Gnathia and Related Hellenistic Ware on the East Adriatic Coast 178491164X, 9781784911645

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Gnathia and Related Hellenistic Ware on the East Adriatic Coast Maja Miše

Gnathia and Related Hellenistic Ware on the East Adriatic Coast Maja Miše

Archaeopress Archaeology

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ISBN 978 1 78491 164 5 ISBN 978 1 78491 165 2 (e-Pdf)

© Archaeopress and M Miše 2015 Cover images from left: 1: Issaean oinochoe, Archaeological Collection Issa, Čargo 2007, pp. 31-33, no. 3 2: Issaean oinochoe, Archaeological Collection Issa, Čargo 2007, pp. 31-33, no. 2 3: Issaean oinochoe, Archaeological Collection Issa, Čargo 2007, pp. 31-33, no. 4 The author would like to thank her colleague Boris Čargo for allowing the use of cover photographs

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Table of Contents Acknowledgments����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ii Introduction������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� iii Aims of the study���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� iv Methodology����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� iv I. Gnathia Ware in Southern Italy��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 I. 1. History of research and the name.................................................................................................................................................1 I. 2. Origin.............................................................................................................................................................................................2 I. 3. Decoration: from the painters to the decorators..........................................................................................................................4 I. 4. Shape.............................................................................................................................................................................................7 I. 5. Production centres.........................................................................................................................................................................8 I. 6. Production technology.................................................................................................................................................................11 I. 7. Archaeological context.................................................................................................................................................................13 I. 8. Distribution in the Mediterranean...............................................................................................................................................15 I. 9. The problems of chronology........................................................................................................................................................15

II. Gnathia Ware on the East Adriatic Coast����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������18

II. 1. History of study...........................................................................................................................................................................18 II. 2. Vessels from collections..............................................................................................................................................................19 II. 3. Vessels from archaeological context...........................................................................................................................................20 II. 4. Imported Gnathia ware..............................................................................................................................................................23 II. 5. Issaean Gnathia ware.................................................................................................................................................................30 II. 6. Other possible production centres of Gnathia ware on the East Adriatic coast........................................................................41

III. Related Hellenistic Ware on the East Adriatic Coast���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������43

III. 1. Red-figure vases.........................................................................................................................................................................43 III. 2. West Slope ware........................................................................................................................................................................50 III. 3. Alto Adriatico vases...................................................................................................................................................................55 III. 4. Black-glazed ware......................................................................................................................................................................55 III. 5. Grey-glazed ware.......................................................................................................................................................................58 III. 6. Group of Late Hellenistic coated ware ......................................................................................................................................59

IV. the East Adriatic Coast from the 4th to the 1st centuries BC��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������61 V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection in the Split Archaeological Museum�����������65

V. 1. Imported Gnathia vessels...........................................................................................................................................................65 V. 2. Isseian Gnathia vessels.............................................................................................................................................................111 V. 3. Unidentified vessels..................................................................................................................................................................152

Abbreviations������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 160 Bibliography���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 161

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Acknowledgments Writing this study has taken so long, and so many people in different ways have contributed to its development, in three different countries: Croatia, Italy and Greece, that writing this acknowledgments has become one of the hardest parts of this entire work. The main sections of this present study began during the writing up of my doctoral theses Gnathia ware on the East Adriatic coast (from 4th to 1st c. BC), partly during a doctoral scholarship at the Departamento di Beni Culturali at the University of Lecce and partly at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences at the University of Split, and was defended at the Department of Archaeology, Zagreb University in 2010. Further development of the work continued under a post-doc scholarship at the Department of Archaeology and History at the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. First of all I would like to give my warmest thanks to Dr. Branko Kirigin, , who introduced me to the study of Hellenistic pottery, gave me guidance, and who, for the last 10 years, has always been at my disposal for advice and help. I would like to give my sincere thanks to Prof. Marina Milićević Bradač, my mentor, and to Prof. John Richard Green for all his patience regarding my many questions. My sincere thanks have to go to Mr. Zrinka Buljević, former Director of the Split Archaeological Museum, who allowed me to study Gnathia ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection in the museum, to Mr. Boris Čargo, the curator of the Archaeological Collection, Issa, for allowing me to examine the Gnathia vessels from Vis, to present director of the Archaeological Museum in Split Damir Kliskic and to Jelena Jovanović present keeper of the Greek and Hellenistic Collection in Archaeological Museum in Split. Also, I would like to thank to Prof. Dražen Maršić, former Director of the Zadar Archaeological Museum, for allowing me to examine the unpublished material from the Zadar peninsula and hinterland. My dear colleagues from the City Museum in Šibenik, Emil Podrug and Toni Brajković, for allowing me to examine material from unpublished sites in the hinterland of Šibenik, and from the City Museum at Kaštela, Ivanka Kamenjarin and Ivan Šuta, for allowing me to analyse and study material from their excavations in Resnik. Many thanks to colleagues in the Stari Grad City Museum to Director Aldo Čavić and Sara Popović, who were always at my disposal for insights into materials from their excavations in Pharos. My sincere thanks to Prof. Grazia Semeraro and Francesca Silvestrelli from the Departmaneto di Beni Culturali at the University of Lecce for all their assistance during my stay in Lecce. Also, my warmest thanks to Prof. Stella Drougou and Prof. Eleni Manakidou from the Department of History and Archaeology at the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki for all the help, guidance and advice. My thanks also go to Prof. Marta Mileusnić of the Faculty of Mining, Geology and Petroleum Engineering, Zagreb University, for conducting the first archaeometric analysis on Gnathia ware on the East Adriatic coast. I would like to thank to all my colleagues for all the many stimulating debates, discussions, reflections and exchange of information that helped me to keep up with all new data: Prof. Susan Rotroff (Washington University, St. Louis), Dr. Vedran Barbarić (Faculty of Humanities and Social Science, Split University), Dr. Lucijana Šešelj (Department of History at the University of Rijeka), Dr. Martina Blečić Kavur (Univerza na Primorskem, Koper), Dr. Eliza Lanza (University of Texas, Austin), Dr. Eduard Shehi (Albanian Institute for Archaeology, Tirana), Dr. Athanasia Kyriakou (Department of Archaeology, Aristotle University, Thessaloniki), Dr. Josipa Mandić (Université Rennes 2 - Università degli Studi della Basilicata), and Dr. Annareta Touloumtzidou (Thessalonik Archaeological Museum). And last but not least, to my parents for all their patience and encouragement.

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Introduction Gnathia ware is a painted Hellenistic ceramic type with yellow, red and white decorations on the black surface of the vessels. Due to a decoration technique simpler than that on the previous Red-figure vases, Gnathia ware became the most widespread type of Hellenistic ware, and also the first type of south Italian ware that was exported in large quantities outside of the main area of production. Gnathia ware takes its name from ancient Gnathia, today Egnazia (a town on the Adriatic coast between Bari and Brindisi) in south-east Italy, where it was first discovered in 1845. For the last two decades, research has shown that this type of ware was produced in the pottery workshops in the Greek colonies in southern Italy from the second quarter of the 4th to the beginning of the 2nd c. BC, with the leading production centre in Taras, today’s Taranto, on the coast of the Ionian Sea. Archaeological excavations at sites in southern Italy have also shown that Gnathia ware was popular not only in the Greek colonies, but among indigenous communities as well. Furthermore, some indigenous centres developed their own style for production of Gnathia ware, and also exported their products to other regions. Gnathia ware was found at numerous sites down the East Adriatic coast and its hinterland. The current state of research and published materials show that Gnathia ware was found in the Greek settlements in Central Dalmatia, most of them in Issa (Vis), on the island of Vis, and in indigenous settlements along the East Adriatic coast from the Istrian peninsula in the north to the south-east Adriatic, today’s Albania. The high number and specific characteristics of Gnathia ware have raised questions about the development of local production, especially in ancient Issa, where local production has already been assumed. However, this is still a largely unexplored area of study. There has been a notable lack of systematic analysis of Hellenistic ware, and thereby Gnathia ware, that could otherwise greatly contribute to a better understanding of the local production, and also the contacts between the East Adriatic and southern Italy and other regions of the Mediterranean in the Hellenistic period. Thanks to numerous archaeological excavations in southern Italy, and especially in Apulia (now Puglia in south east Italy), as well as the accompanying publications thereof, current knowledge of Gnathia ware has reached a stage where we can speak of the entire production process, which covers all aspects: from moulding and decorative techniques, to firing and distribution, from identification of the different workshops to an understanding of the function of the vessels in different archaeological contexts. Familiarity with all of the aforementioned aspects of production fosters an understanding of the development of pottery production in the Hellenistic period, trade contacts, and the dissemination of the knowledge of pottery production and exchanges of ideas. This is the main reason why this study is divided into two major sections. In the first section, I have gathered all available data on publications of Gnathia production in southern Italy, mainly in Apulia, classified according to the aspects of production, from origin and development, through different workshops, to archaeological contexts and chronologies. I attempted to adhere to the same principle in the second section of this study when discussing Gnathia ware on the East Adriatic coast and mainly Issaean Gnathia production. I believe that this approach facilitates an understanding of the development of pottery production on both Adriatic coasts, and allows us to make comparisons and, finally, identify the connections in the Adriatic area during the Hellenistic period. Since Gnathia ware is often found at archaeological sites with other types of ware that were produced from the mid-4th to the 1st c. BC, it was necessary to provide, in the third section of the study, an overview of related types of ware on the East Adriatic coast and trace their production centres, possible influences on local production and reconstruct the trade networks.

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Aims of the study The aims of this study are fourfold: to present Gnathia ware on the East Adriatic coast, to define local Issaean Gnathia production from manufacturing to distribution (including the typology of shapes and decorations), to identify other pottery workshops along the East Adriatic coast and, finally, to understand the trade and contacts in the Adriatic during the Hellenistic period. Although the aims of the study may seem ambitious, once all of the material was gathered into a single study, it provided sufficient information to set the objective. It is noteworthy that the study presents the current state of research, so additional work needs to be done. However, work on the default task and the information obtained by the analysis of Gnathia and related ware facilitated greater insight into the history of the Adriatic area in the Hellenistic period. Further, the provenance of the material allowed for the reconstruction of contacts in the Adriatic and neighbouring regions. The questions of contacts and trade may seem peripheral to the main objective of the study, i.e. Gnathia and related ware, but they are vital to an understanding of the historical context of this area. So an additional aim of the study is to open up the East Adriatic region to scholars who are studying the history and economy of the Mediterranean basin in the Hellenistic period.

Methodology The present study of Gnathia ware on the East Adriatic coast included analysis of all thus-far published vessels from archaeological sites along the coast, islands and hinterland. First and foremost it was necessary to gather all published vessels and, for convenient reference, to create the database according to available data: archaeological site, type of site, (e.g. in a sanctuary, settlement or necropolis), type of vessel, provenance the vessel (import or local product) and other vessels found in the same archaeological context. The database organised in this way facilitated the processing of a vast amount of information. Unfortunately, all data sets could not be obtained from all archaeological sites due to a lack of information from publications. However, based on the current state of research and publications, Gnathia ware was found at 40 sites along the East Adriatic coast, i.e. 426 vessels were found. An impediment to analysis of materials unearthed in sanctuaries and residential complexes, as always, is that vessels are often very fragmented and it was difficult to recognize the shape of the vessel or to trace the painted decoration. The published tombs from the Martvilo necropolis (the western necropolis in Issa), where Gnathia ware vessels make up most of the tomb assemblages, were very helpful for this analysis. The vessels from the Martvilo necropolis are well preserved, but unfortunately not all of the tombs have (yet) been published. The Greek and Hellenistic Collection of the Archaeological Museum in Split (hereafter AMS) holds the largest collection of Hellenistic ware in Croatia.1 Most of these vessels came from the devastated Martvilo tombs and over the last century were purchased mostly from private collections.2 Among them are 179 Gnathia vessels that were also included in the analysis and presented in the Catalogue herein. Although for most of these vessels the archaeological context in unknown, such as the tomb number, making it difficult to reconstruct the entire tomb assemblages, the importance of these vessels is that they are preserved in their entirety, and were very helpful in the interpretation of shapes and decorations. To sum up, the study of Gnathia ware on the East Adriatic coast included 426 published vessels from the 40 archaeological sites and 179 vessels from the AMS Greek and Hellenistic Collection. The total number of analysed vessels is 605. Most Gnathia vessels on the East Adriatic coast were found in Issa. The analysis of Gnathia ware on the East Adriatic coast encompassed two methods: the traditional comparative stylistic analysis established by Thomas B. L. Webster and John R. Green, and contextual analysis if there were sufficient data. Although in recent years stylistic analysis has garnered considerable criticism, it is still the only possible method when studying vessels from unknown or uncertain archaeological contexts, such as the vessels from the AMS Greek and Hellenistic Collection. Furthermore, even if the collected information from archaeological excavations provides enough data for contextual analysis, such as the stratigraphic relationships between cultural layers, the vessels are often interpreted by comparative stylistic analysis. The contextual analysis applied in this study included analysis of all related material found together with Gnathia ware: vessels, coins and stratigraphic relationships. However – and this bears repeated emphasis – not all information from archaeological sites could be obtained.3

1 There is also a collection of Gnathia vessels in the Zagreb Archaeological Museum, but most of them were part of the private collection of Count Nugent from Trieste and they are mostly from southern Italian sites, but unfortunately without precise archaeological data. According to the data, only four vessels were found at sites on the eastern Adriatic, and they belonged to the collection of the Miklausić family from Zagreb. These are a pelike of Lucanian production and an amphora (published without photo) from Lumbarda on the island of Korčula, two oinochoai from Stari Grad, and an oinochoe of the Ribbed with Palmette Rosette group from Vis (Vikić, Damevski 1982, pp. 97-148). 2 Kirigin 2008, p. 5. 3 Often in publications of pottery materials from archaeological sites, a great obstacle is the presentation of separate pottery material, e.g. presenting only one type of ware and only certain types of vessel and disregarding other finds in the same context.

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Comparative analysis was not only conducted on the decoration of the vessels, but also applied to determine the development of vessel shapes. Comparisons were again made to the typologies of Apulian shapes, or to be more precise, to the typology for Late Classical and Hellenistic vessels from the Taranto necropolis established by Enzo Lippolis and the typology of Gnathia ware in Peucetia, in central Apulia, established by Eliza Lanza.4 Comparing the development in shapes of both typologies, I singled out similarities and differences in shape on the most common type of Gnathia vessels on the East Adriatic coast: oinochoai, pelikai and skyphoi. As already mentioned, most Gnathia vessels were found in Issa, and most importantly, the vessels from Issa exhibit the characteristics in shape and decoration that distinguish them from Apulian production, and they point to the possibility of local production in this Greek settlement in central Dalmatia. Defining the characteristics of Issaean Gnathia ware, and following the developmental path of Apulian typologies, in this study I shall present the first typology of the most common shapes of local Issaean Gnathia ware. To ensure better insight into Gnathia ware on the East Adriatic coast and its local production, it was necessary for the study to include related types of ware that were found at archaeological sites on the East Adriatic coast, from South Italian Red-figure vases to different types of Hellenistic ware. This overview of related ware facilitates a better understanding of the relationships, influences, contacts and development of local production in the East Adriatic area in the Hellenistic period. When defining local Gnathia production and production centres, special attention was accorded to archaeometry. Although archaeometric analysis of Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast is at its very beginning, some initial steps have already been taken. In cooperation with the Split Archaeological Museum and the Faculty of Mining, Geology and Petroleum Engineering of Zagreb University, the first archaeometric analysis of local Issaean Gnathia ware was conducted. X-ray diffraction and optical microscopy were conducted on sherds of imported and local Gnathia vessels, and on samples of raw clay and temper collected during the geological survey of the clay beds on the island of Vis. The first results, which I will present here, have shown the differences in clay composition between imported and local Gnathia vessels. I am aware that the study has its shortcomings, because it depends on the sites excavated so far, the reliability of published data, and the preserved condition of the vessels, but for now it is the only way possible. This is mainly because previous publications of Gnathia ware on the East Adriatic coast are not homogeneous. The publication of Gnathia and other related ware from Issa, Pharos (today Stari Grad on the island of Hvar), and Cape Ploča on the peninsula between Trogir and Šibenik in Croatia and Budva in Montenegro provide detailed information about the archaeological context and detailed descriptions of the vessels and/or potsherds. Unfortunately, for other sites the publications contain mostly brief descriptions with illustrations (drawings or photos) or only a short note in the text about their discovery without detailed descriptions and illustrations. Where possible, and where I was personally able to examine already published material, I attempted to provide detailed descriptions. Therefore, this study constitutes a systematization of the current state of knowledge of Gnathia and related ware on the East Adriatic coast, and it is also the first study to propose a typology for a Hellenistic type of ware in the East Adriatic.

4

Lippolis 1994, pp. 239-281; Lanza 2006b, pp. 63-86.

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I. Gnathia Ware in Southern Italy

During the 1990s, the study of Gnathia ware experienced significant progress, thanks to data obtained from numerous archaeological excavations in Puglia, as well as the publications of the material from older excavations. Outstanding among these are the already mentioned work of Lippolis on the typology of shapes of Late Classical and Hellenistic ware from the Taranto necropolis and the work of Sveva Fozzer, who analysed, using the Lippolis chronology, Gnathia vessels from 300 tombs at the necropolis in Taranto.9 The work of Amelia D’Amicis served as a major contribution to study of the development of Gnathia production.10 The works of Maria Teresa Giannotta were similarly important with regard to production on the Salento peninsula.11 Also, numerous publications of archaeological excavations in Puglia and Basilicata provided better insight into the overall production of Gnathia ware in southern Italy.12

Gnathia ware on the East Adriatic coast cannot be fully understood without knowledge of its production in southern Italy, the main hub of Gnathia production. Understanding the origin, development and characteristics of production not only in Taras, where Gnathia ware originated, but also in other settlements in Apulia and southern Italy, can help us recognize imports and trace the contacts between the two Adriatic coasts. Furthermore, recognizing the features of certain workshops in Apulia and/or other regional southern Italian production centres makes it possible to identify the characteristics of local workshops and even follow the influences on local production. Over the last twenty years, research into and publication of Gnathia ware in southern Italy, especially in Apulia, have significantly progressed, so that today we can speak not only of production in Taras, but production of Gnathia ware in indigenous centres in Apulia and different regional branches of southern Italian production. What follows is an overview of the current state of research into Gnathia ware in southern Italy. The primary aim was to gather all published information that can help us understand the distribution and local production of this type of ware on the East Adriatic coast.

In more recent years, the studies by Eliza Lanza (later Lanza Catti) in 2005, 2006 and 2011 greatly contributed to an understanding of the production technology of Gnathia vessels and Gnathia ware in Peucetia.13 Another important contribution was the publications of Gnathia vessels from necropolis in Egnazia supplemented with archaeometric analysis on Gnathia potsherds.14

I. 1. History of research and the name

All of the aforementioned studies have greatly enhanced the understanding of overall production of Gnathia ware, but there are still some open questions, such as the chronology, decoration techniques and regional production. Considering the breadth and importance of the questions pertaining to chronology, this matter will be discussed in a separate chapter. These questions have prompted debate over the very designation Gnathia ware. Although, this ‘debate’ is not ‘visible’ in separate works, it is notable when studying overall Gnathia production. The name Gnathia ware refers to the black-glazed ware with painted white, yellow and red decorations, sometimes with incised ornaments. It is named after the site where it was first discovered, in ancient Gnathia. Although it

Since its first discovery in the 19th century, Gnathia ware has been published on numerous occasions, but mainly as reports from archaeological excavations.5 The first systematic studies on this type of ware were published in 1960s. Lidia Forti published the first study that launched a number of questions, some resolved and others, as we shall see, still debated by scholars, such as the name of the ware and its chronological framework.6 The study by Thomas Webster published in 1968 presents the first classification of Gnathia ware based on a stylistic analysis.7 The numerous works of John R. Green are the mainstay of any serious study of Gnathia ware.8 In his early works, Green supplemented Webster’s classification by identifying painters and groups, and later with the appearance of new data, identified the characteristics of provincial production in Apulia and other regional production in southern Italy.

Fozzer 1994, pp. 325-354. D’Amicis 1996, pp. 433-446. 11 Giannotta 1995, pp. 39-74, 1996a, pp. 37-98 and 1996b, pp. 453-468. 12 For Puglia: Salento Peninsula – D’Andria 1990, Vaste – Delli Ponti 1996, Rocavecchia – Giannotta 1995 and 1996a, Taranto – Fozzer 1994; D’Amicis 1994 and 1996; Lippolis 1994; Graepler 1997; Hempel 1997 and 2001, Hoffmann 2002, Conversano – Depalo 1987, Rutigliano – De Juliis 2006; Lanza 2006b, Monte Sannace – Lanza 2006b, Botromagno: Small 1992; Lanza 2006b, Salapia: Lippolis 1996a, San Severo – De Juliis 1996, Arpi – De Juliis 1992. For Basilicata: Heraclea – Pianu 1990, Metaponto – Carter 1998. 13 Lanza 2006a, pp. 113-125, 2006b and Lanza Catti 2011, pp. 265-279. On this occasion I would like to thank my dear colleague Eliza Lanza for unselfishly granting me access to the manuscript of her (unpublished) dissertation. 14 Redavid 2010. 9 10

5 In 1846, the first vessels of this type of ware from ancient Gnathia (Egnazia) were published. For a detailed overview of the research history of Gnathia ware in Southern Italy up to 1965, Forti 1965, pp. 6-16; for publications from 1965 to more studies, Lanza 2005, p. 21- 22 and 2006b, pp. 31-35. 6 Forti 1965. 7 Webster 1968, pp 1-33. 8 Green 1976, 1977, pp. 551-563, 1979, pp. 81-90, 1982, pp. 252-276, 1986a pp. 115-138, 1986b, pp. 181-186, 1989, pp. 221-226, 1995, pp. 271-274, and 2001, pp. 57-103.

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

was soon recognized that this type of ware was not (only) produced in Gnathia, the name has become established in the scholarly sources and archaeological lexicons.15

closely related to the identification of the first painter/s of Gnathia ware discussed in the preceding chapter. A more complex question arises when defining the vessels of the late phase of Gnathia production and concurrent vessels with similar decorations and techniques that appeared in the 2nd c. BC.22 However, the different shape and simple decoration distinguish them from ‘genuine ‘Gnathia production. It is still difficult to define weather they belong to the late and decadent phase of Gnathia production or, as Hempel noted about the vessels from Taranto, they follow the Gnathia tradition, so that they may be considered come ceramica di ‘Gnathia’ solo dal punto di vista technico.23 Lanza also noted the problematic attribution of these vessels, arguing that they ‘borrowed’ decoration from Gnathia ware, but do not belong to Gnathia production.24 The question is not simple, especially when analysing regional branches of production that had their own characteristic shapes and decorations, and therefore their individual developmental paths. This may be traced quite well in Issaean Gnathia production in the later phase, when influences from other pottery production traditions can be observed. It bears stressing that when defining the name of this type of ware, one should take into account the characteristics of overall production, and not simply a decoration technique. Above all, I am here referring to the iconographic and morphological characteristics that distinguish Gnathia ware from other concurrent types of ware. To obtain a complete picture of Gnathia ware and what defines it and sets it apart from other types of ware, hereafter I shall examine all of questions pertaining to its production in southern Italy.

During the last two decades, archaeological excavations have confirmed the hypothesis on regional centres of Gnathia production that operated under the influence of Apulian Gnathia production.16 Thus, resolving the definition of the name that would distinguish Apulian production from other southern Italian production sites becomes necessary. Moreover, this necessity has imposed the definition of a ‘genuine ’Gnathia style and the extent to which the painted decoration belongs to the Gnathia style or is derived from the Gnathia style. Considering this, Lanza proposed the name ceramica di Gnathia or Gnathia ware for Apulian production and the name in stile di Gnathia or in Gnathia style for regional southern Italian production.17 When identifying the different features among the different Gnathia production centres in southern Italy, Green uses an adjective for different regions, e.g. Campanian, Sicilian. Different solutions were also proposed, albeit mainly referring to decorations techniques. Amelia D’Amicis uses the Italian term ceramica sovraddipinta – over-painted pottery – where decoration was applied on the black surface of the vessel.18 Although this term may help identify this type of ware, on the other hand it can easily be confused with other ware that used similar decoration techniques but with a different repertoire of motifs and different vessel shapes.19 These are ceramica sovraddipinta apula, the Xenon group and the Red-Swan group (Ital. Gruppo di Cigno Rosso) and the HFR group (Hard Fired Red), as well as regional Fabbriche dell Stretto production.20 There were also several attempts to define names like ceramica ad ornato sovraddipinto or ceramica a decorazione sovraddipinta, but both names are limited to technical aspects without referring to the stylistic characteristics of production. Also, ceramica sovraddipinta policroma does not adequately define this type of ware, because other types of ware also have polychrome decoration, as the already mentioned ceramica sovraddipinta apula.21

In this study I shall use the term Gnathia ware, since the name is well known in archaeological publications. In the following chapter, I shall discuss all aspects of its production that will, hopefully, provide a clear definition of the name. I. 2. Origin To understand Gnathia ware and its production, first we have to go back to its origin. Most scholars agree that the production of new types of ware began in the workshops of the Red-figure vases in Taras.25 In their study of Apulian Red-figure vases, Arthur D. Trendall and Alexander Cambitoglou assumed that the Varrese Painter was the first to introduce the new technique of decoration: the Gnathia technique.26 Based on a stylistic analysis and individual details on decorations, Green saw the Lycurgus Painter, who worked in the Red-figure workshops in Taras between 370-360 BC, as the progenitor of the new style.27

Finally, the definition of the name for ‘genuine ‘Gnathia ware is closely related to the problem of defining the chronology of production. Identifying the differences between vessels of the early phase of Gnathia ware and concurrent vases of Late Apulian Red-figure production is Forti 1965, p. 10. The recent publication of Gnathia ware from Egnazia confirmed this production, see Redavid 2010. On the different centres of southern Italian Gnathia production, Green 2001, pp. 57-103. 17 Lanza 2005, p. 24. 18 D’Amicis 1996, p. 433. 19 Lanza 2006b, p. 19. 20 Forthe Xenon group and the Red-Swan group see De Juliis 2002, for HFR group see Yntema 1990, pp. 149-160, Hempel 2001, pp. 113-114 and for Fabbriche dell Stretto production see Preacco Ancona 1996, p. 347, Lanza 2006b, p. 17, where both authors state that the Greek rather than Apulian workshop influenced this production. However, this production is not clearly defined. 21 Lanza 2005, pp. 23-24. 15

16

Detailed discussion in Chapter I. 3. Hempel 2001, p. 112. 24 Lanza 2005, p. 23. 25 Webster was the first to assume that production of Gnathia ware began in the first half of the 4th c. BC in the workshops of southern Italian Redfigure vases (Webster 1968). 26 Trendall, Cambitoglou 1978, p. 336. 27 Green 1982, p. 252 and 254, where the author mentions that the Lycurgus Painter, the successor of the Ilioupersis Painter, was the founder of the ‘decorative’ (ornate) style of the late Apulian Red-figure vases, whose typical feature was the frequent use of so-called additional 22

23

2

I. Gnathia Ware in Southern Italy

as the main motif on the pelikai and lekythoi of Gnathia ware, and that they may be the work of the same painter, probably of the Black Fury Painter, who was active in the first decades of the 4th c. BC.35 This fusion between the styles of the Late Apulian Red-figure vases and the new technique was introduced, according to D’Amicis, to refresh the decorative repertoire in production at a time of crisis in Taras, and they were applied by the same painters who were involved in the decoration of Apulian Redfigure vases.36

Additionally, it was long believed that the Konnakis Painter marked the beginning of Gnathia ware. The Konnakis Painter was named after the sherd of the crater from Taranto with a dancing female figure holing a torch in her hand, all painted in white with the engraved name ΚОΝΝΑΚΙΣ.28 Other artefacts attributed to the Konnakis Painter are the pieces of a crater with tragic mask, also from Taranto and today in Würzburg, and a crater with Eumenides from Ruvo, today at the Hermitage Museum.29 The pieces of a crater with a satyr holding a torch from the Paul Getty Museum in Malibu, a sherd with a satyr from the Metropolitan Museum in New York (believed to have been found in Taranto), and a crater with actor and female figure from the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, all show similarities in painting technique and painted scenes, but are not attributed to the Konnakis Painter.30

Identification of the first painters of Gnathia ware is not the only problem which we encounter when dealing with the beginning of production. It is important to define when Gnathia ware began its independent development, or when it became less a variant of Apulian Red-figure vases, and more an independent ware with its own repertoire of motifs and shapes.37 The emergence of new techniques in applying the so-called additional colours enabled the effect of three-dimensional figures. This effect was achieved by using different colour tones. At the same time, the same effect was also abundantly used by the painters of the Late Apulian Red-figure production.38 They also use the same motifs.39 The introduction of a new variant of the Late Apulian Red-figure vases, as proposed by D’Amicis, and defined by De Francesco as tecnica mista per carattere ibrido tra la ceramica a figure rosse e quella sovraddipinta policroma nello stile di Gnathia may help clarify this problem somewhat.40 The figures continue to be painted in the manner of the Late Apulian Red-figure production, but the details on the vases are painted in added colours. However, the vases decorated with so-called tecnica mista, which is associated with the emergence of new techniques and Gnathia ware, are not documented in the tombs of the necropolis at Taranto, but are found in different parts of the necropolis outside of the archaeological context, probably discarded during the cleaning of the tombs, and their dating remains uncertain.41

This use of two different decoration techniques, incision and white painting, were a novelty in Apulian Red-figure production. However, there are studies that are not inclined to this assumption. Forti is cautious when discussing the motif of leaves or garlands on the crater sherd from Taranto, noting that it cannot be considered an element for precise dating.31 Green also does not agree with this attribution, because the crater sherd is too small, and thus is not sufficient for classification, and he believes, based on an analysis of decorations on several vessels, that the two stylistically very close painters, Konnakis Painter and Compiègne Painter, were the first who initiated a new decorating technique.32 A similar crater sherd was found on Via Minniti in Taranto, unfortunately outside of an archaeological context, and it is assumed that served as a tombstone or a vessel in funeral rites.33 The piece from Via Minniti has added colours on the figures, which could mark the beginning of a new painting technique. However, it has been dated to the Lippolis phase A 2 of the Taranto necropolis, i.e. from 350 to 325 BC, and does not represent the very beginning, but rather the work of painters who were well acquainted with the new painting technique.34

The key to understanding the beginning of Gnathia ware lies in understanding its relationship with Late Apulian Red-figure production, which has not yet been clearly defined. Therefore discussions concerning the first painter/s and the beginnings of Gnathia ware must remain open.

Recent studies of Apulian Red-figure vases offered some new insight into the problem of identifying the first painters of Gnathia ware. D’Amicis noticed that the motif of a female head in profile between floral decorations, which appear as an additional decoration on the monumental vases of the Late Apulian Red-figure vases, also appeared colours. 28 Lippolis 1994, p. 33, fig. 17. 29 Forti 1965, pp. 112-113. 30 Green 1986a, pp. 116-117, fig. 1-3. 31 Forti 1965, p. 100. 32 Green 2001, p. 58. 33 Fozzer 1994, p. 327. 34 Fozzer 1994, p. 328-333. The dating of the beginning of production is hampered, according to the author, by the fact that in the initial period of production Gnathia ware was not part of the tomb assemblages in the necropolis in Taranto, but served as tombstones and it was found without a clear archaeological context. The attribution of the first painters or workshops that first introduced a new style of decoration would facilitate the definition of a relative chronology for the beginning of the production. Hence, the identification of the Konnakis Painter is still not clear, especially if we consider that, so far, only three vases can be attributed to him.

D’Amicis 1996, p. 439. D’Amicis 2005, p. 169. 37 Green 1976, p. 2. 38 Green 1982, p. 252. 39 D’Amicis 1996, p. 439. 40 D’Amicis 1996, pp. 438-439 and 2005, pp. 164-171, De Francesco 2004, pp. 257-298 and 2006, p. 620.So-called tecnica mista must be distinguished from ceramica di stile misto which was produced in Peucetia from the end of the 6th to the end of the 4th c. BC., and characterized by linear, geometric and plant motifs, without or very rarely with painted figures, and is different from the concurrent Greek figural vessel (Riccardi 2006, p. 351). 41 D’Amicis 1996, pp. 439-440. 35 36

3

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

significant painter of the first phase was the Rose Painter.46 In the beginning he painted whole figures with an elaborate colour effect, but later only heads between floral motifs, mostly on vessels with closed shapes such as lekythoi and bottles. His figures are expressively polychrome on one side of the vessel, while on the other he used incisions. Green believes that the Rose Painter took the π-motif – the plant motif, a horizontal stem with vertical leaves or tendrils on both sides that frames the ‘main’ motif on the vessel, from the Compiègne Painter, but instead of hanging tendrils, he introduced the grapevine.47

I. 3. Decoration: from the painters to the decorators The painted decoration is the main characteristic of Gnathia ware. Most motifs, painted white, yellow and red were, as noted, inherited from the Apulian Red-figure vases, but later distinctive decorative patterns with a variety of motifs emerged. The motifs on Gnathia ware are mainly associated with Dionysius, the god of wine, theatre, fertility and good fortune.42 It is no surprise that vegetable motifs such as vines and ivy appear on most of the vessels throughout their production. However, some motifs are less common, and some of them only appear in certain periods of production. The decorative patterns that occur on Gnathia vessels can be followed through the traditional classification based on stylistic analysis.43Although the traditional classification has recently come under considerable criticism and needs to be supplemented with new information from archaeological excavations, it is still in use when discussing the decoration on Gnathia vessels.44 The traditional classification allows us to follow the developmental path of Gnathia ware through three phases, and to follow the changes in choices of motifs and decorative patterns. Here I will present the main decorative feature of each phase to get an overview of the development of decoration. However, the features of specific production types will be discussed in greater detail separately, as will the complex problems of the chronology.

