried home shortly thereafter on account of his work and his family in Cudulur and, therefore, had no opportunity to study matters properly. One of the main reasons why the secret Tranquebar version has turned out so badly in many other aspects also is because the dear brothers, placing too much trust in their own knowledge, allowed themselves to be assisted mainly by only one person, a man named Christoph, who has been brought up from the beginning in the mission, who can speak some German and who also always assists the new missionaries. This man, however, does not have the capability for such work, since he is addicted to alcohol, much to the vexation of the missionaries, and generally says yes to everything. When I went to Tranquebar in April it so happened that this man had run away to Madras

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Appendix I

just a few days before because of an incident caused by his behaviour; when I came back in July 1 heard he was in Cudulur on his way back to Tranquebar. Since I had previously protested against using this man as an assistant in this work, Mr. Wiedebrock wrote to me later that this was only a one-time incident. However, the brothers there also found people in Tranquebar who confirmed my opinion. Consequently, the matter began to be set right. During my stay there, we finished the second epistle to the Corinthians and the epistle to the Galatians; now the greatest hindrance had been removed and the printing of my (collectively revised) text beginning from the second epistle to the Corinthians began. While taking leave of my host, Mr. Klein, I prayed one last time with him and he opened the Treasury to the text: It has been done! I took this as an assurance that the work for which God had sent me from Madras to Tranquebar had been completed as far as it was possible at that time. Before my departure I sketched out the manner in which our collective work could be continued just as well through written communications and this has been taking place since then. They go through my text and send me their observations in writing. I then write counter replies to things that I cannot approve of. Then the vote takes place: here, in Cudulur and in Tranquebar and subsequently they proceed with the printing without sending the papers back. This work is of great use. In 1755 Mr. HQttemann withdrew from this work for a while, but when he came to visit us in July of the same year we encouraged him to help in building the foundations. This had a good effect and he joined in again after that and gained greater insights. And so the understanding between all of us becomes greater and the printed version is now turning out well. Therefore, what has happened till now and what is still happening is a fundamental solution to all language-disputes of earlier times and an end to what was beginning to be a disadvantage to the mission. We are now almost at the end of the New Testament. As far as the private printing of the Tranquebar version from Mathew till the end of the first epistle to the Corinthians is concerned, which has not turned out well at all, I had written to the brothers in Tranquebar (see enclosed letter under Sub. No. 3) that on my arrival we could have a joint agreement on this. It is also possible that in an informal conversation with Mr. HUttemann when he asked for my opinion of this printed version which had already entailed such high expenditure, I replied that this version was not acceptable. However, since I know that the same will have to be changed, I did not - out of modesty - speak about it in Tranquebar and merely requested that the printing of the second epistle

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to the Corinthians, from where our collective work begins, be started on a new sheet, which was also done. Now, in the end, I must repeat my earlier request to you, Reverend Sir, namely that I would not like to see the dear brothers in Tranquebar blamed, put to shame or admonished in any way for what they have done (and what they have begun to rectify), because this would have a negative effect and would disturb our harmony again. I would also request you to be good enough to see that they don't come to know that I have told you about this. Instead, you could, at an opportune moment, testify to your pleasure at having heard that we are all working together on the books to be printed, that you would recommend that we continue to work in this manner, not only on the Bible, but on all Tamil and Portuguese books that will be printed in the future as well. The reason which made me undertake this work, under God’s direction, on the New Testament is also the cause for my work on the Old Testament, on which I have begun work on the biggest and also the most difficult books, namely the psalms, the Books of Solomon and of the Prophets, but I have only reached Jeremiah till now. My translations of the hymns, which Mr. Hiittemann also mentions, are recited and sung here only in the interest of edification and awakening which the congregation does not experience with the book of hymns printed in Tranquebar (I am only speaking the truth). One finds in this a poor excerpt of the actual German hymns and, even in this, neither the metre nor rhyme are correct. In addition, the possessive pronouns and the conjugation of verbs are formed in a poetic manner which is very different from the common usage due to poetic constraints. Mainly, the hymns lack correct sentence construction and when they have to be recited, as is necessary here, we cannot expect that five out of hundred people will understand them. Hymns, however, are a primary means of awakening. Therefore, it is our duty to give even our Christians all possible means for experiencing an awakening and we must ensure that they also enjoy the blessings of this like other Evangelical Christians. Some years ago the dear brothers in Tranquebar notified us that they would soon have to think of a new edition of the book of hymns and asked us for our advice; in my naivete I wrote down the one or the other point and also sent them, from then on, my translations of the hymns, of which there are more than 100 now. These have a metre and an end-rhyme, their content and form are close to the German and they are written in a simple and correct style using only ordinary words. Yet, I will not ask them to

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Appendix I

print these and nor would I like anyone else to persuade them to do this (since I have heard that they are now printing the book of hymns again), because I believe that my translations will recommend themselves at the right time. In the meanwhile, I cannot rob my congregations of these hymns. I must mention here that I have neither seen nor heard anyone in the congregation objecting to the fact that the Madras mission is using a commonly understood text and comprehensible hymns. I am certain that when Mr. HUttemann writes that this has had sorry consequences for the congregations, he does not have any examples. Being sure of his hypothesis he believed it to be the truth. I have also had the impression for many years that it would be highly desirable to have a Tamil (as also a Portuguese) devotional book, or book of sermons, along with other books in both languages and this should be given serious thought. But the books published should be such that they can also be sold publicly. As long as the Lord grants me life and strength I will work on this in all earnestness. If I have the time I would like to translate a German devotional book, and there will surely be no objections to it being printed. If I don’t find the time and till such work can be undertaken there is already material for a short devotional book consisting of sermons that are apt for the congregations and the circumstances here since I have, for the most part, made detailed concepts of all my sermons here in India with careful thought. In time I will confer with the missionaries in Tranquebar about this. I also wonder whether it would be possible, in order to facilitate the printing of edifying books, to have some of them, at least the Portuguese books, printed in Halle or London, if the manuscripts were sent with the consent of all the missionaries in the three missions and with all the necessary instructions for the printer and the proof-reader. If this could be done, then the books could also be bound there, and every year a box full of books could be sent here at our cost. Such books would be much cheaper than the ones printed here, to say nothing about the fact that the process of printing is very slow in Tranquebar. Apart from this, all the material for printing and binding has to be sent here first from Europe. I would make a start with a book of proverbs consisting of selected proverbs from the Bible. This could be followed by a Portuguese translation of Arndt’s “ParadieBGartlein”, half of which has been translated already etc. Indeed, I believe that some Tamil books could also be printed there since Tamil fonts are available in Halle. It is easy to leam to read Tamil. If one could start with the printing of a dictionary and with an analysis of some chapters from the

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New Testament, it would help in the later work. I mention this also because the paper that the Society usually sends is by no means sufficient. I hope that all the doubts caused by dear Missionary Hiittemann’s letter have been cleared and I am sure that the future will bring greater clarity. But, in order to reply to everything that is said in the letter, I still have to explain a few things with regard to the somewhat erroneous passage at the beginning of the excerpt of his letter. It is not true that I was of the opinion, or even that I stated, that it is difficult for an unmarried missionary to work in this country, especially in cura animarum individual^ and that this is the reason why I apply myself to written work. He also writes that although I am happy for other missionaries when they get married, I have not taken this step myself. The assumption that I have not married because of a lack of opportunity is also not true. It was I who recommended someone to my dear brother Breithaupt; she is a person who is such a precious jewel that one cannot find another like her among hundreds. I had known her for some years and we had also corresponded with each other, so that consent to marriage was never in doubt. I remember that Mr. HQttemann once asked me why I was still single, and I replied truthfully that it was not because of a lack of inclination but because the knowledge of God’s will and his permission for it were missing. With this, I come to the end of my long letter and request you, Reverend Sir, in befitting respect to go through it patiently. It only remains to be said that I have not had the pleasure of receiving the affectionate letter sent by you in 1755 with English ships. Although the letter was rescued from the waves after the loss of the ship, Doddington, and reached Tranquebar along with other letters, Mr. Kohlhoff wrote that your letter to me had been damaged to such an extent by the salt water that it was illegible. I requested him to send me the letter nevertheless, but it has not happened so far. May the merciful God allow us, in the times to come, to enjoy your heartfelt love, your intercession and protection, and your paternal wishes for us and for the prosperity, progress and spread of the mission for the glorification of His name. In my prayers I commend the mission, your family and all the other servants and children of God there to His divine and merciful protection, His support, strength and sustenance and remain with filial devotion Your most obedient J. Phil. Fabricius. Madras, October 18,1756.

13. CHRISTIAN FRIEDRICH SCHWARTZ TO JOHANN GEORG KNAPP This letter is in the archives o f the Francke Foundations under the accession number M 1 B 60 : 23. It was written on 22 January 1771 by Christian Friedrich Schwartz. The context o f this letter is explained in the article by Erik Frykenberg in Part III o f this publication. The manuscript was read by Christina Gross and translated into English by Rekha Kamath Rajan.

Esteemed Doctor, Dearly Beloved Father in the Lord. Reverend Sir. I received your cherished letter of 8th February 1770 and praise God who has written this for our instruction and comfort through his consummate servant, Consistorial Councillor Francke. May His grace continue to rule over us, just as we continue to place our hopes in Him. May He bestow His mercy on us so that His work can be continued in this country and many more recognize the divine gospel as the might of God and experience its mercy in their souls. Whatever there is to report from here, I will do so at all times so that you, Reverend Sir, may know as much as possible about the latest circumstances here, and I only request you, as a child, to help me with your parental intercession, advice and punishment. By God’s grace I am determined from the bottom of my heart to go wherever my Saviour commands. First I will report about the circumstances here and then reply to some of the points that you, Reverend Sir, have made. Till now, God in His mercy has helped, maintained and borne the assistants and me from this country. With the loving hands of a mother he always directs his people everywhere, glory be to God. The assistants are well and carry out God’s work cheerfully. There are at present five of them - Dewanesen (Gottlieb), a calm and quiet man - and his son, Rajappen, who was earlier my servant but who, by God’s grace, conducted himself so well that he was made a school

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master; Sattinaiken, fifty years old, who is particularly cheerful and has a wonderful talent in dealing with all kinds of people. Then there is Ignasimuttu, 30 years old, who is also willing to preach about Christ, and, finally, Dewasagayam (Gotthilf), who was appointed recently because he has a god-fearing heart and a wonderful ability to teach. Each one receives two pagodas a month, which is scarcely enough to feed themselves and their families. They are a great comfort to me and each one has a special ability, which is very useful. Last year we had heathens and papists for instruction for 10 months. Therefore, one of them would stay with me in the mornings to read out the catechism to the prospective candidates and to repeat the catechization that I conducted with them from 9-10. The others I send out to villages far and near and they go willingly. In the afternoons I take one of them with me and also let him speak to heathens and Christians in my presence. They can often apply the sayings from the New Testament admirably and can show the heathens the merits of the Christian dogma. Forty children attend the English school, which I supervise. They are taught by two god-fearing English soldiers and receive one hour of catechization from me. Thirty children are taught in the Malabar school. Till now I have given them half a gulden every month as support. In the forenoons they are taught reading and Christian dogma. But, in the afternoons, they leam knitting so that they get accustomed to work. On Sundays and Fridays the Tamil congregation gathers and I hold a talk for them. In the evenings, when I come home from meeting the heathens, I conduct a prayer-hour with the English soldiers. God has bestowed this prayer-hour on them for their blessing. A chapter from the New Testament is read, some verses are explained and they are give guidance in practical Christianity. Many attend the prayer-hour, but some time ago twenty of them pledged to surrender themselves to God. On Sundays, after the divine service, a special prayer-hour is held for them in which they pour out their hearts to god in their own words. True belief seems to be emerging among the heathens and papists. They see and confess that their way is not the proper way of leading life. We hope that the merciful God will strengthen this belief in many of them. His is the kingdom of might and righteousness. The glory is also His when He helps us.

13. Christian Friedrich Schwartz to Johann Georg Knapp

1431

In February and March respectively I visited my brothers in Madras, Cudulur and Tranquebar as also the village congregations. What you, Reverend Sir, have said about the village congregations is of utmost importance. A missionary should almost always be on the move. The benefits from this would definitely be great. The Christians would gain more courage and the catechists would be encouraged to carry out their duties more faithfully. The heathens would learn more about God’s advice with regard to their salvation. Even god-fearing catechists become dull if they are left completely to themselves. If, however, a missionary visits them from time to time, they gain more courage. May God in His mercy help us in this work! In October I visited Thanjavur for three weeks. I took the cheerful Sattianaiken with me who was bom and brought up there. We worked with the heathens and Christians every day, forenoons and afternoons. There was a stir among the Roman Catholics. They demanded that I conduct a religious dialogue with the Roman Catholic padre, which I agreed to do. But when I appeared at the designated place and the padre was called, he refused to come. This did not please the Roman Catholics and many of them said that if one of us were to stay in Thanjavur, they would turn to the truth. Since even the king asked me to stay there, it might be worth considering placing a missionary there for one or for a few years. Perhaps God’s blessings will be with us and many would be freed from their misery. If I had a colleague here, I could travel for a few months at a time. However, the people here are so weak that if something is to be achieved in Thanjavur, the missionary would have to stay there all the time. They would not be happy to see him travel in other countries. I have mentioned the point about the colleague to the Society. May God in His mercy and for the sake of Christ guide all events so that His name is praised. Mr. Pasche writes that there are no means available to install a new missionary in Tiruchinapally. I receive 20 pagodas every month from the Company. Out of this the five catechists and the school children get 13 pagodas, which leaves 7 pagodas. I saved this sum for a few months and bought a horse, which is a necessity for a missionary here in order to cross rivers and canals. Not to mention the fact that everything is more expensive here than in Tranquebar. It is evident that another colleague cannot be supported from the 20 pagodas. What you, Reverend Sir,

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suggest that a Danish missionary could stay here if another one joins the English Society: to this I say yes from my heart. God may use me wherever it pleases Him to do so. I am willing. Mr. Pasche writes in his letter that our esteemed father, Mr. Ziegenhagen, is not happy about my accepting a salary from the Company as payment for my work in the garrison, because it prevents me from undertaking long journeys. If I had known this earlier I would not have accepted it. However, I have replied that the congregation in Tiruchinapally is growing and needs a missionary constantly. Also, I have not been prevented completely from travelling, having spent two months almost every year away from this place. If I had not accepted the salary, how would I have employed the catechists? I never took anything from the donations for myself. Had I taken the salary and wanted to use it for myself alone, it would be another matter. In the first 18 months I used all of it to build the church and the mission house as well as the Tamil school. Later, I used 13 pagodas every month to pay the Malabar catechists and the schoolmasters. I, therefore, wish that my esteemed fathers and superiors would give me order. The clearer the orders are the greater would be my peace of mind. What I mentioned in my last letter about the vault that has collapsed is to be understood exactly as you, Reverend Sir, have explained. One of the vaults collapsed, but it was constructed again after three months. The building contractor alone was to blame. Should you, Reverend Sir, happen to see my brother, I request that you exhort him in a fatherly manner. It seems as if his heart is not yet what it should be. May the merciful God be good to you, Reverend Sir, may He shower His blessings on you for your efforts for the good of this work. With respectful wishes to your esteemed wife I remain with the request for your love and intercession, Reverend Sir, Your most humble, E. F. Schwartz. Tiruchinapally 22 January 1771.

14. JOHANN ZACHARIAS KIERNANDER ON THE STATE OF THE MISSION IN CALCUTTA This le tte r is available in the archives o f the F rancke Foundations (M I B 73 : 32). It was written on 30 October 1782 by John Zacharias Kiernander. The context o f this letter is described by Andreas Gross in the article about C alcutta in P art III o f this publication. C hristina Gross read the manuscript.

The Society cannot but be fully informed in what State and condition I arrived at Calcutta the later End of September 1758. after I had been 18. years at Cuddalore. Plundered by General Lally at his taking of that Place. How in a poor and distressed condition I begun a Mission here. The Society best knows what Remittances They have made for this Mission, as I allso have all Their Letters and accounts to make that clearly appear. Allthough I have all along been in the most narrow circumstances, it has nevertheless been my constant endeavour, not to be a Burthen to the Society, neither for the Mission, nor on my own account. And after under many Tryals of Distress, with Divine assistance, I had brought the Mission so far, that there was no occasion for any considerable Supplies for the Support of the Mission from the Society; and my Age required another Missionary to be sent out, to take charge of the Mission. One indeed was sent out, who arrived, and in the beginning knew so well, to put on his hypocritical Mark, that it was for some Time, impossible for me, to discover the selfinterested hireling and the ravening Wolf that was latent under it, till after he was married and got money. I need not now repeat those many particulars that paint his Character, when with the Society have allready in so many Letters for these several Years past, been acquainted. The first part of his Time here after his ar­ rival, was taken up in learning the English language, and he then could afford but little assistance. And after he had made some Progress in that language, and seemed to promise well, his marrying and getting money,

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gave another Turn, that, instead of minding his Duty in the work of the Mission, he showed himself so indifferent, as if the Mission had been the least in his Thoughts. He neglected his Duty once, allmost for 8 months together, and after that but now and there attended, and commonly for whole Months wandered about from one Place to another, without in the least caring for the Mission, all under the Pretext of Indisposition, concerning the Truth of which, God is Judge. It was no doubt expected he should have applied himself, at least to one of the Country languages. The Portugueez he had the best op­ portunity for, and might easily have attained; but that he intirely refused to have anything to do with, as then appeared to him no advantage by taking any trouble with poor people. The Bengal language he began to apply himself to, had a man to instruct him, but never learned as much as the Alphabeth, only imploying that man, to tell him the Contents of the Bengal Book Mohabared, that he might have a subject to talk of, and to write home some Contents of it, that it should seem as if he had made some advance in it. He soon left that, and adopted the Name of learning the Persian but in the same manner, and soon left it. What benefit could the Mission reap from this? He had not the least scruple to say, that these Country languages would be of no advantage to him, when he came to Europe, the English was the only that could serve him, as he could at the University teach the students English and reap some benefit by it. Instead of minding his Duty in the Mission, his Time was constantly employed in going about Town a slandering, casting Reproach upon the Mission and his Colleagues. Besides the contents of the Bibel, which were spread about in Town long before Hicky published it, many things more passed current, which being ridiculous and contradictory in themselves are not worthy to be taken notice of. The Society had Reason on account of may Age and Blindness to declare me Emeritus, before Diemer was sent out, and let now his behav­ iour and the state I have been in, be considered, what can then in such lamentable circumstances be expected? And how can any good Influence and Progress amongst the Natives, so much wished for, be expected? On account of Diemers neglect of his Duty in the Mission, all would long ago have been at a stand, and intirely given up, and here would have been no Mission more, had I not substituted my son to assist from the 6* Sunday after Trinity, which was the 14* of July 1776. who has since that Time continued to apply himself only to the service of the Mission, setting other

14. Johann Zacharias Kiernander on the State o f the Mission in Calcutta 1435

Imployment aside. And had I not called a Missionary from Tranquebar it would have been impossible to have any Mission here. And how can I desribe how grievous these circumstances have been to me, whether They approved or dissapproved of my sons assistance, no, not a single line in regard to the Missionary the Rev. Mr. Gerlach, who, though he has now laboured in this Mission upwards of 4years, never had a Shilling Salary from the Society, nor as much as a word mentioned about him in any of Their Letters. Though indeed I have had but few, and never a word in answer to so many, which I have wrote; and 1780. neither Letter nor Account. All this will seem to have the appearance as if the Society cared not in the least for the Mission. Though I will not give place to that Tought, but are rather apprehensive that the Society have not in proper Time been acquainted with the state of the Mission. I must now see this Mission in such a state of Dereliction, which if it thus should continue longer, must inevitably put an End to it. I have hith­ erto done all in my Power to support and continue it, but I am exhausted and can no longer afford it. And being advanced to 71 Years of age, what can the Society expect from me alone? Allthough, Thanks to God, I do now, since the Recovery of my sights, also enjoy a better state of Health, than I have had, I may well say, these 15 years ago. Yet how uncertain is, and how soon may my End approach. If there be no alteration in the care and management of the Mission, then I am gone, & none here, what will become of it? A Missionary can impossibly live upon 50.£ p. annum much less can the Mission be supported from that. The Church, School and other Mission Buildings must go to Ruin, and it is thrown away to no purpose. The Congregations that are gathered must be forsaken. How can I in these circumstances execute the Deed and make it over to the Society for the Mission? Would it not be in vain? And where, as now, a Missionary must wait 2 years for his salary of SO. £, and perhaps longer, how is he to live. How can he repair the Buildings and maintain the Mission? The Rainy Season doeth every Year causs some Repairs absolutely necessary. The Mission has some Income from the Collection in the Church, and from the School, but that is requisit for the School and for alms to the Poor. Something more will be necessary. I have hitherto made the Yearly Repairs on the Church and other Buildings without charging it to the ac­ count, wherefore it doeth not appear to the Society. We can lay no Taxes for this purpose upon the Congregations, they are poor, neither has that as yet been done in any of the other Missions, nor is it possible to do it That we have such considerable Collections in the Church, proceeds most

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from others, who chose to attend Divine Service, who do not properly belong to our Congregations. Had Diemer not hurt the Mission in the manner he has done I should have had little Occasion to trouble the Sosiety for any Support. I know the great and extensive Concerns of the Society and the small Income to manage it, and am sorry to say any Thing about it. But now in the present State of the Mission it is become absolutely necessary. I have often been thinking, whether so usefull an Institution for the public good of the Country, doeth not justly merit the attention of the Public, and make it reasonable, that whereas great sums are thrown away to less, or rather no purpose, that something from the Yearly Revenews of the Country should be applied for the support of the Mission. And it would be but a trifeling sum which would suffice for the Mission, in comparison to many much greater that are spent needless. But this I leave to the Divine Providence and the Societys consideration. I hope it can never be explained nor so understood of my Representation, as if I had altered my mind and would not make over the Church and other Buildings to the Society for the use of the Mission. My son is now making a Ground Plan of the whole ground and all the Buildings upon it, for the purpose of annexing it to the Deed, and in a legal Form to execute it. That has been my sincere Desire from the beginning and is still my steady Inclination. But this I must declare, I cannot do, before I hear from the Society, how Their Resolution, Regula­ tion and Care of it, will be settled upon a Basis more firm. For why should I throw it away to no purpose? Seeing the Mission now allready in an intire State of Dereliction. No Letters in answer from the Society about the most weighty concerns. No Salaries. Nothing in the least towards a support of it. This is very hard. In a Letter I have received this year from England with the Deptford, it is mentioned, that what I wrote March 29th and 30. 1779. and follow­ ing letters were not yet laid before the Society. And when I compare this with a letter from the Reverend Mr. Hallings dated June 1. 1781. which I received this year by the Deptford, wherein he saith, that “till the Society hear what he, Diemer, has to say for himself in vindication of his conduct, They cannot take any steps in this Business.” What must I think? And what must I conclude from this? When Mr. Hallings further saith, that “He is but an Officer of the Society and I must not expect from him &ct. It surprizes me. I have allways been of opinion that my letters directed to the Secretary, would be laid before the Society, and I had comforted myself by being favoured with Their answers. But now it seemeth to be

14. Johann Zacharias Kiemander on the State o f the Mission in Calcutta 1437

otherwise. And by this management the Mission must starve and go to Ruin. Even at best, in Time of Peace, it takes up much Time, before we can hear from the Society, much more now in Time of War, and never is a line wrote till with the last ships, which arrive here late enough. Would it not be requisite to write a Letter of Advice, at least, with the first ships that sail, so as formerly was done, but now of late never. That would be some comfort, whereas now, the Missionaries must consider themselves as being in Exile, forgotten and forsaken. Should in these dismal straits, matters be brought to that extremity, so much against my will and Inclina­ tion, that the Mission must be given up, which God forbid. I shall be in a State to publish every Transaction form Year to Year, and to convince the Publick that it is not my Fault. God knows it all before. I have a Good Conscience, and am not afraid of all the world, should it please God to call me from hence before, there will be somebody else that will do it. In regard to the present State of the Mission, allthough Satan has through his Instruments, done every thing in his Power to lay it vaste and desolate; yet he has been defeated, through that Allmighty Power and Goodness that rules above. And of this the Society will be more particularly informed, when it shall please God, that we can at the End of this Year, send the account of it. I cannot but think, that what I have hitherto wrote to the Society, when duly confident, should in Justice merit some answer: Justice will be sufficient Favour I will not ask / And that with the speediest Opportunity possible, if not, I dread the Consequences, which the Lord alone can avert, and that He may in Mercy do so, is the most hearty Prayer of John Zach Kiemander.

15. LETTER OF THE ENGLISH MISSIONARIES IN MADRAS This letter was originally written in Tamil. It has been trans­ lated into English and published in: Annual Reports o f the So­ ciety fo r Promoting Christian Knowledge from the year 1785, p p .92-97 (Cambridge University Library SPCK.MS/B 1). A German translation is available in the archives o f the Francke Foundations M 2 B 7 : 9. The letter is an important supple­ ment to the article in part I I I ’ Madras and the English-Halle Misionaries’ by Andreas Gross.

Translation of the printed Tamil letter, mentioned in the earlier missive, of the English missionaries in Madras to the Malabar nation. The missionaries, servants of die God who will rule the world, show the people how to go to meet His righteous judgment and how to attain forgiveness for sins and salvation in heaven. They ask for the people of this country, their friends, the grace of God and that they may partake in everlasting bliss. We ask you to look at this letter as a sign of our friendship and respect for you; because to show someone how to avoid great unhappiness and how to become truly happy is a sign of genuine love and concern. What we have to say is this: You know that there is one Almighty Being, Lord of all, and yet you take the names of many other gods and goddesses. Instead of worshipping Him or looking for means to find Him, you bow before these others and worship them. But you should ask yourselves whether what you do is correct and whether it will make you happy or unhappy, also whether such gods and goddesses are real or not just a figment of die imagination and a delusion of the devil, the originator of all lies and deceptions with which he leads people to hell. If you are deceived in such an important matter, what will be the consequences? Consider that the Lord, our God, the Creator and ruler of heaven and earth and all that is in it, who nourishes all living creatures, who has

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given man reason and exceptional gifts, has promised to be a merciful God and Father and to give eternal bliss in heaven to those who obey him as children. When, however, people neither respect nor honour the great and merciful God who has given them their being and their livelihood, but instead turn to and worship other false deities, is that not the highest form of injustice and treachery? Consider with trepidation what God will do with such people on the Day of Judgment. If one man’s crime against another man, who is his equal, is punished, how much greater will be the punishment for forsaking God. You are very careful in ensuring that your worldly possessions and trade do not suffer; why are you then so negligent in a matter of the highest importance? The harm that you will suffer through your worship of false gods will not affect your worldly goods, but will bring about your loss and downfall and eternal fear and torment in the other world. Be wise therefore, turn to God and seek His mercy. After death no one comes again into this world in another incarnation, as you perhaps like many others of your nation believe: the only time to be reconciled with God is in this your present life. You think that there are many gods, but the entire human race on earth is descended from one father and mother who the Almighty God created in the beginning. Since all humankind is of the same blood and substance and all are related to one another, how can there be different gods over people living in different parts of the earth? Because sin has obscured and deluded people’s reason they have abandoned the Lord who created them and have begun to worship the sun, the moon, the stars, birds, animals and other creatures and they bow before images of gold and metal, wood and stone, which they have fashioned themselves. And because the holy life laid down by God does not appeal to their sinful and corrupt nature, their fantasy conjures up gods described in tales by their foolhardy poets; gods that are obviously more in accord with their carnal and debauched nature. But such deities have never existed; and indeed how can they whose lasciviousness and perversity is greater than that of men be gods, to rule and judge the world? Can a shameless man leading a scandalous life on earth be considered fit to rule over even a village? Or will the inhabitants of a place suffer such a person to live amongst them who is obviously guilty of the depravity that your books ascribe to your gods? See how great the deception is with which you allow yourself to be blinded. Can there be a greater sin than worshipping such imaginary and depraved gods and devils instead of the Holy and just God who has created us and who is our Lord and

15. Letter o f the English Missionaries in Madras

1441

Benefactor? Does your conscience not tell you that worshipping such gods and bowing down to these idols that neither see nor hear, neither speak nor move does not behoove man who has a mind. An animal knows the master who feeds it. But when a man does not know God the Lord who gives him his daily bread, neither listens to His word through which he has revealed himself to all men, nor calls out to Him in prayer, setting his heart instead on a worthless thing that gives him nothing and he calls god, he is indeed the most deceived and most unhappy man. But so long as you remain heathens, the devil will rule over you and deceive you and you will believe the greatest lie. Think back to the famous and learned nations of the Romans and the Greeks who in antiquity ruled over large lands, and turn your thoughts to the idolatry they practised with great pomp and foolish superstition. The gods and goddesses they worshipped were Jupiter, Juno, Mercury, Minerva, Apollo, Diana, Venus, Bacchus, Pluto and others. Where are these gods now who they venerated for so long and with such great superstition? After the gospel of the Lord, Jesus Christ, the Saviour of the world who God had sent from heaven, was preached and proclaimed, the worship carried out with great pomp of such gods and goddesses in these countries has disappeared so completely that even their names have been forgotten. And where so you find in all other Christian countries the worship of the many different gods that existed in older, heathen, times? If they had been gods, how could their veneration and worship disappear? Because it was all nothing more than fantasy and foolishness nothing has remained. Since it is now certain that they were not gods, would it not be foolish to think that your Siva, Vishnu, Brahma, Pulliar, Ammei and others who are worshipped in this country are gods and goddesses? Now, dear friends, listen to what we have to say to you further. The eternal and Almighty God, your Lord and Creator, is calling you to Him in His great mercy and He says: Turn around, you disobedient children, I am the Lord, your God, do not suffer other gods beside me. Why do you like the path that leads to destruction and damnation? Turn to me and I will change your corrupt nature through my Holy Spirit. O, esteemed friends, listen to this merciful call of God because even though, according to divine justice, you have earned eternal damnation through your sins, God Himself in His mercy is offering you the right path which will cleanse you of your sins and where you will not only escape the punishment you deserve but will also become God’s beloved children. O, listen carefully to the good news of this wonderful and blessed

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salvation that has been brought about for you and for all mankind. There is a Saviour who will redeem your sin and the wretchedness and curse arising from it. He is the Son of God, of the same boundless divine being as God the Father who has sent Him as a messenger. He has come down from heaven, taken human form on earth and is called Jesus Christ. He has taken on himself the punishment for our sins, and, in order that we may be redeemed, He has on our behalf suffered the pain and death of a wrongdoer. He sacrificed himself and submitted to God’s justice for our sakes, but on the third day He rose from the dead with His divine power, and after commanding that the gospel of the salvation of men be preached to all peoples He went to heaven again. He who renounces the devil and his works, the ways of the world and sin, who embraces God by believing in this merciful Saviour, Lord Jesus Christ, he who is baptized with water in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost as the only true God, he who surrenders to Him as an obedient child, his sins will be forgiven, he will be a child unto God and will inherit the eternal life. You will therefore be blessed if you no longer remain in the power of the evil spirit and do not believe his lies and tales but gratefully receive the inexpressible benefaction of God and His Lord, Jesus Christ, and follow His call. This, your blessed conversion to God, will also bring us, your true friends, great happiness. Lord Jesus, the Son of God, will come back from heaven on the day of judgment; with great majesty He will raise the dead, all those who have lived in this world, will judge them and render to each according to his life and deeds. Then He will send the others into the eternal fire which bums for the devil and his followers: the unbelievers, the sorcerers, the idolaters and all those who believed untruths, who in their lifetime did not renounce their sins. But those who believed in Him in this life and led a pious life, these He will call His brothers and say to them: Come here, o blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom that has been yours from the beginning of the world. Think therefore of the glory of this holy religion which is the only true one and do not let yourself be deceived any longer by false teachings. Reject the lies and embrace the truth. Read this letter with mature reflection and pray in all humility to God in the name of Jesus Christ that He may forgive the great errors you are guilty of through lack of knowledge and that He may through His Holy spirit lead you on the path to eternal life.

16. CHRISTOPH SAMUEL JOHN: ’STORY OF A MIRACLE WORKER’ This sto ry is a v a ila b le in the archives o f the F rancke F o u ndations M 2 B 7 : 4 and it is c a lle d 'Story o f a miracle worker and o f an exorcist as a contribution to the description o f the character o f the p eople here'. It was written by Christoph Samuel John in 1789 in Tranquebar. Andreas Nehring has explained it in an article in part VIII. The English translation has been done by Rekha Kamath Rajan.

In the middle of August 1789 a stranger with a retinue of some 70 people created a stir in these regions. With his tents and baggage he first set up abode in Tirukuteiur1and carried out his tricks there for a while. A large number of people from the surrounding villages thronged to him every day, admired his miracles by day, his arts by night and spread his fame far and wide. The story about him was that he once had a dream in which god revealed to him that 8 days hence he would be struck by thunder and would receive miraculous powers. He announced this dream, and on that particular day he went to an open field accompanied by many witnesses. Soon a storm came up; he warned the people to stay far away and remained thus in a large circle. Suddenly rain poured down on him and his cow standing next to him, buried both so deep in the ground that the cow was completely hidden from sight and only a part of his feet could be seen sticking out from the ground. He remained like this for four days after which he and his cow not only reappeared unharmed but also endowed with magical powers which he now started using for his own and for the benefit of others. This story circulated by him had already aroused a lot of attention and was enough to attract gullible people. The sick and the healthy approached him reverentially, fell down at his feet, kissed them and paid their respects to him. The blind, the lame, the palsied, those suffering from fever and other 1Tirukkadaiyur, a village about 10 km. north of Tranquebar.

