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GREEN RUSSELL AND GOLD
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UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS PRESS, AUSTIN
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G R E E N WLUBSSSLL By Elma Dill Russell Spencer Sketches and Maps by Ben Carlton Mead
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Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 66-15707 Copyright © 1966 by Elma Dill Russell Spencer All Rights Reserved
Printed in the United States of America by the University of Texas Printing Division, Austin Bound by Universal Bookbindery, Inc., San Antonio ISBN 978-0-292-76601-3 (library e-book) ISBN 978-0-292-76602-0 (individual e-book)
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To Aunt Jennie and "The Russell Boys"
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PUBLISHER'S PREFACE
The University of Texas Press takes particular pleasure in presenting Green Russell and Gold by Elma Dill Russell Spencer both because of the unique quality of this family saga and because of the special regard which the Press holds for its author. Elma Dill Russell Spencer of San Antonio is the granddaughter of Oliver Russell, one of four adventurous brothers from Georgia who crossed the continent in search of gold and remained to build the West. Years ago she started gathering and fitting together the pieces which make up this absorbing mosaic of frontier life. Mrs. Spencer herself is a latter-day builder of the West and a preserver of its heritage. She is the founder of the Elma Dill Russell Spencer Foundation, which has sponsored a notable series of books published by the University of Texas Press, among them The Roadside Flowers of Texas, Mary Austin Holley: A Biography, and Painted Walls of Mexico. An earlier version of Green Russell and Gold was published in 1958 under the title Gold Country. The present book has been completely revised. University of Texas Press
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am greatly indebted to the late Dr. Walter Prescott Webb, historian, writer, and critic, for his interest in this work and his encouragement of my efforts with it. His belief that the Russell story was important in the annals of gold discoveries encouraged me to write it, using material from family recollections as well as from the historical studies made over a number of years. My grandmother, Mrs. Joseph Oliver Russell, fortunately lived until I was old enough to appreciate her family recollections, and get them down in notes. Collecting family lore became an abiding interest with me, especially what "Grandma said." After Grandma was gone there was still my aunt, Mrs. Jennie Russell McTaggart, who had grown up on these reminiscences, and had many of her own to add. She accompanied me on several trips to Georgia for research. There I found valuable data in family Bibles and pictures supplied by Mrs. Jennie Odom Shelton. Dr. E. Merton Coulter's book, Auraria, published in 1956, furnished me with much historical background. Dr. Coulter was fortunate in finding a complete file of the Western Herald for its founding year, 1832, which furnished fresh, on-the-spot material about the early gold-rush days of that community. My first meeting with Dr. Coulter occurred just as the galley proofs of his book were before him for correction. I was honored when he asked me to read the references to the Russells and check them for accuracy. Dr. Andrew W. Cain's History of Lumpkin County for the First Hundred Years, 1832-1932, is out of print, but a few copies were available in Dahlonega. This book provided valuable historical material. Mrs. Nina McClure Head, of Dahlonega, who now owns the Green
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Russell farm, was of the greatest assistance to me. She gave me a photostatic copy of the deed to the land issued when purchased by Green Russell in 1852. Together we visited the farm a number of times, and Mrs. Head pointed out the Russell plots in the cemetery on a hillside back of the residence. Mrs. Head remembered Mrs. Green Russell when she returned to Georgia to make her home after her husband's death. She remembered also Sam Bates, who lived on the Green Russell farm until his death. She told me countless anecdotes and stories connected with the Russell family and the other families living in the vicinity when the Russells were there. Through Mrs. Head I met other people interested in the Russells and the old gold-rush days. One of these, a resident of Dahlonega, was Mrs. John Anthony, who put me in touch with still others. In this way I met Mrs. Lucille Cox, who had a valuable collection of old letters connected with the Stowers family. Among these were some letters written by Green Russell to her grandfather, Thomas Stowers, which she let me have copied. Mrs. Cox also told me stories and anecdotes about the Russells and the Stowerses which she had heard in her childhood. The best parts of the early story of the Russells in Georgia, Texas, and California came to me from reminiscences and word-of-mouth accounts. The Colorado story is known to the world through many books, newspaper and magazine articles, and manuscripts. The debt I owe to libraries and historical societies is considerable, especially the State Historical Society of Colorado and the Western Department of the Denver Public Library, as well as the San Antonio Public Library. To the countless people associated with these institutions, and to all the people who here and there have helped me in any way, go my thanks and appreciation.
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GRANDMA SAID What Grandma said, she said with conviction. Being a factual person she remembered people and events in order, and I never knew her to be wrong when a time or a fact was concerned. Her life span covered nearly a century; I recall her vividly as I knew her through her last thirty years. During that time she told me countless stories and anecdotes of her long and interesting past; her family reminiscences gave me pioneer life on the frontier as part of my heritage. The most exciting stories Grandma told had to do with the three gold rushes in which three Russells were participants—and all in thirty years! Grandma talked about Georgia, California, and Colorado from her memories of family and neighborhood stories. She was proud of a little gold ring fashioned out of the purest, softest Rocky Mountain ore by her husband, Joseph Oliver Russell, one of the *'Russell boys'' of Colorado gold-discovery fame. Born in Hall County, Georgia, in 1838, she had almost reached the century mark at her death in 1936. Her recollections covered a wide range in time and interests. Although she was not born until the year the Cherokees were evicted from Georgia, she heard about their trials from those who witnessed them. She lived through two of the gold rushes in which Oliver took part, and she could give almost firsthand impressions of the Russells* earlier experiences in the gold fields of Georgia. Jane Russell, even in her nineties, was erect, staunch, and sturdy as an old oak. She was a handsome woman and fearless, her mind was clear and active, and her opinions carried conviction. Respected and admired by all who knew her, she was eulogized as the finest type of pioneer womanhood. Fortunately I encouraged her to talk, and made careful notes on what she told me. Her reminiscences, which I carefully recorded, be-
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came my cherished possession, and all of the family started helping me as I did my research during the following years. I visited relatives all over the country gathering data. These notes, especially Grandma's, I realized, were of value not only to the family but to all people who loved the West. And it was not merely because the Russells discovered gold—not even because they opened up the country to settlement by their discoveries. Such men were important for themselves, as well as for their deeds. They had faith both in themselves and in what they were doing, and that faith was handed down to other generations who carried on the tradition. Lure of gold had started Americans on the westward trail three times in thirty years during the middle of the last century. Even before the first gold strike in Georgia, in 1828, ambitious people of the new nation were pushing the frontier farther west. Lust for gold after its discovery created stampedes, and waves of immigration followed the gold seekers. The Louisiana Purchase had already opened up vast areas in the West for exploration and expansion. With the British question settled by the War of 1812 and Spanish claims no longer menacing, the American people saw chances of untold opportunity in this newly acquired land. Then with one hint of gold they were off to wherever it might lead. Gold seekers poured over the red-clay topsoil of the Georgia hill country during the thirties, moved across the buffalo-dotted plains, or traveled by sea to reach California's fabled store in the late forties, and by the next decade were spurred on by rumors of gold in the Pike's Peak country. Connected in greater or lesser degree with all of these historymaking searches after gold were three brothers by the name of Russell —William Green, Joseph Oliver, and Levi Jasper. These men, starting out in Georgia, followed the trail to California, and by their own discoveries later caused a new rush for gold in the Rockies. This was the story of my father's family that I have been piecing together most of my life. More than a century has passed since the discovery of gold on
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Cherry Creek startled a panic-stricken country into action. That story had its beginnings in the laurel-crowned hills of northern Georgia where a narrow ridge of land divides the waters of the Etowah River from those of the Chestatee. There stand the remains of Auraria, a ghost town that once knew the glory of gold. A handsome bronze marker on the main street, in strange contrast to its dilapidated surroundings, tells the story. AURARIA Auraria (Gold), in 1832 the scene of Georgia'sfirstgold rush, was named by John C. Calhoun, owner of a nearby mine worked by Calhoun slaves. Auraria and Dahlonega were the two real gold towns in the U.S. before 1849. Between 1829 and 1939 about $20,000,000 in gold was mined in Georgia's Cherokee country. From Auraria in 1858 the "Russell boys," led by Green Russell, went west and established another Auraria near the mouth of Cherry Creek that later became Denver, Colo. Green Russell uncovered a fabulous lode called Russell Gulch near which was built Central City, Colorado, "richest square mile on earth/' But what led me to the discovery of this marker was my early interest in Grandma's family stories and the subsequent research to which they inspired me over a period of years. When I was a child our branch of the Russells lived in a small West Texas town, Menardville, sixty-five miles from a railroad. This was ranching country, and the men of the family were engaged in cattle business. My five uncles were young and lively, a lovable bunch, who often gathered in their mother's hospitable kitchen. At such times, I loved to be there too. The enormous kitchen had a cooking range as well as a fireplace, and the smell of good things cooking always permeated the place. It might be a turkey baking, or chicken being fried, or wild game; the best smell was wild-plum jam when it was simmering on the stove, over a wood fire. Other things "were cooking," too, when that family got together. Sometimes it was a business deal discussed by the ranchers, sometimes just talk and reminiscences, but always stimulating and full of fun. The boys were noted for their dry wit, usually at the expense of one another, and they all loved to joke. It was not always easy to tell
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whether they were joking or serious, and whether they were talking about the living or those who had gone on years before. Nor was it easy to tell what happened in Texas or took place in Georgia. It was all of a piece, but like a patchwork quilt, put together out of scraps, some bright, some sober in color, to fit the life gone on before. When "the War" was mentioned, it meant only that war involving General Sherman and his unfortunate behavior in Georgia. Grandma's memory of the Civil War, especially Sherman's March through Georgia, was unimpaired, as though it might all have happened the day before, and her hatred of Sherman was undiminished even fifty years later. If it was "the Russell boys" under discussion, it might be either generation, that of my grandfather and his brothers, or his sons. When Dr. Russell was there visiting from his home in Belton the talk was even more confusing and took in more territory. It was then that I heard of Uncle Green, long since gone to his reward, but discussed as though he might walk in the door at any moment. My grandfather and "Uncle Doc," as we familiarly called my distinguished great-uncle, liked to fish. The San Saba River ran back of the Russells' cowlot, and they often went there, letting me go along. Sittting on the river bank while watching corks bobble up and down on the lines was dull entertainment for a lively child; so I was encouraged to supply fish bait of angle worms or grasshoppers, to occupy me. Happy at my task, I paid scant attention to the two old gentlemen, least of all to what they were saying. It never occurred to me that the pair were out of the ordinary in any way, especially Grandpa, so dominated by my grandmother as to seem of no importance at all. Uncle Doc was in the same category in my estimation, being just another necessary relative. That he was responsible for bringing me into the world one cold March morning was no more surprising when I learned of it than that he and Grandpa, along with Uncle Green, were famous pioneers in Colorado. The first intimation of the Russells' importance came with the appearance of a copy of Jerome C. Smiley's History of Denver in our Texas home. I distinctly remembered meeting in Denver a pleasant man named Smiley, suitably enough, who spent hours talking to my parents. Now it seemed that he was responsible for the huge book that
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came sometime later, and created a stir of excitement, not only in the family and community, but over the country. With the publication of Smiley's book, interest was renewed in the early history of Denver, and in the men who took part in it. Among them none was more important than these two old gentlemen living out their last days quietly in Texas. Newspaper correspondents sought them out and accounts of their experiences appeared in leading papers all over the country. The Russells' fame in the gold fields lived again. Although I was too young to realize the significance of their exploits, the excitement created an interest in the men themselves, especially in Uncle Green. The full-page picture of him which I saw in Smiley's book did it, more than anything I heard about him. Said to be a crayon portrait, it had a compelling quality. The eyes looked out clear and forceful, with a sternness that belied the impression of a dandy created by his unique beard-do and his fastidious attire. Long heavy beards such as those worn by Grandpa and Uncle Doc were commonplace in our community, but Uncle Green's was different. Long it was, but not worn loose. His was parted in the middle and made into two neat braids. His mustache, waxed and twisted at the ends, and a flowing black tie further enhanced his arresting appearance. This picture came to be almost as famous as the subject himself, and I was to encounter it for years to come in histories, textbooks, and other publications connected with Colorado's story. The most notable copy was the more than life-size painting by Herndon Davis on the wall of the old Windsor Hotel bar in Denver, along with portraits of other famous men. Uncle Doc's was there too. He also had a full page in Smiley's book, but Grandpa's picture in the history book was small. It was altogether lacking in the Windsor bar, in spite of his equal importance with his brothers in their Western ventures. As time went on, and both Grandpa and Uncle Doc were gone, I regretted more and more that I had been too young to remember their own accounts of those colorful days. Later, as a frequent visitor in Colorado, I found there much interest in these men, but few known facts about them except in connection with gold discoveries of '58 and '59. Worse still, much that was circulated about them was erroneous. At least I could make sure of the family's story. Grandma Russell was still left and what she remembered I could get down on paper.
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Although Grandma was well up in years, she had a reliable memory. It took some time to get her stories connected in time and place, but I had both patience and persistence and she was willing to talk. These notes became a basis for research which led me to all parts of the country. The results were gratifying, especially in Georgia, where old pictures and family Bibles were discovered. Grandma was always right! There was the matter of the Greeneberry part of Uncle Green's name. Family records backed that up, as well as the Jasper, not James, in Uncle Doc's. While her reminiscences were merely disconnected stories, they formed a wonderful picture of what life had been in that early day, and an intimate account of the family. Its importance I have realized in putting together the larger view. But I have never underestimated what "Grandma said." When she moved to Texas with her husband and family of five, in 1870, she helped drive one of the ox-drawn wagons, taking in stride the dangers and privations of the trip. Nor did the Comanche Indians in Texas frighten her. She aimed to outwit them. In Texas, Jane bore six more children which made a dozen in all, but only nine lived to maturity. Of these, six were boys, which she favored over her daughters, especially the eldest son, named Richard Robertson, after her father, and familiarly known as "Dick." My earliest recollections of Grandma's stories centered about this outstanding son or her famous brother-in-law, Green Russell. Her admiration for both knew no bounds, and she usually linked them together, saying they were alike as men, but crediting each for his own achievements. "Green Russell was a fine man. Everyone liked him," she would say, "just like they do your Daddy, and Dick took after his uncle, too. More like Green than anybody in the family." I never knew my Great-Uncle Green, but if he was like my father, whom I loved deeply, the similarity gave me an understanding of the man and a lifetime interest in him.
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CONTENTS Publisher's Preface Acknowledgments Grandma Said 1. Cherokee Gold 2. The First Auraria 3. There's Millions in It 4. Stampede to the Sierras 5. Early Russell Luck 6. "The Russell Boys" 7. To Ralston's Creek 8. Thirteen Stayed 9. Drift Gold 10. Rumors Ran Rife 11. Two-Way Gold Trails 12. The New Auraria 13. Christmas in the Rockies 14. Waiting Out the Winter 15. Gregory's Strike Came First 16. Green's Was Not Far Behind 17. Russell Gulch and Greeley 18. Boom-Town Problems 19. Necktie Justice and a Mattress 20. Winter Interlude in Georgia 21. Denver Was a Good Name . 22. War Clouds 23. The Comanches Take a Hand 24. Four Months at Fort Union
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3 9 17 22 31 37 42 51 56 62 68 74 84 93 102 107 114 126 134 140 147 155 162 169
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25. Home with the Gold 26. Separate Roads West 27. Texas Lures Levi and Oliver 28. The End of the Road for Green 29. Freethinking Is Not Free 30. The Last Stand of the Old Prospectors Appendix: Genealogical Tables Bibliography Index
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177 184 191 199 207 211 217 223 229
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ILLUSTRATIONS "John and Green Russell had come for one purpose, quick gold, to take home."
26-27
"When the two companies came together, on June 2, they numbered seventy men, with fourteen wagons, thirtythree yoke of cattle, two horse teams, and twenty or more ponies."
44-45
"As the blue smoke curled lazily up from crude chimneys or campfires, the young doctor remembered the other Auraria back in the Georgia foothills."
80-81
"There was great need for water, and the large ditch was being rushed to completion by the Consolidated Ditch Company." 152-153
MAPS The First Major Gold Mining Area in the United States:
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Northern Georgia
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Russell Gulch Area
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ILLUSTRATIONS "John and Green Russell had come for one purpose, quick gold, to take home."
26-27
"When the two companies came together, on June 2, they numbered seventy men, with fourteen wagons, thirtythree yoke of cattle, two horse teams, and twenty or more ponies."
44-45
"As the blue smoke curled lazily up from crude chimneys or campfires, the young doctor remembered the other Auraria back in the Georgia foothills."
80-81
"There was great need for water, and the large ditch was being rushed to completion by the Consolidated Ditch Company." 152-153
MAPS The First Major Gold Mining Area in the United States:
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Northern Georgia
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Russell Gulch Area
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GREEN RUSSELL AND GOLD
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1. CHEROKEE GOLD
1BI8I!)
^ D r e e n Russell was undeniably a leader whom men trusted. At ^»!rthirty years of age he had proved that he could be depended on. Perhaps it was the quiet calm reflected in his deep blue eyes and his own sureness of knowing what he was about that gave them confidence. Tall and well built, Green's blonde good looks were enhanced by high coloring, and set off by a certain fastidiousness in dress and manner. His presence commanded attention, and his return from the California gold fields in 1850 caused a stir of excitement in the Georgia foothills. Here, twenty-odd years before, gold had been discovered on Cherokee-owned lands in the vicinity where Green had grown up. He was too young to recall just what happened in 1828, but he did remember the confusion resulting from a discovery Benjamin Parks made. While out hunting, Parks kicked over something shining, which on investigation turned out to be gold. The Indians had known about gold in this region since 1815, when a boy at play found a curious nugget. His mother sold it to a white man, but the Indian woman would not say where it came from. In 1828 the discoverer was less discreet. In consequence people by the hundreds began pouring into the area hunting gold. Lands of the Cherokees had once extended north to the Ohio River and east into the Carolinas, but now their domain was shrinking. In Georgia the independent Cherokee Nation still claimed the land
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west of the Chattahoochee River and its tributary, the Chestatee, to its source in the mountains, then north to the Little Tennessee River of North Carolina. The whites, greedy for gold and disregarding all boundaries, swarmed onto the Indian lands and dug recklessly in all likely places. They carried off not only gold ore but anything else they saw and fancied. Disputes soon arose over rightful ownership against squatters' claims. The federal government, recognizing treaty rights, sent troops in an effort to restore order. A quarter of a century earlier, however, the government had promised the state of Georgia that all Indians would eventually be removed. Now Georgia went into action. Although the Cherokees were a peaceful people who took readily to white men's ways and proved to be good neighbors, the Georgians eyed their goldbearing land covetously. The temptation was too great. With righteous reasoning they demanded that the Indians be evicted at once. Besides gold underneath the soil, many Cherokee-owned farms were well stocked with horses and cattle, and had better houses than were ordinarily found in this remote part of Georgia. Much of the Cherokees' progress was due to missionaries who earlier had established schools and churches among them, and introduced improved methods of agriculture. It was through the missionaries, too, that a printing press was obtained in the East, fitted with two alphabets, one for English and the other in Cherokee symbols. These were the remarkable invention of a half-breed named Sequoia. He could neither read nor write but had mastered the engraver's art. Translating sounds into symbols corresponding to the spoken Cherokee, Sequoia devised a syllabary that was easy to learn. Almost overnight the Indians were changed into a literate people. They then wanted a newspaper, and the new printing press provided an answer. On February 21, 1828, the Cherokee Phoenix made its appearance at New Echota, edited by Elias Boudinot. About the same time, unfortunately for the Cherokees, gold was discovered on their lands. In spite of the progress of this civilized tribe, many of whom had intermarried with white men, the state of Georgia was determined to dispossess them. Cruel laws were enacted taking away their rights as landowners, or even as legal entities. For ten troubled years, known as the Intrusion, the Indians were harried
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5 and molested; in the end they lost out entirely. By 1838 all those who had not gone voluntarily to new lands allotted them across the Mississippi were forcibly evicted. Their removal was in charge of General Winfield Scott, who had served with distinction in the War of 1812 and who a few years later, as commander in chief of the Army, would lead the American forces into Mexico City to end the Mexican War. Both federal troops and state militia were used in rounding up and evicting the Cherokees. They built eleven stockades, into which the hapless red men were herded before being sent west on a journey which many did not live to complete. Perhaps some of the guards pitied their captives and, hating the duty they were called upon to perform, were not too watchful. In any case numerous Cherokees escaped back to their native hills to live out their lives. The story of Tsali's revolt and death sentence became a legend in the Cherokee annals. Among the soldiers helping in the eviction none were more sympathetic to the Cherokee cause than Green Russell and Tom Stowers, young men serving with the militia. As boys they had ranged over Cherokee lands, fishing in the streams or following the hounds on neighborhood coon hunts. They had many friends in the Cherokee Nation, and Tom's family, like others in the vicinity, had relatives among the Indians. It was a sobering sight to see helpless people put off the land they had occupied for generations. Unable to help the situation, the least the young men could do as soldiers was to lessen the Cherokee's trials, if only by a show of friendship. The Indians' experience was bitter enough before, but this last move had hardships almost beyond their bearing. It was truly a "trail of tears." Tom and Green came out of their participation in it with a broader sympathy for the Indians, and with a greater maturity than their under-twenty years would indicate. It was another aging influence that frontier life brought to the young men of their generation. The Russell family was not native to Georgia. They came from South Carolina in 1822, when Green was only two years old and his sister, Martha Anne, but three. His father, James, was of British descent, the son of Anthony Russell, who came to America during Revolutionary times. In the family it was said that Anthony came as a surgeon in the British Navy, but sympathizing with the American cause, took
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up residence on the eastern seaboard. About the time James was old enough to start out for himself, gold was discovered in North Carolina. A nugget weighing seventeen pounds was found in Cabarrus County in 1799 on the Reed plantation, the first gold discovered anywhere in the United States. Four years later another chunk weighing twentyeight pounds was picked up in the same location. Production soon spread to other areas but was heaviest in Burke and Rutherford Counties. The gold ore was transported with difficulty to the Philadelphia mint, and with the arrival of gold went rumors of its discovery. James Russell, young and adventuresome, followed the wake of the rumors. Leaving Pennsylvania, he went south and west into the unsettled foothills. Travel was difficult and slow, and James looked for gold in the rugged country as he went along. He did not discover any new outcroppings, but he did gain experience in the proven fields. Then with a true prospector's zeal and ever hopeful he pushed on farther and farther, never content until the next ravine was crossed, the next hillside reached. Gold traceable in the western range of North Carolina lured him across the state, and finally into Pickens District, South Carolina. Trouble was again brewing with the British, and when war broke out James enlisted in the South Carolina militia at Abbeville. This was in 1813. Five years later, in December 1818, he married Elizabeth Pierce, of a Virginia and South Carolina family. The ceremony was simple, performed by Justice of the Peace Barrett Freeman, in Edgefield District, her brother Reuben and her sister Nancy serving as witnesses. The young Russells then lived in Pickens District a few years, but when Hall County, Georgia, was opened up they moved there with their two small children. This had been Cherokee country until July, 1817, when it was ceded by treaty with the Indians to the state of Georgia. The following year Hall County was created out of it. Few white people inhabited this untamed territory, but by 1821 a small village named Gainesville was incorporated there. It was on a beautiful spot long known to the Indians, where two trails converged, one from the north, the other following the water divide that ran east and west. Numerous clear springs made it a good camping site for the Indians, and after the
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Cherokees were pushed west of the Chattahoochee it attracted white settlers. Usually people moving to new country looked for good water, timber, and land for crops, and this place seemed promising. Little did the newcomers dream that the hills beyond would yield up rich gold ore—or perhaps James Russell did. Anyway he settled his family northwest of Gainesville in the hills, not far from the Cherokee line. There the Russells' third child, Mary, was born in 1823, a year after they moved into Hall County. Three sons were to follow: John Riley, born in 1826; Joseph Oliver, in 1828, the same fateful year when gold was discovered in the vicinity; and Levi Jasper, in 1831. Elizabeth Russell, liking family names for her children, had called her first son, a very red little baby, Greeneberry—inappropriate as it seemed. Green never liked the name and managed in time to live it down, but to his mother the appellation, William Greeneberry Russell, had distinction and meaning. She hoped he would add luster to it.