Craters were the most common vessel shape in the first phase of Gnathia production. Their dimensions allowed painters to paint the full figures and even theatrical symposium scenes. On the vessels of smaller size, like lekythoi, skyphoi and bottles, the figures are usually reduced to the heads. The reduction of the decorative scenes and figures, as we shall see, can be followed in the later periods when vessel sizes decreased. The end of the first phase cannot be clearly determined at this point, since the first and the second, or initial and middle phases of Gnathia production overlap in styles and production periods. According to Green, ‘The stylistic phases of Gnathia pottery are not absolute chronologically. Thus one can find pieces that belong stylistically to the first phase alongside vases which belong to the second’.48

Early phase

Middle phase

The main feature of Gnathia ware in the early phase was large vessels adorned with individual figures, or sometimes small groups of figures. Usually the figures are painted white with added yellow, red, orange and brown, accompanied by ivy and/or laurel motifs.45

The process of replacing the full figure with female or Erotes heads that began in the previous phase became the main features in this phase. Accordingly, the figured scenes began to disappear and are replaced with, as mentioned, female or Erotes heads between plant motifs. The ivy, laurel and grapevine motifs became standard. Although the painted decoration was reduced, Green has identified the painters who were active in the middle phase of production. The Painter of Lecce 1075, who developed his work under the influence of the Rose Painter, still painted whole figures in the beginning: Eros with wings on craters, bottles and pelikai. But he later moved to simpler motifs like female heads between vegetable motifs.49 The ideas and rendering of motifs by the Painter of the Louvre Bottle signalled a significant change in the development of decoration on Gnathia vessels with the introduction of New Vine motifs painted in gold, an effect achieved with white and yellow, together with a zigzag stem, articulated tendrils and wine grapes with button-ends. Also, according to Green, at the end of the 4th c. BC, he introduced ribbing on the surface of the vessels, which would become standard in the later phase.50 The Painter of Zurich 2692

In the previous chapter, I mentioned the Konnakis Painter who was active at the beginning of production. This painter was deemed one of the first painters of Gnathia vessels, and not only due to the above-mentioned crater sherd with the Konnakis signature from Taranto. The Compiègne Painter was active in the same period or somewhat later. Green also sees him as one of the progenitors of the socalled new Gnathia style. The figures on vessels attributed to him are painted in motion. According to Green, the most Giannotta 1996c, pp. 59-73. The first classification of decorations and thus Gnathia ware was done by Webster in 1968 (Webster 1968, pp. 1-33), which was based on the stylistic analysis of the motifs: theatre masks, the so-called ‘melon’ hairstyle on the female and Erotes figures, Erotes with curved wings, the so-called Elephant plate and pocola vases with Latin inscriptions. Based on these characteristics, Webster divided Gnathia ware vessels into three phases within a chronological framework from 370/360 to 272 BC. J. Green has supplemented this classification and singled out individual painters and workshops (Green 1968, 1976, 1977 and 1982) and in a recent study identified the traits of the provincial workshops in Apulia and other regions in Southern Italy regional and lowered the chronology based on the results of recent archaeological research (Green 2001, pp. 100-103). 44 Puritani 2002, pp. 379-403. It is also necessary to point out that the critics mainly refer to the dating of the late phase of production – which will be discussed in detail in Chapter I. 9 – and not to the classification of the decoration, painters and groups. 45 Green 1976, pp. 2-3. 42 43

Green 1976, p. 5. Green 1976, pp. 3-5; 1982, p. 255 and 2001, p. 59. This motif became standard for open-shaped vessels, while on close-shaped vessels with narrow necks, such as pelikai and oinochoai, it was not very common. Ivy was preferred much more on those shapes. 48 Green 1976, p. 5. 49 Green 1976, p. 6; 1982, p. 254 and 1986a, pp. 124-130. 50 Green 2001, p. 60. 46 47

4

I. Gnathia Ware in Southern Italy

worked in the same workshop as the Painter of the Louvre Bottle, which was probably in Taras. He was known for painting female heads in frontal and in the three-quarter profile between plant motifs, and the New Vine on ribbed vessels with the mask applied at the end of the handles.51 This decorative pattern would become standard in the late phase, especially in the Alexandrian group.

this group is, as its name suggests, simple laurel branch decorations.58 In the same period, workshops were also established in northern Apulia, in the Daunia region, probably in Canosa, where the Knudsen group emerged, also under influences from Taras or Peucetia.59 The main decorative pattern of the Knudsen group consists of ovules at the top, or below the vessel rim, with dots in the middle and below these a wavy yellow line, a dotted line and full red line with hanging grapevines, leaves and tendrils. This decorative system is common on skyphoi, oinochoai, jugs and kantharoi.60 Sometimes it is difficult to distinguish the decoration of this group from the Peucetian Laurel Spray group. In fact, the large grapes hanging from the vine is a typical feature of both groups. To distinguish them, one should pay attention to the size of the grapes in the Laurel Spray group, which are bigger and more round and appear ‘swollen’ (Ital. gonfi).61 It is noteworthy that the same motifs also often appear on Sidewinder group vessels. However, the hanging grapevine and tendril motif is not new. It also appeared on some Late Apulian Red-figure vases, but as a supplemental rather than main decoration as on Gnathia ware.62

The reduction of the decoration and simplified motifs make the identification of the painter difficult. So, as of this phase, we talk more about the groups of the vessels with the same or similar decorative patterns rather than painters. At the same time as the Painter of Lecce 1075 and under the same influence as the Rose Painter, a new group arose – the Dunedin group, which was produced throughout the middle phase, or from the third quarter to the end of the 4th c. BC.52The main characteristic of the Dunedin group are theatrical masks between vegetable motifs on oinochoai and open-shaped vessels like bellcraters and skyphoi. On the close-shaped vessels, like squat lekythoi, birds or female heads between plant motifs or wings are more common. Very similar to the Dunedin group is the Sidewinder group, also with vegetable motifs composed in decorative patterns: a red stem with tendrils of vines and grapes coiled around them on oinochoai and skyphoi.53 The simple decoration and simple rendering of the motifs on the vessels of the Dunedin and Sidewinder groups did not require a great artistic experience, which is probably the reason that so far the work of individual painters has not been identified.

Late phase One of the important changes in the decoration of Gnathia vessels was the introduction of ribbing. The idea itself was not new, and was taken from the metal vessels. Additionally, ribbing was known in the production of Attic Black-glazed ware in the 5th c. BC.63 In southern Italy ribbing was also common on Campanian metal vessel production, on trefoil oinochoai in the 5th c. BC.64 Ribbing can also be observed on the Red-figure vases attributed to the Lycurgus Painter that have been dated to the mid-4th c. BC.65

A significant changed occurred at the beginning of the middle phase: the establishment of provincial production in Apulia. Analysing the individual painters and fabrics, Green noted that around 330 BC there was significant increase in the Tarantine products in the northern part of Apulia, and hence concluded that local workshops were established under the influence from Taranto.54 The Toledo Painter worked in one of the newly-established workshops in Ruvo, in Peucetia in central Apulia. The main characteristic of his work is the female head between plant motifs on situlae, a vessel shape not known in pottery production in Taras. The Laurel Spray group emerged under the influence of the Toledo Painter.55 The decorative pattern of the Laurel Spray group consists of vines or ivy spray framing the (man-made) objects or animals, and sometimes rosettes, female heads or other plant motifs.56 Lanza also adds ovules, wavy red-yellow lines and dotted lines or sets of three dots.57 But the main characteristic of

The ribbing on the Gnathia vessels takes up most of their surface and this is the characteristic trait of the late phase of production. In the beginning, the ribbing is carefully preformed, deep and with arches at the ends, while later they became more dense and shallow.66 With the introduction of ribbing, the decorative space on vessels was reduced to their upper portions: the neck or upper body. Consequently, it dictated a rather restricted repertoire of motifs. The painting of whole figures was completely abandoned. In general, the most common motifs in the late phase were birds, female heads or theatrical masks and plant motifs. The simple and easily repeated decorations make the identification of individual painters quite difficult. Moreover, one may not even speak of painters, and a more appropriate term would be decorators. However, the same

Green 1982, p. 256. Green 1982, p. 254 and 2001, p. 59. According to Green, not many painters operated within this group, but he nevertheless points out the work of the Ambrosiana Painter. 53 Green 2001, p. 59. 54 Green 2001, pp. 57-103. Green believes that around 330 BC a provincial workshop was established in Apulia, and as he describes it as ‘a major phase of Hellenisation in that region’. 55 Green 2001, p. 61; Lanza 2006b, pp. 106 and 115-133. So far, around 300 vessels may be attributed to the Laurel Spray group, and dated in the last quarter of the 4th c. BC 56 Green 2001, p. 62. 57 Lanza 2006b, p. 122. 51

Forti 1965, p. 64; Lanza 2006b, p. 122. Green 2001, p. 62. 60 Green 1976, p. 9 and 1982, p. 257. 61 Lanza 2006b, p. 122. 62 Green 1976, p. 9. 63 Agora XII, pp. 21-22. 64 Tarditi 1996, p. 109. 65 Green 1976, pp. 10-11 (where he mentions vessels with ribbing appeared in roughly 320 BC, and from 300 BC onward they became standard) and 1982, p. 255. 66 Shapes and their typology, and the introduction of ribbing, will be discussed in detail in the subsequent chapter.

52

58 59

5

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

motifs and decorative systems may be observed on certain groups of vessels, hence the groups delineated below.

motifs clearly alludes to the consumption of wine in the Dionysian cult’s rituals and the belief in an afterlife.71

The Alexandrian group was the most popular in the late phase of Gnathia production. It has a characteristic decorative pattern on the vessel neck, unusually on oinochoai with doves or swans framed by ivy spray and red ribbons. This decorative pattern is almost canonical and appears on all vessels of the Alexandrian group. The lion masks at the end of oinochoai handles are also very common. The Alexandrian group was produced in Taras.67

Remarks on traditional classification The interpretive system and classification established by Webster and supplemented by Green are the result of the stylistic analysis introduced by Beazley for the Attic Black- and Red-figure vases, and accepted by Trendall for south Italian Red-figure vases. It was assumed as the basic classification system for Gnathia ware.72 The disadvantages of this approach, which relies on vessels with elaborate decoration, becomes apparent when analysing vessels with simple decoration – as is the case with most Gnathia vessels.73 These are common, simple, easily-rendered motifs which are, as noted before, difficult to attribute to an individual painter. Besides, sometimes different versions of the same decorative elements may be observed on a single vessel, which can mean either more hands/painters decorated the vessel or that painter made minimum changes to the same decoration on that vessel. This problem is particularly evident in the last phase of production, when decorations on vessels carried very simple and almost schematized plant motifs. Furthermore, the interpretive system taken from the Red-figure vases is very uncertain. The classification of the Apulian Red-figure vases was made on a large number of vessels compared to the several vessels and sherds that served for classification of the early/initial phase of Gnathia production.74 In later phases, when figural scenes were abandoned, identifying the painter depends on the specific details in the plant motifs. Once again a question already raised by Forti emerges: whether the common decorative motif, which appears in minor variations in a specific period at the end of the 4th c. BC, is sufficient to classify a group of painters and groups within the overall production of Gnathia vessels?75 In the last two decades, thanks to numerous excavations in southern Italy, the number of Gnathia vessels has increased. New traits of provincial and local production have been identified, with different renderings of motifs, and the decorative system is more adapted to the local consumers. Therefore, it is necessary to establish a new method for interpretation and classification, which will take into account all aspects of production, from decoration and shape to function and distribution of the vessels in specific cultural and geographic contexts.

In the late phase, in Daunian production the Knudsen group was succeeded by the Late Canosan group. The decorative pattern on this group consists of simple horizontal lines above the ribbing. Initially this group still had ivy sprays with wavy lines and vertical leaves, sometimes with a wheel in the middle. Within the Late Canosan group, the Ribbed with Palmette Rosette group (hereafter RPR group) was discerned as a sub-group. Its typical feature consists of metopes in the upper part of the body and between the ribs, with painted white birds or palmettes.68 The vessels of these two groups are common on the East Adriatic coast, which will be discussed in detail in the following chapters.69 In this overview of the development of the decoration on Gnathia ware, two conclusions may be drawn. First we may note that it achieved its highest artistic level in the first phase. During this phase, which is dated according to the traditional chronology in the middle and second half of the 4th c. BC, vessels of large dimensions afforded greater artistic freedom to painters. With the reduction of the dimensions in the later phases and the introduction of ribbing, a decoration on vessels narrowed and was restricted to only the narrow neck and upper body of vessels. Consequently, decorations became simpler and hindered the identity of individual painters. However, certain decorative patterns may be observed on the vessel groups, particularly in the provincial workshops in Apulia, where the decoration was reduced to simple schematic patterns. The second conclusion pertains to the choice of motifs. As already mentioned, the motifs on Gnathia vessels are mainly associated with the cult of Dionysus. Besides plant motifs – ivy spray and vine branches – other motifs can also be seen, such as musical instruments (harps, guitars), vases (kantharoi, craters, oinochoai), tendrils, garlands, and flutists and hetereai which illustrate aspects of the symposium. The world of the theatre is represented by theatrical masks and actors, and sometimes with theatrical scenes, which are painted on the vessels in the early phase. The amorous aspect of the Dionysian cult is associated with Eros and Aphrodite and their attributes (wings, doves, swans).70 As we can see, the choice of

Lippolis 1994, p. 244. Classification of the Attic Black- and Red-figure vases in: J. D. Beazley, Attic Red-Figure Vase-Painters, Oxford 1942 and 1963. 73 Forti was the first that drew attention to the problem of this system of interpretation (Forti 1965.) The traditional classification was recently criticised by Sveva Fozzer (Fozzer 1994, pp. 333-325), Amelia D’Amicis (D’Amicis 1996, p. 436) and Laura Puritani (Puritani 2002, pp. 379-403). Although the arguments of all three authors are convincing, they all fail to offer another (alternative) classification system for Gnathia vessels, especially for those vessels that were found without archaeological context and on exhibit in museums. 74 Trendall, Cambitoglou 1978. They mention approximately 10,000 vases, but today this number is certainly higher thanks to new archaeological excavations. 75 Forti 1965, pp. 37-51. 71 72

Green 1995, pp. 271-274. Green 1976, p. 13; 1982, p. 257 and 2001, p. 63. 69 See Chapter II. 4. 2. 70 Lanza 2006b, pp. 89-90. 67 68

6

I. Gnathia Ware in Southern Italy

in local and provincial production in southern Italy.81 One of the main contributions to the study of the development of shapes is the typology of Enzo Lippolis for the Taranto necropolis.82 Although the Lippolis typology is not limited to Gnathia vessels alone – rather it covers all shapes produced in Late Classical and the early Hellenistic period – it nonetheless constitutes a solid platform to study the development of shapes of Gnathia vessels as well. Eliza Lanza proposed a typology of shapes for Gnathia vessels in Peucetia.83 In her study, she included a typology of the most common shapes that were found in different archaeological contexts. The differences in approach between these two proposed typologies are that Lippolis analysed vessels from tombs and identified them as products of the workshops in Taras. On the other hand, Lanza analysed vessels that were found in Peucetia, in central Apulia, and did not necessarily state that all shapes were produced in local workshops, rather implying that some of them could also be imports from somewhere else. It is vital to stress that these two proposed typologies of shapes do not refer to overall Gnathia production and therefore cannot be fully implemented when analysing shapes from different sites, contexts and geographical areas. Nevertheless, in both typologies these scholars noted certain similarities in development of shapes. Following the developmental path established by both typologies can serve as the foundation for typologies of provincial and regional production. Here I will compare the typologies of Lippolis and Lanza concerning the most common shapes: oinochoai, pelikai and skyphoi that were produced from the mid-4th to the end of the 2nd c. BC and usually decorated in the so-called Gnathia style.84

I. 4. Shape At the beginning of its production, Gnathia ware assumed its shapes from the contemporary Late Apulian Redfigure production. Shapes like craters, pelikai, oinochoai, skyphoi, epiphyses, pyxides, and more rarely hydriai were common in the early phase. Later, towards the end of the 4th c. BC, a tendency toward the reduction of vessel size could be noticed. Well known shapes like lekythoi became squatter; craters were rare, while bottles, epiphyses, pelikai and skyphoi underwent small morphological changes. The stemless bell craters, that were produced according to the traditional chronology from 370/360 to 330/320 BC, did not continue in the later phases.76 It is interesting that the same stemless bell crater shape with similar decorations (incised ivy stems and painted leaves) also appear in Corinth somewhat earlier than in Apulia. This observation prompted Ian McPhee to conclude that this vessel shape originated in Corinth and was adopted by potters in Taras.77 Some shapes that were produced in Classical period, such as the pitcher with trefoil mouth, or chous, continued to be produced in the Hellenistic period, but it seems that this shape was more popular in the eastern Mediterranean, in Greece and Asia Minor, than in southern Italy.78 In this period, towards the end of the 4th c. BC, new shapes were introduced, such as stemmed bowls and deep bowls that replaced the large craters. In the beginning of the 3rd c. BC, well known shapes such as oinochoai, pelikai, and skyphoi were very common, while the stem bowls, squat lekythoi, and epiphyses became rare.79 They were replaced by new shapes; bottles replaced lekythoi, and in tombs unguentaria become more common.80 Skyphoi endured a minor morphological change and were given a small stem between the foot at the lower part of the body. Kantharoi slowly developed their own variations in shape with vertical handles as their main feature. Other common shapes with Gnathia decorations are plates, aryballoi, lebes gamikoi, table amphorae, and epiphysis.

Oinochoai with trefoil spouts are the most common pitcher shape. In pottery production in Taras, it can be found in Red-figure production in the mid-4th c. BC (Lippolis phase A: 375-325 BC) and later, by the last decades of the 4th c. BC (Lippolis phase B: 325-300 BC), they became the standard in Gnathia production.85 Some differences in shape may be observed. In the Lippolis phase A, the neck of the oinochoai is short and thick, the body is round and it stands on a low ringed foot. The handle is rounded and horizontally attached to the trefoil spout. The introduction of ribbing to the surface of the oinochoai appeared at

Toward a typology of shapes A typology of shapes of overall Gnathia production is difficult to compile, since many provincial workshops during the period of production developed their own variations. Therefore, the recent studies about Gnathia ware are more focused in defining the typology of shapes

For a typology of shapes from Salapia in northern Apulia, see Lippolis 1996a, pp. 469-470; and for a typology of shapes or production in central Apulia in Peucetia, see Lanza 2006b and Lanza Catti 2011, 265-279. 82 Lippolis 1994, pp. 239-281. 83 Lanza 2006b, pp. 75-76 and 83-84. 84 The reason I selected these three shapes, oinochoai, pelikai and skyphoi, from the proposed typologies is because they are most common on the East Adriatic coast and at Issa. While this overview of Gnathia production in Southern Italy is useful to a comparison with the situation on the East Adriatic, which is the main topic of this study, I found no reason to go into a detailed description of a typology of other vessel shapes, since they were discovered in much lower numbers on the East Adriatic coast. For a detailed typology of other shapes in Taranto, see Lippolis 1994, pp. 239-281, and for Peucetia, see Lanza 2006b, pp. 8384. I would also like to stress the importance of the statistically relevant number of vessels to obtain a clearer picture of the changes in vessel shapes during the period of their production. 85 Besides Lippolis’ periodization and chronology of the Taranto necropolis, there are three more periodization’s from Graepler 1997, Hempel 2001 and Hoffmann 2002. See Chapter I. 9. 81

Green 1986a, p. 137. McPhee 1997, p. 136. 78 Bollen 2004, pp. 25-34. 79 Green 1982, p. 256. 80 Green 2001, p. 61. Unguentaria were not only grave goods. In Central Dalmatia, besides the tombs in the Martvilo necropolis (more details in Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, P. XIII/16, P. XIV/7, 9, 30, 21, 2; Čargo 2009, P. 18-19, 22-23-24, 26, 35 and 2010, pp. 100-101, 117-121, 146165, 190-195, 237-238, 259-264), the tombs at the palm nursery in Vis (Čargo 2008, pp. 128 and 135-136) and at Knežine near Pharos (Miše 2005, p. 44, nos. 25. 1 and 2), they were also found inside the residential complex in Pharos (Pharos 1996, p. 67, no. 17), in the settlement in Resnik (personal examination of excavated materials) and in the sanctuaries at Palagruža (personal examination of excavated materials), on Cape Ploča (Šešelj 2009, pp. 256-259) and in Nakovana Cave on the Pelješac Peninsula (personal communication with Branko Kirigin and Lucijana Šešelj, who had examined excavated materials). 76 77

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

roughly 325 BC (the Lippolis transitional period from phase C to D). Toward the middle of the 3rd c. BC the neck of the oinochoai was extended and the shape reduced. This tendency to extend the neck can be followed until the beginning of the 2nd c. BC (the beginning of Lippolis phase D: ca. 175 BC).86 Besides changes to the shape, certain changes in the colour of the coating can also be noted. By the end of Lippolis phase D, at roughly 175 BC, the coating on the vessels is more brown and reddish than black.87 Lanza’s typology of oinochoai follows Lippolis’ development of the shape, but with a different chronological framework, from 370 to 200 BC.88

body. The stem accorded an elegant look to the skyphoi and S-curve profile.93 New shapes were introduced with the beginning of provincial production in indigenous centres in Apulia and in other parts of southern Italy.94 This production, although under the strong influence of Gnathia production from Taras, retained certain shapes from local pottery traditions.95 The most originality is exhibited by the olpe with ribbing in Sicilian production.96 The Sicilian olpe has a round mouth with outwardly curved rim, a long, thin neck and a cylindrical body on a low ringed foot. Besides Sicilian, Campanian production also developed its own shapes, especially on the so-called Paestum pelikai with a round body, a short thick neck and a lid on top of the outwardly curved rim. Shapes from the previous indigenous pottery tradition were present in the Daunian production of Gnathia ware. This is the jug with the long cylindrical neck, vertical handle and round body on a low ringed foot (It. brocca con ansa impostata sulla spalla) found in Arpi and the jug with short thick neck with round body on a low conical foot.97 The trozzela vases from Messapian tombs clearly show a combination of traditional pottery production with the new Gnathia style that came from Taras.

Pelikai, together with oinochoai and skyphoi, formed the standard component of the drinking vessel set (for symposia or for drinking feasts). In the Gnathia repertoire, they appeared between the end of the 4th and the beginning of the 3rd c. BC (Lippolis phase B-C: 325-225 BC). The tendency to reduce dimensions can also be noticed in this vessel shape. Similar to the oinochoe in the mid-4th c. BC, the neck is short and thick, the body is round, but as of the late 4th c. BC, the neck was extended and the shape became more elegant. In the beginning of the 3rd c. BC, ribbing was introduced, while the conical foot came somewhat later (Lippolis phase C: 275-225 BC). The conical foot may have different dimensions, from low to high, from which a stem emerges that connects the foot and lower body.89 Lanza states that oinochoai and pelikai had the same developmental path, and her typology is no different from that of Lippolis. However, the only difference is in dating the beginning of ribbing, which, according to Lanza, was introduced at the end of the 4th c. BC.90

I. 5. Production centres This overview of Gnathia ware in southern Italy has already opened certain questions about production centre and workshops. Here, based on available data from publications, I shall endeavour to present the production centres of Gnathia vessels in Apulia and in other regions in southern Italy, with their typical features. I have no illusion that this will constitute an exhaustive picture; rather it should serve as an incentive for the future study of Gnathia ware, and, moreover, demonstrate the similarities and differences between different production lines that must be considered when discussing overall Gnathia production.

Skyphoi and cup-skyphoi were the most common drinking cup shape. They had the same function and Lippolis considered their typology together. During the second half of the 4th c. BC (Lippolis phase A2: 350-325 BC), the dimension of the skyphoi varies from large to small, and they all have a hemispherical shape on a low ringed foot. They also appear in this phase in Red-figure and Gnathia production.91 From the end of the 4th until the mid-2nd c. BC, the skyphoi have a stem between the conical foot and a lower body that is now smaller but still hemispherical. Later, as of roughly 225 BC (Lippolis phase C: 275-225 BC), ribbing become standard decoration.92 In Lanza’s typology, there are some skyphoi shapes that were not documented in the Taranto necropolis. These skyphoi, according to Lanza, developed from the Corinthian type C skyphoi with a narrower lower section of the body that extends into the stem and connects the foot. From this skyphoi shape, during the 3rd c. BC, skyphoi in Apulia developed a stem that divides the foot from the vessel’s 86 87

4.

Apulia Taras The Greek colony Taras was the leading centre of pottery production in Magna Graecia, especially from the end of the 5th to the end of the 4th c. BC, when it imposed itself as a political and cultural hub.98 Its importance was indicated by the continuity of production, quantity and the variety of products. In archaeological excavations inside the ancient city’s territory, 20 pottery kilns have been unearthed which may be dated, according to the potsherds

Lippolis 1994, pp. 244-245. The changes in the colour of the slip will be discussed in Chapter III.

Lanza 2006b, p. 83. The typical features of each provincial and regional production will be discussed in detail in the next chapter. 95 Green 1976, p. 13. 96 Green 2001, p. 63, Lanza 2005, pp. 91-102. 97 For Arpi vessels see De Juliis 1992, pp. 36-36, nos. 85-88; Lanza 2005, p. 69, fig. 19. 98 Lippolis 1996b, p. 377. 93 94

Lanza 2006b, pp. 83-84. Lippolis 1994, p. 262. 90 Lanza 2006b, p. 84. 91 Lippolis 1004, p. 250. 92 Lippolis 1994, pp. 246-250. 88 89

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I. Gnathia Ware in Southern Italy

found in and around them from the Archaic to the late Republic periods. Two kilns have been singled out at the Ospedale Civile, and on Via Giusti and Via C. Battisti.99 Besides kilns, numerous ceramic moulds and coasters were also found in the kilns.100 As Antonietta Dell’Aglio noted, archaeological confirmation of workshops is not enough to draw any conclusions about overall production, rather the organization of these workshops and the quantity and technical specifications of production of each pottery type consolidated into a single production style over specific period need to be known.101

and Francavilla Fontana.107 In Rudiae near Lecce, over 30 vessels were unearthed, which according to the stylistic features, can be attributed to the Konnakis Painter and Naples Harp Painter.108 Additionally, during excavations of the necropolises in Rudiae and Rocavecchia, the typical shape of vessels was found, such as deep bowls (It. baccini) and trozzella vases decorated in the Gnathia style of the early phase.109 As mentioned before in the case of trozzella vases, these shapes were unknown in Taras production. This leads to the assumption that a local workshop in Messapia was established already in the early phase of Gnathia production.110 However, taking into consideration that the beginning of Gnathia production in Taras has not yet been clearly defined with reference to the painter(s) and workshop(s), the chronology of the provincial workshops is even less clear. The deep bowls in tomb assemblages in Messapian necropolises do not help much, since multiple burials were the custom among the Messapians and the dating is uncertain.111 For example, in tomb 24 from Rocavecchia the deep bowl, attributed to the Lecce Painter 1047 and dated in the final decade of the 4th c. BC, was found together with an oinochoe that can be dated, based on parallels in the tombs in Taranto from 275 to 225.112 It is worth noting that these deep bowls or bacini show some resemblance in shape to the stemless bell craters. They both have a similar rim and a deep shape on a foot lacking a stem, but the handles are different; on the stemless craters, the handles are attached diagonally and they are slightly inwardly curved, while the handles on bacini are horizontally attached below the rim with a hole in the middle. The shape of the body is also different. The stemless craters have a slight S-curve or double S-curve profile, while bacini are hemispherical.113 Furthermore, there are two more shapes that are not so far documented in Taranto, and may be attributed to Messapian production.114 These are deep bowls with horizontal handles (Ital. zuppiera) and hemispherical skyphoi with vertical handles.

The stylistic analysis of Red-figure vases has already led to the proposal of workshops in Taras as their production site, which was then confirmed by two significant archaeological finds: an improperly fired sherd that may be attributed by stylistic analysis to the Painter of the Birth of Dionysus, who is considered one of the leading painters of Apulian Red-figure vases; and a ceramic coaster with the engraved name of the Lykon Painter, whose work is associated with the Painter of the Birth of Dionysus.102 Since it has already been established that Gnathia ware began in the workshops of Red-figure vases in Taras, it is noteworthy that these workshops were already wellorganized and had a developed market among indigenous communities in Apulia. Archaeological excavations have also shown that pottery production did not completely cease after Roman conquest of the city in 272 BC, as previously thought, but experienced a certain decline.103 According to Lippolis, pottery production maintained its intensity in a sufficient qualitative and quantitative measure until the end of the 3rd c. BC, when in 209 BC, after the Romans destroyed the city after the uprising of the oligarchs.104 Since that time, pottery production in Taras declined, and this can be well observed in the tomb assemblages from the 2nd and 1st c. BC.105 Messapia

It is assumed that the Beaulieu Painter had a workshop in Messapia.115 The workshops of the Louvre Painter and his follower the Painter of Zürich 2692, who paved the way for the Alexandrian group, were also in Messapia.116

Since the first publication of Gnathia vessels, questions arose about the workshop or workshops in southern Apulia in Messapia.106 Unfortunately, no comprehensive study has so far been published about Gnathia production in this area. However, the work of Maria Teresa Giannotta is moving toward the identification of Messapian Gnathia production. Gnathia vessels were documented at numerous sites on the Salento Peninsula, especially in the settlements of Rudiae, Manduria, Oria, Mesagne, Vaste, Rocavecchia

Giannotta 1996b, pp. 453-467. Giannotta 1996b, p. 454. Besides Rudiae, she cites examples from Egnazia, Rocavecchia, Cavallino, Lecce and Valesio which have been attributed to the Konnakis Painter and the Naples Harp Painter (for more on this painter, see Webster 1968 and Lanza 2006b, p. 171). 109 Giannotta 1996b, pp. 460 and 463. 110 Giannotta 1996b, p. 454. 111 Multiple burials were a funeral custom among the indigenous communities in Peucetia (De Juliis 2006) and Messapia (Giannotta 1996b), and at both Issaean necropolises, Martvilo and Vlaška njiva, and in Budva (Marković 2012, p. 13), while in the Greek colonies in Taranto (Lippolis 1994), Metaponto (Carter 1998) and Heraclea (Pianu 1991) there are no documented tombs with multiple burials, only with two deceased: a mother-child or husband-wife, and that custom is different from the above-mentioned sites, where members of a wider family were buried. 112 Giannotta 1996a, pp. 37-98. 113 Cf. the stemless craters in McPhee 1997, pp. 99-145, and bacini in Giannotta 1995, pp. 39-74 and 1996a, pp. 37-98. 114 Giannotta 1996b, p. 457. 115 Green 1986b, p. 181-186. 116 Giannotta 1996b, p. 458. 107 108

Dell‘Aglio 1996, p. 64. Dell’Aglio 1996, pp. 68-79. 101 Dell’Aglio 1996, p. 51. 102 Schmidt 2002, pp. 350-351. 103 De Juliis 1997, p. 126. 104 Lippolis 1994, p. 240. He notes that political events at the end of the 3rd c. BC led to the crisis in Taras, which was reflected not only in pottery production, but in demographic and social changes. 105 Hempel 2001. 106 Giannotta 1996b, p. 453. The author mentions the work of Lenromant in 1881/1882, Picard in 1911, Drago in 1932 and Bernardini 1955, who have suggested the location of the workshop in Oria, Manduria, Brindisi, Mesagne, Rudiae and Rocavecchia. 99 100

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

above, a detailed study of Lucanian Gnathia production would provide more details about production in this area.

Alexandrian group vessels were found at many sites on the Salento Peninsula that may indicate a workshop of this group in the area.117 It should be stressed that a pottery kiln was found in Rocavecchia together with the sherds of vessels with similar ribbing to the vessels of the Alexandrian group.118 Also, it is noteworthy that trozzella vases, a shape known in Messapian production since the Geometric period, with the characteristic decorative pattern of the Alexandrian group, were found here.119 To conclude, the evidence strongly suggests the existence of local Messapian production of Gnathia ware, which developed its own characteristics following the tradition of previous pottery production.

Calabria Pottery production in Calabria has been documented in Rhegion (today Reggio Calabria) and in Locri Epizephyrii. The production of Black-glazed ware in Rhegion with relief decoration (medallions on at bottom of the vessels), together with incised and painted white, yellow and purple decorations distinguishes it from production in the neighbouring regions. The choice of the motifs and decorative techniques reflect the influence of Campanian production from the north and the influence of Attic West Slope and Hellenistic relief ware from the Asia Minor, probably via Sicily.127 During archaeological excavations in Locri, the pottery kiln was found together with misfired vessel sherds, and some characteristics were noted on painted vessels with plant motifs on open-shaped vessels, such as bowls and stemmed bowls.128 Calabrian Gnathia production has not yet been identified and this decoration may have also appeared under Apulian Gnathia influence.129

Peucetia The assumption is that Gnathia production in Peucetia, as already mentioned, was established in roughly 330 BC. The Toledo Painter worked in one of the workshops in this area, probably in Ruvo. Under his influence, the latter developed the Laurel Spray group, with characteristic laurel spray as the main decoration.120 In her study of Gnathia ware in Peucetia, Lanza singled out the misfired vessels as examples of the local production, explaining that poorly fired vessels were not exported, and therefore the product of a local workshop(s) in Ruvo or Ceglie del Campo.121

Campania The characteristics of Campanian Gnathia production have still not been clearly distinguished from Apulian production. The typical style of Gnathia production developed in Paestum, under the influence of the Apulian workshops. Within this production, pelikai with lids, also known as Paestum pelikai, oinochoai with deep trefoil spouts (chous), bottles with small mouths and typical lekythoi with lustrous black glaze were produced.130 Certain features can also be observed in decorations that were not common in the Apulian production, like spiral tendrils, a long and thin palmettes with a hook at the end, and laurel branches with a long horizontal and alternating pair of leaves ending in a hook.131 It seems that Gnathia ware was not produced for a long time, and was rarely exported.132 However, here it is noteworthy that Paestum pelikai decorated in the Gnathia style were found in Vis.133 Additionally, the differences from Apulian production

Daunia Daunian Gnathia production was established probably at the same time as in Peucetia. The two main groups of Gnathia ware produced in Daunian workshops, probably in Canosa, are the Knudsen and Late Canosan.122 Besides production of these two groups, Lippolis has identified local traits of Salapian production.123 Lucania The remains of pottery kilns with misfired sherds of Gnathia vessels were found in Heraclea Lucania and Metaponto.124 Although these finds clearly indicate local production, unfortunately there are still no systematic studies that identify the characteristics of local production. In line with the stylistic analysis, Green attributed the Matera Painter, the Ridola Painter and the Lucanian series to Lucanian Gnathia production.125 Green also assumes that the Alexandrian group was produced in Metaponto in the second half of the 3rd c. BC.126 However, as noted

Preacco Ancona 1996, pp. 346-347. Preacco Ancona 1996, pp. 347-350. 129 The necropolis in Locri Epizephyrii was published by M. Bara Bagnasco, Lo scavo, u: Locri Epizephyrii II, Firenze 1989, p. 7-65 and Locri Epizephyrii III: Cultura materiale e vita quotidiana, Torino 1989, but unfortunately, these two publications were unavailable to me. However, it is worthwhile noting that the combination of the incised and painted decorations is also known, as we shall see, on the East Adriatic coast in Issaean production under the influence of the both pottery types: West Slope and Apulian Gnathia, and it would be useful to compare these two production lines in order to gain some knowledge of the interactions and influences between these two main painted Hellenistic types of ware on the Mediterranean. 130 Pelikai with lids were called anfora by Forti (Forti 1965), neck-pelike by Green (Green 2001), and pelike pestana by Lanza (Lanza 2006b). For more on the features of Paestum production, see Green 2001, p. 66. 131 Green 2001, pp. 63-64; Lanza 2005, pp. 71-77. 132 Green 2001, fig. 27-33. 133 Paestum pelikai were found at the Martvilo necropolis (Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, fig. 5, no. 14, and fig. 6, no. 15) and in tombs at the palm nursery (Čargo 2008, p. 107, no. 6, and p. 113, no. 12). 127 128

Giannotta 1996b, p. 455, T. II and 459, Green 2001, p. 61. Giannotta 1996b, p. 453. 119 Giannotta 1996b, p. 458. 120 See Chapter I. 3. 121 Lanza 2006a, pp. 114-115 and 117. The workshops in Ruvo and Ceglie del Campo probably produced the Laurel Spray group. 122 For their characteristics, see Chapter I. 3. The workshop in Canosa was identified according to a stylistic analysis of the vases (Green 2001, pp. 57-103). 123 See Chapter II. 3. 124 Lanza 2006a, p. 115. 125 Green 2001, pp. 63-64. 126 Green 2001, p. 64. 117 118

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I. Gnathia Ware in Southern Italy

can also be seen in certain plant motifs, such as the ivy sprays and vine branches with incised stems and painted white leaves. Green sees in this technique the tradition of the previous Teano group, named after the Teano site in northern Campania, where there was probably a workshop.134 The features of this group are a combination of incised, stamped and white (or sometimes red) decorations on typical shapes like skyphoi, jugs, lekythoi and kernoi. The stamp motifs are usually ovules, wheels with a dot in the middle, palmettes and Gorgons.135

analytical methods to answer predetermined questions.140 Archaeological methods facilitate the selection of a socalled reference group, vessels with features typical of local production or other production centres.141 The remains of kilns with pottery in them are certainly good indicators for formative archaeometric analysis.142 However, in cases where the remains of a kiln are scarce, clay beds in the vicinity of ancient kilns are also useful. Unfortunately, information about clay beds is usually lacking. In that case, some help may be provided by a geological survey of the area,143and also an ethnographic mapping of ceramic production in the Mediterranean, or in a specific geographical area.144

Sicily The Sicilian production of Gnathia ware, probably began at around 340/330 BC and differs from Apulian production in its unique and rich decorative system and the typical, very common vessel shapes, like the skyphoid-pyxis and lebespyxis.136 The olpai with long narrow neck, pronounced shoulders and conical ribbed body, as mentioned above, were very popular, while oinochoe with trefoil spouts were rare.137 Again, as in the case of other regional production, a comprehensive study of Gnathia production is still lacking. The work of Lanza certainly constitutes a good starting point for much more detailed studies of this type of ware in Sicily.