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illnesses asked him for help. He would take some melted butter from burning lamps, apply it on the diseased limbs, return the greeting with folded hands, cast his eyes down, murmur a short prayer and then begin a new cure. This continued without a break till sunset accompanied by glowing incense sticks, by the waving of peacock feathers and other white feathers. The real ones are very precious and are used as fans only for princes and other persons of high-rank as also for ceremonial processions and feasts. The Tamilians call them Wontsamaram and say that it is the tail of a kind of deer, Rame riman, which I will investigate more closely and describe at another opportunity. Among the stories told of his miracle cures there is one about how a blind woman asked him to restore her sight. He applied butter on her eyes upon which she experienced such great pain that she said it was as if her eyes would fall out. When she bent down in pain her eyes actually fell to the ground. He lifted them up, inserted them into their sockets again and she could see. In order to put fear into the people so that no one trifled with him a story circulated about an English officer who wanted to make fun of him. He tied leaves around one of his feet and came to him with the request to cure a bad wound. The miracle worker replied coldly: Go back to where you tied the leaves. You will be cured there. A short while later the Englishman experienced a severe pain and when he took off the leaves he found a bad wound already infested with worms. He regretted his impertinence, came back in all humility for help and was cured. The strong white cow that accompanied the miracle worker did not perform any obvious miracles but it was also accorded the same respect as its master. People approached it with folded hands, lifted its tail, kissed it in this unmentionable place and rubbed its tail on their foreheads and chests. He also had two horses with him and asserted that one had been given to him by a rich Englishman he had cured and that he had received the other from the Nawab. When this swindler came close to our city and set up camp behind our mission garden in Orhugamangalam,2 not only the heathens but also many Europeans, men and women, rich and poor, went to him and we heard that some of our mission Christians had also been a part of this 2 Orugamangalam, congregation with a mission garden to the west of Tranquebar. On the mission garden cf. also Paul Fleisch, Hundert Jahre Lutherischer Mission, Leipzig 1936, p.30

16. Christoph Samuel John: 'Story o f a Miracle Worker*

1445

pilgrimage. He was now the talk of the city, and even some sick people who had not learnt their Christianity here in India allowed themselves to be smeared with butter. I spoke to many sensible Europeans about what they had heard and seen and what they said corresponded to what I had heard from Indians. The former regarded him as a swindler as far as his miracle cures were concerned; but with regard to his nightly arts, one of them who is far removed from superstition assured me, that the man surpassed all those he had seen in Europe. Although till then I had not considered it worth the effort to go to the swindler myself, I now thought that it might be useful to examine his tricks more closely and put the superstition of the naive to shame by exposing these tricks. Before going to him myself, talking to him and his people and, according to the circumstances, using the opportunity to correct the opinion of the deceived people and direct their attention to more salutary matters, I considered it better to send our doctor Sattiananden to him to make some enquiries first. As a learned former heathen he was well versed in the superstitions and arts prevalent among them and would discover the tricks more easily than if 1 had spoken with the man and he had guessed my intentions. I therefore told Sattianaden to question him and his people: 1. Which country, place and caste is he from and what languages does he speak? 2. What did he leam in his youth, which arts and sciences did he pursue and what books has he read? 3. What kind of life did he lead earlier, whether he had been a penitent, or doctor, or something else? 4. How did he get his miraculous powers and which of the arts does he actually practise? 5. Who has actually been cured by him and what their names are, where do they live, what kind of diseases did they have and how their condition is at present. He should be requested to bring some of them to me so that I could talk to them. With these instructions Sattianaden went to him thrice. On his own he would not have gone in order not to be suspected of superstition and not to offend other Christians. On the first day he noted the answers that the man gave to Europeans who asked him questions through interpreters. Among other things they wanted to know what his miracle powers consisted of and whether he could demonstrate them because

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then he would be welcomed and respected if he could cure the sick her. They also asked him where he came from, where he would be going next and who his parents and relatives were. To this he replied very slyly that he was a poor man who did not know whether god was in him and what he was working through him, because the cure depended on the person’s belief. He had been sent by god, did not know of any father or mother, nor where he came from or where he was going. Heaven was his father and the earth his sister. Then Sattianaden asked him who he was and the man told him the story that the others narrated about him and which has been given above. He only added that god once told him in his prayer to open his hands and see what was in them. When he did this he found a ball of raw sugar, Wellam, in one hand and butter in the other. God then instructed him to use both these things to cure people; to use sugar for inner diseases and butter for outer wounds. The man, however, did not have either the time or the inclination to get involved in a discussion with Sattianaden, since he was constantly surrounded by a crowd of people and was busy with his cures. He therefore turned to his people, particularly to the person he needed to prepare the sugar and butter in the evenings when he had nothing to do while the swindler performed his nightly arts. Sattianaden succeeded in gaining the trust of this helper by giving him a handkerchief as a present. He asked him if he mixed any medicine with the sugar and the butter. He quoted some verses from a Tamil book where several ingredients are mentioned that can be mixed either with sugar and used for inner diseases or with butter for outer wounds. This had the best effect and gradually the man told him not only the entire life story of this false holy man, but also which medicines he mixed and what his art consisted of. His story has the ring of truth. The man’s name is Renga Redti. He was bom in Sickindapapftr which was formerly a fairly large city in the region of Wangapur and which had belonged to the Nawab of Wangapur and Sawenur before it had been captured about 20 years ago by Heider Ally. The latter had the lawful Nawab brought to Sirengapatnam and murdered there. The man belongs to the Redti caste and speaks Kanaka, the language of the region, which has some similarities with Telugu. His father was a farmer, or Kiufianawan, and he too worked in the fields for some time, got married and had three sons who are part of his retinue along with his mother and his siblings. All of them are swindlers. Once, when he and three others went to plough the fields there was a violent thunderstorm. They sought shelter

16, Christoph Samuel John: *Story o f a Miracle Worker'

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under a large tree, but lightning struck the tree, killed the other two men and he was thrown to the ground completely stunned. A large crowd of people gathered and they thought that he too was dead. While they were making preparations for the cremation this man regained consciousness. Everyone was so astonished that they began to regard him as a great man since the people of this country consider it to be a miracle if a person struck by lightning manages to survive. The man approved of the foolishness of his country-men, exchanged his tedious work in the fields for a more comfortable life, built himself a hut in the forest and had enough time and leisure to work out a plan for further exploiting the superstitions of these people to his own advantage. In the meanwhile, the people brought him all the necessities of life. He therefore acquired the character of a holy man who had an intimate acquaintance with god and he associated with the Randarangdln, the AndigdJn, the Jogigoln and other such holy rabble with whom he not only shared the gifts he received from the people, but to whom he also gave shelter thus gaining their respect and friendship. He used this to further spread his fame and to delude the people. Although he could barely read and write he learnt some things from his association with those religious fanatics and he used this to cheat the people. One rishi, in particular, helped him. The man fed this rishi, gave him gifts and asked him to teach him some things. The rishi had him make a copper slipper like the wooden ones usually worn her. He carved out a circle on this slipper and in this circle he wrote a magic formula that has the power to drive away the devil. The man learnt this formula by heart. Apart from this, the rishi taught him about some medicines which, when mixed with sugar, are actually used for internal diseases, and about others which, when mixed with butter, are used for outer wounds. These medicines are wrapped in the wick of the lamps. Sattianaden brought me some of these and they have a strong smell of spices or medicines. The ingredients are sulphur, potassium nitrate, mercury, a composition of different metals and red mercury sulphide. The rishi also taught him to make a salve of melted rhinoceros skin which is supposed to stop any bleeding and close fresh wounds. In this manner, the holiness he had achieved through the lightning was combined with miraculous gifts and powers. He gave those with internal diseases sugar, which he claimed was simple sugar, and applied butter, that looked like normal butter, on external wounds. People probably ascribed its spicy smell to its holy character. Like a mesmeriser he demanded patience and faith

1448

Appendix /

in this process and, indeed, it actually helped many people, especially when their imagination contributed its share. Where it didn’t help the miracle worker was not responsible, and the fault lay with the sick person, especially when his faith was not strong enough. He now set forth. Mother, wife, children, brothers and a number of other people and swindlers followed him. In this manner he traveled to different places and wherever he went he aroused a great deal of amazement, partly through his person and partly through his conjurors. He had given his brother the magic slippers and with it the task of exorcising the devil; he himself only dealt with god and with miracle cures. However, people who required his brother’s art were not always to be found among the audience and the admirers. On the other hand, the possessed were necessary for what he intended. Therefore, some who were given the steeped sugar probably got a portion in which other ingredients had been mixed that produce derangement and convulsions. It was then said that those possessed by the devil are revealed before this holy man even if they had remained hidden earlier. In short, those who became possessed experienced a salty, astringent taste after taking the sugar; then they became confused, began to stagger and so it went on in stages to ever stranger movements and terrible convulsions. The exorcist now had the work he desired; with his magic formulas he gradually quieted them and drove the devil out again, who would have left in any case once the effect of the ingredients had worn off. This seems to me to also be the case with all the other frequent illnesses here which consist either of biliousness and of hypochondriac and hysterical fits, or other such things which the exorcists themselves cause in some people from whom they hope to gain something. They do this by finding an opportunity to administer something to them, which is easily done with the help of a roadside shopkeeper or other such people. The person who has been administered something falls into a frenzy and is taken to the Pusari, or conjuror, who profits from this. The story becomes more probable when one considers that the largest number of possessed is found at a time when such Indian gypsies are wandering in the area. The fact that our holy man, who allowed himself to be worshipped like a god, stooped so low as to entertain the crowd with conjuring tricks was something new and unheard of among the wise and holy people of this country who despise such things and it could have also, on occasion, presented this man in a contemptible light.

16. Christoph Samuel John: 'Story o f a Miracle Worker'

1449

He stabbed himself on the chest with daggers, with his chin he bent unsheathed swords that were placed on the ground and danced and jumped around on sharp swords which he then showed to all. He claimed to be invulnerable and everyone believed him. If I could have made up my mind to go to him, I would have taken a penknife with me and, with his permission, I would have either done a small test on his arm or I would have publicly declared him a swindler. Sattianaden, however, assured me that the dagger-stabs on the chest were combined with clever fencing movements as to do away with any need for sorcery. The dancing on the sharp unsheathed swords needed even less explanation, if one considers that he never placed them on hard earth where there would be less elasticity. Instead, men would hold these swords crosswise in their hands. People here have a naturally coarser skin which gets hardened further and becomes calloused from constantly walking barefoot on hot sand and stones, especially in the stony region that he comes from. His trick consists of nothing other than balance, which every tightrope walker is capable of. Other men from his band of followers, who also stabbed themselves with daggers, actually bled and thus strengthened his claim of invulnerability. First people took pity on them for the wounds on their chest, but a short while later, the pity turned to amazement when these men came back cured. The wounds were probably not deep and could have been closed with the help of the above-mentioned medicine made of rhinoceros skin. It is also possible that wounds were never inflicted in the first place, and the blood could have been produced in lamplight in a less painful manner. For many admirers the most incomprehensible thing was the fact that the chief swindler not only took no payment for his miracle cure, but that he distributed consecrated rice and curry every day to several hundred people who came to him. There were always big vessels with boiled rice and others with meat and vegetable curry from which the persons in charge, some of who stood on trees, dished out rice and curry with big coconut ladles to all those who longingly stretched out their hands for this holy food, swallowed it reverently and either felt, or believed, that they were sated. All this cost a lot, and he would either have to be an alchemist or a miracle worker. He was indeed one, but in a very natural, or cunning, way. Whoever came to him, either to be cured, or to partake of a holy experience, had to, as is customary here, offer something even if it was worth only one fanam and was rice, sugar, chicken, butter, or anything else. These offerings, however, had to have first been consecrated and blessed by him. For this purpose he

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Appendix I

also had with him, apart from the 70 people, many shopkeepers and their shops so that the entire lot consisted of several hundred people. All offerings given to him had to be bought from these shops that he had already consecrated, and here people got very little for a fanam, perhaps something that was only worth a quarter fanam. This did not bother anyone since the holy man was always satisfied as long as the offering had cost at least one fanam. Anything under that did not make the blessing effective. Everything thus bought at a high price came back to him and therefore he could easily distribute it again. Whoever wanted to appease a shop with its consecrated rice, sugar and fruit and wished to gorge on its holiness could get rid of many fanams which the shopkeeper, however, was not allowed to retain for himself. Apart from this natural means of lightening the burden of charity, the many sacks of rice and the many gold pagodas were also very helpful. These were sent to him either by rich and distinguished Indians, or they were pooled together by the so-called castes, such as the watermen, the oil-pressers etc. In short, we soon had the feeling in the city that grasshoppers were eating our butter, chicken and other provisions, since we could scarcely get these things any more. Our government therefore soon put an end to this tomfoolery and let the eccentric holy man know that it would be better if he went away, whereupon the entire troop retreated towards Anandamangalam, an hour’s journey away. Some suspect, not without good reason, far more dangerous motives for this coast apart from simple extortion. One knows that Tippu and the English have armed for war. This swindler came with his band of men directly from Tippu’s country. It would be a great opportunity for Tippu to send a number of spies among the rabble, in order to get precise information about the state of the country and of the English armies, since this country stretches down the coast from Arcat to Madras. The Indians attributed the order for the removal of this harmful crowd to the missionaries who are said to have requested the government to pass this order since some of our Christians also went running to the man. Among them was a person who was apparently cured, but who came back just as sick as she had been when she went there. Of the many people who are supposed to have been cured, Sattianaden was not able to find even one who confirmed that eating the sugar or being smeared with butter had really helped. It seems as though even the medicine mixed in this is not very effective. The great amazement of the crowd has, therefore, almost completely abated. They gazed in astonishment at him a few times, spent their

16. Christoph Samuel John: \Story o f a Miracle Worker'

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money in his shops in order to get some sugar or butter from his skinny hands, some dust from his feet and something else from his cow. Neither the one nor the other has led to their moral or physical improvement and he and his people have gained the most from this. I will leave it to each one to apply this story to an understanding of men in general and to a better understanding of the way of thinking, to the customs and the moral character of the people here in particular. What I think and feel about it and how I plan to use it I will show some other time when the occasion arises.

17. BARTHOLOMAUS ZIEGENBALG: ‘THE ABOMINATION OF PAGANISM, AND THE WAY FOR THE PAGANS TO BE SAVED’ The original Tamil text was written by Bartholomews Ziegenbalg. It was printed in 1713 in the printing press at Tranquebar and is the first Tamil text to be printed in the history o f the Protestant mission in India. The English title mentioned above was given by Anton Wilhelm Bdhme (1673-1722) and the text became known under this title. Here, there is a new translation o f the title and o f the document from the Tamil by Vincent Kumaradoss and David Prabhakar. In Part VIII Will Sweetmann has given a detailed explanation o f this important text that had sunk into oblivion.

“Scriptural evidence revealing how loathsome heathenism is and how those rooted in it may be saved.” Published at the Missionaries’ Press Tharangambadi (Tranquebar) In the Year of Jesus Christ One Thousand Seven Hundred and Thirteen. The missionaries at Tharangambadi (Tranquebar) greet all the Tamilians, their friends, and proclaim: Almighty God has been gracious to send us as priests amongst you in order to save you from akkiyanam.' 1 The key word in this booklet is akkiyanam, the opposite being hanam. These words were Tamil equivalents derived from the Sanskrit words a-jfiana and jHana meaning ‘spiritual ignorance’ and ‘spiritual wisdom’ respectively (Tamil Lexicon, Vol. I, University of Madras, 1982, p. 4, Vol. Ill, p. 1688). This booklet was addressed to those who remained rooted in akkiyanam, the akkiyani, the term used and standardized by the missionaries to denote those who were steeped in ‘spiritual ignorance.’ In this translation, the term heathen - which gained currency in the course of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries - is used to identify the akkiyanis, those persons who remained outside the fold of Christianity and who were without the true spiritual wisdom, hanam.

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Therefore, soon after reaching your country, we learnt your language and made a critical study of your books. When we examined your forms of worship, we found that they contain too much of akkiyanam and that spiritually your soul has sunk very low. So, we laboured hard and prayed to God day and night so that you may obtain redemption; we gave spiritual instruction that would aid you to reach the shore; and we wish to help you as far as possible. To those who came nearer to us we revealed orally, in all truthfulness, the path for reaching heaven. Further, we are obligated to guide you to adopt this path. But, as we are prevented from transmitting this message orally, we are getting these divine precepts that you should know, printed in Tamil. You must know from this how much God has been gracious to you in these days, and how much we love you and how much pain we take so that you may reach heaven. Therefore, receive this book so that you might benefit from God’s grace and blessing and also from our love and labour. Also receive the books that we are going to write as precious pearls and make a deep study of the precepts they contain and accept them in good faith; and live in accordance with the Truth and become the people of God. These books contain information about what akkiyanam is; how akkiyanam spread in this world, particularly to a large extent in the Tamil country, and how detestable akkiyanam is; the efforts taken by the Almighty to save those who remain in akkiyanam ; the steps to be taken by those who wish to obtain redemption from akkiyanam ; the tribulations and injustice from this world that those who discard akkiyanam have to experience when they enter the Church for the sake of righteousness; and the rich benefits that they are going to reap from this. All these eight subjects are included and organized in eight chapters of this book. May the merciful God grant you divine light and divine strength so that you might be able to read all these thoughtfully and retain them in your hearts. First chapter revealing what akkiyHnam is When examining with spiritual wisdom the people throughout this world, the way in which they live, the deeds they do, and the rituals they perform, it will be found that akkiyanam is very much widespread and many remain in akkiyanam. This is because the people have lost their reason and consequently they have forgotten the Only God and begun to worship many false deities; they have rejected the True Scriptures revealed by the True God in this world and created their own different Vedic texts according to their own wishes; they detested the

17. Bartholomius Ziegenbalg: 'The Abomination of Paganism’

1455

things in concord with the Truth, Wisdom, and Righteousness of God and they have fondly pursued the things in concord with their carnal desires, wicked nature and evil mind. So akkiyanam and the deeds of akkiyanam are found to be in abundance among the people. But Hanam and deeds of Hanam are rare among people. The people living in akkiySnam discarded the God Almighty, the only Ruler of the World, and created and worshipped deities who have no divinity; fashioned innumerable idols which are incomparable to God and fed them in adoration with eatables; worshipped idols which cannot see, or speak, or walk, or hear, or yield good or bad; and made obeisance to them; made them take abode (in idols), celebrated their festivals, consecrated them, anointed them with ghee, gave them offerings, waved lamps to them, recited devotional songs in honour of them. All these things, which ought to be done only to God, are rendered to idols. To perform such detestable forms of adoration which God has not commanded; to bathe in holy waters that cannot purify the soul; to perform ceremonies that cannot expiate sins; to learn ethics that cannot turn die mind or enlighten devotion, nor convert man, nor redeem him; to accept as Scriptural fabricated stories that lead to sins like delusion of mind, carnal desire, rancour, lies and deceit; to consider the evil happenings in this world as God’s play; to leam the arts of witchcraft; to commit various sins knowingly; to live a haphazard life; to forget God, soul and heaven; and to give in to bodily desires and worldly pleasures believing that they alone are true; to live as slaves to the devil and sin; all these are said to be akkiyanam. All those men who indulge in these mentioned acts are to be termed nothing but 'heathens.’ Concerning such ‘heathens’ it is written in the True Scriptures, the WoTd of God: “for although they knew God they did not honour him as god or give thanks to him, but they became futile in their thinking and their senseless minds were darkened. Claiming to be wise, they became fools, and exchanged the glory of the immortal God for images resembling mortal man of birds or animals or reptiles. Therefore God gave them up in the lusts of their hearts to impurity, to the dishonouring of their bodies among themselves, because they exchanged the truth about God for a lie and worshipped and served the creature rather than the Creator, who is blessed forever! Amen. For this reason God gave them up to dishonorable passions. Their women exchanged their natural relations for unnatural, and the men likewise gave up natural relations with women and were consumed with passion for one another, men committing shameless acts with men

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and receiving in their own persons the due penalty for their error. And since they did not see fit to acknowledge God, God gave them up to a base mind and to improper conduct. They were filled with all manner of wickedness, evil, covetousness, malice. Full of envy, murder, strife, deceit, malignity, they are gossips, slanderers, haters of God, insolent, haughty, boastful, inventors of evil, disobedient to parents, foolish, faithless, heartless, ruthless. Though God’s decree is that those who do such things deserve to die, they not only do them but approve of those who practise them.” (Romans 1,21-32). Second chapter revealing how akkiyHnam spread in this World When the question is raised as to who is responsible for the arrival and the spread of akkiyanam in this world, it should be stated that it came and spread in this world because of the devil’s deceit and men’s guilt and it cannot be said that it is due to God whose goodness of nature, is abundant and immeasurable. That is because the Almighty God is an embodiment of all pervading wisdom, righteousness, holiness, truth and might and He creates only things in concord with these virtues and will not create anything which is not in concord with His goodness. Because akkiyanam is not a thing but the evil in a thing, and is totally opposed to wisdom, righteousness and holiness, not even a slight hint should be made that God is the cause of it. In the beginning God created man in His own divine image and adorned his soul and body with many gifts and divine benefits, and created everything in goodness without a bit of sin or evil. At that time man was without an atom of sin, and without any dearth of wisdom, righteousness, purity and truth, and with his own intellect he fully understood God, himself and other things, obeyed the will of God with all his mind, and committed all good deeds with joy, and enjoyed all spiritual and physical blessings. Since man broke the commandment, incited by the devil, men lost their divine image and splendour, and all good fortunes were obliterated; and they incurred the curse, death and God’s wrath, and enslaved by the devil, suffered intolerable pain. Men thus having fallen into sin were very much spoiled spiritually and physically, and failed to know the God who created them and to render the service due to him; and in their mental aberration akkiyanam was created in this world. As mankind grew and thrived in this world, sin and akkiyanam increased and spread enormously. God was gracious to eradicate this akkiyanam among mankind by revealing himself to mankind, and making known to them the way of salvation.

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Even then, only a few chose this path and accepted the God who came to save them. But others created different forms of divine worship according to their own whims and fancies, and worshipped the moon, the sun, the elements - earth, water, fire and wind, and other objects, and developed and increased akkiyanam. Finding that the whole world is filled with akkiyanam, the God of justice, in order to punish these heathens, caused a deluge to occur all over the world. Only eight persons survived this deluge and the rest perished because of their akkiyanam. With the eight survivors God wanted to create nanam again and the devotion that is due to him. But soon after mankind multiplied again, every man began to live according to his wish, and so, akkiyanam began to spread and thrive once again in this world. In order to arrest the progress of this akkiyanam, the gracious God chose the people of Israel in ancient times, bestowed them with the true Scriptures, and revealed in them clearly what mankind should know and what they should discard. To prevent many from accepting the true Scripture and entering heaven, the devil deceived men, and right from the ancient days sowed the seeds for the origin of different Vedic religions, through scholars, to ruin the world, and was helpful in spreading akkiyanam. The devil himself appeared many times and taught men to worship him as Lord and adore him in different mays and ensnared them in his trap. Without knowing the craftiness of the devil, men made idols resembling the illusions of the devil shown to them at different times, built temples for them and began to adore them, feeding them with eatables. Some made idols like the moon, the sun, wild animals in the jungle, birds of the sky, cattle and trees, and began to worship them as Devas. Some others made idols of the kings who ruled their kingdoms, and of their deceased parents and children, and of the victors in wars, and of those who performed wonders in this world, and after some time they began to worship them. Some others believed all the stories concocted by the poets as true, and drew pictures of the events in these stories, and thought that these were games played by the Gods in this world and made idols representing them and worshipped them. Men, thus forgetting the God who created them, made innumerable idols of gold, silver, bronze, stone, wood and mud, built temples for them, offered them eatables in reverence, bathed them with ghee, waved lamps before them, celebrated various festivals annually, and performed the rites and ceremonies that are in concord with akkiyanam. And the devil manifested itself in different false new forms in many places, temples and idols, so that mankind, without rejecting the

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flourishing akkiyanam, would get rooted in it more and more; and thus he deceived them. The followers of akkiyanam spoke many languages in this world, and consequently akkiyanam took different forms of Vedic religions. Consequently those who accept true Scriptures and live according to the commandment of God are always a few in this world, whereas those who accept the devil’s creation of akkiyanam, and live contrary to the commandments of God, are always in multitudes. But God, the lover of mankind, was so merciful unto this world that was ruined by sin and akkiyanam, that he sent his only son Jesus Christ to this world in order to save all those who were enslaved by devils. This Jesus Christ became man and sojourned in this world for thirty three years, and through his spiritual life and his spiritual teachings showed the way to heaven; he took upon himself all the sins of the world, and was under the condemnation of sin and suffered, and thus secured and redeemed all men; he taught his disciples to proclaim this message and preach his teachings throughout the world, and ascended into heaven in glory. As his disciples went all over the world preaching this good news to all people, many gave up their akkiyanam, burned books of the poets that had deceived them, and broke the idols which they had been worshipping as Devas\ they repented for the sins they had committed, changed their minds and joined the Church, and began to worship the only one God who is triune (Trinity), and to live according to the true Scriptures. From that day up till now, the darkness and akkiyanam of this world have disappeared and the spiritual light has dawned. But though some countries see this light, they, without recognising it, are still surrounded by darkness called akkiyanam. Third chapter revealing the vast presence of akkiyHnam in the country of Tamils If the history of the people of this country is viewed through the spiritual eye and examined, it can be found that all that happens in the temples, schools, homes and hearts, are the signs of great akkiyanam; this is because all the temples are filled with idols of Devas, and the true God is neither worshipped nor adored there nor his true Scripture is preached; instead false Gods are revered and pampered. These Devas are cruel, have physical bodies, wives and children; they led detestable lives, and committed carnal sins and the like; they played games that are not in accord with righteousness and justice; and represented themselves in ugly forms. These false gods such as Isvara and Vishnu and their

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1459

descendants Pillaiyar, Subramanian, Ayanar, Parvathy, Lakshmi, Mariamman, Ellamman, Angalamman, Badrakali, Pidariyar, Durga and others were revered and worshipped. The idols of these Gods are decorated beautifully and adored with different kinds of ceremonies; many festival days are celebrated and different idols are consecrated on these days; worship and prayers are offered to them reciting devotional songs and dancing, accompanied by musical instruments; and they go around the streets with pomp, ostentation and loud noise in the nights, mornings and evenings; and such detestable adorations are performed. They think that celebrating such festival days, worshipping the idols, performing dedications, the feeding of idols, and the waving of lamps before them, cooking sweet rice, offering animal sacrifice, kindling and feeding the sacrificial fire, the performance of many such cults, recitation of magic spells and charms, smearing sacred ashes, taking holy bath in several sacred places, going and serving the idol Devas in Saivite sacred places - all such devotions are rendered in the worship of God. They also think that sins can be removed by these expressions of devotion and that they can reach heaven; and they lead a perverted life without transforming their minds. Is this not akkiyanam? We see such akkiyan­ am even in their schools. That is because the children studying in these schools do not receive proper admonitions or learn good moral lessons or appropriate teachings that could help them to change their minds and reform. They read only books and palm leaf manuscripts written by poets in bad taste, and their distorted stories andpuranas. Such learning imparts only sinful fascinations, bad conduct and foolishness. Thus they are trained to cultivate akkiyanam in their youth. These children follow the akkiyanam of their teachers and parents and become heathens and flourish in akkiyanam. When we see things that are happening in homes, even there we find much akkiyanam because idols made of gold or silver or bronze or stone or wood or mud are kept in their houses and worshipped as lords (supreme beings). They made lingas and adored them. They forgot all about their soul and heaven and spent all their time pursuing their physical (material) livelihood. Whenever they commence any work, they consult the astrologer and look for the auspicious time and good omens. Witchcraft, legerdemain, the art of hoodwinking by magic, Aryan magic, fire-walking, the art of counteracting the natural properties of water by magic, tricks of making things appear that are not present and tricks of making things disappear that are present, spells inviting ghosts and devils to appear - such devilish spells and devilish

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Appendix I

arts are very common in this country. When they marry, they marry not only among blood relations but also marry two or three women. All kinds of sins such as debauchery, adultery, carnal desires, quarrels and litigations are very widely prevalent in this country. There are no priests who could advise and counsel these people who commit such sins. There are no arbiters who can give punishments suitable to such sins. There are examples to show that everyone lives according to their whims and fancies and lustful desires. All these are indeed akkiyanam. Moreover, when we examine the events that stem from the hearts of the people of this country, we find that all that happens due to akkiyanam. That is because the darkness has surrounded their wisdom and spiritual knowledge and their minds are in perverseness, enslaved by the devil; their hearts are full of lies, deceit, impurity, pride, arrogance, rage, enmity, spite and such sins. The soul that is spoiled lies far away from God. Therefore, it should be mentioned that the desires that flare up in the mind, the deeds of the five senses, the words uttered, and the life led, are nothing but signs of akkiyanam. Fourth chapter revealing how detestable akkiySnam is Through the devil and sin akkiyanam came to ruin the world, and so it cannot be loved but is a thing to be detested. That is because akkiyan­ am will spoil the soul and body. God, who reigns over the world, does not love or bless the heathens or even look at them; and detests and hates them and brings curse and punishment on them according his justice. We find this kind of mandate and curse and punishment was very much prevalent among the followers of akkiyanam in this country. Those who are rooted in akkiyanam are deprived of God’s good will, grace, love, blessing and spiritual light and spiritual strength. They are enslaved by the devil’s servants and are subject to God’s wrath and are worthy of hell. For as many days as one remains in akkiyanam, one will not receive forgiveness of sins, will not perform true penance nor turn one’s mind; and will not reform and become a good person. Such a person will not render even one virtuous deed in accordance with justice. Whatever the deeds done by those who are rooted in akkiyanam, they are all incongruous with God. The akkiyanam based devotions, adorations with food offerings and idol worship can only cause damage to the soul and body and no benefit can come out of them. That is because akkiyan­ am destroys the greatness of the soul, causes bewilderment of the mind, helps to lead a perverse life, blocks the receiving of divine gifts,

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inculcates evil character, evil understanding and evil mind, delivers the soul and the body into the hands of the devil, serves as the chief reason for all sins, does not allow men to attain salvation, and condemns them to be cast into hell. All those in this world who are attached to akkiyan­ am will be cursed by the righteousness of God and will fall into hell and will be tortured forever. As akkiyanam prevents the receiving of all kinds of benefits and as it brings forth all these evils, it is but right that it is detested and rejected; there is no reason to be attached to it and get marred by it. Fifth chapter revealing the many ways in which God has been rendering help in order to save those who are in akkiydnam It is not the will of God that even a single man or woman should perish in akkiyanam, but it his gracious will that all should be saved. In accordance with this gracious will, he has given the true Scripture to all human beings for their benefit and has explained the ways for attaining salvation. Besides this, in order to rescue and save all those men who are in sin and akkiyanam, he sent His son Jesus to this world and cast upon him all the sins of mankind. Because of the merits of His sufferings, all the faithful gained forgiveness of sin, the strength to rise from sin, and have gained salvation, life and heaven. This God, the All-Merciful, proclaimed to all parts of the world and to all kinds of people through his servants, the true Scripture and the salvation which he has wrought for all through Jesus Christ. On hearing this, many gave up their akkiydnam, changed their minds, believed in Jesus Christ, entered the church and were saved spiritually and bodily. One of the twelve disciples of Jesus Christ, Saint Thomas, came to this country inhabited by the Tamils, preached the true scripture to those who are in akkiydnam and explained the path to heaven. Even now, the true Scripture is being preached in this country so that all could be rescued and delivered from akkiydnam, and attain salvation; and spiritual light has dawned so that everyone might see the darkness in which they stand. God’s Word, which is the way to heaven, is being openly proclaimed to everyone. This true scripture reveals clearly not only the features of akkiydnam, but also reveals who God - the Supreme Being - is, his characteristic features, his qualities, his mandate and will, and how he created heaven, earth and all in it; with what greatness men were created in the beginning, how they fell into sin afterwards, how they were corrupted by sins spiritually and physically; how they can be lifted up from these evils; how by making