Background material for "Cherokee Gold" was furnished primarily by E. Merton's Coulter's Auraria, Marion L. Starkey's The Cherokee Nation, and Andrew W. Cain's History of Lumpkin County for the First Hundred Years, 1832-1932. The Russell family was living in Hall County, Georgia, in 1828 when gold was discovered nearby. Just west of the Chattahoochee River lay holdings of the independent Cherokee Nation. The first gold found was discovered on their land and this brought on all sorts of trouble and legal complications. Coulter's book covers the gold strike and subsequent founding of Auraria, first townsite in the region, soon to be challenged by another, Dahlonega, which in time outdistanced it. The four Russell boys grew up in the exciting vicinity, and gold became of lifelong importance to them. Marion Starkey's book gives the history of the Cherokees in Georgia, and shows the disastrous effect of the gold discovery on their nation, with subsequent loss of lands. She draws heavily on such sources as the American Board of Foreign Missions papers, files of the Phoenix, Cherokee publication, and the John Howard Payne Manuscripts at Newberry Library, Chicago. Payne is remembered as the composer of "Home, Sweet Home" more than as friend of the Cherokees, but from a chance contact at a critical time, he espoused their cause. Payne was thrown in jail for his free speech but was soon released. His writings about the Cherokees give some of the finest deceptions of their life and customs to be found anywhere. Tom Stowers, boyhood friend of Green Russell, later became a substantial
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man in the community, who financed men going out to seek gold in California and later Colorado. His granddaughter, the late Lucille Cox, preserved many letters and papers of her family and neighborhood friends, carefully filed away in an old geography book. She lived in the country and was always glad to show her collection to visitors who sought her out. As the importance of these records was recognized, she allowed photostatic copies to be made. Copies of letters by Green Russell to Tom Stowers used later were obtained from Mrs. Cox, as well as personal anecdotes of the friendship between her grandfather and Green Russell. Cain's History is the standard for Lumpkin County, where Auraria and Dahlonega are located. It contains many firsthand accounts of the early history of the county by people who helped make local history. Though long out of print, a few copies were obtainable from Mrs. Cain in Dahlonega as late as the 195O's. Little is known generally of the gold discoveries in North Carolina, although they were the first in the nation. The information given here comes from George F. Willerson's Here They Dug the Gold and the Encyclopedia Britannica.
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2. THE FIRST AURARIA 1B1BB1B
4 p j reen was the only one of the Russell boys old enough to remem^Sirber much about the early gold rush in northern Georgia. Growing up in the midst of it was exciting, he found, if not always pleasant. He had never seen any gold ore, but he had heard his father talk about it. After Benjamin Parks kicked up that first nugget no one talked of anything else. Indiscriminate intruders poured into the countryside, and at every stream men were busy panning for gold. Some experienced miners came in, mostly from the Burke and Rutherford districts of North Carolina, but inexperienced gold seekers came from everywhere. The first swarm of intruders settled on a strategic little ridge of land belonging to the Cherokees that lay between the Chestatee and the Etowah Rivers, only two miles apart at this point. Panning gold was done by washing out sand from the rivers and bottom lands, a simple process that anyone could follow. Since the ridge was accessible from both streams, prospectors invaded it with pick, spade, pan and rocker. As might be expected, a reckless element got there first, bringing with them frequent quarrels and bloodshed. In the summer of 1832 a squatter, William Dean, built a cabin on the ridge. Shortly thereafter a small tavern was erected by Nathaniel Nuckolls. The place, first called "Dean's," was later known as "Nuckollsville." This name captured the popular imagination, possibly be-
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cause of frequent fist fights among the miners. For whatever cause, the caption stuck long after the settlement was officially named * 'Auraria/' This first gold-rush town came into existence as goods arrived and stores were set up. Houses were built as new settlers appeared, and by fall things were happening fast. A land lottery devised by the state of Georgia was under way to settle land disputes, giving newcomers the lately usurped Cherokee country. Parceled out first in 1828 among five counties, the land was reassembled two years later into one large county called ' 'Cherokee/' It was then divided into 160-acre tracts, with the exception of the gold region, in which lots were reduced to 40 acres. This land was awarded in a public lottery that started in October but was not concluded until the following May. There was talk too of forming in the district a new county, which did come into existence in December. Names were discussed both for the growing settlement on the ridge and for the proposed county. Not many citizens of Nuckollsville cared about changing its name, no doubt preferring the old one with its fighting implications. John C. Calhoun, however, took a lively interest in the affair. Vice President of the United States at the time and one of the most controversial figures in American politics, Calhoun made his home in Abbeville District, South Carolina. He had acquired mining property in Georgia and he came to see about his holdings. Although Calhoun was later given credit for devising the name of Auraria, it was not actually his suggestion. In the fall of 1832 he came accompanied by a friend, Dr. Croft, who suggested "Aureola" as a name for the town and "Aldoradda" for the new county not yet laid off. Calhoun liked both names and urged the settlers to adopt them. The Legislature, however, named the county "Lumpkin" to honor the governor, and gave Nuckollsville the classic designation "Auraria," suggested by Major John Powell, a prominent citizen of the town. While not the name proposed by Dr. Croft, it meant the same, "gold mine" or "gold region." The new name was officially adopted when the village was five months old and had a population of around five hundred. Less than a year later another gold town sprang up, not five miles away, that was to become a serious rival to Auraria and finally take on even greater importance. This was Dahlonega, its name taken from the
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soft-spoken Indian word Tau-lon-ne-ka, also meaning "golden." When the new county of Lumpkin, carved out of Hall, Habersham, and Cherokee Counties, became official on December 3, 1832, Auraria was a logical choice for the county seat. But the following May, when the land lottery was over, it appeared that because of a fraudulent drawing no clear title could be given to the site intended for a courthouse. The whole townsite belonged to a family of orphans, and the county seat must be put elsewhere. The inhabitants of Auraria were outraged, but nothing could be done about it. Since processes of law did not wait on the untangling of land titles, the business of Lumpkin County was transferred to the fledgling settlement of Dahlonega. Auraria grew rapidly in spite of this, and at the end of a year had at least a hundred dwellings, eighteen or more stores, a dozen law offices, and five taverns. The town's population had probably reached a thousand, but that of the countryside was estimated at ten times the number. This merited a post office, which was established in Auraria on September 23, 1833. The town did suffer a setback in losing the county seat and the people of Auraria watched the progress of Dahlonega with considerable envy. Albeit a log cabin served as courthouse at first, the foundations of a red-brick edifice appeared on the public square, and this was a galling sight to ambitious Aurarians. While the Russells did not live in either of the squabbling, overgrown towns that came into being on account of gold discoveries, they were aware of what went on in both. The rival towns were connected by what was known as Gold Diggers' Road, which ran from north to south. Green Russell, young and curious, was interested in everything that happened along this road. Since a boy of twelve could be quite handy, Green usually accompanied his father on mining or surveying trips. He learned how to pan for gold by watching James deftly rolling sand and water together until flakes or grains of ore could be detected. Along with lessons in mining at first hand, Green gained skill in handling surveying instruments. There were no schools, but James taught his sons at home the simple rudiments of reading, writing, and doing sums, as well as necessary tasks about the farm. Any loitering in the little towns was discouraged by James, especially in Auraria, for there was a rough element that respectable citizens deplored. This was soon to be challenged however, and by a woman,
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Agnes Paschal, widow of a Revolutionary soldier. She came, with her children, from Oglethorpe County, and bought out the Nuckolls establishment. Mrs. Paschal had run a tavern in Lexington and intended opening one in Auraria, but she dared to be different. Assisted by her son, she started in business by advertising that the best food would be served at this place—but no liquor. To most residents and visitors in a gold-mining town a tavern without a bar was unthinkable, but that was not all. "Grandma" Paschal, as she later came to be known, intended raising the moral level of the place by establishing a church of the Baptist faith. Before long, by sending one of her sons with a subscription list through the town, she collected enough money to build a rude log church and to clear a plot for the graveyard. As time went on, this kindly woman was known for her many charitable deeds in helping the sick, the poor, and the needy. Places of entertainment, however, of which Mrs. Paschal did not approve, catered to the boisterous element in the matter of drinking and gambling. The most popular game of chance was chuck-a-luck and the tables where it could be enjoyed were always crowded. Dances too, were held in the town, though they were likely to attract an undesirable company. The usual music for dancing was referred to as "fiddling," and local fiddlers were numerous, vying for importance in playing and calling dances. Fiddling contests and exhibitions of buck dancing were often held, especially in rural neighborhoods, where novices might learn from the skilled dancers and popular fiddlers. The Russells lived in the neighborhood of Leather's Ford and were only on the fringe of town activities. A pioneer family with six children had little time for outside frivolity, but neighborhood gatherings were enjoyed, and the Russell young people participated when they could. Their lives conformed generally to the customs of neighboring families. Household and barnyard chores had to be done, and everyone was assigned tasks, the heavier ones falling on the older members. Life was far from dull, though, as Green saw it, even with hard work to be done and little money to spend. His best friend was Tom Stowers, who lived fairly close by. The two boys spent most of their free hours together hunting and fishing, and asked nothing better in life.
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Green had to be up early to do his chores before going with his father, and one morning, just before daylight, he had a remarkable experience. It was clear and frosty, and crossing a field to the barn he saw an astonishing display in the sky. All the stars seemed to be shooting into space or falling to earth, numerous and countless, with not a sound, only an awesome and eerie sight. Green had often seen a single shooting star, but nothing like this. It was frightening. He had heard dire predictions of the end of the world made by zealous preachers trying to frighten their listeners into conversion, but they had had little effect on him. Now it seemed possible that heaven could be taking a hand in the fulfillment of such a doom. Green was relieved when his father came through the lighted kitchen doorway and stopped to gaze, more in wonder than fright. James was like that, calm in the face of danger. He dispelled the boy's fears, discounting the event as an evil portent, and they were soon on their way to work. It became evident that the unusual sight was not so calmly viewed by the others in the neighborhood. Terror reigned and many people were "sore affrighted," sure that a Biblical judgment was about to descend upon a wicked world. It was worse in town, where the strange sight brought on excitement coupled with genuine fear. It shook the conscience of even the most hardened sinner. People went to praying who never before were known to pray, or to be touched by preaching or even Grandma Paschal's kindly admonitions. When in time it was learned that shooting stars in abundance were seen throughout the country from Richmond to Mobile, the spectacle lost some of its force as an individual warning, but ever after this phenomenon the day of November 13, 1833, was referred to as the day and year, "when the stars fell" on Georgia. The sobering effect of the falling stars was short-lived, and by Christmas things were in full swing away, among both the righteous and the unrighteous. The season was celebrated in lively fashion and the erstwhile sinners went at their pleasures with renewed zeal, thankful for a reprieve to enjoy life again. Green remembered that particular Christmas for other reasons. Things had not gone well with James Russell that year and there was little enough in the way of gifts or gaiety for the children. Green, however, got to share in Tom Stowers' great triumph, the purchase
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of a silk hat. The boys had gone together to see some newly arrived goods at Whelchers, and were impressed by these hats. Always a little fastidious, Green longed to own one, but the cost of five dollars and a half put them beyond his reach. Helping in Tom's selection, however, he basked in reflected elegance that added greatly to Green's stature as a thirteen-year-old when the boys strutted off with Tom's Christmas finery in hand. It was not long before Green would be accounted a man, for boys in frontier lands matured early with experience and responsibility. The new year 1834 started off well enough for the Russell family. James worked his claims as usual with the help of his eldest son. Then his strength began to fail. Mining was hard, grueling work, and surveying not much better. James overtaxed himself and it soon told on his health. By the end of the year it was apparent he could not go on, not even with heavier leaning on Green, and by 1835 a fatal illness had developed. James Russell was buried nearby in a country graveyard on the hillside, in a simple service conducted by friends and relatives. After things were settled up little was left for the family, and Green went to work in a neighbor's mine. From that time on he was the head of the household, with a man's job to do.
This chapter also is based largely on information from Cain's History of Lumpkin County and Coulter's Auraria. Dr. Coulter says in the preface to Auraria that his study was "made possible by the discovery and use of a complete file of the Western Herald, a newspaper published in Auraria in 1832." This paper lasted less than a year, according to Dr. Coulter, "but it was during this early period that Auraria grew and reached its zenith as a gold-mining town." Dr. Coulter covers every phase of activity in the town and countryside at that time, and carries the story on to the finding of gold in California in 1848, and ten years later the strike in Colorado by the Georgia party, led by Green Russell, and the founding of the new town of Auraria on the banks of Cherry Creek. Cain's History, on page 241, quotes W. B. Townsend, editor of the Dahlonega Nugget, on April 7,1911: . . . a sixteen-year-old knew of no such thing when he was growing up, as a short legged pair of breeches, long stockings, and a necktie, but was highly pleased to wear a home woven, long legged pair of trousers held up with two (sometimes just one)
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suspenders knit by his mother, head covered with a cheap hat, and shirt made of cotton checks turned out . . . on an old fashioned loom . . . colored with indigo, copperas, and barks from the trees in the woods. Boys and girls went barefooted in summer. No athletics in those days, but instead a load of wood and an ax for the boys to develop their muscles until school hours. Mr. Townsend recalls that "there was no free education then. The pupils studied in any kind of book they could get hold of: blue-back speller, grammar, arithmetic, and geography comprised about all of the studies." He mentioned McGuffey's Reader and Webster's Blue-Backed Speller as commonly used. An interesting primary source was an old ledger shown me by Miss Talitha Whelchel, which was kept in an early day by the Whelchel general store. It listed prices of whiskey and other commodities, and luxury items like silk hats. Miss Talitha lived on a farm north of Dahlonega, where things have changed little, and the atmosphere is that of a bygone day. Miss Talitha's reminiscences added to that feeling, and helped carry the illusion.
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he Russells lived in the little frontier cabin that was their first home in Hall County. The next few years were hard ones for Elizabeth and her family, but the children shared a spirit of loyalty and cooperation and each tried to help. That they managed was largely due to Green's efforts, although John, aged nine, worked in the mine also, adding his pittance of pay, sixteen cents a day, to their support. Little as this was, Elizabeth accepted it with pride. She wanted to carry on the precepts her husband laid down for their children, and self-reliance was one of the principal lessons a boy could learn. Green had demonstrated that, and when decisions were to be made the family, even his mother, looked to him. He knew what he wanted to do, and worked to that end. Mining was his great preoccupation, and he talked endlessly about gold and everything connected with it. He showed his younger brothers how to pan for gold, and how to tell the real from similar deceptive substance. Green promised, too, that when they grew up they would become miners and make great fortunes in gold some day. Green saw how changes came about in mining, even in a few years. At first it was relatively simple to mine gold, even using the crudest of methods. Streams and bottom lands held an abundance of washeddown ore, and a man with pick and pan could earn a good livelihood with small effort and no capital. Then rude rockers and cradles re-
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placed pans, which were used until machines for washing gold were introduced. These did the work of several men, and more efficiently, but were expensive. As gold-mining machines improved it was possible to process the same gravel and grit a second and even a third time; by reducing the wastage, machines were worth what they cost. When it came to dredging placer gold from the deep waters of the Chestatee and Etowah Rivers something else was needed, and a diving bell made its appearance. This strange contraption, that created a sensation in 1833, was borne on a boat launched on the Chestatee. But such devices and methods were for retrieving surface gold, washed down from pockets in the hillsides. Within a few years shrewd miners began to search for the original sources. This took equipment too expensive for the ordinary worker, who in time must go to work in the larger mines. Few men could expect to make more than wages under this system, but the owners of large mines generally amassed fortunes. Among these was John C. Calhoun, whose mine near Dahlonega was worked by his slaves and paid well. On his frequent trips from his home in Pendleton, Calhoun usually stayed with the Paschals, and took quite an interest in local affairs. A man so prominent was sure to make news for the recently established Western Herald, Auraria's first periodical, that came into being April 9,1833. But like the seat of county government the newspaper was another casualty shortly lost to Dahlonega. The final blow to Auraria's prestige was in losing the United States mint. Talk of getting a mint established in Georgia had been circulated as early as 1830 and a meeting was held in Auraria to start a campaign for it and to enlist Calhoun's support. In remote regions, suddenly flooded with gold in the unminted state, the barter system was being used, not always to the miners' benefit. A ready medium of exchange was needed, and this had been provided by a private mint set up in Gainesville by Templeton Reid, before the government mint was built. Meanwhile not only had Calhoun's support been enlisted in behalf of the mint but that of Thomas Hart Benton, known as "Old Bullion." With two such supporters working for it, Congress passed the bill, but the mint was located five miles north in the rival town of Dahlonega. Completed in 1837, it began operating the next year. Georgia's gold production represented a major financial bloc in
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the state, and attracted much outside capital. With the turnover in mining rights, speculation boomed and mining companies were organized to take care of these transactions. Green Russell was not mature enough to understand such matters, but he paid attention to what went on, and listened more than he talked. Since his father's death he had lived in a world of confusion, political as well as financial, to which he tried to adjust as best he could. The greatest problem involved ownership of land. The Cherokee Nation, represented by a minority, had signed a treaty in 1835 exchanging their remaining Georgia lands for others beyond the Mississippi. But in spite of this and the disposition of most Cherokee land by lottery, the Cherokees themselves were not disposed of, nor would they be until their final eviction by force in 1838. There seemed little help for the situation, but as the plight of the Cherokees grew worse, Green's sympathy grew stronger. When he witnessed the humiliating treatment accorded them at the last, his interest in the ill-fated people became an obsession. After the Cherokees were evicted and their lands taken over by lottery claimants or those who bought from them, mining ran its course peacefully. Outwardly things seemed settled, but inwardly the scars were deep. The unjust treatment of the Indians was not easily or quickly forgotten, especially by their kin, who were of mixed blood as well as mixed emotions. Among the Russells' closest friends were some families related to the Cherokees. These people were proud of their heritage and never let it be forgotten. Even the children knew the exact degree of relationship as did little Susan Willis and Frances McClure, whose grandfather Daugherty was one-half Cherokee. This gave them a one-eighth heritage of Indian blood. The Willis and McClure farms were favorite places to visit in the neighborhood, particularly on Sundays, and the Russell young people looked forward to weekly gatherings, sure of having a good time. The country abounded in water, and its hillsides, covered with mountain laurel andfloweringshrubs, were beautiful at all seasons, but especially in the springtime. If the weather was fair, picnics were in order, and all shared in food set out by each family. The day passed pleasantly, grownups exchanging news and discussing affairs of local interest, the children playing games, wading in the streams, and enjoying the
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other pleasures of their environment. Occasionally they found a ' 'beetree,' ' or tracked small animals, or looked for beaver at work. Romances, too, got off to a good start at these friendly gatherings, many of the girls and boys finding suitable lifetime mates from neighboring families. Among these were the young Russells. Martha Anne married William Odom and Mary chose John Rouse. Somewhat later, when little Susan Willis and her cousin, Frances McClure, developed into attractive young women, it was small wonder they were courted by the Russell brothers, Green and John, respectively. Green had supported his mother since she was widowed and was like a father to his younger brothers. He was greatly respected in the community, and loved for his generosity and friendliness to all. Everyone was delighted when Green at twenty-five married Susan, just turned eighteen. This happened in 1845, and two years later the birth of a son, John Randolph, was extra cause for rejoicing. But before the baby was old enough to walk, gold excitement again took hold of the miners in northern Georgia. This time the gold was in California, so the rumor went, and every man who had ever held a pan, swirling gravel and gold, was anxious to be off to the new Eldorado to try his hand again. They could talk of nothing else. Green Russell, in spite of leaving Susan and young John Randolph, was among the first to announce his intention of going. While gold mining was the principal business in northern Georgia, and had been for two decades, countless experienced miners had not done well in recent years. Then all of a sudden a gust of life and fresh hope swept in with this report of new-found gold, far away though it was. Dwindling surface gold in the Dahlonega area and changed methods of mining had affected men of small capital; but in a new region, not yet worked, the gold washed down into streams was bound to be plentiful. Until that was exhausted, fortunes could be scooped up easily and in no time, or so they figured; and firstcomers had the best chance. Georgia's gold production had been like that. Large from the first, the actual amount of ore taken out of mines in the ten years before a mint was established could only be estimated. It was claimed by Matthew Stephenson, assayer at the mint for a time, and an advocate and promoter of the Georgia gold region, that as much as twenty
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million dollars was minted in Dahlonega after that. No doubt this sum was exaggerated, but Matthew was bent on keeping Georgia miners in the Georgia mines. When they began leaving for California in droves he made an impassioned plea from the courthouse balcony, trying to stay their course. He reminded citizens of the gold already mined, and pointed out to them that the surrounding hills still held rich promise. He urged them to develop what they had. Pointing to nearby Crown Mountain, he made the famous statement, "there's millions in it." And there might be, but nothing could stem the tide. Gold in the Sierras was an untried adventure, with hope, however unfounded, as against hard-to-get gold in Georgia, with certain hard work. Coulter's Auraria, Cain's History of Lumpkin County, personal stories handed down in the Russell family, and information gained from encounters with people in northern Georgia furnished information for this chapter. The author's tours of the environs of the ghost town, Auraria, and attendance at Dahlonega's Gold Rush Days several years in succession put her in touch with many citizens interested in the history of gold. It gave her a "feeling" for the country and its people she could hardly have gained in any other way. An invaluable source used throughout this account was Jerome C. Smiley's History of Denver. See footnote in Chapter 12. A letter on page 453 from Dr. Levi Russell to Jerome C. Smiley gives the relationship by marriage of Green and John Russell to the Cherokees. Dr. Russell writes: "W. G. Russell's wife whose maiden name was Willis, was of Cherokee descent, her grandfather whose name was Daugherty having been a half-blood." John's wife, Frances McClure, had the same inheritance.