Interpretation of results is the final phase of archaeometric analysis, and, as Viriana Redavid notes, it is divided into two stages: the first phase is the interpretation of the results of archaeometric analysis, often using the statistical methods; then the task of the archaeologist is to shape the results into useful information in order to reconstruct the historical context.145 However, one more stage of interpretation may also be added: comparing the results of the same analysis (including same methods) from one geographic area to another and/or to the results of analysis of raw clay can provide sufficient data for interpretation. Comparing the results of archaeometric analysis of different geographic areas is still difficult, since it implies that analysis has been conducted and the results are available in a database of clay compositions, which often is not the case.146 This is something that should be considered in future studies. Experimental archaeology can also be very helpful in verifying assumptions, especially where local clay beds are found, allowing for the reconstruction of ancient crafts and observation of the ‘behaviour’ of local clay under different firing conditions in the kiln.147

I. 6. Production technology The identification of Gnathia ware production centres and the determination of differences between them were based mainly on a comparative analysis of decoration and vessel shape, and on observed differences in the colour of the clay/fabrics and coating. In recent years, archaeometric analysis – the application of different chemical and physical methods – has become an integral component of the study of ancient pottery production. Archaeometric analysis consists of various scientific disciplines and methods: physics and chemistry, earth sciences, biology and medical science.138 The information that may be gleaned from different research methodologies can reveal the activities of ancient potters, from extraction of the clay, product manufacturing, use, provenance, dating and distribution. Precise identification of research objectives and the problems posed by the observation and study of pottery that cannot be resolved by traditional archaeological methods form the basis for any rigorous and effective archaeometric analysis.139 Of course, this does not exclude archaeological analytical methods. The objectives of archaeometric analysis are determined only after conducting the appropriate methods according to typological and stylistic examinations and contextual analysis. The proper identification of problems allows us to select the most appropriate techniques and

In the previous chapter, when describing the differences between the Red-figure and Gnathia decorations, I briefly mentioned the decorative technique, and here I shall give more details. The comprehensive study by Ninnia Cuomo di Caprio provided good insights into ancient crafts, from vessel modelling techniques to decoration and firing, not only for Gnathia production, but also for the production of Redavid 2010, pp. 163-165. A similar approach was also applied during archaeometric analysis of pottery production in Issa on the island of Vis: Čargo, Miše 2010, pp. 7-44. 141 Redavid 2010, p. 164; Čargo, Miše 2010, pp. 29-31. 142 Redavid 2010, p. 164. 143 In areas where geological maps are insufficient, such as the geological map form the island of Vis, which has a great scale (1:10000) and local clay beds are not found, a geological survey should be considered. The geological survey of the island of Vis and archaeometric analysis of pottery production in ancient Issa are discussed in detail in Chapter II. 5. 5. 144 Grave et al. 1996/1997, p. 115. 145 Redavid 2010, p. 166. 146 The project Reconstructing Production and Trade in the Mediterranean Sea in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods using New Scientific and Technological Approaches. Archaeological, archaeometric and computational research for the reconstruction of the economy and trade in the western Mediterranean Sea under Prof. Gloria Olcese at University Sapienza di Roma is a project that aims to create a database for the Mediterranean. 147 Lipovac Vrkljan et al. 2012, pp. 149-154. 140

Green 1976, pp. 15-16, 1982, pp. 258-259 and 2001, p. 66-67. More on this group in Green 1976, 1982, 2001 and Morel 1981. 136 Green 1982, p. 258 and 2001, pp. 64-65. 137 Lanza 2005, pp. 91-118. 138 Sound insights into all archaeometric methods and the information that may be obtained using different methods in: Redavid 2010, pp. 161162. 139 Redavid 2010, p. 165. 134 135

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

other pottery types, painted or mould-made.148 Employing different methods, including chemical and physical analysis and experimentation, she has shown that the firing technique for Black- and Red-figure vases and Gnathia vessels was the same, and suggested firing to a maximum temperature of 900-950˚C.149 The decoration on the painted vases was applied before firing of the vessel, together with the added-clay decoration. The colour of the glaze, figures and details in the added clay were formed during the firing process, and the colour depended on the chemical composition of the added clay, consisting of the diluted clay that covered a certain part of the vessels (for figures, details and black surfaces). It took a skilled potter/ painter to ensure that all applied coating on the vessels did not mix order to achieve the desired polychrome effect after firing. The complexity of this process is due to the ‘behaviour’ of clay used to make the shape of the vessel, the diluted clay for the coating and the decoration.150

still visible, which suggests that the decoration was applied to the vessels together with the black glaze before firing. Accordingly, the decoration was applied to unfired but well dried coating to prevent the mixture of colours.155 The technique for firing polychrome painted vessels required skill and experience on the part of the potters, because during firing they had to have exemplary knowledge of the temperatures and changes that were occurring inside the kiln at specific temperatures and the qualities of the clay, the diluted clay for the glaze and the painted decoration to avoid their interference.156 This technique was confirmed by an analysis of misfired vessels from Sicily to northern Apulia, and by archaeometric analysis of Gnathia vessels from Egnazia.157 Archaeometric analysis of Gnathia ware is still in its beginnings. The first systematic archaeometric analysis of southern Italian pottery production was aimed at defining ceramic production in south-east Italy, in the area of Metaponto, Taras, Peucetia and Daunia.158 Archaeometric analysis was conducted on Red-figure vases, Gnathia and Xenon group vessels from the Nicholson Museum in Sydney. The results have shown that vessels from Taranto and Metaponto have different chemical compositions than the vessels from the Ruvo and Canosa.159 However, the researchers state that the study is preliminary and that for further conclusions it will be necessary to analyse more samples, using samples of raw clay and taking into account the specific production technique of individual workshops.160

The decorative application technique and firing processes on Gnathia vessels have been the subject of many discussions that set forth from the question as to whether the decoration was applied on the vessel before or after firing, and how many times a vessel was fired.151 The Italian term ceramica sovraddipinta suggests that the decoration was applied after firing, or after the first firing. The most common assumption is that the vessels were fired twice, and the decoration was applied on the already fired black glaze, after which the vessel was then re-fired at a lower temperature, resulting in the decoration’s low resistivity to added colours.152Knowing and understanding the technological process of firing vessels and the chemical reactions that occur inside the kiln during firing, it was ascertained that the decoration was applied before firing and that the vessel was subject to only a single firing. It follows that the same techniques of decoration and firing were applied to figure and Gnathia vessels.153 The process is explained on the example of poorly fired vessels or vessels in which part of the surface has black glaze while other has reddish tones. This is caused by the sudden ingress of air (oxygen) into the kiln, thus rapidly lowering the temperature. Namely, during the reduction phase of firing, the diluted clay with iron particles assumed a black colour in the absence of oxygen and at high temperatures. The chemical process can be explained by the decomposition of ferric oxide (Fe2O3), which is red, during firing under reduction conditions, to iron (II) oxide (FeO) and iron (II, III) oxide (Fe3O4), which are black.154 The sudden influx of oxygen prevents the completion of the reduction process, and where a vessel was more exposed to the ‘assault’ of air the coating is red. The decoration on these misfired vessels, although in traces as a recessed ‘ghost’, is

As already mentioned, analyses of Gnathia vessels from Egnazia were conducted in recent years. The results have shown that the vessels were manufactured with fine clay containing a considerable amount of iron oxide, mica, quartz and feldspar, and between the black glaze and the body of the vessel a layer thickness of 35-100 μm was observed – ingobbio rosso. Also, analysis has shown that two different types of clay were used in manufacturing: one for the shape of the vessel and the other for the black glaze, and for the decoration in white meta-kaolin and for the yellow suspension of fine clay used for the black glaze and kaolin.161 Due to the complexity of the archaeometric analysis and its interpretation, they should be approached cautiously. All of the aforementioned phases of manufacturing the vessels - sampling the raw material, modelling, techniques of decoration and firing have to be considered during archaeometric analysis, together with archaeological context, and geological and ethnographic survey of the area in kiln’s vicinity. This also implies an interdisciplinary approach in interpreting the results, as well as the availability and implementation of the results through a

148 Cuomo Di Caprio 2007, wherein she thoroughly explains, in the second part of the study, all analytical methods. 149 Lanza 2006a, p. 113. 150 Redavid 2010, p. 169. 151 Lanza 2006a, pp. 113-125 and the earlier studies cited therein. 152 Lanza 2006a, p. 115. 153 Noble 1982, pp. 37-47; Cuomo Di Caprio 1985, p. 120 and 2007, pp. 318-325 and p. 466. 154 Miše 2005, p. 30 and the earlier studies cited therein.

Lanza 2006a, pp. 115-116. Cuomo Di Caprio 1985, p. 120. 157 Lanza 2006a, p. 121; Redavid 2010, pp. 170- 187. 158 Grave et al. 1996/1997, pp. 113-125. 159 Grave et al. 1996/1997, p. 121. 160 Grave et al. 1996/1997, p. 125. 161 Redavid 2010, pp. 176-189, Mangone et al. 2011, pp. 99-104. 155 156

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I. Gnathia Ware in Southern Italy

broken in sanctuaries. Therefore, Gnathia ware found in the settlements and sanctuaries is often very fragmented, and the painted decorations have worn or fallen off, and in some cases, as we shall see, this specifically pertained to Black-glazed ware.

database, and this is something to which future studies of pottery production should aspire. I. 7. Archaeological context The function of the vessels is dictated by their shape, i.e. liquid containers (craters, bacini, pelike and amphorae), pouring vessels (oinochoai, olpe and hydria), or drinking vessels (skyphoi, cup-skyphoi, kantharoi, stemless cups and rythoi).162 The archaeological context, on the other hand, provides information about the use of vessels as utensils of everyday life in a household, part of a set used in different rituals in sanctuaries and/or necropolises or as a part of tomb assemblages. The analysis of Gnathia ware in different archaeological contexts makes it possible to determine if there was a pattern in the shape and choice of motifs in relation to the different archaeological contexts. It also allows for the determination of which products were preferred in a specific geographical area and whether the use of such vessels changed when exported to different areas, for example from the workshops of the Greek colonies to indigenous settlements in Apulia and/or on the East Adriatic coast.

Necropolises As mentioned above, most Gnathia vessels were found in tombs at the necropolises of Greek colonies and indigenous settlements. From the beginning of their production in the mid-4th c. BC, Gnathia vessels were a component of tomb assemblages. In this period, they were found in tombs together with Late Apulian Red-figure vases, while towards the end of the 4th c. BC Gnathia vessels slowly replaced Red-figure vases, which were no longer produced by about 300 BC. This was documented in the Taranto necropolis and in the Pantanello necropolis in Metaponto, and in the indigenous necropolis in Peucetia (Rutigliano), in the necropolises in Messapia in Vaste and Rocavecchia, Egnazia and Oria, and in the indigenous necropolises in Daunia in San Severo and Canosa.164 Although in a slightly more modest quantity, Gnathia vessels were part of the tomb assemblages in Taranto during the 3rd c. BC.165 A similar situation can be noted in the necropolises in Messapia in Vaste, Rocavecchia and Francavilla Fontana.166 Based on the published tombs from Daunia, it may be observed that most of the vessels are from local Daunian Gnathia production. In Salapia, vessels with characteristic shapes (oinochoai) thus far not documented elsewhere in Daunia and Apulia prevail.167 Also, in the necropolises in San Severo and Canosa vessels of the Knudsen and Late Canosan group predominate.168

In recent years Lanza Catti gave the interpretation of the vessel function in different context in two categories; first are banquet vessels (drinking vessels and vessels for food such as plate, pater, phiale) and the second group represents vessels for containing objects and perfumes.From these categories it can be noticed that in the tombs in Peucetia a modest number of artefacts in the second category are present, especially vases for the anointing oil and small containers (around 19%, compared with 6% occurred in the settlements); in residential contexts almost all Gnathia vessels (at least 81%) belong to the first group.163However, these data are only available for Peucetia, and as we shall see, the level of research on the East Adriatic prevents the use of similar comparative analysis.

Besides use in tomb assemblages, there is some evidence of different functions/uses of Gnathia vessels in necropolises. Sherds of large vessels, such as craters and hydriai, were found on top of tombs at the necropolises in Taranto and the Pantanello necropolis in Metaponto, and it is assumed that they functioned as tombstones.169 This was a custom in the Greek world since the Geometric period, and was, as shown by the above-mentioned necropolises, accepted in southern Italy as well.170 In this context, vessels are rarely found completely preserved in situ, and often can be missed or ignored during excavation. The sherds of large

Based on the present level of the research and publications, I will present archaeological sites and contexts in southern Italy where Gnathia ware was found. I am aware that this approach has its drawbacks, as it depends on published materials, the condition of the vessels and sites that have already been excavated. Despite these shortcomings, different archaeological contexts with Gnathia ware may be distinguished, which will later be compared to the situation on the East Adriatic coast.

164 For Taranto necropolis see Lippolis 1994, pp. 141-145, for Pantanello necropolis in Metaponto see Carter 1998, for Rutigliano see De Juliis 2006, for Vaste and Rocavecchia see Giannotta 1995, pp. 39-74 and 1996a, pp. 37-98, for Egnazia see Redavid 2010, p. 57 (in a tomb unearthed in 1952, Gnathia ware was found together with Apulian Redfigure vases dated to the last decades of the 4th c. BC), for Oria see Maruggi 1993, for San Severo see De Juliis 1996 and for Canosa see Corrente 1990, pp. 315-319. 165 Lippolis 1994, p. 145. 166 For Vaste and Rocavecchia see Giannotta 1995, pp. 39-74 and 1996a, pp. 37-98 and for Francavilla Fontana see Drago 1932, pp. 397-404. 167 Lippolis 1996a, pp. 469-470. 168 For San Severo see Anzivino 1996, pp. 219-222 and for Canosa see Corrente 1990, pp. 315-319. 169 For Taranto see Fozzer 1994, pp. 327-328 and for Metaponto see Carter 1998, pp. 117 and 125 (the author mentions that the same custom was documented in the necropolises in Locri Epizephyrii and Posidonia). 170 Carter 1998, p. 117.

In southern Italy, Gnathia ware was found in three different archaeological contexts: necropolises, settlements and sanctuaries. Most vessels were found in necropolises, while they were found in much smaller numbers in settlements and sanctuaries. The reason probably rests in the fact that in southern Italy, especially in Puglia, mostly necropolises were excavated. Additionally, vessels inside tombs were not subject to destruction, unlike the vessels in settlements that were used in everyday life or vessels that were ritually 162 163

Lanza 2006b, p. 67. Lanza Catti, pp. 273-274, fig. 3-4.

13

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

vessels were found inside waste pits at several places in the necropolises in Taranto and Metaponto.171 During the cleaning of the necropolis, these sherds were redeposited inside the pits, and hence their dating is very uncertain.172 This probably explains why Gnathia vessels of large dimensions were not documented inside tombs.

colony of Heraclea.178 However, all of the aforementioned necropolises have few multiple burials within them and such tombs can be interpreted as family groups, as Carter also mentioned.179 Multiple burials significantly hampered the dating of the tomb assemblages. Nevertheless, some conclusion may still be drawn about Gnathia ware in the necropolises in southern Italy. It seems that since the third quarter of the 4th and during the 3rd c. BC, the tomb assemblages were more modest than in the preceding period. The tomb assemblages consist of simply decorated oinochoai and skyphoi whose decoration and choice of motifs, according to Lippolis, no longer define the social status of the deceased, and they do not say much about the daily lives of the deceased.180 By the end of the 2nd and at the beginning of the 1st c. BC, Gnathia vessels slowly disappeared from the tombs in the Taranto necropolis and new types of vessels appeared.181

The skyphoi that were found on the lid of the tomb in Altamura and Rutigliano and the sherds of small vessels inside the waste pits at the necropolis in Taranto suggest that small Gnathia ware vessels were also found in such contexts.173 It is unlikely that these vessels served as tombstones, and, since skyphoi are drinking cups, were probably left on top of the tombs after a funeral rite. Sometimes these sherds have a hole at the bottom, and it is assumed that the vessels were used in funerary libations over the tombs after which they were broken.174Gnathia vessels were probably used in similar funeral rites at the other necropolises in southern Italy, but for now we do not have sufficient data to confirm this assumption.175

Settlements

In recent years, the publication of materials from archaeological excavations of the necropolises in southern Italy have yielded many details not only about Gnathia ware, but also other Hellenistic types of ware and funeral and burial customs. According to the available archaeological data, burial customs were different in Greek colonies and in indigenous communities. Judging by the archaeological finds, it seems that burial rites in Apulia were different in the indigenous necropolises in Messapia, south Apulia, where multiple burials were the common practice, as documented at the necropolises of Rocavecchia, Vaste and Manduria.176It seems that the Greek colony of Taras had a different burial practice, since no multiple burials were documented.177 However, in other Greek colonies in southern Italy, such as Metaponto, multiple burials were documented as contemporaneous interments of more than one individual and not as re-uses of tombs by unrelated groups. As Carter noted, multiple burials were common in the early Greek necropolises in Sicily, including Syracuse, Megara Hyblaea and Gela, and during the Hellenistic period in the southern Italian

Gnathia ware has also been documented at several settlements in southern Italy. In the settlements of Ceglie di Campo and Ruvo in Peucetia, sherds of Gnathia vessels were found inside a cistern together with sherds of Red-figure vases, Black-glazed ware and sherds of kitchenware.182 In Monte Sannace and Botromagno, near Gravina di Puglia, also in Peucetia, Gnathia vessels were well preserved, allowing for the identification of the decoration on one skyphos. Based on the incised stem and painted leaves, it has been dated to the beginning of Gnathia production.183 However, most sherds of Gnathia vessels from Botromagno belong to the middle and late phases of production, and the latest sherds were dated to the end of the 2nd and beginning of the 1st c. BC.184 Sherds of Gnathia ware were found in two settlements on the Salento Peninsula: in Valesio and Violeddra south of Lecce.185 The most valuable finds are the remains of pottery kilns with sherds of Gnathia ware from Roccavechia and Metaponto.186

D’Amicis 1996, p. 440. Fozzer 1994, p. 327; D’Amicis 1996, p. 440. 173 For Altamura and Rutigliano see Lanza 2006b, p. 95 and Lanza Catti 2011, p. 271, and for Taranto see Fozzer 1994, p. 328. In the necropolis at Pantanello in Metaponto, 11 vessels were found placed around the lid of a sarcophagus, but not one vessel was Gnathia ware (Carter 1998, pp. 117 and 386-387). 174 Sherds together with whole vessels were found in Metaponto (Carter 1998, pp. 122-123) and Altamura, Egnazia and Bari in Peucetia (Lanza 2006b, p. 95). 175 Pianu 1990, p. 244. In the necropolis of Heraclea, some sherds were found outside of the tombs, but in the publication there are no detailed descriptions of that context and their interpretation is uncertain. The same also applies to the finds in Peucetia (Lanza 2006b, p. 95), and there are no data for the finds in Messapia and other parts of southern Italy. 176 For Rocavecchia see Giannotta 1995, pp. 41 and 1996a, 82, for Vaste see Delli Ponti 1996, p. 102 (although there are some tombs with single burials: tombs 7/1968, on 126, 11/1968 on 150, 13/1968, on 168-169, 17/1968, on 190, 4/1970, 207, 5/1979 on 211) and for Manduria see Alessio 1990, pp. 307-321. 177 Lippolis 1994, p. 131. 171 172

Carter 1998, p. 108. The author mentions the ratio in the Heraclea necropolis, among 360 burials, only 4 of them were multiple. Also, out of approximately 360 burials of all periods in Metapontum, only 9 were multiple. 179 Carter 1998, pp. 143-161. 180 Lippolis 1994, p. 141. 181 Hempel 2001, p. 111-112. 182 Riccardi 1990, pp. 337 and 345-346, mentions finds but with no detailed descriptions or photos. 183 Small 1992, p. 52 and 56, no. 511; Lanza 2006b, p. 93. 184 Small 1992, p. 54, no. 465. The sherd of a cup has been dated using stratigraphic data. However, Lanza does not agree with this date, and attributes the sherd to West Slope ware, and believes it may be dated to the 2nd c. BC. (Lanza 2006b, pp. 164-166). 185 For Valesio see Yntema 2001, pp. 135-136. Approximately 20 sherds were found and dated from the late 4th to the late 3rd c. BC For Violeddra see Van Compernolle 1994, pp. 327-354. 186 For Roccavechia see Forti 1965, p. 114; Giannotta 1996b, p. 453 and for Metaponto see Lanza 2006a, p. 115. 178

14

I. Gnathia Ware in Southern Italy

and iconographic analysis of the decoration, which cannot, as discussed before, apply to all Gnathia vessels. The data from archaeological excavations rely on context and, where available, the stratigraphy of the cultural layers. However, a problem arose when archaeological stratigraphy was not available, due to a lack of stratigraphic excavations and/ or, as is the case for the sites on the East Adriatic coast, a lack of closed stratigraphic units that provide fixed chronological points, as detected in Athens and Corinth.195 Also, it is worth recalling that not all Gnathia vessels were found during archaeological excavations.

Sanctuaries Gnathia ware has been rarely documented in sanctuaries in southern Italy, although several maritime sanctuaries were found along the eastern coast of the Salento Peninsula, which represented the starting and terminal points of a maritime route between the Italian coast and mainland Greece and the Illyrian coast.187 According to available data, sherds of Gnathia ware were documented only in the sanctuary at Santa Maria di Leuca, on the southern tip of the Salento Peninsula. Among the sherds, those of a skyphos, oinochoe and small Black-glazed ware with painted Gnathia decorations were identifiable.188 A skyphos of the Cybele Painter from the sanctuary of Cybele in Egnazia may be added to the Gnathia ware from sanctuaries.189

The beginning of Gnathia ware production was, as previously discussed, closely related to production of Late Apulian Red-figure vases. Hence the chronology of the early phase of Gnathia ware was rooted in the stylistic identification of the first painter(s) that worked in the Red-figure vase workshops in Taranto. However, the archaeological data demonstrates that production of Apulian Red-figure vases has no clearly defined absolute chronology, because its dating depends on the dating of individual painters which, in turn, is contingent upon the dating of the painters of Attic Black- and Red-figure vases and cannot necessarily be applied to southern Italian production.196 Furthermore, as shown in the previous chapter, the large vessels produced in the early phase of Gnathia production were found in the Taranto necropolis outside of the tombs and re-deposited in the waste pit, and therefore their dating is uncertain. So, the proposed chronology for the commencement of Gnathia production still relies on stylistic analysis. Webster dated the beginning of production to 360-340 BC, Green to 370-340 BC, while Fozzer states that the first Gnathia vessels appeared in the tombs in the Taranto necropolis in line with the Lippolis phase A from 375 to 325 BC.197

I. 8. Distribution in the Mediterranean Gnathia ware was the first type of South Italian ware that was widely distributed outside its main area of production.190 On the other hand, the Apulian Red-figure vases, which influenced production of Gnathia ware, were rarely exported outside Apulia.191 It is noteworthy here and in the next chapters it will be discussed in more detail, that Late Apulian Red-figure vases were exported to the East Adriatic, and they were found at several sites, together with Gnathia ware of the middle phase of production. However, at other sites in the Mediterranean basin, the most widespread Gnathia vessels were of the Alexandrian group, which was produced during the last phase of production. Examples of it have been found from the coast of North Africa, Libya and Egypt, through Cyprus and Rhodes to the Aegean islands, mainland Greece and southern Russia, and on to the coast of Spain in the west.192 Also, the Alexandria group was found at numerous sites along the East Adriatic coast, from Istria in north-western Croatia to Albania in the south.193Gnathia production of the late phase in Canosa ran parallel to that of the Alexandrian group and it also had a developed market outside of its core production centre, but not as much as the latter. The Late Canosan group vessels were found north in southern Etruria, and sherds were found in Spina and Ancona.194 As we shall see on the East Adriatic coast they were more popular than those of the Alexandrian group.

Dating the end of production is more complex. It depends not only the dating of the end of production in Taras (which also differs from scholar to scholar), but also in other areas where Gnathia ware was produced. Since Taras was the leading production centre, and Gnathia ware originated in the Tarantine workshops, the proposed chronologies for the Tarantine production merits greater scrutiny, as they often still serve as the foundation or reference point for the relative chronology of Gnathia vessels found at other

I. 9. The problems of chronology

Agora XXIX and Corinth VII.iii, and the recently proposed new chronology for Corinth: James 2014, pp. 47-63, Sanders et al. 2014a, pp. 65-81 and Sanders et al. 2014b, pp. 1-79. 196 Puritani 2002, p. 380. Furthermore, the chronological framework set by Trendall for Red-figure vases from 440 to 300 BC was based, as already mentioned above, on the stylistic analysis of painters and decorations, and by the coins that were found together with vases in the last phase of Red-figure production in Gela in Sicily, which did not appear after 304 BC (Trendall 1989, p. 15). A similar situation was not documented in other parts of southern Italy (Lanza 2006b, p. 157). According to recent archaeological excavations in the Taranto necropolis, the production of Apulian Red-figure vases in that Greek colony ended in the first decades of the 3rd c. BC and on this basis A. Hoffmann proposed a new chronological framework for Late Apulian Red-figure production from 450 to 280 BC (Hoffmann 2002, p. 191). The discussions about defining the chronological framework for this type of ware, which pertains solely to southern Italy, are still ongoing (Hoffmann 2002, D’Amicis 2005, pp. 163-171, De Francesco 2006, pp. 620-637, Carpenter 2009, pp. 27-38). 197 Webster 1968, p. 4; Green 1982, pp. 252-253; Fozzer 1994, p. 329. 195

The chronology of Gnathia ware has recently been discussed in numerous studies that point to differences between the traditional chronology and the results obtained by archaeological excavations in southern Italy, especially in Apulia. The traditional chronology relies on a stylistic Pagliara 1990, pp. 503-526. Leuca 1978, p. 113, Tav. 56, A 159, Tav. 64, A 104 and 107, under Black-glazed ware. 189 Lanza 2006b, p. 93. 190 Green 2001, p. 70. 191 Green 1979, p. 81. 192 Green 1979, pp. 81-90, and for Spain see Yntema 2013, p. 219. 193 See Chapter II. 4. 2. 194 Green 1982, p. 258. 187 188

15

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

BC from Taranto, Gerhard Hempel attempted to provide a more precise dating for end of Gnathia production. According to him, vessels of this type of ware were documented in phase D, lasting from 225 to 200 BC.206 However, in this phase, a new opened shape of Gnathia vessels appeared. These are hemispherical bowls and rimmed bowls.207 The last examples of this type of ware in Taranto have been dated to the final quarter of the 2nd and first half of the 1st c. BC. Hempel exercised caution in dating, because on some examples the decoration has been poorly preserved and attribution to Gnathia ware remains conjectural.208 Additionally, the hemispherical cups (Hempel type 625/1) found in Taranto in Hempel’s phase D (225-200 BC) are assumed to be imports from Athens. The decoration on them, a flower surrounded by the floral motifs, cannot be considered Gnathia motifs, but rather motifs of West Slope ware.209 The aforementioned examples from Taranto therefore can testify to Greek imports in Apulia during the 2nd c. BC which influenced the production of new types of ware, and which in turn may be considered Gnathia ware ‘solo dal punto di vista tecnico’, or only in technical terms.210 This returns to the question of defining and identifying the ‘genuine’ Gnathia ware and vessels decorated in the Gnathia style.

sites in and outside of Apulia. Forti already attempted to determine the chronological framework for Gnathia production based on the then available archaeological data from the necropolis in Taranto and other sites in Apulia, and the typology of unguentaria from the beginning of the Hellenistic period.198 Based on unguentarium type I and two lamps found in a tomb in Carovigno (between Brindisi and Fasano), which have been dated from the mid-4th to the first quarter of the 3rd c. BC, and unguentarium type V in Taranto, dated from the last quarter of the 3rd to the 2nd c. BC, found together with Gnathia vessels, Forti proposed a production chronology running from the mid4th to the end of the 3rd c. BC.199 However, Webster did not agree with Forti’s proposed chronology, criticizing the unguentarium typology as inadequate for precise dating after 350 BC; he suggested a chronological framework from 360 to 272 BC, assuming that production ended with the Roman conquest of Taras.200 Green followed this chronology, although, prompted by the increasing number of archaeological data from excavations in southern Italy, he recently lowered the date for the end of production to the 3rd c. BC.201 The valuable data obtained after analysis of the tomb assemblages in the Taranto necropolis have shown that Roman expansion did not lead to the complete destruction of the city in 272 BC and the cessation of production. Rather, it initiated a transformation to new forms of social relations and production, so that Gnathia production continued during the 3rd c. BC.202

Most scholars accept the lower date for the end of Gnathia production in Taras, as proposed by Fozzer and supplemented by Hempel.211 However, it was noted that the chronological framework of Gnathia production in Taras (from ca. 375 to 175 BC) cannot be applied to other sites in southern Italy, and that the chronology is different in different areas.212 This issue is driven by the definition of provincial production of Gnathia ware, which according to Green began in roughly 330 BC.213 Its cessation depended on their individual development, as well as the political and geographical context. Furthermore, as Lanza Catti has shown based on analysis of Gnathia ware from different context in Peucetia the chronology is different in different context; Gnathia vessels in funerary context are found during the 3rd c. BC, when they are replaced with monochrome vessels, but in settlements they were found at the beginning of the 2nd c. BC.214

Fozzer analysed Gnathia vessels from the tombs in the Taranto necropolis. Based on the archaeological data, morphology and iconography of these vessels, she observed a crisis in the pottery production in roughly 275-225 BC, but not a complete cessation, and therefore continuity in Gnathia production until the beginning of the 2nd c. BC.203 The reference point that Fozzer uses to date the late phase of production and finally its conclusion consists of the Gnathia vessels found together with the HFR ware, dated by archaeological data from Valesio from 225 to 150 BC.204 However, as Puritani noted, HFR ware in Valesio was dated on the basis of Gnathia sherds from the late phase of production.205 In the interest of clarity, here is a brief recapitulation: Gnathia ware in Taranto has been dated using the HFR ware from Valesio, and HFR ware in Valesio was in turn dated using Gnathia ware from Taranto. When analyzing the tombs of the 2nd and 1st c.

According to the current state of research, the sherds from Botromagno in Peucetia and Valesio in Messapia are the only examples in which Gnathia ware is dated by the stratigraphic data from the second half of the 4th to the middle of the 2nd c. BC.215 However, this dating has its drawbacks. Lanza noted that the hemispherical bowls

Forti 1962, pp. 143-157. Forti 1965, p. 49-51. In addition to these finds, Forti set the end of production in the second half of the 3rd c. BC based on coins from 272235 BC that were found in the tomb on Via Giovine in Taranto, together with a small oinochoe. 200 Webster 1968, pp. 3-4. Within this chronological framework, Webster classified production, based on stylistic features, to the early, middle and late phases. 201 Green 2001, pp. 73-75. 202 Lippolis 1994, p. 239. 203 Fozzer 1994, p. 330. The author sees a crisis in pottery production during Lippolis phase B 2 and C. 204 Fozzer 1994, p. 331. 205 Puritani 2002, pp. 385-386. For more on HFR ware, see Yntema 1990, pp. 149-160. 198 199

Hempel 2001, p. 98. Hempel type 625/1-3 (It. coppe emisferiche, Germ.Hemisphärischer Becher) and Hempel type 621/1, 621/5 (Ital. bacini, Germ. Schüssel). 208 Hempel 2001, p. 111. 209 Hempel 2001, p. 112. 210 Hempel 2001, p. 112. 211 D’Amicis 1996, pp. 433-446; Giannotta 1996b, pp. 453-468; Lippolis 1996a, pp. 469-470; Graepler 1997, pp. 54-63; Green 2001, pp. 73-75; Hempel 2001; Lanza 2006b. 212 Puritani 2002, p. 383. 213 Green 2001, pp. 61-70. 214 Lanza Catti 2011, p. 268. 215 Lanza 2006b, p. 153. 206 207

16

I. Gnathia Ware in Southern Italy

from Botromagno, which are classified as Gnathia ware, are probably a different type of ware.216 The shape of the bowl and incised checkerboard are traits of West Slope ware, and according to Lanza they are probably imports or a local imitation of West Slope ware.217 Therefore the sherds from Botromagno do not represent a firm foothold for a lower chronology. A similar situation has been documented in Valesio. Within this Messapian settlement, sherds decorated in the Gnathia tradition that have been dated to the end of 3rd and early 2nd c. BC, also show influences of West Slope ware and pocola vases from central Italy.218 Taking into account the aforementioned sherds, on which influences of different production types can be observed, Lanza assumed that, at least for the sherds from Botromagno, they represent later pottery production that was under the influence of Gnathia tradition and other Hellenistic types of ware.219 In a detailed study of the chronology of Gnathia ware, Puritani noted that the problems surrounding the chronology of this type of ware should not be viewed as an isolated case. According to Puritani, the problem is embedded in the broader issue of the chronology of pottery production in southern Italy

from the 4th to 2nd c. BC, and these are the chronologies of HFR, Black- and Grey-glaze ware.220 There are two lines involved in determining the chronological framework of Gnathia production: the traditional chronology, according to which production ended in 272 BC, and the lower chronology placing the end of production at the close of the 2nd c. BC. Lanza integrated all previous results obtained by the traditional system of dating based on painters and the most frequent groups, and the results obtained from archaeological excavations, and advocated a moderate lowering of the chronology of Gnathia ware to the beginning of the 2nd c. BC.221 Lanza notes that her proposal is a compromise between the traditional and ‘new’ dating and that it may not be final, but still provides a new approach to dating Gnathia ware. In this study, I am inclined toward Lanza’s ‘moderate’ lowering of the chronology, since she noticed the influences of eastern Mediterranean production: West Slope ware on Apulian pottery production, thus signifying the beginning of a new type of ware.222

Puritani 2002, p. 385. The problems of dating Hellenistic ware are not only limited to southern Italy. In Part II of this study I shall provide a brief summary of the chronology of other, related Hellenistic types of ware. 221 Lanza 2006b, pp. 170-172. 222 Debate about the influences of West Slope production on Gnathia ware mainly focuses on the initial production phases of both, and not so much on the later period, especially the 2nd c. BC, when Gnathia production declined. Even so, these influences, as we shall see, are well documented in pottery production in Issa. 220

Lanza 2006b, p. 164. Lanza 2006b, p. 165. The influence of West Slope ware on Gnathia ware in southern Italy, and of Gnathia ware on West Slope ware in Greece, especially in north-western Greece, is still the subject of debate, and will be discussed in Chapter III. 2. 218 Yntema 2001, p. 135. 219 Lanza 2006b, p. 165. 216 217

17

II. Gnathia Ware on the East Adriatic Coast

chronology.232 Kirigin’s analysis was primarily conducted on Gnathia vessels from the western Issaean necropolis at Martvilo. However, this type of ware also formed part of the tomb assemblages in the eastern Issaean necropolis at Vlaška njiva. The Vlaška njiva necropolis was excavated during rescue excavations in 1983, when 249 tombs were unearthed.233 Unfortunately, the tombs from Vlaška njiva have not yet been published.234

II. 1. History of study Gnathia ware, although found at numerous sites on the East Adriatic coast, has never undergone detailed study. The first Gnathia vessel was published in the excavation report from the Martvilo necropolis in 1949.223 Until the 1970s, Gnathia vessels from Issa and Lumbarda on the island of Korčula were only mentioned in publications without detailed analysis.224 Even these scarce publications caught the attention of Lidia Forti, when she assumed, based on the features on Gnathia vessels from Martvilo, that they were locally produced.225 Forti’s hypothesis was accepted by Mladen Nikolanci, and he described the vessels from Martvilo as ‘a case of entirely simplified and atrophied, obviously local production in the Gnathia tradition’.226 In the 1973 Petar Lisičar gathered current knowledge and publications of the imported vessels on the East Adriatic coast from the Archaic to Hellenistic period, and among them the published Gnathia vessels from Issa.227

Recently Boris Čargo published tomb assemblages from older excavations at the Martvilo necropolis, mainly from rescue excavations conducted in the 1950s, where Gnathia ware accounts for most of the tomb assemblages.235 Čargo also published vessels, among them Gnathia ware, from the tombs at the palm nursery in Vis.236 In both studies, Čargo adhered to Kirigin’s proposed features and chronology for Issaean Gnathia ware. During the most recent archaeological excavation at Martvilo in 1997, three tombs were unearthed, which were analysed in Miro Katić’s dissertation in 2010.237

During excavations at the Martvilo necropolis in 1976, 1979 and 1980, a high number of Gnathia vessels were found. The preliminary results of these excavations were published in 1980 and 1981 by Nenad Cambi, Branko Kirigin and Emilio Marin, and the latter two scholars published the assemblages of two more tombs in 1985 and 1988.228 The results of excavations on Martvilo were also presented in the exhibition ‘Issa – The Island of Vis in the Hellenistic Period’ in 1983, where Kirigin classified Gnathia vessels from Martvilo into the two groups: imported and locally produced and set the chronology of production from the mid-3rd until the end of the 2nd and early 1st c. BC.229 More detailed study on Gnathia vessels from Issa was published in 1990, when Kirigin singled out the decorative and morphological features of local Issaean production.230 The author confirmed his assumption about local production, and in 1996 he suggested a lower chronological framework for Issaean Gnathia production from the end of the 3rd to the mid-1st c. BC.231 When new data emerged from Apulia and the need for reviewing of the chronology of Gnathia production in Apulia arose, scholars often referred to Kirigin’s suggested

In 1986 and 1989, Branka Migotti published some sherds of Gnathia vessels from Pharos, today held in the Zagreb Archaeological Museum.238 Also, some Gnathia vessels from Pharos were published in the catalogue Pharos – antički Stari Grad and in the excavation report from the Adriatic Island Project.239 In 2004, Kirigin attempted to systematize all previous publications of Gnathia vessels from Pharos, and argued that vessels of this type were not imported to Pharos on a large scale, nor did they came from Issa.240 There is also my own contribution in 2005, when I published the Gnathia vessels from Pharos that are now part of the Greek and Hellenistic Collection in the AMS.241 Recently Maria Cristina Vallicelli published Gnathia vessels from Pharos, today held in the Museo Archeologico Nazionale in Venice.242 In 2002, Kristina Mihovilović presented a survey on Greek and Hellenistic ware in Istria and Kvarner, among them also Gnathia vessels, with a distribution map.243 She updated her previous study in 2004.244 A similar survey of Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast was presented by Lucijana Green 2001, pp. 100-103, Hempel 2001, p. 111, Alexandropoulou 2002, pp. 179-180, note 1291 and 1292. 233 Kirigin 1983, pp. 27-30. 234 The Hellenistic tombs from Vlaška njiva will be part of the forthcoming dissertation of Marina Ugarković. 235 Čargo 2010. 236 Čargo 2008, pp. 87-142. 237 Katić 2010. 238 Migotti 1986, pp. 147-178 and 1989, pp. 19-42. 239 Pharos 1996, Kirigin, Hayes, Leach 2002, p. 249, T. IV E 1 and A7. 240 Kirigin 2004, p. 161. 241 Miše 2005, pp. 35-38. 242 Vallicelli 2006, pp. 247-261. 243 Mihovilić 2002, pp. 499-519. 244 Mihovilić 2004, pp. 110-113. 232

Abramić 1949, pp. 9-15; For Issa see Rapanić 1960, pp. 37-44, Gabričević 1968, pp. 46-48, Nikolanci 1969, p. 83 and for Lumbarda see Rendić-Miočević 1966, pp. 135. 225 Forti 1965, pp. 153-154. 226 ‘[...] jednu sasvim simplificiranu i atrofiranu, očito domaću produkciju na tradicijama Gnathie.’Nikolanci 1976, p. 152. 227 Lisičar 1973, p. 15 and 18-20. 228 Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, pp. 63-83, Kirigin, Marin 1985, pp. 4572, and the same authors 1988, pp. 129-147. 229 Kirigin 1986, pp. 7-8. 230 Kirigin 1990a, pp. 58-65. 231 Kirigin 1996, p. 133. 223 224

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II. Gnathia Ware on the East Adriatic Coast

Although Gnathia ware from ancient Rhizan, today Boka Kotorska in Montenegro, has not yet been published, the published results of archaeometric analysis on the sherd from recent archaeological excavations are nonetheless a valuable contribution.248 The tomb assemblages from the necropolis in Dyrrachion were mainly published by Hava Hidri.249 Although mainly focused on the examination of Red-figure vases in local production, she also assumed local production of Gnathia ware.250 The forthcoming study by Patricia Kögler will present archaeometric analysis of Gnathia ware from Lissus, and this will be a major contribution to the understanding of local production of this type of ware on the East Adriatic coast.251 II. 2. Vessels from collections Over the centuries, the tombs from the Martvilo necropolis in Issa have often been targeted by looters and private collectors. Under these circumstances, some Gnathia vessels were taken from the island of Vis and somehow ended up in collections such as the Kunsthistorische Museum in Vienna, the Museo Archeologico Nazionale in Venice and the National Museum in Belgrade.252 Some of the vessels remained on the island of Vis and are held in private collections. The two largest collections from Vis belong to the Barbieri and Dojmi families, and according to the descriptions, Gnathia pottery is in these collections as well.253 However, most of the Gnathia vessels from the Martvilo necropolis are in the Greek and Hellenistic Collection in the AMS, and will be presented herein in the Catalogue.254 These vessels were not part of the archaeological excavations at Martvilo, and were purchases, according to the museum inventory logs from 1884, from various private collectors.255 The Greek and Hellenistic Collection in the AMS are the largest collection of artefacts from the Archaic, Classical and Hellenistic periods in Croatia, but the crucial importance of the collection, however, lies in the fact that nearly every piece in it was found in Dalmatia.256 However, for most of the Gnathia vessels in the collection, the archaeological context is unknown, although according to the museum’s inventory log, they were once part of the tomb assemblages in the Martvilo necropolis and they have been included herein.