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penance, transforming the mind, being reformed and through spiritual birth, one can be bom again as a child of God; what the helpful means to reject sins are; the way to receive the forgiveness of sins, the good gifts of God, spiritual strength, divine blessing, the service and sacred worship that are pleasing to God; how to attain salvation of soul and body, and all such heavenly mysteries. If any among these countrymen are being called by God and, hearing this true Scripture examine carefully the divine decrees it contains, obey its truths, accept this Scripture as the way to heaven and live according to it, then there is no doubt that they will be rescued from akkiyanam and saved spiritually and physically. Sixth chapter revealing what those who wish to be saved from akkiyanam have to do There are nine deeds which those who wish to be saved from akkiyanam have to perform. Firstly, they should willingly listen to the true Scripture and give room to the grace of God who calls them. Secondly, they should examine themselves according to the true scripture, and after making a careful assessment of their lives from their birth to this day, they should condemn themselves for their acts of akkiyanam such as the wicked life they led, the wrong words they spoke, the impurity of their souls, evils like lies, deceit, hypocrisy, pride, haughtiness, lust and all the passions which are in their heart; and for the loss of heaven and being worthy of hell. Thirdly, examining well what great evils they have found in themselves, and admitting that they are wicked against the God of righteousness, how great the loss is to the soul and body because of them, that it is they who prevent receiving of all good gifts, and that they are the reason for all punishments and agonies of hell, they should sincerely repent for committing these sins against God, against the greatness of their souls and against their neighbours, and through this repentence they should break their stony hearts and haughtiness, despise all that is sinful and renounce them and the world. Fourthly, they should take refuge under Jesus Christ, God the Son, who came into this world to rescue and deliver them, and believe that he is the true God, the holy son begotten of the Father’s nature of eternity, that he came into this world to rescue and save them and all others; and that in order to make expiation for all the sins of the world he suffered, was crucified, died and was buried and rose alive and ascended gloriously into heaven so that mankind might attain salvation; and also believe in the precepts he taught in this world as the only way to heaven, and accept that after being declared

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righteous before God they can obtain forgiveness of sins and salvation only through the merits of his sufferings, and have faith in him whole­ heartedly, perform true penance with his help, transform the mind that is in sin, and reform, and be born again by spiritual rebirth as children of God, and in true faith make all the merits of the sufferings of this Jesus Christ beneficial for forgiveness of sins and righteousness. Fifthly, as a sign of accepting as their God, the Father, Son and the Holy Spirit, the one God in Trinity, they should get themselves baptised as commanded in the Scripture. At baptism they should take an oath that they would discard devilish acts, namely, sin and akkiyanam, and that they would live according to the teachings of Jesus Christ till their death and join the congregation of Christians which is the Church of God; from that day onwards, they would give up akkiyanam whole-heartedly, the false Devasihey worshipped in akkiyanam, the temples where there are idols, the texts that teach akkiyanam, the akkiyanam way of adoration, wicked practices, and the life of transgression. Besides this, they should accept the One God who is triune (Trinity) as their God, perform divine worship according to his holy word, abide in his light, righteousness, purity, truth and wisdom, set up the soul and body as a temple for Him, worship Him alone with prayer, praise and thanksgiving, always be faithful, trustful, loving, reverential and truthful to Him, and live according to his commandments, words and decrees. Sixthly, they should gain more strength by listening to spiritual discourses always, by receiving often the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper with proper preparation, and by praying to God unceasingly; they should grow in spiritual matters and get rooted in the true Scripture; they should walk before God and men in accordance with the spiritual teaching and good faith. Seventhly, they should stand against the enemies, the devil, world and flesh that bring ruination to them, and fight them by holding the spiritual armour, and be vigilant and cautious and face all tribulations with forbearance, and be firm and truthful without backsliding till the end of their lives. Eighthly, they should reverently do the things pertaining to the body, the deeds of the five senses, the affairs of the family and those matters connected with society according to the decrees of true Scripture; they should love all, be merciful, kind and affectionate to all, should seek their livelihood in accordance with justice, be charitable and helpful to all. Ninthly, after departing from akkiyanam in the manner mentioned now, and having been saved and having become acceptable to God, they should venture to show how the others in akkiyanam could attain salvation like them,

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leading their lives as good examples before all, providing good counsel and witness to the truth learnt, living for the glory of God and for the benefit of others and themselves. Seventh chapter revealing the tribulations which those who giving up akkiydnam and entering into the Church experience in this world for the sake of righteousness Whomsoever among the akkiyanis leaves akkiydnam and accepts the true Scripture, and making true penance according to what is written in it changes his mind and repents and leads a life acceptable to God, will have to experience, for the sake of righteousness, many kinds of tribulations, and will have to be tested in many ways. That is because they do not serve the devil any longer; they rise out of its power and begin to serve only God. So the devil scorns them with hostility and anger and inflicts many abuses and troubles on them, and deploys many crafty schemes in order to win them back and ensnare them again in his trap. Because they whole-heartedly gave up the akkiydnam way of worship and life with disgust, and by spiritual rebirth accepted a spiritual disposition, and having become proficient in wisdom joined the Church of God, all the heathens would turn extremely hostile and would outcaste them, they would chastise them saying that they had entered another caste, and scorn them and inflict many abuses on them; and would threaten to deploy many crafty schemes to banish them and would accuse them of false charges; they would always remain hostile to them and insult them and they would continue to do many things against them. Since they hate the world and its outrageous practices, and live cautiously, subordinating their carnal desires and committing no sin willingly and abhorring all that is called sin, the world, unable to tolerate their talk and behaviour, hates them very much. That is because the akkiyanis would now say that the world calls nanam as the devil and nanam calls the world as the devil. Moreover, because they have left the false Devas and have gone to the side of the true God, God will test them in many ways, and by these kind of trials will increase their faith, belief, devotion and truthfulness. When they are thus put to the test spiritually and physically, and when they suffer for the sake of righteousness, the true Scripture and spiritual life, and when they experience different kinds of afflictions, they should not relapse even a bit, nor should they be disturbed in mind, but should have firm trust in the Almighty God and be prepared to lose their lives rather than the true Scripture.

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Eighth chapter revealing the benefits that are going to come to those who leave akkiyanam, and accept the true Scripture and live according to it without backsliding from the faith Though the persons who left akkiyanam and joined the Church of God, and live according to the decrees of the true Scripture, are surrounded by many enemies, and though they are tempted in different ways spiritually and physically, they should for no reason backslide, but stand firm till the end. And if they do so, they are blessed in this world and in heaven. That is because God has been providing them with strength to overcome all impediments. He will neither forget nor forsake them even for a single day, but fulfil the needs of their bodies and souls every day and protects them from all enemies and lifts them up from all calamities, and chooses them as his children, subjects, friends, and men of his seal. Lovingly, He manifests in them His affection, grace, kindness, favour and charity. He gives them strength and favour to complete the work of the faith begun, He orders for them the benefits and divine gifts they need, He hears and responds to their prayers, and He keeps His heavenly angels as their guards. Dwelling in their hearts, He adorns their souls with many gifts, makes fellowship with them spiritually, and makes them sharers of His glory. All the other good Christians who have gone as sharers of this glory, love them diligently, and for the reason of fellowship in faith, they are a help and comfort to them and they intercede for them. Even while they were alive in this world, they had tasted and enjoyed the sweetness of heaven that was to come. After getting and enjoying many spiritual and physical benefits, they will enter the eternal kingdom of heaven and see face to face the God whom they have worshipped, and receive their reward according to their meritorious deeds. May all those who are in akkiyanam give up their akkiyanam, accept the true Scripture and join the Church of God, so that they might attain all such benefits.

18. CHRISTOPH SAMUEL JOHN: ‘ON INDIAN CIVILIZATION’ This text was written in 1812 in Tranquebar by Christoph Samuel John. There are two handwritten copies in the ar­ chives o f the Francke Foundations under M 2 C 17:5.6. In 1813 the text was published in London after a thorough revision with the title: "On Indian Civilization, or Re­ port o f a Sucessful experiment Made during two years, On that subject, in fifteen Tamul and five English Native Free Schools”. The text has been explained by Heike Liebau in Part VIII o f this publication. Christina Gross has read and typed the document (AFSt/M 2 C 17:5). The grammatical and spelling mistakes are part o f the original document and have not been corrected or marked. Christoph Samuel John wrote this text at the age o f sixty-six and with a faiding eyesight. A comparison o f this original with the pub­ lished version (available also in the British Library) is now possible. On Indian Civilization or Report of a sucessful Trial made since two years on that Subject in 15 Tamul & 5 English run Native Free Schools & Proposals for establishing a seperate Liberal School Society, humbly submitted to the Judgement & Patronage of the Honorable Governments of the Honorable East India Company, of the respectable Religious Society & of the Generous & Charitable Public, by Christoph Samuel John, Senior to the Royal Danish Mission at Tranquebar, D.T.L. Corresponding Member to the Imperial Academy of Curiosities at Erlangen, to the Imperial Academy of Economy at Petersburg, to the Asiatic Society & to the Society of Natural History of Berlin, Jena & Ratisbon. Section 1st Civilization & Education of Youth is promoted in later years & especially since an easier & more successful Method has been discovered

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for instructing the Children in reading, writing and cyphering in the Publication of Revd Dr. Bell & Mr. Joseph Lancaster, with such a glowing Zeal & such universal & happy success, that every Friend of God and Mankind must be highlz rejoiced & bless all the Benefactores, who have given rise & in particular, who have patroniged & encouraged this most desirable School Institution. Have read these Accounts in the Publications & in the Public Gazettes with infinite Satisfaction, & these noble Institutions have found so great Intronage & Encouragement from the Royal Family throughout all the Highest Classes in the united Kingdom, that already so many hundred thousend Children are now benefitting under so high Auspices. How great have been the emotions of my heart at these Informations & how ardent my Wishes that also our poor native youth in India may be Kingly remembered & free Schools established be a Concurrence of these great Benefactors into a liberal Native School Society for petying and benefitting the most lamentable & truly deplorable situation of Indian youth. I mean not that a great Number at once should be established, but I wish that only those who have already begun may be encouraged, supported & increased by the Cries & earnest Intreaties of poor neglected Children and their Parents, which I am almost daily witness of. I my self have been requisted by Parents & Children with tears in their Eyes to receive them in my private Institution, which I did, mixing my tears with theirs. How many thousands of poor European Children have been benefitted already by the noble Establishment of the Male and Female Asylum at Madras. The same has been done in the Tranquebar & English Misions since a Century. The latter of them have been established & gradually extended by Danish Missionaries & generously supported by the bounty of the Honble Society for promoting Christian Knowledge, who annually send Salaries and precious Hores & Presents, to their Missionaries, which are permited to be brought over freight & Duty free on Board of the Honorable Company Schips, by the particular Favor of the Honorable Court of Directors. The Danish Missionaries enjoy a most valuable share in these Benefits, which they always have filt & ever shall feel with the deepest sense of Gratitude. In all the Mission Orphan Schools a great Number of poor Children have received not only the Instruction in Reading, Writing, & Cyphering in Tamul & several other European Languages, & supported in Victuals & loathings, But in later years & in particular during the unhappy Period of War, has been greatly deminished, since all remittances and Benefactions from the Royal Mission College

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at Copenhagen & from Germany have ceased. Our Mission run in a burdensome Debt that we have gratefully to acknowledge for having received from the Honorable Government at Madras a monthly Gratuity of (200) two hundred Pagodas which was on a secon humble Petition to Lord Minto augmented to (300) three hundred including an indemnification for the loss of Emoluments of the Missionaries and other European Mission Servants. We were ordered by the Commissionay to add to our Monthly Receits that we should consider these Sum only as an Advance, promise to do our best that this Sum might be reinbursed at the Peace, which we obeyed with no little Anxiety. This was indeed a great relief & saved us from the present great Distress but the keeping of usual Number of poor Children free in Victuals & Cloathing & c. was impossible. With inexpressible Grief we must therefore not only send away many Children, but also refuse to receive those poor Children who cried & implored for Reception in our Charity Institution. This roused my feelings to so high a Degree, that I resolved to compose & to make a Trial to put in Execution in the Name of GOD Almighty, who can do more than we pray for & understand and in Confidence that I would be supported by those Benefactors who might inclined to relieve the Missionaries of Mankind, & in particular of pious Children. In this Plan my view was not only to provide in some Degree for the present imploring Children for being instructed in Reading, Writing & Cyphering, but to extend, if my trial should be successful, to the benefit of the quite neglected poor Children, without any partiality to any Religion. I know my self how pressing Poverty was in my earlier Age. Poverty & Wants are benefits in Divine Providence, by which much Good is produced in the World, & now I praise GOD for my former Poverty, by which He has qualified me from my Youth for petying & becoming a passionate Friend of poor Children & for applying the greatest part of my Life for instructing them. My late pious Father being a poor Clergyman in Germany could little support me in the Latin School & in University. I was therefore obliged to povide for my self by instructing & educating Children & Youth younger than my self. By this I was enabled not only to study Theology, but also to apply my self to some branches of fine Arts & sciences & of natural Philosophy, which on that time began to florish at Leipzig, Halle, Gottingen & other German Universities. As soon as 1arrived in Tranquebar, I could not find my self happy with out having Youth round me, whom I could instruct according to my own

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Method. I took therefore a small Number of Tamul grown Boys, whom I instructed in several European Languages & other useful Knowledges to become fit both for the Mission & in other situations. Six years after I was invited by late Mr. Swartz to Trichinopoly, who had then began the Tanjore Mission, & who wished that I might settle at Trinopoly & take charge of the Mission & of his Function as Chaplain of the Englisch Garrison & charity School. After having made a small beginning in this & applied myself to the Englisch Language, I was called back to Tranquebar. There I found Occasion to marry my present Wife from Europe, who sympthized entirely with me, in point of educating Children, & in Abilities for that purpose having been educated by a pious and well informed mother. It was resolved that I might remain in Tranquebar & commit the Mission at Trichinopoly to the Care of the Revd. Mr. Pohle. Three years after our Family began to increase & being requisted by several respectable families from Negapatam, Ceylon, Batavia, Malacca & c. to take their Children of both sexes under our tuition, we accepted them & established a boarding School. By this we were relieved in our poor Circumstances & enabled to reward the kind assistance of other friends & teachers who rendered us good Services in our School Establishment; to which we admitted also young Ladies at Tranquebar. But considering that I was sent chiefly to the Charge of our Christian congregation & to offer the blessed Light of the Gospel to the Heathens, I continued, besides my Missionaries Functions & boarding School, the instruction of Tamul Youth in a seperate private School. To this I admitted also the Roman Catholic and Heathen Children, who intreated me to pertake of the benefit of learning English & German, reading, writing, Cyphering & other Lessons. When too many came & desired to be received in my Tamul private School, I permitted them to frequent as Day Scholars our Portuguese Orphan School, in which both amongst the Girls & Boys, the English Language was taught & in the latter especially Cyphering, drawing & some musical Instruments were added for to accompany & keeping in order the singing of hymns & to soften the harsh native throats, by which our European ears so often are offended. By these several endeavours to polish & civilize by degrees the National Character, to extend the knowledge of our blessed Religion & to make them a little more acquainted with European Manners, services & useful sciences, I had by the Blessing of the Lord great satisfaction of seeing a number of the Native Youth growing up gradually for different Employments. By these means we got better informed Country Priests Catachists, School-

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Masters, Teachers in English in private Families, Organists, Readers, Clerics & some became able Interpreters, Translators, Writers, Drawers, Merchants, Country Captains, Mater, Dubashes & c. Of these the greatest part were formerly Beggars Children & now provide handsomely for themselves, & for their poor Relations. By this success encouraged, I began to think if it was not practicable to establish free Schools in the neightbouring Villages & in the Tanjore Country which gradually could be extended by Divine Providence, if they were sanctioned & supported by Higher authorities & by a concurrence of humane Benefactores. I conversed on my Travels thro the Country with Collectors, Judges and other Gentleman of Influence, who all approved of my proposals, if it was only put in practice by a successful Trial. I had before me the example of late Mr. Swartz, who with other humane Gentlemen recommended National Schools to the Honble Court of Directors of the East India Company, who were so much pleased & approved of the Plan, that they sent order to the Honble Gouvemment at Madras to encourage these Schools by granting 100 £ annually to each, which might be established. But when Mr. Swartz in his old age & Mr. Kohlhoff, could not be assisted by sufficient Missionaries & helpmates from Europe & too few able Schoolmasters could be found for that purpose, only few were established, for whom 500 Pags. per annum was granted by the Honorable Government, which afterwards was increased to one thousand. Meanwhile I went on in Tranquebar in my endeavour to get able assistants, in which I was not disappointed. My circumstances were then so much circumscribed & my Health so often interrupted, that I could little think of obtaining my desirable Object. I resolved therefore in the middle of the Jear 1806, to make a Voyage for two or three Years to England, Denmarck & Germany, not only for the benefit of my health, but chiefly to tender in person my Proposals for the civilization by free Schools & to make the Missions more Instrumental for the common benefit of the Country, to the Honorable Court of Directors, before the Society for Christian Knowledge, before the Royal Mission Colledge at Copenhagen, & the Directors of the Orphan House at Halle. I intended to publish an Account for the Friends of Christianity & to these Benefactors who might be inclined to promote & support the civilization of the Natives by instructing their Children in reading, writing & cyphering, both in their own & in the English Languages on these places, where it may be most desired & wanted. On these Travels I hoped to meet with Religious & well informed

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Candidates, who might be inclined & whom I could recommend to the Royal Mission College & the Society for promoting Christian Knowledge, instructing them on my return to India in the Native languages et make them previously acquainted with the real state of the Mission. The Ignorance of the intrinsic state of the Missions & of the Nations in general & many other prejudices kept many pious & well qualified Candidates from accepting the Invitations & Summons to serve our good Lord amongst the Natives in India. With these sanguine hopes and intentions I set out from Tranquebar with the Consent of my College the Revd. Dr. Cammerer, delivering my family till my return to the kind Protection of our Heavenly Father & visited first my Brethren in Tanjore & Trichinopoly. In these places I had the pleasure of meeting & consulting with the Revd. Dr. Buchanan, who has favored the Public with so many valuable Accounts of the Religions state in India during his Import & Travels & who has shewn himself so much interested for the public benefit & civilizations of the Indians & their Children. All, with whom conversed on the reasons of my going to Europe approved of my intentions & His Highness the Maha Raja of Tanjore, who has always been a generous Friend to the Missions was so much pleased with my intentions, that he made a quite unexpected & hansome present for relieving the expences of my voyage and travels. When I arrived at Madras I waited on Lord Bentinck, and laid before him the Reasons of my Voyage, verbaly & liberally, who honored my proposals not only with his Approbation but also promised me to recommend & promot them as much as Occasion might offer, but alas! the fatigue of my journey & difficulties I found respecting a convenient Passage caused me a relapse in my former Arthritic attacks which brought my Health & Spirits into so low a Condition, that late Dr. Anderson assured me that I should not reach the Cape, if I did not return to the tender Attention of my family. With inexpressible sorrow, for my disappointment I obeyed, & recovered my former good Spirits & a few months after I found, how wonderful & good had been the ways of my gracious GOD when I was informed by the public Accounts how dreadful a War had broken out & filled Denmark & whole Germany with blood & misery. How much did I now admire the wise & good Disposition of my dear Creator & Saviour that he had prevented me from meeting with such horrible Comotions & colamitious period, in which I would have found an entire disappointment

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in my sanguine hopes for doing any good for the Missions & ther well meaned intentions. I resumed therefore with patience my former functions & waited for another more favourable Period, for executing my good purponses. I fell in another severe sickness from which I recovered, but found to my utmost Grief, that my Eyes had grown so weak that I was no more able to read & to write myself. However by all these unfavorable Circumstances, I was not terrified & defected, but continued at least my preaching the Gospel in the Church & carried on my Correspondence by the Assistance of my Family & other European & Native Assistants whom I had educated for my favorite Object. Now I reaped by them the fruits of my long Labours. I was informed in the Year 1808 of the admirable Zeal & Progress of the British & Foreign Bible Society & other religions Societies to fill the World with the Divine light of the Holy Scriptures by translating them into all foreign Languages & sending every where these most generous Resents to all Empires of Europe & to India for to destribute them freely. I read the increase of the Missionary spirit throughout England to send Servants of Crist to the different Countries & Islands in the Eastern World, to offer & to invite the Nations to accept of the blessed Gospel in order to become wise, just holy & happy & observe how all this desirable Institutions were evidently sided in conquering gratually the greatist difficulties & opposition et to exceed beyond all human Expectation. When on the other hand the Aspersions of Enemies who declared that the Success of all religions Institutions & even those Proposals for establishing English & Native free Schools were ridiculous, absurd, mad, impossible & even distinctive to the English Empire in whole Hindostan, one must call out: Qua qualis, quanta! sirum teneatis amici! Every one has but a little common sense & better Knowledge of the religions Character of the Natives & even of the feelings, sensations & wishes of the Europeans throughout all higher & lower Ranks of the civilian & Military stations & who have any share of more Christian Philosophy than philosophical & professional Christianity does not know, if he shall laugh with Demoeritus or wep with Heraclitus - Na - we who possess more than professional Christianity med not to laugh, or weep with Greek Philosophers. We will rather weep with our great Lord Jesus Christ over the enimical Heathen Christians & pray: Father forgive them for they don’t know, what they do or what they write.

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What die universal wish in die Christian Public for civilizing the Natives of India by establishing Free Schools & for promoting Christian Knowledge by Missionaries has long been evidentg & appeared for instance in the Clauses of Mr. Wilberforces Bill & supported by the Bishop of London in 1793, when they were negatived by the Legislature, but declared by Lord Melville to be of great importance & ought to be attended to. The Legislature & the Honble. East India Company were misinformed, when they made Inquiries concerning the Causes by open Enemies to the Missions. This is evident by a Gentleman who attacked so grossly the Mission of late Mr. Swartz in a Courier published in May 24th 1793, which grieved late Mr. Swartz so much that he wrote the well known Apology for himself & his Brethren in a Letter to the Honble Society for promoting Christian Knowledge dated Tanjore February 13. 1794. His merits respecting the Christian Religion & the Public in general has also been testified not only in a Monument of the present Tanyore Rajah but also by that of the Honorable Company & by its Inscriptions, placed in St Mary’s Church at Madras. The highest Approbation of the Honble. East India Company & Publication of these Inserptions throughout the Country in a later Pamphlet are evident proofs, that the Honble. Company not disavowed the Merits of single Missionaries & the usefulness of the Missions, nor have they hindred the Progress of the later Missions of different religions Societies. They have been too wise & generous to attend to the rude & impolite Reproaches, by which some Authors of late Pamphlets attack their Ordres for the Protection of the Mission Christians & also ther unpartiality by removing the fear of the Natives for disturbing them in their Religions, Ceremonies & local Customs, which prevailed in deed a very short period after the Muteny & not throughout India but only in the Coast of Coromandel. That bloody Catastrophy did not originate from fear for being compelled to Christianity but from being forced to change their social Customs & to accept of European forms against their Cast. The Revenge & Punishment which they deserved for that Mutiny was sufficent to terrify all the other Native Troops from repeating such a disastrous Revolt. If the Contents or an extract of the bilious Pamphlet should be translated into the Native Languages & published, that alone would have been destructive to the whole English Empire in India & would have caused more dangerous Revolts than that in Vellore. The ignorance of the Authors is indeed surprizing regarding the Means & ways of communications when he supposes that all fifty Millions of Natives would & could be informed in a short period of 2 Years of the dreadful disastren

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at Vellore, of the Fear of the English Gouvemements, of a general Revolt Yea of of the increase & success of the Missions, of the Translations & liberal distributions of the Holy Scriptures in all the Native Languages, of the many Proposals for establishing Free Schools throughout India, & all these with the Intention to deprive the Natives of their Religions, Ceremonies, local Customs, Casts &c. to obtrude, to force upon & at Last to reserve or compell them to accept of the Christian Religion & European forms & Custforms by Baptism. No the Auther may believe that old Missionaries have more correct Informations than he, by a long series of Years, of the Religions, Character, Casts, Customs, Indian Literature, by frequent & intimate Conversation with Learned & ignorant, moral & immoral, good Natured & ill Natured Brahmins & of other higher and lower Casts than he ever could have from the pomp of their Festivals & Marriage & burial Ceremonies, from his enquiries amongst Dubashes & promp partial private Letters. The Honble Company have happily & prudently not attended to his hostile, inhuman, & even cruel & distinctive Proposals. He must have read with very little judgement & Philosophy & a little more sense of humanity, the annual Accounts of the Honble Society for promoting Christian Knowledge; the excellent Sermons of late Revd. Dr. Kerr at the the celebration of late Mr. Schwartz Monument in St. Mary’s Church & in particular his Letter to Lord Bentinck, which he so grossly attacks, otherwise, he would have blushed in particular of his asserting, that he is firmly convinced that amongst all the Christians was not one true Convert. More of his Aspersions on all Missions. I need not answer any more which has been done already suffisciently & abundantly by more able Pens than mine is. He will ward on that I have these few Remarks on his Pamphlet to which he has given so just Causes & I pardon his inordinate Passion & wish with all my heart that he may adopt better humane & Christian Principles. Being a Royal Danish German Missionary of Lutheran Confession since above forty Years & having been intemately acquainted with late Missr. Swartz, Gericke & other of my faithful Atecessors & also pretty well with the later Missionaries of all Denominations & their religions Publications; I have leamt & practised Liberal Sentiments & embrace all, who believe, love & follow our common Lord Jesus Christ with warm Christian Love, as my Brethren & can easily hear the difference of Opinions & forms & fal also my own weaknesses till we all one come to the one & the same Faith of the Religion without the mixture of Errors unavoidable in this Life. Here I must add that I never have met with a more cary &

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important Proposal for the most desirable Church Establishment & Free Schools than in the Letter of late Dr. Kerr to Lord Bentinck. I believe that the greatest of the Difficulties was the want of able & well qualified Schoolmasters & Superintendents, which prevented the most wished for Execution of the Plan concerning Free Schools & to extend the Beginning at Tanjore under the sanction of the Honble Government. When so much was wrote against the possibility, impracticabitily, Danger & ill Consequences of Free Schools in the above Pamphlet & when I in later Years had no more so greeat Reasons for complaining of Assistants in making at least a Trial, I was roused by so many repeated Contradictions to compose a Plan in Order to show that the Execution was not at all so impracticable & dangerous as it was fancied & presumed. This Plan I communicated to my Brethren here in the Tanjore Country & to many more Gentleman in the civilian & military Line, who sypathized with me in the diserable Object. They all approved but only thought it impracticable for the want of sufficiently qualified Schoolmasters & of the necessary support. The many subscriptions for poor Widows & Orphans & the present urgent state of Oeconomy did not promise much success & that the present political State of the Country, advised to wait for a more seasonable Period. All these difficulties I was convinced of & felt my self but they did not deterr me entirely. I am not one of the sanguine & exhorbitant Projectors, who make Plans & are big with promises of extraordinary Success & at Last experience the Provers Parturiunt monster & c. I did not meditate on two hundred thousand Free Schools for whole India. I made silently a small beginning with the Children, who implored & cried for reception & could not be received in the Orphan Schools in Tamul & opened a School in the nearest Village, in which about ten Protestant Children of lower Class were instructed to the benefit of the Roman Catholic & Heathens, the smaller number of which soon increased to (80) eighty, who were instructed in reading, writing & cyphering by an able School Master & two Ushers. Seeing the rapid increase of Requests from poor Parents of all Casts, I established another at Bethlehem of Sootra Children, which was soon frequented by about fifty. When and honest & moral Heathen School master offered to keep a School according to my Regulations & to teach reading by our printed School Books, I accepted of his Offer & the School was soon frequented by (60) sixty Children & a Christian Usher was added to teach the Christian Children in the Principles of Christian Religion. In the Tanjore Country beyond the Districts of Tranquebar we

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had a few Schools of the lower Cast in which the Children were instructed in catechising & teaching them to leam by heart the Prayers & Scripture Sentences. To these I added five new ones & introduced reading writing & cyphering & admitted also Roman Catholic & Heathen Children. When I could not take all the Children who intreated to be received in my House for learning English, reading, writing & cyphering as I had done before, I established one near the Mission Garden & one in Town of Protestant Christians. Roman Catholic & Heathen Children of higher Casts were received & the Brahmin Parents as well as others thought it a benefit of getting their Children instructed in reading writing & cyphering not only in English but also in Tamul, in which they had been so miserably instructed, that almost none of them can read fluent by their own writings on Alles & on Paper & seldom envon a Native School Master or Conscopil or accounting Master, is to found for reading properly a Governments Publication. On such Occasions Native School Masters hide themselves & when once one of the Conscopilley, (who excel others in Accounts) should read a public Paper in the Street one of our Parrear Drummers cryed out to the bystanders that a Boy in our 3rd Class would read better than him. When once a Catechist of a lower Cast presented a Paper, elegantly written by him self to a great Poleyagar, neither he nor any one round him could read it with any tolerable fluency & the Catechist was therefore desired to read it. In order to avoid all suspicions of attruding on them our Christian Religion I made known to all School Masters & Parents that the Intentions of my Schools was only to teach their Children reading & writing by a more easy & short way by the means of printed Books, who would show to their Children to become more wise, prudent, industrious & active, to provide a good Lively hood to themselves & to enable them to support their poor Parents & Relations, to fear GOD & honor the King & to become good subjects to all ordres & Classes whom Devine Providence had placed over them as their superiors & that every one may leam what are his Duties in every higher & lower station of Life. By these Books they would leam to love their Creator & Heavenly Father & to love our Neighbour as ourselves, in which two great Commandments were all comprehended, what makes all Nations wise good & happy in time & in Eternity & especially what would comfort & make us content in our Labours & different distresses & patient & hopeful in our sickness & our anful time when we shall change & leave this World with all what

1478

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we posses & enter into Eternal, where every one must answer for his past Conduct & be either rewarded or punished. Our Christian Religion was too precious as to be obtruded or to allure them by offering them rice & mony or any promises when they would do us the favor as to be baptized - No - No - Every one should be left at his Liberty to continue in their Religion Ceremonies & local Customs & if any one of them should wish to become a Christian he should not be received befor a trial of three Years, during which, they might not only learn the principles, superiority & excellency of the Christian Religion but also practice it & make an evident Beginning in living as tree Desciples of Christ, when they then came & implored for bing baptized in the Name of the Father, Son & Holy Ghost & experience how happy is a real Christian & not only a professional one as we haved thousands amongst Europeans & Natives & many worse & more unhappy then Heathens. After having made this declaration all Apprehensions & prejudices against my School were removed. Amongst my European, Roman Catholic & Heathen Seminarists, show as many of the latter a Character more honest, sober, active & moral than many of the professional Christians do. That they are not yet so strong in Knowledge & Faith as to be Conquirors of all Impediments & Difficulties which they meet still in the political State of the present Period is no wonder to me at all, nor can this depriviate the merits of late Mr. Swartz, that he has not converted neither the late nor the present Fajah of Tanjore. He & after him Mr. Gericke & the now living Missionaries have been & are still so liberal, that they see & feel the Difficulties & Danger, if he would do to & acknowledge with gratefulness his Favours & Kindness, which he ever has shown to the Missionaries & Missions at large. The Rajah was the first who approved & supported the School Plan of late Mr. Swartz & Mr. Salvin & continues still his Benefactions to the Schools of Mr. Kohlhoff & to the Poors in the Missions. I have already mentioned that he approved also my intended Europe Voyage. Now I must say to His Honor, that He by present, is become after my disappointment, the sole Original Benefactor, who has supported me to put my School Plan in Execution since February 1810. His Highness made me another Present o f200 Pags. for old Types, who were changed into a new set of Tamul Print. By this & by the remainder of the former, to which I added a share from my own little Estate, I was enabled to put 1000 Pagodas in the Mission Cash. This is the only Fund from which I have taken, since was two Years the monthly salary for School Masters,

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Ushers, Seminarists for encouraging die poorest Children after die monthly examination by Cash Cloathes, fruits, Books, Paper pens, & c.& c. The Plan, I had made before my trial, I laid aside & judged it better, to inform die Public of what I had done than what I would do. I did not find so many Difficulties as I had permeditated. Instead of the ill sensation which I apprehended my School Regulations & the introduced books would make, they were much approved by the generality, that many heads of a number of Milages & more School Masters than I would whish, intreated me by written & oral requests, to establish Free Schools among them. They saw in the Example of one Heathen School Master & other Christians ones how liberal I treated them & their Children. I left them their songs if they were on Morals & did not contradict our Christian Religion, I gave them Liberties to go to their Feasts & Ceremonies. I received only these Children, where Parents came & requested me to do them the Favor of receiving their Children amongst which were also several Brahmins. I permitted to read the sentences of their moralist Aveyar, of which I have translated some in English, which have been received in the Researches of the Asiatic Society & a translation of it in German has been inserted in the annual Mission Reports. The famous Tiruvalloover has been translated into German by Revd. Dr. CSmmerer & printed at Erlang. The first ten Chapters, I have translated in English, which may be continued either by me or by another of my Successors. I only forbid, that they may be not only learnt by heart as formerly & rehearsed thousend times with out being understood by the Children & even not by the Master, but my Order is that they shall be declared in plain Tamul. This moral sentences are also treated & learnt in our Mission Schools to show that we don’t reject without distinction all what has been written in their ancient Literature but distinguish the Grains & what ever is good & useful from the stram & Chaff. Our Psalters, Solomon’s Proverbs, Sirach or Ecclesiasticus are so highly approved of & admired that many select Psalms & Chapters are learnt by heart without Objection & to the satisfaction of many Parents. The History of the Passion of Christ are especially most acceptable to the Roman Catholic Parents & Children. The Honble Company & all who have any Connection with them in their different when their Native Subjects in future form their youth, are impressed with the Contends of the 13th Chapter to the Romans & the 2nd of the Episde of St. Peter & when the Youth leam to fear GOD & honor the King, to consider all Orders & Classes of Superiors are from GOD & that they shall give their tribute & obey their Orders not only

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from fear for their sword & punishments but out of fear of GOD & out of Conscience. - The Christian Children leam their reading also from the History of the Bible, besides the above books & are catechised in the Catechism & leam by heart the Scripture Sentences from a printed Extract which contains all those which belong to the Dogmatic & moral Christian Religion. But I will not go into too great a Detail, but only observe that all Roman Catholics & Heathens, who are acquainted with the Order & Regulations for reading Books in my Schools, have no less prejudice & a more clear & better Idea of our Religion & Holy Scriptures, than they had before. When some Parents have any apprehension, that their Children may be infected, they have Liberty to take them out as soon as they please. This happens & retain the good Impressions & improvement in useful Knowledge by reading & writing, which they have received during their stay in the School. The old School Masters are also not injured, as our Schools are intended only for those poor Children, who would be quite neglected & the Children of those Parents, who the English Shools, in which they have no Master at all. By these facts, I have observed during two Years of my Trial with twenty Schools & now related in this short Report. I hope it will appear that a gradual Civilization & Enlightening of the Nations for knowing, what belongs to their Peace is not so impossible & impracticable as it is represented, by these who have too little practical Knowledge & Experience with their Character, Cast, Prijudices, and Ceremonies. - 1 am not so proud as to boast of having done great things but am satisfied of having succeeded more than I expected, when I consider with little means, few Assistants & often interrupted state of Health, I have begun my Free Schools & carried them on that I may hop on increasing success, if I am supported. This Support I owe a great deal to the Corresponding Committee the Auxiliary Bible Society at Calcutta who have furnished me by smaller & greater Parts of the Holy Scripture, which I have introduced in the Tamul reading Schools. In the English Schools I have been favored by the Honble. Society for promoting Cristian Knowledge for many Years & what I wanted my English Brethren granted me from their Stock & 14 Bibles & 70 New Testaments Revd. Mr. Thompson at Madras sent me, received form the Honble Society for distribution.