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4. STAMPEDE TO THE SIERRAS 1 I I I I I 1 1 1 6 I
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t was a former Georgia woman, Mrs. Peter Wimmer, who in the year 1848 spread reports back home of gold in California. Her husband was working for Captain Sutter and she was cooking for his crew at the time James Marshall turned up the first particles of gold in Sutter's mill race. Marshall and Captain Sutter tried to keep the find secret, but news of that sort soon leaks out. Nor was Mrs. Wimmer one to withhold such information, especially when she saw the men pour vinegar on a shining substance, and test it by boiling in her soap kettle. That news was soon relayed to Georgia! It was enough to start a stampede, and immediately. Miners got ready, organized large parties or took off in small groups, all seeking the quickest routes to California. Paying scant heed to Matthew Stephenson, or to the Georgia newspapers that took up the cry, warning against such a hazardous trip, hundreds of miners poured out of Georgia late in 1848. They continued to go the next year and for years to come. Georgia miners were considered among the best in the world at that time. During the last half of the nineteenth century, from 1849 on, the individual prospector came into his own in the search for gold. In the Georgia foothills, and to a lesser degree earlier in North Carolina, discoveries of gold developed into a business for individuals. Gold was for the man who uncovered it. The Dahlonega area was a proving
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ground where gold, found and worked by hand, trained men in prospecting for it and in producing it, a knowledge they took to other fields. Green Russell was a man typical of his time and generation, and he had become one of the most experienced miners in the area. Added to his knowledge of mining was that of elementary surveying, learned from his father. In prospecting he had a sureness about gold, and where to look for it, that amazed his fellow workers. When Green was ready to leave for California later in the year, other miners were anxious to accept his leadership, among them his brother, John, some of Susan's family, and a number of neighbors. When the Georgia prospectors left home, late in 1848, the favored route lay through the new Cherokee Nation lands, beyond the Mississippi River, already familiar to those who had friends or relatives there. The Cherokees who had known about gold in Georgia, even though it brought nothing but disaster to them, were interested in the news from California. A few joined the Georgians. A party of Cherokees under the leadership of Lewis Ralston followed later, taking the same route. The findings of this Cherokee party in the Rockies, recalled a decade later, would start another search for gold. From the Cherokee country the route followed the Arkansas River across the plains, turned north and skirted the Rocky Mountains to Fort Laramie, then went west along the Oregon-California trail, and came into the gold region from the north. Experienced as the Georgians were, no likely place along the way was overlooked, and they panned sand and gravel in all the streams they crossed. In the mountain region they were encouraged to wash out a few glints of gold ore, but it was not enough to swerve them from the course set. California was a known goal, and it was rumored a fabulous one. The discovery of the gold at Sutter's Mill was made January 24, 1848, less than a week before the Mexican government concluded its peace settlement with the United States following the War with Mexico. The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, signed February 2, 1848, relinquished all of California and vast tracts of western lands, but the Mexicans were unaware that a history-making gold strike was included in the deal. American settlers had been coming into California, even before that. The first pioneer train organized by John Bidwell came
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from Independence, Missouri, as early as 1841, and the Chiles-Walker party in 1843 was the first to come in wagons. By 1846 a group of Mormons rounded the Horn and arrived by boat. When knowledge of the Sutter discovery got around, those already on the ground hurried to the scene. Some went on horseback or muleback; some went in carts; even a few on crutches got there; and one, it was said, went in a litter. By June scarcely a male citizen remained in San Francisco, Monterey, San Jose, or Santa Cruz. Soldiers deserted and so did the detachments sent to capture them. Hundreds of ships lay at anchor in San Francisco Bay, their crews gone to the foothills. Fields of wheat went unharvested; homes and shops were likewise abandoned. Even newspapers suspended publication and city officials closed their desks. Almost as quickly the gold fever spread throughout the nation and the world. The Georgia men, arriving at the height of the turmoil, were well acquainted with conditions that develop in a newly discovered gold region. Their experience paid off, for they not only knew good outcroppings from poor, they were skillful in separating ore, whether from stream beds or shallow veins. Before the Georgians came, trained gold workers were few, aside from Mexicans who had mined in Sonora. Use of the more efficient gold pan soon replaced fingers, knives, and other primitive tools. Rockers and cradles and long toms were also introduced. With these implements several men could work an enormous amount of gravel a day, thus increasing production greatly. Later hydraulic and dredging operations were brought in. This was not the first mining operation in the state. Before 1848, when California was still a part of Mexico, the area was one of great ranches originating in Spanish grants, with a few villages dozing sleepily in the sun. It was largely unexplored wilderness and sparsely inhabited. Back in 1842 Francisco Lopez, in charge of a San Fernando ranch, had stopped to rest in Placerita Canyon while out looking for cattle in the nearby mountains. Seeing some wild onions, he dug them up with his knife, and noticed particles of gold in the earth clinging to their roots. News of this incident set off a small rush to the canyon. Placer mining was carried on there with crude methods until the arrival of the more experienced miners from Sonora, who introduced a dry-washing extraction procedure. This increased production, but the
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supply of gold was exhausted by 1847. Estimates vary as to the amount taken out, but claims from six and eight thousand dollars to ten times that amount were made. When John Augustus Sutter, a Swiss immigrant, settled in California earlier, he called his eleven-league grant on the Sacramento River, "New Helvetia." He enlarged his holdings with the Sobrante tract. Then when the Russians retired to their Bering Sea bases he bought the Fort Ross and Bodega Bay areas from them, together with their movable property. Sutter developed his lands for agriculture, and became a figure of importance. Always ready to help settlers, he aided the destitute, clothed and fed needy transients, and gave work to those who had no place of their own. James Wilson Marshall, who came from New Jersey, by way of Oregon, contracted to build a sawmill for Sutter on the south fork of the American River. During its construction Marshall picked up flakes of gold that later set the country wild with excitement. The site of the discovery was in a belt of mineral soil along the western slope of the Sierras, running from Mariposa north to Downieville. Mexican miners were among the first to get there, and they named it after a mining region in their native Sonora, known as "Veta Madre"; so the "Mother Lode" it became. Gold seekers poured into the area from all parts of the country by the hundreds, and came in all sorts of ways. Any route had its trials and hardships, and any mode of transportation its discomforts. The sea route, from the eastern coast around Cape Horn, lured prospective Argonauts from the East, although it was slow and rigorous. Ships were reconditioned and chartered to companies of gold seekers, or filled with people clamoring to get aboard, whether they were equipped for such an undertaking or not. The ships, not always seaworthy, often developed trouble. If the weather was not favorable for negotiating the Straits of Magellan any ship, even the best, was likely to be delayed, and often for weeks. The long sea route could be broken by disembarking at Chagres, a small village at the mouth of the Chagres River on the Isthmus of Panama, and by crossing the malaria-infested neck of land by canoe or on foot to the Pacific side. But there passengers must wait, on the edge of a steaming jungle under the worst possible conditions, for a ship
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going north to complete their journey. This might be weeks or months, with the added dangers of disease or disaster to plague them. Most people took the overland route, although it offered no choices. River travel helped to reach the Mississippi; from that point only endurance counted, and survival was uncertain for those who undertook the long hazardous journey. Stretched out before the fortune seekers were endless plains, where hostile Indians might be encountered and the wagon trains destroyed, even before the desert-and-mountain country was reached. Here the trials were worse than ever, in case the travelers lived to meet them. Yet nothing stemmed the tide of humanity pushing west, and no less than 35,000 persons traveled overland seeking California gold. When at last their goal was reached many of the would-be miners
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were unable to stand up to the rigors of mining. Only the hardiest could endure the backbreaking labor, constant exposure to the elements, and wading in icy water for placer findings. The weaker ones worked at other jobs in mining districts. The superficial placer gold was worked out first and was fast being exhausted before the latecomers arrived. New diggings had to go deeper. As discoveries were made, new names were added to the district. These names, indicative of the temper of the times, ran from the high dignity of "Remington Hill" and "Anthony House" to the ludicrous "You Bet," "Gouge Eye," and "Delirium Tremens." More stories were told of the way these names came about than of how the mines were found. Most of the Georgia men went only as prospectors and miners, not as settlers to California. This was true in the case of Green Russell.
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He had come for one purpose, quick gold, to take home. He knew the ups and downs of mining, and made the most of his opportunity. It was a wonderful experience in a world he had only heard about— never seen. The country was far different from his native hills in Georgia, and more beautiful; even greater was the difference in people. They had converged on the gold fields from every quarter of the globe, it seemed, and ships were constantly bringing in foreigners. It was no surprise to find Asians or Europeans working side by side with native Indians or Negroes, and there was no class distinction. High or low, the aim of all was the common object, gold. Gold seekers found no roads and few trails when they started going out in every direction, and they made use of water travel on the Sacramento and other rivers capable of bearing boats to or from the gold regions. Supplies were sent out the same way. San Francisco was soon a sprawling, overgrown collection of crude houses, but it became the center of a growing commerce. Here the highest prices were paid for merchandise, and fortunes could be made in trade. Shipping was a thriving business, its worst problem being to keep the crews from deserting to join the gold seekers. People from every walk of life were represented in the crowds thronging the waterfront or going inland to seek gold, but the rarest to find were experienced miners. Green and John Russell took advantage of this situation, and by the end of the year had mined a sizable amount of gold. They had gained a knowledge of the country and its mining possibilities as well, and were ready to go home. John did not expect to return to California, but Green had promised to bring his younger brothers back as soon as possible. The quickest route home was by way of the Isthmus at Panama. It was a novel experience for men whose lives had been spent inland to go anywhere by sea; so from San Francisco they embarked for Panama. Crossing tropical country was new and strange to them. When they reached the Atlantic side they took another boat to New Orleans, where they changed for a river steamer up the Mississippi. Green was anxious to try this route if the disadvantages were not too great, and expected to return that same way with Oliver and Levi.
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Green Russell and Gold
Background material for this chapter was obtained from such books as Pay Dirt by Glen Chesney Quiett (pp. 35-42, 56); Sea Routes to the Gold Fields: The Migration by Water to California in 1849-1852 by Oscar Lewis (pp. 5-8, 80); Gold Strikes and Ghost Towns by Todd Webb (p. 15); and Mrs. Sarah Royce's A Frontier Lady. Other sources include Coulter's Auraria and Smiley's History of Denver. Family recollections retold by Grandma Russell furnished most of the personal details here, including Mrs. Wimmer's report of the gold discovery which she relayed back to her friends and old neighbors in Georgia. This, along with other reminiscences, was given also in a lengthy interview by Oliver Russell and published in the St. Louis Globe-Democrat, December 1,1897, of which the author has a copy.
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5. EARLY RUSSELL LUCK 6 I 6 I I B B
E
ven though hundreds of Georgia men poured out of the state bound for California, countless others, more cautious, waited for firsthand reports. When Green and John returned home in 1850, men flocked around them, anxious to know about conditions, the risks involved, and the expense of travel. John was satisfied with what he had, and expected to invest several thousand dollars of gold in Georgia. He meant to buy land and later go into the mercantile business. Green, more adventurous, would take the younger brothers back for their chance at California gold. Green, at thirty, seemed like a man of the world to the eager young ones who had never been beyond their own native hills, who had never seen any buildings larger than the mint and courthouse at Dahlonega. During the past two years Green had matured and had grown a beard such as men of his age often wore. Being of tidy turn, Green did not wear his long reddish gold whiskers flowing, but parted them neatly in the middle, making them on occasion into plaits tucked into his shirt front. His clothes were of a better cut than those available in this rural community, and his brothers, impressed by his appearance, no doubt hoped they would return from their travels equally well turned-out. The three Russells, along with several of their neighbors, set out that summer for California, taking river boats to reach New Orleans and a
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steamer to the Isthmus. The trip marked the first time some of the Georgians had seen boats of passenger size like those on the Mississippi, or a city of such proportions as New Orleans. What had been a matter of hearsay to them became a reality. Under Green's guidance they enjoyed the unusual sights afforded by the old French city, ate strange food washed down with the blackest of coffee, and never tired of watching the gay crowds of people. The river front was the most interesting place of all. Boats were coming in and going out, and the noisy loading and unloading of cargoes caused a pleasant stir of excitement. The Georgians met other travelers bound for California who were eager to discuss the gold fields, and some of them were taking the same steamer to Panama. Green tried to prepare his brothers for what they would encounter, but it was all so different from what they had imagined, that for these country-bred boys it was an overpowering experience. The trip to California from Georgia would take weeks of hard traveling on crowded boats with poor accommodations, but the time saved was important and the dangers encountered were no greater than those of the land route. Oliver and Levi enjoyed the new experiences and the new scenes, but especially they enjoyed traveling with their older brother. The younger men were extremely proud of him and his ability to command attention and inspire confidence. Earlier Green had taught them the mining business; now they were learning other lessons from him. He was easygoing, accepting life as he found it, and he knew how to get along with people. Levi was most impressed with this quality and tried to emulate it, but Oliver was shy and content to let his brothers make the advances to strangers. The boat trip to Panama was interesting, and the days spent at sea were enchanting. Levi, only nineteen, had more curiosity than Oliver, three years his senior. He investigated everything in sight and his friendly approach got him into every part of the boat. He talked with passengers and crew alike, picking up useful information on many subjects. Always interested in medicine, he soon made friends with the medical men aboard. They discussed advances being made in scientific studies, and the new treatments found for tropical diseases. Levi listened intently, having already declared his intention of entering
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Early Russell Luck
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medical school when he returned from the West, providing he got enough gold to pay for his education. En route to Panama the boat stopped at Havana, and this city, too, was different from anything these Americans had ever known. Havana was not to be compared to New Orleans in their estimation, but Spanish rule made it a foreign land and increased their interest in it. When the boat reached Panama passengers disembarked at Chagres, on the Chagres River. Here native canoes, called "bongos," could be hired to navigate the stream as far as Palanque; but to reach Panama City on the Pacific coast the heights of Culebra must be crossed on foot or by mule. Once there, the tired traveler found that the weather was hot, the place crowded to capacity with people waiting to get to the gold fields. It was here in Panama City on his earlier trip back to Georgia, that Green encountered a North Carolina man of his acquaintance by the name of King. The man had waited so long for a boat that his funds were exhausted, and he could neither return home nor continue on his way to California. Always generous, Green helped Mr. King with money to get to his destination. The grateful man promised he would not forget the kindness, and was confident he could repay the debt in a short time. The younger Russells had heard of this transaction through a rather disapproving account given by their brother John. Knowing Green's generosity, they were not surprised, but like John, doubted he would ever again hear of Mr. King or the loan made to him. Boat travel on the Pacific was somewhat improved by 1850, and the three Russells did not have too long a wait before they got passage on the S.S. Oregon. This was a Pacific mail carrier that regularly made the trip from New York around Cape Horn. The run from Panama, though comparatively short, at the end proved unexpectedly exciting. When they reached San Francisco in October, and sailed into the Golden Gate, they heard a booming of cannon and saw wild demonstrations on shore. The Oregon was the ship that brought to California news of her admittance as a state of the Union! California was settling up fast as immigrants poured in by the thousands, not only for the chance of finding gold, but for the opportunity of making money off those who had already found it. San Francisco had become a big sprawling boom town with all the attendant problems. Food and commodities were hard to get and prices were out of
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Green Russell and Gold
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sight. With hotels crowded, transients put up with the poorest accommodations, paying well for the privilege. Houses were of a makeshift variety, and the streets were hub deep in mud. A sign appearing at Clay and Kearney Streets captivated passersby with its warning: This street is impassable Not even jack-assable. It was on such a street in San Francisco that a man unexpectedly approached Green with a friendly greeting, and was introduced to the boys as his friend from North Carolina, Mr. King! The man, who was doing well on a claim in the Yuba River district, invited Green to join him there. It was north of the Sutter country, Mr. King told them, not far from Marysville, with much activity in the area. Always interested in new openings, Green was glad to leave San Francisco for the goldfields.After laying in provisions and equipment, the little party was soon on its way to the Yuba River. Working Mr. King's claim, they obtained amazingly good returns. Unfortunately, as in all placer mining, the quick profits did not last long, but the Russells and Mr. King did well in that and other ventures together. At the end of their association Green was $10,000 better off than he had been at the beginning. Now with money to invest and good judgment to back it up, Green wanted to return to the American River region. Fortune had favored him and before long he would be returning home well fixed. He had been successful in all he undertook, which was not always the case in this gold business. Marshall, himself, who made the original discovery in Sutter's mill race, was not able to capitalize on it. After another man, Sam Brannan, first published the news others pushed in to make the profits. Nor did things go well for Sutter, whose country was invaded from all sides after the discovery of gold. Green showed the younger men how to take advantage of this experience. It was a broader life than they had known in the inland hill country of their birth, and they must learn to adjust to it. Oliver, quietest of the three brothers, who listened with interest while others talked, was well liked. He was interested in agriculture, and Captain Sutter, who had become a friend, wanted him to give up the idea of returning to Georgia, saying that California had a great future in farm-
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ing and growing fruit. He offered to let Oliver have land at a reasonable price and help him get started. It was a tempting offer, but Oliver declined it. Levi, on the other hand, was talkative and outgoing in his approach to people, but was less eager to work than his brothers. What they referred to as "laziness" didn't bother Levi either. Things often turned out advantageously for him with little effort. He never let his brothers forget one warm day when he stopped in the shade of a tree to rest, and asked Green what would be a good place to dig for gold. Green's caustic reply was "What place could be better than under that tree?" Taking him at his word, Levi began to dig and, to the amazement of all, came up with a nice showing of ore. After two successful years in California the brothers were ready to settle up and leave. They told their friends good-by, then took a boat for Panama. After crossing the Isthmus they embarked again, this time for Key West, Florida, with a short layover in Havana. This was a welcome diversion. Food at sea was monotonous, and they longed for a change from dried things and tiresome ship fare like "lobscouse." This dish was one of the mainstays of food at sea, a sort of hash made of potatoes and salt beef or pork. At Havana they went ashore seeking fresh food. The market place offered a tempting variety of fruits and vegetables, things they had not seen in weeks. While they were eyeing the food, trying to decide what to try first, a pickpocket cut into Levi's coat and carried off his wallet. The theft was discovered in time, and with no further thought of food the Russells gave chase. Catching up with the thief, they kicked him roundly with their box-toed boots until he was glad to relinquish the purse and disappear into the crowd. The last lap of the trip turned out to be the worst. Shortly out of port, the ship was scourged with cholera. Several people died and were buried at sea, but the Russells fortunately escaped this plague. Levi, with his interest in diseases, took an active part in caring for the sick on board but cautioned his brothers as to how they might avoid contagion. They would have felt better if Levi had not been exposed to the danger, but they knew they would not be able to prevent it, just as they had been unable to prevent his illness from fever before the California trip. The prevailing theory for treatment of fever then was that the
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Green Russell and Gold
patient should be denied fresh water, letting the fever burn itself out. This, Levi thought, was contrary to common sense or comfort; so under cover of darkness he would drag himself out of bed to a nearby spring. There, lying on his stomach, he would put his lips to the cool water and drink. Later he told of these nightly visits to the spring, and swore they had cured him. Now that Levi had enough gold to put himself through medical school his brothers could say little to keep him from working with the sick passengers. At Key West, where the ship was held in quarantine for what seemed an endless time, the Russell brothers still faced a long trip ahead, across the state of Florida and most of Georgia before they could reach home. But what a welcome awaited them. People came from miles around to hear about their trip, some a little envious perhaps, that they had not gone, others hoping it was not too late to get in on the new bonanza.
Background material for this chapter, in addition to sources already cited, includes Quiett's Pay Dirt (pp. 44-45), and Lewis' Sea Routes to the Gold fields (pp. 107-113). Additional material came from Marshall Davidson's Life in America (Book I, p. 246). Accounts of the Russells' early experiences were remembered by Grandma Russell and told to her family throughout the years. A favorite story with her concerned the man named King, whom Green Russell financed to go on to California, and how handsomely he repaid him. In the newspaper interview of the St. Louis Globe-Democrat, December 1, 1897, Oliver Russell told of Captain Sutter's offer nearly half a century earlier. It was to sell him a hundred or more acres of land (upon which Sacramento has since been built) for only a few ounces of gold if Oliver would remain in that part of California, which he declined to do. An article by Alvin F. Jones in the Southwestern farmer and Breeder of December 3, 1909, gives an extended account of Dr. Levi J. Russell's life and career as a gold seeker and later eminent medical man. In some direct quotations Dr. Russell tells his story of the journey to California and back by way of the Isthmus of Panama, and of some of his experiences there in company with his brothers, Green and Oliver.
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& "THE RUSSELL BOYS1 QBBBItllB
J ^ lthough the three Russells, back from their travels, were glad to ^ M S see friends and tell about the California venture that had proved so successful, they declared they were now settling down. Only Levi would leave to enroll for three years in the Philadelphia College of Medicine and Surgery. Medicine was a tradition in both the Russell and the Pierce families. Levi had always wanted to become a doctor and now his hoard of California gold made this possible. He expected to graduate in 185 6 and return to Georgia to set up practice. Green Russell meanwhile had purchased Savannah Plantation, the Palmer property near Hightower which he had always liked, for ten thousand dollars, not a bad price to pay. The place was sizable, around five hundred acres, and well wooded, and laying between two creeks that emptied into the Etowah River from the west. A cluster of houses surrounded by shade trees topped the little rise overlooking a lovely valley. The clear-running stream at the foot of the hill came to be known as Russell Creek, replacing the old name of Childtoter. The other stream was called Proctor Creek. Shortly after the deed was effected on September 20, 1852, Green took his own family, his mother, and his brothers and sister to live there. This was an important change for them, and Elizabeth especially loved it. Oliver, and Levi after his school years were over, would live there, but John had acquired a farm and mercantile business near
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Leather's Ford in Lumpkin County. That same year John and Frances McClure were married. John, highly respected in the community, represented his county in the Georgia Legislature several terms. The Russell girls before long would be having homes of their own nearby. After the Green Russells moved to the Hightower district another romance began to bud. This was Oliver's. Though a reserved young man, Oliver was immensely popular with the girls. Already known as a good fiddler and a fine dancer, his recent travels gave him added charm in the sight of the ladies and he was in great demand at parties. The Russell family attended church services at the Savannah meeting house, and here Oliver noticed a comely miss of fourteen, Jane Robertson, who came with her family from Yellow Creek district, a few miles away. This church in a clearing was well attended for worship, with families coming from miles around. It was also the place where aspiring young women expected to meet their beaux. Jane was a regular attendant, but whether from shyness or coquetry she was always the first one away from services. Mounting her horse, she would head for home in a gallop. It was not long before Oliver's interest was piqued by the girl's mettle, but the only way to meet her, it appeared, was to outride her. One Sunday after church he mounted his horse quickly, reining it out in her direction. Immediately Jane sped up, handling the spirited mare in such expert fashion that neither Oliver nor her sister following could keep up. They slowed to a trot in the wooded sections but let out to a run in the clearings. Jane still had the lead. It was the creek crossing that finally gave Jane pause, for here her horse tried to roll in the water. It took all of the girl's skill to handle the situation, and on the far bank Oliver overtook her. With all the poise in the world he said he would see her that evening, and doffing his hat, rode away. Jane was too overcome to answer, but every Sunday evening for the next two years Oliver's horse could be found at the Robertsons' hitching post. When Jane turned sixteen in the spring of 1855 she was considered of suitable age for marriage. Shortly afterward, however, in April, Oliver's mother died. Elizabeth was buried in a peaceful little hillside cemetery on the Savannah plantation, almost within sight of the house.
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"The Russell Boys"
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Everybody loved Elizabeth, and the family was greatly saddened by her death. Because of this bereavement Oliver and Jane put their wedding off until fall. Susan was now the head of the household, and in September she welcomed Jane into the family. Jane had been brought up in the strictest of Baptist homes, with little frivolity and no dancing or music. It was a custom in this part of the country for the groom's family to give a party, called an "infare," the day after the wedding. It was in honor of the bride. The Russells were a music-loving, dancing family, and the party given for Jane was a gay one. But Jane sat on the side lines unable to dance. As she watched the dancers, her rage mounted, particularly when Oliver swept gracefully by with someone else. Jane made a vow then and there that if she ever had children, they would learn to dance when they learned to walk. Susan Russell, known affectionately as "Sukie," was vivacious and charming and everybody loved her. When she saw Jane's unhappy plight she tried to lighten the girFs embarrassment by taking her away from the dancing and soliciting her help in serving the bountiful food customary at such country parties. Jane was soon at ease and mixed happily with the guests. Oliver, realizing that Jane was having a bad time of it, promised she should learn to dance, and that the next time would be the gayest of all. But Jane was not the dancing type. Tall, strong, and fine looking, she was content to be a wife and mother, and when another year rolled around she had borne Oliver a daughter, Harriet. Other changes took place within the year. Levi had come home to start his practice of medicine, and Jane and Harriet were among his first patients. He maintained his office in a little building erected across the road, a short distance away. Another dwelling was added to the cluster on the hill before long for Levi and his bride, Mary Roe. Levi was a skillful doctor in great demand, and he was a real addition to the community, taking part in many neighborhood activities and those of the nearby towns. At Dahlonega he became a member of the Masonic chapter, Blue Mountain Lodge, which was started in 1844 by some Philadelphia men who came out with the mint. Green had been a member of the Lodge since 1850 but was never as active as Levi, who loved his Masonic work.