Graph 1: Gnathia ware on the East Adriatic coast Šešelj in her dissertation with a distribution map of Gnathia ware.245 Gnathia ware from the southern parts of the East Adriatic were also mainly published in excavation reports, such as the sherds from Ulcinj, or as part of museum collections, such as vessels from Budva, today held in the National Museum in Belgrade.246 Gnathia ware from the necropolises in Budva and Gostilje in Montenegro were published together with other tomb assemblages, and they contributed to an understanding of the relationship between this type of ware with other, related ware.247

Report from the archaeological excavations in Dyczek 2005, pp. 101118 and archaeometric analysis in Daszkiewicz et al. 2007, pp. 85-93. 249 Hidri 1976, pp. 245-258, 1983, pp. 137-176, 1986a, pp. 187-195, 1986b, pp. 99-112. 250 Hidri 2011, pp. 843-848, and personal communication with Prof. Hidri in Durres in 2005. 251 Personal communication with Dr. Patricia Kögler. 252 Vessels in Kunsthistorische Museum in Vienna in Green 1976, vessels in Museo Archeologico Nazionale in Venice in Vallicelli 2006, pp. 247264 and vessels in National Museum in Belgrade in Popović 1994. 253 Kirigin 1996, pp. 25-36, Čargo 2009, pp. 14-20 and 2010, p. 17-25. 254 See Chapter V. 255 Kirigin 2008, p. 5. The Greek and Hellenistic Collection in the AMS was formally established in the 1960s. 256 Kirigin 2008, p. 5-6. 248

Šešelj 2009, pp. 53-70, map. 6. Although, it should be noted that the author also mapped unpublished Gnathia vessels, from the sites where it is not yet verified whether the fragments belong to Gnathia ware or to Black-glaze ware. 246 For Ulcinj see Parović-Pešikan 2001, pp. 335-368 and for vessels from Budva see Popović 1975 and 1994, Krstić 2004, pp. 585-592 and 2007, pp. 12-29. 247 For necropolis in Budva Marković 2012 and for necropolis in Gostilje see Basler 1969, pp. 5-45. 245

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

The eastern Issaean necropolis was discovered in 1983, east of the ancient Issaean town walls, in the area called Vlaška njiva. During the rescue excavations in the area organized due to construction of the Hotel Issa, 249 tombs were unearthed, but remain unpublished.262Gnathia ware along with other types of pottery, such as Apulian Redfigure vases, Alto Adriatico, Grey- and Red-glazed ware, make most of the tomb assemblages.263

II. 3. Vessels from archaeological context According to current research, Gnathia ware on the East Adriatic coast was found in the same archaeological context as in southern Italy. It was found in tomb assemblages in the necropolises of Greek colonies and indigenous settlements, in the residential complexes of the Greek colonies and in indigenous settlements, and also in sanctuaries.

During the construction of the Hotel Avala in Budva in 1937, the necropolis of ancient Butua was unearthed. Unfortunately, some of the tomb assemblages were destroyed prior the arrival of an archaeologist. Some of the tomb assemblages were taken to the Knez Pavle Museum of the time (today the Belgrade National Museum), while others were placed on permanent exhibit in the Historical Museum in Cetinje, Montenegro.264 In the catalogues Antička Budva and Blago budvanske nekropole, a portion of the tomb assemblages is published, among them Gnathia vessels.265 Excavations at the necropolis in Budva continued from 1951 till 1957, but were never published, and in 1980 and 1981 they were published entirely by Čedomir Marković.266 Marković’s publication was a significant contribution to understanding the burials, rituals and tomb assemblages in the Hellenistic necropolis in Budva, where out of a total of 33 tombs, only 3 had no grave goods.267 The Gnathia vessels were part of the tomb assemblages in 22 tombs in Budva and they were imports from Apulia and from the Dyrrachion workshops, while some may be attributed to Issaean production (all of which will be discussed in greater detail below).268

Necropolises Gnathia vessels were part of tomb assemblages in the Greek colonies of Issa and Dyrrachion, and in the necropolises of indigenous settlements in Nadin, Dragišić and Velika Mrdakovica in northern Dalmatia, ancient Liburnia and in the necropolis in Budva and Vele Ledine in Gostilje in today’s Montenegro. Prior to discussing Gnathia vessels in tomb assemblages, it would be worthwhile to briefly consider the research history of necropolises in the East Adriatic, and to underscore a series of unfortunate circumstances that have resulted in many uncertain and undocumented tomb assemblages. The first excavations at the Martvilo necropolis in Issa were conducted during the 1930s by Czech archaeologists led by Jindřich Čadík. The unearthed material was taken to Prague, where it disappeared without a trace and, unfortunately, was never published.257 After World War II, in 1948 and 1955, the Martvilo necropolis was devastated during the landscaping of a football field, when many tombs were destroyed. Due to meagre archaeological records, their assemblages cannot be entirely reconstructed.258 Archaeological excavations at Martvilo from the late 1970s and early 1980s have, unfortunately, not yet been entirely published, except for the already mentioned tombs 3/1976, 14/1979, and 21-24/1980. At the end of 1990s, three tombs were excavated and entirely published.259 Three destroyed tombs from the palm nursery in Vis, where 20 Gnathia vessels were found, may be added to these publications.260 According to Čargo, the tombs at the palm nursery were next to some sort of functional building, and not part of the Martvilo necropolis.261

North of Budva, in the area of Lake Skadar in Vele Ledine in Gostilje, the necropolis of an indigenous community of Kirigin 1983, pp. 27-30. Personal communication with my colleague Marina Ugarković, who is currently preparing the material from Vlaška njiva for her doctoral dissertation, and who showed me the tomb assemblages. 264 Krstić 2007, p. 12-29. 265 Popović 1975, Krstić 2007, pp. 12-29. Part of the vessels from the tombs in the necropolis in Budva was published in the catalogue of the Belgrade National Museum, Antička grčka keramika (Popović 1994). 266 Marković 2012. 267 Marković 2012, p. 57. 268 Imports from Apulia: Marković 2012, pp. 289-332: one Alexandrian oinochoe from the tombs 3/I (P. 6/10), one skyphos from tomb 4/1 (P. 8/1), one skyphos (P. 11/8) and one pelike (P. 12/1) from tomb 6, two skyphoi from tomb XXIV1 (P. 16/2, 5), one olpe from tomb XXVIII (P. 22/2), three skyphoi from tomb XXX (P. 26/10, 12, 16), one skyphos from tomb XXXII (P. 29/1), one oinochoe (P. 32/13) and one skyphos (P. 32/14) from tomb XXXVb and one skyphos from tomb XLIV (P. 42/5). Imports from the Dyrrachion workshops: Marković 2012, pp. 289-332: one kantharos from tomb 2/I (P. 2/9), three table amphorae from tomb 3/I (P. 6, 4-6), one table amphorae from tomb XXIX (P. 23/12), one table amphorae from tomb XXXII (P. 28/20), one table amphorae (P. 30/2) and one skyphos (P. 30/5) from tomb XXXIV, one skyphos (P. 34/11), and two table amphorae (P. 35/ 3, 6) from tomb XXXVII, two skyphoi from tomb XXXVIII (P. 36, 13, 15, one skyphos from tomb XL (P. 38/3), one table amphorae from tomb XLII (P. 40/16) and one table amphorae from tomb XLIV (P. 42/9). The biconical table amphorae from tomb XXIV1 (P. 16/1), tomb XXIV2 (P. 19/4,5 and 8) and tomb XXXII (P. 27/ 5-6) may be attributed to the same workshop in Dyrrachion or to some still unidentified production centre, since this shape is not common in Issa and, as we shall see, not in local production. Vessels of Issaean production: Marković 2012, pp. 289-332: two oinochoe from tomb 1 (P. 9/7,11) and three oinochoe from tomb XXXVIII (P. 37/1-3). Vessels of Issaean production: 262 263

257 Bouzek 2009, pp. 389-394. He mentioned that during Prof. Čadík’s excavations, a Hellenistic house in Vis was also excavated, but based on the recollections of older residents of Vis, the only excavations in the 1930s were conducted in the area of the Martvilo necropolis, and 50 tombs were excavated. The number of tombs may have been exaggerated, but this cannot, unfortunately, be verified, because during the Communist era in Czechoslovakia, Prof. Čadík suffered a harsh fate, and all documentation from the excavations are gone together with the materials (personal communication with elderly residents of Vis, and my colleague, Boris Čargo who attempted to track down the material. More on this in Čargo 2010, p. 26). 258 Kirigin 1985, pp. 91-110. He attempted to reconstruct six tomb assemblages, while my colleague Boris Čargo, in his published Master’s thesis, attempted to reconstruct all assemblages from the tombs excavated at Martvilo before 1970 (Čargo 2009 and 2010). 259 For tombs 3/1976 and 14/1979 see Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, pp. 63-83, for tombs 21-24/1980 see Kirigin, Marin 1988, pp. 129-147, and for tombs 1-3/1997, Katić 2010, pp. 84-137. 260 Čargo 2008, pp. 87-142. 261 Čargo 2008, p. 91.

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II. Gnathia Ware on the East Adriatic Coast

Labeati was unearthed in 1956. The entire necropolis with its tomb assemblages was published in 1969.269 The five tombs, besides vessels and weaponry, contained skyphoi with ribbing and vertical handles which, as we shall see, belong to imported Gnathia ware from Apulia.270 The other vessels in the tombs are, based on their morphological and decorative features, more likely from the south-east Adriatic coast and western Greece, and may be linked to the workshops in Dyrrachion and Ambracia in Epirus.271 The necropolis in Gostilje has been dated on the basis of coins minted by the Illyrian King Gentius in the last quarter of the 3rd and first half of the 2nd c. BC.272 The excavations in Durrës were conducted in 1973, 1977 and 1980, and they have still not been entirely published. Some tombs were published by Hava Hidri, and from these publications it seems that Gnathia ware was not represented in great numbers in the tomb assemblages.273 In northern Dalmatia, Gnathia ware was part of the tomb assemblages in the indigenous necropolises. The Gnathia ware from three necropolises, in Velika Mrdakovica (ant. Arauzona) and Dragišić near Šibenik and in Nadin near Zadar were partially published, and will be discussed in greater detail in the following chapters.274

Map 1: Necropolises on the East Adriatic and in South Italy Dark dots mark Greek settlements and grey dots indigenous settlements.

Settlements Taking into consideration the materials thus far published and analysed herein, the sherds of Gnathia ware on the East Adriatic coast were mostly documented in settlements. Numerous sherds were found in the Hellenistic settlements Tragurion (today Trogir, 20 km west of Split), Epetion (today Stobreč, an eastern suburb of Split) and Resnik (near Trogir) on the coast, and in Pharos and Issa. In the south, sherds were found in the indigenous settlements of Rhizan and Olcinium (today Ulcinj) on the Montenegrin coast. Unfortunately, Gnathia ware from Resnik and Trogir has not yet been published, while only select sherds from Pharos, Epetion and Ulcinj have been published.275

Archaeological excavations in the residential complexes in Issa and Rhizan are still ongoing, and according to published excavations reports, numerous Gnathia sherds were found.276 Sherds of Gnathia vessels were also found in indigenous settlements located at the hillfort (Croatian: gradina) in Gradina in Motovun and Nesactium in Istria.277 In northern broadly dated from end of 4th/beginning of 3rd to 1st c. BC and in the 3rd c. (Kirigin, Hayes, Leach 2002, pp. 245 and 249, Pl. IV. A/7). Aleksandra Faber published the sherds from Stobreč, and noted that ‘many sherds of Gnathia pottery in the Issaean style were found in lower layers’ (Faber 1983, p. 25, T. 2/2, 3, 5 and T. 3/2, 9, 12). Unfortunately, the stratigraphic context in Stobreč is difficult to follow due to seepage of sea water in the lower layers. The only area in Stobreč that can be excavated is around the town walls, which are very close to the sea (5m). During the excavations in Ulcinj in 1966 and 1969, sherds of Gnathia vessels were found and published by Maja Parović-Pešikan, but without detailed descriptions of the context. According to the sketches of 6 sherds (published as a selection of the material, but from the paper it may be assumed that more sherds were found), all sherds came from Apulian Gnathia production in the late middle and late phases (Parović-Pešikan 2001, p. 351, T. III). 276 The excavation report on the campaign in Rhizon from 2001 to 2003 was published summarily, but it does mention two groups of Gnathia vessels, one from the southern Italian centres and one ‘local group from the island of Hvar’. Although the author mentions local production, it is difficult to accept that they are from workshops in Pharos or Lumbarda since no pottery activity can be traced in Lumbarda, and in Pharos production of Gnathia vessels has not (yet) been identified. These sherds probably belonged to Issaean production. However, this is also conjecture, since the author provides no photographs of the sherds (Dyczek 2005, pp. 101-118). The preliminary results of the pottery analysis from archaeological excavations in Issa can be found in Miše 2010, pp. 69-81. 277 Mihovilić 1985, pp. 5-19, and 2002, pp. 499-519.

Basler 1969, pp. 5-45. Basler 1969, skyphoi in tombs: P. II-10/2, P. IV-15/4, P.V-28/4, P. VII28/5 and 28/4, P. XVI-74/4, P.XVII-82/2, P.XXVI-131/1, and also skyphoi that were found outside of the tombs: P.XXVI-k5/1 and k9/1, P.XXVIII-k11/1. 271 For a comparison with the pottery material from Dyrrachion: the skyphoi from Gostilje in Basler 1969, P.VIII-31/1 and 31/4, P.XIV-65/2, P.XV-67/2, P.XIX-94-1) with the skyphoi from Dyrrachion in Hidri 1976, P.I/12), and lagynoi from Gostilje in Basler 1969, P.XXX/8 with the lagynos from Dyrrachion in Hidri 1976, P.I/6, that are attributed to Dyrrachion workshop (Hidri 1976, pp. 246-258). As Krstić soundly noted (Krstić 2004, pp. 585-592), the vessels from Budva show a greater resemblance to the vessels from the south-east Adriatic, possibly to the workshop in Dyrrachion or Ambracia (for the Ambracia workshops, see Aγγέλι 2004, pp. 549-556), rather than the vessels from central Dalmatia. 272 Basler 1969, p. 10. 273 Hidri 1976, pp. 245-258, 1983, pp. 137-176, 1986a, pp. 187-195 and 1986b, pp. 99-112. 274 For Velika Mrdakovica see Brusić 1976, p. 116, for Dragišić see Brusić 2000, p. 1-51 and for Nadin see Kukoč 2009, p. 57, fig. 47 and A. Batović, Š. Batović 2013. 275 All aforementioned sherds of Gnathia vessels from the settlements, either from indigenous settlements or from the Greek colonies on the East Adriatic, were published without a clear stratigraphic archaeological context, except one imported skyphos from Pharos, found in layer 1208, 269 270

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

Dalmatia and Kvarner, Gnathia sherds were documented in the indigenous settlements on the Zadar Peninsula and Osor, at the isthmus connecting the islands of Cres and Lošinj in Kvarner, and at numerous hillfort settlements in the Zadar hinterland: Trojan, Beretinova hillfort in Radovin and Ćosina hillfort near the village of Jagodnja Gornja, in Danilo (ant. Rider), Dragišić, on Bribirska glavica in Bribir near Šibenik, and on Gradina on the island of Murter.278 Gnathia vessels in the indigenous settlements in central Dalmatia are very rare. So far, only one imported skyphos from the pile dwelling settlements in Dugiš near Sinj was unearthed.279 Unfortunately, for all of the aforementioned sites the publications do not offer any closer look into the archaeological context within the settlements where Gnathia vessels were found. In Issa, the pottery material from a drainage canal between two residential blocks was analysed, but unfortunately the Gnathia sherds were found in the mixed layers that can be dated from the 3rd to 1st c. BC.280 In Nesactium in Istria and in Ošanići in BosniaHerzegovina, sherds of Gnathia vessels were found inside the temple, and based on the publications, they may be identified as imports.281 However, one important fact needs to be highlighted: based on published materials and personal communication with colleagues, so far a closed stratigraphic unit from the Hellenistic period has not yet been found on the eastern Adriatic coast.

Map 2: Settlements on the East Adriatic and in Apulia figure vases, Hellenistic relief and Roman Thin Walled ware, and coarse ware. These finds broadly dated the layers from the 6th c. BC to 1st c. AD at the time when the sanctuary on Palagruža was in use. The sherds on Cape Ploča were also found in a mixed layer near the surface and they are also difficult to date based on the stratigraphic layers.284 Some sherds of Gnathia ware from Cape Ploča and Palagruža have graffiti on the surface, the vows of sailors who stopped at these maritime sanctuaries.285

Sanctuaries During excavations at both Diomedan sanctuaries in central Dalmatia, on the island of Palagruža and on Cape Ploča, numerous sherds of Gnathia vessels were found. Among the analysed Gnathia sherds from Cape Ploča, some of them, as will be seen below, may be attributed to local production.282 By contrast, according to a preliminary analysis of 450 sherds of Gnathia vessels from Palagruža, none can be attributed to local production, but most of them belong to the Knudsen and Late Canosan groups.283 The Gnathia sherds on Palagruža were found in a re-deposited layers on the southern and northern slope of the central plateau formed as a result of the latter’s intense cleaning for the construction of a fortress in Late Antiquity. In these layers, the sherds of Gnathia vessels were found together with sherds of prehistoric vessels, Attic Black- and Red-

Numerous sherds of Gnathia vessels were also found in the sanctuary in Nakovana cave on the Pelješac Peninsula. The pottery from the sanctuary has not been entirely published, but, based on the published vessels; skyphoi of the Late Canosan group may be identified. Moreover, in the preliminarily analysis of the pottery material from the hall shrine, two groups of skyphoi can be distinguished: skyphoi with and without ribbing, and skyphoi on a low foot of Apulian and high foot of Issaean production.286 South of Pelješac peninsula, sherds of Gnathia vessels were found in a sanctuary in Vilina cave above the river Ombla near today’s Dubrovnik.287

For the sherds from Zadar, Radovin, Bribir, Jagodnja Gornja and Murter, see Batović 1968a, pp. 171-180, 1968b, pp. 53-74, 1980, pp. 5577, 1973, pp. 5-153, 1987, pp. 339- 390 and 1990, pp. 5-142; and for the sherds from Osor see Faber 1980, pp. 289-316; sherds from Danilo and Dragišić, see Brusić 1976, pp. 113-126 and 2000, pp. 1-51. 279 Marović 2002, pp. 260 and 295, Tab. XXIX/2. 280 Miše 2010, pp. 69-81. 281 For the sherds from Nesactium and archaeological context, see Mihovilić 1985, Tab. V and 2002, Tab. 5/6; for the sherds from Ošanići and archaeological context in Marić 1995, pp. 50-51, P. 4-6. 282 Šešelj 2009, pp. 50-70. Skyphoi no. 7 and 12 can be attributed to Issaean production, and the skyphoi with brown slip no. 13, 14 and 16 to the Resnik workshop, but both instances of local production will be discussed in greater detail in Chapters II. 5 and II. 6. 283 The analysis of pottery material from Palagruža was conducted in 2008, and the preliminary analysis was published in Kirigin, Miše, Barbarić 2010, pp. 65-92 278

Šešelj 2009, pp. 18-24. Kirigin 2003, pp. 367-378, Miše 2006, pp. 203-215, Miše, Šešelj 2008, pp. 113-119, Šešelj 2009, p. 59, no. 5, p. 60, no. 7 and personal analysis of Gnathia ware from Palagruža. It may be said with certainty of the sanctuaries on Cape Ploča and Palagruža that they were maritime sanctuaries. The character of the sanctuary in Nakovana cave is still debatable, but due to its position it was probably frequented by sailors. 286 Forenbaher, Kaiser 2003, pp. 79 and 329. The preliminary analysis was conducted by Branko Kirigin, who kindly gave me his notes with an analysis of the Hellenistic pottery from Nakovana Cave. I would like to take this opportunity to thank him. 287 Perkić 2010, pp. 159- 161. These sherds wre presented at the exibition ‘Ancient Greeks in Croatia’, and have not yet been analysed. 284 285

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II. Gnathia Ware on the East Adriatic Coast

in the hinterland. Apart from Issa, there is no available information in the current publications as to whether the earliest imports of Gnathia ware can be found in other Greek colonies along the East Adriatic coast, in Pharos or in Durrës. This does not mean that they were not imported, and probably they should be expected in future publications or excavations, especially in Durrës, where imports of Late Apulian Red-figure vases were found.288 Vessels of middle Gnathia production found in indigenous settlements certainly merit attention. They were all found in northern Dalmatia in the territory of ancient Liburnia. Unfortunately, they were all found in fragments and their precise attribution is difficult. However, based on the shape and preserved decoration, they may be dated to the end of the 4th c. BC. a) Vessels of the Dunedin and Sidewinder groups In Osor a sherd with female head between tendrils and grapes was found.289 The good preservation of the decoration provides enough details for its attribution. Namely, this decorative pattern was common on vessels of the Dunedin group, which were produced in the workshops in Taras at the end of the 4th c. BC. As well as the Osor finds, the vessels of this group on the East Adriatic were also found at Vis. One squat lekythos was found during the excavations of northern tombs at the Martvilo necropolis in 1948.290 Unfortunately, the decoration was not entirely preserved but Kirigin provided the reconstructed decoration in a drawing of the vessel that shows a female head in profile between outspread wings and twisted tendrils and flowers underneath.291 The squat lekythos is a common shape in the Dunedin group.292 This type of lekythos with an elongated neck, oval body that narrows into the conical foot, and with one strip handle has been documented in the Taras necropolis from 325 to 300 BC.293 The squat lekythos from Vis and a sherd from Osor are, so far, the only vessels of the Dunedin group that were found on the East Adriatic coast, and also the earliest identified imported Gnathia vessels.

Map 3: Sanctuaries on the East Adriatic and in Apulia Most of the Gnathia sherds from the sanctuaries in central Dalmatia – Palagruža, Cape Ploča and Nakovana Cave – are skyphoi, drinking cups which were used for ceremonial libations. It is important to note that, unlike the sherds of Gnathia vessels in sanctuaries in southern Italy, sherds with graffiti, containing the vows of sailors, were found in the sanctuaries in central Dalmatia. II. 4. Imported Gnathia ware Southern Italian Gnathia ware was widely distributed on the East Adriatic coast. Vessels of this type were found in the Greek colonies and in indigenous settlements, sanctuaries and necropolises. They are a strong indication of commercial contacts between the two Adriatic coasts. Also, the distribution of southern Italian vessels on the East Adriatic speaks of the achievements of southern Italian potters and the export orientation of their workshops. The distribution pattern, together with the establishment of local workshops, allows us to follow the dissemination of knowledge of pottery production and the establishment of manufacturing operations.

Also from the workshop in Taras are two oinochoai from Vis that may, based on the decoration, be attributed to the Sidewinder group. One oinochoe is from the devastated tombs at the palm nursery, and the other is from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection in the AMS (cat. no. 1).294 Unfortunately, the latter has no archaeological context, Hidri 2005, pp. 16-17. Faber 1980, p. 309, fig. 13/1 and 3. 290 Abramić 1949, Pl. III, Unfortunately, we are still lacking data on the exact tomb where this vessel was found and its assemblage. According to Čargo’s reconstruction of the tombs from the northern part of the Martvilo necropolis, the squat lekythos of the Dunedin group was found together with an Apulian Red-figure lekanis, a squat lekythos of the Agrinion group, an oinochoe of Late Canosan Gnathia production, a skyphos of, probably, Messapian Gnathia production, a pelike of likely Dyrrachion production and a Paestum pelike, but, as noted previously, we still do not know which of these vessels were placed together in the single tomb (Čargo 2010, pp. 63-103). 291 Kirigin 1979, pp. 17-19 and 2008, pp. 75-77, nr. 39. 292 Green 2001, p. 59. 293 Lippolis 1994, p. 253; D’Amicis 1996, p. 437. 294 For oinochoe from palm nursery see Čargo 2008, p. 105, nr. 4. 288 289

II. 4. 1. Early Apulian imports of Gnathia ware The earliest imports of Gnathia ware on the East Adriatic coast were the vessels of the late decades of the 4th c. BC. According to the traditional classification, they all can be attributed to the middle phase of Gnathia production. They were imported from different workshops, but most of them were the products of the workshops in Taras and Canosa, and their detailed attribution is presented below. They were found in Issa and in indigenous settlements

23

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

but its assumed find-site is Martvilo. On both oinochoai, the grapes and tendrils are around a thick horizontal red or yellow band, but the decorations on the oinochoe from the AMS were painted sloppily, as opposed to the more delicately painted oinochoe from the tomb in the palm nursery. Along with these two oinochoai, sherds with tendrils and white grapes found in Osor, Zadar, Škarin Samograd near Šibenik and on the island of Palagruža may also be attributed to the Sidewinder group.295 b) Knudsen group vessels During the final quarter of the 4th c. BC, Issa also imported vessels from other Apulian production centres. The five Knudsen group vessels, assumed to have been produced in Canosa, were found in Vis. These are an oinochoe (Fig. 1) and skyphos from the Archaeological Collection Issa in Vis, two oinochoe (cat. nos. 2 and 3 ) and an upper fragment of oinochoe (cat. no. 4) from the AMS Greek and Hellenistic Collection.296 The decorative pattern is similar on all of the aforementioned vessels: ovules below the rim, white and red thick wavy lines, rows of dots, and a grapevine with a horizontal band or branch in white and yellow from which grapes and tendrils hang on the centre of the vessels. The rendering of the decoration on the oinochoe and skyphos from the Archaeological Collection Issa stands out, and bears the greatest resemblance to the skyphos from the Knudsen Collection in Borgestad, which gives the group its name.297 Sometimes the white and red wavy lines can be replaced with a row of S-spirals and triangles, as on the sherd of an oinochoe from the AMS (cat. no. 4). This decoration may be noticed on the oinochoai from tomb 9/1971, dated to the final quarter of 4th c. BC, from San Severo in Daunia, which has been attributed to the Knudsen group.298

Fig. 1: Oinochoe of Knudsen group from Vis (Archaeological Collection Issa, Kirigin 1986, p. 22, no. 38, photo: M. Miše)

The skyphos from tomb 3/1997 at the Martvilo necropolis has branches with split ends and vertical leaves with a circle between them.299 Comparing this motif to the motifs on the skyphoi from the tombs in San Sever and Lavello, one may assume that it was common in Daunia during the first half of the 3rd c. BC.300 The same ivy motif is on an olpe attributed to Daunia production and on bowls with painted handles and other vessels of the Late Canosan

group.301 Besides the vessels from Vis, Kirigin mentioned a skyphos of the Knudsen group from Salona, but without further details, such as the context and where it is currently located.302 Reviewing the vessels in the AMS Greek and Hellenistic Collection, only one skyphos with incised horizontal lines and without visible painted decoration from Salona is held in the Collection. Based solely on an incised decoration, it is difficult to define its origin or group. However, the hemispherical shape that was not, as we shall see, common in local production, placed the skyphos from Salona in the group of imported vessels.

The sherds from Osor were published in Faber 1980, p. 309, fig. 13/1 and 3, while pottery material from other sites has not been published. So the observations were made by personal examination of the material from the Zadar Archaeological Museum, and examination of the material from Škarin Samograd, which is held in the Šibenik City Museum. The sherds from Palagruža were selected during a preliminary analysis of pottery in 2008, and have not yet been published. 296 A photograph of an oinochoe from the Archaeological Collection Issa (part of the Greek and Hellenistic Collection of AMS housed in Vis) can be seen in Lisičar 1973, Pl. X/28, with a brief description in Kirigin 1986, p. 22, no. 38. One skyphos from tomb 3/1997 was attributed by Katić to the Knudsen group: Katić 2010, Pl. XXXI/5 and Pl. XXXIII/2), but based on its motif, the skyphos cannot belong to the Knudsen group, but rather more likely a later phase of Canosan production – the RPR group. 297 Green 1976, Pl. 16b and 2001, p. 90, no. 18. 298 De Juliis 1996, p. 110, nos. 10 and 11. 299 Katić 2010, Pl. XXXI/5 300 Forentum II, Tav. LIX, fig. 213, P. LXXIX, fig. 273, De Juliis 1996 P. 12/71 and T. 35/71. 295

Among the imported vessels there is a group of small oinochoai and one pelike with an unusual shape and decoration. Oinochoai and pelike were found in Issa (one oinochoe, cat no. 6, and one undecorated pelike, cat no. 38, from the AMS Greek and Hellenistic Collection, and one oinochoe from the tomb from palm nursery in Vis), For olpe of Daunian production see Lanza 2005, p. 69, fig. 19, and personal communication with Prof. John Green. 302 Kirigin 2004, p. 159. 301

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II. Gnathia Ware on the East Adriatic Coast

and one oinochoe in Lumbarda on the island of Korčula.303 The oinochoai and pelika have a round body and a short thick neck, while the decoration consists of painted dots and slashes and oblong grapes. The lack of polychrome and clumsy rendering of the grapes and tendrils is rather different from other vessels of the Knudsen group, although the decorative pattern is similar. Prof. Green assumed that they were Daunian products from the transitional period of the Knudsen into the Late Canosan group.304

In Nadin, in an indigenous settlement in the hinterland of Zadar, three tombs containing Hellenistic ware were found.311 In tomb 1, two deep bowls with handles turned upward and one skyphoid crater were found.312 Unfortunately, these vessels were found in fragments, and although restored, the decorations have been poorly preserved. The closest analogies to the shapes of deep bowls and the skyphoid crater can be found in tombs in Messapia, in the Rocavecchia necropolis, dated to the last quarter of the 4th c. BC.313 To the best of my knowledge and based on publications from Apulia, vessels with large dimensions were usually associated with the early phase of Apulian Gnathia production in the workshops of Taras. However, deep bowls with upwardly turned handles and slightly curved bodies were not noted in the Taras production. The large-dimension vessels from Nadin may have belonged to provincial Gnathia production of the Messapian workshops.314 In the same tomb in Nadin two hemispherical bowls, one with a foot and other without, and one plate were found. The analogies to similar vessels from Valesio suggest that they may have been HFR ware.315 The chronology for HFR ware has not yet been established, but Yntema suggested production from the mid-3rd to the mid-2nd c. BC.316 So the vessels from tomb 1 in the Nadin necropolis may be broadly dated from the final quarter of the 4th to the mid-2nd c. BC, which is not surprising given that the tombs in Nadin included multiple burials. However, for a more clear date of this tomb, all of the tomb assemblage should be taken into account, which unfortunately has yet not been published.

c) The vessels of uncertain attribution As already mentioned, in northern Dalmatia Gnathia ware was found in indigenous settlements on the Zadar Peninsula and in settlements around the fertile Ravni kotari plateau in the Zadar hinterland. Unfortunately, most of the pottery material from these sites, especially Hellenistic ware, remains unpublished.305 However, during a survey of Gnathia ware in northern Dalmatia I had the opportunity to examine Gnathia ware held in the Zadar Archaeological Museum.306 During archaeological excavations on the Zadar Peninsula, sherds of Gnathia ware were unearthed.307 Based on shape and thickness of the walls, the sherds probably belonged to the body of craters or other opened shape vessels. The decorations on these sherds are poorly preserved. The wine grapes and tendrils are barely visible, and it is not possible to make a more clear attribution.308 Because the sherds belonged to vessels of large dimensions and opened shape, they can probably be dated to the second half of the 4th c. BC, when these vessels were produced.309 Another crater sherd from Zadar has a decoration preserved on it: S-spirals and a red horizontal band with tendrils between grapes below the rim.310 Based on these decorations and comparative analysis, the sherd could be from the middle phase of Apulian Gnathia production.

Another indigenous settlement near Zadar and in the northern section of Ravni kotari is located at the Beretin hillfort in the village of Radovin. Intriguing sherds with lustrous black coating, incised horizontal lines, but unfortunately without preserved decoration, were found.317 These sherds were found together with sherds of Red-

303 Vessels from palm nursery in Čargo 2008, p. 106, no. 5 and vessels from Lumbarda in Lisičar 1973, Pl. X/29, second vessel from the left. 304 Many thanks to Professor Green for his help in the identification of these vessels. 305 The papers by Prof. Šime Batović indicate that Hellenistic ware was abundant in indigenous settlements in ancient Liburnia. Even so, Hellenistic ware serves as a chronological backbone for the periodization of Liburnian culture in the last phase from the 4th to 1st c. BC (Batović 1987, pp. 339-390). However, the problem with Hellenistic ware in northern Dalmatia is that most of it is published as selected material rather than in an archaeological context, and as selected types of ware, for example Hellenistic Relief ware in Brusić 1999, and without other types of ware that were found together in the same context. Sineva Kukoč published Hellenistic ware from three tombs in the Nadin necropolis (Kukoč 2009, 11-80) and more recently this was done by Ante and Šime Batović (A. Batović, Š. Batović 2013), who provided valuable information but also opened the question of a more serious approach to the study of Hellenistic ware in Liburnia. 306 The survey of Gnathia ware in northern Dalmatia was conducted in 2009, and I would like to thank Natalija Ćondić and Prof. Dražen Maršić, at that time director of the Museum, who kindly allowed me to examine the unpublished material in the Archaeological Museum in Zadar. 307 Batović 1968a, pp. 171-180. The archaeological excavations in Zadar were conducted on the peninsula around the Church of St. Mary, the Roman Forum and the Church of St. Francis. Unfortunately, the Gnathia vessel sherds were not published, but I had the opportunity to see the pottery material in the Zadar Archaeological Museum. 308 Personal examination of pottery material from the Zadar Archaeological Museum. 309 See Chapter I. 4. 310 Batović 1968a, p. 177, Pl. III/3.