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Section 2 Proposals for establishing for a separate liberal free School Society in India. In the foregoing Chapter I have perhaps spoken a little too much of myself as an old passionate Friend of Youth & of my transactions in their behalf by private Instructions thro’ a series of many Years & what reasons have indured me to make use of my previously educated Native Assistants for establishing 30 Schools for instructing poor Children in reading, writing & cyphering. Now I intend to show how this little beginning can be gradually extended by the concurrence of the Honorable Government & of friends of Humanity in a Society to direct & extent by degrees such School establishment to civilize gradually the Indians & by the most cautious, easiest soft & friendly means.My Plan is not a new Encombrance on the Honble Government but already recommended by late Mr. Swartz approved by the Honorable Court of Directors & a necessary support ordered by their General Letters to the Madras Government. The continuance, support & encouragement & extension of my Schools already existing depends now alone on the execution of the former Orders. The expences for National Schools for each of which 100 £ per Annum was appointed can be done with much less & I engage myself to carry on my 20 Schools with 100 Pagodas per Month for paying my Native School Masters, Itenerant, Inspectors & Seminarists, by whom a number are prepared either to become useful for the School Establishment, or for any other employments. These make themselves acquainted with Dr. Bells & Mr. Lancasters excellent Methods of education, & those, who are now educated according to that Method will by Degrees give a number of able Native School Master.Only for School Inspectors to direct the Native School Masters, we want Europeans for whom 60 £ per Annum was proposed by Mr.Salvin. For this salary I believe, many Honest, sober & moral & able Characters may be found in England & Germany, who will engage, not under the title of Native School Matters but as Rectors or Inspectors of Native Schools in India, & who will be contented with the Salary of 50 or 60 £ especially Germans, who consider such a Salary as a very decent one & who have not easy opportunities of returning to their Relations in Germany & resolve rather to remain in India. - These School Rectors must be obliged to leam that Language prevailing in that Country, to which they

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Appendix I

are destined & stand under the Direction of the English Chaplains or Clergy which may be connected with School Society. - It is hoped that all the Religions Societies who have their glorious Object to enlighten India by preaching & distributing the Holy Scriptures will take a share in these Institutions & direct their Clergy to superintend those Schools, which may be established in the Districts over which the higher & lower Military & civilian Servants of the Honble Company are placed. The Conquest of whole Hindostan under Devine Providence, open the Way to all good & beneficial Institutions, & for offering the Holy Scriptures to all the Natives in their own Lnaguages. Free Schools & printed School Books for improving in Sciences, in Knowledge & good Morals will be acceptable in all Provinces & the English Gentlemen of all Ranks in Military & civil Stations have always been Kind from old to the present times to the Missionaries, who have shewn religious exemplary Characters, & in particular when they are acquainted a little in higher & lesser Degree with Natural History. It is also a prijudice more amongst the Europeans than amongst the Nations, that the Brahmins & other Casts should dispise or be afraid for Missionaries.- They respect them as priests who offer their Vedams without obtruding & whose intention it to do no harm but rather good to their poor & their Children. It would therefore be much advisable that each Missionaries who would settle in a Province might have an European Assistant for attending the Native Children. The English Chaplains, the Missionaries & their Assistant European School Masters or Inspectors would be also the best Commissionaries & Distributors of the Holy Scriptures to introduce them, especially the smaller parts amongst the youth in the School. I see indeed no easier & better way by which the noble object of the Bible Societies can be obtained with more success. Dr. Bells & Mr. Lancasters School Plan is much applicable to the Indians & to the Climate. Places for Schools can be easily & with little expences erected every where or may be found in Choultries, with permission of the owner & Inhabitants as I have done. When the native School Masters are employed to teach reading & writing all the native Parents will be less offended, then if Europeans would be employed for teaching Native Languages. But no native School Master can be applied, who does not prove, that he has learnt himself to read fluently our printed Books, which is seldom the Case. But when

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Natives teach even the above mentioned new Method, they will find no objection. The English is best taught by bora Europeans or by School Mastres educated according to the above Plan in the Male Assylum, who may employ Natives as Masters & Ushers to teach the Lessons in the Native Languages. Section 3rd Indian Civilization is the great & first Object of these Native Free Schools to which the English Language may be added in as many as may be desired. - That this is not impossible but very practicable will be evident by what has been said hither to. The expences will not run too high and the Honorable Court of Directors have already granted their sanction to the once published Proposals, the greatest Difficulty is removed & intruding the Christian Religion by Coercion & Compulsion or other unlawful means is out of Question. As these Institutions tend so much to the Benefit of the native Children, the Parents may also give of the Revenues & share for the Instruction of their Children & especially of the poor ones, as they are already accustomed to give their Magomey & Kalavody or extra Expences from the Crops to their Pagodes, Bramins Kavalgars & c. As this might appear as an innovation or a new tax on the Inhabitants, I think that this may be done not at the beginning but in Case of necessity, when other Fund can not be found to support the Charity Schools. - The native School Society may be first established at Calcutta by the Sanction of the supreme Government, where already the Corresponding committee of the British & Foreign Bible Society in London & Auxiliary Bible Society have made already so great exertions for translating & distributing the Holy Scriptures for which the proposed free Schools will be instrumental for promoting their grand Object. The National Schools at Tanjore began in the time of late Mr. Swartz & now continued by the Revd. Mr. Kohlhoff & my 20 native Free Schools, begun two years, may be considered as a nursery, from which more Plants can be taken for increasing the Number of these free Schools, for which already so many requests & Demands have been made. This I must refuse till the Honble Madras Gouverament will grant their generous & adding a few more. I submit therefore my humble Proposal & Petition as an old Children’s Friend & Advocate for their poor Parents to the Honble Madras Govnt. As the first Instance, I can have recourse to. I will have nothing for my self & am satisfied

Appendix I

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with what I have & even refrain my self from many Conveniences, which could relieve me in my declining Age & Infirmities, only for carrying on, what I have beginn for the sake of the poor Children, crying for education. One hundred Pagodas per Month will be a great relief & sufficient for paying the expences of the proposed Institution. This 100 Pags. makes only a small Salary amongst the Servants of the Honorable Company & how many thousands of poor Parents will by degreed be comported & relieved with their pityful Children, who may become by this benefit industrious virtuous & obidient Subjects. Many thousand English & Tamul School books are already come in the hands of the Tamul Nation on the Coast, & in Ceylon, where already a royal Ordres has arrived to establish Native Free Schools, & this has been in later Years especially by the Manyficence of the Bible Societies. Thus may gradually these free Schools be extended from the Coast to the inner parts of the English Indian empire. If not during the present Generation, at last a great deal more in the next & before this Century ends the Universal wishes for civilizing the Indians may be done with more success & by more benign & humane Means, than have been done in Europe under the Hirar of Popes & Priesthood by more unfair & compelling means.Section 4th If the Influence of the Native Free Schools on Natural History, Indian Literature & other branches of Art & Sciences. The more desirable Objects we can Obtain by easy means, the more valuable are they & worth of our Attention. This is generally known tow much the Mind is cultivated the Understanding enlightened & the feelings softened & refined by rousing the Attention of the Youth early on the Subjects above, around & below them. The usefulness, variety, beauties & riches in Nature leads us to the immense Goodness Power & Wisdom of our great Creator & a paternal Love of our Heavenly Father. His Devine Provedence is evident over all his Creatures & especially on Mankind. The Youth must learn the great Prerogatives of mental & bodily Faculties, according to the better or wise use of them, on which depends our great & lesser Welfare. The Psalter, in which King David is almost lost in Admiration, when he sings the Praises of the Lord, manifest in His wonderful Works, is introduced as a reading Book in my Native Schools & I see with pleasure with what feelings the Children delight in the Psalms. Our Lord Jesus Christ himself makes us attentive by his Parables on the Objects, which we see daily before us &

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teaches us by them attention to our moral Character & its Consequences & awakens us to look on our Creator with filial Confidence as our best Father & to submit ourselves entirely to His holy will & Providence. Hervey, Sanders & other Devines rouse our Affections by repesenting us the grand Objects we see on the sky, on the earth & especially in a Flower Garden. I have my self often seen what good effect has ever had my Conversations with Youth on the beauties of Nature. When 1 am present at the examinations of the Native Children, when they deliver their Lessons, I speak occasionaly on sun rise, on sun set & what a number of beautiful & useful Objects are through out the Garden. 1 tell them Anecdotes & particular Instances of Divine Providence, which are wrote down by School masters & translated in English & dictated for exercising in writing. This they afterwards rehears by heart & read also to their Relations at home. When intelligent European Assistants & Inspectors over the Native Schools come from England & Germany, they will do the same guided by English & German Books, in plain & edifying style, for instance, Sanders Book on the wisdom & goodness o f GOD, on Nature & Religion; on the Greatness & Beauties of Nature on Land & Sea, His Oeconomical Natural History. This will insensibly promote Natural History amongst Europeans & Natives to the greatest satisfaction of Natural Phylosophers in Europe. These Gentlemen o f whom very few can travel into foreign Countries, must depend from their friends, who have more Occasion to fulfill their desires by sending them observations & Collections. Amongst these the Missionaries & other Mission Servants & those Gentlemen who stand with them in Correspondence, their native Pupils & Itinerant Catechists, have been often of great Service to them on their Journeys & procuring Collections & Curiosities from the distant Countries & Islands. It is well known what good servises the united Brethren on Moravians at Tranquebar & Nicobar have rendered in respect of Natural History, & by their Mechanical Professions & the Public on the Coast laments still the loss of their Mechanical Works by their return to Europe. How much more good to the Public could be expected by sensible School Inspectors from Europe who besides their Abilities in their own & in the Indian Languages, also are acquainted in the same professional Arts & Sciences in Agriculture, Gardening & other useful Knowledge! I subjoin also a Plan for a national Gazette of which the Public may judge, if it may be subservient to the Object of Civilization & for

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promoting useful Knowledge amongst the Europeans & Indians if it is published both in English & Native Languages. But this must be left still to a future more favorable Period. The Missionaries have not all neglected the Indian Literature & Natural History, when they have been requested by Ancient & later Men famous in the Learned World. What Ziegenbalg, Walter, Wiedebrock have done in the first half Century of the Mission respecting Indian Geography, History, different Religions, ancient Writings may be seen in Nicamps extract of the Mission accounts, which has been published in German & Latin. When I arrived in India, I found in our Mission Library a whole Press of Antient Manuscripts on Palm Leaves concerning the Heathen & Brahmin Religion or Vedahs or Aasters & medical Science, of which was collected a Manuscript under the title of Medicus Mallabaricus, & Mythologia Mallabarica & many more relics of Herbarii, Botanical Observations, & other Testimonies of many Labours & attention of the elder Missionaries in different sciences. But by the Inclemency of the Climate & the wants of means to preserve & pay due Attention to these Literary Treasures a great deal has been unhappily lost. However what was still legible has been copied & made use of in later times. Of the Literary transactions in the present half Century of the Mission I will only mention with grateful sense the merits of the memory of the late Mission Dr. Kdnig who was a personal Scholar of the great Linnce, that my College the Revd. Dr. Rottler & myself have profited much by his indefatigable Zeal in communicating his extensive Knowledge of Natural History, which he also showed to many English Gentlemen when he entered the English Service. After him, Dr. Martini & in later Years Dr. Klein united us in this favorite science. In acknowledgement of our good services we were favored by our philosophical Friends with their lates Works on all the Branches of Natural History published by Chemnitz, Schreber, Esper, Herbot, Wildenow, Batseh, Russel & c. To assist us in these transactions we found amongst the Natives many an able Youth that I was enabled to send during my long stay in India above a hundred Boxes of Curissities collected in many Countries & Islands in the Indian seas besides the many botanical Transports from the Revd. Dr. Rottler & Dr. Klein. Our Mission Garden is kept a Nursery of a great number of useful

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& best native & foreign fruit trees & open Europeans & all Natives in our District, who desire plants. From this Garden are gradually filled all the Yards added &. granted by the Honble Government to our Country Chapels in the Tanjore Country. If free Schools are established & superintended by intelligent native School Rectors from England & Germany, amongst which some wil be acquainted with Agriculture Grafting & other particulars of gardening; much can be applyed to our Indian Climate. Many barren or less cultivated Districts can be improved & many hilly or flat Districts filled with Timber & fruit trees or either nourishing small grains & bulbs, Cotton dying & medical plants & I am sure that many European Gentleman who have or will lay out Gardens will be very glad if they have in their place European School Inspectors who may occasionally superintend such Gardens & instruct the often very stupid & ignorant Native Gardeners in the Act of Gardening, the want of whom we have so often reason to complain. How much have I often lamented on my travels through the Country especially after distinctive Inundations, when I passed Rivers, Lakes & Tanks that the Banks on many places are so ill attended to, the so easily, their frequent breakages, could be prevented by planting on them the most common Shrubs. When I, for instance, travelled with late Mr. Gericke thro’ the hills & valleys from Chinkleput to St. Thome we conversed both & felt much that these long Tracts were so little & insufficiently cultivated & I could not help expressing my Wish, that I might have them under my disposal & direction but not so distant from Tranqr. How many millions of the most useful Palmeira trees & other timber & fruit trees could bring forth, the hilly & most barren Districts, if European Inspectors of free Schools were placed throughout the Countryes, who in their Visitations of Schools might attend these Objects & order the native School Masters to be of assistance with their Pupils in their leasure hours according to their age & Capacity. Because I would advise that especially the poor Children should by no means sit the whole Day, crooked over their Books & Palmeire Leaves. If Dr. Bells & Mr. Joseph Lancasters Plan are gradually introduced, the Youth will learn in one forenoon more than the whole Day if the old Custom should be continued. The Afternoon They can be applyed to excersise the Hands, Fat & bodily strength to make them from their earliest Age attentive, industrious, laborious & active for every useful business. Thus may also those European Rectors of Native Schools who have learnt in Europe mechanical professsions, for instance Diers, Weavers Carpenters Instrument makers & c. & those who have

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worked in mineral & c. may be of great use in this Country & make at least some of their Pupils acquainted with their professions. The European gentleman, judges, collectors Residents & other stations in the Honorable Company Service cannot attend & enter into the above mentioned details, if they are not assisted by intelligent men of a lower situation who are contented with lesser Salary - but can be of great use under their patronage not only regarding the Free Schools but also in secondary employments, as 1 have said above, they shall not teach themselves the Native Languages - but direct the Schoolmasters & visit & examine once per Month the Children under their Inspection. - My late & living Friends Dr. Anderson, Dr. Russel, Dr. Roxborgk, Dr. Benjamin Heyne would undoubtedly have wished & would have had a much greater Success in their beneficial transactions, if they had such assistants as I have above poposed. Now I hope I have sufficiently shown that the Establishment of native free Schools by the sanction & encouragement & under the direction & support of a separate Liberal native Free School Society & by the concurrence of other religions Societies & Benefactors is not at all impossible but very practicable if they are established with due Christian Prudence & not interfere directly with the different Religions in India nor attack imprudently their Casts & local Customs. Instead of making the best sensation amongst the Natives, they will highly rejoice that the English Nation & their Governments take so great paternal Notice of their Children by the Instruction of the free Schools & giving them free Instruction in reading writing & cyphering & other useful Knowledges, by granting them gratis reading Books by which they will grow evidently more intellegent, good & happy in every respect. This is the real joyful Sensation & the happy effect, which the Manificence & Charity of the Bible Societies in England & Bengal, on the mind of these Natives, who have either received or have been informed or see in the hands of their Children smaller or greater parts of the Holy Scriptures, They are astonished, & look & consider it almost as a Wonder, that so many thousend Benefactors in England & in India take so much Notice of them as to give them their Holy Scriptures, & so many useful Books in English & Tamul & admire their Generosity Ferrum in dendum dum candet. When the Missions are further encourajed & free Schools established & Assistants to superintend them are called from Europe, Art & Sciences will undoubtedly be promoted to a great Extention, as ever has been done.

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We know how much the Missions of the united Brethren have attributed to the Civilizations of foreign Nations of their enlightening by the blessed Christian Religion to promote useful Knowledges to the most distant Countries. What similar & excellent Information do we now get by the Missions at the Cape of Good Hope & other Mission Establishments on the Coast of Africa. If the Missionaries & Assistants to superintend Free Schools cannot always be Scholars like Dr. Vanderkemp & such as Cranz & Loskiel & more worthy men, who have much Merits in the Public by their Labours, many amongst them may be well informed & intelligent men & possess Talents to increase in Knowledge & make them worth of a higher Action. I long to be soon assisted by such desireable men, that they may continue what has been begun. When GOD should preserve my Live till one of my Nephews arrise from Germany, who has studied Theology & c. on the Universities at Halle & at the new established at Berlin & whom I have recommended to the Honble Society for pro for their Missions, I hope much good can & will still be done especially when he should be placed at the populous Town ofNegapatam. There are already two English Schools, a fine large Dutch Church & a smaller Tamul one. This large Town has already been recommended by Dr. Kerr in his Letter to Lord Bentinck for supemumary Station of an English Chaplain. At any Event, the Town presents a large Field for Civilization by Free Schools under the Direction of a Chaplain or a Missionary, assisted by an able Man, who superintend the Schools. I my If my Nephew should be permitted to stay me a few jears for being prepared for the different Branches of the Functions of the Mission, he may be instructed with the Direction of the Free Schools in the Negapatam & Nagore District & in the Tanjore Country belonging hitherto to the Tranquebar Mission. Then I should leave also opportunity to deliver to him my Library Manuscripts, Drawings, Collections of Curiosities & what even I have destined to those Frieds to whom I find myself still obliged for their Kindness & which I now can no more acknowledge myself & wish them every Devine Blessings which may render them happy in this World & in Eternity. Section 5th Now I will finish my Observations which I have made on Education by long practice & experience with European & native Children. If I could over look once more my Manuscript with my own eyes & collect what I have wrote on this Subjects, this Pamphlet would appear in a better form than I now can lay it before my benevolent Readers by foreign Hands.

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Appendix 1

However I was resolved to communicate to the Public, what my much weakened Memory could still recollect & in the many intervals of my bodily Infirmities I have paid my attention more to native Youth than the Adults, during my stay in India. Tho’ I will not boast of extraordinary success, I cannot also deny the Satisfaction which I often have from both. I repent not of my having been sent to India as a Missionary & my having remaind in these Functions above 40 Years. I thank GOD that 1have had success mongst the Adults, amongst the Children & am now enjoying the fruits of my Labours in my present institutions in having assistants who do for me, what I could not have begun nor carry on with out them. If I can be now assisted by the Honble Madras Governments with a monthly Allowance for carrying on my Free Schools in the remainder of my later Days it shall be faithfully applyed only for that & no other purposes & I shall deem them the most happy of my Life. You have been the Conquerors of India & have extended your Empire every Year with new Conquests. Be also Fathers to the increasing Millions of Your Subjects, show to all that your Empire is beneficial to them not only your political & wise Government but that you will also give better Instructions to ther Children & that the poorest shall not be excluded. This will endear you as Superiors & gain you their heart, that they not only will respect & obey you by Fear but also by filial Love & Confidence, good will & Conscience. By establishing Free Schools you will see soon arise a more enlightened & virtuous Generations. This Grant & Benefit of better Education will make unnecessary all unjust & imprudent attack of their superstious Ceremonies & all what seems to them impossible to reform or tho change mured old Customs. No Compulsion Coercion or any kind of force must be exhibited to perplex, confuse & terrify them to lose their Interest & pleasures. Let us not obtrude but only offer them our sacred writings & in the beginning not the whole Bible tho’ its translations will prove highly beneficial in future but in smaller parts. The Schools are the best way to bring these successively into the Hands of the Youth & their Parents & if amongst one hundred should be ten so foolish & think the books dangerous in the hands of their Children, let them be at Liberty to take them out. Ninety will remain by their superior Knowledge & enlightened Mind & Morals; but to shame the former & make them repent of their follies & Losses. If my Proposals should not be approved, I hope that Devine Providence will open other Channels & awaken Benefactors who feel

18. Christoph Samuel John: ‘On Indian Civilization ’

1491

& pity with me the lost Condition of the poor Native Children & will stretch out their benevolent Hands to relieve their Misery & afford Means for their Instruction & Education. What may be intrusted in my Hands shall be put sacredly in our Mission & accounted for consciously - at any unforeseen Event my Colleague the Revd. Dr. CSmmerer will continue the Direction, till an able Successor is found out or may arrive. If a separate Liberal Native Free School Society should be established the whole Direction shall be delivered over to them & depend on their Ordres. As long as I live I shall give annually a Report of the School transactions & add what may still appear defective & I shall be happy to receive any good Advices regarding this Plan & act accordingly as much as I can & circumstances may permit. There are already many & I may say almost innumerable Charity Institutions & I am somewhat afraid to increase still the number. But the extensive Field of establishing native Free Schools is still open & till yet very little cultivated. Let us not pass by with indifference, but have mercy & attend also this new Field with commeseration & warm heart as it will be productive of extensive good & bear millions of fruits which will redound upon the Benefactors. When shall the long wishes of the Philantrophists for Indian Free School be fulfilled? When shall the Cries of so many thousend poor native Children for Free Instructions be heard & granted! “Let us not be weary in well doing for in due season we shall reap, if we faint not. As we have therefore Opportunity let us do good unto all men especially unto them who are of the household of Faith.” Gal.6. 910. “He that has pity upon the poor lendeth unto the Lord; & that which he hath given will He pay him again.”Proverb 19, 17 verse.

APPENDIX II

SHORT BIOGRAPHIES

INTRODUCTION Jfirgen Grdschl/ Andreas Gross Biographies are a form of historical narrative. The short biographies of the principal players of the Danish-Halle and English-Halle Missions that are presented below are, on the one hand, yet another attempt at doing what Johannes Ferdinand Fenger attempted in 1845 through his book Den Trankebarske Missions Historie\ on the other hand, the overview provided by these biographies is greatly enhanced by the inclusion of the lives of the Directors of the Francke Foundation and the Chaplains in England who acted as mediators with the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK). Moreover, for the first time the biographies of the wives of missionaries also appear here along with a mention of their children to the extent that details about them could be ascertained. Short biographies of the Secretaries of the SPCK and the Missions Committee are added in the appendix as well as the Indian Pastors. The foundation, consolidation and expansion, the crisis and the decline of the early Protestant mission enterprise find reflection in the individual biographies. This, in fact, is the reason that listing of the personalities is in chronological order. It means that the missionaries have been named in accordance with the sequence of their dispatch, the Directors of the Francke Foundation in accordance with the sequence of their appointment to office, and the Chaplains and Secretaries in accordance with the sequence of their assignments as contact persons for the SPCK and the Mission Committee. The choice of the missionaries was dictated by the precept that at least two of the Mission Directors in Copenhagen, Halle or London had concurred in their appointment and that the missionaries had been in correspondence with them. The relevant documents containing the biographical data of each missionary have been mentioned by name at the conclusion of each article. Sources from the mission archives and the main archives of the Franckeschen Stiftungen are indicated using the acronym AFSt/M or

1496

Appendix II

AFSt/H, documents from the Leipziger Missionswerk with ALMW/DHM. Also listed are the biographies or obituaries offering valuable biographical inputs that were printed in the issues of the journals DerKonigl. Danischen Missionarien aus Ost-Indien eingesandterAus/uhrlichen Berichten, Halle, 1710-1772 (short-form HB) and Neuere Geschichte der evangelischen Missionsanstalten zu Bekehrung der Heiden in Ost-Indien, Halle, 17761848 (short-form NHB). The information sources are interlinked to a collection of important works of the missionaries. They are mentioned in the order of their appearance in the articles. Due to shortage of space short forms have been used. The South Asia and Burma retrospective bibliography (SABREB), London, 1987, by Graham W. Shaw has been used as the basis for selecting the works and determining the titles. In addition to the books that appeared in print, the manuscripts (indicated as Ms.) of the relevant works - along with a mention of the year of creation - have been listed to the extent that they were not published until after the death of the writer. Hitherto unpublished manuscripts are only mentioned in the case of complete and self-contained presentations. The short biographies of the Director of the Francke Foundation, of the Lutheran Chaplain, of the Secretaries of the Mission Board and of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge do not contain Bibliography or further references. Needless to say, not all documents could be evaluated in the time available. Hence the possibility of finding additional relevant information in the course of further exploration of the documents relating to the Danish-Halle and English-Halle Mission cannot be ruled out. An evaluation of the life and achievements of the personalities described has been consciously avoided as it does not fall within the scope of the short biographies. In this context one may refer to the individual entries in part IV of Vol. II.

MISSIONARIES OF THE DANISH-HALLE AND ENGLISH-HALLE MISSION IN INDIA 1706-1844 Jflrgen Grdschl Ziegenbalg, BartholomSus, bom 10 July 1682 in Pulsnitz, died 23 February 1719 in Tranquebar. Ziegenbalg went to school in Pulsnitz and Kamenz and in 1694 joined the high school in Gdrlitz. During his stay at the Friedrich-Werder high school in Berlin in the year 1702, the pietists Joachim Lange (1670-1744), Philipp Jakob Spener (1635-1705) and Carl Hildebrand of Canstein (1667-1719) were his mentors. He began his study of theology on 7 May 1703 in Halle but was forced to discontinue after just one semester on grounds of health. Subsequently he worked as teacher in Merseburg and Erfurt, stayed in Pulsnitz and became a temporary pastor in Berlin. The intervention of the pietist Court Chaplain Franz Julius Lutkens (1650-1712) led to his appointment as missionaiy in Tranquebar by King Friedrich IV of Denmark and Norway. On 11 November 1705 he was ordained in Copenhagen along with fellow student Heinrich Plutschau. On 9 July 1706 he arrived at Tranquebar. Here he put together a congregation of the Tamil and Portuguese, set up a school system and provided instruction to the native members of the congregation. Conflicts with the Danish colonial administration, who saw in the mission a threat to their commercial interests, led to a temporary imprisonment of Ziegenbalg from November 1708 to March 1709. In order to achieve clarity regarding the legal status of the mission and to enlist support for the mission’s activities, Ziegenbalg stayed in Europe from 1714 to 1716. On 22 October 1714 he was appointed Provost on the suggestion of the Mission Committee. Ziegenbalg learnt the Tamil language and made use of it in his missionary activities as well as his study of the Indian way of life. His translation of Christian texts into Tamil also contributed to the development of Tamil prose. His descriptions of the Hindu gods made him a pioneer in Indology. Ziegenbalg occupies a special place as on of the first

Jurgen Grdschl

1498

Lutheran missionaries in the history of the Protestant Church. His work served as an inspiration for Protestant missionaries of a later era who, till today, trace their roots to the Danish-Halle Mission. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/HB 75, from page 12, 1709; HB, 18. Continuation, Halle, 1722, from p. 225. Selected Works: •

Nidi Wunpa or Malabarische Sitten-Lehre; Kondei Wenden or Malabarische Moralia; UlagaNidiorWeltliche Gerechtigkeit. [Ms.] Tranquebar, 1708. AFSt/M 2 A 6 :1 , published Amsterdam, 1930.

•

Bibliotheca Malabarica. Tranquebar, 1708. [Ms.] AFSt/M 2 C 1. Published in: Herm Barholom&us Ziegenbalgs [...] Detailed Study. Halle, 1710, S. 6-34 [Auszug]; Wilhelm Germann, Ziegenbalgs Bibliotheca Malabarica. In: Missionsnachrichten der Ostindischen Missionsanstalt, Halle, 1880, pp. 1-20 and 61-94.

•

Der gottgejallige Christenstand. Tranquebar, 1709. [Ms.] AFSt/HB 74.

•

Der gottgejallige Lehrstand. Tranquebar, 1709. [Ms] AFSt/HB 75.

•

Malabarisches Heidentum. Tranquebar, 1711. Published Amsterdam, 1926.

•

Das verdammliche Heydenthum. Tranquebar, 1713.

•

Luther, Martin: Der kleine Katechismus. Tranquebar, 1713.

•

Genealogie der Malabarischen Gdtter. Tranquebar, 1713 [Ms.]. Published Madras, 1867, complete Edition Halle, 2003).

•

Grammatica Damulica. Halle, 1716.

•

Novum Jesu Christi Testamentum ex originali textu in usum gentis Malabaricae in linguam Damulicam, vulgo Malabarica dictam, versum, opera & studio Bartholomaei Ziegenbalg & Joh. Emesti Grundler. Tranquebar, 1719.

•

Lexicon Malabaricum. Tranquebar, 1719.

Pltttschau, Heinrich, bom 1677 in Wesenberg near Neustrelitz, died 4 January 1752 in Beidenfleth (Holstein). After his schooling at the Friedrich-Werder high school in Berlin, Pliitschau started studying

Missionaries o f the Danish-Halle and English-Halle Mission

1499

theology on 20 May 1702 in Halle. On 11 November 1705 he was ordained missionary in Copenhagen along with fellow-student Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg, and arrived at Tranquebar on 9 July 1706. He dedicated most of his time to the administration of the Portuguese congregation and to religious instruction. In 1712, due to reasons of health, he returned to Europe. He conducted language lessons for the mission’s candidates in Halle from 1713 to 1714 and from 1714 to 1750 served as pastor in Beidenfleth. G rilndler, Johann Ernst, born 7 April 1677 in WeiBensee/ Thttringen, died 19 March 1720 in Tranquebar. GrUndler was in the municipal school in Weifiensee till age 14, and thereafter at the high school in Quedlinburg and Weiflenfels. He started his university education in Leipzig in 1697 and then continued in Wittenberg in 1700, where he obtained a Master’s degree. On 28 October 1701 he enrolled at the University of Halle and was teacher at the Padagogium in the Glaucha Institutions from 1702 to 1708. On 1 October 1708 he, along with Johann Georg Bdvingh, was ordained missionary in Copenhagen and arrived in Tranquebar on 20 July 1709. In addition to Portuguese, he devoted himself especially to the pursuit of Tamil and translated a Tamil medical treatise during his stay at Porayar in 1710. In addition, he revised the existing Portuguese translation of the Bible and lent his support to the work on the Tamil edition of the Bible. On account of his personality Grtindler was Ziegenbalg’s closest aide and, during the latter’s visit to Europe from 1714to 1716, functioned as the acting head of the mission. In 1717 he prepared the ground for the establishment of mission schools in Madras and Cuddalore. Thanks to his diplomatic skills he was able to maintain good relations with influential Indians and Europeans in the colony, which was of great importance for the development of the mission. After Ziegenbalg’s death in 1719 he carried on the work of the mission and in 1720 was appointed Provost. Curriculum Vitae: HB, 18. Continuation, Halle, 1722, from page 254 Selected Works: •

Der Malabarische Medicus, welcher kurzen Bericht gibet, theils was diese Heyden in der Medicin vor Principia haben; theils auf was Art und mit welchen Medicamenten sie die Kranckheiten curieren.

Jurgen Groschl

1500

Denen Hn. Medicis in Europa zu dienlicher Nachricht aus denen Medicin BUchem der Malabaren compiled and translated by J. E. G. [...]. Tranquebar, 1711. [Ms.]. •

A explicagad da doutrina Christaa. Tranquebar, 1713.