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Life in the Georgia hills was a comfortable and happy one for the Russell men and nothing was further from their minds than leaving it, but something over which they had no control soon made itself felt. This was the money Panic of 1857. As the financial situation grew tighter over the nation, uneasiness spread. Green and Oliver had expected to continue in mining, for Georgia gold was far from exhausted, but when investments looked shaky, they decided farming was better. Land never hurt anybody, especially new land to settle on, and such land was available in Kansas Territory. They talked it over and decided to investigate. In the spring of 1857 Green and Oliver took their cousins, Robert and James Pierce, and Sam Bates, a young part-Cherokee protege of Greeks, to Kansas. Finding land to their liking in Pottawatomie County, they staked out claims, put in some crops, and left the Pierce boys in charge for the winter. The others returned to Georgia. That summer Green looked into another matter besides land and farming, one having to do with gold. Seven years before a party of Cherokees headed by Lewis Ralston had found a small showing of gold in the Rocky Mountain region on their way west to California. It was said that they made a map of its location. The Russells heard about this later through the Ralstons' kin in Georgia, and Green remembered his own small, though promising, findings in the Rockies. He decided to contact any Cherokees who had accompanied Ralston when he went through the Indian territory. John Beck, a half-breed Baptist preacher, living in the Nation, was one of these. Beck readily agreed to form a party with the Russells, promising to get a group of Cherokees together, while Green and Oliver recruited prospectors in Georgia. They planned to join forces the following spring. There was no hope of going earlier, for military authorities considered it too dangerous, but thought that in another year things should be better. When Green and Oliver got back home their families were no doubt surprised to learn what farming in Kansas Territory had led to; or maybe by now the Russell wives were used to the energetic ways of their husbands. At any rate, their greatest venture was about to start. "The Russell boys" were again heading west, and they expected to find gold.
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"The Russell Boys"
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Dr. Levi J. Russell is listed in the Bexar County Medical Library as follows: "Dr. Levi J. Russell, Pennsylvania Medical College Pa 3 '56 (Y of P)." He probably furnished the information himself. Actually he attended the Philadelphia College of Medicine and Surgery, which merged in 1859 with the Pennsylvania Medical College (Gettysburg). The latter was organized in 1839 as the Medical Department of Pennsylvania College. After the merger in 1859, it closed in 1861, no doubt on account of war conditions. Dr. Russell's credentials must have been sent to the Pennsylvania Medical College, and for that reason he used the name. The State College, now near Harrisburg, is part of Pennsylvania University. Dr. Russell entered the Philadelphia College of Medicine and Surgery in 1853 and attended three years, before setting up his practice in Georgia. In 1852 Green Russell bought the Palmer property, which now belongs to Mrs. Homer Head of Dahlonega. A photostatic copy of the deed to the farm was given the author by Mrs. Head, who extended many other courtesies. In company with Mrs. Head she visited the old Green Russell farm many times, and got much help in dates from the cemetery markers. Mrs. Head remembered some of the Russell family and others who had known them, and these reminiscences were of great help. Through Mrs. Head the author was put in touch with several people interested in the history of gold in Georgia. One of these, Mrs. John Anthony, who was secretary for the Dahlonega Chamber of Commerce at the time, was the most enthusiastic, and another, Mr. William Fry, took the author to the old mining sites. James Pierce's article in The Trail magazine, "The First Prospecting of Colorado: Story of the Green Russell Expedition," Volume VII (October, 1914), carries the story forward, but doesn't tell about the winter of 1857 in Kansas. Needless to say, Grandma Russell was at her best in describing those early days when Oliver courted her, and she wedded him at sixteen!
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7. TO RALSTON'S CREEK i i e i n i
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hile a feeling of anticipation prevailed during the winter at the Savannah plantation, a note of sadness slipped in too as the brothers prepared for their prospecting trip. Levi had thrown in with the plans, and wanted to go, even though his bride of a few months protested. The date set for departure, curiously enough fell on his twenty-sixth birthday, February 17. All was in readiness that day and there would be no delay. But confusion came at the last, tears mingling with laughter, for John, Green's eleven-year-old son, was disappointed to be left behind. To console him, Green made extravagant promises about taking him to the Pike's Peak country next time, after they located the gold. Going from the neighborhood besides Green, Oliver, and Levi were six men: Lewis Ralston, William Anderson, Joseph McAfee, Solomon Roe, Samuel Bates, and John Hampton. When the group met in Auraria everybody was excited over their leaving, just as they had been nearly a decade earlier, when miners from Lumpkin County left for California. Although Auraria had suffered from that first exodus, dwindling in size and importance, prosperity had come to many families from California gold. Now a new hope beckoned from the Rockies. After greetings and farewells the miners clucked to their teams and the group started up the old Gold Diggers' Road. At Dahlonega, four miles away, some recalled how in 1849 Dr.
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To Ralston's Creek
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Matthew Stephenson, speaking from the courthouse balcony, had warned the miners against leaving Georgia for California. This time no voice dissented, and everybody hoped that this venture in the Rockies would turn out as well as the other. By sundown Dahlonega was far behind and the party was well on its way north into the Blue Ridge country. The air was so brisk and cold that they sought shelter at a friendly farm. In a few more days they arrived at the Tennessee border, leaving Georgia behind. It took weeks of travel under winter conditions to reach Maysville, in the Indian Territory, the meeting place agreed on with Beck, where they found the Cherokees not yet ready. Setting a later date to meet them on the Big Bend of the Arkansas River, the Georgians moved on into Kansas. At Green's farm on Rock Creek they were joined by the Pierce boys; others enlarged the group as they went along. At the James Darnell farm in Pottawatomie County, where they camped next, three men from Kansas Territory joined the company. One of these, Luke Tierney, was an ambitious young man who said he expected to keep a log of their trip. It might come in handy later. The main preparations for the long journey were to be made here. Green, along with Oliver and three others, went into Leavenworth to exchange the mule teams for oxen, and stock up on supplies and provisions to last out the summer. Leaving Rock Creek on May 18, the party went to Manhattan, where more recruits were waiting, and where they purchased lastminute supplies. Upon leaving Manhattan they numbered twenty-one, the last men added being George Howard, T. C. Dickson, J. Brock, and a Frenchman named Henry Villard. The wagon train consisted of four wagons, ten yoke of oxen, and three horses, which Green Russell considered a good outfit. With these travel facilities, and with munitions for a seven-month tour, they could start toward the plains in comparative safety. Though trials and unexpected mishaps were bound to take place, Green was not afraid of the outcome. Next day they reached Fort Riley, at the juncture of the Smoky Hill and Republican Rivers, and made camp on the north bank of the river. There they experienced the first mishap—the straying off of some of the cattle. More than a day was lost before the animals were recovered. The river crossing was difficult too. They had to ferry across and to
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make the oxen swim, but once across they made good progress even though the roads were rough and hilly. At the head of Clark's Creek, several evenings later, they sighted their first game and had some real excitement from an antelope hunt which lasted until dark. Robert Pierce, unfortunately, got lost and had to stay alone on the prairie all night. Luckily he was unharmed, but the experience could have meant tragedy. Game of all sort was plentiful when they reached the Santa Fe Trail, especially buffalo, which furnished the main supplies of fresh meat from there on. At their camp on Turkey Creek another misfortune occurred: during the night the horses broke loose and ran away. Two men went to hunt them, but they left without coats, as the day was hot, and they took no provisions. The men got caught in a torrential rain storm and nearly lost their lives. While swimming a swollen stream they had to discard their guns, and by the time they rejoined the party two days later they were suffering from hunger and exhaustion. Though the men had walked about forty miles, the horses were never recovered.
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In the meantime, a dispatch written on the shinbone of a buffalo was received from the Cherokee party on May 28, saying they were some miles ahead. An answer was sent by messenger asking them to wait, and the Russell party hurried to catch up. When they arrived at the big Arkansas River on May 31, they had cut the distance between the two companies to twenty miles. The next day they made an early start. Around four in the afternoon they were challenged by some Cheyennes at Pawnee Fork. This, their first encounter with hostile Indians, might have had a less happy outcome. Several hundred Cheyennes, along with members of other tribes, were holding a council to decide whether they would make war on the Utes. The Indian camp was an imposing, but menacing, sight, with its dozens of tents and hundreds of ponies grazing nearby. The Cheyennes appeared friendly enough, however, and some trading was done, the white men getting ponies in exchange for gunpowder, lead, and provisions. Glad to leave Pawnee Fork and the Cheyennes, the men went an-
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other six miles before stopping for supper. At midnight they continued their march, to avoid the daytime heat, which had become oppressive, as well as to hasten their meeting with Beck and the Cherokees. When the two companies came together, on June 2, they numbered seventy men, with fourteen wagons, thirty-three yoke of cattle, two horse teams, and twenty or more ponies. The increased number, with its offer of better protection in case of attack, heartened the members of both parties. Although John Beck was the organizer of the Cherokee party, they traveled under the command of George Hicks, a lawyer and former chief of the Cherokees, for whom everyone had the greatest respect. The Russell party joined forces with them, under Hicks' command and with the observance of his rules of travel. There were no Sunday marches unless they were unavoidable, because of Beck's belief that a Sabbath rest was needed, both for men and for their cattle. Besides thirty Cherokees, the Beck group included a few white men, two with their wives, Mrs. Kelly and Mrs. Kirk, as well as the Kirk children and Mrs. Kelly's sister. The women and children, however, expected to leave the party at Bent's Fort. Under Hicks' command Green had less responsibility, and more time to meditate as the patient oxen plodded along, putting one slow mile behind the other in crossing the plains. The scenery offered no change, and the landscape presented little to distract him. The company followed the river, which guided them, with the sun to their backs in the mornings. Each evening Green calculated how much nearer they had come to their goal. It was no new story to him. He had been this way before, and he knew that at the end they would find the ' 'Shining Mountains,'' and he hoped shining gold. Bent's Fort on the Arkansas, which they reached on June 12, was an impressive and welcome sight. The party was now more than five hundred miles west of Leavenworth. Some of them were cheered inwardly by liquor obtained at a dollar a pint, but little else was to be had and nothing gave reason to tarry there. If William Bent had not been absent on a trip East things might have been different. Green Russell had the greatest respect for Bent, and few men in the West understood conditions as well. Some benefit might have come from talking to him there.
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This was not the original location of Bent's Fort. The ruins of the first fort, some forty miles away, at the mouth of the Purgatory River, were passed later. From there on, the road lay through desert country that lived up to its wasteland reputation. No grass, herb, tree, shrub, or any requisite of man or beast was to be seen, and the days seemed endless in the heat and the desolation. A few distant peaks coming into view to the south caused hopeful comments, as did a ridge of singular mounds made of alternating white rock and clay, visible for several miles on the northeast. They did not sight the Rockies until June 16. The party had started unusually early on that morning, and in spite of the higher altitude, the day was sultry; but by noon, in the sweltering heat, snow-capped mountains could be seen ahead. Though still a long way off, they held promise and the tired prospectors were happy at the sight. There were the Huajatolla, famed Spanish Peaks, and by the next day refreshing breezes from them brought relief from the heat. Near the Huerfano River, which took its name from a lone peak in the vicinity, and meant orphan, they passed a settlement of Mexican people. On June 18 the wagons left the Arkansas River, the last water for fifteen miles until Fontaine Qui Bouille was reached. There the route turned north toward the mountains. As the road climbed steadily the travelers could look back on the bare, level plain without tree or shrub, except where the river ran between cottonwood-shaded banks. Pike's Peak, some thirty miles away, came into view to the northwest, but it seemed much nearer in the clear, deceptive air of the mountains. This whole western region was known as the Pike's Peak country, and the men were impressed with the beauty of its famed landmark. The green slopes made a striking contrast to the summit perpetually covered with snow. Reaching the Fontaine, they camped for the night, and caught sight of some brown bear, the first they had encountered, but the bear got away before any hunter had a chance to shoot. It was beautiful country. The following day the company moved on up the creek eight miles, then for twelve more miles crossed high, rolling plain covered with excellent grass. Curious piles of rock surrounded by vegetation caused comment, reminding them of ancient ruins. Such sights furnished interest along the way.
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The next camping place had a fine spring, the first one they had drunk from in five hundred miles of travel, but they did not reach it until ten o'clock that night. This place was known as Jim's Camp, after a trader who was murdered by the Indians. Two days later, at the base of a perpendicular rock five hundred feet high, a tomb of recent origin was found, marked by a wooden cross bearing the inscription: "Charles Michael Fagan—1858." The prospectors soon grew accustomed to these frequently recurring and grim reminders of tragedy. Good camping sites were easier to find now. On Sunday the party traveled only in the forenoon before reaching Black Squirrel Creek. Here a pine grove furnished good shelter, and half a dozen antelope provided fresh meat. Farther on, at Bijou Creek, where they stopped for food, Luke Tierney reported finding some strange fish in a nearby pond, "densely thronged with a singular fish known as the Torpedo." He said, "It is of a greyish color, has four feet like an alligator, four talons or fingers on the two fore feet, and five on the hinder ones, with one continued fin from tip to tip. Its bite is said to be incurable." Those interested in fishing hurried to see them but were disappointed in the greyish-colored creatures. Needless to say, none were caught, much less eaten. Breaking camp, the company covered sixteen more miles through grassy plains, and then stopped near Cherry Creek, a small stream that emptied into the Platte. The following morning was unusually hot, and after an hour's travel they crossed the creek. The cool water tempted one of the miners to pan some gravel there. To his delight several particles of gold showed up, but no one was interested enough to stop longer to prospect the creek region. Continuing along Cherry Creek, the travelers found the way rough and craggy but with a pleasing view of the mountains. At noon they camped again by the stream, and here three members of a smaller prospecting party caught up with them. The men were from Bates and Ray Counties in Missouri, and had been following the Russell-Cherokee trail for several days. They asked to join the larger company, and the two parties came together at the Platte River later on. The Russell group reached the river about noon and located on the east bank. Ralston's Creek, designated as their real goal, by now represented a sort of promised land. There they expected to make fortunes
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quickly, and the men were excited at being so near their destination. With wild game in abundance and the men in good spirits, they decided to have a celebration. After the men built a big fire, they turned a prodigious amount of game on makeshift spits. Ordinarily the prospectors kept in groups to themselves, especially the Cherokees, but this night they shared a marked comradeship. They seemed more like successful Argonauts than men off in the wilds following a will-o'-the-wisp promise of gold. This was the twenty-third of June and the summer lay ahead of them. Anything might happen, and they were hopeful. Next morning they undertook the serious business of crossing the Platte River. After a careful sounding several men went into the water on foot or on horseback. By wading, swimming, and sounding, they finally struck off what seemed a safe fording place, and the wagons crossed to the opposite shore without difficulty. The last lap of the journey was over high rolling prairie, then down stupendous banks to Long's Creek, some five miles away. There, too, the water was deep and wide, the current unusually swift, but the difficult crossing was safely made. They continued on. Finally, at six o'clock, they saw their destination. Since Ralston's Creek had been the real objective of the expedition all along, the men expected to start their prospecting here. Having arrived in the evening, however, they spent the next day in preparation for work. Green Russell watched with satisfaction the enthusiastic company of 104, noting that 19 were from his native state, 27 from Missouri, and the others from various other states. The largest group was from the Cherokee Nation. Luke Tierney, true to his word, did keep a journal of the trip. At this point he recorded: "On the twenty-sixth, most of the men spent the day in prospecting. On their return to camp their spirits were very much depressed. For my own part, I felt much encouraged. A few particles of gold had been found during the day; but the prospect was so far short of their sanguine expectations and feverish hopes that many began to show evident signs of disappointment and mortification. They no doubt expected to find lumps of gold, like hailstones, all over the surface." The inexperienced men were the ones most discouraged, but, in spite
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of the nrst disappointment, several groups started out the next day in different directions. Again they met with small success. Then twelve men took provisions to last several days and went north, prospecting a range of thirty miles. Others continued their search in the area of Ralston's Creek, but the best results did not yield over twenty-five cents a day. The party that went north was back July 3, having made no signal discoveries. Prospects for remaining where they were seemed meager, and that evening the company gathered for consultation. Luke Tierney observed in his journal: "For a long time all were silent, each meditating on the gloomy prospect, considering whether to return home without further search, or remain and risk further disappointment/' Then it became evident that the majority were discouraged to the point of abandoning the whole project. It was but a matter of time until the disheartened ones took their leave. Sources other than family accounts restate the facts of this fateful summer. The most important were by two eye-witnesses, Luke Tierney and James Pierce. Luke Tierney was a member of the original Russell party, and he kept a journal which he later had published, History of the Gold Discoveries on the South Platte River. Copies now are exceedingly rare, but fortunately it has been incorporated into the Southwest Historical Series, Volume IX, Pike's Peak Gold Rush Guidebooks of 1859, edited by LeRoy R. Hafen. In his notes on the trip Tierney reported on the condition of the country and gave advice for prospectors preparing to follow in the spring. Dr. Hafen has included an excellent historical introduction for the guidebooks, and they are well documented and important for research. On page 94, footnote 121, are some notes on Tierney. James H. Pierce, also a member of the first Russell party, wrote two accounts of the party's experiences on that first trip in 1858. They were published in The Trail, a. magazine no longer issued, put out by the Society of Sons of Colorado. Pierce's article, "The First Prospecting of Colorado," appeared in Volume VII (October, 1914) pp. 5-11; the second in two installments, in Volume XIII (May and June, 1921), was entitled "The Green Russell Party." This carries the story on through the Civil War years, and adds some later facts about the members individually, including Pierce himself. Smiley's History of Denver (pp. 183-185), gives a comprehensive picture of events, based on first hand accounts available. Bent's Fort by David Lavender provides excellent background material for the Westward Movement. It mentions the Russell party's visit to the famous old fort in 1858 (pp. 334-336).
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& THIRTEEN STAYED
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ersuasion was of no avail after the Cherokee group announced that they were leaving Ralston's Creek and going home. Although they had been in the Rocky Mountain region so short a time, they were discouraged and homesick. Some others felt the same way. Dissatisfaction had plagued the prospectors ever since they started working in this area. The meager amount of gold found was not reassuring even to the white men, and a few had already left, either to go home or to turn south, where things looked more promising. Green Russell, leader of the combined Georgia-Cherokee party, faced the disheartened men and tried to dissuade them, but a restless shuffling of feet and an audible mumbling showed their eagerness to be away. Green knew it was not so much disappointment over gold that bothered the Cherokees as fear of the western Indians. From the first they had urged him to put up a fort or barricade, which Green refused to consider, since no show of danger warranted it. Besides, his men came west to prospect, to explore, and to exploit, not to locate. Green reminded the Cherokees of the dangers and hardships they had already overcome to reach this place. He could not understand their willingness to quit before they had begun. The area had not been scratched for prospecting, and they had no reason to leave with so little known about the country they came to explore. The combined company was strong in number and well provisioned, and they came
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prepared to spend the summer. It would take that long to accomplish what they planned, he said. The most important reason for the Cherokees to stay, as Green saw it, was another chance at gold. Thirty years earlier when their nation held land in Georgia, they had not profited from the discovery of gold there. It had been their undoing in fact. Green recalled all too well those turbulent days and how they had been herded along like cattle during their removal from Georgia to the Indian Territory. Because they had gained nothing from Georgia gold but misery, some of the displaced Cherokees later went to prospect in western lands. Among these was the Ralston group. In the present company were many experienced miners from the gold fields of Georgia and California who knew gold country when they saw it. Given a chance, they were bound to succeed; Green was holding out no false promises. The Cherokees wanted no second chance. They refused to venture deeper into the awesome and perilous region long shunned by settlers, and known to trappers and explorers as the Great American Desert. What they had already crossed seemed wild and desolate and they feared hostile Indians might strike at any time. To go on would lead to disaster, not discovery, the Cherokees believed. Their decision was final. The following morning the camp was in action early, the greater part of the company preparing to leave. By ten o'clock the CherokeeMissouri contingent was gone. Of the 104 men who arrived less than two weeks earlier not more than 30 remained. Green watched the Indian party go, sorry that among them were some of the original group from Lumpkin County, who were his neighbors and old friends. He was thankful for the ones remaining, especially his two brothers. They would never forget that day of desertion, the Fourth of July, 1858, which fell on a Sunday. No holiday spirit enlivened the abandoned prospectors, and an unnatural quiet hung over the camp as they considered what would be their next move. After a time they agreed it was best to return to the Platte River, where they had done some prospecting before coming to Ralston's Creek. Packing the wagons, the remaining miners were on their way to the crossing they had used earlier, a distance of twelve miles. There they made camp. The river was swollen from upstream rains, and no attempt was
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made to cross until the morning of the sixth. Before trying to go into the water the men raised the wagon beds with blocking two-feet thick, and marked out a fording place. Then the teams were driven into the water. About the center of the stream, however, one team ran into trouble and became unmanageable, capsizing the wagon. Much depended upon the content of every wagon, especially this one that carried the summer's rations and all their money. The men worked hard to salvage their dumped supplies, and, though the provisions were water-soaked and damaged, almost everything was saved. One of the minor misfortunes was the irreparable loss of the matches, which emphasized their remoteness from any sources of supply. But worse was to follow. When all had crossed safely and they were considering the next move, another rift occurred. Discouraged by what had happened and unable to agree, more men announced their intention of giving up. Green was shocked, but more determined than ever to carry out his plans for the summer. Even in the face of mass desertion he was unwilling to quit or to retrace his steps. They had come too far to stop now, and too much was at stake. This country was not worthless, and Green had come to prove it. Facing the deserting prospectors he raised his hand in protest and quietly, almost sternly, addressed them. ttGentlemen,,, he said, "you can all go but I will stay if but two men will stay with me. I will remain to satisfy myself that no gold can be found." This was a famous and fortunate edict, long remembered by his followers, and in the faces of the twelve men who accepted his challenge, Green saw loyalty and a determination matching his own. He knew which two men could be counted on but he was gratified that ten others were as willing to stay as his brothers. Sam Bates and the Pierce boys were quick to volunteer, as was Solomon Roe. The other six were men who had joined the party in Kansas. These were Luke Tierney, Jacob Masterson, and Theodore Herring, of Kansas Territory; with Valarious Young, of Iowa; William McFadding, of North Carolina; and William McKimens, of Pennsylvania. In the space of three days the other ninety-one had turned their backs on the greatest opportunity of their lifetime. The not unlucky thirteen who stayed packed their belongings and started up the Platte toward the mountains. While Green Russell was shaken by the deser-
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tion of so many, he was grateful for the faithfulness of a few. Then, unaccountable as it might seem, that very day, and only eight miles away, the little party found its first cheering prospect of gold. While the wagons lumbered along up Cherry Creek about two miles south of the Platte River, Jim Pierce, youngest of the men, following on foot, spotted a bar of likely-looking gravel. Running to catch up with the wagons, Pierce brought back a shovel and pan. The older men laughed, telling him it was too late in the day to see a shining nugget even if he found one. Jim persisted in digging and was washing out a pan of sand. Green usually walked a little distance behind the wagons. Now seeing Jim, the least experienced, busy at this task, Green took over the pan and with a practiced hand finished washing out its contents. In the gold flakes, amounting in value to only a few cents, the older man saw something hopeful. It was onlyfloatgold, but finer and better than anything they had yet seen. Now more than ever he was convinced that this country, somewhere, would yield up worthwhile deposits of gold and in great quantities. Turning in excitement to his astonished young kinsman, Green said: "Call back the others. Our fortune is made!" The men hurriedly retraced their steps and, looking at the few gleaming particles, feverishly began to dig. Each pan washed out brought encouraging results. Daylight was fading and the chill night air was settling in before they were willing to stop work. Even then the excitement had not abated. Camp was made and supper was over, but the miners were hardly aware of what they had eaten or the monotony of their fare. Whether antelope or rabbit meat, sour-dough bread washed down with unsweetened coffee, what did it matter? In spite of weariness the men around the campfire were unusually alert. With hopes renewed, they could look ahead. Even if this turned out to be only a pocket of placer gold that would soon play out, it was most promising, and better things might follow. Their faith was restored in a venture that so short a time ago their companions had condemned and abandoned. How often the beauty of this mountain country seemed to mock those who searched for its treasure. To a group that believed in its worth, even small proof, coming so soon, was gratifying.