The tomb assemblages from Nadin have not yet all been published. The vessels mentioned here were published as selected material in Kukoč 2009, 11-80 and in A. Batović, Š Batović 2013, and exhibited in the Prehistoric Room of the Zadar Archaeological Museum. According to the authors, apparently the tombs in the Nadin necropolis were opened prior to the arrival of an archaeologist, and they were probably looted. 312 Kukoč 2009, p. 57, fig. 47. 313 For the deep bowls see Giannotta 1996a, p. 61, fig. 26 and 28, tomb 23, the vessels do not have a conical foot, and the handles are attached to the walls of vessel; on o. 64, fig. 29, tomb 24 and on p. 77, fig. 39, tomb 28, based on the shape of these two vessels, they are the closest parallels to vessels from Nadin, although they do not have handles, rather a horizontal bulge with a hole. For similar vessels, see Giannotta 1996b, p. 457. For the skyphoid crater: Giannotta 1996a, p. 55, fig. 21, tomb 21 (the skyphos is Black-glazed ware), p. 57, fig. 23, tomb 22 (the skyphos is Gnathia ware, but its foot is different from that on the vessel from Nadin, which, based on a reconstruction, is slightly narrower at the transition from the lower body to the foot, and has different decoration). 314 See Chapter II. 5. 315 Yntema 1990, pp. 149-160 and 2001, pp. 196-197, form K45 - where the vessels are mentioned as ‘finely moulded, deep mastoi’.Yntema was the first to distinguish this group in the Black-glazed ware from Valesio and stated that it was probably produced in workshops outside of Valesio. HFR ware in Southern Italy has not been yet fully defined. It is generally characterized by thin hard-fired and orange-red clay with a compact black, sometimes glossy finish. 316 Yntema 2001, p. 197. 317 Batović 1968b, pp. 53-74; personal examination of materials from the Zadar Archaeological Museum. 311

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

figure vases and southern Italian Geometric ware, also with uncertain attribution. Similar decorations with two incised parallel lines were found on a sherd from Pharos and a sherd from Cape Ploča, and, based on a stylistic comparison with Apulian vessels; both have been dated to the end of 4th c. BC.318 Due to their poor preservation, all of the aforementioned sherds may chronologically belong to the middle phase of Apulian Gnathia production, but because the decoration on most of them has been lost, it is difficult to attribute them to a specific workshop or painter.

these analogies, their workshop can be traced to southern Apulia, probably Taras.328 II. 4. 2. Late Apulian imports of Gnathia ware Vessels of the late phase of Apulian Gnathia production account for the majority of the imported vessels on the East Adriatic coast. They were found at almost all costal sites from Istria to Albania, both on the mainland and on the nearby islands, and most of them belong to the Alexandrian and Late Canosan groups (see below).

According to the distribution maps, Gnathia ware was found at numerous sites north of Zadar and Ravni kotari, in the Kvarner region, also in a part of the ancient Liburnian territory. However, most of these finds remain unpublished, or published without illustrations. Besides the above-mentioned sherd of Sidewinder group from Osor, a sherd of a deep bowl with ovules below the rim and a grapevine on the body was found.319 Two holes on the sherds, one below the rim and other on the body, are rather noteworthy.320 These holes were also found, as we shall see, on imported Gnathia ware from the indigenous necropolis of Dragišić near Šibenik in the southern part of ancient Liburnia.321 The bowl sherd from Osor exhibits the greatest resemblance to the shape of the vessels from the tombs in Vaste and Rocavecchia, which have been dated to the last quarter of the 4th and the first two decades of the 3rd c. BC.322 The closest parallels to the decoration can be found on the vessels from the Museo Provinciale di Lecce, which have been attributed to the middle phase of Apulian Gnathia production in the late 4th c. BC.323 There are also several sherds of Gnathia vessels from Osor, albeit poorly preserved, thus impeding clear attribution.

Among the earliest imports of the late phase of Apulian production, the oinochoe from the Issa Archaeological Collection stands out.329 The oinochoe is biconical with decorations on the body: ivy spray with an undulating branch and vertical leaves with a circle or flower between them on lustrous black coating (Fig. 2). This oinochoe was probably found at Martvilo, but the archaeological context is unknown. Although this oinochoe does not have ribbing, which was the most common decoration in the late phase of production, this does not mean that it cannot be attributed to late phase of production. In fact, all vessels that appeared in the late phase may not necessarily be decorated with ribbing.330 This motif of ivy is typical of the middle phase of production, in the second half of 3rd c. BC in northern Apulia, especially on bowls with painted handles.331 The same motif can be seen on the aforementioned skyphos found in tomb 2/1997 at Martvilo and on a sherd of a bowl from Pharos.332 This sherd from Pharos is thus far the only example of a bowl with painted handles on the eastern Adriatic.333 a) The vessels of Alexandrian group

Two oinochoai from tomb 3/1976 in Martvilo and one from a tomb in the palm nursery in Vis have a branch with split ends and circle in the middle.324 Lanza called this motif ramo secco con foglie a punti, or stylized branch with short dots and lines as foliage.325 The closest analogies to these oinochoai can be found in tomb 11/1968 in Vaste, dated to the final quarter of the 4th c. BC.326 Furthermore, based on analogies to the shape from Taranto, the oinochoai can also be dated to the end of the 4th/early 3rd c. BC.327 Based on

The Alexandrian group was produced in the late phase of Gnathia production in the workshops in Taras, and probably in Messapia as well. On the East Adriatic vessels of this group have been found in Ošanići in Herzegovina, Velika Mrdakovica near Šibenik, and Durrës in Albania, but most of them were found in Vis.334 The first Gnathia For oinochoe from the tombs at the palm nursery, see Čargo 2008, p. 104, no. 3. 329 Kirigin 1986, p. 23, no. 42, Čargo 2007, pp. 27-28, no. 6. 330 Green 1979, p. 13 and 2001, pp. 62-63, Puritani 2002, pp. 396-399. 331 Green 2001, p. 63. For a typology of bowls with painted handles, see A. Enklaar, Des bols du style de Gnathia à anses peintes, u: H. A. G. Bridjde, A. A. Drukker, C. W. Neeft (ed.), Enthusiasmòs, essays on Greek and Related Pottery presented to J. M. Hemerlik, Amsterdam 1986, pp. 177-188. Unfortunately, this paper was not available to me when writing the present study. 332 Skyphos from Martvilo in Katić 2010, Pl. XXXI/5 and herd of a bowl from Pharos in Pharos 1996, p. 81, no. 5 (drawing of vessel is upside down). Unfortunately, the sherds were situated in a disturbed layer in front of the Dominican monastery. 333 Pharos 1996, p. 100, no. 4. 334 For vessels from Ošanići see Marić 1995, pp. 43-94 and 1996, pp. 3172. Some of the pottery material from Velika Mrdakovica was published by Prof. Zdenko Brusić, but without Gnathia vessels (Brusić 1976, pp. 113-126) and in Arauzona 2000. Based on a personal examination of the Gnathia vessels from Velika Mrdakovica, I was able to identify two Alexandrian group sherds, and a few sherds with ribbing. I take this opportunity to thank colleagues Emil Podrug and Toni Brajković from the Šibenik City Museum, who allowed me to inspect the material from Velika Mrdakovica. Unfortunately, the pottery material from Durrës 328

For a sherd of what was likely a skyphos from Pharos, see Migotti 1986, p. 158, Pl. 8/5, where it is attributed to Rose Painter. Similar motifs of incised lines and ovules can be seen on other sherds of the initial and middle phase of Apulian Gnathia production, and this sherd, as well as the sherds from Cape Ploča in Šešelj 2009, p. 56, no. 1 and 2, are difficult to attribute based solely on decoration. 319 Mihovilić 2002, p. 507, Pl. 5:2. 320 The holes are not visible on the published sketch of the sherd (in Mihovilić 2002, p. 507, Pl. 5:2), and were brought to my attention by Martina Blečić Kavur after her detailed analysis of the pottery from Osor (publication forthcoming). 321 Personal examination of the material from Dragišić necropolis. 322 For Rocavecchia see Giannotta 1996a, p. 64, fig. 29 and 43, tomb 21, p. 77, fig. 39 and 44, tomb 28. For Vaste see Delli Ponti 1996, p. 117 tomb 6/168, p. 175 tomb 14/1968, p. 193, tomb 18/1968. 323 Bernardini 1961, Tav. 14. 324 Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, Pl. X/1 and 17; Čargo 2008, pp. 103-104, nos. 2 and 3. 325 Lanza 2006b, p. 30. 326 Delli Ponti 1996, pp. 151-155, no. 120. 327 Lippolis 1994, p. 245. 318

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II. Gnathia Ware on the East Adriatic Coast

Map 4: Late-phase Gnathia vessels on the East Adriatic vessel found in the Martvilo necropolis in Issa, during the Czech excavations in 1930s, was an oinochoe of the Alexandrian group.335 In 1955, during excavations at Martvilo, an oinochoe from tomb 14, and biconical table amphorae from tombs VI-XII were found.336 The shape of the table amphorae is uncommon for Apulian production, but the dove and the ivy spray with red ribbons on the neck place the vessels among the Alexandrian group. Besides these two vessels, during archaeological excavations in 1997, an oinochoe and an oinochoe sherd of the Alexandrian group were unearthed in tomb 2/1997.337 All of these are the only vessels of the Alexandrian group found during archaeological excavations. As to the other vessels of the same group, such as ten oinochoai from the AMS Greek and Hellenistic Collection (cat. nos. 10-19), we can only assume that they were found in the Martvilo necropolis. The decorative pattern on these vessels are common and typical of the Alexandrian group; the biconical table amphorae and oinochoai have doves between red ribbons and vertical palm branches on both

Fig. 2: Late-phase oinochoe from Vis (Archaeological Collection Issa, photo M. Miše)

sides of the neck, and a grapevine below the trefoil mouth. However, three oinochoai with theatrical masks and a pelike with a female head in three-quarter profile between tendrils from Archaeological Collection Issa are notable.338 Female heads and doves between tendrils were typical of the last phase of Alexandrian group production.339 Similar tendrils, as on the above-mentioned pelike from the Issa Archaeological Collection, appear on the skyphoi with vertical handles from Ošanići, but instead of female heads there are doves.340 The skyphoi from Ošanići have two separate bands of ribbing and knobs on the handles, and are similar in shape and decoration to the skyphos from the tomb excavated in Francavilla Fontana in Messapia in 1914, dated to the first half of the 3rd c. BC.341 But, one skyphos without knobs on the handles from Ošanići, and which has only a single band of ribs, is, based on the rendering of the dove, very similar to the skyphos from tomb 2/1938, also from Francavilla Fontana and dated to the second half of 3rd c. BC.342 To remain for a moment on the typical skyphos shape from Ošanići, whose name appears in the literature in several varieties, it is important

necropolis in Albania have not yet been published, although according to personal communication with Prof. Hava Hidri, the Alexandrian group oinochoai also form part of the tomb assemblage. Prof. Hidri kindly pointed this out to me and I take this opportunity of thanking her. (Prof. Hidri published a paper, Red-Figure Pottery with Relief Decoration and Gnathia Ware from Dyrrachion. See Hidri 2011, pp. 843-848, although she mainly discussed Red-figure and not Gnathia ware, and the paper lacks photographs). Most of the Alexandrian group vessels found in Vis have been published by Branko Kirigin and Boris Čargo (see the publications of these two authors). 335 Bouzek 2009, pp. 390-391. 336 Kirigin 1986, p. 23, no. 45; Čargo 2009 and 2010, wherein he provides an interpretation and reconstruction of the tomb assemblage from earlier research at Martvilo up to 1970s. 337 Katić 2010, Pl. XXVIII, 4 and Pl. XXVI.

338 Oinochoe with theatrical mask and pelike, Kirigin 1981, pp. 229-236 and 1986, p. 23, no. 44; Čargo 2007, pp. 29-30, no. 7. 339 Green 1977, pp. 558-561 and 2001, p. 61, fig. 14. 340 Marić 1995, Pl. 5/1 and 6, and Pl. 6/1-5. 341 Giannotta 1996b, p. 465, no. 389. 342 Giannotta 1996b, p. 467, no. 395.4.

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

to distinguish this shape with vertical handles from a kantharos or tazza biansata which appeared in concurrent production in Taras.343 The skyphos with vertical handles, hemispherical shape and stem on a conical foot, which has been found on the Salento Peninsula, is considered typical of Messapian production.344 It is interesting that so far skyphoi of this shape have not been found in Issa, although oinochoai of the Alexandrian group from Vis show the most resemblance to the oinochoai from the tombs in Francavilla Fontana, where such skyphoi shapes were, as mentioned, documented in high numbers.345 Similarly shaped skyphoi were found on the indigenous necropolis at Gostilje, near Podgorica in Montenegro, together with coins issued by Gentius, the last Illyrian king, and fibulae of the middle La Tène, which dates the tomb assemblage to the middle and second half of the 2nd c. BC.346

early products of the Late Canosan group.349 Based on analogies in Apulia, the aforementioned skyphoi may be dated to the beginning of the 3rd c. BC. In the same period, skyphoi with ribbing on a tall conical foot also appeared, but towards the end of the 3rd c. BC, the foot became larger, the stem taller and the body acquired a slight S-profile.350 This skyphoi shape was most popular on the eastern Adriatic. Besides tombs 3/1976 and 2/1997 in the Martvilo necropolis, and the tombs in the palm nursery in Vis, they were also found in Pharos, in the temple in Nesactium, and in the sanctuaries in Nakovana Cave on the Pelješac Peninsula, Palagruža and on Cape Ploča.351 According to Lanza’s typology, in the second half of the 3rd c. BC, the ribs on skyphoi were divided into two bands, and sometimes have metopes in the upper band.352 This type of skyphos was found in the temple in Nesactium and at the Mišurac necropolis in the northern part of the East Adriatic and in Boka Kotorska (ancient Rhizon) in Montenegro.353 The skyphos sherd with birds in metopes was found in the indigenous settlement in Bribir near Šibenik.354 The sherd from Bribir has ivy with sloping leaves and a circle in the middle below the rim, while the metope contains a carefully painted bird. However, the reconstructed sketch below the photograph of the sherd suggests a skyphos shape with vertical handles and a knot on top of them, although the handles of this skyphos were not found. The same skyphoi with vertical handles, but without knot, were found, as already mentioned, in Ošanići and are well preserved. So it is possible to see their shape and decoration completely. According to analogies from Apulia, also mentioned before, this skyphoi shape with vertical handles may be an exemplar of Messapian production.

b) Vessels of the Late Canosan group In the same period as, and parallel to Alexandrian group production in southern Apulia, potters from Daunia, in northern Apulia, probably under the influence of the south and the tradition of the Knudsen group, began production of Late Canosan group vessels. To recall, at the beginning of their production, vessels of the Late Canosan group had ivy with vertical leaves and wavy stems between two horizontal red bands without ribbing. The ribbing appeared in later production when painted decorations were reduced on the neck of the vessels to full or dotted horizontal red and yellow lines with a circle or wheel in the middle. The leaves became simpler and oblique, or simply vertical lines around horizontal bands, and the entire motif came to resemble a ‘sawtooth’. Within the Late Canosan group, vessels with palmettes and metopes containing white birds appeared. This makes them a sub-group of the Late Canosan - the RPR (Ribbed with Palmette Rosette).347

The farthest inland any imported vessels of the Late Canosan group were found on the East Adriatic coast was during archaeological excavations in Jezerine necropolis in north-western Bosnia-Herzegovina. These are two skyphoi and one crater, today in the National Museum

This group of Gnathia vessels is the largest imported group at the archaeological sites on the East Adriatic from Istria to northern Albania (map. 4). Also, they account for the majority of the vessels in the AMS Greek and Hellenistic Collection (oinochoai cat. nos. 27 and 33, pelikai cat. nos. 41-46, skyphoi cat. nos. 48-84, bowl cat. no. 90 and lid cat no. 89). The most popular shape of the Late Canosan group is the skyphos. A skyphos with a hemispherical shape, a low foot without ribbing and horizontal bands with oblique lines were found in tomb 3/1976 on Martvilo and in the tombs at the palm nursery in Vis.348 The skyphoi sherds from Palagruža and Cape Ploča may also represent

349 Fragments from Palagruža were separated during the pottery analysis in 2008 and 2009, and for fragments from Cape Ploča see Šešelj 2009, pp. 57-58, nos. 3-6. 350 Lippolis 1994, p. 248, Green 2001, p. 63, Lanza 2006b, pp. 83-85. 351 Skyphoi from Martvilo in Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, Pl. X/33, 18, 12 and Pl. XIII/12 and Katić 2010, Pl. XXX/4 and 5, and Pl. XXXI/ 1 and 3, from palm nursery in Vis in Čargo 2008, pp. 121-122, nos. 20-21, from Pharos in from Pharos 1996, p. 75, no. 39, p. 105, no. 71 and 71a (in the exhibition catalogue Pharos-antički Stari Grad, three skyphoi of the Late Canosan group are presented, but one skyphos (no. 71) is reconstructed with black glaze on the lower body and foot, which was not common), and Kirigin 2004, from Nesactium in Mihovilić 1985, Pl. V/3p. 295, Pl. XXXIII/A-7, from Nakovana Cave in Forenbaher, Kaiser 2003, p. 85, lower photograph and on p. 90, lower photograph, personal analysis of Gnathia ware from Palagruža and from Cape Ploča in Šešelj 2009, p. 59, no. 6. 352 Lanza 2006b, pp. 83-85. 353 Skyphoi from temple in Nesactium and at the Mišurac necropolis in Mihovilić 2002, p. 507, Pl. 5: 6, Pl: 5: 4 (the sherds from the Mišinac necropolis are mentioned as Issaean products, but the sketches indicate that they are closer to Late Canosan production) and skyphoi from Boka Kotorska in Kovačević 2007, p. 19, upper photograph (unfortunately the archaeological contexts of the vessels from Boka Kotorska are not known). 354 Batović 1980, pp. 55-77, Pl. XIII.

Lippolis 1994, p. 249, Hempel 2001, p. 239.Green mentions this vessel as a kantharos, while Italian scholars call it a coppa biansata (Roncalli 1999) and/or skyphos (Giannotta 1996b, pp. 453-468). 344 Giannotta 1996b, p. 458. 345 Giannotta 1996b, p. 458, where 38 vessels are mentioned. During my doctoral scholarship in Lecce in 2007/2008, I had an opportunity to see the material thus far unpublished from Oria, thanks to Prof. Grazia Semeraro and Prof. Francesca Silvestrelli. 346 Basler 1969, p. 27, Pl. V, 22/4 tomb 22, p. 28, Pl.VII, 28/4 and p. 28, Pl.VII, 28/5 tomb 28; Marić 1995, pp. 51-52. 347 Green 1976, 1982, pp. 252-276 and 2001, pp. 57-103. 348 Vessels from Martvilo in Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, Pl. X/26 and from palm nursery in Čargo 2008, pp. 117-119, nos. 16-18. 343

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II. Gnathia Ware on the East Adriatic Coast

of Bosnia-Herzegovina in Sarajevo.355 The skyphoi from Ulcinj in Montenegro are, for now, the southernmost finds of vessels of the Late Canosan group.356 As well as skyphoi, some oinochoai and pelikai of the Late Canosan group were also found on the eastern Adriatic. However, it would appear that they were not as popular as skyphoi. They were found in tomb 3/1976 at Martvilo and in tombs at the palm nursery in Vis.357 Other vessel shapes of the Late Canosan group are sherds of bowls and a plate from Pharos, plate sherds from Palagruža and Cape Ploča, and a bowl from Budva.358 Thus far, only two lebetes gamikoi of the Late Canosan group were found on the East Adriatic. A small lebes gamikos from the Issa Archaeological Collection, with ribbing in two bands and with a bird in a metope, belong to the RPR group.359 A lebes gamikos from Lumbarda unfortunately lost but with photograph preserved, may also be attributed to this group.360 The large number of imported vessels of the Late Canosan and RPR groups on the eastern Adriatic indicates a strong link between the eastern parts of the Adriatic, especially Issa, with the workshop in Canosa. II. 4. 3. Vessels from other southern Italian workshops As we can see, most of the imported Gnathia ware on the East Adriatic coast came from Apulian Gnathia production. However, vessels from other southern Italian production centres were found together with Apulian products on the East Adriatic coast. Although, their number cannot match the number of imported Apulian vessels, they may be an indicator of the connections between the two sides of the Adriatic coast at the end of 4th and in the 3rd c. BC.361

Fig. 3: Pelike from Vis (Archaeological Collection Issa, Čargo 2007, pp. 29-30, no. 8)

foot, it may be attributed to the workshop in Matera.363 A pelike of the same shape and similar decoration was found in tomb 52 in the Pantanello necropolis in Metaponto, where has been dated to roughly 330-320 BC.364

Among the earliest imports of Gnathia vessels on the East Adriatic coast, there are several vessels that may be attributed to the regional Gnathia production of southern Italy. One pelike from the Issa Archaeological Collection has a painted chest, mirror and alabaster on a wide neck (Fig. 3).362 Based on the long, widely moulded mouth, the wide and long neck and the round body on a high ringed

Four bottles with reticulate decoration can also be included in early imports on the East Adriatic. One bottle was found in tomb 3/1976 in the Martvilo necropolis.365 Unfortunately, in the case of other two bottles from Vis, the archaeological context is unknown, but it is assumed that they were found at Martvilo. They are exhibited in the Issa Archaeological Collection. The sherd of a bottle from the island of Lastovo was found in Rača Cave, and, based on other material found in the same stratigraphic unit; it has been broadly dated from the 4th to 1st c. BC.366 Bottles with a narrow neck and round body on a low profiled foot indicate the developmental path toward unguentaria.367 They could have a different decoration, for example ribbing, as on the aforementioned bottle from tomb 3/1979, but the white reticular motif was widely distributed in

355 Parović-Pešikan 1986, p. 44, Pl. II/3 and 4. The author sometimes refers to the skyphos as kotila, while the skyphos on Pl. II/4 is referred to as a skyphos-kotila. 356 Parović-Pešikan 2001, p. 368, Pl. III/6 and 12. 357 Vessels from Martvilo in Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, Pl. X/23 and 35 and from palm nursery in Čargo 2008, p. 114-115, no. 13 and 14. 358 Vessels from Pharos in Pharos 1996, p. 69, no. 30, p. 93, no. 8, p. 98, no. 61, from Palagruža were separated during the analysis of pottery in 2008 and 2009, from Cape Ploča in Šešelj 2009, p. 61, no. 8 and from Budva in Krstić 2007, p. 22, no. 25. 359 Lisičar 1973, Pl. XIII/43. 360 Miše 2013, p. 111, fig. 7, is an old photograph of the lebes gamikos from Lumbarda that formerly was part of the Greek and Hellenistic Collection of the Archaeological Museum in Split, Inv. no. Fb-1445, but its current whereabouts are unknown. 361 I mentioned the production centre outside of Apulia in the previous chapters. Their production largely depended on the influence and imitation Apulian production. 362 Kirigin 1986, p. 23, no. 41 and 1996, p. 127; Čargo 2007, pp. 29-30, no. 8 where a pelike is attributed the workshops in Taras.

Personal communication with Prof. John Green. Carter 1998, pp. 270-272. 365 Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, PL. X/27. 366 Radmilli 1985, pp. 134-135, fig. 1/2. Unfortunately, the author does not provide photographs of all the pottery finds, and the description is very cursory. 367 See Chapter II. 4. 363

364

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

southern Italy, and particularly in Apulia.368 Based on the analogies from Taranto, in terms of shape and decoration, the bottles from Vis could be dated to the first quarter of 3rd c. BC. The bottle with ribbing from tomb 3/1976 at Martvilo can be dated in the same period.369 This shape with ribbing has been documented among metal vessels from Taranto, and it was also found in different areas of southern Italy, Apulia and Lucania, with the workshop in Metaponto.370

context is, unfortunately, unknown. According to the typology of Sicilian pitchers with ribbing and incised ivy on the neck, the vessels from Pharos can be broadly dated from the end of 4th to the first half of the 2nd c. BC.376 Most of the imported Gnathia ware on the East Adriatic coast represents Apulian production, but the majority from the workshops in Daunia. Only a small number of vessels can be identified as products of the workshops in Taras. Among them are the squat lekythos of the Dunedin group from Issa, an oinochoe and sherds of Sidewinder group vessels found not only in Issa, but also in indigenous settlements in ancient Liburnia. The earliest imported vessels on the East Adriatic coast belong to the middle phase of Apulian Gnathia production in the last quarter of the 4th c. BC. Examples of the early or initial phase of production in Apulia have not been found so far on the East Adriatic coast.377

During the already mentioned Czech excavations at the Martvilo necropolis, an oinochoe of the southern Etrurian production was found.371 The oinochoe has a ‘trimmed’ spout, a longneck, and prominent shoulders, body that tapersat the bottom and a painted decoration on the black coating. This oinochoe shape is known only in southern Etruria and Latin production, while the decoration is in the Gnathia style.372 This is where archaeological documentation would be useful, but as mentioned before, it has been lost. If Bouzek accurately noted the origin of this oinochoe – from the Martvilo necropolis, than this would be the first vessel of south Etrurian production in the Gnathia style found on the East Adriatic coast.

II. 5. Issaean Gnathia ware Separating the imported vessels is only half way to identification of local Gnathia production. The group of vessels with typical shape and decoration, with no direct analogies in southern Italian Gnathia production, has already been attributed to local production. These characteristics were observed on vessels from tombs 3/1976 and 14/1979 in the Martvilo necropolis.378Gnathia vessels account for most of the tomb assemblages in both tombs, but the differences between them are clearly visible. Based on their shape and decoration, the vessels from tomb 3/1976 came from Apulian and Campanian Gnathia production, while the vessels in tomb 14/1979 exhibit certain local traits, different shapes and decorative patterns. Based on an analysis of these tombs, Kirigin attempted to pinpoint the features of Issaean Gnathia production, the heart-shaped body of oinochoai and pelikai and peach-shaped skyphoi, and decorations that combine the West Slope technique and the Gnathia style.379 These features were later accepted as local Issaean by many scholars.380 Although

The shape of two pelikai from Issa, one in a tomb 3/1976 in Martvilo and one from a tomb at the palm nursery, exhibit the greatest resemblance to the so-called Paestum pelike.373 They are, so far, the only imported vessels of Campanian production in the Gnathia style found on the eastern Adriatic. Another two pelikai from Issa, again one from tomb 22/1980 in Martvilo and one from a tomb in the palm nursery that have a round body with lid and moulded attached masks at the end of handles are also very similar to the so-called Paestum pelikai.374 But, they do not have a straight, thick neck, and in the publications available to me I could not find direct comparisons to the handles ending with masks. The only examples of Sicilian production in the Gnathia style are two pitchers from Pharos, today in the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb.375 Their archaeological

may be attributed to the RPR group. 376 Lanza 2005, pp. 94-95. The author calls them olpai baccellatte siceliote. 377 In the absence of the systematic study of Gnathia ware from the East Adriatic coast, some of the imported vessels found in Issa are often incorrectly attributed to the late Classical period, or as vessel of early phase of Apulian Gnathia production, dated around 360-330 BC (Kirigin, Katunariċ, Šešelj 2005, p. 15), which, as I have shown, have not yet been founding Issa. Perhaps the sherds unearthed in Zadar can be attributed to imports of the early phase of the Gnathia production, but they are very fragmented and difficult to attribute more closely. Also, we must not forget that Durres (ancient Dyrrachion) imported Apulian Red-figure vases, and we can expect also imports of early Gnathia ware there since the Red-figure vases were produced at the same time as the early Gnathia in Apulia. This is something to expect in future publications on the material from the necropolis at Dyrrachion. 378 Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, pp. 63-83, Pl. X-XIV. 379 Kirigin mentions that the heart-shaped body of Issaean oinochoai probably derives its origin from bronze Republican Roman oinochoai (Kirigin 1990a, p. 61). As a second local Issaean trait, he said: ‘Oblici tih vaza su nešto vitkiji, imaju rebrasti ornament i crni premaz’ (‘The shapes of these vases are slightly slimmer, they have a ribbed ornament and black glaze.’) (Kirigin 1996, p. 133). 380 Green 2001, p. 70, Hempel 2001, p. 111, Alexandropoulou 2002, p. 180, Lanza 2006b, p. 163, Čargo 2007, p. 31-36 and 2008, pp. 94-97,

Bottles with figural motifs in Bernardini 1961, Tav.46, nr.1-4; Green 1986a, pp. 126-127, and with female head between floral motifs in Green 2001, p. 87, nr.12a-c and p. 96, nr.29; Lanza 2005, p. 59, nr.13 and pp. 81-83, nr.24 and 25. The author lists the site at which they were found in the archaeological context and examples from the Museum’s collections. 369 Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, Pl. X/28, and for analogies and dating, see Lanza 2005, p. 61, no. 14. 370 Lanza 2005, pp. 61-62, and Carter 1998, str. 632-634, Pl. 192-6, Pl. 270-1 and Pl. 200-3. 371 Bouzek 2009, p. 391, fig. 3 and 5. 372 Green 2001, pp. 68-69, no. 39 and 40. 373 Pelike from Martvilo in Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, Pl. X/14 and Pl. XI/15 and from palm nursery in Čargo 2008, p. 113, no. 12, and Kirigin 2008, p. 131, no. 87. Based on the shape, both pelikai may be so-called Paestum pelikai, but the slip on them varies from dark brown to red due to poor firing, so they may also belong to local production. 374 Pelike from Martvilo in Kirigin, Marin 1988, Tav.23/3 and from palm nursery in Čargo 2008, p. 112, no. 11. 375 Lisičar 1973, Pl. XI/32 and 33, Vikić, Damevski 1982, p. 106, Pl. 14/2 and 3 - published Gnathia ware from the Zagreb Archaeological Museum, and most of them came to the Museum from sites in southern Italy. The only Gnathia vessels in the Zagreb Archaeological Museum from East Adriatic sites are two mugs from Pharos, an amphora from Lumbarda, although published without a photograph, and an oinochoe from Issa that 368

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II. Gnathia Ware on the East Adriatic Coast

the features of Issaean production have been recognized, studies that would determine its overall production are lacking. Kirigin’s study presents an introduction that will determine clear and easily recognisable features of local production; define a typology of shapes and decorations, and finally the chronology of production. The lack of systematic studies in previous publications often, as Čargo noted, led to many conundrums in the attempt to define the origin of certain vessels.381 Recently there was an attempt to define Issaean production on the basis of the applied ‘monk seal’ head at the end of oinochoe handles.382 This approach does not adhere to the methodology that I have endeavoured to apply herein, which is to conform to the basic principles of the study of all types of ware: analysis of the shape, decoration, clay and coating. Separating a single decoration or motif and neglecting other traits can easily yield misleading results. Additionally, when defining local production, it is not enough to recognize local characteristics, but also to identify the quantity or repetition of certain characteristics on a larger number of vessels consolidated into one production milieu over a specific period. Since most Gnathia vessels were found in Vis and local features were already recognized along with the pottery industry in Issa during the Hellenistic period, it was reasonable to assume local production in this Greek settlement which represented the basis for this study and the identification of Issaean Gnathia ware.383

The black coating or glaze on the vessels of Apulian production, especially in the initial phase and on the vessels of the late 4th and early 3rd c. BC has a lustrous shine. As Susan Rotroff has noted about vessels of Athenian production, the glaze deteriorated through the Hellenistic period and could be fired in a wide variety of colours.385 The same also occurred on vessels of Apulian Gnathia production, which may be gleaned from publications and by a comparison of the vessels from the initial and late production phases. The colour of the coating on the surface of the Issaean vessel is rarely fired in black, and when it is black, the surface of the vessel is mostly dull, and they lack a lustrous or metallic sheen, hence a more appropriate term will be coating instead of glaze. There are also some examples where the black glaze was unevenly fired. This uneven firing has also been observed in Athenian production of the 3rd and 2nd, and more commonly in the 1st c. BC.386 Most of the Issaean Gnathia vessels have black coating fired in light red, dark red, brown and grey, and sometimes all of these colours can appear on the surface of a single vessel. Uneven firing can also damage the decoration of the vessel, and sometimes on its surface, where the coating has different colours; the decoration has deteriorated, or is not visible, or sometimes visible only in impressions or in the colour of the glaze that was achieved during firing. II. 5. 2. Typology of shape

From the foregoing, the classification of Issaean Gnathia ware, its chronological framework and relationship with other Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast will offer answers to the pottery industry not only in Issa, but also in other centres in the eastern Adriatic during the Hellenistic period. Furthermore, defining Issaean production and comparing it to Gnathia vessels from other sites on the East Adriatic may facilitate the identification of other possible centres of production.

The typology of shapes of Issaean Gnathia ware was based on the most highly represented shapes: oinochoai, skyphoi and pelikai (chart below). By comparative stylistic and morphological analysis, a group of vessels with the same features was recognized and isolated. At the beginning of this discussion of the development of certain vessel shapes, the illustration below indicates the terminology for the individual parts of vessels which I shall use hereinafter.

II. 5. 1. Fabric and coating384

Oinochoai

The typical fabric of the Issaean vessels is soft, fine and usually without visible temper. The most common colour is yellow, but it can vary in tones from pale to ochre (10YR 8/4, 10YR 8/3, and 10YR 7/3). Some vessels have pale red or reddish clay (2.5YR 8/2, 2.5YR 8/3). There is a group of oinochoai with a specific heart-shaped body (see below) that have more reddish clay than other varieties of oinochoai. Unfortunately, this does not provide any grounds for a conclusion as to whether the specific shape was produced with a different clay or had a different firing process, giving that a similar heart-shaped body may have also appeared on pelikai of contemporaneous production phase (see below), although their fabrics are mostly pale yellow.

Based on certain characteristics in shape, the local oinochoai from Issa can be divided into the three groups (here denoted as A, B and C). The first group of oinochoai, Issaean type A oinochoai, show a great resemblance to the Apulian oinochoai of the second half of the 3rd c. BC. However, some differences in shape can be distinguished by means of a detailed analysis of this group. Issaean oinochoe type A have a round body with longer neck on a low ringed foot. The handles overarch the trefoil mouth and descend to it vertically, while Apulian oinochoai have a shorter and narrow neck with a smaller trefoil mouth (compare Apulian oinochoe cat. nos. 27-29 to Issaean type A oinochoe cat. nos. 91-96, and the imported oinochoai from tombs 3/1976, 22/1980

Katić 2010, p. 123, Šešelj 2009, p. 54-55. 381 Čargo 2008, p. 95. 382 Katić 2010, p. 123. 383 Čargo, Miše 2010, pp. 7-40. 384 The difference between the term glaze, slip and coating will be discussed in detail in the Chapter III. 4.

385 386

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Agora XXIX, p. 10-11. Agora XXIX, p. 10-11

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

Graph 2: Shapes of Gnathia ware on the East Adriatic

and 2/1997 in Martvilo).387 Besides the round body, probably under the influence of the RPR group, the Issaean type A oinochoai has metopes in the middle of irregular and dense ribs. Sometimes, although not as a rule, a lion or theatrical mask was applied at the end of the handles (cat. nos. 92 and 96). It is noteworthy that one oinochoe has moulded female heads at both ends of the handles, one attached to the mouth and one at the beginning of the handle attached to vessel’s body (cat. no. 94). A similar

oinochoe was found in tomb 2/1997 in Martvilo.388 Except for the applied female heads, this oinochoe is very similar in shape to the poorly fired oinochoe from the tombs at the palm nursery in Vis.389 It should be emphasized that all of the aforementioned oinochoai from Martvilo and from the palm nursery were found together with imported material, and due to their remarkable similarities to the oinochoai of the Late Canosan group, it is still difficult to determine whether they are local products. However, oinochoai of this shape are, so far, rare in Apulia.

387 Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, Pl. X/35, Kirigin, Marin 1988, Pl. 26/113 and 10, Katić 2010, Pl. XXIII-XXV where they were found together with an Alexandrian group oinochoe (Pl. XXVI).

388 389

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Katić 2010, Pl. XXII. Čargo 2008, p. 108, no. 7.