•

A historia de paixao. Tranquebar, 1713.

•

Quatuor Evangelia et A eta Apostolorum. Tranquebar, 1714.

•

Malabarische Korrespondenz. In: HB, 7. und 11. Continuation, Halle, 1714 und 1717.

•

Theologia thetica. Tranquebar, 1716.

•

Grundlegung, Bau und Einweihung der neuen Missionskirche in Tranquebar, genannt: Neu-Jerusalem. Tranquebar, 1719.

•

Novum Jesu Christi Testamentum ex originali textu in usum gentis Malabaricae in linguam Damulicam, vulgo Malabarica dictam, versum opera & studio Bartholomaei Ziegenbalg & Joh. Emesti Grundler. Tranquebar, 1719.

Bdvingh, Johann Georg, born 12 November 1676 in Hattingen, died 26 January 1723 in Kirchtimke. Bdvingh went to school in Hattingen. He was employed at the high school in Dortmund and Soest and worked for one year as an teacher in Friedberg. In 1699 he began his studies at the University in Kiel. In 1701 he started working as a lecturer and teacher in Kiel, Rendsburg and Copenhagen. On 1 October 1708 he was ordained in Copenhagen along with Johann Ernst Grtindler and was sent to India as a missionary for the DanishHalle mission. He arrived in Tranquebar on 20 July 1709. In 1711 he traveled on the mission’s work to the interior of the country and to Bengal. Following personal differences with the other missionaries, who questioned his conversions, as well as criticism of the leadership and the effectiveness of the mission, Bdvingh returned to Copenhagen in 1712 and in 1714 became a pastor in Kirchtimke near Bremen. Selected Works: •

Beschreibung und Nachricht Von den Hottentotten [...] Samt angehangten Bericht/ von einigen unter denen Herrn Missionariis [...] entstandenen Streitigkeiten. [s.l.], 1712.

Missionaries o f the Danish-Halle and English-Halle Mission

1501

Jordan, Polycarp, bora 13 January 1677 in Grieben, died 1728 in Netzen. After his schooling in Ruppin, Jordan joined the University of Halle on 20 May 1698 to study theology and was a carpenter at the Glaucha Institutions. He set out for India in 1708 with Johann Erast GrOndler and Johann Georg Bdvingh, where he worked as an assistant at the Mission in Tranquebar till his return to Germany in 1715. He became a pastor in Merbitz in 1715 and in 1720 became pastor in Netzen near Brandenburg. Schultze, Benjamin, bora 7 January 1689 in Sonnenburg, died 25 November 1760 in Halle. In 1703 Schultze joined school in Landsberg/ Warthe and in 1709 joined the Joachimsthalsche high school in Berlin. On 4 September 1711 he enrolled at the University of Halle and there, alongside his study of theology, he worked as teacher at the Latin School in the Glaucha Institutions. After working as a private tutor from 1715 to 1716 and then pursuing further studies at Frankfurt/Oder, he returned to Halle in 1718, where his name was proposed as a missionary candidate. He arrived at Tranquebar on 16 September 1719 with Nikolaus Dal und Johann Heinrich Kistemacher and looked after the Portuguese and later the Tamil congregation. In 1720 Scultze was ordained by Johann Erst GrOndler and, after the latter’s death took over the leadership of the mission. Conflicts with his colleagues caused him to relocate to Madras in 1726. There he set up a new mission base and was accepted as an English missionary by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. In 1743 Schultze returned to Europe on grounds of health and settled down in the Glaucha Institutions. Schultze was, first and foremost, a translator of religious texts into Tamil, Telugu and Hindustani. He completed Ziegenbalg’s Tamil translation of the Bible and compiled a collection of more than 100 hymns in Tamil. He also translated Christian scriptures into Telugu and wrote the first European Grammar of Telugu. His Hindustani Grammar is considered the second best European Grammar in this language. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 C 11 : 51 (1718); AFSt/M 1 C 11 : 56 (1718); AFSt/M 1 K 5 : 13 (1732); HB, Vorrede zur 89. Continuation, Halle, 1761, from p. 125.

Jurgen Grdschl

1502

Selected Works: •

Liber Psalmorum Davidis. Tranquebar, 1721.

•

Hymnologia Damulica. Tranquebar, 1723.

•

Novum Jesu Christi Testamentum. Editio secunda corectior [sic]. Tranquebar, 1724.

•

Biblia Damulica [...] studio & opera Bartholomaei Zigenbalgii & Benjamini Schultzii [...] in linguam Damulicam versi continentur. Tranquebar, 1726.

•

Libri Apocryphi. Tranquebar, 1728.

•

Grammatica Telugica. Prepared in Madras, 1728. [Ms] AFSt/H J 66a. Erschienen Halle, 1984.

•

Vocabularium Telugu-Tamulo-Biblicum Novi Testamenti. Madras, 1728 [Ms.] AFSt/H J6 6 :2 .

•

Vocabularium Telugu-Tamulo-Biblicum Veteris Testamenti. Madras, 1732. [Ms.] AFSt/H J6 6 : 1.

•

Biblia Telugica. Madras, 1732. (The translation of the individual copies of the Bible can be obtained almost entirely in the form of handwritten palm-leaves in the Archives of the Franckeschen Stiftungen zu Halle under the reference number AFSt/P TEL from p. 1.)

•

Compendiaria Alcorani refutatio indostanice. Halle, 1744.

•

Grammatica Hindostanica. Halle, 1745.

•

Quatuor priora geneseos capita in linguam indostanicam. Halle, 1745.

•

Catechismus telugicus minor. Halle, 1746.

•

Psalterium Davidis In Linguam Indostanicam Translatum. Halle, 1747.

•

Evangelium Lucae in linguam indostanicam translatum. Halle, 1749.

•

The large andrenowned Town o f the English nation in the East-lndies upon thecoastofCoromandel, Madras, orFortSt George, representingthegenius, the manners, the carriage [...] ofthe natives [...J Halle, 1750.

•

Evangelium Matthaei In Linguam Indostanicam Translatum. Halle, 1751.

•

Marci Evangelium in Linguam Indostanicam Translatum. Halle, 1758.

Missionaries o f the Danish-Halle and English-Halle Mission

1503

Dal, Nikolaas, born early April 1690 in Anslet, died S May 1747 in Tranquebar. Dal went to school in Hadersleben, to college in Jena in 1712, and on 1 May 1715 joined the University of Halle. In 1718 he was asked to go to Tranquebar as a missionary. He arrived there on 16 September 1719. He worked in the Portuguese congregation for most of the time, and devoted himself to translating religious texts into Portuguese. He played a major role in the revision of the Portuguese translation of the Bible. He pleaded the cause of support for the Dutch missions and of extending the work of the mission to Bengal. However, his work for the mission did not get due recognition, and it was only on 7 June 1730 that he was ordained in Tranquebar by Martin Bosse. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 C 11 : 54 (1718), 1 K 5 11 and 12 (1747); HB, 67. Continuation, Halle, 1750, from p. 1206. Selected Works: •

Grammatica Portugueza para o uso da Escola Portugueza de TYangambar, Parts 1-4. Tranquebar, 1725-1731.

•

Psalmodia evangelica. 3rd edition, Tranquebar, 1744 (firstpublished as: Hymnologia sagrada. Tranquebar, 1713).

•

Historia da paixao. 3rd Edition, Tranquebar, 1748 (first published as: A historia de paixad. Tranquebar, 1713).

Kistemacher, Johann Heinrich, bom in Burg near Magdeburg, died 1722 in Tranquebar. Kistemacher enrolled at the University of Halle on 7 July 1714. He travelled to Tranquebar as a missionary along with Schultze und Nikolaus Dal in 1719. Initially he looked after the Tamil congregation in Porayar, but in 1720 he was marginalised as a result of personal differences amongst the missionaries, especially with Benjamin Schultze, whose ordination and style of leadership he criticised. He died without being ordained himself. Bosse, Martin, bom in Nelben/Konnem, died 2 August 1756 in Kopenhagen. Bosse was at the Latin School in the Glaucha Institutions from 1709 to 1715. On 20 May 1715 he enrolled at the University of Halle and in 1724 was working as teacher at the German Boy school of the Halle orphanage. Between 1717 and 1724 he was a teacher in Magdeburg,

Jurgen Grdschl

1504

Braunschweig and Ktinnem. In 1724 he returned to Halle to become the Super-intendentofthe boys’school. On 3 October 1724 he was ordained in Copenhagen with Christian Friedrich Pressier und Christoph Theodosius Walther and sent to Tranquebar, where he arrived on 19 June 1725. He became an alcoholic and returned to Denmark in 1749. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/H C 148:3 (1724). Pressier, Christian Friedrich, bom 26 July 1697 in Perleberg, died 15 February 1738 in Tranquebar. After his schooling in Perleberg and at the high school des Grauen Klosters in Berlin, Pressier began his study of theology at the University of Jena in 1718, which he continued at the University of Halle after 30 April 1720. He was teacher at the Padagogium in the Glaucha Institutions from 1722 to 1724. He was ordained in Copenhagen on 3.10.1724 along with Christoph Theodosius Walther and Martin Bosse and became a Missionary. In addition to his activities in the congregationes and schools in Tranquebar he pursued the study of the geography, history and culture of the region. His writings were mainly related to the routine activities of the Mission. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 K 5 : 7 (1724); AFSt/M 1 K 5 : 6 (1737); HB, 48. Continuation, Halle, 1741, from p. 1293 and p. 1515. Walther, Christoph Theodosius, born 20 December 1699 in Schildberg, died 29 April 1741 in Dresden. In his early years Walter received instruction at home; he then went to the Latin Schools in Schonfliess and Konigsberg/Neumark for 10 years, and in 1715 joined the high school in Stargard. In 1720 he enrolled at the University of Halle. From 1723 to 1724 he was teacher at the Padagogium in the Glaucha Institutions. On 3 October 1724 he was ordained along with Martin Bosse and Christian Friedrich Pressier in Copenhagen and became a missionary. In Tranquebar he contributed significantly to the revision of Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg’s Tamil translation of the Bible. In addition to his linguistic and religious studies he also pursued research in the fields of science and culture. In 1739 Walther returned to Europe. The proposal to establish a mission seminary in Copenhagen under his leadership never materialised due to opposition from Gotthilf August Franckes.

Missionaries o f the Danish-Halle and English-Halle Mission

1505

Curriculum Vitae: 1 C 16 : 12 (1724); 1 K 5 : 25 (1741); HB, 50. Continuation, Halle, 1742, from p. 353. Selected Works: •

Dialogus inter Muslimum et Christianum. Tranquebar, 1727.

•

Rerum in ecclesia inde. Tranquebar, 1735.

•

Doctrina temporum Indica cum paralipomenis. In: Theophil Siegfried Bayer: Historia regni Graecorum Bactriani. Petersburg, 1738.

•

Observationes grammaticae. In: Constanzo Giuseppe Beschi: A.M.D.G. Grammatica Latino-Tamulica. Tranquebar, 1738.

Worm, Andreas, bom 1704 in Neubrandenburg, died 30 May 1735 in Tranquebar. Worm studied in Jena and from 30 September 1728 studied theology at the University of Halle. In 1729 he became teacher at the Padagogium in the Glaucha Institutions. On 21 December of the same year he was ordained along with Samuel Gottlieb Richtsteig in Copenhagen and became a missionary. Upon his arrival in Tranquebar on 11 August 1730, he devoted himself to the Tamil congregation in particular. Curriculum Vitae: HB, 41. Continuation, Halle, 1737, from p. 623. Richtsteig, Samuel Gottlieb, bom 24 August 1700 in Landsberg/ Warthe, died 12 May 1735 in Tranquebar. After completing his schooling in Landsberg und Gdrlitz, Richtsteig enrolled at the University of Halle on 16 June 1724 and studied theology. He became teacher at the Padagogium in the Glaucha Institutions in the same year. On 21 December 1729 he was ordained in Copenhagen along with Andreas Worm and became a missionary. He was sent to Tranquebar, where he worked in the Portuguese congregation. Curriculum Vitae: HB, 41. Continuation, Halle, 1737, from p. 618.

JUrgen Grdschl

1506

Sartorius, Johann Anton, bom 1704 in Patersberg, died 27 May 1738 in Cuddalore. Sartorius began his study of theology in Jena in 1722 and enrolled at the University of Halle on 12 April 1723. In the same year, 1723, he became teacher at the German girl school, and in October 1728 became the Super-intendentat the Halle orphanage. He was ordained missionary in London on 5 February 1730 and travelled to India with Andreas Worm and Samuel Gottlieb Richtsteig as well as the doctor Caspar Gottlieb Schlegelmilch (died 1730). He started working in Madras on 13 July 1730 as co-worker to Benjamin Schultze. In 1737 he established the mission in Cuddalore along with Johann Ernst Geister. Selected Works: •

Kurtze Beschreibung eines Kastchens voll Tamulischer GotzenFiguren [...]. In: HB, 40. Continuation, Halle, 1736, pp. 539-558.

Geister, Johann Ernst, born in Berlin, died 1750. Geister studied theology in Jena and took up employment as teacher with the family of Christian Ernsts von Stolberg-Wemigerode (16911771). On 17 May 1726 he enrolled at the University of Halle and continued with his studies. In June 1730 he began working as teacher at the Padagogium in the Glaucha institutions. Geister was ordained and became missionary on 27 December 1731 in Wemigerode. Travelling in the company of Doctor Samuel Benjamin Knoll (died 1767), he reached Madras on 27 July 1732. In 1737 along with Johann Anton Sartorius he established the mission base at Cuddalore. There he initially looked after the Portuguese congregation, and later, after the death of Sartorius, assumed charge of the Tamil congregation, as well. He was recalled to Madras in 1743. Geister attempted to bring the mission closer to the Church of England. One of the things he did was to introduce the Anglican catechism in the English mission bases. In May 1746 he returned to Cuddalore, which he left a few weeks later, fleeing from the advancing French forces to Batavia. Here he worked as an interpretor for the East India Company. Geister died in 1750 on his way back home to Europe. Selected Works: •

Wind- und Wetter-Observationen. Written in Madras, 1732-1737. [Ms.] AFSt/M 2 B 2 : 2.

Missionaries o f the Danish-Halle and English-Halle Mission

•

1507

Topographia Indiae intra Gangem. Written in Madras, 1734. [Ms.] AFSt/M 2 B 2 : 3.

Obuch, Gottfried Wilhelm, bom 20 May 1707 in Morungen, died 3 September 1745 in Tranquebar. Obuch went to the high school in Elbing. On 15 May 1730 he enrolled at the University of Halle and studied theology. In July 1731 he became teacher at the German Girl school and in December 1732 was appointed teacher at the Latin School of the Halle Orphanage. From 1734 to 1736 he worked as teacher in Vienna. After being ordained in Copenhagen on 17 October 1736 he travelled to Tranquebar as a missionary with Johann Christian Wiedebrock and Johann Balthasar Kohlhoff. Arriving there on 19 August 1737, he devoted his time to the Tamilian congregation. Obuch was involved in the revision of the Tamil translation of the Bible. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 K 3 : 24 (1736); AFSt/M 1 K 5 : 5 (1745); HB, 64. Continuation, Halle, 1748, from p. 693. Wiedebrock, Johann Christian, bom 9 February 1713 in Minden, died 7 April 1767 in Tranquebar. Wiedebrock started school at the early age of four and studied at the high school in Minden till 1731. On 9 April 1731 he began studying theology at the University of Halle. In 1732 he became teacher at the German Girl school, and in 1734 at the German Boy school of the Halle orphanage. After being ordained on 17 April 1736 in Copenhagen he travelled to Tranquebar with Johann Balthasar Kohlhoff and Gottfried Wilhelm Obuch. There he was initially working in the Tamil congregation but later became more involved with the Portuguese congregation. He was also involved in the correction of the Portuguese translation of the Bible. He visited Nagapattinam and Cuddalore several times on the mission’s work. He accompanied a Danish delegation to Tanjavur in 1753 in the capacity of a visiting preacher and interpreter. There he discussed religion with the Maratha king Pratapsimha (who reigned during the years 1739 to 1763). After the death of Nikolaus Dal he took over as leader of the mission station. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 K 3 : 25 (1736); HB, 107. Continuation, Halle, 1769, from p. 1551.

1508

Jurgen Grdschl

Kohlhoff, Johann Balthasar, bom 15 December 1711 in Neuwarp, died 17 December 1790 in Tranquebar. Kohlhoff went to the Stadtschule in Berlin and later the high school in Stralsund. He began his study of theology in Rostock and on 16 October 1773 enrolled at the University of Halle. He was teacher at the German Boy school and the Latin School of the Halle orphanage from 1733 to 1736. He was ordained missionary in Copenhagen on 17 October 1736 along with Johann Christian Wiedebrock and Gottfried Wilhelm Obuch. He reached Madras on 14 July 1737 and Tranquebar on 19 August 1737. There he was in charge of the Tamil congregation and made several missionary trips to Cuddalore, Madras, Nagapattinam, Tanjavur and Tiruchirappalli. In 1767 after Wiedebrock’s death he became the head of the mission in Tranquebar. At age 60 he became very ill and gradually withdrew from missionary work. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 K 3 : 26 (1736); AFSt/M 2 E 27 : 4 (1790); NHB, 39. Chapter, Halle, 1791, from p. 256. Kiernander, Johann Zacharias, bom 1 December 1710 in Ostgotland, died 1799 in Chinsurah. Kiernander studied initially at the University of Uppsala and later enrolled at the University of Halle. He became teacher in July 1736 and from September 1737 worked as Superintendentat the Latin school of the Halle orphanage. On 20 November 1739 he was ordained in Wemigerode and on 17 August 1740 he took up his post of missionary and co-worker of Johann Ernst Geister in Cuddalore. In 1758 he fled during the French occupation and reached Tranquebar. In the same year he set up a mission base in Calcutta where he worked till 1788. In 1770 the church built at his expense was inaugurated and in 1773 a school building was inaugurated. Heavily in debt, Kiernander was forced to leave Calcutta in 1788 and went to Chinsurah where he took classes and worked as a Pastor. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 K 4 :69; NHB, preface to the 57th Chapter, Halle, 1801, from p. VII. Fabricius, Johann Philipp, bom 22 January 1711 in Kleeberg, died 23 January 1791 in Madras. Fabricius began studying law in 1728 in GieBen. Upon conclusion of his course he began working

Missionaries o f the Danish-Halle and English-Halle Mission

1509

as private tutor in his brother’s house in 1732. On 28 May 1736 he enrolled at the University of Halle and started studying theology. In August 1736 he became teacher at the German boy school and in October 1736 teacher at the Latin School of the Halle orphanage. He was ordained in Copenhagen on 23 October 1739 along with Daniel Zeglin and arrived in Tranquebar on 8 September 1740. Towards the end of 1742 Fabricius was transferred to Madras. There he restructured the Portuguese and Tamil congregations which had been neglected by Benjamin Schultze. In addition to the urban congregations, which he continued to tend to even during the French occupation from 1746 to 1749, he also looked after the outlying bases in Sadras, Pulicat and Vellore. The last few years of his life were marred by lapses in the administration of the mission and speculative financial transactions which endangered the survival of the mission. Between 1778 and 1779 he served several prison sentences on account of his indebtedness. His other contributions include the completely revised version of the Tamil translation of the Bible (in 1766) and the publication of a Book of Hymns in Tamil. In the linguistic field he has to his credit a Tamil-English and English-Tamil dictionary as well as a Tamil-English Grammar book. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 K 4 : 68 (1739). Selected Works: •

Tamil catechism. Madras, 1766.

•

Horta de paraiso. Tranquebar, 1767.

•

The Malabar New Testament. Madras, 1772.

•

Tamil hymnal. Madras, 1774.

•

Librorum Sacrorum Veteris Testamenti (Parts 1-4). Tranquebar, 1777-1796.

•

A grammar fo r learning the principles o f the Malabar language. Madras, 1778.

•

A Malabar and English Dictionary. Madras, 1779.

•

A dictionary o f the English and Malabar languages. Madras, 1786.

JGrgen Grdschl

1510

Zeglin, Daniel, bom 26 August 1716 in Stettin, died 5 May 1780 in Tranquebar. After completing his schooling in Stettin, Zeglin enrolled at the University of Halle on 7 April 1736 and studied theology. From April 1738 he was teacher at the Latin School of die Halle orphanage. He was ordained missionary along with Johann Philipp Fabricius in Copenhagen on 23 October 1739, reached Cuddalore on 28 August 1740 and Tranquebar on 8 September 1740. A plethora of health problems notwithstanding, he served the mission for forty years, during which he primarily looked after the Tamil congregations. He made missionary trips to Cuddalore, Madras, Nagapattinam, Tiruchirappalli and Tanjavur. In addition, he helped Fabricius with the revision of the Tamil translation of the Bible. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 K 4 : 67 (1739); AFSt/M 1 B 71 : 11 (1780); AFSt/M 1 B 71 : 12 (1780); NHB, preface to the 23rd chapter, Halle, 1781, S. V. M aderup, Oluf, bom end September 1711 at Fttnen, died 20 November 1776 in Tranquebar. Maderup was at the Latin School in Copenhagen from 1718 to 1728 and, after the fire at Copenhagen, at the school in Roskilde. Thereafter he took up a course in theology at the University of Copenhagen. In 1740 the Mission Committee proposed his name for missionary work and he took lessons in Tamil from Christoph Theodosius Walther. He was ordained in Copenhagen on 17 November 1741 and arrived in Tranquebar on 2 July 1742. His appointment sparked off a discussion on the dispatch of Danish nationals to Tranquebar which led to a conflict between the mission committees in Copenhagen and Halle. From 1743 to 1747 Maderup worked in the Tamil congregation and thereafter till 1774 in the Portuguese congregation as successor to Nikolaus Dal. In 1748 he travelled to Cuddalore and in 1755 to Nagapattinam. He helped Johann Christian Wiedebrock with the revision of the Portuguese translation of the Bible and translated German and Danish religious songs, which were incorporated in the appendix to the new edition of the Portuguese Book of Hymns. In 1774 Maderup became paralysed on one side. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 K 5 : 15 (1776); NHB, 18. Chapter, Halle, 1779, pp. 670ff.

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1511

Selected Works: •

Psalmodia evartgelica. Tranquebar, 1767.

•

Gaudium Bethlehemicum. ElegiezurEinweihmgderBethlehemkirche in Porayar. In: HB, 65. Continuation, Halle, 1749, pp. 922-924.

•

Nogle Sprog a f den Hellige Skrift, som a f de tamuliske Hedningers Skikke, Scedvaner etc. forklares / samlet 1770 a f Ole Madderup. Bergen, 1776.

Klein, Jakob, bom 20 January 1721 in Elbing, died 18 May 1790 in Tranquebar. Klein started school early at the age of three and in 1733 joined the high school in Elbing. On 22 September 1739 he enrolled at the University of Halle. While pursuing his theology studies he also taught at the German girl school of the Halle orphanage from April 1741 to October 1742. Thereafter, till his recall to Halle in 1744, he was employed as private tutor at a Protestant salesman’s place at Venice. He was ordained missionary in Copenhagen on 4 November 1744 and travelled with Johann Christian Breithaupt, leaving London on 29 March 1745. After a prolonged stop at Batavia on account of illness, the two missionaries arrived in Tranquebar on 11 August 1746. Klein worked primarily in the Tamil congregation. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 K 11 : 67 (1745); AFSt/M 2 E 27 : 4 (1790); NHB, 39th chapter, Halle, 1791, from p. 259. Breithaupt, Johann Christian, bom 26 September 1719 in Dransfeld, died 17November 1782 in Madras. In 1739 Breithaupt was at the Latin School of the Halle orphanage. On 28 September 1740 he began studying theology at the University of Halle. In May 1741 he became teacher at the German boy school, in July 1742 teacher at the Latin School, and in June 1743 the Table Super-intendentat the German School of the Hallesche Waisenhaus. He was ordained missionary on 6 January 1745 in Wemigerode and, after a prolonged stop at Batavia, reached Tranquebar on 10 August 1746 along with Jakob Klein. From 1747 onwards Breithaupt lent his support to the work being done by Johann Zacharias Kiernander in Cuddalore and in 1749 he joined Johann Philipp Fabricius in Madras.

1512

Jurgen Grdschl

Schw artz, C h ristian F ried rich , born 8 October 1726 in Sonnenburg, died 13 February 1798 in Tanjavur. Schwartz went to the Lutheran high school in Kflstrin from 1740/41 to 1746. On 3 May 1746 he enrolled at the University of Halle. From October 1746 to 1748 he was teacher at the German girl school of the Halle orphanage. In Halle he also learnt Tamil, in order to support Benjamin Schultze wih the publication of the revised Bible translation. On 17 September 1749 he was ordained along with David Poltzenhagen and Georg Heinrich Conrad Huttemann in Copenhagen and arrived in Tranquebar on 17 July 1750. Schwartz began his work in the Danish colony. In 1762 he set up the Mission in Tiruchirappalli and in 1772 the mission in Tanjavur. From 1767 he was employed by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. On account of his religious and social engagements he became one of the most significant Lutheran Missionaries in South India. He promoted the development of native churches and worked towards organizing the school system. Although he was critical of the European colonial powers, particularly England, he was sent for peace talks with the Maharaja of Mysore, Hyder Ali (1722-1782). Schwartz was entrusted with the upbringing of Prince Serfojee (1777-1832), and rendered a great service in the education of Vedanayakam Sastri (1774-1864), one of the most important Tamil Christian poets. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 K 10: 71 (1749); AFSt/M 1 K 5 :18; NHB, 55th chapter Halle, 1799, from p. 637. Poltzenhagen, David, born October 1726 in Wollin, died 28 November 1756 in the Nicobar Islands. Poltzenhagen went to school in Wollin and Stargard. In 1744 he secured a place in the Latin school of the Halle orphanage. On 13 October 1746 he enrolled at the University of Halle und studied theology. In July 1747 he became teacher at the German Boy school and in April 1748 at the Latin school of the Halle orphanage. On 17 September 1749 he was ordained missionary in Copenhagen along with Christian Friedrich Schwartz and Georg Heinrich Conrad Huttemann. From 1750 to 1756 he worked in Tranquebar, primarily in the Portuguese congregation. He died in 1756 in the Nicobar Islands, where he had been sent by the Danish government to investigate the possibility of setting up a mission base.

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1513

Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 K 10 : 72 (1749); HB, 86. Continuation, Halle, 1760, from p. 239. Hfittemann, Georg Heinrich Conrad, bom 29 January 1728 in Minden, died 18 July 1781 in Cuddalore. After his schooling in Minden, Hiittemann began to study theology on 2 May 1746 at the University of Halle. In January 1747 he became teacher at the German boy school; in November 1747 at the Latin School; and in February 1749 at the Padagogium in the Glaucha Institutions. He was ordained in Copenhagen on 17 September 1749 along with Christian Friedrich Schwartz and David Poltzenhagen and reached Cuddalore on 17 July 1750. After a stop in Tranquebar he went on to Cuddalore in December 1750 as missionary and co-worker of Johann Zacharias Kiernander. Between 1759 and 1767 he managed the mission base at Cuddalore on his own. From 1770 Hiittemann gradually began voicing his criticism of the Mission structure. With his demand for integrated schools for Europeans and Indians, and for a reform of language teaching in order to win over the native population, he showed his leanings towards the missionary ideology propounded by the Irish theologian and philosopher George Berkeley (1685-1753). Curriculum Vitae AFSt/M 1 K 10:73(1749). Dame, Peter, bom 22 May 1731 in Flensburg, died 5 May 1766 in Tanjavur. In 1742 Dame joined the Latin School in Flensburg. On 27 April 1751 he enrolled at the University in Halle und studied theology. In 1752 he became teacher at the German boy school, and in April 1753 at the German girl school of the Halle orphanage. He was ordained missionary in Copenhagen on 30 October 1754. Upon his arrival in Tranquebar on 2 July 1755 he worked initially in the Tamil congregation. After the death of David Poltzenhagen he took over the Portuguese congregation in 1758. Dame made several trips on behalf of the mission to Nagapattinam, Cuddalore, Tiruchirappalli and Tanjavur. From time to time he also pursued nature studies.

Jurgen Grdschl

1514

Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 K 9 : 4 (1754); AFSt/M 1 K 5 : 4 (1767); HB, 106. Continuation, Halle, 1769, from p. 1388. Gericke, Christian Wilhelm, bom 15 April 1743 in Kolberg, died 2 October 1803 in Vellore. Gericke started school at the tender age of 4 and in 1754 joined the high school in Kolbeig. On 17 July 1760 he took up the study of theology in the University of Halle. In April 1761 he became teacher and in November 1763 Super-intendentat the German Girl school of the Halle orphanage. His ordination as missionary took place in Wemigerode on 4 August 1765. After a stop in Ceylon he reached Tranquebar on 6 June 1767. In the same year he took up his assignment as co-worker of Georg Heinrich Conrad Huttemann in Cuddalore. In 1784 he had to leave the city due to French occupation and lived in Nagapattinam most of the time. In 1789 he took over the mission in Madras/Vepery from Johann Philipp Fabricius. Gericke travelled a lot within the region and also worked in Vellore, Nagapattinam, Tiruchirappalli and Cuddalore. Along with Christian Friedrich Schwartz he became the guardian of Prince Serfojee (1777-1832). Gericke served as the Secretary and Chaplain of the Female Asylum, a reform school for European orphans in Madras. In the year 1802, as representative of the mission, he made a prolonged trip to the region of Palayamkottai. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 2 K 16:6(1765). Selected Works: •

Gericken’s merlcwiirdige Seereise von London nach Ceylon und Cudelur in den Jahren 1766 und 1767. Halle, 1773.

K5nig, Johann Friedrich, bom 26 October 1741 in Ktinnem, died 4 February 1795 in Tranquebar. At the age of eleven years he joined the German Boy school in Halle on 19 April 1753. He enrolled at the University of Halle on 8 October 1760 and studied theology. In 1761 he became teacher at the German Girl school, and in 1762 at the Halle orphanage Latin School. In 1763 he became teacher in the Orphan house and in 1764 was appointed Super-intendentat the Latin School in the Glaucha Institutions. Konig was ordained missionary in Copenhagen

Missionaries o f the Danish-Halle and English-Halle Mission

1515

on 25 November 1767 along with Friedrich Wilhelm Leidemann. The missionaries reached the mission in Tranquebar on 5 July 1768 along with the doctor and botanist Johann Gerhard KOnig (1728-1785). Kdnig was primarily in charge of the Portuguese congregation. After the death of Jakob Klein and Johann Balthasar Kohlhoff he became the Senior at the Tranquebar Mission. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 K 8 : 2 (1767). Leidemann, Friedrich Wilhelm, bom 6 January 1743 in Stadthagen, died 8 August 1774 in Tranquebar. Leidemann went to the orphanage school and the city school in Stadthagen as well as the high school in Minden. On 20 October 1764 he began studying theology at the University in Halle. From April 1765 to September 1767 he was teacher at the German Girl school in Halle. He was ordained missionary along with Johann Friedrich Kdnig on 25 November 1767 in Copenhagen and reached Tranquebar on 5 July 1768. Leidemann looked after the Tamil congregation. He travelled to Nagapattinam on mission work. In 1770 and 1773 he travelled to Ceylon. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 K 8 : 5 (1767); HB, preface to 103. Continuation, Halle, 1768, p. 188; NHB, 11th chapter, Halle, 1775, from p. 1543. MQller, 'Wilhelm Jakob, bom 24 May 1734 in Heringhausen, died 30 December 1771 in Tranquebar. Milller was given lessons by his father till 1752, and after the latter’s death joined the high school in Lippstadt and Soest. On 21 June 1757 he began studying theology at the University of Halle. He became teacher at the German Boy school in April 1758 and in December 1758 at the Halle orphanage. After completing his studies he took up a job as a private tutor in Sambleben in 1762. In 1764 he became teacher in Eilhausen; from 1766 to 1769 he was family pastor of Princess Christiane of Waldeck (1725-1816) in Arolsen. He resigned and returned to Halle, and in February 1769 once again became teacher at the German Boy school and the Latin School in the Glaucha Institutions. On 3 November 1769 he was ordained missionary in Copenhagen. After a year’s stay he left Copenhagen on 2 November 1770 with Christoph Samuel John. He reached Tranquebar

Jurgen Grdschl

1516

on 13 June 1771, where he fell ill and died shortly after his arrival. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 K 5 : 8 (1769); HB, preface to 108. Continuation, Halle, 1770, from p. 325. John, Christoph Samuel, bom 11 August 1746 in FrObersgrQn, died 1 September 1813 in Tranquebar. John went to the school in FrdbersgrOn and in his 12th yearjoined the Latin School in Greiz. He began studying theology at the University of Halle on 19 April 1767. In the same year he became the Principal at the German Girl school, and in April 1768 the teacher at the Latin School in the Halle orphanage. After his appointment as missionary by Johann Georg Knapp (1705-1771) he was ordained along withWilhelm Jakob Miiller in Copenhagen on 3 November 1769. After a year-long stay in Denmark, he arrived in Tranquebar on 13 June 1771, where he worked as a missionary till 1813. John was concerned mainly with work related to education. In 1779 he set up an integrated school in which European and Tamilian children studied together. In 1810 he supported the establishment of open schools for Indian students. He and Johann Peter Rottler werejointly given an honorary doctorate by the Deutsche Akademie der Naturforscher Leopoldina on 30 April 1795 for his studies in Natural History, especially in the field of Zoology. John had special or honorary membership of several scientific societies, such as the Gesellschaft Naturforschender Freunde Berlin, the Regensburger Botanischen Gesellschaft, der Naturforschenden Gesellschaft Jena, thefree Okonomischen Gesellschaft St. Petersburg und the asiatic Gesellschaft Kalkutta. He was co-founder of the Gesellschaft zur Beforderung Indianischer Kenntnisse und Industrie as well as the Gelehrten Gesellschaft in Tranquebar, whose director he became in 1791. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 K 5 :9 (1769); HB, Vorrede zur 108. Continuation, Halle, 1770, from p. 326. Selected Works: •

On Indian civilization, or, Report o f a successful experiment, made during two years, on that subject infifteen Tamul, andfive English native free schools. London, 1813. (A German translation of an excerpt from this work can be found in: NHB, 66thchapter, Halle, 1816, from p. 493.)