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This was only a start but it put heart into the prospectors that July night. When their simple meal was over, the men urged Oliver to play something on his fiddle, for surely it was a time for gaiety. Oliver was soon coaxing familiar tunes from the battered old instrument he had brought lovingly across the plains. Whether it was a song they joined in and sang, or a dance that brought back many happy recollections, Oliver's music never failed to delight them. The stars looked brighter and the friendly fire gave back a glow as golden as their hopes. The only minor note was a coyote's plaintive wail in the distance. But a new day was dawning in the west, and these men were ready to labor in its light. Tierney's History of the Gold Discoveries on the South Platte included in Hafen's reprint (pp. 108-111); Pierce's articles in The Trail, Volume VIII, pp. 5-11 (October, 1914), and Volume XIII, pp. 5-8 (May, 1921); and Smiley's History of Denver (pp. 187-188), all reported on this dramatic crisis in the expedition, but each in a different way. Tierney's account differs from Pierce's, not so much in facts as in feeling. Jim Pierce was the youngest member of the Russell party and a cousin of "the Russell boys"; his dealing with the story was more emotional. His accounts, furthermore, were not told for publication; and they were not published until fifty and more years had gone by. Tierney's was an on-the-spot report published within the year. Hafen's edition of the Guidebooks has generous footnotes and quotations, especially from other members of the party. The contrast between Pierce and Tierney is quite marked, as shown herein. Smiley devotes many pages to the Russell's activities, while carrying on the whole history of the region. See footnotes to Chapter 12 for description. Oliver Russell was a quiet perceptive man, and he had managed to take along an old, battered-up violin. In times of discouragement his "fiddling" had a cheering effect on his companions, and if a celebration was called for, the music made it gayer. Mention is made of Oliver's ability to play by several of his contemporaries, and a write-up of it appears in the Denver Post at a later date.
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9, DRIFT GOLD B818
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oving quietly out from the campfire, Green studied the scene, speculating on the weather and the extent of operations for the coming days. To prospect the country they must go all along the base of the mountains, even far into the region to the north. The main business of this party was to find the deposits of the placer gold, and that would be somewhere deep in the mountains. Green's responsibility was heavy. He could not afford to make mistakes with so large a task ahead, so little time, and so few men. The elder Russell was a calm, deliberate man whose decisions were reached only after careful consideration, who faced each problem from every angle. The twelve men around the fire were of the caliber needed, but they were far too few. He could not entirely erase from his mind the desertion of those who turned back, men like Lewis Ralston, William Anderson, Joseph McAfee, and John Hampton, who started out with him from Lumpkin County. When the Cherokees could not be persuaded to stay, Green accepted the situation, for the Cherokees could be spared without too great loss. To lose these experienced men, however, men used to mining and to mountain conditions, was a heavy blow. Oliver's music and the men's high spirits did not lessen the gravity of the situation, or deceive their leader. It was not the end of their trials, but only the beginning of others more difficult, with endless toil
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and privation before the task could be finished. The forces of nature would not easily give up the secret of hidden treasure. There was much to be done before frost fell and winter weather put a stop to prospecting altogether. A dozen men, however much courage and determination they might have, could scarcely scratch the surface of the Rocky Mountain area in that time. Tomorrow they would make a start; tonight they must be turning in. Green's calm demeanor belied his anxiety as he called to the men, and quiet soon settled over the peaceful camp, where only the stars kept watch. The hopeful prospectors were up and working by daylight. The yield on Cherry Creek might possibly net them several dollars apiece a day, and they lost no time. After making a hand rocker out of a cottonwood log, they went digging into the sand. That first day the men rocked and washed out enough gold dust to prove the discovery had worth. The pocket held out surprisingly well, and in a few days more than two hundred dollars' worth of thin scale gold was uncovered. Nor did their good luck desert them. Two more pockets were opened up not far away during the weeks to follow. Green Russell and Sam Bates, out hunting antelope, found one of these pockets. Running on to a small surface deposit of placer gold, high on the bank of an almost dry stream, they washed it out. The yield was nearly an ounce, enough to justify moving the camp. The location was three miles from the river, back to the east, and on a bluff twenty feet above a creek bed. No water was running there in midsummer, but fry digging down four feet in the bottom of the channel the men found enough to supply the hand rocker. More than two ounces of gold was washed out the first day and the ore found showed signs of paying even better than the first. Before it played out they realized several hundred dollars' worth. The discovery at Dry Creek, only a small pocket fifteen feet square, was soon worked out, but a third find proved more extensive. Here the miners worked ten days with good results. In all, better than six hundred dollars' worth of gold dust was recovered from the three mines, and it was of afinerquality than the ordinary placer variety. The experienced men recognized it was only drift gold found so far, not a vein. They must go deeper into the mountains for such deposits. The Georgia prospectors did not intend to work any of their mines
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very thoroughly with the crude equipment at hand, but merely to open them up and ascertain the quality and richness of the ore. This information and the determination of the location of the deposits would be useful for future development. For this reason all of the men never worked at the same place at the same time. While some prospected, others worked the diggings already uncovered. Nor did the miners separate for any length of time or any great distance. The company was too small and the danger from roving Indians too great to allow a separation. During July, however, they never saw any other human being. Then the last day of the month a stranger rode into camp. He was John Cantrell, one-time miner in California, now engaged in trading. He had just moved a wagonload of whiskey and other goods to Fort Laramie for trade among the troops. Cantrell had heard about the Russell party before he left Leavenworth and decided to look them up on his return trip. He stayed five days in the Dry Creek camp, and when he left for Kansas City he took along a sack of pay dirt. Jim Pierce helped him dig it and promised the dirt would yield twenty-five cents to the pan. That should produce some excitement back East. How much of a stir it made, they were to learn belatedly, and with surprise. After Cantrell left, more visitors came to the camp, including Captain Deus and some men traveling from Fort Bridger to Taos, who stopped for a couple of days. Others came to stay. An old trader, named John Smith, and Dad Clark, both white men with Indian families, joined the camp permanently. They proved of more significance later on than their shiftless appearance promised at this time. The Russell party had concluded what mining they expected to do around the Dry Creek area, and turned to prospecting, hoping to trace the deposits of drift gold back to their sources. Six of the group spent ten days in the mountains trying to reach the headwaters of the Platte. Having only two little mules to carry their provisions, with no roads or trails to follow, they encountered great difficulties in the Platte canyon. In the rough passage over craggy mountains their clothing was torn from their backs and their flesh was cut and bruised from brush and rocks. Still no gold of paying quantity was found. When their provisions ran out the men had to subsist on what they killed. Fortunately, game was plentiful—if gold was not. Bear of all kinds,
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elk, mountain sheep, panthers, puma, and countless other wild animals were there, furnishing them food and sometimes fun. One experience they never tired of relating was how they helped a mountain lion get his breakfast. On one particular morning when the men went out for fresh meat they saw a large deer in the edge of a dense thicket a hundred yards away, and shot. No sooner had the deer fallen than a lion seized the prize and carried it off. Doubtless the hungry beast had been watching it for some time and the men, dumbfounded, joked about it, saying he probably wouldn't bother them now that he had gotten the lion's share. When the mountain tour was over, the entire party prospected upper Cherry Creek and its tributaries more thoroughly, starting out August 12 for its source. They could not make a very satisfactory search, however, because of the scarcity of water, and soon returned to the Platte. Next day they started toward the Black Hills, 150 miles to the north. It was toward the end of August, and late for prospecting, when the little band started hopefully up the old Cherokee Trail. Skirting the base of the Medicine Bow Mountains, they followed the Poudre River, then went into the Laramie plains. Their only reward was a small amount of float gold found on the West Laramie. As the prospectors made their way through the country they found abundant game and good fishing in the clear running streams, but occasionally alarms arose when members of the party strayed too far away. One day Green Russell went out from camp to find a deer. Shortly afterward his companions heard several shots fired in quick succession. They were sure he had been attacked by Indians, and knowing their force was too weak to contend with a sizable band, the men prepared for an emergency and were ready to pull up stakes when Green walked into camp. He had encountered seven large cinnamon bears, and had killed three with his old muzzle-loading rifle. The excitement ended with a bumper supply of bear meat which they could not possibly consume for months. After twelve days of prospecting the party was in Utah Territory, about two hundred miles from Fort Bridger, where they camped on Flint Creek. The snow which began that night continued for two days. The men were faced with a discouraging prospect. They had scarcely a month's provisions left, game was growing hard to find, and the
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ground was covered with snow. They feared that if the situation was not relieved their own safety and that of their animals would be endangered. Then the sun came out, and about the same time a detachment of government troops happened to come by. The unexpected sight of civilized men in that remote spot cheered the stranded miners, and the soldiers were equally pleased with some of the surplus bear meat given them. The Russell company had originally planned to separate here, with six members wintering in Salt Lake City, but when they learned from the soldiers of Indian trouble ahead, all decided to return to the South Platte. By September 8 they were on their way back. Prospecting was no more successful than it had been coming up. While a small amount of drift gold was found now and then, the sources were still unknown and nothing of real importance was accomplished by their extensive trip. Returning to the old camp on Dry Creek, the prospectors were surprised to see six or seven tents pitched and an equal number of Indian lodges nearby. Not only were the traders and mountain men still on hand, but a party of thirty from Lawrence, Kansas, under the leadership of John Easter, had moved in also. They had heard of the Russell discoveries on the South Platte, and, reaching the diggings, began some operations while the Russell party was on its Wyoming tour. The Lawrence men were more experienced as town promoters than as miners, and laid out Montana City near Placer Camp. Several mountain men with their Indian families had located there for the winter, among them being John Smith, Jack Baker, Jack McGaa, Jim Sanders, and Jim Roland. A few miners, too, like George Jackson, who had prospected in California, and Ross Hutchins, experienced in California and Australia, had come in also. Around eighty people were now in the vicinity, counting squaws and papooses. The Russells were glad to have these reinforcements, little dreaming that in the next few months hundreds more would be on their way out. Cantrell's sack of pay dirt had done its work, and news of gold in the Rockies spread like wildfire. Prospecting in the mountains would no longer be lonesome business for the thirteen men whofirsthad faith in the country and stayed to prove its worth.
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Reference material for this chapter came from Smiley's History of Denver (pp. 189-190); Tierney's History of the Gold Discoveries on the South Platte (pp. 111-115); Pierce's articles in The Trail, Volume VII (October, 1914), pp. 8-9, and Volume XIII (May, 1921), pp. 7-10; and Southwest Historical Series, Volume X, edited by LeRoy Haf en Colorado Gold Rush: Contemporary Letters and Reports, After the desertion of all but thirteen men in the Russell party, and then their small but significant discoveries of gold, they seemed alone in a wilderness peopled only by savages, to work out their own fate. It hardly seemed possible that anyone could know or care what that fate might be, but, of course, this was not true. Various traders, mountain men, prospectors, and soldiers spread the news that these thirteen men at least had not given up the search for gold. Former members of the party who had not gone home, but remained in other parts of the western country, were eager for reports on the Russells' activities. While the Russells were virtually hidden away in the wilderness, having extended their search farther north into Wyoming, reports of which they were unaware were spreading. To their amazement, the country started filling up with people who had heard exaggerated reports, and were determined to be in on the ground floor of the next discoveries.
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10. RUMORS RAN RIFE i i i l i l l
J ^ f t e r a few days of rest and getting used to the changed condiraSstions in the Placer Camp region, Green Russell called his men together. It was time for decisions. Even if they had had the men and supplies, it was too late for further prospecting on a large scale, and, before long, it would be too cold in the mountains to work at all. They must make plans for a fresh offensive in the spring. This would take men, money, and equipment. More than ever confirmed in his belief that great deposits of gold lay in the Rockies, Green proposed making a trip back to Georgia to organize new forces and to get supplies. Some of his men must remain behind, and they too would need food, supplies, and shelter against the winter cold. In the end it was agreed that Green and Oliver should go, taking most of their gold dust, about five hundred dollars' worth, to purchase equipment, even if it left little for those remaining to get through the winter. There was not enough for both purposes. Valarious Young was to accompany the two brothers as far as Missouri, and Dr. Russell volunteered to take charge of the winter camp and the men left in it. Nearby were cottonwood trees suitable for building a cabin, and they had water. He promised that they would manage for supplies too. Nobody doubted that Levi, known for his resourcefulness, would succeed. He planned to get supplies at Fort Garland, in New Mexico, the nearest government post. They could prospect the country going
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"Rumors Ran Rife along, and perhaps find enough float gold to help their slim resources. If the worst came to worst, he would try to find among the Army officers at the post a buyer for his gold watch. He had little use for a timepiece in the wilderness, where men's activities were regulated by the rising and setting of the sun. The money gained would help in buying provisions. Those going to Fort Garland with Levi were his cousin Robert Pierce, Luke Tierney, Bill McFadding, and Bill McKimens. They would set out the first of October. The night before, as the men went about their evening meal, a campfire furnished the warmth and cheer they needed. They were careful not to show undue emotion as the time of separation drew near. The men going home tried to restrain their excitement; the others struggled to keep down their homesickness. Gay banter seemed the best shield, most of it directed at Green for the state he was leaving them in. Green no doubt compared this to that other night, almost three months ago, when all but the twelve had deserted him. He had been rocked by doubt, even after their first encouraging discovery was made. The small showing of gold that had lifted their spirits then was gratifying, but Green had realized how much more must be done. That was only a beginning, but it was evidence that the country need not remain a wasteland and that it could be a gold-bearing area. Now after busy months of prospecting up and down, Green was starting on the second part of his ambitious proj ect. The necessary plans and preparations were completed; everything was in readiness. The next morning the camp was in action early. The boys going to Fort Garland took a wagon and oxen to bring back the supplies, but Levi rode a pony. Although their clothes were in tatters after the rough summer, and their equipment was patched up, the young prospectors set off in good spirits. High hopes went with them, and the new venture lured them. Who knew what fortune might be waiting right around the next bend, in thefirstuntried gulch? As the dilapidated old wagon lurched its way south, Green and Oliver watched until it disappeared over a hill, neither one admitting the anxiety he felt at leaving their youngest brother here, and with so much responsibility. Anything might happen, but Levi could be depended on to meet the ordinary challenges. In a few more days they
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themselves would start east with Valarious Young, following the Arkansas River route. The three expected to ride as far as Leavenworth, mounted on two little mules owned by Valarious and a pony Green had acquired from a mountaineer acquaintance. With them would go most of the gold taken out by the company during the summer. Everything depended on their safe arrival. Once back in Georgia, they would take the ore to the Dahlonega mint for exchange. Members of the Russell party remaining at Placer Camp expected to move to the mouth of Cherry Creek and start winter quarters on the site selected by Dr. Russell. Trader Smith, who had invited himself to spend the winter with them, would go along. He had proposed putting up a double cabin, one part of which he was to occupy with his squaw and their trading wares. The plan was approved by Dr. Russell because he figured Smith was an experienced frontier man on good terms with the Indians, and because Smith agreed to contribute some goods which the Russell party badly needed. The last to leave Placer Camp was Smith, along with the "Russell boys/' as he called them, though there was not a single Russell among them at the time. At Cherry Creek they started the cabin, with its back to the river. It was constructed of cottonwood logs cut on the other side of the Platte and snaked across the river. The cabin was a rough affair of good size, its shed roof covered with sod; but it soon gained importance as the first white man's habitation in that whole part of western Kansas Territory. The three riders meanwhile had started on their long six-hundredmile trip east across the plains. They were ill-equipped for such a journey, with only one blanket apiece and unpredictable weather. Sometimes it was clear and warm, but just as often cold north winds and rain chilled them to the bone. The men seldom had shelter of any kind as protection from the elements, but long hours in the saddle inured them to hardships and weather conditions. Having no extra pack animal, they were limited in supplies, and for fresh meat they had to depend upon game which was not always available. Evenfirewoodwas scarce at times, especially on the plains away from the rivers. They always carried along the makings of a quick fire, in case fuel was slowburning.
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A particularly disturbing thing happened one night when hungry wolves chewed into the rawhide lariats that tethered the pony and mules, freeing the animals. These, in turn, hungry too, got into the camp supplies, leaving nothing for breakfast but a little coffee found in Oliver's pocket. The famished men rode all day without food. Their only chance was to find game, or meet other travelers who might help them—forlorn hopes at best. After scanning the horizon for hours with no sign of beast, bird, or man, the riders stopped to rest. Then Oliver, who was out picking up sticks for firewood, sighted in the distance a wagon, which he reported to the others. Hurrying to reach it, they found some Dutch emigrants making camp and trying to get a fire started. Oliver readily offered to help, and after he had the fire going, its smoke curling up in the clear evening air, he asked about food. At first the emigrants seemed afraid, refusing to share anything they had, but finally consented to sell a small amount. After driving a hard bargain, the people then would not allow the riders to use the fire Oliver had helped them build. Outraged at this inhospitable treatment, the three men rode on, cursing the emigrants. Finally they found enough deadwood to build a fire of their own, over which they cooked the lean rations so grudgingly sold them. The next day, still without food, they rode for hours before encountering some soldiers who proved more generous than the Dutch. Feeding the hungry men and their mounts, the soldiers even started them off with a canteen of brandy, a courtesy which greatly restored their faith in fellow travelers. The lone horsemen were still on the plains and a long way from Leavenworth, but the trip by horseback was being accomplished in far less time that that required by the heavily loaded wagons going out. Another noticeable and puzzling difference in the return trip east was meeting many people on the road going in the opposite direction. Emigrants usually went west in the springtime. Starting so late, these travelers would soon be facing severe winter weather, but no one heeded warnings. Near Bent's Fort, on the Arkansas, the Russells encountered one party from Leavenworth who said they were bound for the Pike's Peak area. Green warned them of conditions there, saying that he would have advised them to wait until spring, had he met them sooner.
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Now that they had come this far, it was just as well to see for themselves. This was the Larimer group, whom they would know better later. The Russell group continued to encounter people headed west and it was not until they camped near an emigrant wagon one night that they found any explanation for this migration. The travelers were gold seekers who said they had heard about a fabulous strike in the Rockies made by some men named Russell. In fact, all western Kansas Territory was said to have quantities of gold, just for the digging. Astounded at this news, the brothers hastened to correct the exaggerated reports, but found that it was useless to explain. The credulous wouldbe prospectors believed only what they wanted to hear. The further east the Russells went, the more persistent grew the rumors of gold and the more people they met who believed the rumors. It was vain to tell enthusiastic travelers that the amount of gold found so far was small, and that it did not justify their hopes of easy mining, or that it was the wrong time of year to go. The Russells pointed out that they would find no shelters built against cold weather, not enough food, no places to obtain provisions nearer than the towns from which they came. In any case it would be better to wait until spring, start out well equipped, and then work their way into the mining business. This advice given by men of experience fell on the deaf ears of the hordes of inexperienced and often desperate people. Some wouldn't listen; others had nothing to turn back to. It was not until after Green and Oliver left Valarious Young and their mounts at Leavenworth and were traveling home by public conveyances that they learned the full facts about this sudden onrush for gold. It was John Cantrell's little sack of sand, carried east in late summer, that caused the nationwide excitement to break out. News like that spreads fast.
Discovery of gold, even a small amount in an untried territory, started a rush from the east. The Russells had not expected this and had prepared to go home for the winter to raise another party of prospectors to come back in the spring. See Smiley's History of Denver, pp. 191-194, and Pierce's article in The Trail, Volume VII (October, 1914), p. 10. The trip of the three riders—Valarious Young and Green and Oliver Rus-
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sell—back over the plains was pieced together from various interviews and word-of-mouth stories handed down in the family. Grandma Russell's stories were always graphically told, with a remarkable attention to details such as "the rawhide lariats" tethering the horses and tempting the wolves. Her listeners could scarcely believe that she had only heard accounts of the episodes, that she had not experienced them. In an interview years later in the St. Louis Globe-Democrat, December 1, 1897, Oliver Russell also related some of the incidents of this grueling trip on horseback across the plains.
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11. TWO-WAY GOLD TRAILS 1 I I 1 1 B 1 I
CVrQ he discovery of gold in western Kansas Territory, known generB ally as the Pike's Peak country, would not have remained a secret long, even if John Cantrell, of West Port, riding into the Russell camp had not taken the proof out with him. News of that kind traveled fast enough, but his action hastened it. Arriving in Kansas City with his pouch of pay dirt, Cantrell had it assayed and the value attested. Soon afterward startling announcements appeared in the press. On August 26, 1858, the Journal of Commerce told a country hard hit by the Panic of 1857 what it most wanted to hear. Gold was again discovered in the West, but this time it was nearer than California. Sensational headlines attracted attention, and the people went wild when they read: THE NEW ELDORADO!!! GOLD IN KANSAS TERRITORY!! AND THE PIKE'S PEAK MINES! FIRST ARRIVAL OF GOLD DUST AT KANSAS CITY!!! Three days later the St. Louis Democrat published a copy of the Kansas City story in its Sunday edition, picked up by telegraph, and other periodicals over the country were not slow to follow. About the same time several well-known mountain men, like Bordeau, Richard, and Bissonette, coming into Kansas City from the Fort Laramie region,
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brought samples of ore and further news of its location. Charles Martin and William Renceleur from the same country told of gold discoveries on the South Platte. In a day that lacked rapid communications in general, this news went out the surest way, by word of mouth, up the rivers and over the trails. River men, mountain men, traders, and travelers all passed it along, each account more exaggerated than the last. A gold-fever epidemic gathered momentum as reports spread through the Missouri Valley towns. Excitement ran high. Plows were deserted, homesites abandoned. Frantic people did not wait to learn the facts, but hearing alluring stories started investigating for themselves. Hastily gathering supplies, many parties set out early in September for the reported riches of a new Eldorado. Like the campers on the plains, these people believed gold was in the Rockies in astonishing quantities and could be found with little effort. The news was spreading east of the Mississippi, too, and countless more gold seekers were soon on the move. Never had rumors been so rife, or people so eager to believe them. The Panic of 1857 had a great deal to do with the excitement. Men in all walks of life had suffered from the sudden financial distress that followed a glorious debauch of hopeful expansion/Railroad systems, too far-flung, had ceased to run in some parts of the country; banks had closed, credit was not to be had. Farmers were especially hard hit. If crops were raised, they could not reach markets because of failure of transportation lines. Desperate people were ready to believe rumors of any hopeful nature, to go anywhere, to try anything. Cantreirs opportune appearance and talk of gold was all it took to start a stampede. On the way home that fall Oliver and Green Russell were embarrassed to find themselves connected with it. Rumors of their meager success had grown to proportions startling enough to start a gold rush. Accounts of their personal fortunes were likewise inflated and newspaper reporters spoke of the Russells as millionaires who had struck the richest gold fields in the world. Modestly disclaiming such reports, the returning prospectors tried to correct exaggerated accounts, but had little success. The only denial they heard was just as surprising in its way, being a wrathful denunciation by some disillusioned prospectors whom they met on the plains.