II. Gnathia Ware on the East Adriatic Coast

Near the end of the 3rd c. BC oinochoai and pelikai from Apulia, especially those of the Alexandrian group, had elongated necks.390 This same tendency of prolonging the neck on the vessels can also be seen in the second group of Issaean oinochoai, type B (cat. nos. 98-113) Although the neck is longer, the body is still round, but now on a lower ringed foot. The handles also became longer, and sometimes with a spike at the end, while applied masks became quite rare. They have a more elegant shape than type A, and the ribs are now divided into two bands with metopes in the upper band – still under the influence of the Canosan RPR group (cat. nos. 100 and 102-103). Of course there are some exceptions. There are two oinochoai of Issaean type B, oinochoe from the AMS Greek and Hellenistic Collection (cat. no. 101) and an oinochoe from the tomb in Stonca Bay in Vis with one band of very dense ribs.391 Among this group of Issaean oinochoai, one oinochoe with white coating stands out (cat. no. 102). The white coat instead of black, so far, is documented only on Issaean type B oinochoai and later on type C1, and they were found only in Vis, again reflecting the influence of Apulian or Canosan production.392 The influence of Apulian production is still visible in the shape of the Issaean type B oinochoai, but as we shall see, the choice of motifs and decorative techniques were under the influence of different production centres and different pottery types. Issaean type B oinochoai were found in tomb 14/1979 in Martvilo together with materials that are assumed to be local products.393

ribs divided into two bands, and on the oinochoe in the Issa Archaeological Collection that has ribbing only on the lower part of the body.395 These are, so far, the only examples of this shape with ribbing. This oinochoai shape has not been documented in South Italian Gnathia production, but they were known in Canosa among the ceramica dorata oinochoe which can have applied white coating and among the ceramica acroma, like an oinochoe from tomb 2 in Bitetto near Bari.396 Kirigin assumed that this shape probably originated under the influence of the Roman Republic bronze oinochoai of the 2nd and 1st c. BC.397 Given the strong influence that Canosan production exerted on the Issaean, it is more likely that this shape was also assumed from the Canosan workshops. There are three versions of Issaean type C oinochoai: oinochoai with biconical body – type C1 (cat. nos. 114 and 115 and an oinochoe from a tomb in Stonca Bay), oinochoai with heart-shape body – type C2 (cat. nos. 116123), and the later shape with a wider conical foot, short stem, a more round body and a short neck – type C3 (cat. no. 124).398 This last shape continued to be produced in Grey-glaze ware (for example cat. no. 126) and in the Hellenistic Red-slip ware in Issa during the first century BC.399 Issaean type C oinochoai were also found in tomb 14/1979 in Martvilo.400 (Tab. 1) Pelikai The number of pelikai that have been found so far in Issa is substantially smaller than the number of oinochoai and skyphoi. Although their number is small, some characteristics in their shape that distinguishes them from imported Apulian pelikai can be identified. Like oinochoai, the same morphological development can be traced in the first group of pelikai – Issaean type A pelikai. They are very similar to the Apulian pelikai of the RPR group. The body is rounded or baggy on a low ringed foot, with a narrow small neck and ribbing on the body can be divided in one or two bands and sometimes with metope (cat. nos. 127-133). There is also one pelike with round body, ribbing in two bands with metope, but with twisted handles (cat. no. 130), that was not common in the Apulian Gnathia production.

The further development of oinochoai was marked by a more elongated neck. The ribbing on the body is still divided into two bands, but metopes are rare. On this shape of oinochoai, the basic elements of Apulian Gnathia ware are still visible – the shape still slightly resembles the Apulian, but the painted decoration was replaced by decoration in the West Slope technique (see below). Although this shape is very similar to type B, but because of the differences mentioned above, I have called them Issaean type B1 oinochoai (cat. nos. 105-108 and 111-112). Issaean type B1 oinochoai were found in tomb 5/1979 in Martvilo (with applied masks at the ends of the handles) and during rescue excavations in Martvilo in 1949.394 The third group of the Issaean oinochoai, type C, have a completely different shape than the previous two groups. These oinochoai feature a biconical or heart-shaped body on a tall conical foot, a narrow and long neck and long handles that overarch the trefoil spout with a spike at the end (cat. nos. 114-125). This shape has no ribbing, except on the oinochoai under cat. nos. 114 and 119, that have

The second group of Issaean pelikai – Issaean type B1 pelikai, still retained the rounded shape of the body, but with pronounced shoulders and the neck is shorter and thicker (cat. nos. 134-136). Sometimes, as on pelikai from tomb 22/1980 in Martvilo and on one from a tomb in the palm nursery in Vis, the mask is applied at the end

Green 2001, p. 61, Fig. 14. Rapanić 1960, Pl. IV/1. 392 The white coating appears on the ceramica durata from Canosa (De Palma 1992, pp. 302-305) and on the vasi canosisi (Van der Wielen- Van Ommeren 1988, pp. 665-671 and Van der Wielen 1992, pp. 520-529). The vessels with white coating also appeared in the Macedonian production of Hellenistic ware, or the White-ground vases intended as grave goods (Kyriakou 2012, pp. 180-210). 393 Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, Pl. XIII/ 1, 6 and 18. 394 Oinochoai tomb 5/1979 in Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, Pl. XV and from excavation in 1949 in Kirigin 2008, p. 82, no. 44. 390

Čargo 2007, p. 33, no. 4. For more on ceramica durata see De Palma 1992, pp. 302-305, fig. 8-9. It may be noted that in Canosa this oinochoe shape, but with a more round body, also appeared in Red-figure ware (Cassano 1992, pp. 265267, 284-287) and ceramica acroma in De Juliis 1997, p. 112, fig. 124. 397 Kirigin 1990a, p. 61. For a comparison to Roman Republic bronze oinochoai, see Hayes 1984. 398 Oinochoe from tomb in Stonca Bay in Rapanić 1960, Pl. IV/2. 399 Čargo 2007, p. 38 and 43. 400 Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, Pl. III/4 and Pl. XIV/13. 395

391

396

33

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

of the handles in conjunction with the shoulders of the vessels.401 One Issaean type B pelike was found in Pharos, but unfortunately without data on the archaeological context.402

200/190 BC.408 Additions on top of the handles are known in the Attic production of West Slope ware, on kantharoi and amphorae.409 They also appear on cups from phase E 3, dated from 100 to 50 BC in the Taranto necropolis.410 However, none of these shapes are Gnathia ware.

Another group of pelikai (Issaean type B2) has a round body with wide ribbing, a short thick neck and a wide rim (cat. nos. 137-143). They are very similar to the previous group, but usually this pelike shape has no decoration. At first sight it exhibits similarities with the pelikai that were common in south-eastern Adriatic and northern Greek production.403 However, those pelikai do not have a round body as have the pelikai from Issa. The pelikai with a shape similar to Issaean type B2 were documented in the necropolis in Taranto, where they were designated as table amphorae and dated to phase D – from 225 to 200 BC.404 Also, a similar vessel was found in the tombs at the palm nursery in Vis and attributed to local production.405 (Tab. 2)

Given that these Issaean table amphorae have a different shape than Apulian Gnathia vessels it should be reconsidered whether they even belong among Gnathia ware classifications. Vessels of Apulian Gnathia ware, besides decoration that developed through three production phases, have clearly defined vessel shapes. New shapes that appeared at the end of production in Apulia are considered a new type of ware that occurred under the influence of Gnathia and West Slope ware.411 By the same token, although Issaean table amphorae have painted decorations, the choice of motifs is different from Gnathia ware (see below). (Tab. 2) Skyphoi

Table amphorae

In terms of their number, skyphoi are the second most common shape of Gnathia ware in Issa. Development of this Issaean shape was, at the beginning quite similar to the development of Issaean oinochoai. The skyphoi also exhibit a great resemblance to the Apulian shapes, especially skyphoi of the Late Canosan and RPR groups. Again, after a detailed analysis of the shape of Apulian and Issaean skyphoi, some differences can be noticed. Apulian skyphoi have a slightly S-curved profile on a small leg and conical foot (Lanza skyphoi of type C).412 The first group of Issaean skyphoi, type A, has also an S-curve profile, but with a longer leg on a conical foot. Skyphoi with a long leg, according to the publications available to me, have not been documented in Apulian production. Initially, in the group of Issaean type A skyphoi the leg was short (cat. nos. 147and 149), but was later extended as on the Issaean type A1 skyphoi (cat. nos. 150-153). Issaean skyphoi of type A2 have a more pronounced body and the whole shape of the vessel is shorter and round (cat. nos. 154-160). This type can also have a brown instead of a black coating (cat. no. 160).413

During analyses of pelikai shapes from Issa, a group of pelikai with an entirely different shape was noted. These vessels are closer in shape to table amphorae than to pelikai. Even so, in Croatian publications they are still called pelikai. Here I call them Issaean table amphorae because their shape is very different to previous vessels, and they need to be distinguished from the typology of pelikai. The body of the vessel is heart-shaped, as on Issaean type C oinochoai (cat. nos. 144-146). They have a wide moulded rim, a long neck, pronounced shoulders that give them a biconical or heart-shaped appearance, and a spool applied atop the vertical handles. This shape of table amphorae, but without decorations and in smaller dimensions, continued to be produced in Issa in Grey-glaze ware and Hellenistic Red-slip ware.406 As well as Issa, this shape of table amphora was also found in Pharos and in Kamenjača near Sarajevo.407 Additionally this shape is unknown in Apulian Gnathia production. The closest analogies for the spools on top of the handles can be found on skyphoi of Pergamum production in Hellenistic relief pottery of the 2nd and 1st c. BC, and similar spools were found on the skyphos from tomb 86/2 in Pergamum, dated to roughly

Skyphoi of the same shape, but without ribbing, are the last shape of the Issaean skyphoi – type B (cat. nos. 161165). Issaean skyphoi were found in tomb 3/1976 and in the tomb III, IV, Va, XV/tomb west of excavations conducted at Martvilo prior to the 1970s, where they were found together with vessels of local production.414 (Tab. 3)

401 Pelikai from Martvilo in Kirigin, Marin 1988, Tav. 23/ and from palm nursery in Čargo 2008, p. 112, no. 11. 402 Miše 2005, p. 41, no. 32, fig. 19, Kirigin 2008, p. 61, no. 31. 403 These pelikai, although they have ribs on the body, show no other resemblance to Gnathia ware, and I consider them local products of the south-eastern Adriatic and Epirus. 404 Hempel 2001, p. 239, Pl. 8. 405 Čargo 2008, p. 96 and 111, no. 10. He mentioned these vessels as pelikai, but because of the vertical handles and wide body, they were probably table amphorae. 406 Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, Pl. XIII/3 and Pl. XIV/5, Čargo 2007, p. 38, no. 8 and p. 43, no. 20 and 21 (handles are missing on the last two vessels). 407 Table amphorae from Issa: one in tomb in Stonca Bay in Rapanić 1960, Pl. IV/3, from the AMS in Kirigin 1990a, Pl. 29, and 2008, p. 132, no. 88, and one with a white coating from tomb IV on Martvilo in Čargo 2010, p. 133, no. 7. Table amphorae from Pharos Vallicelli 2006, p. 258, Fig. 9 (the vessel is today in the Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Venezia) and one from Kamenjača near Sarajevo in Paškvalin 2002, Pl. III/6.

Özyiğit 2000, pp. 195-198, Pl. 102/a. Agora XXIX, no. 101, 143, 256, 421 410 Hempel 2001, p. 239, Taf. 8. 411 Hempel 2001, p. 111, Lanza 2006b, p. 166. 412 Lanza 2006b, p. 83-85. 413 Skyphoi of the same shape and with brown glaze were found on Cape Ploča and they are especially numerous in Resnik, where local production was assumed (see Chapter II. 6). 414 Skyphoi from tomb 3/1976 from Martvilo in Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, Pl. XIII/12, 22 and 23 and from excavation prior 1970s in Čargo 2009, Pl. 18/6, Pl. 21/14, Pl. 25/4 and 5, and Pl. 33/3, and 2010, p. 114, no. 6, p. 137-138, no. 14 and 15, p. 182-183, no. 4-5 and p. 248, no. 4 408 409

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resemblance to the vessels of the Late Canosan and RPR groups, the same influences can also be followed in the decoration. This is the reason why it is sometimes difficult to distinguish imported vessels of the Late Canosan group from the first group of Issaean Gnathia vessels. Therefore in identifying the first group of Issaean Gnathia vessels we have to consider the archaeological context and the related materials found in the same context, as well as the results of archaeometric analysis.

II. 5. 3. Decoration The decoration, the choice of motifs and decorative technique on Issaean Gnathia vessels followed the development of the shape and can therefore also be divided into three groups. First group of decoration The first decoration group consists of ivy branches, painted in white and yellow with white circles between vertical leaves. This motif was assumed from the Late Canosan group, and the differences between the Late Canosan and Issaean ivy branches is only in the rendering or thickness of the brushstrokes (cat. nos. 91-93 and 95-97). Of course, this could mean that individual potters or decorators used different brushes, and that the poorer rendering does not necessarily mean poor and unskilled local work, especially if the same motifs on the askos with short neck and round body and the clumsily painted bird with wings outside of metopes from Taranto are compared to the rendering of the motifs on the following Issaean vessels.415 The ivy branches are usually on the neck of the vessels, while the metopes on the upper bands of the ribs feature painted birds (cat. nos. 91, 93, 95-96), palmettes (cat. nos. 94 and 97), and in only on one example a mask (cat. no. 92), and an owl.416 On cat. no. 95 above the ribbing is probably a painted owl. A lion (cat. no. 92), theatrical mask (cat. no. 96) or female heads (cat. no. 94) at the end of the handles also have their origin in Apulian production. The lion heads can be found on the oinochoai of the Alexandrian group.417 The ivy branches, birds, palmettes and theatrical masks appear on the Issaean type A oinochoai, as do the attached lion and female heads at the end of the handles, and birds and palmettes on Issaean type A pelikai (cat. nos. 127-130).

Second group of decoration The second decoration group of Issaean Gnathia ware is quite different from the first. Although the ivy branches still appear (cat. nos. 111-112), it is important to stress that they are rendered in a different technique: with thick yellow clay that appears in relief on the surface on the vessels, and the shape of the ivy branches is also entirely different than in Apulian production. The ivy leaves in the second decoration group are horizontal and heart-shaped, more regular and they face backwards, while the stem is wavy. This type of ivy appears on the table amphorae of the Large Leaf Group of Attic West Slope ware.418 The spearhead necklace motif, as on the neck of an oinochoe (cat. no. 111), is very common on Attic table amphorae from the 3rd c. BC, and on lids of the Large Leaf Group and Macedonian West Slope production.419 The horizontal palm branch motif is done in the same decorative technique. Up to this point, it has been noted on three vessels from Vis: on the neck of the oinochoe from the Issa Archaeological Collection, below the rim on the skyphos from the AMS Greek and Hellenistic Collection (cat. no. 147) and also on the skyphos exhibited in the display case in the AMS.420 The same motif also appears in Macedonian West Slope production in the 3rd c. BC,421 but is rare in Attic production.422 However, the production of West Slope ware in Macedonia and in other parts of mainland Greece and Asia Minor was strongly influenced by Attic West Slope production.423 It is worth noting that both skyphoi with horizontal palm branches from the AMS have the Apulian shape, i.e. the hemispherical form of Messapian production.424 This group, besides the aforementioned oinochoe (cat. no. 111) and skyphos (cat. no. 147), may also include an oinochoe sherd from the AMS Greek and Hellenistic Collection (cat. no. 112),

Another motif can also be assigned to a first decoration group. This is the very simple painted decoration of dotted or full red and white horizontal or wavy lines, and the short oblique lines below the rim that imitate the ‘sawtooth’. These simple motifs feature on Issaean type A pelikai (cat. nos. 127-128 and 130-133) and on all types of Issaean skyphoi (cat. nos. 148, 150-151, and 154-155, 159, 161 and 163-164). Since the shapes of the first group of Issaean Gnathia vessels – oinochoai, skyphoi and pelikai – exhibit considerable

Rotroff 1991, pp. 14-46, Agora XXIX, pp. 78-79, Alexandropoulou 2002, pp. 27-28, Abb. 13. 419 For Large Leaf Group see Rotroff 1991, pp. 14-46, Agora XXIX, pp. 78-79 (the necklace motif is also known in the later phase of Apulian Gnathia production, but there are oblong pendants below the wavy and zigzag lines: De Francesco 2004, p. 263, Fig. 2 and 3, and pp. 273-174, no. 198 and 199) and for Macedonian West Slope production see Kallini 2012, pp. 159-179. 420 Oinochoe from the Issa Archaeological Collection Issa in Čargo 2007, pp. 31.33, no. 1 and skyphos in AMS in Kirigin 2008, p. 80. No. 42. 421 Alexandropoulou 2002, pp. 66-68, Abb. 29. 422 Agora XXIX, p. 51; where it has been dated to the final years BC. 423 Rotroff 2002, pp. 97-115 and 2004, pp. 657-662 424 I had the opportunity to personally inspect the unpublished pottery material from Oria thanks to Prof. Grazia Semeraro and Francesca Silvestrelli. 418

To compare the rendering of the same motifs on the askos with a short neck and round body and with the clumsily painted bird with wings outside of the metopes from Taranto, dated to the 3rd c. BC, see Graepler 1997, p. 59, Abb. 7. 416 Personal examination of the vessel exhibited in the Issa Archaeological Collection. 417 Referenced for the lion heads in Apulia: Giannotta 1994, p. 94, Fig. 6, 1996a, p. 48, Fig. 15, pp. 67-68, Fig. 32, and 1996b, p. 464, no. 387 and p. 467, nos. 395.1 and 395.1; Delli Ponti 1996, pp. 134-136, nos. 79, 81, p. 153, nos. 116-117, p. 178, no. 185. The motif was probably taken from the Apulian metal vessels that are, according to findings, from the necropolises at Cavallino (Lo Porto 1994, p. 57, Figs. 8-9), Rutigliano, Ugento and Ruvo, dated from the 5th to the end of the 4th c. BC (Tarditi 1996, pp. 31-32, nos. 39-40, p. 59, no. 110, p. 73, no. 143). 415

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two oinochoai from tomb XVI and one from tomb XV in Martvilo, an oinochoe from tomb 180 in the Vlaška njiva necropolis in Vis, and two oinochoai on exhibit in the Split Archaeological Museum.425 Based on the elegant decoration, the oinochoe in the display case in the AMS stands out. The grapevine rendered in thick yellow clay with twisted branches, delicately rendered leaves and grapes. The same motif, albeit in white, appears in the Bracket Leaf Group of the West Slope technique at roughly the mid-3rd c. BC.426 However, the oinochoe body in the Split Museum has ivy with heart-shaped leaves, which are more common on vessels of the Large Leaf group dated to the end of the 2nd and early 1st c. BC.427 The applied lion’s head on this oinochoe, as well as the shape of the vessel, still suggest an Apulian influence. Also, this vessel indicates how little is still known about the influence of Apulian Gnathia production on West Slope production, and whether this influence ran in the opposite direction: from West Slope to Apulian production. Kirigin assumed that applied yellow thick clay was a typical decoration technique of Issaean potters.428 As recent studies of West Slope production not only in Attica, but in other parts of mainland Greece – especially Macedonia – have shown, this technique was used by potters in Macedonian and Attic production as well.

Issaean type C oinochoai (cat. nos. 115-116), the same decorative pattern also appears on Issaean table amphorae (cat. no. 146). (Tab. 4)

Besides the aforementioned vessels that feature floral or manmade objects, like the necklace motifs rendered in thick yellow clay, painted white or incised geometric motifs can be added to this decoration group. The checkerboard and lattice complex usually appear together on oinochoai (cat. nos. 105-108 and 123, and on 124 only a lattice complex). These decorations were well known in Attic West Slope production, where they were initially painted white, but from the mid-3rd c. BC they were incised.429 It would appear that geometric motifs were not as popular in Macedonian production, where floral motifs dominated, and from the second half of the 2nd c. BC the decorations became plain and haphazardly executed with incisions.430 Within this group, an oinochoe from tomb 5/1979 in Martvilo with an applied female head on the end of handle, dated broadly to the 3rd and 2nd c. BC certainly stand out.431

II. 5. 4. Classification of Issaean Gnathia ware

The repertoire of motifs on Issaean Gnathia ware is very modest compared to Apulian production. There are no figural scenes, which is understandable since the beginning of Issaean production was influenced by the late phase of Apulian production, when figural scenes had long since disappeared. The choice of motifs on Issaean Gnathia vessels depended on the choice of motifs of the last phase of Apulian production. Issaean potters imitated ivies, birds and theatrical masks from the Alexandrian, Late Canosan and RPR groups. The exceptions are the painted horse and owl on the two oinochoai from the Archaeological Collection Issa. The simple horizontal lines that appear on the skyphoi were also taken from Apulian production. Under the influence of West Slope ware, a new repertoire of motifs replaced the Apulian. The horizontal palm branch, ivies with heart-shaped leaves, spearhead necklaces and geometric motifs like the checkerboard and lattice complex now became dominant. The only motif that may be considered an invention of Issaean potters are metopes with X marks and circles on the shoulders of vessels in the third group of Issaean vessels.

After comparative stylistic and morphological analyses, the Issaean Gnathia vessels can be classified into three phases of production. Each phase has its own traits that, in comparison to other production in Apulia and mainland Greece, chronologically define them. The initial phase Based on a comparison of vessels of the Late Canosan group to Issaean vessels of the first group, the beginning of the initial phase of the Issaean Gnathia production can probably be placed at about the mid-3rd c. BC. In this phase, Issaean potters imitated imported Gnathia vessels in terms of shape and decoration. The characteristic shape of Issaean type A oinochoai and pelikai, accompanied by ivy branches on the neck and/or birds, theatrical masks and plant motifs in the metopes on the body, bear a great resemblance to vessels of the Late Canosan group. The same imitation is also visible on Issaean type A skyphoi, in shapes similar to the Apulian, and with decoration imitating the ‘sawtooth’ motif of the Late Canosan group. As already emphasized, in identifying the vessels of this phase, the archaeological context and the results of the archaeometric analysis must be taken into account because of their great similarity to vessels of the Late Canosan group.

Third decoration group The third decoration group consists of simple vertical and horizontal lines that are arranged in unique patterns. The lines divide the shoulders and upper body of the vessel into metopes with painted X marks and circles between the bars of the X marks, usually painted white. Besides 425 Oinochoai from tomb XVI and XV in Martvilo in Čargo 2010, pp. 228-229, fig. 4-5 and pp. 244-245, fig. 2. An oinochoe from the Vlaška njiva necropolis, still unpublished, but I was notified by Marina Ugarković. Oinochoai from AMS in Kirigin 2008, p. 83, no. 45. 426 Rotroff 1991, pp. 14-46. 427 Agora XXIX, pp. 78-79. 428 Kirigin 2008, p. 82. 429 Rotroff 1991, pp. 14-46, Agora XXIX, p. 64. 430 Kallini 2012, p. 175. 431 Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, Pl. XV. Unfortunately, the entire assemblage of tomb 5 has not been published.

The end of Gnathia production in Apulia and the cessation of imports to Issa the end of 3rd and early 2nd c. BC marked a change in Issaean Gnathia production. During that time, while looking for new models, Issaean potters began to decorate their vessels using the West Slope technique. The

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new motifs and decorative techniques appeared on Issaean type A oinochoai which still imitated the Apulian shape. This change marked the beginning of the second phase of Issaean Gnathia production.

The third phase The common shapes of the third group are Issaean type C oinochoai and Issaean table amphorae, which can be classified into the third phase of Issaean local production. Both shapes were unknown in Apulian Gnathia production. Given that these shapes, based on analogies, can be dated to the end of 2nd and beginning of the 1st c. BC, when Gnathia production in Apulia – even if the most radical lower date is taken – definitely ceased, then the question that arises is: can these vessels be attributed to Gnathia production? Gnathia ware, as a specific pottery type, is defined as Black-glazed ware with decorations painted in white, yellow and red on the typical vessel shapes and repertoire of motifs. Taking a closer look at overall Issaean production, only vessels of the first group or the initial phase have all features of Gnathia ware. Some basic elements of Gnathia ware are missing on vessels of the second group or second phase. To be more precise, oinochoai and skyphoi of the second group are decorated by different techniques with incisions and application of thick yellow clay, which is a characteristic of West Slope ware. However, these oinochoai and skyphoi still retain the shape of Apulian Gnathia, therefore they still can be considered Gnathia ware but with local, Issaean traits. The situation is entirely different in the third group of Issaean vessels, or the third phase. New shapes were introduced: Issaean type C oinochoai and Issaean table amphorae, both with a heart-shaped body and new motifs unknown in Apulian Gnathia or West Slope production. The decoration is very simple and painted white. To avoid any confusion, I shall attempt to compare the changes in pottery production in Issa to changes that also occurred in Taras production at the end of the 2nd c. BC. During this period in Taras, new vessel shapes with painted decorations appeared, which are deemed a new type of ware decorated in the Gnathia tradition.436 Since Issaean vessels of the third group do not have any features of Gnathia pottery, neither in shape nor in the selection of motifs, but only the tradition of painting the vessel, I suggest that this group of vessels should be considered a new type of ware. Furthermore, these shapes of oinochoai and table amphorae continued to be produced in Issaean Grey-glaze ware and Hellenistic Red-slip ware in the late 2nd and 1st c. BC.437 Additionally, the attribution of the third group of Issaean vessels to Gnathia ware leads to the question of chronology or the establishment of the cessation of overall Gnathia production, which in this case would be the 1st c. BC.438 But I as mentioned before, vessels in the third group cannot be included in Gnathia ware, but rather ware decorated in the Gnathia tradition.

The second phase The influence of Apulian production declined during the second phase. Although oinochoai and skyphoi still retained the Apulian shape and applied lion heads at the end of the handles, the decoration on them was influenced by West Slope production in terms of decorative technique and the choice of motifs. The plant motifs – ivy, grapes, man-made articles (spearhead necklace in applied thick yellow clay) and incised geometric motifs (checkerboards, rectangles and lattices) on Issaean vessels show a great resemblance to West Slope ware on mainland Greece: Attic and Macedonian production. Based on analogies to the vessels from the mainland Greece, the eastern influence on Issaean Gnathia production probably began in the second half of the 3rd c. BC, with incised geometric motifs, and later in the 2nd c. BC with the application of thick yellow clay to depict the spearhead necklace and palm branch motifs. The question of how and when this influence transpired, and from which West Slope ware workshops, is still uncertain. The main obstacle is the fact that only a few examples of imported West Slope ware were found in Issa and along the East Adriatic coast, and the lack of systematic research into the regional production of West Slope ware from mainland Greece, as was the case with Attic production.432 This matter must be addressed in future study. Kirigin noted that the combination of both pottery production traditions, the Apulian Gnathia and West Slope ware, was one of the main features of Issaean Gnathia production.433 However, recent research into pottery materials from western Greece and Albania have shown that Apulian Gnathia production did exert some influence on local production in that area, but mainly in the choice of motifs – the incised ivy branch – and they exhibit different renderings of motifs than Issaean Gnathia production.434 Characteristics of both production traditions, Apulian Gnathia and West Slope, can – as on Issaean Gnathia – also be seen in Cretan pottery production. These similarities can be noted in the choice of motifs and shapes, as on an oinochoe from Ioannina and an oinochoe from Mytilene, with a heart-shaped body, a tall narrow neck and a handle that overarches the trefoil mouth and an end with a mask, similar to an oinochoe from Tarra, all attributed to the Cretan workshop.435

II. 5. 5. Production technology In understanding the overall production of Issaean Gnathia ware and its differences with Apulian Gnathia ware, an archaeometric analysis was necessary. Archaeometric analysis, depending on its aim, can provide answers when

See Chapter III. 2. Kirigin 1990a, p. 63. Aλεξανδρoπoύλoυ 2004, pp. 667-672. The relationship between Apulian Gnathia ware and production of West Slope ware in mainland Greece is discussed in Chapter III. 2. 435 Aλεξανδρoπoύλoυ 2011, pp. 223-234. 432 433 434

Hempel 2001, pp. 111-112 and Lanza 2006b, pp. 164-165. Čargo, Miše 2010, pp. 7-40, and more in Chapter III. 6. 438 See Chapter II. 5. 6. 436 437

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archaeology only offers probabilities and possibilities.439 Stated simply, when archaeology offers indirect evidence, archaeometry offers direct evidence of pottery production and technology. Additionally, an interdisciplinary approach that includes not only the natural sciences, but ethnography can generate valuable data on traditional pottery production, not only in the East Adriatic but in the Mediterranean basin as well.

when precisely it was in use. In the absence of quartz sand, crushed dolomite could also be added to clay to reduce its plasticity. A layer of dolomite was found in the town of Vis, and it extends along the entire length the bay at the town. This large resource and its vicinity to the pottery workshops could not have been overlooked by the Issaean potters, so samples of this dolomite were also taken. Moreover, a different by-product from the use of volcanic rock on the south-west part of the island, near the town of Komiža, could have also been added to the clay in order to achieve the highest quality. A thorough mineralogical and chemical analysis can verify this assumption.

The archaeological evidence for pottery production in Issa was a good starting point for archaeometric analysis of Gnathia ware. In collaboration with the University of Zagreb Faculty of Mining, Geology and Petroleum Engineering, in 2007 and 2008 a geological survey was conducted on the island of Vis.440 The objective of the survey was to map the local clay beds on the island, because the geological map of the island of Vis has a large scale (1:100000), and the local clay beds were not mapped. Great help in finding the clay beds was provided by the island’s residents who still remember the extraction of clay and making of pottery for household use.441 It is worth noting, and considered in our analyses, that often potters could use clay from different beds and mix it to achieve a higher quality. Ethnographic research on the eastern Aegean islands, where the pottery industry was the main source of income over the past centuries, confirmed this assumption.442

The archaeometric analyses were conducted on the sampled raw materials, on sherds of Gnathia vessels and sherds of coarse ware, including use of X-ray diffraction to identify the mineral composition of the raw clay and optical microscopy to sample sanded potsherds.446 The samples of raw material (clay) were calcined for 2 hours at 900˚C in order to note changes in the mineral composition and then compare them to the mineral composition of the vessel sherds. Mineralogical analysis has confirmed that the fine wares, such as the sherds of Gnathia vessels, were fired at temperatures from 900 to 950˚C. The fine ware was fired at a higher temperature than the coarse ware, but temperatures never exceeded 1000˚C.447 It may be concluded that pyroxene, hematite and magnetite are the most frequent products when firing clay vessels. Hematite and magnetite, depending on their frequency or amount, indicate which atmosphere in the kiln prevailed during the firing process. If the vessels were fired, or if oxidation prevailed in the kiln’s atmosphere, the vessel fabrics had more hematite, while if a reduction atmosphere prevailed, the vessel had more magnetite.

During the geological survey on the island of Vis, the clay and terra rossa beds were found on different parts of the island. We also took into consideration beds of quartz sand that is often used as temper in clay to reduce its plasticity and therefore make it easier to model. Quartz is a component of sand and is always present in clay to varying extents, and is often neglected in the interpretation of the context of ancient pottery production.443 Following the traces of possible sources of pottery production, samples of quartz sediments were taken from deposits in the area near the village of Kostirna, on Bardovica Hill, at a place called Rubinovo.444 The sediments from those deposits were exploited by Venice in the second half of the 18th century to manufacture glass.445 In more recent times, quartz sand from these deposits was extracted by a factory from Dugi rat near Omiš (20km south of Split), while today they are abandoned, overgrown with vegetation and difficult to access. Besides these deposits in Kostirna, an exhausted quartz sand deposit was found on the northeast part of the island, in Zlopoje, but it is difficult to say

The preliminary archaeometric analysis was conducted on 9 sherds of Gnathia ware divided into two groups: the Issaean Gnathia and imported Apulian Gnathia.448 Differences between the imported and local sherds can be observed when comparing the mineral composition of their analyses. The Apulian Gnathia sherds contain magnetite, while the Issaean Gnathia sherds do not. This may indicate a different firing technology, and differences in the duration of reduction and oxidation phases.449 According to these preliminary results, we may conclude that Issaean potters fired their vessels mostly in more reductive atmosphere than the Apulian potters. Of course, further conclusions require a detailed archaeometric analysis that must be conducted and encompass a high number of sherds, as well as a detailed chemical analysis and statistical clustering.

See Chapter I. 6. Project participants: Boris Čargo, MA, Archaeological Museum in Split, Prof. Marta Mileusnić and Ivan Glavaš, Faculty of Mining, Geology and Petroleum Engineering, University of Zagreb and the author. 441 I would like to thank the residents of Vis and Komiža for their kindness and hospitality in pointing us to the sites of local clay and quartz sand beds. 442 Psaropoulou 1986. 443 Cuomo Di Caprio 1985, p. 52, Carlton 1988, p. 113. 444 Quartz sediments were found at several places on the island: north of Komiža, near the village of Kostirna, and a layer from Baršćani Hill to Bardovica hill. A small layer was found in the town of Vis as well. The zonal distribution of deposits runs from east to west. 445 Novak 1962, pp. 6-7, 18 and Fisković 1968, pp. 61-153. 439 440

446 The results of the analysis were presented at international conferences in Poland and Italy and at the international colloquium Roman Pottery and Glass Workshops. Manufacturing and Trade in the Adriatic held in Crikvenica in October 2008, and in Čargo, Miše 2010, pp. 7-40. 447 Cuomo Di Caprio 1985 and 2007, Noble 1982, pp. 37-47 and 1984, pp. 37-47, Hemelrijk 1991. 448 Čargo, Miše 2010, pp. 7-40. 449 Glavaš 2008, pp. 50-56.

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Map 5: Geological survey on the island of Vis in 2007

Map 6: Geological survey of Vis Bay in 2007

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

half of the 3rd c. BC. The recent data and analysis of Gnathia vessels from Issa confirm previous assumptions that the production of Issaean Gnathia ware began in the mid-3rd c. BC.

II. 5. 6. Chronology of Issaean Gnathia ware Compiling a chronology for Issaean Gnathia ware is impeded by the fact that so far not even one closed stratigraphic unit of the Hellenistic period has been excavated or found in Issa, nor, according to the publications, at other sites on the East Adriatic coast. Furthermore, the multiple burials in the Issaean necropolis at Martvilo, where most of the Gnathia vessels were found, do not provide detailed information about the date of the individual burial.450 Some assistance in dating, at least tentatively, is offered by tomb 3/1976 in Martvilo, in which 15 imported Gnathia vessels were found together with a silver stater from Heraclea Lucania, dated to 350330 BC, and a silver coin of the Roman Republic, dated rather widely by different scholars from 268 to 155 BC.451 Three coins were found in the destroyed tombs excavated in Martvilo in 1955; one silver denarius of the Roman Republic dated to 125 BC, one silver coin dated to 211 BC and one coin dated in 97 BC. Based on these finds and on a comparative analysis of the vessels from the tomb 14/1979, in which most of the vessels are attributed to the Issaean Gnathia, Kirigin proposed a chronology for Issaean Gnathia production from the 3rd to the end of the 2nd and early 1st c. BC.452 However, as Kirigin has pointed out, the excavation records from 1955 are incomplete and do not provide a clear inventory of the complete grave goods.453 Recently, as mentioned before, Čargo attempted to reconstruct the tomb assemblages from the excavations in Martvilo prior to the 1970s, but it is still difficult to identify the grave goods of individual burials and therefore the dates of each burial.454

Dating the end of Issaean Gnathia production is a more complex task, and it goes hand in hand with the question of defining the type of ware that also appeared in Issa at the end of the 2nd c. BC, and in Apulian production. These were a new type of vessels with different shapes and decoration that were unknown in traditional Gnathia production. In Apulian production, these were the hemispherical bowls, and in Issa type C oinochoai and Issaean table amphorae.457 Although these vessels have decorations, they were not rendered in the so-called Gnathia technique (red, yellow and white) but only in white, and without the well-known decoration pattern – the Dionysian motifs of traditional Gnathia production. This type of vessel can be identified as a new type of ware or as vessels of the decadent phase of Gnathia ware. The identification and attribution of these vessels provide some answers to the cessation of Gnathia production. Kirigin attributed Issaean type C oinochoai to Gnathia ware, and described their shape and decoration as characteristics of Issaean production in the 2nd and 1st c. BC.458 However, according to the new interpretation of vessels from Valesio, Botromagno and Taranto as a new type of ware that developed under the influence of the Gnathia tradition,459 the vessels of the third group or the third phase of the Issaean production should also be considered a new type of ware. They exhibit the same tendency in formation of new shapes and decoration. Here I must stress that the third group of Issaean vessels do not bear much resemblance to the new Apulian type of ware, but rather to West Slope production, although the same tendency toward changes in the late Hellenistic period can be followed. In this regard, Gnathia production in Issa did not last until the 1st c. BC, as Kirigin proposed, rather it ceased at the end of 2nd c. BC, when it was replaced by a new type of ware.