Missionaries o f the Danish-Halle and English-Halle Mission

1517

Diemer, Johann Christmann, bom 27 March 1745 in Gundershoffen, died 1792 in Bengalen. Diemer was at the high school in Buchsweiler from 1759. From 1766 to 1770 he studied theology in Strafiburg. The desire to go to Pennsylvania as a pastor made him enroll at the University of Halle on 17 November 1770. In 1771 he became teacher at the German Boy school and the Latin School; in November 1771 Super-intendentat the Weingarten- and Mittelwachischen Schools; and in Oktober 1772 Inspektor of the German Girl school of the orphanange at Halle. On 12 September 1773 he was ordained as missionary for India in Wemigerode. In 1774 he travelled from London via Bombay to Calcutta, where he worked as co-worker of Johann Zacharias Kiemander in the English congregation from 19 February 1775. Due to persistent confrontation with Kiemander and Johann Wilhelm Gerlach over administrative issues, he travelled to the Cape of Good Hope between 1779 and 1780 hoping to find employment as congregation pastor. In 1781 he broke off from the Mission and set up a private school in Calcutta. Diemer returned to Europe in 1785 and lived in London. In 1789 he again travelled to Calcutta but did not take up missionary work. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 H 7 : 2(1773); AFSt/M 1 K 12 : 21 (1773). Gerlach, Johann Wilhelm, bom 1738 in Schlitz, died 28 January 1791 in Calcutta. Gerlach was taught at home by his father until the age of thirteen. From 1751 to 1754 he went to the high school in Frankfurt/ Main. In 1755 he took up a three-year course at the University of Jena. Subsequently he was a private tutor and, for four years, a curate at his father’s place. From February till September 1767 he worked as teacher at the Latin School, and from October 1767 till September 1775 at the Padagogium of the Glaucha Institutions. On 3 November 1775 he was ordained missionary along with Johann Peter Rottler in Copenhagen. On 5 August 1776 he reached Tranquebar. From 17 August 1778 he stayed in Calcutta as co-worker of Johann Zacharias Kiemander and Johann Christmann Diemer. Here, as in Tranquebar, he planned to set up a school for Europeans. Due to financial and personal difficulties at the mission base, as well as health reasons, he withdrew from missionary work after 1784.

Jurgen Grdschl

1518

Curriculum Vitae: NHB, preface to the 11th chapter, Halie, 1775, pp. 280ff. Rottler, Johann Peter, bom 1749 in StraBburg, died 1836 in Vepery. Rottler went to the high school in StraBburg, his place of birth. On 1 April 1766 he began studying theology at the University of StraBburg. He was ordained with Johann Wilhelm Gerlach on 3 November 1775 in Copenhagen. Alongside his work in the mission in Tranquebar he did extensive study in Botany, for which he and Christoph Samuel John were jointly awarded an honorary doctorate on 30 April 1795 by the Deutschen Akademie der Naturforscher Leopoldina. After the death of Christian Wilhelm Gericke, Rottler took over the Mission in Madras/Vepery in 1804 on the request of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. In 1805 he became the Secretary and Chaplain of the Female Asylum in Madras. Conflict with Karl Wilhelm P&zold led to Rottler’s withdrawal from the Mission in Vepery. After P&tzold’s death he once again assumed charge of the mission base in 1818 on request of the Madras Distriktkommittee der SPCK. In 1819 Rottler published the first translation of the Common Prayer Book in Tamil and expanded the Tamil-English Dictionary by Johann Philipp Fabricius. Curriculum Vitae: NHB, preface to the 11th chapter, Halle, 1775, from p. 282. Selected Works: •

A dictionary, Tamil and English. Parts 1-4. Madras, 1834-1841.

Schdilkopf, Johann Jakob, bom 20 August 1748 in Kirchheim/ Teck, died 17 July 1777 in Madras. Schtillkopf went to the German and Latin schools in Kirchheim as well as the high school in Stuttgart. In 1767 he joined the seminary at Tiibing. In 1772 he became a private tutor in Adelberg, and subsequently Vicar in Gaisberg, where he worked on a translation of the New Testament by the Wiirtemberg Pietist, Mechanic and Mathematician Philipp Matthaus Hahn (1739-1790). After a three month stay in Halle he was ordained on 8 September 1776 in Wemigerode as Missionary for the base in Tiruchirappalli. Shortly after his arrival in Madras on 14 June 1777 he became ill and died.

Missionaries o f the Danish-Halle and English-Halle Mission

1519

Curriculum Vitae: NHB, 13. Continuation, Halle, 1776, from p. 100. Pohle, Christian, bom 9 March 1744 in Babben, died 28 January 1818 in Tiruchirappalli. Pohle was taught by private tutors and initially worked as a shepherd. From 1763 to 1766 he received private coaching in Drehna and Grofi Jehser. In April 1766 he began studying theology at the University of Leipzig. From 1770 to 1774 he was teacher in Dahme and in July 1774 he was called to Weraigerode as Hofkatechet. His ordination took place on 1 November 1776 in Copenhagen. He travelled to Tranquebar with the doctor, Johann David Martini (died 1791) and the Faktor Wilhelm David Becker (1746-1818) arriving there on 6 June 1777. Acting as a support to Christian Friedrich Schwartz he took over the mission station in Tiruchirappalli in 1778, which he managed till 1818. Curriculum Vitae: NHB, 13th chapter, Halle, 1776, from p. 101. Rulfsen, Lorentz Friedrich, bom 7 April 1753 in Hadersleben, died 15 July 1780 in Tranquebar. Rulfsen’s initial instruction was in the form of private lessons at home, though in 1772 he joined the Latin School in Hadersleben. In 1777 he began studying at Copenhagen as Seminarist of the East India Mission. In 1778 he was ordained missionary. Shortly after his arrival in Tranquebar on 16 June 1780 he fell ill and died. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 B 69 : 90 (1779); NHB, 20th Chapter, Halle, 1780, pp. 1026f. Mentel, Johann Daniel, bom 13 February 1755 in Strafiburg. Mentel went to the high school in Strafiburg. In 1771 he took up the study of theology at the University of Strafiburg and became Alumnus of the college St. Guilleaume. On 1 November 1780 he was ordained missionary in Copenhagen. He reached Tranquebar on 28 June 1781, where he worked in Christoph Samuel John’s school and set up a singing school. On grounds of health Mentel returned to Europe in 1784 and became a Pastor in Barmstedt in the county of Rantzau.

Jurgen Grdschl

1520

Curriculum Vitae: NHB, Preface to the 21st Chapter, Halle, 1783, from p. III. Hagelund, Peder Rubeck, bom 11 March 1756 in Veerst[?] on JQtland, died 28.9.1788 in Tranquebar. Hagelund went to the Latin school and the high school in Odense. From 1778 to 1784 he studied theology at the University of Copenhagen. The Mission Committee proposed his name and in November 1785 he was ordained missionary. On 12 June 1786 he reached Tranquebar and began working in the Tamil congregation. He wanted to open a Danish school. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 B 75: 59 (1785). KohlhofT, Johann Caspar, bom 23 May 1762 in Tranquebar, died 27 March 1844. The son of missionary Johann Balthasar Kohlhoff, he was a student of Christian Friedrich Schwartz from 1770, and later Christian Pohle in Tiruchirappalli. There he worked at the English and the Tamil school and helped the missionaries in their congregation work. On 23 January 1787 he was ordained by Schwartz in Tranquebar and from 1788 worked as a Missionary in Tanjavur. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 B 74: 17(1783). J&nicke, Joseph Daniel, bom 27 July 1759 in Berlin, died 10 May 1800 in Tanjavur. J&nicke became a teacher in the Bohemian congregation in Dresden in 1776. From 1782 to 1785 he was at the royal Realschule in Berlin, to prepare for his study of theology. On 22 April 1785 he enrolled at the University in Halle. On 21 October 1787 he was ordained missionary in Wemigerode. He reached Madras on 27 August 1788, and on 11 October 1788 arrived in Tanjavur. He was initially a co-worker of Christian Friedrich Schwartz and worked in the English school and congregation. In 1790 he became a Missionary in Palayamkottai, where he looked after the English and Tamil congregations and made missionary journeys to Tirunelveli. In 1791 he returned to Tanjavur where he suffered from a long sickness. Three years later he made a journey to Palayamkottai and Ramanathapuram, where he had a church built. He made another journey to that region with

Missionaries o f the Danish-Halle and English-Halle Mission

1521

Christian Wilhelm Gericke in 1800. Curriculum Vitae: NHB, 34th Chapter, Halle, 1788, from p. 1173. C&mmerer, August Friedrich, bom 22 June 1767 in Wusterhausen, died 22 October 1837 in Tranquebar. Cammerer initially received private tutoring at home and then, after the death of his mother on 19 October 1782, was put in the Latin School at the orphanage in Halle. On 6 April 1786 he enrolled at the University in Halle und studied theology. In October 1786 he became teacher at the German Boy school, and in May 1789 at the Latin school of the Halle orphanage. On 4 November 1789 CSmmerer was ordained missionary in Copenhagen. After a shipwreck at the Cape of Good Hope and a stop in Ceylon he reached Tranquebar on 14 May 1791. There he looked after the Tamil congregation and devoted himself to the development of school education. His translation of Hindu scriptures earned him an honorary doctorate in philosophy from the Deutschen Akademie der Naturforscher Leopoldina on 12 February 1803. The steadily deteriorating economic condition of the Mission and the lack of support from Europe prompted Cammerer to hand over eleven of the rural congregations under Tranquebar to the Mission in Tanjavur in 1820. Although his letter of resignation was accepted in 1821, he continued to serve the mission. Cammerer lent his support to the Royal Danish Resolution of 15 May 1825, with which the mission lost its institutional independance and its status as an establishment for conversion. As a consequence of this Resolution the offices of the Danish colonial pastor and the missionary were wound up, which Cammerer held till his death. In appreciation of his long years of service, he was made Knight of the Dannebrog-Order in 1836. Cammerer was the last of the Halle missionaries in Tranquebar. Curriculum Vitae: NHB, 36th Chapter, Halle, 1790, from p. 1433. Selected Works: •

Des Ttruwalluwer Gedichte und Denkspriiche. Niimberg, 1803.

P&tzold, Karl Wilhelm, born 16 June 1764 in Werchau, died 4 November 1817 in Vepery. Patzold’s schooling was at the high school

JSrgen Grdschl

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in Bautzen. In 1784 he took up the study of theology at the University of Wittenbeig. In 1791 he took up employment as a private tutor in Potsdam. In anticipation of missionary service he stayed in Halle from April to August 1792 and worked as teacher at the German Girl school of the Halle orphanage. On 30 September 1792 he was ordained missionary in Wemigerode. P&tzold reached Vepery on 14 August 1793, where he began working as a co-worker of Christian Wilhelm Gericke and was primarily in charge of the Tamil congregation. At the beginning of 1802 he went to a private school in Calcutta as the language teacher for Tamil. After Gericke’s death P&tzold returned to Madras in mid-August 1804. There he became the joint head of the mission in Vepery with Johann Peter Rottler, and after the latter’s exit its sole head. Curriculum Vitae: NHB, 41. Chapter, Halle, 1792, pp. 442ff. Stegmann, Ernst Philipp Heinrich, born 17 May 1753 in Kassel, died in Fttnen. Stegmann was given private lessons in Kassel and went to school for three years in Marburg. Later he studied theology in Marburg and Rinteln. After finishing his studies he was employed as a private tutor in Marburg. In preparation for his missionary duties Stegmann worked at the German Girl school from April to May 1795, and from May to August 1795 at the Latin School of the Halle orphanage as teacher. On 13 November 1795 he was ordained missionary in Copenhagen. He arrived in Tranquebar on 13 September 1796 and subsequently stayed with Christian Friedrich Schwartz in Tanjavur for two months for language studies. Stegmann returned to Europe for personal and health reasons in 1798. In 1799 he was recalled to Tranquebar as a preacher in the Danish Zion church, but once again took ill with a nerve ailment. In 1804 he worked as a salesman in Bencoolen und Calcutta, and in 1805 as a portrait painter in Bengal. After his return to Denmark, he became a Pastor in Jutland in 1808 and later in Fiinen. Curriculum Vitae: N H B , 48th Chapter, Halle, 1796, from p. 1121.

Ringeltaube, Wilhelm Tobias, bom 8 August 1770 in Scheidelwitz/ Schlesien, died Autumn 1816 on his way home to Europe. Ringeltaube was taught at home by his father and in 1786 went to the seminary in Oels.

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On 28 April 1789 he enrolled at the University in Halle. After completing his theology studies in 1793 he became a private tutor. In 1796 he applied for the post of missionary in Halle and was ordained on 24 July 1796 with Immanuel Gottfried Holzberg in Wernigerode. He travelled via England to India and reached Calcutta on 28 October 1797, where he strengthened his ties to the Hermhut Brethren. In 1798 he returned to England. There he entered the service of the Church Missionary Society, London. As their employee he was once again sent to India in 1805. After a temporary stay in Tranquebar to learn Tamil he spent his time taking care of and building up the South Indian congregation. Initially he worked in Tirunelveli. In 1809 he became head of the South Indian mission base in Travancore. During his return to Europe he was probably murdered at the Cape of Good Hope. Curriculum Vitae: NHB, 49th Chapter, Halle, 1796, p. 93. Holzberg, Immanuel Gottfried, bom 28 April 1770 in Obemeuendorf, died 1824 in Cuddalore. Holzberg went to the school in Obemeuendorf and Wiegandsthal and from 1786 the high school in Gfirlitz. In 1791 he began studying theology in Leipzig and later took a job as a private tutor. In 1796 he applied for the post of missionary in Halle and was ordained on 24 July 1796 with Wilhelm Tobias Ringeltaube in Wernigerode. Holzberg travelled via England to India, reached Madras on 2 December 1797, and on 2 February 1798 began working in Tanjavur. In 1803 he was transferred to Cuddalore. On 15 February 1813 he was dismissed from the service of the mission by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge due to criticism of his administration. After his reinstallation in 1818 Holzberg worked in Cuddalore till his death. Curriculum Vitae: NHB, 49th Chapter, Halle, 1796, from p. 86. Frtichte nicht, Lambert Christian, bom 1772 in Hohenwestedt, died probably in 1806 in Copenhagen. Frtichtenicht studied theology in Kiel. He applied for the post of missionary in the Danish-Halle Mission and after an examination in Halle on April 1798 was ordained in Copenhagen. On 15 February 1799 he reached Frederiknagor. After a stopover in Madras he travelled to Tranquebar in October 1799. His addiction to alcohol led

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to his suspension from office, and he returned to Copenhagen in 1802, where he tendered his resignation to the Mission Committee. In 1805 he travelled to Philadelphia and there was admitted to a house for the poor after attempting suicide. Declared cured and discharged, he is said to have committed suicide in 1806 in Copenhagen. Horst, Christoph Heinrich, bom 22 May 1761 in Willenburg, died 18 July 1810 in Tanjavur. Horst spent his childhood in Willenburg und Bliestorf, where he received private tutoring. From 1776 to 1779 he went to the Domschule in Ratzeburg. In Gdttingen he studied medicine from 1781 to 1782, then dropped out to finish his military training in Stade in 1783. In 1786 he became Corporal in the N th Kurhanndversche Regiment in Nienburg, prepared to go to East India. On 3 January 1787 he travelled to India and reached Madras at the end of May 1787. At first he worked as an accountant, and later as teacher at a private English school. In 1789 he became the head teacher at the Portuguese school in the monastery in Madras. Despite the fact that he was the lodge master of the Freemasons, Christian Wilhelm Gericke appointed him Lecturer at the mission church and mission assistant in Cuddalore on 22 March 1792. There he even set up an English school. From 1803 to 1806 Horst stayed in Tranquebar, in order to prepare for the missionary activities in Tanjavur. After being ordained on 30 November 1806 by Christian Pohle he became a co-worker of Johann Caspar Kohlhoff in Tanjavur. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 K 5 : 27 (1798); AFSt/M 1 G 13 : 8; NHB, Preface to the 64. Chapter, Halle, 1808, pp. Vllff. Schreyvogel, Daniel, born 16 January 1777 in Lindau, died 16 January 1840 in Pondicherry. Schreyvogel trained as a wool weaver. His tenure as a religious instructor in the mission school of Johann J&nicke (1748-1827) in Berlin in 1800 served as a preparatory ground for his services as a missionary. This was further reinforced by his training with cantor Gotthilf Friedrich Illgen in Rosswein. On 2 September 1803 Schreyvogel held a trial catechism in Copenhagen. In the beginning of November 1803 he travelled to Tranquebar, arriving there on 31 May 1804. He worked in the Portuguese and Tamil congregations and took German classes at the Danish school. In January 1813 he was

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ordained missionary. The royal resolution dated IS May 1825, with which the mission lost its institutional independence and its status as an establishement promoting conversions, prompted Schreyvogel to move to Tiruchirappalli in 1826 into the service of the Society for Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (SPG). On grounds of health he travelled to England in 1834. During his stay in Germany he made an attempt to breathe new life into the mission’s ideology. In 1835 he visited Halle and tried to bring about close collaboration between the SPG and the East India missionary establishment of the Francke Foundations. Curriculum Vitae: NHB, preface to the 57th chapter, Halle, 1801, from p. VI; NHB, 81st chapter, Halle, 1835, from p. 681; NHB, 87th chapter, Halle, 1841, from p. 205. Jacobi, Christlieb Augustin, bom 26 May 1791 in Olbemhau, died 22 February 1814 in Tanjavur. Jacobi was given lessons at home initially, and was admitted to Schulpforta in 1804. In 1809 he started studying theology in Leipzig, and after 4 October 1811 continued his studies in Halle, in order to prepare for his missionary service. On 11 November 1812 he was ordained in Copenhagen and became a Missionary with the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. He travelled via England to India and reached Madras on 5 September 1813. He was assigned as co-worker of the mission base in Tanjavur. Shortly after arriving there he fell ill and died. Curriculum Vitae: NHB, 65th chapter, Halle, 1815, from p. 415. Sperschneider, Johann Georg Philipp, bom 11 February 1794 in Blankenburg. Sperschneider went to the school in Blankenburg at the age of six and, in addition, was also given private lessons. In September 1807 he joined the high school in Rudolstadt. In 1812 he started studying theology und Philology in Leipzig, which he continued in Jena in 1813. From 1815 to 1816 he worked as a private tutor in Zimmerhausen and GroB Plasten. After applying for the position of Missionary of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, he stayed in Halle from April 1817 to May 1818 in order to prepare for his missionary assignment. On 6 May 1818 he was ordained in Halle and travelled via England to

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Madras, arriving there in March 1819. He was assigned as co-worker of Johann Caspar Kohlhoff in Tanjavur. Financial irregularities led to Sperschneider’s dismissal in 1828. He worked as teacher and translator. After the death of Lauritz Peter Haubroe he was asked to carry forward the work of revising the Tamil-Dictionary of Johann Philipp Fabricius. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 C 51 : 2 (1816); NHB, 67th chapter, Halle, 1818, from p. 636. Haubroe, Lauritz Peter, bom on 9 March 1791 in Copenhagen, died 29 December 1830 in Tanjavur. Haubroe studied theology from 1807 to 1811 in Copenhagen. He was ordained in Roskilde on 9 July 1818 with David Rosen and was employed as missionary by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge in London. Haubroe worked in Vepery and Vellore from 1819 to 1827 and in Tanjavur from 1827 to 1830. He supported Johann Peter Rottler with the publication of the Tamil Dictionary. Rosen, David, bom 21 January 1791 in Ebeltoft, died 12 February 1757 in Lille Lindby. After his schooling in Nykgbing, Rosen studied theology from 1811 to 1815 in Copenhagen. On 9 July 1818 he was ordained with Lauritz Peter Haubroe in Roskilde and employed as missionary by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge in London. From 1819 to 1824 he worked in Tiruchirappalli; till 1829 as Immanuel Gottfried Holzberg’s successor in Cuddalore; and till 1830 in Palayamkottai. From 1831 tol834 he supervised, out of Tranquebar, the setting up of a Danish colony in the Nicobar. In 1835, as a missionary with the Society for Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts he was once again posted to Palayamkottai und the district of Tirunelveli. In 1838 he returned to Europe and in 1840 became Pastor in Lille Lindby in the Seeland Foundation. Curriculum Vitae: AFSt/M 1 C 64: 19(1823) Selected Works: •

Erindringerfra mit Ophold paa de Nikobarske 0er. Kopenhagen, 1839.

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Falcke, Ernst August Georg, born 29 November 1784 in Hannover, died 12 December 1824 in Madras. Falcke was taught by private tutors and from 1800 to 1802 visited the high school in Hannover. In 1802 he began studying theology and Law in Gdttingen and Helmstedt. In 1808 he found a position as an Auditor with the Magistrate in Hannover. In 1809 he resumed his studies in Philology and Law in Tubingen. In 1814 he became Advocate in Memmingen and Mindelheim. In 1819 he applied for the post of missionary with the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. In preparation for the missionary assignment, he enrolled at the university of Halle on 13 April 1820. From 31 October 1720 he stayed in London, where he was ordained Deacon on 17 June 1821 and Pastor (Presbyter) on 5 August 1721. On 27 January 1822 he left England, and on 15 June 1822 reached Madras, where he was appointed co-worker of Johann Peter Rottler in Vepery. From July to September 1823 and from April to June 1824 he was in charge of the mission base in Vellore. Curriculum Vitae: NHB, 70th chapter, Halle, 1821, from p. 1034.

THE WIVES OF MISSIONARIES 1715-1838 Erika Pabst Ziegenbalg, Maria Dorothea, nee Salzmann, married Lygaard, bom 1693 [?] in Merseburg, died in Copenhagen. Daughter of Johann Jakob Salzmann, secretary in the Government and his wife Maria Dorothea Salzmann. In the beginning of December 1715 she got married to the missionary from Tranquebar, Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg (1682-1719) in the St. George Church in Glaucha, a suburb of Halle. He happened to be her former tutor, Super-intendent and friend of her brother Johann Gottfried. Just a few days after her wedding she travelled with him to India. On 10 August 1716 they reached Madras and on 2 September 1716 they arrived in Tranquebar. She had three sons from this marriage - Gottlieb Ernst, Johann Christian Leberecht (4 May 1718 - 3 May 1719, buried in the New Jerusalem church graveyard in Tranquebar) and Bartholomaus Leberecht (bom 26 July 1719). In Tranquebar Maria Ziegenbalg struck up a close friendship with Utilia Elisabeth GrQndler, wife of missionary Johann Ernst GrQndler (1677-1720). A year after her husband’s death, Maria Ziegenbalg got remarried in 1720 to the Danish Councillor and representative of the Danish East India Company in Tranquebar, Oluf Lygaard. She returned to Europe soon thereafter with Lygaard and her two sons and and lived with her family in Copenhagen. After the death of Lygard she moved to Flensburg. Her older son Gottlieb Ernst turned to Mathematics after studying Theology in TQbingen and Jena and received a chair for mathematics in Copenhagen. Her younger son Bartholomaus Leberecht was for a few years a Director of the Danish East India Company in Bengal and after 1762 lived as a salesman in Frederiknagor. Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 C 10 : 28 (1717); AFSt/M 1 C 9 : 45 (1716);AFSt/M 1C 9 :49(1716);AFSt/M lC9:50(1716);AFSt/M 1C9: 51 (1716); AFSt/M 1C 9 :67(1716); AFSt/M 1 C 11:62 (1718); AFSt/M 1C 12:9(1719); AFSt/M 1 C9 :41 (1716); ALMW/DHM 10/21:88(1719).

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GrOndler, Utilia Elisabeth, nee Rafe, widow o f Wisberg, widow of Krahe, bom 19 May 1675 in Jutland, died 30 August 1720 in Tranquebar. Daughter of Corfix Rafe, Major in the service of the Danish King Christian V., and his wife Anna Christina Rafe, nee Gerter. U. E. Grtindler spent her childhood in Copenhagen. Her father was killed in 1677 in the siege of Wismar. Her mother died nine years later. After the death of her mother she lived till age nineteen with the family of her uncle, her mother’s brother Petras Heinrich Gerter, Equipagenmeister with the Danish East India Company. On 10 September 1693 in Copenhagen she married the Ship Captain Johann Wisberg and travelled with him to Tranquebar, where she arrived on 13 August 1694. Three years after the death of her first husband (1695) she married the Vice Commandant of Tranquebar Andreas Krahe, a marriage which lasted seveenteen years. After the death of her second husband in 1715 she wanted to return to Europe, but cancelled her plans when she met the Missionary Johann Ernst Grttndler (1677-1720) in Tranquebar. On 4 February 1716 she married Johann Ernst GrOndler, to whom she was sincerely attached till his death. After the arrival of Benjamin Schultze (1689-1760) in Tranquebar in 1719, a friendly relationship began to develop between the two but hurt feelings did not allow a closer relationship to develop even after the death of Grilndler, and eventually their relationship gave way to hatred. Her fourth marriage to the Governor of Tranquebar, Christen Brun Lundegaard, lasted only a few months, for she died soon thereafter. From her first marriage Utilia Elisabeth GrOndler gave birth to a daughter (16941695) during the passage from Copenhagen to Tranquebar. Her second child was born dead in 1695 in Tranquebar. Her later marriages were childless. During her marriage with GrOndler, Utilia Elisabeth was a close friend with Maria Dorothea Ziegenbalg, the wife of Missionary Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg (1682-1719). Curriculam Vitae: AFSt/M 1 C 12 : 21 (1715). Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 B 4 : 68 (1724); AFSt/M 1 C 9 : 74 (1716); AFSt/M 1 C 10:26(1717); AFSt/M 1 C 10: 30(1717); AFSt/M 1 C 11 : 48 (1718); AFSt/M 1 K 5 : 28 (1716). Bosse, [first name and maiden name not known], died 12 November 1768 in Tranquebar. She was married to Martin Bosse (died 1756), who returned to Copenhagen in 1749. She did not follow her alchoholic

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husband to Europe and lived in Tranquebar till her death. There she worked as a babysitter from time to time. Her nationality is not known. Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 B 58 : 10 (1768); ALMW/DHM 8/14:5. Pressier, Catharina see Wiedebrock, Catharina Walther, Anna Christina, nee Brochmann, born 9 February 1713 in Tranquebar, died 25 October 1735 in Tranquebar. Daughter of Senior Executive Officer Burchard Brochmann and his wife Dorothea Brochmann nee Niels. Anna Christina grew up in Tranquebar and was taught by Missionary Johann Ernst GrOndler (1677-1720). On 21 December 1728 she married Christoph Theodosius Walther (1699-1741). In seven years of marriage she gave birth to five children who died very early: the sons Johann Burchart (19 November 1729 - 20 November 1729), Jakob Theodosius (18 April 1731 - 30 December 1731), Christoph Samuel (3 September 1732 - 24 April 1733), Peter Christian (22 April 1734 - 28 July 1738) and daughter Dorothea Christina (17 October 1735 - 9 April 1738). She herself died at age twenty-two, a few days after the birth of her youngest child Dorothea Christina. Curriculam Vitae: AFSt/M 1 B 21 : 12 (1736). Biographical details: AFSt/M 2 E 21:2 (1721); AFSt/M 2 E 21:3 (1740); AFSt/M 1 H lb : 29 (1741); AFSt/M 1 K 5 : 25 (1741). Worm, Johanna Catharina, nee Hall[e], bom 1717 [?], died 21 June 1735 in Tranquebar. Daughter of a Danish Adminstrative Secretary. In 1733 she married Andreas Worm (1704-1735) in Tranquebar. Two years later her daughter Augusta Regina was bom, who lived only 6 months (baptized on 4 April 1735, died 22 September 1735). In 1735 the couple fell prey to a diarrhoea fever and died. Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 B 17 : 15 (1733); AFSt/M 1 B 21 : 2 (1735).

Erika Pabst

1532

Richtsteig, Catharina see Wiedebrock, Catharina. Sartorius, [first name and maiden name not known]. She was married to Johann Anton Sartorius (1704-1738). On 17 August 1729 she gave birth to a son [first name not known]. Biographical details: AFSt/M 2 K 1 : 3 (1734). Obuch, Anna see Zeglin, Anna. Wiedebrock, Catharina, nee Gad, widow of Richtsteig, widow of Pressier, died 6 September 1745 in Tranquebar. Daughter of a Dane Gad, translator with the Asiatic Company in Tranquebar. Catharina probably spent her childhood in Tranquebar. On 26 September 1731 she married Samuel Gottlieb Richtsteig (1700-1735). Her second marriage was with Christian Friedrich Pressier (1697-1738). Two years after his death on 27 January 1740 she married Johann Christian Wiedebrock (1713-1767). Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 B 9 : 27 (1737); AFSt/M 1 B 9 : 13 (1731); ALMW/DHM 2/2b : 5 (1734); ALMW/DHM 2/2b : 43 (1736); ALMW/DHM 7/13: 15(1736). Kohlhoff, Margaretha Wilhelmina, nee Wiger, bom June 1724 in Tranquebar, died 18 November 1751 in Tranquebar, buried in Tranquebar. Daughter of a pharmacist in the Danish East India Company. On 15 January 1741 she married Johann Balthasar Kohlhoff (1711-1790). From this first marriage Kohlhoff had a daughter Anna Regina (1 November 1745 - 27 November 1765), who married the schoolmaster of the Danish ZionSchool, Christian Just Smedt, on 1 November 1763 in Tranquebar. Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 B 28 : 33(1740); AFSt/M 1 B 41 : 13 (1751); AFSt/M 2 D 42 : lb (1765); ALMW/DHM 8/14:2(1752). Kohlhoff, Pernille, nee Thors, bom 20 December 1727 in Bergen, died 19 April 1807 in Tanjavur. Pernille arrived in Tranquebar on 15 June 1760 and married Johann Balthasar Kohlhoff (1711-1790) on 21 July 1760. From his second marriage Kohlhoff had three sons Johann Caspar (23 May 1762-1844), who became a Missionary in Tanjavur in 1787, Elias Eobanus (16 June 1764 - 4 April 1767), Daniel Friedrich

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(born 5 June 1766), Christian Daniel (1785) and one daughter Dorothea Elisabeth (19 December 1768 - 5 June 1794) who was married to Claus Ankersen Borgen, Financier in Tranquebar, till she died. Pemille Kohlhoff spent the last years of her life with her son Johann Caspar in Tanjavur. Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 B 50 : 7 (1760); AFSt/M 1 C 31a : 18 (1790); AFSt/M 2 D 44 : la (1767); ALMW/DHM 8/14 : 13 (1758); ALMW/DHM 8/14 : 15 (1759). Kiernander, Gratia, nee Sanders, bom in Cuddalore, died 8 July 1749 in Cuddalore. Daughter of the head constable [Artillery Officer] George Sanders. On 2 June 1744 she married Johann Zacharias Kiernander (1710-1799) in Cuddalore. From this marriage were bom her daughters Grace (3 May 1745 -11 January 1749), Maria Catharina (1748-1749) and another daughter (died 1749) as well a son Isaac Adolph (7 July 1749-7 October 1753), during whose birth she died. Biographical details: AFSt/M 2 K 12 : 30 (1745); AFSt/M 2 K 12 : 41 (1746); AFSt/M 2 K 13:17 (1750); AFSt/M 2 K 13 :19 (1749); AFSt/M 2 K 13 : 34 (1749). Kiernander, Wendela, nee Fischer, bom in Cuddalore [?], died 1761 in Cuddalore. Daughter of Squire [Artillery Officer] Fischer who was working for the English. On 15 August 1750 she married the widower Johann Zacharias Kiernander (1710-1799) in Cuddalore. For Kiernander it was his second marriage. From this marriage she had a son Robert William (November 1758-1791), who went to the Padagogium and the Latin School at the orphanage in Halle from 1766 to 1770. Biographical details: AFSt/M 2 K 13 : 15 (1750). Kiernander, Ann, nee Gunvey, widow of Wooley, bom 8 April 1730 in Visakhapatnam, died 9 June [or 3 June] 1773 in Calcutta. Daughter of the English Artillery Commandant John Gunvey. She spent her childhood in Visakhapatnam. Her first marriage was to the English ship captain Thomas Wooley. After his death she got married again on 10 February 1762 to Johann Zacharias Kiernander (1710-1799). It was Kiernander’s third marriage. For quite some time after her marriage both

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Robert William, Kiemander’s son from his second marriage, and Andreas Moos [Mohs], his foster son and the son of an executed Sergeant and deserter from the Danish East India Company, lived with them. Along with Kiemander’s son Robert William, Andreas Moos joined the Padagogium at the Halle orphanage in 1766. It is said that thanks to her assets her second husband Johann Zacharias Kiemander could build the Mission church, the school and the Mission house in Calcutta. Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 B 63 : 3 (1773); AFSt/M 1 B 63 : 29 (1773); AFSt/M 1 B 64 : 21 (1775); AFSt/M 1 B 74 : 51 (1783). Zeglin, Anna, nee Cramer, widow of Obuch, bora in 1716 in Sonderburg, died 22 April 1786 in Tranquebar. Daughter of a salesman in Semderborg on the island of Alsen. Anna came to Tranquebar after the death of her father in 1738 at her uncle’s behest. On 14 March 1740 she married Gottfried Wilhelm Obuch (1707-1745). Two years after his death on 1 March 1747 she married Daniel Zeglin (1716-1780). She had three children from her marriage with Gottfried Wilhelm Obuch - Matthias Peter Obuch (died 1745 ?), Gotthilf Friedrich Obuch and Anna Dorothea Obuch, who later married the missionary Jakob Klein (1721-1790). Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 B 28 : 5 (1740); AFSt/M 1 B 31 : 7 (1742); AFSt/M 1 B 36 : 15 (1747). Maderup, Engel Maria, nee GroB, bom 10 November [?] 1717, died 22 December 1749 in Tranquebar. She got married on 17 November 1741 in Copenhagen to Oluf Maderup (1711-1776). For O. Maderup it was also the day of his ordination as a missionary. Along with her husband she travelled to India and arrived in Tranquebar on 1 July 1742. In the eight years of her marriage she gave birth to 3 sons: Andreas (30 August 1742-30 May 1743), Andreas (23 December 1744-15 May 1745) and Eric (I October 1746 - 4 January 1750), and one daughter Maria Catharina, bom on 17 December 1749. The daughter died two days after her birth on 19 December 1749. The mother survived her by just a few days. Engel Maria Maderup was buried along with her daughter Maria Catharina in the New Jerusalem Church graveyard in Tranquebar. Biographical details: AFSt/M 2 D 26 : 1 (1749); AFSt/M 2 D 19 : 3 (1742); AFSt/M 2 D 19 : 4 (1742); AFSt/M 2 D 19 : 6 (1742).