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One evening at a camp site shared with a party of strangers also traveling east, Green and Oliver left the fire early. Shaking down their blankets for the night, they could still hear the strangers talking. Before long the conversation got around to gold and its reported discovery in the Rockies; then the strangers spoke of the Russells, not as public benefactors, but as frauds, and denounced their discoveries as humbug. The whole thing was a hoax, they said, promoted to make a fortune off of emigrants. As for the promoters, the strangers declared that a crowd of enraged miners had hanged Green Russell a few weeks back. Lying in his blanket a short distance away the alleged reprobate maintained a prudent silence, and left at daybreak with slight formality. During the remainder of the journey Green and Oliver were careful how they introduced themselves. The brothers had plenty of time during that long, slow trip home to talk over their experiences and to formulate plans for the future. From Leavenworth they traveled by stagecoach, train, and river packet, a welcome change from the tedious hours spent muleback. Mingling with other passengers was agreeable too. Most of them were interested in the western scene, and eager for firsthand information. The Russells however, in giving their accounts, were careful to keep out undue optimism and to stress the hazards. While they expected to take a party back in the spring, they explained that the purpose was to continue the prospecting begun the summer before. The discovery of float gold, already made by the Russell party, was only enough to encourage them to go deeper into the mountains where the source lodes lay. The Georgians spoke with authority, for there was little about gold and the uncertainties involved that they had not encountered. The "years of eight" seemed to favor these optimistic men. Oliver was born in 1828, the year gold was found in Georgia. News of the discovery of gold in California in 1848 reached them the same year. The year 1858 might be their most fateful year. Experience gained in the gold regions of Georgia and California fitted them for the Rocky Mountain venture, giving them confidence as well as knowledge. Oliver and Green were finishing the trip as they began it, riding home muleback from the Georgia foothills in the north. Patches of snow showed in the Smokies as they came through the mountain area, but some belated fall coloring was still to be seen in the valleys. It was
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mid-December and the clear air was frosty and bracing, the sky a glorious blue. The travelers were happy to see familiar scenes, and commented on changes. During the nearly three months since Green and Oliver had left the diggings on Dry Creek they had had no communications from either end of the line, and could only speculate on what might have happened, either to "the boys" on Cherry Creek or to their families here in Georgia. Jogging along over rough roads the distance seemed endless to the anxious men, especially the last few miles. When they crossed the Etowah River and the little branch known as Russell Creek, home was just beyond. With each familiar spot their excitement grew. Pulling up the last little rise from the river they saw their own fields and dwellings, with smoke curling out of the chimneys to give an air of life and well-being to the scene. The Russell place differed little from those in the neighborhood they had just passed, but the several family houses clustered around gave it the appearance of a community. In a matter of moments it sounded like one. The alarm was given first by one alert old hound, then taken up by a dozen more; but the dogs soon changed their angry barking to yowls of delight at hearing their masters' voices. Then the children came running, laughing, and shouting; and last of all, the women. Jane bore a baby on her arm, hastily snatched from his crib, and her daughter Harriet toddled after. The baby, named Richard Robertson after her father, had been born in October. He was fair like the Russells and had their deep-blue eyes. Susan carried a baby boy, also born in October, their fifth child, whose name was Benjamin. Green was a home-loving man and proud and happy over the new son. After thirteen years of marriage Susan was more than ever the mainspring of his life; their children were a delight to both. Green loved to tell his adventures to the youngsters, especially to John, whose eyes would widen with excitement and wonder as he listened to his father talk. This time Green had plenty to tell. The children were his best audience and they were all ears to hear. Sorrow as well as joy had come to the Savannah plantation during the brothers' absence. While Oliver and Green rejoiced over their new sons, they learned that little Charlie, firstborn of Levi and Polly, had
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succumbed a few weeks earlier to a childhood malady. It was hard for the young wife to undergo this trial alone; the feeling that Levi's medical skill might have saved their son made her sorrow heavier still. These were sacrifices that had to be faced by frontier families; adjustments were made, and life went on. The Russell family faced this situation now. It was Christmas time, and with Green and Oliver home the season must be kept happy for all. Shortly after the return of the Russell brothers from the west Green had taken their gold to the government mint at Dahlonega. It was a proud day for him and an honor to the mint. Only Georgia gold had been processed there before, and this ore mined in 1858 was the first Rocky Mountain gold to be minted anywhere. It was the fulfillment of hope and a promise of more to come. The Russell family was well thought of in their community but the fame of "the boys" had spread beyond the local scene in the past few months, because of their notable discovery of gold in the Rockies. Green was already an outstanding figure in the countryside, and after this trip people came from miles around to see him. When it became known that he planned taking another party west in the spring, he was besieged with men wanting to go. It was not difficult to interest people of this community in gold and mining activities. Older miners remembered prosperous years in the nearby mines on the Chestatee; others had been to the California fields. Men too young to remember either were anxious to get in on the new bonanza. Some, like Tom Stowers, who could not go, offered help in financing those who could. Tom had done this before for prospectors going to California. Most of the earliest settlers still lived in Auraria, although the town had made little progress after losing the county seat and the government mint to Dahlonega. Then when Dawson County was created in 1857 out of Lumpkin and Gilmer Counties, a handsome brick courthouse was erected in Dawsonville. This further challenged Auraria's importance. As the Russell farm was then in the new county, taxes were paid there, and Dawsonville became the center for recording legal instruments and for transacting other business carried on at the county seat. The family also attended religious services in Dawsonville, choosing the Universalist church. The Russell men were known as free-
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thinkers who did not subscribe to the conventional, dogmatic teachings of most local sects, nor could they accept the fire-and-brimstone hell threatened by most frontier preachers. The Universalist church offered a happy alternative to these men of broader views, whose tolerance extended beyond the confines of narrow bigotry. Jane Russell had come a long way from her strict Baptist upbringing since she married Oliver. A tall, handsome young woman of great determination, she seemed older than her nineteen years. Her grey-green eyes looked steadily and often sternly at people or things that did not please her. Forthright in all her dealings, Jane had no fear of anything or anybody, and she said what she thought, regardless of consequences. Jane's self-reliance had increased during her husband's absence. She had not liked having Oliver away, and when she learned that he intended going back with Green she determined not to be left behind, and said so. Oliver, ordinarily gentle and easy to manage, was adamant in this case. He was not going to the Rockies to settle, he told her, but only to prove up the country by prospecting for gold. There were no white women in that country and it was no place to take young children, he further declared. Jane's stout reply was that she would be the first white woman there, and that her mother could keep the children. But when the time to go came Oliver left without her. Jane would not have been thefirstwhite woman, however, to reach the new settlement. Had Oliver but known the surprises awaiting them on Cherry Creek he might have relented and let her go too. Much of this chapter was based on material from letters, published newspaper interviews, and family reminiscences. Leroy R. Hafen's collection entitled Colorado Gold Rush: Contemporary Letters and Reports, 1858-1859 (pp. 30, 31, 36, and 37) gives impressions of people who were on the scene. See also the Kansas City Journal, August 26, 1858, and the St. Louis Globe-Democrat, December 1, 1897, where Oliver Russell relates his experiences. Smiley devotes Chapter XXIV (pp. 236-242) of his History of Denver to the state of the country, the type of westward expansion, and the spread of the "Pike's Peak fever."
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12. THE NEW AURARIA I I I B I 1 B
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he fall of 1858 was fairly mild on Cherry Creek, but the winter cold was settling in the mountains. Dr. Russell, looking west from his newly built cabin, could see the Rockies, snow-capped and of imposing beauty, but treacherous. In the Platte Valley at times there was enough snow to cover all traces of roadways, transforming the rude little settlement into a mere glistening white suggestion of habitation. With the snow gone the man-made clutter showed up in all its dreary ugliness, contrasting oddly with the mountain grandeur of its surroundings. Despite the fact that it was late December, the air was deceptively warm and almost springlike in the valleys. It seemed longer to the young doctor than three months since his brothers went to Georgia, leaving him in charge of the remaining party. A great deal had taken place in that time and the self-reliance he had developed in meeting responsibilities was a credit to him. His first task had been providing winter supplies for his men. Setting off for Fort Garland in October with his four companions, Levi had hopefully prospected along the streams and in dry gullies. Only bits of washed-down gold were to be found. The arduous trip took them down Fontaine Qui Bouille Creek to the Arkansas and Huerfano waters, and past the Greenhorn Mountains. Some adventures overtook them, such as the visit of a grizzly
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bear to within twenty feet of their camp one night. Luke Tierney wrote of the episode later that "the guard very prudently refrained from firing at him . . . fortunately, the animal, after contemplating us for a few moments, walked off without attempting any harm. The men were soon aroused, gave chase and captured the animal." This occurred on Huerfano Creek; the next day they went toward the Greenhorn Mountains over roads and trails almost impassable for their oxen, even with the wagons empty. The route lay toward the Raton Mountains and Sangre de Cristo Creek, on the headwaters of the Rio Grande. They followed this stream on to Fort Garland, in the territory of New Mexico. Luke was impressed with the location of the little outpost which, he wrote, "presents a magnificent view . . . the beautiful plain in which it is situated is well watered by creeks that have their source in pure mountain springs/' The men were able to buy at the fort commodities such as bacon, flour, coffee, and salt, and when they did not have enough money to pay for everything Dr. Russell found a purchaser for his gold watch, gaining an extra hundred dollars. He thanked the officers in charge for their help, loaded the wagon, and started back north, well pleased with the transaction. Hearing of this later, Jim Pierce could not get over the sacrifice of Levi's watch and complained bitterly of the government's lack of concern over prospectors' needs. Fremont, who preceded them in the mountains, Jim said, was generously supplied by the government, but as prospectors trying to develop the western country, they had to pay for all the help they received. Levi was thankful to get the supplies at any cost. Returning to Auraria, Levi rode ahead of the wagon carrying their provisions, and arrived a day earlier. He was anxious to see what progress had been made on the cabin. Coming down the west side of Cherry Creek he saw it completed except for the chimneys. The builders were already occupying it. This much, he learned from his men, had taken considerable boosting. The wily Trader Smith had proved an unreliable associate, shirking all work. Even though they promised to finish the Smith part first, out of respect to his Indian spouse Wa-po-la, Smith still avoided his share of the building operations. Dr. Russell, with an eye to the future, had selected the site of the cabin carefully. He was sure that sometime in the coming year a per-
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manent settlement would be made in the area, and that the best place for it was the mouth of Cherry Creek, a judgment justified when early settlers stopped here. In mid-October the Russell-Smith cabin was the only structure on either side of the creek, although some Arapahoe Indians, doubtless relatives of Wa-po-la Smith, were camped nearby. A few whites had drifted in during his absence, and more were soon to follow, including a sizable group headed by D. C. Oakes. The first emigrants, seeing the cabin under construction, put in to the little tongue of land lying between Cherry Creek and the Platte River to make camp, and the area soon took on the look of a settlement. This was the beginning of Auraria. Auraria was the first town to survive and prosper, as Placer Camp was the first place in the vicinity to receive a definite name. While people coming into the Cherry Creek district were primarily interested in finding gold, town organizers were busy also, and several ventures were more promising on paper than the actual development warranted. Montana City organized by the Lawrence party made a short-lived start about a mile north of the Russells' original Placer Camp in Dry Creek, but St. Charles City did not survive long enough to gain any citizens. When the Russell-Smith cabin was completed it became general headquarters for people gathering on the west side of Cherry Creek. After the arrival of the Oakes party there was talk of organizing a town. It was discussed around the campfires in the evenings or when groups met in the solitary cabin. Meanwhile men of real ability and talent were constantly joining the group, such men as Henry Allen, William Slaughter, and Andrew Sagendorf. Allen was a civil engineer with considerable energy, who quickly became interested in a townsite. A meeting was held on October 30 to organize a company and provide for laying out a town. When it was voted to establish the town a committee of five, including Dr. Russell, was named at the meeting to select a site. A week later, on November 6, the site being selected, officers were elected. William McFadding was named president and J. H. Dudley vice president; Dr. Russell was to serve as secretary and Henry Allen as director. Trader Smith, now known as John Simpson Smith, v/as elected treasurer, because of a supposed claim he put forward,
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rather than his qualification for the office. All officers were to serve a term of one year. In that time anything could happen. At the meeting the proposed town also received a name, suggested by Dr. Russell. Two names were offered by him, both from the old gold region of Lumpkin County. His preference was the melodious "Dahlonega," but "Auraria" was the name chosen for the town on Cherry Creek. The new town had more in common with the old community than its name or connection with gold: they were both on land originally owned by the Indians to which the white men were not entitled. These western lands belonged to the Cheyenne and Arapahoe tribes and were not open for settlement, nor could valid title be acquired through laws of the United States for land to which the Indians had first claim. The white men, therefore, were considered only squatters. For this reason two traders, John Smith and Jack McGaa, were included in plans for townships. Both men had Indian wives, and laid claim to the land in the name of their Indian associates. They tried also to claim it by priority of occupation as trappers and traders, claims that had no more foundation in fact than those of the miners. At the organization of the Auraria Town Company both Smith and McGaa came forward with claims. Actually they had already made agreements with another group who came in while the Russells were prospecting in Wyoming and while no one was at the mouth of Cherry Creek. All the whites at the time were congregated in Montana City and the two traders first put in an appearance there. McGaa and Smith told the newcomers to Cherry Creek that they customarily carried on trade among the Indians, and on account of their Indian wives had considerable influence among them. Since the white men could have no title at all to the land, the first party of town founders from Kansas induced Smith and McGaa to join them in organizing a company. The traders agreed to make the enterprise satisfactory to the Indians. This was the beginning of the St. Charles story. Other emigrants arriving at the mouth of Cherry Creek that autumn knew nothing of the St. Charles deal. Nor had they any idea the Russells intended building winter quarters on Cherry Creek. So the traders traded with all sides at once, and nobody suspected their duplicity.
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When their double-dealing became known Smith and McGaa were already making claims to land around the mouth of Cherry Creek. For the sake of harmony the Aurarian group made concessions, giving them ferry rights across the Platte and a liberal share of town lots, and naming them officers in the organization. The pair did nothing as ferrymen, however, and little more as officers. Dr. Russell, looking back to that chance beginning of Auraria and following its short but active history, took satisfaction in its being the first duly located and platted townsite at the mouth of Cherry Creek. He saw to it, too, that a proper application was made to the Kansas Territorial Legislature for a charter. Albeit processes of law were slow, retarded action mattered little. The enthusiastic citizens of Auraria were entirely oblivious to their legal status. They were occupied solely with matters of the moment, and they neither knew nor cared what was going on at the seat of the government. Many things of importance to the community took place during the first weeks of Auraria's existence. One development which the Doctor had watched with deep concern, however, was the founding of a new settlement across Cherry Creek by a second group of men from Kansas who arrived in mid-November. Dr. Russell understood that an official party named by Governor Denver had left Lecompton in the early fall, but a few days later another party, headed by William Larimer, set out from Leavenworth. The two parties joined forces before reaching Cherry Creek. From all that Dr. Russell could learn the governor of Kansas Territory, James W. Denver, was an able and sagacious man. When early reports reached the Governor of the reputed gold fields, he realized their significance and possible consequences, and became actively interested in this far western country under his jurisdiction. By midsummer the Governor even had in mind creating a new territory and calling it "Shoshone," after the great family of Indians living there. This western part of Kansas Territory was set off in 1855 as Arapahoe County, but no permanent organization was ever established. After rumors of gold reached the Governor he commissioned three Lecompton men to go there as county officers. The men to represent civil government under the jurisdiction of Kansas Territory were H. P. A. Smith, as probate judge, Hickory Rogers, as chairman of the County
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79 Board of Supervisors, and E. W. Wyncoop, as sheriff. Armed with credentials of office, they started west in September. Among the group coming from Leavenworth were Folsom Dorsett, M. M. Jewett, C. A. Lawrence, Richard E. Whitsett, General William Larimer, with his son William H. H. Larimer, all men of considerable force. This was the party that encountered Green and Oliver Russell near Bent's Fort in October, and learned about activities on the South Platte, as well as the Russells' plan for returning to Georgia. Further on, at Fontaine City, called the "Pueblo," a Leavenworth party met the men from Lecompton and continued on with them, arriving in Auraria on November 16. The combined Leavenworth-Lecompton party soon sized up the situation, considering the possible routes of travel and their effect upon a future town. Since the site of St. Charles seemed the most suitable, they decided to stake claims on it. Even though it was defended by one of the former group, a man named Nichols, it was declared deserted and the new promoters moved in. The proceeding was nothing short of an unceremonious claim jumping, but it was effectively done. The one contender was silenced, then made a party to the scheme, as were the erstwhile allies of the St. Charles group, traders Smith and McGaa. These two, who had done nothing to preserve the former settlers' interests, according to their custom threw in with all sides. Details of the transaction leaked out later and became common knowledge. Since no habitable building other than a four-log "improvement," put there to hold the claim, existed on the jumped townsite, a preliminary meeting was held in McGaa's cabin on the evening of November 17. As Dr. Russell heard it, a pot of hot and powerful frontier whiskey punch, furnished by the host and freely shared by him, was passed around. Before long the newcomers were in full possession of the official and unofficial secrets, plans, and purposes of the St. Charles Town Company. Then the Denver City promoters took over. In a few more days, on November 22, the new company adopted a constitution and elected officers, with E. P. Stout as president, William Larimer, Jr., as treasurer, H. P. A. Smith as secretary, and P. T. Bassett as recorder. These four, with the addition of Jack McGaa, William Clancy, and Hickory Rogers, constituted the board of directors. In less
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than a week after arriving the Leavenworth men took possession of the St. Charles townsite, got together a nominal association of forty-one persons, perfected their plans, and were ready to lay out the town. Dr. Russell regretted the start of a rival town across the creek. It would have been far better if all forces had joined in promoting what they had. Auraria was already thriving—with people coming in, cabins going up, and business projects opening. A Masonic Order was started November 3 by Henry Allen when he found half a dozen fellow Masons in the vicinity and asked them to his tent. This meeting was the first among Masons to be held in this western territory. Dr. Russell recalled that those present besides Allen and himself were Charles H. Blake, Oscar Lehow, Andrew Sagendorf, William M. Slaughter, and James D. Ramage, who had arrived only
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the day before. Members were sought out among incoming parties to join these informal gatherings, which were continued on Saturday nights. In time they expected to have a chapter instituted under the Grand Lodge of Kansas. A friendly spirit prevailed among incoming parties, but a decided rivalry was growing up between the towns of Auraria and Denver. In spite of the industry and perseverance of the Denver City group, Auraria kept ahead in material progress. Auraria had fifty cabins on its side of the creek to Denver's twenty-five, twice as many people, and all of the commercial establishments that had ventured to Cherry Creek. Still the citizens of Auraria were uneasy, fearful of the men in charge of Denver, and apprehensive of their promotional activities. A sore grievance was the proselyting of Aurarians by the men across the creek.
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The rivalry soon developed into a feeling of animosity that extended to all social, business, and political relations. Men not even disposed to take part in arguments were called upon to decide, and to declare themselves Aurarians or Denverites. Both towns were ambitious, and by mid-December both had made fair beginnings with hopeful plans for the future. Despite this optimism they were, judged by other standards, two sorry little towns standing in the winter loneliness of the great plains, sharing a deep-seated rivalry, and presenting a forlorn appearance which would repel all but the hardiest. Dr. Russell realized that this situation would not improve until the two groups forgot their grievances and started working out a plan of common advancement. He noted the squatty little huts of Auraria, built for the most part out of cottonwood logs and roofed with earth or sod, brown wisps of grass still clinging to the surfaces. Some were chinked with bits of wood, reinforced outside with plastered clay against the winter winds. With no furniture except the makeshifts of camp life, these rude cabins represented an advance over the tents first used for housing. Mud or dust was ever present, and little order was apparent in the improvements. Buildings appeared wherever they were handy, as though they had been dropped carelessly, and settled where they fell. In spite of the dismal aspect of the place or the quarrels of its inhabitants with the equally shabby little community across the creek, they held in common one thing over which neither could contend: beyond were the mountains in all their magnificence, with the clear blue sky above, and all around was the natural beauty of the surroundings. This was the heritage of each, the glory of both, that in time would be as important as the gold which men had come to seek. As the blue smoke curled lazily up from crude chimneys or campfires, the young doctor remembered the other Auraria back in the Georgia foothills. There the air was not so clear, the mountains not so high, the scenery not so majestic, but it was home, and Dr. Russell longed to be there. The Christmas season was approaching, and he could not keep his thoughts away from Polly and the home scene, nor forget the loss of baby Charlie, whom he had never seen. This, combined with the season, was hard to endure, but at least he would not be alone. An invitation had come from the Spooner party down the river for a gala celebration on Christmas Day and Dr. Russell was glad to be
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included among the eighty guests. He knew that all groups would be represented and hoped that it would promote a better relationship between the two little settlements. At least for a day the grievances on both sides of the creek might be forgotten.
Jerome C. Smiley compiled his mammoth one-volume History of Denver at a time when many who had taken part in the settling of Denver were still living. He was able to get firsthand accounts or letters from the old settlers, among them Dr. Russell and Jim Pierce. This work is invaluable for researchers, but unfortunately the absence of an index to the nearly one thousand pages makes effective use of it difficult. For this chapter see especially pp. 191-192, 204-207, 213-214, 233, and 235. See also Tierney, History of the Gold Discoveries, (p. 118); Pierce's article in The Trail, Vol. VII (October, 1914), p. 10; and George B. Clark, Our Masonic Heritage (p. 56).