However, Kirigin’s proposed chronology for the cessation of Issaean Gnathia production at the beginning of the 1st c. BC was accepted by other scholars and is used as an argument to lower overall Gnathia production in the Mediterranean.455 After a detailed analysis of Issaean Gnathia ware and its classification, Kirigin’s proposed chronology can be updated. On the basis of the typological and stylistic similarities between Issaean and Canosan Gnathia vessels, Kirigin and Green already assumed that the potters from Canosa moved to Issa and established a pottery workshop around the middle of the 3rd c. BC.456 These vessels were identified in this study as the first group of Issaean Gnathia vessels and have been attributed to the first phase of production. Although the vessels of the first phase imitate vessels of the Late Canosan group, they show a certain local character in typology and decoration, while still demonstrating that they are products of the second

On the basis of current data, the proposed chronology for Issaean Gnathia production runs from the mid-3rd to the end of the 2nd c. BC. Future archaeological excavations, analyses and publications, especially from the ongoing excavation at the residential complex in Issa and the analysis of tombs from the Vlaška njiva necropolis, will provide a clearer definition of the chronology of Issaean Gnathia production. II. 5. 7. Distribution The definition of Issaean Gnathia ware and its typology of shapes and decorations allow us to trace the distribution of these vessels along the East Adriatic coast. After stylistic and morphological comparative analyses between Issaean Gnathia vessels and Gnathia vessels from other East

450 For details on the multiple burials in Issa, see Kirigin 1985, pp. 91110, Fraser 1991, pp. 247-74. 451 Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, p. 69, note. 21. 452 Kirigin 1990a, pp. 62-63. 453 Kirigin 1990a, p. 62. 454 Čargo 2010. 455 Green 2001, p. 74, Hempel 2001, p. 111, and Lanza 2006b, pp. 158 and 163. 456 Green 2001, p. 70.

457 For hemispherical bowls see Hempel 2001, p. 111 and Lanza 2006b, pp. 164-165. 458 Kirigin 1990a, p. 63. 459 See Chapter I. 9.

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II. Gnathia Ware on the East Adriatic Coast

Adriatic sites, it may be concluded that Issaean products were mainly distributed in the area of central Dalmatia, i.e. on the coast from the sanctuary of Diomedes at Cape Ploča in the north to Epetion in the east and on Dalmatian islands. Issaean skyphoi were found on Cape Ploča and in the Illyrian sanctuary in Nakovana Cave on the Pelješac Peninsula.460 Sherds of Issaean skyphoi were also found at the Kopila hillfort on the western side of the island of Korčula, in Epetion and Tragurion.461 Sherds of Issaean type C oinochoai were found in Resnik.462 It is noteworthy that Issaean Gnathia vessels in the neighbouring Greek colony of Pharos on the island of Hvar were not found in large numbers, and, so far only a single pelike, today in the AMS Greek and Hellenistic Collection, can be attributed to Issaean Gnathia ware.463

Map 7: Distribution of Issaean Gnathia ware

Outside of central Dalmatia, Issaean Gnathia ware was not found in large numbers. An Issaean table amphora was found in Kamenjača near Sarajevo in BosniaHerzegovina.464 In Budva, three oinochoai from tomb XXXVIII bear a great resemblance to Issaean oinochoai of the first phase, as well as two oinochoai from tomb 1, and they may be identified as Issaean imports.465 In the northern part of East Adriatic coast, in the Kvarner region, a skyphos was attributed to Issaean production, but a more detailed analysis has shown that this skyphos is probably a Canosan product.466 Although Gnathia vessels were distributed to northern Dalmatia, in ancient Liburnia, so far none of the published vessels and vessels that I had the opportunity to personally examine can be attributed to Issaean production. This includes the Gnathia vessels from the indigenous necropolises in Dragišić and Velika Mrdakovica near Šibenik, and on the Zadar Peninsula and the hillfort in Zadar’s hinterland, Beretinova, and the Nadin necropolis.467

and decoration to the material from Albania and northern Greece than from central Dalmatia.468 Archaeometric analysis of a potsherd from Rhizan (Boka Kotorska), was conducted, and the results indicate that some of the potsherds may have been from Issaean or central Dalmatian pottery production.469 Unfortunately, publications from the excavations in Rhizan are rather meagre, and in an available published report, none of the vessels can be attributed to Issaean Gnathia ware.470 Furthermore, the published results of the archaeometric analyses on Gnathia ware from Rhizan do not offer any more details on the vessels, such as shape or decoration, nor the basis for the conclusion that they came from Issaean or other production in central Dalmatia.471 So, future studies must take into account a comparison of the results of archaeometric analyses on the East Adriatic coast. II. 6. Other possible production centres of Gnathia ware on the East Adriatic coast

Issaean Gnathia vessels were also not documented in the southern part of the East Adriatic coast. Besides the above mentioned three oinochoai, other vessels from Budva, as Vera Krstić noted, show greater similarities in shape

Based on the current state of research, the only centre of Gnathia production, with all of its aspects, can be identified in Issa. However, some evidence of pottery activities during the Hellenistic period at other sites on the East Adriatic coast have been revealed in recent publications, suggesting the possibility of other local Gnathia production.

460 Skyphoi from Cape Ploča in Šešelj 2009, p. 55, 60, no. 7, and probably the sherds on p. 62, no. 64- 63, no. 9-13, while other sherds are difficult to attribute to local production, as on pp. 64-65, no. 12-13, and p. 70, no. 20, which could be Resnik products, and skyphoi from Nakovana Cave were identified as Issaean by Dr. Branko Kirigin (personal communication). 461 Excavations of the necropolis and settlement at the Kopila hillfort are still in progress, but Dr. Igor Borzić informed me of the Issaean Gnathia ware that was found inside and around the tombs. Skyphoi from Epetion in Faber 1983, pp. 17-37, and for the skyphoi from Tragurion personal communication with Dr. Branko Kirigin, who examined pottery material from Tragurion. 462 Personal examination of the pottery material from archaeological excavations in Resnik; I would like to thank my colleagues from the Kaštela Town Museum, Ivanka Kamenjarin and Ivan Šuta, for graciously facilitating my access to these materials. 463 Miše 2005, pp. 36-37, fig. 18. 464 Paškvalin 2002, p. 538, P. III/6. 465 Marković 2012, p. 325, P. 37/1-3 and p. 297, P. 9/7 and 11. 466 Skyphos from Kvarner in Mihovilić 2002, p. 507. 467 An analysis of the pottery from the Dragišić necropolis was presented by the author at the international congress Illyrica antiqua 2 – in honorem D. Rendić-Miočević held in Šibenik on 15 September 2013, and the paper Hellenistic ware from the indigenous necropolis at Gradina in Dragišić near Šibenik, Croatia will be published in the proceedings (in print) of the congress.

An intense pottery industry in Dyrrachion has been documented from the 6th to 2nd c. BC with production of Red-figure vases, Hellenistic relief ware and Greyglaze ware.472 Additionally, a pottery kiln was found in the clay hill area of Curilla.473 All of this evidence strongly suggests that Gnathia vessels could have been produced in the Dyrrachion workshops. However the Gnathia ware from the Dyrrachion necropolis, as already mentioned, has Krstić 2004, pp. 585-592, Pl. 289-296. Daszkiewicz et al. 2007, pp. 85-93. 470 Dyczek 2005, pp. 101-118 471 In Chapter I. 6 I have stressed the necessity of an integrated approach to archaeometric analysis and comparison of results. 472 Hidri 1986b, pp. 99-112 and 2011, pp. 843-848. 473 Shehi 2010, pp. 56-58. 468 469

41

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

not yet been entirely published, so for now nothing can be said of the characteristics of Dyrrachion production. Even so, based on the published material, some features may be observed in the shape of the rounded table amphorae and pelikai with wider ribbing and black gloss, which differ from Issaean Gnathia production.474 Yet analysis of the complete tomb assemblages in the necropolis in Dyrrachion will offer greater insight into overall pottery production in that part of the East Adriatic and shed light on Gnathia production as well.

this evidence is a sound point of departure for identifying and defining pottery production in Resnik during the Late Hellenistic period. The pottery industry in Pharos has been confirmed by the remains of a pottery kiln, sherds of pottery discards and small vessel girders in kilns.479 According to the materials published so far, it is difficult to identify and single out local production features. Moreover, only 31 Gnathia ware vessels from Pharos have been published so far, and most of them are imports from Apulian workshops.480 However, it is noteworthy that most of the pottery from the excavations conducted by the Cultural Monument Conservation Department in Split and the material unearthed during the Adriatic Island Project in the residential complex of Pharos has not yet been published. I believe that publication of these materials, as well as recent excavations in Pharos conducted by the Town Museum in Stari Grad, will yield more precise data on pottery workshops and production in Pharos.

In the Hellenistic settlement and port in Resnik (probably ancient Siculi) in Kaštela Bay near Split, moulds for Hellenistic relief vessels and two vessels bearing the name of the potter were found that were in previous literature stated as evidence for pottery production in the 2nd and 1st c. BC.475 However these find were found in the sea, on the site were harbour were, as cargo so they cannot be considered as evidence for pottery industry. The preliminary analysis of the pottery material from archaeological excavations in Resnik showed that Issaean vessels are not present in a high number, as one would expect. Besides sherds of oinochoai with X marks and circles, typical of Issaean production in the latter part of the 2nd c. BC, and sherds of Issaean type A1 and A2 skyphoi, other materials can be identified as local. Most of the pottery materials are sherds of skyphoi with brown coating and irregular dense ribs.476 As Lucijana Šešelj noted, the skyphoi from Resnik are typologically and stylistically similar to the skyphoi from Cape Ploča, and archaeometric analysis indicated that some of the vessels from Cape Ploča were made in Resnik.477 Numerous sherds with brown coating may indicate existence of a workshop in Resnik that manufactured relief ware with chocolate brown gloss, which Yntema assumes were produced somewhere in the East Adriatic.478 Vessels with brown coating were not found in a high number in Vis. This assumption needs to be verified by detailed typological and stylistic analyses that will distinguish specific production features. Nevertheless,

John Green assumed local production of Gnathia ware based on the pottery material from Budva so far published.481 However, on the basis of published vessels, it is difficult to speak of local production.482 Vera Krstić, as already mentioned, noticed that the vessels from Budva show similarities with the pottery material from Gostilje, Momišići, Dyrrachion, Apollonia and Lissos, and can be considered products of a local workshop or a major production centre that supplied neighbouring areas.483 The question remains as to whether this workshop or centre was in Dyrrachion or somewhere else. A similar situation was documented in Ošanići, a Hellenistic settlement in Herzegovina, where Boško Marjan assumed that local Gnathia production had been established.484 However, the scant literature from Ošanići prevents any verification of this hypothesis. Noteworthy here is the forthcoming study on pottery materials from Lissos, where a Gnathia ware workshop has possibly been identified.485

Hidri 1983, pp. 148-149, Tab. XV. Šešelj 2005, pp. 49-61. 476 Personal examination of the pottery materials from Resnik. 477 Šešelj 2009, pp. 301-309 and 493. The archaeometric analysis encompassed sherds of Gnathia ware from Resnik and Cape Ploča and the results showing a similarity in the clay composition, which pointed to the conclusion that Resnik produced the Gnathia ware found in the Diomedan sanctuary on Cape Ploča, Šegvić et al. 2012, pp. 63-87. However these analysis were conducted on several potsherds (only three from Vis) and on the vessels of different types of ware (coarse and fine - grey were) which cannot be considered as reference group nonetheless the good comparison for any conclusions. So, further archaeometric analysis that will encompass a far higher number of samples from Resnik, Cape Ploča and Issa must be conducted so that more reliable data can be obtained. 478 Yntema 2001, p. 339. For a more detailed discussion of brown coated ware, see Chapter III. 6.

Katić 2000, pp. 49-58, Kirigin, Hayes, Leach 2002, pp. 246-254. Pharos 1996, Kirigin, Hayes, Leach 2002, p. 249, Pl. IV A 7, Kirigin 2004, P. XXXII/A and B, and P. XXXIII/A 7, Miše 2005, pp. 25-48, Vallicelli 2006, pp. 247-261. 481 Green 2001, p. 70. 482 So far published vessels from Budva: Petrović 1939, pp. 168-172, Lisičar 1973, p. 16, Popović 1975 and 1994, Krstić 2004, pp. 585-592 and 2007, pp. 12-29, Marković 2012. 483 Krstić 2004, pp. 585-592. 484 Marijan 1990, p. 31. 485 Personal communication with Dr. Patricia Kögler.

474

475

479 480

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III. Related Hellenistic Ware on the East Adriatic Coast

The distribution of Gnathia ware on the East Adriatic coast is accompanied with the distribution of other related Hellenistic ware. In the early Hellenistic period, in the second half of the 4th c. BC, most of the imports, along with Gnathia ware, were Late Apulian Red-figure vases, Alto Adriatico and Black-glazed ware. In the late Hellenistic period, most of the imported vessels were West Slope ware, Grey-glaze ware, and Brown and Hellenistic Red-slip ware. The present study will provide a survey on related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast, their distribution and production centres. This survey is primarily based on the pottery materials published so far, and it cannot provide any definitive conclusions, but it will be a good starting point for the future study of Hellenistic ware in this area. Based on the current state of research, it is unfortunately impossible to determine whether Gnathia ware was the dominant type of ware in this area during the Hellenistic period. It is similarly impossible to determine the relationship between Gnathia and other Hellenistic ware in the archaeological context based on selections of the published pottery material. Therefore, this brief review is primarily focused on the Hellenistic wares that were imported and/or produced in this area and were found together in the same context or at the same site as Gnathia ware. Of course, where possible and where the data are available, I shall focus on the archaeological context in order to have clearer picture of this relationship.

from Apulian production in the workshops of Taras.3 The influence of Apulian Red-figure vases on the production of Gnathia ware and their parallel production in the late 4th c. BC has already been discussed. So, it is not surprising that Late Apulian Red-figure vases were found together with Gnathia vessels. Apulian Red-figure vases were not exported in larger numbers outside of their main area of production. The major markets were indigenous centres in Apulia, where they were found in high numbers inside tombs, probably those of the local aristocracy.4 In light of this, Apulian Red-figure vases on the East Adriatic coast are very important finds. They were found in the tombs in necropolises at Martvilo and Vlaška njiva in Vis and in the tombs in Knežine near Pharos.5 Sherds of Red-figure vases from the residential complex of Pharos and Tragurion are still undergoing analysis.6 Sherds of South Italian Red-figure vases were also found in indigenous settlements in Nesactium, Osor and Zadar, at the indigenous settlement on Rat near Ložišća on the island of Brač, and in Ulcinj in the southern part of the East Adriatic.7 The fragments of a bell-crater were found in an indigenous settlement on the Beretin hillfort near Zadar, and according to stylistically analysis, the bellcrater is attributed to the Dolon painter, who worked in workshops in Metaponto in the first quarter of 4th c. BC.8 Some caution should be exercised here, for although all of these sherds are attributed to South Italian or Apulian production in the cited publications, a more thoroughgoing analysis is necessary. It is interesting that most of the sherds of Red-figure vases from the island of Palagruža came from Attic Red-figure production.9 However, the

III. 1. Red-figure vases The production of Red-figure vases began in Athens in the second half of the 5th c. BC. Besides Athens, which was the leading production centre, production was also established in Corinth. Since the late 5th c. BC, Athenian potters came to Magna Graecia and established Redfigure vase production in the Greek colonies in Sicily and southern Italy. Their products are designated under the general term of South Italian Red-figure vases. Although these two regions are clearly geographically distinct, the term South Italian entered the archaeological dictionary before the different traits of these two production regions were noticed.1 Arthur D. Trendall was the first who classified South Italian Red-figure vases and singled out Apulian, Campanian, Paestum and Sicilian production, and within them identified individual painters, styles and groups.2 Most of the South Italian Red-figure vases came

Lippolis 1996b, p. 377. Lippolis 1996b, pp. 377-378. Red-figured vases from Martvilo: from the tomb excavated in 1930 in Čargo 2010, pp. 57-58, no. 4-5, from the tomb on the northern side of Martvilo in Čargo 2010, pp. 70-72, no. 1-2 and from unknown tombs in Čargo 2007, pp. 9-12 and Miše 2012, pp. 231-241. Red-figured vases from Vlaška njiva necropolis: Ugarković 2013, pp. 75-98 and personal communication with author, and from Pharos: Miše 2005, pp. 27-29 and Kirigin 2008, pp. 65, no. 3. Sherds of Red-figure vases from the residential complex in Pharos were published in Kirigin, Hayes, Leach 2002, p. 249, Kirigin 2004, p. 155. 6 Kirigin personally informed me of the Trogir sherds found in the residential complex of Tragurion. 7 The sherds from Nesactium and Osor were published in Mihovilić 2002, pp. 504-505. The sherds of Red-figure vases from Nin, near Zadar, on exhibit in the Spilt Archaeological Museum, were published in Kirigin 2008, pp. 44-45, no. 19, while the other sherd form Nin has not been published - this information was provided by my colleague Lucijana Šešelj. Unfortunately, the sherds of Red-figure vases from the Zadar Archaeological Museum have also not yet been published, but thanks to my colleague Natalija Čondić I had the opportunity to personally see this material. For sherds from Rat on the island of Brač see Barbarić 2010, p. 161-162, fig. 11-13, and sherd with Hercules on p. 168, fig. 13-14, and from Ulcinj see Parović-Pešikan 2001, p. 350, P.I and II. 8 Šešelj, Silvestrelli 2012-2013, pp. 381-394. 9 Personal communication with Branko Kirigin and personal 3 4 5

Boardman 1997, p. 191. Red-figure vases from Campania, Lucania and Sicily in Trendall 1967, from Paestum in Trendall 1987, and most from Apulia, published in two parts in Trendall, Cambitoglou 1978, Vol. I and 1982, Vol. II. Today, the comparative stylistic analysis in the examination of archaeological material is undergoing considerable criticism, even though the work of A. D. Trendall and A. Cambitoglou is still deemed a major contribution and essential for any serious study of South Italian Red-figure vases. 1 2

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

diminutive size of the sherds precludes a detailed stylistic analysis, which is still the only archaeological method for identifying the painter and/or production centre of the Red-figure vases. Of all the Red-figure vases specified above, only those from Vis, from the tombs at Knežine near Pharos and Dyrrachion, are well preserved and allow detailed analysis, while the other sherds are too small and cannot reveal clearer interpretation. Nevertheless, closer examination, the Red-figure vases on the East Adriatic coast can be divided into three groups: imports from southern Italy, imports from mainland Greece and local products. Imports from southern Italy Most of the Red-figure vases from Issa can be attributed to the South Italian workshops. They were found in the disturbed or devastated tombs at Martvilo, and their archaeological context is unknown. Only two vessels, a pelike and a lekanis, were found inside the tombs. The pelike was found in tomb 20/1980 at Martvilo, but unfortunately other information, such as the tomb’s location, its assemblage and burial are missing.10 The lekanis was found in a single burial tomb 22/1980.11 Among all the Red-figure vases from Issa, a hydria of the Late Apulian Red-figure production stands out in terms of rendering of the painted decorations (Fig. 4). On one side of the hydria and inside the painted naiskos there are two female figures: one sitting on an Ionian column holding an open box in one hand and a mirror in the other, while the other woman is standing and holding a necklace. Floral motifs surround the naiskos. The closest parallels for the scene inside the naiskos, the architecture of the naiskos and the floral motifs can be found on vases that are attributed to the Baltimore Painter and his workshop and followers.12 The Baltimore Painter was the most significant and important Apulian vase painter. Among his common motifs are naiskoi scenes, floral decorations and meanders on the neck and waves on the lower body of vases. There are usually palmettes on the reverse side. Based on the high number of vases that could be attributed to his work, Trendall placed the workshop of the Baltimore Painter in Canosa.13 This assumption is supplemented by the vases of the Baltimore Painter unearthed in Arpi, Canosa and a few from Ruvo, and the fact that they were not found in Taranto.14 De Juliis agreed with this hypothesis after an analysis of Red-figure vases from the tomb of Niobidi in Arpi, where vases of the Baltimore Painter were numerous.15 Since the publication of the catalogue of

Fig. 4: Hydria from Vis, Archaeological Collection Issa (Čargo 2007, p. 9, no. 1)

Apulian Red-figure vases by Trendall and Cambitoglou, the distribution map of these vases in Apulia has changed significantly. Recently, it was confirmed that over twothirds of the vases that can be attributed to the Baltimore Painter and his followers were found in the necropolis in Ruvo.16 However, according to new data from Apulia, so far Red-figure vase workshops are not found outside of Taranto.17 Therefore, the workshop of the Baltimore Painter and his followers was probably in Taras, whence they exported vases to indigenous markets, although naturally further analysis and research will provide a clearer answer. Among the followers of the Baltimore Painter, the closest connection can be found in the work of the White Saccos Painter, especially in painting large vases. Some of these connections, such as the rendering of the details around the naiskos – the floral motifs, decorative patterns on the neck, rows of rosettes and on the lower body, wavy lines and extensive use of added colour, especially on the figures inside the naiskos – can be observed on the hydria from Martvilo.18 The work of the Baltimore Painter has been dated to the final third of the 4th c. BC, but not later than 310 BC, and the work of his followers can be dated to the same period or slightly later.19

examination of the sherds of Red-figure vases from Palagruža. A detailed analysis of the sherd is ongoing and it is still impossible to identify and isolate the sherd that may be from South Italian production. 10 Kirigin, Marin 1988, Tav. 26/20a-b. 11 Kirigin, Marin 1988, pp. 130-131, Tav. 23 and 26/2a-b. 12 Trendall, Cambitoglou 1978, p. 958 and 1982, pp. 856- 884, Pl. 328336. 13 Trendall, Cambitoglou 1978, p. 958. 14 Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, p. 860. 15 De Juliis 1992, pp. 68-69, 107.

Siena Chiesa 2006, p. 388. Lippolis 1996b, p. 378. 18 Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, p. 960, Pl. 375- 375. 19 Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, p. 860. 16 17

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III. Related Hellenistic Ware on the East Adriatic Coast

Fig. 5: Head cruet from Vis, Archaeological Collection Issa (Čargo 2007, p. 10, no. 2)

The Red-figure pelike from tomb at Vlaška njiva has a wide body, a thick neck, a wide horizontal rim and two vertical handles on a wide and conical foot.20 Both sides of the vessel have female heads in profile with hair in saccos, long noses, small mouths and chins, and long necks. Palmettes bordered with two tendrils on both sides are below the handles. Wave is on the lower part of the body, while the neck has a row of rosettes. The pelike has an identically shaped foot and a decoration on the lower part of the body as on the above-mentioned hydria of the Baltimore Painter; there are rosettes on the neck. Although the female heads in profile bear the most resemblance to the female heads done by the followers of the Patera and Baltimore Painters, the rendering of the saccos and hair can be attributed to the Déri and/or to Meo-Evoli group.21 I could not find direct parallels for the shape of pelike in the available publications. It seems that pelikai of Tarantine production had a longer and more elegant neck, and ringed or conical foot.22

Fig. 6: Apulian Lebes gamikos from Vis, Archaeological Collection Issa (Čargo 2007, p. 10, no. 4)

sided ringed base supporting four small pyxides of stamnoid shape, connected to a central handle. The sculpted female heads are each between a pair of pyxides. The supporting ring is decorated in the Red-figure technique with female heads and palmettes. The head-cruets from Martvilo show the greatest resemblance in shape and decoration to the head-cruets from Capua.26 Trendall observed that several of these head-cruets came from the same necropolis at Teano, and which have been attributed to the Late Redfigure vases of the Teano-Tübringen group, with which they are contemporaneous, and he dated them to the end of the 4th and early years of the 3rd c. BC.27 The headcruet from Martvilo, based on the closest parallels, can be attributed to late Campanian Red-figure production.

The closest analogies to the shape of foot are with the pelikai of type 311/14 and 311/21 in Hoffmann’s typology of Tarantine production, dated to phase A 2 or 530 to 325 BC, but again these pelikai have a more elegant neck.23 A pelike featuring a female head, but with a different decorative pattern and foot were found in tomb 78 in Rutigliano, dated to the 4th c. BC, and was probably part of the assemblage of a tomb with multiple burials.24 The head-cruet or kernos from Martvilo, as named in a previous publication, is thus far the only type of this vessel from the East Adriatic coast (Fig. 5).25 It has a concave-

All three Red-figure lebetes gamikoi from Martvilo have similar shapes and decorations. They all feature a female head in profile on the body surrounded by a palmette. After a detailed analysis, and based on the available published material from southern Italy, certain differences on the lebetes gamikoi from Martvilo can be seen. One lebes

In personal communication Kirigin warned me that this pelike was incorrectly published in Kirigin, Marin 1983, Tav. 26, no. 2, since it was found on Vlaška njiva necropolis. 21 Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, pp. 939-940, Pl. 369/11. 22 Lippolis 1994, p. 263. 23 Hoffmann 2002, pp. 37-39, Taf.66, 311/14 and Taf.69, 311/21. 24 De Juliis 2006, pp. 214-217. 25 Čargo 2007, pp. 9-14 and the earlier publication cited therein. 20

26 27

45

Trendall 1967, Pl. 224/1. Trendall 1967, p. 570.

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

gamikos has a hemispherical shape and a long leg, while the foot is discoid and wide (Fig. 6). On the top there is a preserved vertical handle and four knobs with white stripes. The lid of the lebes gamikos is well preserved and has a long and elegant handle on top. The female head on the body has a broad neck with a white necklace. The eyes and eyebrows are wide, while the lips and chin are small, and a saccos decorated white and black stripes is on the back of the head. The closest parallels to the shape can be found on the lebetes gamikoi of Tarantine production in both the Lippolis and Hoffmann typology of lebetes gamikoi.28 Although the lebes gamikos from Martvilo shows a great resemblance to the Tarantine examples in the upper part, the leg and the foot are entirely different. The most similar foot I could find is that from Campanian and Sicilian production, but here the upper section of the vase is different.29 The most resemblances can be found for the decoration with regard to the female head in profile in the Taranto-Canosa group, which is associated with the Baltimore Painter.30 Furthermore, in terms of the small split line that marks the end of the mouth, the lebes gamikos from Martvilo is similar to the indicatively named the Split-mouth group, associated with the Amphorae and Armidale Painters.31 The greatest resemblance to the saccos, hair and earrings, and the vertical line and the end of the moth can be seen in the work of the Stoke-on-Trent Painter, who worked closely with the Baltimore Painter.32 Although the attribution of the lebes gamikos from Martvilo is difficult, it can be dated, based on all of the above-mentioned analogies, to the final quarter of the 4th c. BC.

Fig. 7: Sicilian Lebes gamikos from Vis, Archaeological Collection Issa (Čargo 2007, p. 11. no. 5)

The second lebes gamikos from Martvilo also has a hemispherical body, but the upper part is more conical, giving the vase a biconical profile (Fig. 7). One handle is missing, while the leg and foot are the same as on the previous lebes gamikos. The female head has a broad neck, rounded chin, downwardly curved mouth, a large eye, and hair on the forehead and above the ear. The saccos is on the back of the head, decorated with lines and dots. This lebes gamikos bears close resemblances to the Sicilian LentiniManfria group dated to 340-320 BC.33

executed with visible brush traces, and some other parts were left uncoated. Although the shape of the vase is very similar to the Apulian lebetes gamikoi, the rendering of the decoration is very poor, careless and incompetent.34 Ten Red-figure lekanides have so far been documented in central Dalmatia, and all are from Greek settlements in Dalmatia: seven from Martvilo and three from disturbed tombs in Knežine near Pharos.35 All the lekanides are well preserved. Seven of them have bowl and lid and three with only lids. The lekanides from Martvilo are unfortunately also from the disturbed tombs, except one from tomb 22/1980 (see below). The lekanides from Martvilo and Knežine are very similar in shape, with a conical lid and bowl on a conical foot and a long stem. Only two lekanides, one from the tomb 22/1980 and one from a disturbed tomb in Martvilo have a different, low ringed foot.36 Again, only two lekanides from Martvilo,

The third lebes gamikos from Martvilo has a shape similar to the first lebes gamikos, except for the conical foot (Fig. 8). One handle is missing and the other is very tall and thin. The female head on the body is very poorly rendered. The face is barely visible and all of the features cannot be clearly seen. The hair is in a saccos, but the details are not visible. The whole head is curved and looks like it has been ‘cut off’. The black coating around it is also poorly

As already noted by Branko Kirigin in Kirigin 1986, p. 22, no. 34 and 2000, pp. 135, fig. 1a and b, where is denoted as “a bas imitation of Alto Adriatico vases”. 35 One lekanis from tomb 22/1980 at Martvilo was published in Kirigin, Marin 1988, Tav. 23, five lekanides from disturbed tombs in Martvilo, three with a lid and two with only a lid, were published in Čargo 2007, pp. 12-14, and one lekanis with no female decoration on the lid from the AMS Greek and Hellenistic Collection, unfortunately not published. The two lekanides with lids and sherds of the lid of the third lekanis from Knežine near Pharos were published in Miše 2005, pp. 24-25. 36 Kirigin, Marin 1988, Tav. 23/2 and Čargo 2007, pp. 12-13, no. 7. 34

28 Lippolis 1994, p. 196, Hoffmann 2002, p. 40, Taf. 75. The author dated the lebetes gamikoi of Tarantine production differently. Lippolis dated them to phase A 2, or from 350 to 325 BC, while Hoffman placed them slightly earlier, in the phase A 0 or in the mid-4th c. BC. 29 Trendall 1967, Pl. 171 for Campanian, and Pl. 253 for Sicilian. 30 Trendall, Cambitoglou 1992, p. 308, Pl. LXXVIII/10. 31 Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, pp. 815-816, Pl. 305/3. 32 Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, pp. 888-889, Pl. 341/3-4. 33 Trendall 1967, p. 578 and 609, P. 239.

46

III. Related Hellenistic Ware on the East Adriatic Coast

the closest parallels to the conical shape of the bowl and the lid, the conical foot and massive round handle on top of the lid are on the lekanides from the Niobidi tomb in Arpi, dated to the last third of the 4th c. BC, and from Canosa, where they have been dated and attributed on the basis of decorations by the Baltimore Painter.41 Also, similar lekanides were found in tomb 13 (of uncertain date), tomb 85, dated in the second half of the 4th c. BC and tomb 3 (Didonn), also dated to the second half of the 4th c. BC in the Rutigliano necropolis.42 It is worth noting that a similar decorative pattern– the palmette bordered by two lines, one on each side of the palmette such that they form two triangles on the lid – can be seen on all lekanides from Issa and Pharos. Similar decoration can also be found on the lekanis from Apulia; the lekanis from the tombs in Taranto, dated to phase B or late 4th and early 3rd c. BC, in the tombs in Rutigliano dated to the second half of the 4th c. BC, in Canosa dated to the end of the 4th c. BC, in the Niobidi tomb in Arpi dated, as mentioned above, to the final third of the 4th c. BC, and on the Late Apulian Red-figure vases in the Trendall-Cambitoglou catalogue.43 However, this decorative pattern is small, and probably cannot be a typical feature of a specific production tradition, but it is worth noting since it appears on all lekanides from East Adriatic coast. As mentioned above, the lekanis from tomb 22/1980 was found in a single burial. This lekanis is different in shape from the previous lekanides from Martvilo. It has a shallow lower part and a lid which has conical handle on the top. On the lid there is a row of triple triangles; the upper part of the bowl has vertical black lines, while the lower part of bowl has black coating. I could not fine direct parallels in the available publications, since the decoration on the lid is very poorly preserved and has no female heads, which were otherwise very common in the Late Apulian Red-figure production. The closest parallels to the shallow bowl of the lekanis with massive horizontal handles can be found in Campanian and Sicilian production.44 However, the lekanides from Campanian and Sicilian production may be similar in shape, but they all have different decorations – all have either whole figures or female heads in profile on the lid, and therefore it is difficult to attribute them to

Fig. 8: Lebes gamikos from Vis, Archaeological Collection Issa (Čargo 2007, p. 11, no. 6) one from tomb 22/1980 and an unpublished example from the AMS Greek and Hellenistic Collection, do not have a female head on the lid. Instead, the lekanis from the AMS has a circle filled with black and white fields.37 The lekanis from tomb 22/1980 has triple triangles in a row inside two circles.38 On both lekanides these motifs are surrounded by palmettes. Other lekanides have female heads between palmettes, and they all show similarities to each other: a small mouth and nose, the head slightly raised, and hair on the forehead, expect for a lekanis from Martvilo that has hair in a saccos.39 The female heads on the two lids from the disturbed tomb in Martvilo are rendered poorly; on one the black coating has turned red and the facial features on the head are hardly visible, while on the other the female head is more stylized.40 The lower part of the lekanides – the bowls – have black glaze and on only one lekanis the bowl is decorated with ivy spray. All of the female heads are very modestly painted and it is difficult, at least based on my modest knowledge of the development of the female heads on the Red-figure vases, to attribute them to an individual painter, or group and workshop. However,

Lekanides from the Niobidi tomb in Arpi in De Juliis 1992, pp. 79, 81-84, 125 and from Canosa in Canosa 1992, p. 279, nos. 53 and 55. 42 De Juliis 2006, p. 47-49, 231-236, 247-248. 43 Lekanis from Taranto in Lippolis 1994, pp. 306, fig. 237, 309, fig. 244, from Rutigliano in De Juliis 2006. pp. 47-49, no. 16, and pp. 231-233, no. 10, from Canosa in Canosa 1992, pp. 279-280, nos. 53, 55 and 59, and on one lekanis without handles, pp. 280-281, no. 64 and from Arpi in De Juliis 1992, pp. 79, 81-84. Similar lekanides can be found in Trendall, Cambitoglou 1982, Pl. 315, 5-8, Pl. 336, 1-4, Pl. 338, 5-8, Pl. 357, 3-4, Pl. 378, 6-7, Pl. 358, 2, 5-8, and 1992, Pl.LXI, 6-7, Pl. LXV, 3, Pl. LXXV, 4 and 8, Pl. LXXXII, 2, 4-5, Pl. LXXXVI, 3-4, Pl. XC, 4, Pl. CIX, 1-2. It seems that for other South Italian Red-figure production traditions this pattern is not common (this observation was made in a survey of Trendall’s Lucanian, Sicilian, Paestumnian production), and when they appear the palmettes are usually arranged in a triangle (Campanian for example: Trendall 1967, Pl. 183, 8 and 9) or they can be bordered by tendrils (for example on Sicilian: Trendall 1967, Pl. 250, 6). 44 Trendall 1967, Pl. 97/1, Pl. 213/1-2, Pl. 217/1, 218/3-4, 5, Pl. 220/3-4 for Campanian, and for Sicilian Pl. 225/5, Pl. 226/1-4, Pl. 229/1, Pl. 224/9-10, Pl. 226/3-5, Pl. 227/1-2, 7-8, Pl. 249/1-6, Pl. 255/5, Pl. 256/36, 9-10. 41

37 Personal examination done in the AMS Greek and Hellenistic Collection. 38 Kirigin, Marin 1988, p. 130. 39 Čargo 2007, p. 12, no. 8. 40 Čargo 2007, p. 12. nos. 9-10.