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Maderup, Anna Birgitta, widow of Cramer, died 9 January 1766 in Tranquebar, buried on 11 January 1766. Eight years after the death of her first husband, the Customs Inspector JOrgen Cramer, she married the widower Oluf Maderup (1711-1776) on 1.2.1750 in Tranquebar. For Maderup it was his second marriage. Anna Birgitta Maderup was the sister-in-law of Hans Ernst Bonsack, Governor of Tranquebar in the years 1744 to 1754. Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 B 56 : 14 (1766); AFSt/M 2 D 43 : la (1766); ALMW/DHM 8/14 : 2 (1752); ALMW/DHM 11/23 : 24 (1750). Maderup, Dinameda, nee Koch, widow of Bluesner, bom 1723 [?], died April 1793. In 1767 she married the widower Oluf Maderup (17111776) in Tranquebar. For Maderup it was his third marriage. Klein, Anna Dorothea, nee Obuch, bom in Tranquebar, died Easter 1789 in Tranquebar. Daughter of the missionary Gottfried Wilhelm Obuch (1707-1745) and his wife Anna Obuch, nee Cramer. After the death of her father and the remarriage of her mother, she grew up in the house of her stepfather, the Missionary Daniel Zeglin (1716-1780). Till the remarriage of her mother, Missionary Johann Balthasar Kohlhoff (1711-1790) was appointed as her guardian. On 5 March 1761 she married Jakob Klein (1721-1790). Seven months after her marriage she took into her family Johanna Dorothea Hagemeister (bom 1760), the young daughter of the salesman Carl Ludwig Hagemeister, who had died in Madras, and took care of her till she left for Germany in 1767. From her marriage with Jakob Klein she had two sons: Christian Daniel (bom 3 December 1768), who was brought up by the Missionary Christian Friedrich Schwartz in Tanjavur and was then a schoolmaster in Tanjavur and Tranquebar, and Johann Gottfried (died 1821), who was brought up by his aunt in Elbing and studied medicine at the University of Halle and later returned to Tranquebar as a missionary doctor. A.D.Klein died as a result of a staircase fall. Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 B 51 : 6 (1761); AFSt/M 1 B 51 : 9 (1762); AFSt/M 1 B51 : 11 (1761).

1536

Erika Pabst

Breithaupt, Elisabeth, nee Schrdder, widow ofZwanziger, died 18 November 1763 in Madras. Her first marriage was with Johann Caspar Zwanziger, who belonged to Uhlfeld and was employed in Machilipatnam under the name of Gottlieb Christian Meyer and was working as an Accountant in the service of the English East India Company. After his death in 1749 she married Johann Christian Breithaupt (1719-1782) on 12 August 1753. From her marriage with him she bore a son Christoph (11 January 1761-10 June 1822), salesman in Madras, and a daughter Susanna Jacoba (27 April 1757 - 24 November 1777), who later married Johann Friedrich K&nig (1741-1795). Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 B 53 : 24 (1764); AFSt/M 2 J 9 : 9 (1755). Hfittemann, Elisabeth, nee Evans, died 22 September 1773 in Cuddalore. In 1751 she married Georg Heinrich Conrad Hiittemann (17281781). From this marriage were bom her sons Christian Friedrich (on 5 April 1755), Johann Heinrich (died 27 January 1787), Carl, Samuel and Andreas, her daughters Gracy Dorothea (1756 - 19 October 1768), Anna Sophia, who later married the missionary Christian Wilhelm Gericke (1743-1803), and nine other children. Christian Friedrich Hiittemann was brought up at the orphanage at Halle and later went to the school in Minden with his uncle Christian Friedrich Hiittemann as his guardian. The sons Carl, Samuel and Andreas were educated in England. Gracy Dorothea and two other daughters fell ill in 1768 with Blattem. The three died on 14,18 and 19 October of the same year as a result of the illness. Five years later Elisabeth Hiittemann died after the birth of her sixteenth child. The first husband of Elisabeth Hiittemann’s mother, Margaretha Evans, widow of Beck, was the schoolmaster from Cuddalore, Johann Beck. Her son from this marriage, Georg William Beck (bom 1729), the half brother of Elisabeth Hiittemann and the brother-in-law of G. H. C. Hiittemann, was put in the Halle orphanage in 1740, then brought up by his grandparents in Germany and later went on to study at the University in Halle. Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 B 41 : 52 (1751); AFSt/M 2 L 14; AFSt/M 1 D 13 : 53 (1774); AFSt/M 3 E 9 : 13 (1774); AFSt/M 2 K 1 :3 (1734).

The Wives o f Missionaries

1537

HQttemann, Francoise, nee de la Croix, widow of de Marchis, bora 1728 in Amsterdam. After the death of her first husband, the Dutch Captain de Marchis, she married the widower Georg Heinrich Conrad HQttemann (1728-1781) on 16 February 1776. From this marriage she had a son Ernst Georg Friedrich, who was brought up in the Halle orphanage. Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 B 66 : 34 (1776). Gericke, Anna Sophia, nee HQttemann, bom in Cuddalore. Daughter of the missionary Georg Heinrich Conrad HQttemann (1728-1789) and his wife Elisabeth HQttemann, nee Evans. On 31 July 1769 she married Christian Wilhelm Gericke (1743-1803). From this marriage she had a son Georg Friedrich (died at age 30) and a daughter Dorothea Sophia (died at age 20). Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 B 58 : 26 ( 1768); AFSt/M 1 B 61 : 30 (1770); AFSt/M 1 H 9 : 68 (1802). Kttnig, Susanna Jacobs, nee Breithaupt, bom 27 April 1757 in Vepery, died 24 November 1777 in Tranquebar. Daughter of missionary Johann Christian Breithaupt (1719-1782) and his wife Elisabeth Breithaupt, nee Schr&der. On 26 September 1773 she married Johann Friedrich K6nig (1741 -1795). Curriculam Vitae: AFSt/M 1 B 67 : 15 (1778). Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 B 67 : 13 (1778); AFSt/M 1 B 67 : 17 (1777); AFSt/M 1 B 67 : 18 (1778); AFSt/M 1 B 70 : 25 (1780). K&nig, Helena, nee Aalholm, bom 1743 in Arendal (Norway), died 6 June 1793 in Tranquebar. She came to India in 1779 and on 27 October 1779 married the widower Johann Friedrich Kdnig (1741 -1795) in Tranquebar. Biographical details:AFSt/M 1 C 34c : 50 (1793); ALMW/DHM 11/23 : 25 (1779). John, Christiana Sophia, nee Guldberg. Daughter of an Officer in the service of the Danish East India Company in Tranquebar. In 1777

1538

Erika Pabst

she married Christoph Samuel John (1746-1813). From this marriage were bom her sons Ernst Christian (29 August 1779 - 8 May 1782), Gottlieb Friedrich (christened on 10 October 1781), Ernst Gottlieb (1785 - 15 September or November 1787) and August (bom October 1787), who stayed in Europe from 1804 to 1805 and after his return worked as an unpaid trainee in the secretariat of the Government in Tranquebar arbeitete; she also bore two daughters Juliana Susanna (1777 - 8 February 1782) and Johanna Catharina (bom 1790). Together with her husband she ran a boarding school in Tranquebar for European children. Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 B 68 : 18 (1777); AFSt/M 1 B 69 : 24 (1778); AFSt/M 1 C 30c : 2. Diemer, Mary, nee Weston, bom in Calcutta, died 1782 or 1783 in Calcutta. Daughter of the Portuguese salesman Carl Weston, she married Johann Christmann Diemer (1745-1792). From this marriage was bom her son John James (bom around 1776, died end of 1784/beginning of 1785 on the voyage from Calcutta to London via Tranquebar). Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 B 66 : 17 (1776); AFSt/M 1 B 66 : 37 (1775); AFSt/M 1 B 66:48 (1776); AFSt/M 1 B 66:70(1767); AFSt/M 1 B 69 : 54 (1779); AFSt/M 1 B 74 : 59 (1782). Diemer, [first name and maiden name not known]. At the end of 1788 or beginning of 1789 she married the widower Johann Christmann Diemer (1745-1792) in London. In her company Diemer travelled back to Calcutta. From this marriage she had a son [first name not known]. After the death of her husband in 1792 she returned to England with her young son. The return trip was financed by Carl Weston, father of J. Ch. Diemer’s deceased first wife. Rottler, [first name and maiden name not known], widow of Kraus. In 1788 she married the widower Johann Peter Rottler (1749-1836) from Granganor (Ceylon). Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 C 30c : 14 (1788).

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1539

Pohle, Marianna, nee Vincent, bom in Madras. Daughter of the watch-maker Michael Vincent. On 26 April 1795 she married Christian Pohle (1744-1818) in Cuddalore. After the death of her husband she took over his official duties till the arrival of a new Missionary in Tiruchirapalli. Her sister Maria Magdalena married the missionary Christoph Heinrich Horst (1761-1810) in 1790. Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 C 34c : 65 (1795); AFSt/M 1 C 53 : 123 (1818). Kohlhoff, Christina Magdalena, nee Horst, bom 19 August 1793 in Cuddalore. Daughter of the Missionary Christoph Heinrich Horst (1761-1810) and his wife Maria Magdalena Horst, nee Vincent. She was married to Johann Caspar Kohlhoff (1762-1844), the son of the Missionary Johann Balthasar Kohlhoff (1711-1790) and his second wife Pemille Kohlhoff, nee Thors. Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 G 15 : 12 (1832). Cfimmerer, Clara Augusta, nee Koch, buried on 7 February 1797 in Tranquebar. On 27 July 1792 she married August Friedrich CSmmerer (1767-1837) in Tranquebar. From this first marriage, CSmmerer had a daughter Clara Augusta (bom 21 December 1793), who married doctor A.Ford in 1839 in Madras. Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 G 12 : 14 (1839). Cimmerer, Dorothea Augusta, bom Martini, daughter ofthe Mission’s doctor Johann David Martini. On 12 August 1805 she married the widower August Friedrich C&mmerer (1767-1837). In the course of her marriage to A. F. CSmmerer she bore five children, ofwhom only three survived: presumably her sons August Friedrich, Johann and Wilhelm. August Friedrich, the oldest son was later (in 1837) working as a missionary with the Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts in Madras. Johann, along with his brother Wilhelm, was brought up in the Halle orphanage. The two studied in Germany: Johann studied Theology in Halle and Wilhelm medicine in Jena. Johann worked for a short while in the Norddeutschen Missionsgesellschaft in Germany, returned to India in 1844, and tried to take up a missionary assignment in Madras in the following years.

1540

Erika Pabst

Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 C 53 : 41 (1818); AFSt/M 1 C 53 : 42 (1818); AFSt/M 1G 12:3 (1837); AFSt/M 1 G 12 : 16 (1839); AFSt/M 1 G 12: 17(1839). Cftmmerer, Dorothea Sophie, nee Martini, died 8.5.1874 in Tranquebar. Daughter of the missionary doctor Johann David Martini and sister of Dorothea Augusta Cammerer, nee Martini. Married August Friedrich Cammerer (1767-1837). From her marriage to A.F.Cammerer was bom her daughter Sophie Friederike (20 September 1826 - 27 December 1847), who later married Heinrich Cordes (1813-1892), the Missionary of the Dresden Missionsgesellschaft in Tranquebar. After Cammerer’s death, she selflessly looked after all her dead husband’s children well into her old age. The missionary’s oldest son, August Friedrich Cammerer, made provision for regular payment of widow’s pension to his stepmother and supported her efforts to finance the education of his two brothers Johann und Wilhelm in Germany. Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 G 12 : 52 (1842); AFSt/M 1 G 12 : 62 (1842). P&zold, Wilhelmine Johanna Henriette, nee Gebhard. Daughter of a tobacco inspector from Berlin, on 19 November 1792 she married Karl Wilhelm Pazold (1764-1817) in London. This was Pazold’s second marriage. Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 C 33c : 38 (1792). PSzold, Elisabeth, nee Shimerman. In 1812 she married Karl Wilhelm Pazold (1764-1817) in Madras. Biographical details: ALMW/DHM 12/26a : 27 ( 1812). Stegmann, nee Chemnitz, bom in Copenhagen[?]. She was the oldest daughter of the priest and natural scientist Johann Hieronymus Chemnitz. In 1796 she married Ernst Philipp Heinrich Stegmann in Copenhagen (bom 1773) and travelled with him to India. Soon after arriving in Tranquebar on 13 September 1796 their marriage broke up. In 1798 they both returned to Germany and got divorced.

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1541

Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 C 38a : 6 (1797); AFSt/M 1 K 12 : 59 (1795); AFSt/M 1 K 12 : 67 (1796). Horst, Maria Magdalena, nee Vincent, widow of Crispin, bom 1772 in Pondicherry. Daughter of the watch-maker Michael Vincent, on 19 April 1790 after the death of her first husband Crispin the jeweller, she married Christoph Heinrich Horst (1761-1810) in Madras. She had six daughters from this marriage: Anna Sophia (29 April 1791- March 1792), Christina Magdalena (bom 19 August 1793), who later married the Missionary Johann Caspar Kohlhoff (1762-1844), Beata Theodosia (bom 2 August 1798), Sophia Eusebia (8 April 1800-1 December 1836), Johanna Coelestina (bora 27 December 1802) und Hedwig Dorothea (bom 30 November 1807). Her sister Marianna married the Missionary Christian Pohle (1744-1818) in 1795. Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 G 15 : 12 (1832); AFSt/M 1 G 18 : 1 (1842); AFSt/M 1 G 18 : 6 (1835). Schreyvogel, Charlotte, nee Lloyd, bom 1793[?], died 17 September 1819 in Tranquebar. On 16 April 1812 she married the Missionary Daniel Schreyvogel (1777-1840) in Tranquebar. She had a daughter Charlotte Mathilda Eliza (christened on 29 December 1816) and a son Daniel Henry (baptized in August 1817) from this marriage. Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 C 53 : 1; AFSt/M 1 C 56 : 12. Sperschneider, [first name not known], nee Kohlhoff. Daughter of Christian Daniel Kohlhoff, who was son of Missionary Johann Balthasar Kohlhoff (1711-1790) and his wife Pernille Kohlhoff, nee Thors, and brother of Missionary Johann Caspar Kohlhoff (1762-1844). She married Johann Georg Philipp Sperschneider (bom 1794). Rosen, Elisabeth, nee Halse, bom in Tranquebar. Daughter of an officer of the Danish Court. On 21 January 1823 she married the missionary David Rosen (1791-1857). Biographical details: AFSt/M 1 C 53 : 75 (1819); AFSt/M 1 C 53 : 76 (1819); AFSt/M 1 C 64 : 19 (1823).

INDIAN PASTORS 1733-1817' Heike Liebau Aaron (1698/9-1745) Ordination: 28 December 1733 Aaron was bom in the English colony of Fort St. David (Cuddalore) into the family of a Vellalar merchant. He was brought up and educated in a strict Shaivite tradition. Against his father’s will he attended the school set up in Cuddalore in 1717 by the SPCK with the help of the Danish-Halle missionaries. His teacher there was Schawrimuttu who had been trained in Tranquebar and who had been given leave of absence from Tranquebar in order to teach in Cuddalore. Aaron’s contact with the Tranquebar missionaries was established through Schawrimuttu, who also gave this future pastor a first insight into Christianity. When Aaron’s family had to leave Cuddalore on account of business losses and due to differences of opinion between his father and the local English authorities, Aaron went off on his own to the missionaries in Tranquebar and requested them to instruct him in the Christian religion. In 1718 he was baptized as Aaron by Ziegenbalg. He first became a teacher, and in 1719 he was made an assistant catechist in the congregation of the New Jerusalem church. In this function he regularly accompanied the Tranquebar missionaries on their journeys. In 1729 he became a catechist and began to train assistants and also to travel to surrounding places. Aaron was ordained on 28 December 1733 as the first Indian pastor in the Tranquebar mission, when he was 35 years old. He died on 25 July 1745 in Tranquebar and was buried in the Old Jerusalem church. Most of the members of Aaron’s family remained Hindus. His father died in 1732 as a Hindu. His mother converted to Christianity on 9 April 1734 and, following this, other relatives of Aaron also converted. His mother died on 6 June 1738. Aaron married thrice. His first wife, Rahel, 1For reasons of authenticity the spellings of Tamilian names have been retained as they appear most commonly in the sources.

Heike Liebau

1544

was a Christian of the Tranquebar congregation, daughter of a Tamilian who had converted from Hinduism. They had four children. After Rahel died in childbirth on 29 November 1731, Aaron married again in 1732 on the advice of the missionaries. His second wife, Ananday, was from a poor family and the daughter of a widow. Aaron had two more children with her. Ananday died on 18 May 1737. Aaron then married the daughter of the mission assistant Muttunayakkan. His children remained linked with the mission in different ways. One of his daughters got engaged on 1 June 1745 to Thomas, a son of the pastor Diogo. One of Aaron’s sons, Gurupadam, worked with the mission in Madras. Sokkanaden, another son, was a schoolmaster in Tranquebar (1755) and was appointed assistant in 1763. Sadanaden was an assistant in the city congregation.

Diogo (17047-1781) Ordination: 28 December 1741 Diogo was bom around 1704 in a Catholic family that had originally been of a high caste. In 1713 his mother converted to the Lutheran faith along with four children, Diogo being one of them . Diogo attended the mission school in Tranquebar and later taught there. Apart from Tamil he spoke good Portuguese. In April 1729 he was appointed catechist in the Tranquebar city congregation and from then on he constantly undertook journeys that took him to the Christians in the rural districts. In 1731 he went to Ramanathapuram as the first representative of the Tranquebar mission. He was sent on several journeys to the interior parts of the country in order to also win over local candidates for the post of catechist. From 1736 onwards Diogo was prepared for his ordination and for the post of a priest; on 28 December 1741 he was ordained and appointed pastor for the outlying districts of the village congregation. He died in October 1781 after having served the mission for more than 40 years. Diogo married four times; one of his wives was related to the pastor Rajappen. He had several children of whom some remained in the service of the mission after having completed their education. His son, Thomas, was sent as a teacher to Cuddalore in 1743. Nianapirasadam became the second city-catechist in Tranquebar in 1772.

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1545

Ambrosius (1711/137-1777) Ordination: 9 April 1749 Ambrosius was bom in 1713 into a Catholic family which turned Protestant in 1717. Around 1720 he worked in the paper mill run by the mission in Porayar, where he also attended school. He then went on to become an apprentice with a weaver. However, he cut short his apprenticeship and tried his hand at seamanship which had been the family tradition. He took part in a journey to Colombo, after which he returned to the paper-mill and to the mission school. Among other things, Ambrosius learned German and Portuguese. When one of the school teachers died, Walther appointed him as an assistant in the mission school. In 1740 he was sent to Cuddalore as a catechist where he also continued his career as a teacher under the supervision of Johann Ernst Geister. When Aaron died in 1745 Ambrosius was proposed as his successor. With the permission of the Mission Board in Copenhagen and the SPCK in London Ambrosius was called back to Tranquebar, where he was prepared for his ordination and for the office of a priest. At this point of time he had a family of five children. Ambrosius was ordained during Easter of 1749 and appointed pastor in Mayuram (Mayavaram) district. In his last years he suffered from a disease of the lungs. He died on 8 February 1777. Phillpp/Pulleimuttu (1731/1743?-1788) Ordination: 28 December 1772 Philipp was bom around 1731 near Nagapattinam in a Vellalar family. His original name was Pulleimuttu. After the early death of his father, his mother raised the children on her own. At the age of ten Philipp was captured by unknown slave-traders and abducted to the house of the Danish Commandant in Tranquebar. His mother fought to have him set free and demonstrated her gratitude for her son’s freedom by not only converting to Christianity herself, but by sending her son and a daughter in 1741 to the Tamil mission school in Tranquebar. Johann Balthasar Kohlhoff was their first teacher there. Philipp later worked as a household help with Jacob Klein. In May 1751 he became a teacher, and in October 1757 he was appointed a city catechist in place of the late Muttunayakkan. He was ordained as pastor on 28 December 1772. In this function he had to travel a lot and was often accompanied by the assistant Schawrimuttu. On various occasions he also had to fulfill the role of a prison clergyman. Philipp died on 4 February 1788.

Heike Liebau

1546

Rajappen (1742-1796/7) Ordination: 7 May 1778 Rajappen was born in 1742 as the son of Christian parents. The family was originally of the Vellalar caste. His grandfather had also converted to Christianity and had worked as a catechist. Rajappen grew up with him. In 1750 his grandfather enrolled him in the mission school. After the death of his father and grandfather Rajappen was first employed in the mission printing press and later appointed schoolmaster in Tranquebar. In 1769 the missionaries transferred him as schoolmaster and catechist to Tanjavur where he took up the position vacated by the assistant Dewanesen. In October 1777 Rajappen was recalled to Tranquebar, where he was appointed catechist He was ordained on 7 May 1778 and was later transferred to Tanjavur again. In 1784 Schwartz sent him to Palayankottai with his son (in law?) Njanapiragasam to support the converted Brahmin woman Clarinda. When the pastor Philipp died in 1788, Rajappen was recalled to Tranquebar from Tanjavur to continue Philipp’s work in the schools and the church there. From time to time he travelled from Tranquebar to Palayankottai (for example, in spring 1789). He probably spent his last years in Poraiyar, where he died in 1796. During his term of office Rajappen developed a strong interest in questions of medicine, and combined missionary work with medical work. Sattianaden (Karpagam Sathiyanathan) (1750-1815) Ordination: 26 December 1790 Sattianaden came from a high-caste Hindu family. As a young man he was taken by a mission assistant to Christian Friedrich Schwartz in Tiruchirappalli, where the missionary baptized him Sattianaden. Although his mother too became a Christian, his wife and mother-in-law were unwilling to do so. In his first years with the mission Sattianaden worked as a porter for Schwartz. Around 1770 he was appointed an assistant. After the Raja of Tanjavur had been deposed by the English and the Nawab, Sattianaden and Rajappen travelled in 1774/75 in the region of Tanjavur and kept the missionaries informed about political developments. On this basis Sattianaden accompanied the missionary Ch. F. Schwartz in 1799 to Srirangapatnam/Seringapatnam for negotiations with Hyder Ali. In the 1780s Sattianaden was a catechist with Ch. F. Schwartz in the English mission in Tanjavur. In 1784, after the end of the English-Mysore war, Schwartz sent him to Palayankottai

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1547

to help the converted Brahmin woman, Clarinda, who was working for the mission. The catechist was ordained by Schwartz on 26 December 1790 and was appointed pastor in the southern regions of the mission, where he worked under Joseph Daniel J&nicke from 1791 onwards and where he continued the work after J&nicke’s death. Sattianaden remained there till about 1804/05 and then returned to Tanjavur on account of differences of opinion with the local assistant and catechists. He probably died in 1815.

Abraham Ordination: 17 March 1811 Abraham was ordained on 17 March 1811 by Christian Pohle and appointed pastor in Palayankottai. He could not stay there for reasons of health and returned to Tanjavur in 1812. Around 1822/23 he worked again in Tirunelveli/Palayankottai. At this point of time there was no European missionary working there. He received his pay from the interest from the estate of Christian Friedrich Schwartz. Njanapiragasam (Njanapragasam or Gnanapiragasam) (1758-?) Ordination: 17 March 1811 Njanapiragasam came from a Chetty family near Tillaiyadi He attended the mission school in Tranquebar, but even as a child he had to contribute to the family income. After an illness he began to work in the paper mill run by the mission and, at the same time, he went to school and also worked in a missionary household. Njanapiragasam was supervised by Christoph Samuel John who taught him German and instructed him in the work of the mission. He was so successful in learning German that he could translate Biblical texts from German into Tamil. In 1772 he began to accompany Rajappen on his travels. The pastor Philipp and the catechist Rajappen suggested in 1774 that he be transferred to Tanjavur to take the place of the schoolmaster Gurupadam. While he was a teacher in Tanjavur he lived in Rajappen’s house. Along with his work in the school he was also responsible for looking after the poor-house in Tanjavur. In 1784 Schwartz sent him to Palayankottai along with Rajappen to help the converted Brahmin widow Clarinda. In 1788 he went to Vellore for five months and subsequently worked again in Tanjavur as an assistant. In 1789 he became a catechist. After working for some years in Velur and Vepery, Njanapiragasam was sent

Heike Liebau

1548

by Gericke in 1792 to look after the Tamil congregation in Nagapattinam in place of the late Sandappen. He worked there for some years. On 17 March 1811 Christian Pohle ordained him in Tanjavur. Around 1820 he worked under J. C. Kohlhoff and Johann Georg Philipp Sperschneider in Tanjavur. His brother was the well-known Christian David (1771 -1852) who worked in Ceylon. Rajappen was his father (in-law?). Adeikalam (Adeikkalam) Ordination: 17 March 1811 Around 1795 Adeikalam was a catechist and schoolmaster in the English school in Kumbakonam. At this point of time the school had twelve adult pupils, mainly from Brahmin families, some of whom were married. Around 1799 he was a catechist in Manapar. Around 1805 he worked under Kohlhoff. After being ordained by Christian Pohle on 17 March 1811, he was appointed pastor in Tanjavur where, in 1819, he continued to work under Kohlhoff and Sperschneider. Adeikalam’s family consisted of five persons. Wedanayagam (Vadanayakam) (roughly 1812) Ordination 17 March 1811 Wedanayagam was ordained along with Adeikalam on 17 March 1811 by Christian Pohle in Tanjavur. There is no further information about him and his family in the mission reports. There is only an announcement of his death in a brief report about the years 1812-1814. It says that he died of a fever he had contracted in Palayankottai. Schawrirajen (roughly 1755-1817) Ordination: 1811? Schawrirajen had studied under Christoph Samuel John in the mission school in Tranquebar and, throughout his life, he considered the missionary to be his ideal and his authority. In 1774 he was appointed as a co-worker in the mission and in 1776 as a teacher in Tranquebar. Later, however, he was suspended as a teacher for a breach of discipline. After this he worked for some months with Johann Peter Rottler before getting a job as a teacher again. Schawrirajen knew good German and, among other things, he taught Johann Caspar Kohlhoff’s son German. To get practise in the language he carried on a correspondence in

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1549

German with John. In 1782 Jacob Klein took him along on a journey to Colombo. Subsequently, Schawrirajen became a writer for the mission. For nine months he worked as a city catechist with Schwartz in Tanjavur. However, since he and his family were not able to adapt to the place, Schawrirajen returned to Tranquebar as a teacher where, from the 1790s onwards, he worked as a city catechist. His son-in-law, the catechist Njanamalei, sometimes accompanied him on his travels. He married around 1775; in 1785 he had a daughter, one son died soon after birth. His mother was the older sister of the catechist of the city church in Tranquebar, Arulappen (died 1795). Schawrirajen died in February 1817. Pakkianaden Ordination: 1817 Pakkianaden was a catechist under Johann Caspar Kohlhoff in Tanjavur. At his request he was ordained there in June 1817 by Christian Pohle. Wisuwasanadan / Wisuwasi Ordination: 1817 Wisuwasinaden was a catechist under J. C. Kohlhoff in Tanjavur and was ordained at his request by Pohle. Around 1822 he worked for the SPCK in Tirunelveli and lived in the village of Nazareth. It is unclear whether Wisuwasinaden and Wisuwasi refer to the same person. The latter, a former assistant and schoolmaster, appears in the Mission Reports from the 1770s. He was an untouchable who was educated in the mission school in Tranquebar, then became a teacher in Kuttannalur and from 1774/75 was an assistant in Ramanathapuram. In the 1790s Rottler wrote about an assistant called Wisuwasi who collected snails and shells in Rameswaram for Rottler. Nallatambi Ordained: 1817 Nallatambi was ordained in 1817 along with Wisuwasinaden and Pakkianaden by Christian Pohle.