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13. CHRISTMAS IN THE ROCKIES
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ot all of the incoming parties had settled in Auraria or Denver; some took up land outside the town, but nearby. Nor were all primarily interested in gold production; some came west expecting to carry on their accustomed occupations. Land suitable for farming or grazing was taken up and sawmills were being located in timbered spots near streams. The Spooner ranch, a newly established camp, was three miles down the Platte where the river ran broad and was fairly deep. Across the stream was the Samuel Curtis camp and further down, D'Aubrey's trading post. At greater distances were the Sanders' ranch, Fort Lancaster, and Fort Williams. Thirty miles beyond was St. Vrain's Fort. The Spooner party left the Missouri river region late in September, arriving in Auraria on November 2. The day after reaching Cherry Creek they moved down the Platte and started a camp. The size and contents of their large wagon train would indicate that they had come to settle permanently. The men set to work at once felling cottonwood trees and erecting cabins more durable than any on Cherry Creek, roofs and floors being of whipsawed lumber, fireplaces and chimneys of stone. A few wood-burning stoves, carried across the plains, added still further comfort to their quarters. Several in the party were men of means who brought along luxuries as well as necessities, and many delicacies of food and drink were included, such as choice wines and whiskeys, canned and potted viands,
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cheeses, nuts, and fruit. With so much at their command, the Spooner group planned to serve a sumptuous Christmas dinner at their camp, and spared no effort to provide handsomely for their guests. On December 2 1 a meeting was held to make plans and issue invitations, with Mr. J. S. Lowry in charge of a large and capable committee. Details of food and a program were worked out with enthusiasm. Christmas day dawned clear and bright with an almost spring-like warmth in the air. As Dr. Russell set out along the river for the Spooner camp he took an unusual interest in all he saw. Big birds rested on the clear waters of little ponds, among them white swan and sandhill cranes migrating from Canada to the tropics. Occasionally a flutter of leaves told him that a small animal was frightened away; or he would see a bolder one which stayed to peep cautiously at the intruder before scampering off. There was no snow now and the Doctor was able to identify plants that grew here, even when they were brown and dry. He was always on the lookout for herbs and plants with medicinal value, which he kept prepared for emergency use. Dr. Russell was not facing the mountains as he walked, but their beauty so attracted him that he stopped at intervals just to enjoy the view. The snowy peaks and deeply wooded slopes in this country reminded him of parts of California, but both wilderness areas contrasted strangely with the settled scenes he had known around Philadelphia, where he attended medical school. The Rocky Mountain country was fast getting a hold on the young Georgia doctor. Neither east nor west coasts, he felt, had as much to offer settlers as this invigorating, healthgiving climate with its matchless scenery. He had great faith in the future and hoped that some day the sordid little towns of Denver and Auraria would unite and grow into a fine city. As he approached the Spooner camp Dr. Russell noticed fresh gaps in the timbered areas and knew that such things could become a threat to the natural resources unless controlled. Destruction and waste always followed man's progress in new lands, and timber was the first thing to disappear. At camp the freshly cut boards placed across tree stumps to form long tables and benches were evidences of whipsaw activity, but today no one was concerned with construction problems. The camp was bustling with activity as the hosts extended a hearty welcome. The guests lolled about on benches or logs as they smoked their pipes or
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gathered into little groups to swap yarns on prospecting and hunting experiences. In this cheering scene they forgot everything except the preparations going on for what promised to be an unbelievable banquet in the wilderness. The men responsible for food were the busiest, due credit going to the chief cooks, Frary, Sullivan, and Crum; appetites were whetted by the sights, sounds, and smells attendant on the cooking. A choice saddle of venison turning on a spit out of doors gave off an enticing aroma, but the smell of pastries coming up was even more tantalizing. Six kinds of pie and almost as many puddings were in the making, a treat these men had not enjoyed in months. Now they shared the excitement of preparation as well, seeing a head pop out of a cabin door to call for more wine for the pudding sauce, or some other ingredient rare on frontier menus. Mysterious conferences were held; then the cooks disappeared back to their work. Anticipation had about reached the breaking point when dinner was called. The abundance and variety of food piled up on long tables attested the labor as well as the ingenuity of the men who prepared the feast. Hunters had been engaged to bring in every available kind of game, and it was prepared in every known way. To this were added both staples and the rarities brought in the wagon train. The menu sent back to the home papers made impressive reading. PLATTE RIVER GOLD DIGGINGS BILL OF FARE CHRISTMAS.... 1858 Soups Oyster Soup, Ox tail Soup Fish Salmon Trout, with Oyster Sauce Boiled Meat Corned Beef, Buffalo Tongue, Mutton, Pork, Ham, Beef Tongue, Elk Tongue Roast Venison a la Mode; Buffalo, Smothered; Antelope; Beef; Mutton; Pork; Grizzly Bear a la Mode; Elk; Mountain Sheep; Mountain Pig
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Game Mountain Pheasants; Mountain Rabbits; Turkeys; Ducks; Sage Hen; Prairie Chickens; Black Mountain Squirrel; Prairie Dog; Snipe; Mountain Rats; White Swans; Quail; Sand Hill Cranes Extras Potatoes, Baked; Potatoes, Boiled; Rice; Beans, Baked and Boiled; Beets, Squashes, Fried; Pumpkins, Stewed Dessert Mince Pie; Currant Pie; Apple Pie; Rice Pie; Peach Pie; Mountain-Cranberry Pie; Tapioca Pudding; Bread Pudding; Rice Pudding Fruits Brazil Nuts; Almonds; Hazel Nuts; Filberts; Pecans; Wild Currants; Raisins; Prickly Pear; Dried Mountain Plums Wine List Hockheimer, Madeira; Champagne; Golden Sherry; Cherry Bounce; Hock; Monongahela Whiskey; Jamaica Rum; Bourbon Whiskey; Taos Lightning. The appreciative guests ate with relish, and mounds of food disappeared surprisingly soon. When all capacity for eating was reached, the satisfied men sat back to enjoy the program planned. This was not just a feast, but a celebration. Considerable formality was observed and plans were made to report it to the world. The reporting was done by a newspaperman from Pennsylvania, A. O. McGrew, who had joined the Spooner party on the way west. The story went that McGrew was pushing a wheelbarrow carrying his possessions and food when the party spotted him, a lonely figure on the great expanse of prairie. He had already covered more than four hundred miles of bumpy trail, up hill and down, when he was invited to ride. Delighted to accept, McGrew promptly donated the wheelbarrow for gathering buffalo chips, the ever-plentiful prairie fuel. Now he proved useful in another way, as chronicler for the Christmas party. McGrew's account was intended for distribution far and wide, to show that the frontier was more civilized than people knew, and a copy of the menu would prove it. The Honorable William Clancy was at the head of the table; to his right was General Larimer, and on his left was Dr. Steinberger, acting
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as secretary. Among the guests were men just gaining importance in the new community; yet they did not seem like a group of strangers, recently come together. This might have been a meeting of old friends, in any part of the country, to celebrate any occasion. Even the mildness of the day belied the time and the place. Mr. Clancy opened the program with a resolution of thanks to Captain Spooner for the able manner in which he had conducted the wagon train from Omaha, Nebraska, and to Dr. Steinberger for fulfilling his duties as secretary of the company. The party was fully satisfied with the prospects of finding gold, and the country seemed a good one for settling permanently. The resolution also requested that "a copy of the proceedings of this day, together with a small sample of the dust obtained from these diggings, be furnished the Omaha Times, and that the editor be requested to publish the same, in order that persons in the States may know how people 'out of America* live, move and have their being." It further moved that "all papers in Kansas, Nebraska and the several states who are friendly to the opening of this rich mineral country be requested to publish the proceedings of this meeting." With these preliminaries over, toasts were in order. General Larimer gave the first, "To emigrants and their comfort," followed by Mr. Clancy's health to Captain Spooner. "Our cabins and our homes" was the subject of the next, given by Mr. Kimes. After three cheers and "a tiger," "The Star Spangled Banner" was sung. Christmas was remembered as "The day we celebrate," and Mr. Franklin's toast to "Our homes and those we left behind" was logically followed by the singing of "The Girl I Left Behind Me." Charles Blake's toast to "The new territory of Colona" was in contrast with a song, "The Home of My Boyhood." Then Samuel Curtis toasted "Our Destiny," his play on the names, Clancy, Lowry, and Larimer bringing loud applause: "Westward the star of empire takes her way and she has now lodged in the Rocky Mountains, where the original clans see (Clancy) the clouds lowering (Lowry) o'er the peaks of Laramie (General Larimer)." Mr. McGrew then expressed a common hope, "May the opening of spring give us direct communication with our friends in America by a regular mail, and although we all acknowledge the benefits derived
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from our present Fee Mail, may we be blessed with an abundance of the genuine article of genus female during the summer/' This reminder of the fifty-cent fee paid per letter and the absence of all womankind, brought guffaws of laughter, as had Mr. Franklin's toast, "Women and Wine—may they both attain that which ruins the one, and improves the other—old age." A profession and several occupations came in for their share of notice in "Doctors and quacks," "The miners and the mines," and the "Carpenters," with a follow-up song, "Rosalie, the Prairie Flower," feelingly rendered. An unexpected jingle at this point made mention of a popular local beverage that brought a chuckle. Although there are good things come up from old Taos, Its whiskey aint worth three skips of a louse. Another toast by McGrew, to "The Press," got three-times-three cheers and "a tiger," its double references being to printing and mining: "That mighty engine which controls powers and principalities, converts the howling wilderness into smiling fields and busy marts of commerce, sheds its blessings alike on the rich and poor, the great and the small, the lowly and the exalted; the lever which moves the world. May its influence never be perverted to serve base purposes; may our case not be to copy after others, but we make it a rule to stick to our sheets (when we get one) as long as there are quoins [coins] in the bank after which we will down with the dust, even though imposing stones rear themselves before our forms in our arduous chase after the precious metd." General Larimer followed with a speech extolling the new country, its natural resources, and possible future development, adding: "Three large hotels are in progress of erection and will soon be completed. Two houses of public worship are also being erected, and even under the present circumstances . . . we are blessed with the ministrations of a holy man of God. This country is bound to settle up." Then raising his voice, the general exclaimed, "And now with the blessings already enumerated, what more do we want?" McGrew was quick to voice the most wanted blessing, "Women and the consequent responsibilities," bringing hearty approval. A song written especially for the occasion by the resourceful McGrew, closed the program:
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A HIT AT THE TIMES Way out upon the Platte, near Pike's Peak we were told, There by a little digging we could get a pile of gold, So we bundled up our duds, resolved at least to try And tempt old Madame Fortune, root hog, or die. So we traveled across the country, and we got upon the ground, But cold weather was ahead, thefirstthing we found. We built our shanties on the ground, resolved in spring to try To gather up the dust and slugs, root hog, or die. Speculation is the fashion even at this early stage, And corner lots and big hotels appear to be the rage, The emigration's bound to come, and to greet them we will try, Big pig, little pig, root hog, or die. Let shouts resound, the cup pass around, we all came for gold; The politicians are all gas, the speculators sold; The scads' are all we want, and to get them we will try, Big pig, little pig, root hog, or die. Surveyors now are at their work, laying off the towns, And some will be of low degree, and some of high renown. They don't care a j ot nor a tittle who do buy The corner lots, or any lots, root, hog, or die. The doctors are among us; you can find where you will, They say their trade is to cure, I say it is to kill; They'll dose you, and they'll physic you, until they make you sigh, And their powders and their lotions make you root, hog, or die. The next in turn come lawyers; a precious set are they; In a public dairy they drink the milk, their clients drink the whey A cunning set these fellows are; they'll sap you till you're dry, And never leave you till you have to root hog, or die. A preacher, now is all we want, to make us all do good; But at present, there's no lack of spiritual food. The kind that I refer to, will make you laugh or cry, And its real name is Taos, root hog, or die. I havefinishednow my song, or, if you please, my ditty; And that it was not shorter, is about the only pity. And now, that I have had my say, don't say I've told a lie For the subject I've touched, will make us root hog, or die.
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9* After that, the party broke up in a gale of good humor just as the shadows were growing long and a brilliant sunset was forming over the Rockies. It had been a heart-warming occasion, calculated to draw men closer together with its fun and friendship, and the new community would be better off for such a celebration on its first Christmas Day. But not all of the citizens had celebrated so soberly. While the Spooner party was singing and jesting about Taos whiskey, better known as "lightning," another group was testing its cheering qualities down in the village of Auraria. Testing it free, and freely! That very morning Uncle Dick Wootton had arrived from New Mexico with a wagon load of merchandise, including a barrel of famous "Taos lightning." In the spirit of the day this beverage was offered in tin cups to all comers, and few refused. No doubt it added perceptibly to the hilarity of the scene later. By the time the Spooner guests arrived back in town, a merrymaking was in progress that grew in size and intensity, and lasted past midnight. The town was alive with miners from all quarters, some dressed in fantastic attire, others wearing the skins of wild beasts added imaginatively to their persons. A big bonfire blazed in the public square and a carefree crowd danced wildly around it or sang for others to dance. In the background Indian braves with their squaws and papooses looked on, adding their own alien touch to the strange and colorful scene. To the expanded population of three hundred persons in the two settlements on Cherry Creek, Christmas Day came to a hilarious close. Whatever the next days had to offer in dullness and drabness, this had been an unforgettable occasion. In it were all the elements that make up life on the frontier, wild, varied, and always unpredictable. As Dr. Russell looked at the motley, capering crowd that seemed even stranger in the flickering light of the fire, McGrew's ditty came back to him. This was in every sense the embodiment of "root hog, or die." Going back to Ferry Street the doctor turned in to his own place, glad he no longer shared that first crowded double cabin. This new house would take care of his brothers too, when they returned in the spring. That didn't seem so far off now that Christmas was over, but a little sigh escaped him as he walked alone in the starlight.
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Hafen's Colorado Gold Rush (pp. 189-198) reprints A. O. McGrew's letter of December 29, 1858, describing the first Christmas celebration in Denver City. A footnote on page 189 gives information about McGrew. This letter, written with an eye to promotion, was published in the Omaha Times, February 17, 1859, and the Colorado Magazine, XIV (January, 1937), pp. 15-25. Smiley's History of Denver (p. 232) mentions the celebration as promoted by Uncle Dick Wootton with his "Taos lightning." He quotes from an address given by Mr. A. E. Pearce at the meeting of the Society of Colorado Pioneers held in Denver, December 13, 1898: On Christmas "Uncle Dick" gave the whole town a free blow-out. The principal refreshments consisted of one or more barrels of whiskey; the heads being knocked in, every one helped himself freely; using tin cups. The liquid was what in those days was termed "Taos lightning." It came from Taos, New Mexico, and was warranted to kill at forty yards. It is needless to say that the whole camp got hilarious.
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14. WAITING OUT THE WINTER
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he clear beautiful Christmas day was soon a memory. Snow and chill winds off the Rockies brought daily life in Auraria down to a grim and bitter business. Miners could not work along the streams and few ventured into the mountains to try their picks against the granitelike earth. In most cases they were waiting out the winter for spring prospecting. They occupied themselves with other jobs, for there was plenty of activity in the little settlement. New people continued to come, new business enterprises started, and endless building went on. The sounds of hammering and of axes falling on wood were heard constantly as men hurried to build shelters against the cold. One of the busiest men in Auraria was Dr. Russell, first of the medical profession in the "diggings/' Although few people were seriously ill during the winter, he was often called upon to relieve pain, set broken bones, or combat fevers brought on by exposure. Medicine was scarce and difficult to get, and he had to depend largely on his own skill. The doctor had not expected to practice medicine in Auraria any more than he had expected to serve as secretary for the newly founded town company. Both occupations arose with the needs of a growing community. It was not the intention of any of the Russell party, in fact, to settle here. Their first double cabin was built only as a winter shelter. When Green and Oliver went east to organize the second prospecting party
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they had no idea that a town would be started on Cherry Creek during their absence; nor had Levi anticipated it so soon. In the light of developments, however, he had fallen in with the plans, subscribing to stocks in the Auraria Company for himself, his brothers, and other members of the party not present. At the first meeting, on motion of the secretary, Dr. L. J. Russell, it was recorded that "each member be required to build a house at least sixteen feet square and comfortable to live in" to comply with requirements of the company. Then the Doctor built a cabin for himself on what was designated as Ferry Street, albeit no ferry was in operation nor would be for some time. The secretary's duties as specified in the constitution were: "To keep the books and accounts of said Company, to record all meetings of Stockholders, or the Board of Directors; likewise to sign all shares and transfers of shares and record the same. Keep a record of all documents and papers relating to town property and to notify stockholders of all assessments and when to be paid." One hundred original stockholders comprised the town company of Auraria and a fee of fifty cents was collected for assigning lots to them. N o transfer of stock was considered legal unless signed by the secretary and recorded in the books at the time of the transfer. The lots were to have a 66-foot frontage, and a depth of 132 feet. Each stockholder's share contained sixteen lots, and the original boundaries of Auraria City townsite embraced 1,200 acres. This was defined as "Beginning at a point in the middle of the main channel of the South Platte River opposite the mouth of Cherry Creek; thence up the middle of the main channel of Cherry Creek two miles; thence north sixty degrees west to the middle of the main channel of the South Platte River; thence down the same to the place of beginning." To facilitate trade and to provide a circulating medium for home production, a scrip was issued by the town. This was in five- and tendollar denominations to the amount of $500, which the city was pledged to redeem by July 1, 1859, the scrip to draw an interest of 10 per cent per annum. This was a matter for the Doctor's attention also. A survey of the town was officially authorized on November 8, although it was begun unofficially by William S. Foster before that. At a meeting on December 3 it was agreed that orders be issued to pay
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the surveyor $120 for services rendered, but not until July of the following year. He platted up as much of the town as was surveyed, and these lots were already assigned to shareholders. A few lots owned by the town company were donated to enterprises that might further the growing community. The first donation of four lots, on November 15, was made to John D. Baker "for the purpose of erecting a hotel or house of entertainment/' Another donation was proposed by the trader-trapper Smith, then treasurer, for the person who first established a printing press and maintained it for one year. The directors voted to give "one lot to each person who will build a house on said lot under the instruction of the Secretary . . ." On December 3 lots were donated for this purpose to Thomas P. Parker, Benjamin Bernheizer, Frederick Dimmitt, and William Blick. Extensions of time in which to comply with the company's requirements were granted to several lot holders and house builders. The petitioners set forth their desire to build better houses than could be put up by one man, and the necessity for hauling logs a long way, in some cases six miles. Those granted a sixty-day extension were J. T. Parkinson, William Parkinson, O. B. Potter, Charles Noble, Albert Bober, P. T. Bassett, John Harris, Charles Dahler, James Reed, and John Scudder. At a meeting later in December it was resolved: ". . . to donate sixteen lots to Mr. Hall for building a hotel under the instructions of the secretary, who is hereby authorized to contract with said Hall, he to select four of the lots." The last meeting of 1858, held December 31, adjourned until January, as there was no business to transact. The year closed with things in good order, and Dr. Russell could look back on proceedings with justifiable pride. His minutes and records were neatly and accurately kept, and when he looked over them he saw what progress the small settlement had made, and for what part of it he was responsible. After Auraria was actually a platted town Dr. Russell saw possibilities for further development in business, with newspapers, schools, and churches to follow. The enlargement of the settlement was inevitable, and he looked speculatively at the higher ground across the river, referred to as the Highlands, as a possible residential addition to the growing town.
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February would soon roll around and the Doctor's birthday marked a year since he left Georgia. It was an unbelievable year, and the time had gone amazingly fast. He was too busy and the weather was too cold to think of prospecting yet. This must wait on his brothers' return. Levi could well imagine their astonishment at developments in the old diggings. They had left an almost uninhabited wilderness but would return to the growing metropolis of Auraria. And that upstart community across the creek named Denver, after the territorial governor. It should throw in with the larger town on the west side of the creek, but there was too much bitterness and rivalry now to allow for that. Looking down Ferry Street from his cabin to the river, Dr. Russell wondered if the ferry service granted Smith and McGaa would ever be put into operation. He could see First Street running parallel to the river. There on a little bit of land next to the Platte and ending a short two blocks away at Cherry Creek was Indian Row, as it was called. Five cabins stood there, the first being the Russell-Smith double structure, which had attracted the building of others. Next to it was that of William McGaa, then John Rooker's and Judson Dudley's. Last came the Blake-and-Williams cabin, nearest the mouth of the creek. Beyond Indian Row a sixth cabin had been put up, by Jack O'Neill, a somewhat notorious character. But colorful histories were not unusual out here, especially among the men who first drifted west and settled with the Indians. There was old John Smith, good-looking in spite of his fifty or sixty years of age. He had taken up with a Sioux squaw, Wa-po-lo, years before and now had a grown son who lived with them on Cherry Creek. William McGaa, closely associated with Smith, was a man about whom many rumors were circulated. Though a shiftless pioneer, McGaa was smart, fairly well educated, and represented himself as the son of an English baronet. He had married a handsome young half-breed Sioux a few years earlier, and their son was the first child born of a white father in the community on Cherry Creek. The baby was promptly named William Denver McGaa, a name that might take him places. Other squaw men besides Smith and McGaa living in the settlement were William Rowland, Jose Merival, William Simanole, and Alphonse La Roque.
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Henri Murat, another Frenchman, arrived with his wife in October, coming with a party from Missouri. They first built a cabin at Montana City, but later moved to Auraria. Murat claimed to be a count and a nephew of Napoleon's King of Naples. But even kin of royalty had few social distinctions in this remote region, and the royal pair had to make the most of their skills as barber and laundress. Henry charged a dollar for shaving a customer and trimming his beard, while Mrs. Murat got as much as three dollars for washing a dozen pieces of linen. By early spring four white women besides Mrs. Murat had arrived in the community. Mrs. Roswell Hutchins was the first, having come in August with her husband even before the town was organized. Later came the Rookers, mother and daughter, with their family, and Mrs. Richens Wootton arrived Christmas day. It was her husband who had gained instant popularity with his barrel of Taos whiskey so liberally distributed that day to all thirsty comers. The Rookers were Mormons and the first family to locate on the South Platte. Their son, John, claimed to have finished and occupied the first house there, but Dr. Russell hadn't much opinion of John, either as a builder or as a man. The shack he got up with the help of his father was small credit to either. More substantial settlers, like Roswell Hutchins and John Easter, of the Lawrence party, were in the process of building better dwellings. Their joint cabin on Cherry Street was started after the town was organized and next after the Russell-Smith building. Henry Allen's cabin was on Wynkoop Street. One of the first business enterprises, the mercantile firm of Charles H. Blake and Andrew J. Williams, was located in Indian Row. These men arrived from Crescent City, Iowa, in October. They had an imposing train of four wagons, each drawn by four yoke of oxen, carrying general merchandise suitable to the needs of miners and frontier customers. Since no building was available, they opened up for business in a tent, but soon completed an adequate double cabin, where they could live and also keep their store. Another early business firm to reach Auraria from the Missouri River district was that of Kinna and Nye, with a small stock of hardware, some sheet iron, and tinner's goods. John Kinna came first, but his associate and backer, John Nye, did not arrive until spring. The third business in the new town was started by J. D. Ramage, jeweler
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and watch repairer, who came early in December. His establishment was on Ferry Street across from the Wootton building under construction. The cabin of Andrew Sagendorf and Oscar Lehow, on Cherry Street, was completed in mid-November, and boasted one luxury no other structure had—a glazed window. They had brought it with them, and it was unrivaled until General Larimer built a place across the creek. The Sagendorf-Lehow cabin was used by the Masons for their celebration of St. John's Day on December 27. Dr. Russell was among the twenty-six who attended, and the sixteen-foot square cabin was crowded to capacity. No chairs to sit on were available, but an improvised table furnished a place for serving the supper, and a clean sheet borrowed from the Mormon family answered for a tablecloth. Dr. Russell contrasted this simple supper of pork, beans, biscuits, coffee, and wild game with the feast provided two days earlier at the Spooner ranch and knew it was not the food that counted so much. Ritual of any sort was rare out here, and this celebration held a special significance for the Masons, bringing to their makeshift existence a solemn pause long to be remembered. Not everything was as harmonious and orderly on Cherry Creek as the Masonic meeting or the Spooner celebration. Idleness and boredom during the first winter months drove men indoors, where they often turned to drinking and gambling. The easiest commodity to get was poor whiskey and the high price asked did not keep it from selling well. Saloons thrived and where gambling and drinking went on the rougher element predominated. If a miner wandered in with a week's gain in gold he was likely to leave emptyhanded. The more responsible citizens got together in neighborly cabins for visits that often developed into political caucuses or promotional sessions of one sort or another. Business deals took place anywhere. In addition to these informal get-togethers the citizens held occasional meetings called for specific purposes. In January one such event occurred at General Larimer's cabin "to take into consideration the subject of the Pacific Railroad," its organizers said. General Larimer presided, with Charles Lawrence as secretary. Dr. Russell, Dr. A. S. Kunkle, A. J. Williams, Marshall Cook, E. P. Stout, and W. H.
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Brannan were appointed presidents. Nothing came of the meeting, in spite of a resolution drawn up to approve connecting up the country with a railroad. But talk was cheap; meetings were a harmless form of entertainment, and the Larimers accepted promoters. A meeting of more consequence held earlier was concerned with legislation and territorial status, matters which had long plagued the growing communities. From the beginning there had been no guarantee of ownership to the lands, and as more people came in more complications arose. At this meeting Hiram J. Graham was elected delegate to Washington and A. J. Smith representative to the Kansas Legislature. Graham went to the national capital, taking a petition that asked for a new territory to be created in the Pike's Peak region. He was able to get the bill introduced in Congress in January, but it failed to pass. As the spring immigration set in and the demand for an independent government grew, a convention assembled on April 15 in Auraria. This body proposed creating the state of Jefferson, and a call was issued for a constitutional convention to meet in June. Many incidents promoted such action. The increased population brought problems of lawlessness and crime. In some cases justice was meted out by a self-appointed committee of citizens, a method which might be expedient and even exciting, but which offered no satisfying solution. They needed community courts and an orderly procedure of law, which could come only with a settled local government. The purpose of the convention was set forth in flowery phrases: Government of some kind we must have, and the question narrows itself down to this point: Shall it be government of the knife and revolver or shall we unite in forming here in our golden country, among the ravines and gulches of the Rocky Mountains, and the fertile valleys of the Arkansas and Plattes, a new and independent state . . . It is a glorious cause, and a feeling of pride as well as of duty, should lead us to act in it. Letter writing was one of the winter pastimes among the earlier settlers on Cherry Creek, and the letters were often published in the settlers' home papers. The information that went out about the country and the mines was as varied as the people who wrote about them. Such a letter was written by William McGaa in January, 1859, and published in the Omaha Times. In part it said:
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I will do you a few items, giving you the truth about gold as far as come under my observation. Men who are mining at the Spanish diggings, four miles above here, on the South Platte, average from three to five dollars a day with rockers, carrying the water from the Platte, some fifty rods. The better way for your readers to judge of the yield of the mines is to know the "prospect of the pan." I have seen 50 cents in a single pan, a few times—to fifteen cents frequently, and hardly ever less than five to eight cents. Californians say that when they get sluices arranged they can makefiveto fifteen dollars every day they work... Contrasting opinions warned people to stay away. Samuel R. Stumbo's letter of January 11, 1859, published in the Falls City Broad Axe ran as follows: We arrived within 15 miles of Cherry Creek on the last day of October, and found it all humbug as to the plentitude of gold. That there is gold all over this country, there is no doubt, but there has nothing yet been discovered that will make a man stay here. Miners are making from 10 cents to $1 per day. That is what our men are making, and it is said that we have the richest diggings that have yet been discovered. Some men will say that they are making from $5 to $20 per day, but they never can show it. The largest specimen I have got yet is worth about 20 cents, and I believe it is the largest that has been found... a man can't make his board here at mining... In no case did placers along the Platte or its dry tributaries pay for a fourth of the labor being expended on them. After a few days of hard work panning sand and gravel for a few cents' worth of gold dust, most of the newcomers gave up, some cursing the country and the men who circulated stories of its rich mines. Other gold seekers who had come in the fall and had used up their supplies, but had not yet found wealth, were of like opinion. Many loaded their covered wagons and turned back over prairie trails, embittered and disillusioned, calling the venture the Pike's Peak Humbug. Whether happy optimism or dire pessimism prompted the accounts, nothing served to turn the tide of emigration. People coming west were not to be discouraged, even though they met hundreds on their way back again. Long lines of wagons poured into the little towns bringing people who had read exaggerated accounts of the mines, and arrived expecting to find gold merely for the digging, regardless of what they heard to the contrary.