THE DIRECTORS OF THE FRANCKE FOUNDATIONS 1698-1851 Jfirgen GrOschl Francke, August Hermann, bom 22 March 1663 in LUbeck, died 8 June 1727 in Halle. Francke received his education mainly from private teachers. He attended high school for one year in Gotha, where his father was the Privy Councillor and the Councillor for Justice for Ernst I of Sachsen-Gotha (1601-1675) from 1666. In 1679 he enrolled himself as a student in the University of Erfurt. From autumn 1679 till the spring of 1682 he continued his studies in Kiel. In 1684 he studied Hebrew in Hamburg and Gotha and then went to Leipzig as a tutor to a student of Theology. He received his Master’s degree in 1685 and began to deliver lectures. In 1686 he set up the Collegium Philobiblicum together with the theologian Paul Anton (1661-1730). During a stay in Lttneburg in 1687 he experienced a religious conversion, which led him to Pietism. Subsequently, he stayed in the house of Philipp Jakob Spener (16351705) in Dresden. Francke resumed his teaching duties in Leipzig only in the spring of 1689. In August of the same year, however, the faculty prohibited him from delivering lectures because it feared the rise of a Pietistic movement. In 1690 he was appointed deacon in the Augustin church in Erfurt. Here too, he taught and preached in accordance with Spener’s teachings. His efforts for a parish reform led to a conflict with the city clergy at the end of 1690, which resulted in his being expelled from Erfurt in 1691. Frederick III, Elector of Brandenburg, appointed him professor of Greek and Hebrew in the newly established Friedrichs University in Halle in 1691. In 1692 Francke also took up the post of a parson in the Georg church in Glaucha, a place marked by social degeneration at the gates of Halle. It was here that Francke set up an orphanage and several schools in 1695. In 1698 he was appointed Professor of Theology at the University of Halle. The first Electoral privilege for the Orphan-House was issued in the same year. This privilege is the founding charter of the Glaucha institutions, later

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Jiirgert Grdschl

known as the Francke Foundations. From these beginnings there arose, in the course of the following decades, an extensive ‘school-town’ with schools for children of all social classes. With a concept based on “piety and Christian intelligence,” in which he incorporated the new ideas of reform pedagogy, Francke aimed at a social reform based on Christian teachings. The schools soon gained international renown and attracted many pupils from different parts of Europe. In 1715 Francke became the parson of the St. Ulrich church in Halle. The expansion of the Glaucha institutions continued and, in 1727, the year Francke died, more than 2,200 children were being taught there by 175 teachers, including eight female teachers, and by eight Inspectors. In addition to this work, Francke’s institutions became a centre for the worldwide Pietistic movement Francke, who was a corresponding member of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) from 1699, provided important support for Denmark’s efforts to establish a mission in its Indian colonies, since this was in consonance with his reform plans. These efforts led to the Danish-Halle mission, and Francke became the first editor of the oldest Protestant mission journal, which became famous under its title of “Hallesche Berichte”. Francke also gained prominence as the author of numerous theological and pedagogical books. Freylinghausen, Johann Anastasius, bom 2 December 1670 in Gandersheim, died 12 February 1739 in Halle. Freylinghausen attended the collegiate-school in Gandersheim and also received private tuition. From 1682 to 1688 he attended the council school in Einbeck, after which he took up the study of Theology in Jena. In 1691 he went to Erfurt, where he continued his studies and where he also joined the Pietistic movement associated with August Hermann Francke and Joachim Justus Breithaupt (1658-1732). When Francke was expelled from Erfurt, Freylinghausen followed him to the university in Halle in 1692 and completed his studies there in the following year. In 1694 he worked as a tutor in highly placed families in Gandersheim. On Francke’s request Freylinghausen took over the duties of an assistant in the parish of St. George in 1695 and actively supported Francke in building up the Glaucha institutions. He taught in the preparatory school as well as in the German girls’ school and conducted the singing lessons of the Halle Orphan-House. In 1715 he went with Francke to the parish of the St. Ulrich church in Halle. In the same year he married Johann Sophia Anastasia, Francke’s daughter. In 1723 he was appointed assistant

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1553

director of the Glaucha institutions. After Francke’s death in 1727 he became his successor at St. Ulrich. He was also made co-director of the Glaucha institutions along with Francke’s son, Gotthilf August Francke. From 1736 onwards Freylinghausen had to increasingly withdraw from his work as Director and from his church duties on account of ill health. The first Pietistic book of hymns written by Freylinghausen in 1704 served as a basis for the Portuguese and Tamil books of hymns, which appeared in 1713 and 1715 respectively. The missionaries of the DanishHalle mission also translated his text Ordnung des Heils. Francke, Gotthilf August, bom 21 March 1696 in Glaucha near Halle, died 2 September 1769 in Halle. August Hermann Francke’s son received private tuition and then attended the preparatory school in the Glaucha institutions from 1709. In 1714 he took up the study of Theology in the University of Halle and, in 1716, he worked as a tutor in the preparatory school. From 1717 to 1718 he accompanied his father on a journey through South Germany. Subsequently, he continued his studies in Jena and completed them with a Master’s degree. In 1720 he was appointed as a clergyman in the prison and the workhouse. In 1723 he was made an assistant in the Church of Our Dear Lady in Halle. He also began his academic career at the same time as an assistant in the faculty of theology of the University of Halle. In 1726 he became a Professor Extraordinarius; in 1727 a full Professor; and in 1738 a Doctor of Theology. In 1725 he took over as editor of the Halle Mission Reports. He was also a co-director of the Glaucha institutions along with Johann Anastasius Freylinghausen from 1727. In 1728 he was made a corresponding member of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK). From 1730 he was Inspector of churches and schools in the Saal district. From 1738 he also carried out the duties of a deacon, and from 1740 of an archdeacon in the Church of Our Dear Lady. After Freylinghausen’s death he was appointed Director of the Glaucha institutions in 1739. In 1767 he was appointed consistorial councillor. The thrust of Francke’s work lay in continuing the work begun by his father. He focused on the expansion of the Glaucha institutions and worked towards intensifying worldwide relations, especially with India and North America. Under Francke, Halle Pietism reached its zenith, but its decline had already begun in the second half of the eighteenth entury. Knapp, Johann Georg, bom 27 December 1705 in Ohringen, died 30 July 1771 in Halle. In 1772 Knapp had completed his studies in law

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Jurgen Grdschl

at the University of Altdorf. In 1723 he began to study Theology in Jena and transferred in 1725 to the University of Halle, where he continued his studies. From 1728 to 1732 he was a tutor in the preparatory school in the Glaucha institutions. In 1732 he was appointed cadet-preacher in Berlin. He returned as an assistant in the faculty of Theology of the University of Halle in 1733. In 1737 he was appointed Professor Extraordinarius; in 1739 he became a professor and doctor of theology. He worked in the Glaucha institutions from 1738 as junior director and became co-director in 1739. In 1769 Knapp succeeded Gotthilf August Francke as Director of the institutions and continued the work in the same spirit. Freylinghausen, Gottlieb Anastasius, bom 12 October 1719 in Halle, died 18 February 1785 in Halle. The son of Johann Anastasius Freylinghausen attended the preparatory school in the Glaucha institutions in 1728. In 1731 he took up the study of Theology at the University of Halle. In 1738 he became a tutor, and in 1742 was appointed Inspector of the Latin school in the Glaucha institutions. He began academic work in the University of Halle in 1744 as Magister Legens; in 1749 he was appointed assistant in the faculty of Theology and became Professor Extraordinarius in 1753. In 1769 Johann Georg Knapp made him co-director of the Glaucha institutions. After Knapp’s death in 1771 Freylinghausen became the Director of the institutions. At the same time he was also appointed Professor of Theology. In 1784 he became Doctor of Theology. Freylinghausen is considered the last representative of Pietism in the institutions, and he guided its work in the spirit of the founder. However, he was not able to bring the Pietistic traditions into the new social situation at the end of the eighteenth century. Schulze, Johann Ludwig, bom 17 December 1734 in Halle, died 1 May 1799 in Halle. The son of a former orphan in the Glaucha institutions and the later universal scholar, Johann Heinrich Schulze (1687-1744) began studying theology at the University of Halle in 1750. In 1761 he was appointed Professor Extraordinarius of Philosophy; in 1765 he became a full Professor of Philosophy; and in 1769 he was appointed Professor of Theology in Halle. In 1777 Gottlieb Anastasius Freylinghausen made him co-director of the Glaucha institutions and in 1785 he became the Director. Although he felt personally obliged to the Pietistic heritage, it was under Schulze’s direction that the Glaucha

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1555

institutions were reformed in the spirit of an enlightened, Christianhumanistic ideal of education and upbringing. This process of reform is linked mainly with the name of August Hermann Niemeyer. Knapp, Georg Christian, bom 17 September 1753 in Glaucha near Halle, died 14 October 1825 in Halle. As the son of Johann Georg Knapp, Georg Christian Knapp was familiar with the problems of the Glaucha institutions. In 1767 he was admitted to the Latin school of the institutions. In 1770 he began a study of Theology at the University of Halle and completed these studies in 1775 in Gftttingen with a Master’s degree. In 1777 he was appointed Professor Extraordinarius in Theology in Halle and became a full Professor in 1782. In 1789 he became a Doctor of Theology. He was appointed co-director of the Glaucha institutions along with August Hermann Niemeyer in 1785, and in 1799 he became the Director. In 1816 he became a consistorial councillor in the province of Saxony. Along with his academic work Knapp devoted himself mainly to the promotion of missionary work in India and North America. He supported his colleague, Niemeyer, in his efforts to reform the Glaucha institutions, whose name was changed during this time to the Francke Foundations. Niemeyer, August Hermann, bom 1 September 1754 in Halle, died 7 July 1828 in Halle. Niemeyer, the great-grandson of August Hermann Francke, was given private tuition and then attended the preparatory school of the Glaucha institutions from 1763. He registered for a study of classical languages and Theology in the University of Halle in 1771. In 1773 he became a tutor in the German boys’ school and later in the Latin school of the institutions. The first part of his major theological work, Charakteristick der Bibel, appeared in 1775. Niemeyer became a doctor of philosophy in 1777. In 1779 he was appointed Professor Extraordinarius of Theology and Inspector of the theological seminary. Along with a full Professorship of Theology he was also made Inspector of the preparatory school in 1784, followed in 1785 by appointment as co-director of the Glaucha institutions along with Georg Christian Knapp. In 1787 he set up the college of education in the university and took over as its Director. His major work in educational theory, Grundsdtze der Erziehung und des Unterrichtsfiir Eltem, Hauslehrer und Erzieher, was published in 1796. He became Director of the Francke Foundations in 1799 along with Knapp. In 1807, when Halle was occupied by French

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troops, Niemeyer was temporarily deported to France. From 1808 to 1816 he was Chancellor and Rector of the University of Halle. Niemeyer introduced basic reforms in the educational concepts of the Glaucha institutions based on moderate enlightened-rationalistic and Christianhumanistic principles. On account of this work he is considered the second founder of the Francke institutions. He also made a name for himself as an author of numerous theological and pedagogical books. Jacobs, Johann August, bom 27 April 1788 in Pietzpuhl near Magdeburg, died 21 December 1829 in Halle. Jacobs initially received private tuition and later attended the school in Schulpforta. In 1805 he began a study of law in the University of Wittenberg and continued his studies in Leipzig and Halle. Here, he also devoted himself to a study of Philology, Philosophy, Theology and History. In 1810 he became a tutor, in 1820 an Inspector in the preparatory school of the Francke Foundations and Professor of Philosophy at the University of Halle. He also worked in the college of education. In 1825 he was appointed co-director and, in 1829, he took over officially as the Director of the Francke Foundations as successor to his father-in-law, August Hermann Niemeyer. Niemeyer, Hermann Agathon, bom 5 January 1802 in Halle, died 6 December 1851 in Halle. The youngest son of August Hermann Niemeyer attended the preparatory school of the Francke Foundations from 1810. In 1819 he took up the study of theology in the University of Halle. In 1823 he became a Doctor of Philosophy and, in 1825, a Licentiate of Theology. In 1826 he was appointed Professor Extraordinarius of Theology at the University of Jena. Johann August Jakobs appointed him co-director of the Foundations in 1829. After Jakobs’ death, he became Director of the Francke Foundations in 1830 and was appointed Professor Extraordinarius of Theology at the University of Halle. Niemeyer was elected town councillor in 1839, and in 1848 was elected as a member of the National Assembly in Berlin. During Niemeyer’s term as a Director, the Foundations were integrated into the Prussian public administration. Despite this official control Niemeyer was able to rejuvenate Francke’s ‘school town’ through necessary reforms. By sending missionaries to Borneo he opened up a new area for missionary work, but this enjoyed only a brief success.

LUTHERAN CHAPLAINS IN LONDON Jflrgen Grdschl Bdhme, Anton Wilhelm, bom 1 June 1673 in Oesdorf near Pyrmont, died 27 May 1722 in Greenwich, London. After his schooling in Lemgo und Hameln, Bdhme studied Theology at the University of Halle from 1693 to 1698. In 1698 he took up a position as private tutor at the establishment of Graf Christian Ludwig von Waldeck (1633-1706). In 1700, upon dismissal from the Consistorium of the county of Waldeck as a spiritualistic critic of the church, Bdhme returned to Halle and became Inspector of the Freitische at the orphanage. In 1701 he went to London and there, in the following year, set up a school for German children. In 1705 he became the Chaplain at the German chapel of St. James at the establishment of Prince Georg of Denmark (1653-1708), and after his death that of his widow, Queen Anne (1665-1714), and finally of King George I. of Great Britain (1660-1727). With his translation of the German pietist scriptures he ensured the spread of pietist Reform ideology in England. In particular, the publication of the Project of August Hermann Francke (1663-1727) related to education and school system led to a significant exchange and collaboration between Halle and England in the social and theological spheres, and also won the support of the English Royalty for the Glauchaschen Anstalten. As a member of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge since 1709, Bdhme supported the D&nisch-Hallesche Mission and looked after the German immigrants and Lutheran parishes in America. He made a significant contribution to the ecumenical spread of Pietism. Ziegenhagen, Friedrich Michael, bom 15 March 1694 in Naugard, died 24 January 1776 in London. Ziegenhagen began studying Theology at the University of Halle in 1714, and continued in Jena in 1717. In 1718 he became the house preacher of Count von Platen in Linden near Hanover, where he came into conflict with the orthodox clergy due to his pietist beliefs. In 1721 he declined an offer by August Hermann Francke

Jiirgen Grdschl

1558

(1663-1727), to go to Tranquebar as successor to Johann Ernst GrOndler, as he did not feel he could cope with the demands of missionary life. In December 1722 King George I of Great Britain (1660-1727) appointed him Hofprediger at the Chapel of St. James in London. As the most important liaison man between the Mission managements in Halle und Copenhagen and the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) he actively supported the development and consolidation of the DanishHalle Mission. He supported the establishment of the English mission base in Madras through Benjamin Schultze (1728), and also through Johann Ernst Geister and Johann Anton Sartorius (1737) in Cuddalore , the latter being directly subject to the authority of the SPCK. Along with Samuel Urlsperger (1685-1772) in Augsburg and GotthilfAugust Francke (1696-1769) in Halle, Ziegenhagen did all he could for the settlement of the Salzburg Emigrants in Georgia since 1733 and the spiritual welfare of the Lutheran parishes in Pennsylvania. Curriculum Vitae: NHB, preface to the 2nd volume, Halle, 1783, from p. XI. Pasche, Friedrich Wilhelm, bom 17 August 1728 in Werder, died 11 July 1792 in London. Pasche was initially taught at home by his father. After the latter’s death he was admitted in 1744 to the Halle orphanage, where he went to the Latin school. In 1748 he studied Theology at the University in Halle. In 1751 he was called to London for Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen. There he also worked as junior pastor at the German St. Mariengemeinde in the Savoy. From 1761 to 1792 he was foreign language assistant (Reader) at the German chapel of St. James in London. In 1767 he became a member of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. He increasingly took over the responsibilities of Ziegenhagen in relation to support of the Danish-Halle and English-Halle mission bases in India and the German Lutheran parishes in North America. After the death of Ziegenhagen he continued the latter’s work. Curriculum Vitae: NHB, 41st chapter, Halle, 1792, from p. 482; NHB, 44th chapter, Halle, 1794, from p. 757. Ubele (Uebele), Johann Christian Christoph, bom 31 March 1767 in Krackow/Mecklenburg, died after 1846 probably in London. Ubele went to the Latin school of the Halle orphanage from 1778 to 1783. In

Lutheran Chaplains in London

1559

1783 he began studying Theology at the University of Halle and in 1784 became teacher at the school of the Orphan House. In the same year he continued his studies in Rostock. In 1786 he worked as private teacher, in 1789 as tutor and studied oriental Literatur in Rostock. In 1790 he was appointed Pastor of the Zion parish in Browns Lane and simultaneously also practised as a doctor in London. In1792 he applied to Johann Ludwig Schulze (1734-1799) as staff member of Friedrich Wilhelm Pasche for the Mission’s activities. After Pasche’s death in the same year he carried on with the latter’s work. From 1814 to 1819 he preached on the island of Alderney, but went back to London subsequently. Ubele’s work was influenced on the one hand by the declining interest in the Mission in Europe, and on the other hand by the various moves to reform the mission’s structure, such as the efforts to place the mission bases under the Danisch-Halle Mission under the overall control of the Protestant church. Ubele espoused the idea of expanding the mission to new areas such as the Himalayas. Curriculum Vitae: Francke-Nachlass der Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin - PreuBischer Kulturbesitz Stab/F 31/1 : 1.

SECRETARIES OF THE SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING CHRISTIAN KNOWLEDGE (SPCK) 1699-1743 Daniel O’Connor Chamberlayne, John (1669-1723) was elected Secretary of the Society on 31 October 1699, and served until March 1702. He was a wellknown figure of his time, a scholar and linguist of repute, who gained wider recognition by his annual publication of the popular Angliae Notitia, or The Present State of England. He was educated at Oxford and Leyden, and moved in circles of power and influence, not least at the English Court, where he was Gentleman of the Privy Chamber to Queen Anne and subsequently to George I, and Gentleman Waiter to Prince George of Denmark. He gave up the position of Secretary of the SPCK because of his many other responsibilities. He was the first Secretary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (SPG) also, from its inception in 1701 until 1712, and was Secretary of Queen Anne’s Bounty from its foundation in 1704 to 1723. He also later held an important post at the State Paper Office; was an active fellow of the learned institution, the Royal Society; and was a member of the Society for the Reformation of Manners, and of the Commission for Relieving Poor Proselytes. The earliest contacts with Halle came within his period as Secretary. He continued a member of SPCK after 1702, assisting with all the foreign correspondence, along with other translation work for the Society, for many years. He raised the question of Lutheran orders, in connection with Tranquebar, in 1713. He made life difficult for his successors until the year of his death, often criticizing their work. Wanley, Humfrey (1672-1726) was essentially a scholar and librarian, for whom his years with the Society were something of an interlude. The son of a clergyman, the Vicar of Holy Trinity, Coventry, he was apprenticed to a draper but secured work more appropriate to his

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Daniel O'Connor

talents at Oxford. There he became assistant at the Bodleian Library and began to prove himself an innovative palaeographer and a respected Old English scholar. He lived at this time at University College, at the invitation of the Master, Arthur Charlett, a friend and correspondent of H.W.Ludolf, secretary to Prince George of Denmark. Ludolf was to later count Wanley also among his friends. Finding his advancement at Oxford blocked, not least because Charlett’s favour caused resentment, he moved to London, where he became assistant to Chamberlayne at the SPCK. He had High Church connections, in particular his friendship and scholarly association with the Nonjuror, George Hickes, and was invited by a High Church member of the Society, Robert Nelson, to succeed to the Secretaryship. He continued during his six years in office with his own scholarly pursuits, but also translated and published through the Society an important tract by the Swiss Reformed divine, J.F. Ostervald, a contribution in harmony with the Society’s European Protestant interest. He also had to endure “much uneasiness” from Chamberlayne’s complaints. That his successor was approached by the Treasurer some months before he tendered his resignation in June 1708 suggests that others considered that Wanley was perhaps not entirely at home in the Secretaryship. He left to return to a settled and secure appointment in the sort of work he loved, and in which he was pre-eminent, as keeper of the Harleian Library, a post which he held for the rest of his life. Newman, Henry (1670-1743) was from a Puritan background in North America, the son of a Congregational minister in Massachusetts. He was educated at Harvard where his tutors introduced him to Anglicanism, eventually leading to his membership of the Church of England, though he never forgot his Puritan origins, and maintained a correspondence with the well-known American puritan, Cotton Mather, over many years. After a commercial career of ten years, he settled in England in 1703 and became secretary to a statesman-aristocrat. He developed an immediate interest in the work of the Society, and became a Corresponding Member for Newfoundland, where he had previously had mercantile interests. Becoming thus well known to Thomas Bray and other members, he agreed in 1708 to succeed Wanley as Secretary. He served in that position for the rest of his life, some thirty-five years. He proved to be an exceptionally devoted servant of the Society, living a frugal, bachelor life in Bartlett’s Buildings (which became the SPCK’s headquarters for most of the next century) and never leaving London

Secretaries o f the SPCK

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during his long tenure, though this cannot have helped his work for the churches and schools in England and Wales. In his first five years, he wrote more than 6,000 letters, and made abstracts of all letters received, and was assisted throughout his long period in office by no more than a clerk and a messenger. His origins and contacts were valuable in the development of the Society’s work in America, but he applied himself with equal diligence to all of SPCK’s activities, including the East India Mission, libraries, religious publishing, charity schools, the Salzburg refugees and Protestant proselytes. That his friend Cotton Mather could share very freely with him his very contemptuous attitude to SPG’s work in America suggests that Wanley was himself not entirely at ease with SPG, nor with the High Church orientation of the two societies. He appears to have had no personal difficulty regarding Anglican collaboration with the Lutherans in South India. He regretted his inability to recruit English missionaries to work there. The evident personal interest that he took in the details of the Indian project, for example sending generous gifts along with the more necessary supplies to the missionaries, and his sustained correspondence with Halle, did a great deal to consolidate the project. Broughton, Thomas (1712-1777) was bom in Oxford, the son of a ‘gentleman’ and educated at the university, becoming a fellow of Exeter College. At the university, he joined the group called ‘Methodists’ led by the High Church’s John Wesley, a Corresponding Member of the Society, before Wesley left for America as an SPG missionary. Broughton subsequently rejected Wesley’s ideas about conversion and assurance of faith. He also had a brief assocation with George Whitefield, another Corresponding Member. After ordination, Broughton held a series of Church of England parochial appointments. He was appointed Secretary of SPCK in 1743, and thereafter combined this work for the Society with his parish ministry. There are few traces of his work for SPCK of any significance, beyond a correspondence with the Royal Danish Mission College. He died at the Society’s property in Bartlett’s Buildings as he was preparing for worship. Hallings, Michael (1737-1786) was bom in the city of Hereford, the son of a ‘gentleman.’ He was educated at Somerset School, and subsequently graduated from Brasenose College, Oxford. He was a priest of the Church of England. None of the printed accounts of SPCK

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during this period reflect anything distinctive about his eight years as Secretary. Gaskin, George (1751-1829) was bom in London, the son of a leather-seller, and was educated at a classical school in Essex and at Trinity College, Oxford, where, in addition to his other degrees, he was made a Doctor of Divinity. He married Elizabeth, daughter of an earlier Secretary of SPCK, Thomas Broughton. Following his own appointment as Secretary, he continued to hold a series of parochial appointments in plurality. He was described in 1799 by Van Mildert as “a rising star of the Old High Church firmament,” and was closely associated with the reforming group that came to be known as the Hackney Phalanx. He took a special interest in SPCK’s work in support of the Episcopal church in the USA, publishing an edition of the sermons of one of their bishops. During his Secretaryship, there were marked developments, chiefly inspired by the Treasurer, Joshua Watson, in the organisational and financial effectiveness of the Society in Britain, making it much more clearly a national rather than a merely London institution. Gaskin shared the High Church movement’s political theology and belief in the apostolic succession of bishops, and it is safe to assume that he was a strong supporter of the changes that took place while he was Secretary in relation to the Lutherans in South India. Parker, William (1778-1843) was the last of the Secretaries during the period of collaboration with the Lutherans. He was the son of John Parker “formerly of Jamaica,” and subsequently living in London. He studied with some distinction at Christ’s College, Cambridge. In 1807, he married Ann, a daughter of the then Secretary of the Society, Geoige Gaskin. He became assistant to Gaskin in 1811 and Secretary twelve years later. Throughout his thirty years as Secretary, he was also rector of a city parish and latterly a prebendary of St Paul’s Cathedral. A second Secretary became a feature of the Society’s organisation from this time, the first of these being W.H.Coleridge, who went on in 1824 to be the first Bishop of Barbados and the Leeward Islands. Coleridge was followed during Parker’s time by A.M.Campbell, E.J.Burrow, G.Tomlinson, T.B.Murray, J.Evans and J.D.Glennie.

SECRETARIES OF THE MISSION BOARD IN COPENHAGEN 1714-1868 Anders Nergaard Wendt, Christian (1684-1774), bom in Itzehoe, studied theology at the universities of Wittenberg, Rostock and, from 1711, Copenhagen. His father was a close friend of Count I. G. von Holstein, who helped him in the beginning. When the Mission Board was set up in 1714 with Count I. G. von Holstein as its head, Christian Wendt was appointed Secretary of the Board. His work as Secretary of the Mission Board was strongly influenced by his ideas on apostolic mission. “In external matters Asia has to help itself,” he stated, whereas the Pietistic missionaries in Tranquebar considered themselves to be, in accordance with Halle theology, in the “service of both body and soul.” According to Christian Wendt the mission was supposed to work without institutions, and the gospel was meant to be propagated among the heathens only by word of mouth during travel by the missionaries. This understanding was conveyed in sharply critical letters to the missionaries in Tranquebar, whom he attacked fiercely and who suffered under these attacks, which were made without knowledge of the actual circumstances in Tranquebar. Missionary Ziegenbalg died as a result of a strenuous mission journey he had undertaken in reply to Christian Wendt’s sharp attacks. Since Wendt fell out of favour with King Frederik IV, his idea of an “apostolic mission” represented only a brief phase of the Tranquebar mission. He was transferred in 1721. After short stays in Halle, Giessen and Kassel, he became Superintendent in Soran in the Lausitz in 1729. Mahling, Seyr was Secretary of the Mission Board from 1721 to 1734 and also Inspector of the Orphan-House in Copenhagen. Hoyer, Andreas (1690-1739) was a Danish historian and lawyer. His main work was a biography of Frederik IV, in which the mission

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in Tranquebar is also mentioned. In 1734 he became Inspector of the Orphan-House, Copenhagen, and Secretary of the Mission Board. Finckenhagen, Johann (1694-1778). From 1737 onwards he helped Andreas Hoyer in managing mission matters. In 1739 he became Inspector of the Orphan-House, Copenhagen, and Secretary of the Mission Board. He had also studied law and was a senior official of the state court till 1738. In 1765 Ch. F. Ursin replaced him as Secretary of the Mission Board. Ursin, Christian Friedrich (died 1802) was Secretary of the Mission Board from 1765. He worked at a time when both the mission as well as the Orphan-House was threatened by the rationalistic cabinetsecretary Johann Friedrich Struensee. In 1776 he resigned from the post of Secretary. Hee Wadum, Christen (1733-1814) was a Danish theologian. He was Inspector of the Orphan-House, Copenhagen, and Secretary of the Mission Board between 1776 and 1792. Hee Wadum was considered to be an able administrator, but he came under sharp attack from his successor, Gude. The missionaries in Tranquebar also often complained that they were not receiving support from Copenhagen, and that Hee Wadum did not want to send out any new missionaries. He was dismissed in 1792. Hee Wadum temporarily broke the link between the Mission Board in Copenhagen and the directors in Halle since, knowing German, he still wrote all his letters to Halle in Danish, which no one there understood. His letters to the missionaries in Tranquebar were written in German, but they were normally brief and business-like. Gude, Jacob (1754-1810) was Inspector of the Orphan-House, Copenhagen. After passing the state law examination he became Secretary in the Danish Chancellery. In 1783 he was employed in the office of the Inspectorate of Churches and in 1792 he became Secretary of the Mission Board. After the great fire of 1795 and also after the English bombardment of Copenhagen in 1807, he worked untiringly for the reconstruction of the Orphan-House. As Secretary of the Mission Board he often made critical remarks about the missionary Christoph Samuel John and rejected his ideas about education. His hand-written autobiography is available in the Royal Library in Copenhagen.

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1567

Frost, Hans Heinrich (1766-1825) was Inspector of the OrphanHouse, Copenhagen, and Secretary of the Mission Board from 1811 to 1825. The missionaries occasionally complained about him. Thaning, Jens Sorensen (1773-1834) was Secretary in the Danish Chancellery. From 1826 to 1833 he was Inspector in the OrphanHouse, Copenhagen, and Secretary of the Mission Board. He chose to give up office. Rung, Georg (1799-1868). He was an attorney-at-law and Inspector of the Orphan-House, Copenhagen, as well as the last Secretary of the Mission Board from 1833 to 1868. From 1859 onwards mission matters were handed over to the Danish Ministry of Culture. Despite this Georg Rung looked after money transfers and pensions till his death.

APPENDIX III

LIST OF MISSIONARIES OF THE DANISH-HALLE AND ENGLISH-HALLE MISSION

MISSIONARIES OF THE DANISH-HALLE MISSION Andreas Gross In continuation to the short biographies o f all the missionaries given by Jurgen Grdschl in Appendix II in this part the missionaries are listed according to the two missions. There were seven missionaries who left the Danish-Halle mission in order to join the English-Halle mission. 1.

Ziegenbalg, Bartholomlus: 1706-1719 in Tranquebar.

2.

PIQtschau, Heinrich: 1706-1712 in Tranquebar.

3.

Bdvingh, Johann Georg: 1709-1712 in Tranquebar.

4.

Jordan, Polycarp: 1709-1715 in Tranquebar.

5.

GrOndler, Johann Ernst: 1709-1720 in Tranquebar.

6.

Schultze, Benjamin: 1719-1726 in Tranquebar. He went to Madras and became a missionary of the English-Halle mission.

7.

Dal, Nikolaus: 1719-1747 in Tranquebar.

8.

Kistemacher, Heinrich: 1719-1722 in Tranquebar.

9.

Bosse, Martin: 1725-1749 in Tranquebar.

10. Pressier, Christian Friedrich: 1725-1738 in Tranquebar. 11. Walther, Christoph Theodosius: 1725-1739 in Tranquebar. 12. Worm, Andreas: 1730-1735 in Tranquebar. 13. Richtsteig, Samuel Gottlieb: 1730-1735 in Tranquebar. 14. Obuch, Gottfried Wilhelm: 1737-1745 in Tranquebar. 15. Wiedebrock, Johann Christian: 1737-1767 in Tranquebar. 16. Kohlhoff, Johann Balthasar: 1737-1790 in Tranquebar. 17. Zeglin, Daniel: 1740-1780 in Tranquebar. 18. Fabricius, Johann Philipp: 1740-1742 in Tranquebar. He went to

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Madras and became a missionary of the English-Halle Mission. 19. Maderup, Oluf: 1742-1776 in Tranquebar. 20. Klein, Jakob: 1745-1790 in Tranquebar. 21. Schwartz, Christian Friedrich: 1750-1767 in Tranquebar with frequent visits to Tiruchirappalli and Tanjavur. In 1767 he was appointed as a English-Halle missionary. 22. Poltzenhagen, David: 1750-1756 in Tranquebar. 23. Httttemann, Georg Heinrich Friedrich: 1750 in Tranquebar. Was ordained as Danish-Halle missionary even though he was supposed to be an English missionary at Cuddalore. He went there in 1750. 24. Dame, Peter: 1755-1766 in Tranquebar. 25. KAnig, Johann Friedrich: 1768-1795 in Tranquebar. 26. Leidemann, Friedrich Wilhelm: 1767-1774 in Tranquebar. 27. Mfllier, Wilhelm Jakob: 1771 in Tranquebar. 28. John, Christoph Samuel: 1771 -1813 in Tranquebar. 29. Rottler, Johann Peter: 1776-1804 in Tranquebar. In 1804 he went to Madras and became a missionary of the English-Halle mission. 30. Pohle, Christian: 1777-1778 in Tranquebar. Then he became a missionary of the English-Halle mission. 31. Gerlach, Johann Wilhelm: 1776-1788 in Tranquebar. In 1788 he went to Calcutta without being employed by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. 32. Rulfsen, Lorentz Friedrich: 1779-1780 in Tranquebar. 33. Mentel, Johann Daniel: 1781-1784 in Tranquebar. 34. Hagelund, Peter Rubeck: 1786-1788 in Tranquebar. 35. CSmmerer, August Friedrich: 1791-1836 in Tranquebar. 36. Stegmann, Ernst Philipp Heinrich: 1796-1798 in Tranquebar. 37. Frttchtenicht, Lambert Christian: 1799-1802 in Tranquebar. 38. Schreyvogel, Daniel: 1818-1826 in Tranquebar. Then he became an English missionary.

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MISSIONARIES OF THE ENGLISH-HALLE MISSION Andreas Gross 1. Schultze, Benjamin: In 1728 he became the first missionary employed by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK). 2. Sartorius, Johann Anton: 1730-1738 in Madras und Cuddalore. 3. Geister, Johann Ernst: 1732-1746 in Madras und Cuddalore. 4. Fabricius, Johann Philipp: 1742-1791 in Madras. From 1740 to 1742he worked in Tranquebar as Danish-Halle missionary. 5. Kiernander, Johann Zacharias: 1740-1758 in Cuddalore and 1758-1788 in Calcutta. 6. Breithaupt, Johann Christian: 1747-1749 in Cuddalore and 17491782in Madras. 7. HQttemann, Georg Heinrich Conrad: 1750-1781 in Cuddalore. 8. Gericke, Christian Wilhelm: 1767-1803 in Cuddalore and Madras. 9. Schwartz, Christian Friedrich: 1767-1798 in Tiruchirappalli and Tanjavur. Before that he was missionary of the Danish-Halle mission from 1750-1767. 10. Diemer, Johann Christmann: 1775-1781 in Calcutta. 11. Schdllkopf, Johann Jakob: He died soon after his arrival in Madras in 1777. 12. Pohle, Christian: 1778-1818 in Tiruchirappalli. Before that he was Danish-Halle missionary in Tranquebar. 13. Rottler, Johann Peter: 1804-1836 in Madras. Although working in Madras he was not employed by the SPCK from 1807-1817.

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14. Kohlhoff, Johann Caspar: 1788-1844 in Tiruchirappalli. 15. J&nicke, Joseph Daniel: 1788-1800 in Tanjavur. 16. P&zold, Karl Wilhelm: 1793-1817 in Madras (1802-1804 in Calcutta). 17. Holzberg, Immanuel Gottfried: 1798-1818 in Tanjavur and in Cuddalore. 18. Ringeltaube, Wilhelm Tobias: 1797-1798 in Calcutta. 19. Horst, Christoph Heinrich: 1806-1810 in Tanjavur. 20. Jacobi, Christlieb Augustin: He died after his arrival in Tanjavur in 1814. 21. Sperschneider, Johann Georg Philipp: 1819-1828 in Tanjavur. 22. Haubroe, Lauritz Peter: 1819-1827 in Madras and 1827-1830 in Tanjavur. 23. Rosen, David: 1819-1838 in Tiruchirappalli, Cuddalore and Tirunelveli. 24. Falcke, Ernst August Georg: 1822-1824 in Madras. 25. Schreyvogel, Daniel: In 1826 employed by the Society for Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (SPG).

Volume III Communication between India and Europe The cultural exchange between India and Europe took place in the fields of the natural sciences and medicine. The role of language in rural South India was also important for the development of the edu­ cational system in India. This volume also includes an appendix with sources of letters and early publications, short biographies and lists of missionaries.

Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen ISBN 3-931479-84-6