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Not all were disheartened. Rich lodes must exist in the mountains. These would surely be found when the snow melted in the gulches, and a thorough prospecting was possible. Some good diggings, in fact, had already been uncovered on Gold Run, and, in January, at Deadwood Gulch west of Boulder. And rumors of other discoveries persisted. Meanwhile Auraria and Denver continued to grow, while many new towns came into existence along the base of the Rockies. Activity and a generally hopeful outlook were everywhere.
Descriptions of life in the early settlements on the Platte are found in Clark's Our Masonic Heritage (pp. 55-58); Hafen's Colorado Gold Rush (pp. 211214, 227); and Smiley's History of Denver (pp. 207, 209, 211, 233, 243, 305, 308, and 309). Dr. Russell was a very able and versatile man. A pioneer society made the most of his ability and he has often been referred to as the "father of Denver." While he was ill equipped that first winter to practice medicine, when called upon to relieve pain and suffering, he brought to bear upon the case all the knowledge and skill he possessed. The use of medicinal herbs was a common practice, and he was always on the lookout for new ones. Years later, when Dr. Russell was settled in Texas and belonged to the Texas State Medical Association, he was termed a "medical botanist." For a number of years he was chairman of the committee on medical botany. His report was published in their Transactions for 1886 (pp. 499-511).
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15. GREGORY'S STRIKE CAME FIRST
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y a strange turn of affairs, the Cherry Creek settlements had got ahead of the gold discoveries. A gold rush was on, although no gold in appreciable quantities had been discovered. Small amounts of surface gold were being taken up all along in one place or another, but these were only the evidences of richer areas not yet located. Eager men and, in some cases, desperate men, kept coming west, but the pioneers who first believed in the country's worth had not had a chance to prove it, nor had anyone else. For the most part, everyone expected things to take a better turn in the springtime. All kinds of people came and many occupations were represented in the emigration throng of 1859. Farmers were in the majority, but merchants, doctors, lawyers, and politicians came too, besides gamblers, shysters, and ne'er-do-wells. Relatively few experienced miners were here at this time. Most of the arrivals on Cherry Creek were young men eager for adventure or escape from the humdrum of their lives back home. They welcomed excitement and were not afraid of hardship. While they came for gold, many made places for themselves in other fields and proved to be hardy pioneers. In addition to incoming gold seekers and settlers, supply trains were arriving daily with needed merchandise, food, mining tools, and saw mills. Prices were high, but commodities did not cost the consumers much more than if they had brought them across the plains. With a market for anything and every-
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thing, emigrants could always dispose of surplus possessions at a profit. Since the main shortage was money, trading was done largely on credit or by bartering. Many inducements besides gold persuaded people to settle in the country. Those who looked to the future engaged in various useful occupations, anticipating an enlarged population in the months to come. Town building boomed and with it speculation of all kinds. The population around Cherry Creek valley was estimated at over two thousand, but the constant shifting of the group made an accurate count impossible. No one seemed concerned over settlement of legal rights, nor did they worry over the Indian ownership of land, serious as that was. The Indian problem was unsolved and menacing. No new treaties had been made with the Arapahoes, and local chiefs were threatening the white men for encroaching on their lands, with demands that the usurpers leave. Incidents of trouble along the trails were reported; danger lurked on the outskirts of the towns. In Auraria the whites decided to give a huge feast as a goodwill gesture to the Arapahoes. The Indians accepted the invitation readily, and on January 27 five hundred warriors and almost as many women and children assembled there. Two oxen were roasted, and quantities of bread, dried apples, and other victuals were piled up on blankets to be portioned out, along with black coffee to drink. The Indians ate with grunts of satisfaction, and the man known as Heap-of-Whips put all others to shame with the huge amount of food he consumed, afterwards licking his lips and fingers lest he lose any morsel. The feast did promote a friendlier feeling for a time. Indian horse races were often held near the Cherry Creek settlements, and those of sporting proclivity among the whites attended. One entry boasted by the Indians was a fast-trotting mule, which they offered to put up against any animal the Americans had to enter. But no trotter could be found among the emigrant mules. An appeal was relayed back to the Missouri settlements to find a match for the Indian mule, with promises that such an animal would reap a fortune for its owner, the red men being so willing to gamble on their own. The outcome of the challenge is not of historical record. Another source of diversion for settlers in Auraria was hunting.
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Game was plentiful nearby, and Dr. Russell especially recalled one four-day hunt made with William McFadding and Baker Noble the winter before. The kill was fifty-eight black-tail deer, four mountain sheep, and two catamounts, besides some few mountain grouse. It took a three-yoke-of-oxen team and a four-mule team to haul the game in; yet the time of the hunt was not considered very good. As men went further afield hunting and exploring this amazing country they were finding out more of its real worth. Already mineral deposits of iron, coal, chalk, and alum had been discovered, as well as a high grade of beautiful white marble. In town, business was expanding and improvements were being made. Two printing presses which arrived overland in the early spring were hurriedly set up to issue papers. Both publications appeared on April 23, 1859, and were heartily welcomed by a news-starved population. The Cherry Creek Pioneer survived only one issue, but the Rocky Mountain News persisted, and under its founder and editor, William N. Byers, became a power in the community and territory at large. A claims club also was put into operation, signed by most of the men in the valley. Its business was to see that all townsites and farming and timber claims were recorded. In Auraria an unusual place of business was made out of a wagon box set on end bearing the sign "Office of John Scudder, Recorder of Claims, Land Agent, Houses for Sale or to Rent, Pine Lumber for Sale. Walk In—Office Hours When the Door Is Open." Things did not run smoothly, however, in the case of Scudder. He was elected treasurer of the Auraria Town Company early in April to succeed Trader Smith. On the sixteenth of the month he quarreled with P. T. Bassett, of Denver, and shot and killed him. Feeling ran high at the time and resulted in Scudder's having to leave town, another of those cases decided by prompt but unofficial action. Town-building activity was not all confined to Auraria or Denver. New townsites were springing up everywhere—Fountain City, at the mouth of the Boiling Spring River, and, in between, Forrest City, Russellville, and Junction City. Columbus and Eldorado, near the base of Pike's Peak, Arapahoe, at the foot of Table Mountain, and Boulder —all were towns recently come into existence. In some cases stages were run by local companies to connect these communities.
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Yet none of these places or activities were of interest to people who came only in the expectation of quick gains of gold, and found none. Gold hunters by the thousands left the Missouri River region, not all of whom would reach the mountains. Yet many who did finish the journey, but put in only a few days or weeks of unrewarding search, became discouraged and joined the ranks of "go backs," carrying disheartening news along with them. A popular rhyme voiced their feelings: Hang Byers and D. C Oakes For starting this big Pike's Peak hoax. The month of May began with a discouraging outlook, but on the sixth occurred a discovery that startled the whole nation. John H. Gregory uncovered a rich outcropping of gold-bearing quartz on Clear Creek in the mountains west of Auraria. It was the first lode gold found in any region thereabout, and the news soon spread in all directions. Men left the towns and started to the mountains. News even reached the prairie trails, overtaking some of the "go-backs," who then came back to try again. The whole Pike's Peak gold rush was saved from collapse by Gregory's find, and a new and larger stampede started. Another discovery almost as important, made by George A. Jackson, came to light about this same time. Although it occurred in January, the discovery was kept secret until late April, just before Gregory's find was made public. It was disappointing to Dr. Russell that Green had not made the first big news, proving the existence of the gold sources he believed in, but there was no help for it now. Anyway, Green would be there soon, and make his own discoveries. The Doctor's confidence in his brother never wavered, but he was watching for his return with unwonted impatience. From his doorway Levi could note the developments on both sides of the creek, where so recently could be seen nothing but native forest coverings of pine, spruce and balsam. He could imagine how the changes would strike Green and Oliver. They would be surprised not only by the two little settlements on Cherry Creek, but by the whole winter's activity, culminating in the widespread excitement at Gregory's Gulch. All this stemmed from the Russells' small findings less
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than a year earlier, which now were something of national importance, a reality that far surpassed their wildest hopes.
Hafen's Colorado Gold Rush, 1858-1859 contains contemporary letters and reports such as those from Oscar Totten (py. 185-186) and W. W. Spalding (pp. 201-202). These give entertaining bits of news and fresh observations on daily life. Even allowing for exaggeration and personal biases, letters from the early mining districts tell a realistic story of the people and their outlook on life. The whole volume is enlightening as well as entertaining reading. Smiley's History of Denver, used in numerous preceding chapters, is equally helpful here. See Chapter XXVI (pp. 244-252) for early accounts of life in Denver; details of the three most important discoveries of the spring of 1859 are given in Chapters XXVII and XXVIII.
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16. GREEN'S WAS NOT FAR BEHIND IBBII6111I1B
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ven before light was showing in the east, the Russell camp was up and stirring. Green was returning to the Rockies with his second party of prospectors, and this was their last stop before reaching Cherry Creek. It was the tenth of May and the weather was unusually bleak for springtime, even in the mountain areas. The late Easter, on April 24, might have been accountable for this cheerless introduction to the country. Before the Russell brothers left Georgia, the Dahlonega Signal had carried a notice to the effect that: Mr. William (Green) Russell, of Dawson County, requests us to say that he in company with 75 or 100 persons, will start for the gold mines of the Rocky Mountains on the 15th inst. On the 20th he will be in Dalton without fail, at which point he will be pleased to meet and welcome all who desire to try their luck in the newly discovered mines. The distance is near two thousand miles, and provisions, implements, etc., will be laid in at Leavenworth, K.T. An outfit will range from $125 to $150 . . . Mr. Russell adopts this course to subserve the answering of numerous letters received. The result was that a sizable party started out from Atlanta on March 20, traveling by railroad to Memphis, then taking a river steamer to St. Louis. The Russell party was augmented by eager prospectors along the way. When they outfitted in Kansas City for the nine-hundred-mile
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trip overland, they numbered 170. They procured wagons, oxen teams, horses, and a six-months' supply of provisions, along with heavy guns for hunting game and mining tools suitable for use in the mountains. They were well equipped for the intensive work planned. Their route from Kansas City lay along the Arkansas River, with endless prairies and desert wastes to cross. Now, however, the trails were well denned, and offered evidence of being traveled in both directions. Hundreds of people were returning from the West, discouraged and bitter over their experience, while others, like the Russells, were going out, full of hope and confident of success. Green and Oliver were proud of their outfit, and the number of "go-backs" they encountered did not discourage them. The time was right for prospecting, and their experience during the summer before had given them faith in the country and confidence in their ability to cope with its difficulties. The long trip overland was made with few mishaps and little loss of time, the party arriving less than two months after they left Georgia. The last camp was not far distant from Cherry Creek, and Green hoped that they would reach Auraria early in the day. Threatening weather conditions made the men anxious to push on, and eager to see what lay ahead. The wagons were loaded, teams yoked up, horses saddled, and the campfires stamped out. At the first sign of light Oliver made a last inspection. Then "Captain" Green Russell, with a shout, gave the order to start, and swung into a wagon driven by his brotherin-law, Pick Willis. They were off. The oxen settled into their usual plodding gait, seemingly impervious to both weather and excitement, but the horses sensed a difference. Travel-worn though they were, the animals showed more mettle than usual, as if they too sensed a goal within reach. But progress was slow, and as hour after hour went by the mountains apparently were no closer, although they had been in sight all morning. The younger and more impatient men kept asking how much farther to their destination. Green, not wanting to discourage them, scanned the sky and assured them it was not far, and wouldn't take long if the bad weather held off. The clouds were growing darker and the wind had risen with a disagreeable chill. In spite of a few greening weeds and the occasional brave stand of a wild flower, the day was like winter, becoming bleaker with each mile passed.
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The party was traveling up the old Cherokee trail which paralleled Cherry Creek. When finally a fringe of elderbushes and cottonwoods that marked the river's course came in sight the cabins of Auraria could be distinguished. At the spot where Cherry Creek joined the Platte a large group of cottonwoods served as a landmark. Then snow began coming down, atfirstaflakymist, then thicker and thicker until nothing could be recognized more than a few yards away. Dr. Russell's cabin on Ferry Street could be located only with difficulty, and the double house built jointly with Trader Smith. Both places were filled to capacity with men trying to escape the storm, who greeted the newcomers warmly. When news of their arrival got around the Russells were besieged with visitors. The close quarters of the cabin were soon steaming from the heat on snow-dampened clothes; the air was oppressive with the mingled fumes of tobacco, wet boots, and cordials. The din of laughter and greetings was deafening to men used to being out of doors. By nightfall the snow had stopped falling, the visitors began thinning out, and the three Russell brothers, after insuring the comfort of their men, settled down in Levi's cabin with the members of their original party still in Auraria, to discuss plans for action. Some of the men had already gone up Clear Creek to investigate Gregory's recent findings and would report later. Meanwhile speculations were rife and excitement ran high. Green had been getting scraps of information all afternoon, but this was hisfirstopportunity to hear the story from his own men. In Georgia he and Oliver had been busy getting ready to bring this second party of prospectors out, and the reports received from the West were so meager he could only guess what was going on. Judging from the number of people just met on the road going back, the prospects of finding gold were not bright enough to hold them before Gregory's discovery. Green wanted to know the developments, step by step. As the story unfolded it seemed to begin in a small incident the summer before when the Russells made camp on the headwaters of Cherry Creek. During the following and excessively hot day when they crossed the stream one of the men dipped his hands into the water to cool them. Suddenly he decided to wash out a pan of gravel while he was at it, and detected in the residue small showings of color. Some of
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the party then wanted to stop and prospect, but the Cherokee contingent was impatient to reach Ralston's Creek. Levi had been particularly impressed by the incident because later people attracted to the spot had found small quantities of fine scale. Although a great many attempts were made to find the source of this trace of gold, all were unsuccessful. A small town which grew up there was called Russellville, probably on account of the Russells' initial find; it now had a flourishing saw mill and a number of cabins. Prospecting of some sort had gone on all winter in various areas around. A few hardy souls even ventured deep into the mountains. One of these was George Jackson, a young fellow said to be a cousin of Kit Carson who had mined in California. The Russells had known him at the diggings on Dry Creek. Levi recalled him as a lank slab-sided fellow from Missouri, with his dogs, Kit and Drum, always at his heels. It was because of injury to the dogs in a fight with a wild catamount that Jackson remained in the mountains during January. While resting the dogs and doctoring their wounds he noticed some particles of ore where the campfire thawed out the ground. This observation led to a real discovery. Jackson told only his friend Tom Golden, and the secret didn't get out until late spring, after some Chicago men backed the venture, and the Chicago Mining Company was formed. Gregory's discovery of May 6 came as a complete surprise. Levi recounted that Gregory told him about it when he spent a night in the Doctor's cabin. It seemed that the past fall Gregory had been stranded over in Laramie when news of the Russell diggings on Dry Creek reached him. He made immediately for the mountains and he stuck around all winter. He had found some evidence of gold earlier, but like Jackson, had kept the secret to himself. The weather was still too cold to work and besides he needed backers. Then he found them in Wilkes DeFrees and some Indiana people. Since the news broke the whole community had been streaming up Clear Creek in a frantic search, staking claims all along the way. Green Russell never had much of an opinion of John Gregory, his fellow Georgian, but now it appeared, from what he heard, that Gregory broke all the rules but still came out a winner. Gregory's method was to follow a creek until it forked, then test the two branches, continuing up the branch that showed the most color. In Green's opinion
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that was a ridiculous procedure. Since the heavy, dark minerals that wash out in a pan are dropped by running water where the stream is slow, all Gregory did was to select the branch moving the slowest at the point of juncture. That being the case there might be gold up every branch. Gregory couldn't miss, nor could the Russells this time. The summer before, when six of Green's party had explored the upper regions of the Platte Canyon, they couldn't have been too far from Gregory's site. That was the time the mountain lion got the deer they had just shot and were counting on for their own breakfast! The men remembered that well. Now they must waste no time getting back to the mountains. The men who had followed Green before knew that if gold was there Green would find it, and they were anxious to be off. After scanning the sky, which had cleared, and speculating on their chances of traveling the next day, the miners turned in for the night. Bedrolls were spread on the floor and the fire was banked. Before long only the heavy breathing of sleeping men was to be heard, along with an occasional crackle of firewood trying to escape its covering of ashes. Levi was up before daylight stirring the coals, putting wood on the fire, and prodding the men to move and make room for breakfast preparations. The log cabin was as well built as any, but the cracks could never be entirely chinked up, and frosty air had sifted in all night. The sleepy men responded reluctantly to Levi's prodding, burying their whisker-covered faces deeper into the blankets. They reminded him of lazy bears; but when Green roused and spoke of the gold they had come to find, the response was startling. Tumbling out of the covers, they stacked their bedrolls. Everybody was alert. Since few men had removed anything more than their boots the night before, dressing took little time and washing in the icy water even less. Levi now had the fire going—with coffee boiling, salt pork and bear meat sizzling in the frying pan, and sour-dough bread baking in a heavy-lidded dutch oven by the open fire. With each whiff of cooking food the men's spirits rose. As they remembered where they were and why they had come, their enthusiasm mounted and their expectation of finding gold grew greater by the moment. The meal, like everything else, had no formality; the men gobbled it up quickly with evident relish as they stood up or lounged on the bedrolls. N o chairs or furniture, other than an improvised bunk bed, was to be found in the cabin.
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Boxes answered for most purposes, providing places to sit or store provisions. Crude shelves nailed to the walls took care of personal items, but in wilderness living this cabin represented the ultimate in comfort. The outside appearance, too, was neat, as though a responsible person lived there. And indeed the young doctor was not only a responsible but a highly respected one. As organizer and secretary of the new settlement he had served it well. He had represented the people in matters of legislation, trying to get a territorial status of government for the area. His many local duties were not only time-consuming but also well performed. As the weather cleared Levi was anxious to show off his town. He explained how he had taken care of all absent members of the original Russell party in the matter of holdings. When Auraria was laid out city lots, which they would be seeing now for the first time, had been taken in their names. The newcomers were astonished at the growth and progress of a place that so short a time ago had been only a clearing by a stream; they were especially impressed by the business establishments. There would have been over half again as many, Levi told them, had they not been lured over to the Denver side. Still he was confident that both places would prosper and grow, and in time perhaps the rival towns would merge. They might even spread across the Platte to the higher ground that would make a good residential section. Since so many hopeful prospectors had rushed out to the mountains a few days before, the town was unusually quiet, the streets almost deserted. The merchants were glad to have new customers and welcomed the Russells as they went about laying in fresh supplies for their trip up Clear Creek. As the skies cleared and the snow melted the wagons were packed and the party headed up the old familiar trail leading to the "Shining Mountains/' The hopes of the prospectors were as bright as the snow glistening on the distant peaks.
The most important coverage of the gold discoveries of 1859 appears in Smiley's History of Denver, especially the accounts of the activities of Gregory and Jackson. Chapter XXVII is devoted to the two men; it quotes from every available source, including Jackson's diary, and gives personal histories as well. Green Russell's discovery is described in Chapter XXVIII (page 272) of this work, and the activities in Russell Gulch from then on are related in connection
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with the general account of the mining district of which it was such an important part. The Russell story, as set forth here, is put together from several sources and from personal accounts. The very first discovery of a showing of gold on Cherry Creek that hot June day, the twenty-second, in 1858, is related by Luke Tierney in his Guidebook (p. 105). A footnote by Dr. Hafen, the editor, says: "This was in Russell Gulch, which enters Cherry Creek about two miles above present Pranktown. Some mining was carried on in this gulch in 1859 and the camp was called Russellville, in honor of the Russell brothers, leaders of the Georgia party of 1858." For the location of the place where the initial gold discovery was made— where the Cherokee trail crosses Russell Gulch, about five miles above Franktown—see A. B. Sanford, "The Cherokee Trail and the First Discovery of Gold on Cherry Creek," in the Colorado Magazine (Vol. VIII, pp. 30-34). Hafen's Colorado Gold Rush (pp. 283-284) quotes the Dahlonega Signal as taken from the Columbus Daily Sun of March 18, 1859, which is incorporated into the text. Also the Macon Journal and Messenger of March 30 quotes the Memphis Avalanche as saying that this party, consisting of forty-nine men, mostly from Georgia, took the steamer at Memphis for St. Louis. The Russells had known Gregory in Georgia, and it was known that Green was unfriendly with him. This feud was believed to have "dated from a previous acquaintance in Georgia," according to Ovando J. Hollister in his Mines of Colorado. There has always been considerable mystery about Gregory, and a provocative article "The Case of John H. Gregory" by Margaret Inman Meaders appeared in the Georgia Historical Quarterly, Vol. XI, (June, 1956) pp. 113— 130. In this article she tries to unravel a number of unsolved mysteries. Miss Meaders grew up in the gold region of Georgia, living in Dahlonega. Later she spent several years in Colorado and did much research on the Russell boys and Gregory, all former Georgians, who became prominent pioneers in the gold fields of Colorado. "But which Gregory," she asks, "was the one?" There were two, both from the gold region of Georgia. Both men knew the Russells. Of the Russell-Gregory feud, Miss Meaders has this to say: That feud is in itself tantalizing. Constant litigation in Colorado bore evidence to its strength, yet its origin was not known; but, these facts are interesting: Green Russell was an ardent Democrat, spending his Colorado money to outfit a Confederate company. John Gregory of Auraria was a Republican, a "hogback." According to the Gaydons (Georgia neighbors) his family lacked sympathy for the South and went to Indiana for awhile during the war. Ample reason for coolness between neighbors.
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17. RUSSELL GULCH AND GREELEY Biiilillijlli
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he newly established Rocky Mountain News carried a brief notice on Saturday, May 25, 1859, to the effect that "On May 16th, seven wagons arrived. Captain Green Russell, J. Oliver Russell, P. E. Willis, James Orr, R. C. Connor, all of Georgia; Frank Greenevore, Kansas Territory, and others comprising the Russell company coming by the Arkansas route.'' But by that date they were long gone to the mountains, having arrived on the tenth and having left Auraria the next day. With the rope ferry now running, crossing the South Fork of the Platte was not as hazardous as it had been a year before, and the fee of eight dollars was reasonable enough considering the time the service saved the men and the exposure to the icy water it spared their teams. Taking the old trail out toward Ralston's Creek, the wagons went inland, then turned west to follow Clear Creek into the mountains. At Arapahoe Bar, Green saw that too many people were congregated there and that too much activity was going on to suit his plans. Some of the newly arrived prospectors stayed, however, and others left the party when they found likely spots along the way. Green encouraged his men to follow their inclinations, but his own intention was not to stop for prolonged prospecting until he got far into the mountains.
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