47

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

these two production traditions. Also, lekanides of similar shape but different decoration can be found in Apulia; in Taranto, Rutigliano and in Canosa.45 The lekanides without a female head on the lid, like the one from Martvilo, may have also appeared in this period. They have been documented in the tombs in Rutigliano, but they all have different decorations: zigzag lines on the lekanis from tomb 54 and spirals on the lekanis from tomb 87.46 The low ringed foot on the lekanis from tomb 22/1980 has its closest parallels in the lekanis in Taranto and lekanis from Canosa, the low ringed foot similar, as above mentioned, to the lekanides of Campanian and Sicilian production.47 According to aforementioned analogies, the lekanis from tomb 22/1980 can be dated to the late 4th c. BC. In the tomb an oinochoe of uneven coating, a Gnathia pelike of Campanian production, a skyphos with incised horizontal lines without ribbing, and one small unguentarium were found.48

squat lekythoi from Olynthus have been dated from 375 to 350 BC, and based on the large number found there, Robinson assumed local mass production.55 In Corinth, only two small squat palmette lekythoi, referred to as Attic miniature squat lekythoi, were found in the drain deposit and were dated to the middle or third quarter of the 4th c. BC.56 One more miniature squat palmette lekythos was found in the pit in the south-central forum in Corinth in 1937, and was dated to the late 4th c. BC.57 The shape of the squat lekythoi seems to be Attic, and it was introduced to Corinthian production from Attic.58 As Lippolis noted, lekythoi had a long history in the Attic workshops, whence they came to the Tarantine workshops.59 In Taras, squat Red-figure lekythoi were produced only in the phase A 2, or from 350 to 325 BC, while the last examples of lekythoi with reticulate decoration have been dated to phase B 2 or from 300 to 275 BC.60 In Metaponto, squat lekythoi with reticulated decorations were unearthed in deposit (scarico) 3 in the kerameikos of Metaponto which indicated local production. Deposit 3 has been dated to the third quarter of the 4th c. BC based on the Red-figure vases also found in the deposit and attributed to the Darius Painter.61 Both squat lekythoi, with palmette and reticulate decoration, were found in the tombs in the Lilybaeum necropolis, and have been dated to period Ia and Ib, or the second half of the 4th c. BC.62

In one tomb found in the Martvilo necropolis in 1930, two squat Red-figure lekythoi were found.49 One has a palmette and the other reticulate decoration.50 This type of vessel was not found in high numbers in Issa. One squat lekythos with palmette decoration, probably from Issa, was published by Lisičar, but the others, unfortunately, remain unpublished.51 Based on analogies with the lekythoi from Taranto, Metaponto and Heraclea Lucania, Čargo attributed these lekythoi to Apulian production at the end of the 4th and beginning of the 3rd c. BC.52 The same attribution was maintained by Vedran Barbarić for two lekythoi, one with a palmette and one with reticulate decoration, found in tomb 4 in the indigenous necropolis of Vičja luka near Rat, at Ložišća on the island of Brač, where they have been dated to the second half of the 4th c. BC.53 However, the squat palmette lekythoi were also common and widespread in mainland Greece. In Olynthus, both lekythoi, with palmette and with reticulate decoration, were found in large numbers. Robinson distinguished 6 types of squat palmette lekythoi, wherein the earlier examples have a taller body and more slender neck, while on later examples the profile of the rim is doubly curved.54 The palmette and reticulated

Since we lack the entire tomb context of these two squat Red-figure lekythoi from Martvilo that could help define their provenance, the workshops from which they came cannot be ascertained.63 They both bear a great resemblance to the examples from mainland Greece and southern Italy. Together with these two lekythoi, probably from the same tomb or from tombs in the same area of Martvilo, three Alto Adriatico vases (see below), two Black-glaze vessels, one jug and one small bowl and miniature hydria with red coating were found. All vessels have been dated to the late 4th c. BC.64 Given that all of the aforementioned squat Red-figure lekythoi from mainland Greece were dated to the beginning of the 4th c. BC, it is reasonable to assume that they probably came from South Italian production. However, given the multiple burials in the Martvilo necropolis, the vessels from the same tomb can be dated differently, and may have originated in different workshops and regions, as the tomb in Stonca Bay has shown.65 Thus the workshop of the squat palmette and

45 From Taranto in Hoffmann 2002, Ta.89, from Rutigliano in De Juliis 2006, p., 134 and from Canosa in Canosa 1992, pp. 279-280, nos. 56, 58, 61. 46 De Juliis 2006, tomb 54, pp. 155- 159, tomb 87, pp. 243-245. 47 From Taranto in Hoffmann 2002, pp. 44-45, Taf. 89: Hoffmann’s typology dated it to phase A 2, while in the Lippolis typology the ringed foot appeared on lekanides without handles, Lippolis 1994, p. 198. and are dated to the transition phase from A 1 to A 2 or in the mid-4th c. BC, and from Canosa in Canosa 1992, p. 280, no. 58. 48 Kirigin, Marin 1988, p. 130. 49 Čargo 2010, p. 57-58, nos. 4-5. 50 Note that the rectangular decorations on these squat lekythoi are painted black on a plain surface, while on the squat lekythoi of Gnathia production the decorations is painted white on a black glaze surface. 51 Lisičar 1973, p. 14, P. X, no. 31.I was informed by my colleague Marina Ugarković that squat lekythoi with palmette decorations was also found in the Vlaška njiva necropolis. 52 Čargo 2010, p. 51-52. 53 Barbarić 2006, pp. 51-53. The two lekythoi from Vičja luka have now, unfortunately, been lost, i.e. they are not present in the AMS Greek and Hellenistic Collection (Čargo 2010, p. 51). 54 Olynthus XIII, pp. 146-150, and 160-162, palmette lekythoi on Pl. 101/96,97, Pl. 102/154-155,159-160, Pl. 103-106, and reticulate lekythoi on Pl. 102/186-189, 192-194, Pl. 107-108.

Olynthus XIII, pp. 149-150. Corinth VII.vi, p. 28 and 201, VIII -44 and VIII 45, the last on the Fig. 44, Pl. 36, and on Pl. 52, C-1937-2577. 57 Corinth VII.vi, p. 257, Pl. 52, C-1937-2577. 58 Agora XXX, pp. 47-48 and Corinth VII.iv. pp. 61-64. 59 Lippolis 1994, p. 250. 60 Lippolis 1994, pp. 251-254. Although the author mentions that squat lekythoi with reticulate pattern in black paint on a pale surface of the vessel are closer to the over-painted ware technique, they have been attributed to Red-figure vases. 61 Carter 1998, p. 668. 62 Bechtold 1999, Tav. XIII, 126-129, Tav.L, 4, Tav.LV, 2, Tav.LVI and Tav.LVII, 3. 63 Čargo 2010, p. 51. The only information is that they were found in the western Issaean necropolis in 1930. 64 Čargo 2010, pp. 56-61. 65 Miše, Touloumtzidou 2015 (in print). 55 56

48

III. Related Hellenistic Ware on the East Adriatic Coast

and a high number of them found in north-western Greece, McPhee assumed that they were local products influenced by Apulian Red-figure production.72 Since the publication of McPhee’s Agrinion group, this group of the squat Redfigure lekythoi were also found during archaeological excavations at a number of sites in north-western Greece. Twelve squat lekythoi of the Agrinion group were found in the Dourouti necropolis near Ioannina, in Molossian territory.73 Lekythoi from tomb LXXX in Dourouti exhibit a remarkable resemblance in shape, even in dimensions, and in female figure sitting and holding a mirror in her left hand to the Issaean example from the tomb on the northern side of the Martvilo necropolis.74 The lekythoi from Dourouti have been dated to the second half of the 4th c. BC and are attributed to workshops in Ambracia, Apollonia and Leukas.75 The squat lekythos from tomb 24 in the Leukas necropolis, dated to the second half of the 4th c. BC, has the same shape as the aforementioned Issaean example, but a different motif with a standing female figure.76 In Stratos in Acarnania, the six squat lekythoi, also similar to the Issaean examples, were found in tomb 25, and have been dated to the mid-4th c. BC.77 The wide distribution of squat Red-figure lekythoi of the Agrinion group in north-western Greece prompted the location of the production centre or workshops in this region. The coastal Greek town of Leukas on the island of Leukas, situated in front of the Ambracian gulf and near the coast of Acarnania is a likely candidate, since the city had commercial contacts with southern Italy.78 Contacts between the Greeks in southern Italy and western Greece, Aetolia and Acarnania have been well documented by literary texts, inscriptions and the circulation of coins from 4th c. BC to the Roman Imperial era.79 However, given the quantity and wide distribution of the Agrinion group in the region, recently it has been argued that the production of this type of vase cannot be attributed to a single workshop, but more likely to several workshops in Acarnania and/or Aetolia.80

reticulate lekythoi from Martvilo still remains open, until further progress in the study of this shape and decoration in south Italy and mainland Greece. Besides above-mentioned lekythoi, sherds of Red-figure lekythoi were found in the Dyrrachion necropolis. One squat lekythos with reticulate decoration was found in tomb 15 and has been dated rather broadly to the 4th and 3rd c. BC.66 Hidri links this lekythos, together with the lekythoi of the Agrinion group (see below) to the lekythoi in Corinth and Apollonia.67 But like the lekythoi from the Martvilo necropolis, the lekythoi from Dyrrachion also resemble the lekythoi from the Tarantine workshop.68 One sherd of the lower part of the lekythos, from the tomb 10 at the Dyrrachion necropolis, has a painted palmette on one side and a figure on the other.69 The sherd is poorly preserved and does not allow for further detailed comparisons. Most Red-figure vases from Issa and Pharos, or at least the published examples, are examples of Late Apulian Redfigure production. Only two vases are not: a lebes gamikos from Martvilo can be attributed to Sicilian production and a kernos to Campanian production. The squat lekythoi with palmette and reticulated decorations are probably Apulian products, but other production centres for this vessel type cannot be discounted. Imports of Late Apulian Red-figure vases in Issa can be dated to the second half of the 4th c. BC, and this coincides with the first and second phases of Apulian Gnathia production. It is worth noting that so far in Vis, imports from the first phase of Apulian Gnathia have not been found nor, as we have seen, earlier examples of Apulian Red-figure vases. Imports from mainland Greece On the East Adriatic coast, seven squat lekythoi of the Agrinion group were found, two from tomb 73 in tumulus 1 in Apollonia, two in the Dyrrachion necropolis, two from Issa, already mentioned one from the tomb on the northern side of Martvilo necropolis, an unpublished one from the Vlaška njiva necropolis, and one in Pharos, today on display in the collection of the Dominican Monastery in Stari Grad.70 The Agrinion group belongs to the Redfigure vases, with the characteristic decoration of a single figure added in white, framed with spiral tendrils. Ian McPhee identified the group of squat lekythoi from the Agrinion and Ioannina museums.71 On the basis of the characteristic figure, a female image between tendrils, similar to the small squat lekythoi associated with the Ilioupersis Painter in the second quarter of the 4th c. BC,

Local Red-figure production In the southern part of the East Adriatic, Red-figure vases were found in a much higher number. Hidri mentions 200 vases from the necropolis in Dyrrachion.81 Dyrrachion had commercial contacts with Corcyra, Corinth, the Ionian Islands and Attica from the 7th to the 5th c. BC, McPhee 1979, pp. 160-161. Aνδρεoυ 2009, pp. 130-132, AE 6703-6707, fig. 14-19, and p. 135, AE 7419, fig. 27/III. 74 Čargo 2010, p. 72, fig. 2. 75 Aνδρεoυ 2009, p. 144. 76 Πλιάκου 2009b, pp. 192-193, fig. 1. 77 Σταυροπούλου - Γάτση, Tσαντηλα 2009, p. 247-249, fig. 3-4.. 78 Πλιάκου 2009b, p. 210. 79 Zoumbaki 2011, pp. 524-525. It needs to be noted that the author dates early contact in the 4th c. BC based on the Agrinion group and the chronology set by Ian McPhee. 80 Σταυροπούλου - Γάτση, Tσαντηλα 2009, p. 258. 81 Hidri 2005, p. 15- 18 and 2011, p. 847. Unfortunately, the author does not provide a detailed description nor analyses of imported vases, but states that local production could have been influenced by the Darius and Pausias Painters of Apulian production, and only focuses on vases of local Dyrrachion production. 72 73

Hidri 1983, p. 161, Tab. III/5. Hidri 1983, p. 150. 68 Lippolis 1994, 235. 69 Hidri 1986b, Tab. X/15. 70 Lekythoi from Apollonia in McPhee 1979, p. 161, from Dyrrachion in Hidri 1983, p. 172, Tab. XIV/3 and 6, and probably, although with very poorly preserved decoration, no. 2 and 4, from Martvilo in Čargo 2010, p. 66, 72, no. 2 and the previous publications cited there, and for lekythoi from Vlaška njiva in Kirigin 2004, p. 156, note no. 677, and from Pharos also in Kirigin 2004, p. 156, note no. 678, and T. XXXI F. 71 McPhee 1979, pp. 159-162. 66 67

49

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

and probably imported Red-figure vases from these production centres. In the late 5th c. BC, after turbulent years for Athens and the Peloponnesian War, it appears that imports from southern Italy replaced imports from Attica. The imported Apulian Red-figure vases prompted the establishment of local production in the first half of the 4th c. BC, but intensive production began in the second half of the 4th c. BC.82 Hidri has identified specific local traits of local Dyrrachion Red-figure production, and I mention them briefly herein.83 The common shapes are lekythoi, pyxides, kantharoi and loutrophoroi, while vases of large dimensions, such as craters and/or Panathenaic-type amphorae were not produced. Regarding the decorations, there is also a great resemblance to Apulian production, with Dionysian scenes as the predominant motifs. Furthermore, according to the style and preferred motifs, Hidri identified the Aphrodite and Eros Painters, the Nike Painter and Painter of Dionysian Scenes.84 Although the author mentions that Red-figure production in Dyrrachion had several different phases during the 4th c. BC, no reference is made to the characteristics of each phase.85 On the basis of Hidri’s studies, it may be concluded that the typical lekythoi with relief figures that were produced in the second half of the 4th c. BC reflected more local features. However, this was not a local innovation of the Dyrrachion potters. Relief figures on the squat lekythoi, inspired by relief metalwork, appeared on Athenian Redfigure vases at the beginning of the 4th c. BC.86 The squat lekythos with female figures in relief was also found in Olynthus and has been dated somewhat earlier than the examples from Dyrrachion, to the 5th and early 4th c. BC.87 The Dyrrachion Red-figure vases with relief decoration were probably inspired by Athenian products, since this type of ware was not common in South Italian production.88

figure fish-plates to the second half of the 4th c. BC.91 The same plates in terms of shape and decoration were found in tomb 66 at the Vlaška njiva necropolis in Issa. The great similarities in the rendering of the fish on the recipient led to attribution of the fish-plate from Issa to the local Dyrrachion workshop, and to the same period, the late 4th c. BC.92 Based on this fish-plate, it is difficult to draw any conclusions on the existence of commercial contacts between Dyrrachion and central Dalmatia at the beginning of the Hellenistic period, as they did – as we shall see – in the later period. The current state of research indicates that the only Red-figure workshops on the East Adriatic coast were in Dyrrachion. Pursuant to an analysis of the Red-figure vases, local production could not be identified in Issa. III. 2. West Slope ware West Slope ware was a painted Hellenistic type of ware that was produced in Greece and the eastern Mediterranean. It appeared during the last phase of Apulian Gnathia ware production at the beginning of the 3rd c. BC. Although both types of ware are painted Hellenistic ware with a similar decorative pattern featuring Dionysian motifs, the relationship between these types of ware is still unclear. As Rotroff noted, some reciprocal influence has been noted, and recently discussed, but the question still remains open.93 Understanding the relationship between West Slope and Apulian Gnathia ware is important to an understanding of the second phase of Issaean Gnathia production that clearly exhibits the influence of both types. The vessels from Issa are good examples of where these two types of Hellenistic ware met.

The two Red-figure fish plates from the altar in Dyrrachion have shallow discoid recipients and horizontal walls that descend slightly toward the middle of the plate. The rim ‘hangs’ downward over the edge of the plate, which stands on a low ringed foot.89 The recipients of the plates each feature two black glaze fish. These motifs are, as Myrto noticed, associated with Attic and South Italian production, where these plates were produced at the end of the 4th c. BC.90 However, the rendering of the fish on the fish-plates from Dyrrachion reflect a local tendency under Attic and Apulian production, and they have been dated on the basis of a comparison to Attic and South Italian Red-

West Slope ware was named after the area where it was first found on the west slope of the Acropolis in Athens.94 Rotroff, who recently devoted considerable attention to the study and publication of West slope ware, calls it the West Slope technique, since the designation refers not to ware, but rather to the type of decoration and technique used on the vessels.95 The West Slope technique refers to the over-painted decoration in white and orange, as Rotroff mentions, ‘added clay’ on the black glazed surface of the vessels.96 The orange clay or added clay is diluted clay, sometimes with a thick consistency, that was applied to the already glazed surface of the vessel.97 In addition to these techniques, incisions were also common on

Hidri 1986a, p. 189, 2006, pp. 15-23 and 2011, p. 847. Hidri 2011, pp. 846-847. 84 Hidri 2011, pp. 846-847. 85 Hidri 2011, p. 847. 86 Boardman 1989, pp. 168-169, Fig. 340. The large squat lekythos with relief figures has been attributed to the Xenophantos Painter, who signed his work. 87 Olynthus XIII, pp. 136-139. Pl. 96-99. 88 From the publications available to me, I have found only three examples of this type of lekythoi: one squat lekythos in Campanian Redfigure production and two in Apulian, with three women in relief with white paint added (Trendall 1967, p. 542, Pl. 213/1). 89 Myrto 1995, Fig. 10/1 and 7. 90 Myrto 1995, p. 268. For a good summary of Attic and South Italian production of Red-figure fish-plates, see Ugarković 2013, pp. 89-93.

91 McPhee, Trendall 1987, Myrto 1995, p. 268, 271-272, cat. no. 12 and 13. 92 Ugarković 2013, p. 94. 93 Agora XXIX, p. 41, Alexandropoulou 2002 and 2004, pp. 667- 672. 94 Agora XXIX, pp. 38-39. In 1901 Carl Watzinger published the pottery finds as Keramik von Westabhang or Westabhangkeramik, but Homer Thompson’s English translation of the name from 1934 became the standard term. 95 Agora XXIX, p. 39 Recently, Elizabeth Bollen devoted her research to studying West Slope ware in Greece in her PhD theses A Comparative Study of West Slope Pottery Production in the Hellenistic World, which was not available to me. 96 Agora XXIX, p. 38. 97 Rotroff 2004, p. 657.

82 83

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III. Related Hellenistic Ware on the East Adriatic Coast

notion that Gnathia prototypes had some influence on this innovation in West Slope production.106

West Slope ware. The potters developed an extensive repertoire of motifs on West Slope ware, but they all can be categorized into groups of natural motifs – floral images, garlands, natural scenes with dolphins, man-made items like necklaces, geometric motifs and inscriptions, while figured scenes do not appear.98

Besides production in Athens, West Slope ware was also produced in other parts of mainland Greece, the Aegean, on the coast of Asia Minor, Cyprus, the Levant and the Black Sea.107 The present study, in line with the current state of research and available publications, presents the main characteristic of different West Slope production centres in mainland Greece, and compares them to the vessels of same and/or similar decoration on Issaean Gnathia ware.108 I believe this will help – although I harbour no illusions that it will lead to a definitive conclusion – determine whence and from which workshop West Slope influence came to Issa and, hopefully, facilitate a better understanding of the link between Gnathia and West Slope ware.

The origin of West Slope ware is still being debated. Rotroff very firmly stated that Attic West Slope originated in Athens in the first quarter of the 3rd c. BC as a successor of the Attic gold-decorated vessels of the 4th c. BC, which used the same motifs and the same added-clay technique.99 However, some studies of Hellenistic ware from western Greece, Corinth and Epirus proposed a different developmental path for West Slope ware. McPhee noted that the same techniques – added clay, incisions for stems and added white for berries and the same motifs, i.e. the laurel wreath – and a necklace appear on the stemless bellcraters from Corinth dated in 4th c. BC.100 The stemless bell-craters from Corinth and vessels from western Greece decorated in the West Slope technique or style (to be discussed below) prompts the question of the relationship between Apulian Gnathia and West Slope ware in the late 4th and early 3rd c. BC. McPhee argued that the shape of the stemless bell-craters is similar to the 18 vessels of Apulian Gnathia ware that have more complex decorations with the figures or floral elements combined with bands and occasionally objects.101 Green assumed that the Gnathia bell-craters of type B are found only ‘in the earlier years of Gnathia pottery’ in Taras from roughly 370/360 to 330/320 BC.102 Based on his observations, McPhee concluded that the shape of stemless bell-craters from Corinth was adopted by the Tarantine potters, since this type of vessel was produced in Corinth before it was in Apulia.103 So far only 20 sherds of Gnathia vessels, mainly round-shape epiphyses, standard epiphyses and cup-kantharoi were found in Corinth, and some of them have been dated to the earlier period in association with the Rose Painter.104 Furthermore, the Gnathia ware in Athens is, so far, represented only by two sherds dated to the first quarter of the 3rd c. BC.105 However, because these sherds have been dated to the same period when Attic potters began to use white in painted decoration, Rotroff entertained the

The main characteristic of Attic West Slope ware, as mentioned above, is the added clay and white paint. Incisions were usually reserved for details, such as the individual stem of leaves, or the attachment for pendants in a spearhead necklace, and were probably introduced later than the above-mentioned technique, in the second quarter of the 3rd c. BC.109 The common shapes of Attic West Slope ware are kantharoi, cup-kantharoi, calyx-kantharoi, bowl-kantharoi, hemispherical cups and pyxides.110 The fragmentation and simple, easy to render and easy to repeat motifs; preclude any detailed classifications of this type of ware and identification of the individual painters and their workshops, as was possible for the vessels in earlier phases of Apulian Gnathia production. However, Rotroff did manage, based on the reappearance of motifs, to classify Attic West Slope ware and to identify groups and arrange them according to the floral, nature, and geometrical motifs and motifs of man-made objects.111 The most common plant motifs are grape vines, ivy sprays, myrtle, leaves, rosettes, palmettes, garlands; common nature motifs are dolphins and waves, while the common geometric motifs include the checkerboard, lattice complex and zigzag lines. The group of motifs of man-made objects include necklaces, thymiatheria and torches.

The classification of the Attic West Slope decorations and motifs in Agora XXIX, pp. 46-71. 99 Agora XXIX, p. 40-41. 100 McPhee 1997, pp. 122-126. 101 McPhee 1997, p. 135. 102 Green 1979, p. 81 and 1986a, p. 137, McPhee 1997, p. 136. 103 McPhee 1997, p. 136. Personal communication with Prof. Sarah James: ‘[None] of the examples that he published in the 1997 article come from securely dated and chronologically discrete contexts that are dated earlier than ca. 300 BC (most of these are in the drains and fills associated with buildings I-IV). Within the larger mixed fills, the material covers a range of dates within a 100-150 year period, so in some cases as early as ca. 400 BC, so it is possible to argue for an earlier date for the technique at Corinth.’ (I am most grateful to Prof. James for sharing this observation with me.) Thus the dates proposed by Ian McPhee should be taken with caution. 104 Green 1971, pl 1:a, 1979, p. 81, McPhee 1997, p. 137, McPhee, Pemberton 2004, p. 60. 105 Agora XXIX, p. 406, nos. 1635 and 1636.

Agora XXIX, p. 221. Rotroff 2002, pp. 97-111 and 2004, p. 659, Bollen 2011, p. 651. The author mentions the production of West Slope ware on the Adriatic coast, but so far production of this type of ware has not been identified in this region, unless the author means Issaean Gnathia ware with West Slope motifs, but this cannot be considered West Slope production. 108 I shall only focus on West Slope wares on mainland Greece, since, as will shall see, they bear the most resemblances to the vessels from Issa. There is also Corinthian West Slope ware, but so far it has only been identified by Anderson-Stojanović (Anderson-Stojanović 2000, pp. 381-385), but with no further details about the characteristics of its production. For Cretan pottery production in the Hellenistic period, see Εγγλέζου 2005, but no specific features were singled out for West Slope production, rather the existence of Cretan West Slope production is mentioned by Anna Alexandropoulou (Aλεξανδρoπoύλoυ 2011, pp. 223234). Susan Rotroff mentioned Cretan production of West Slope ware with influences of Gnathia ware (Rotroff 2004, p. 660). 109 Agora XXIX, pp. 42-43. 110 Agora XXIX, pp. 42, 45-46. 111 Agora XXIX, pp. 46-68.

Attic West Slope ware

106

98

107

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western Greece during that period.120 The same decoration also appears on the pelikai and table amphorae with twisted vertical handles in the Dourouti necropolis, and they have also been dated based on the tomb assemblages, weapons and vessels to the second half of the 4th c. BC.121 The vessels with decorations in West Slope technique from Dourouti can probably be attributed to the same workshop that produced the Red-figure Agrinion group in Ambracia, Apollonia and Leukas (see above), whose potters had already embraced the ideas and influence of Apulian production. The same motifs of triple wavy stems and vertical leaves can be seen on two table amphora from the tomb in the Ioannina Basin.122 On one table amphora, the triple wavy stem is incised, while painted leaves cannot be seen, and on another table amphora the entire decoration was painted but, unfortunately, is only visible in traces. Both table amphorae are considered imports from the workshops in Ambracia and have been dated to the 3rd c. BC.123 An unguentaria, also from the tomb in the Ioannina Basin, has an incised reticulated motif, which, based on the poorly rendered incision, has been attributed to the local workshop.124 The pyxides and unguentaria from two tombs in Tyrreion in Acarnania, both dated to the 2nd c. BC, have incised geometric motifs and have also been attributed to Ambracian workshops.125

Macedonian West Slope ware From the beginning of the 4th c. BC, and under the influences of Attic production, Macedonian potters began to produce Black-glazed ware, and later in the 3rd c. BC West Slope ware.112 Although intense pottery production has been documented in ancient Macedonia during the 3rd and 2nd c. BC as a result of the prosperity of the cities in the Hellenistic kingdom, current research into West Slope ware has not yet reached a level at which the characteristics of production can be discussed.113 However, Kallini attempted to allocate the specific traits of West Slope ware within Macedonian Hellenistic ware. In the workshops in Pella, local potters preferred floral motifs, mainly ivy sprays, olives, vine garlands, necklace motifs and occasionally combinations with stems, dots, leaves and rosettes in added clay or in white, while geometric motifs were apparently limited.114 Similar to the workshops in Pella, potters from Veroia and Aegae preferred floral and necklace motifs, while geometric motifs are rare and appear mostly on vessels of the early 2nd c. BC.115 In Aiani in Upper Macedonia, local West Slope production began in the 3rd c. BC with various themes, intensive incisions and the use of white paint.116 West Slope ware in western Greece

The vessels from the Dourouti necropolis near Ioannina shed new light on the beginning of West Slope production in mainland Greece. They have been dated to the late 4th c. BC, prior to the beginning of Attic West Slope production in the beginning of the 3rd c. BC. However, it should be stressed that a different developmental course on the vessels may be observed upon a closer examination of overall Attic West Slope production. Certainly, this view is based on the current state of research, and a final comparison should wait until West Slope ware from other parts of western Greece, especially Epirus, is analysed and published.126 The West Slope ware from the Dourouti necropolis has raised another question, and this is the relationship between Apulian Gnathia ware and its influence on West Slope production.

Recent publications of the vessels from the tombs at the Dourouti necropolis near Ioannina in ancient Molossia, in north-western Greece, opened the question of local West Slope production in this area.117 The Black-glazed vessels, mainly table amphorae and pelikai, show some similarities to West Slope decorations: undulating incisions, running spirals, incised ivy branches with leaves in added clay and white paint.118 On the published vessels, it may be noted that most of the incised branches/stems have triple wavy lines. Unfortunately, the painted decoration on most of the published vessels cannot be seen because they are poorly preserved. The Panathenaic amphora with lids from the Dourouti necropolis with well-preserved decoration does stand out.119 The leaves are vertically placed above and below the triple wavy incised stem on the neck and on the body is a well-known West Slope decorative pattern. This vessel was found together, in the same tombs, with Red-figure lekythoi of the Agrinion group that have been dated to the second half of the 4th c. BC. The Panathenaic amphora from Dourouti necropolis is thus considered evidence of the use of West Slope technique in Epirus and

The relationship between ‘Gnathia’ and West Slope ware As mentioned above, the Panathenaic amphora from the Dourouti necropolis, raised questions about the beginning of West Slope production in mainland Greece and the influences of Gnathia on West Slope ware. The amphora has West Slope decoration, and according to Anderou, an Apulian shape.127 However, the shape of the Panathenaic

Kallini 2012, pp. 163, 167. Tzanavari 2012, p. 127. Hellenistic ware from different sites in ancient Macedonia and local production are presented in: Drougou 1991 and Drougou, Touratsoglou 2012.Prof. Stella Drougou has informed me that the local production of West Slope ware in Macedonia is not yet very well known nor studied, but some local characteristics may be noted in the work of Kallini. Of course, this should be taken tentatively until the analysis of overall production of this type of ware in Macedonia has been undertaken. 114 Kallini 2012, p. 171. 115 Kallini 2010, p. 171. 116 Kallini 2012, p. 173. 117 Aνδρεoυ 2009, pp. 123-144. 118 Aνδρεoυ 2009, p. 144. 119 Aνδρεoυ 2009, p. 140, fig. 35. 112 113

Aνδρεoυ 2009, tomb CXXXVIII, p. 135, fig. 25-27. Aνδρεoυ 2009, 141. 122 Πλιάκου 2009a, p. 147, fig. 2-3. 123 Πλιάκου 2009a, p. 152. 124 Πλιάκoυ 2009a, p. 150, fig. 7, and p. 152. 125 Σταυρoπoυλoυ - Γάτση 2009, pp. 231- 244, fig. 2-4, 6-8. 126 Prof. Drougou informed me that the West Slope ware from Epirus has been presented at the Conference on Hellenistic Pottery in Ioannina on 5-9 May 2009, and will be published in forthcoming conference proceedings. 127 Aνδρεoυ 2009, p. 140. 120 121

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amphorae was unknown in Apulian Gnathia production, and close parallels in shape to South Italian production can be drawn with Red-figure vases. The shape of other vessels from the Dourouti necropolis with West Slope decoration, such as table amphorae and pelikai with pronounced shoulders and twisted handles, were not known in Apulian production of the late 4th c. BC.128 In recent studies, Alexandropoulou devoted considerable attention to the relationship between Gnathia and West Slope ware. Comparing the two types of ware based on two criteria, the distribution of Gnathia ware and its decoration, she discussed the strong influences of Gnathia on West Slope ware, especially in western Greece.129 However, a closer examination of the published material from mainland Greece, particularly in north-western and western Greece, indicates that Gnathia ware was apparently not present in high numbers.130 Thus far, imports of Gnathia vessels have only been found at three sites: in the Peloponnese, as mentioned, 20 sherds were found in Corinth, an oinochoe of the Alexandrian group from tomb 4 in Pylos, and only two sherds were found in Athens.131 Likewise, a limited number of West Slope vessels were found in southern Italy.132 Furthermore, Alexandropoulou, on the basis of the same decorative traits, assumed that the same influence was present along the Adriatic and Ionian coast in the 3rd c. BC.133 So it is apparent that in the development of Apulian Gnathia ware, after the initial and the middle phases, in the mid- and second half of the 4th c. BC, incisions were very rare, while this technique was very popular on West Slope ware – especially according to the published material – in western Greece. In comparative studies of shapes, Bollen has shown that both types of ware went down different developmental paths.134

the production, and not only one, such as decoration and/ or shape, should be considered. It should be noted that, so far, only the development of shapes and decorations on Attic West Slope production may be discussed, while such studies have not, unfortunately, been conducted for other production centres in mainland Greece. The influence of Apulian Gnathia production on the pottery industry in Greece is clearly reflected in the oinochoe with an anthropomorphic handle, ribbed body, painted ivy and bucranium on the neck from the Ioannina Museum, in the oinochoe (of unknown origin) in the Museum of Mytilene, and in the oinochoe from Tarra on Crete.136 The latter two oinochoai have a rounded body with ribbing divided into two bands, a long thin elegant neck with traces of painted decoration and a long handle that overarches the trefoil mouth, and both have been dated to the final quarter of the 3rd c. BC. Both oinochoai show similarities in shape to the oinochoe from tomb 3/1976 in Martvilo, which is considered an imported West Slope vessel (see below). All of the above-mentioned oinochoai from Greece have been attributed to the Cretan workshop.137 Rotroff noted that West Slope production at Knossos appeared simultaneously with Attic, and due to the richness of its motifs, these vessels are definitely not ‘imitations’ of the Attic.138 The oinochoai of Cretan production certainly show more similarities in decoration and shape to Gnathia ware than the vessels from western Greece, and this allows for the assumption that this influence did occur, but on Crete. West Slope ware on the East Adriatic coast West Slope ware, as mentioned before, was not common on the East Adriatic coast. So far, it has been documented at two sites in central Dalmatia, in Issa and at the Diomedan sanctuary on the island of Palagruža, and in the southern part of the East Adriatic, in Budva and Apollonia. West Slope vessels in Issa were found in tombs in the Martvilo and Vlaška njiva necropolises, and in a tomb in Stonca Bay near Issa.139 Although not found in a high number, compared to Gnathia ware, it is still possible to conduct a comparative analysis of West Slope ware on the East Adriatic in the hope of gaining some vague notion of their original production site.

Gnathia and West Slope were are painted Hellenistic ware that developed in parallel and therefore exerted some influence on one another in terms of decorative ideas – the common motif of ivy sprays – but there is still insufficient evidence to ascertain how strong this influence was and whether it was reciprocal. For there is not much West Slope ware in Apulia, and also a limited quantity of Gnathia ware on mainland Greece. Furthermore, recent studies of the decoration techniques on Gnathia ware have shown that the decoration on the vessels was applied before firing, while the same question about the West Slope decoration, as Rotroff mentioned, remains unanswered.135 This suggests that when comparing the two types of ware, all aspects of

The oinochoe from tomb 3/1976 in the Martvilo necropolis has West Slope decorations, but a shape that is more common in Apulia.140 It has a rounded body, a long elegant neck, and a handle that overarches the trefoil mouth with a figure at the end. The ivy and ovules on the neck are

128 Survey on publications from Apulia, and the Lippolis typology in Taranto production (Lippolis 1994) and Lanza for the typology of Peucetia (Lanza 2006b). 129 Aλεξανδρoπoύλoυ 2004, pp. 667-672, note 3. 130 Zimmerman - Munn 1983, p. 255, McPhee, Pemberton 2004, pp. 5960. 131 Gnathia from Corinth in Green 1971, pl 1:a, 1979, p. 81, McPhee 1997, p. 137, McPhee, Pemberton 2004, p. 60, from Pylos in Καλτσάς 1983, pp. 64-65, Pl. 9β and from Athens in Agora XXIX, p. 406, nos. 1635 and 1636. 132 Sherds from Valesio in Salento in Yntema 1995, 390-393, and for one epichysis with incised wavy stem from Roccagloriosa in Lucania see Gualtieri, Fracchia 1990, fig. 184, no. 219b. 133 Aλεξανδρoπoύλoυ 2004, pp. 667- 672. 134 Bollen 2004, pp. 25-34. 135 Rotroff 2004, pp. 657-658.

For Oinochoai from the Ioannina Museum and Mytilene see Aλεξανδρoπoύλoυ 2011, pp. 225-226, fig. 3-5 and pp. 223-234, fig. 6,and oinochoe from Tarra in Τζανακάκη 2000, 18-20, pl. 1, 2d. 137 Aλεξανδρoπoύλoυ 2011, pp. 226-227. 138 Rotroff 2004, p. 660. 139 The vessels from Vlaška njiva are still unpublished, but according to Marina Ugarković, there are only two vessels found in tombs at Vlaška njiva that can be attributed to West Slope production. Vessels from Stonca Bay in Rapanić 1960, pp. 37-44 and Miše, Touloumtzidou 2015 (in print). 140 Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, P. X/22 and P. XII, Kirigin 1986, 31, no. 184, Kirigin 1990a, 59, note 15. 136

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

rendered in added clay, the spiral lines and flowers at the shoulders are painted in white and the palm branch on the body, between two bands of ribs, is also rendered in added clay, as is a figure of a young boy, probably Ganymede.141 Although the Apulian shape and West Slope decoration can be observed on the Issaean Gnathia vessels, the high-quality rendering of the decoration and the figure of Ganymede on the oinochoe led to this vessel’s attribution as an import. However, as we could see, the shape of the oinochoe is closer to Apulian production than to West Slope, while the decoration is undoubtedly done in the West Slope technique. The same can be noticed on the above-mentioned oinochoai from Tarra attributed to Cretan production.142 So I would rather put aside the identification of the workshop that made the oinochoe from tomb 3/1979 in Martvilo, since by all indications it could have come from either Issaean Gnathia or Cretan West Slope production.

Fig. 9: Kantharos from Palagruža (photo D. Cetinić)

Issaean Gnathia vessels, the Black-glazed and Plain ware have been dated later, from the end of the 3rd to the early 2nd c. BC, and consequently it may be linked to the next two burials in the tomb.146

The tomb in Stonca Bay is, so far, the only tomb in Vis that contains four West Slope vessels.143 They were found together in a tomb with an Issaean Gnathia oinochoe and a table amphora.144 The West Slope vessels in the tomb are a double-spouted askos or double cruet, a guttusaskos, an ornately decorated plate and a squat or bellshaped trefoil oinochoe. The shapes and decoration on these vessels are unique in Issa, and represent a link between Issa with the workshops in mainland Greece. The decoration on the vessels is mainly incised and painted white, except the ivy spray on the plate and double cruet, which are rendered in added clay. Based on the analogies in shape and decoration with the vessels from Messenia, in Boeotia, and Epirus, the four West Slope vessels from the tomb in Stonca Bay can be dated to about the second and third quarters of the 3rd c. BC and they were imports from Greek workshops.145Both Gnathia vessels from the same tomb, the oinochoe and table amphora, were locally produced. However, the pyriform body of the oinochoe with a narrow neck and red and white lines and dots shows Apulian influence, while the wide, moulded mouth, long neck, and ovoid body with ribbing and vertical handles with a knob on the table amphorae are more local features. The tomb in Stonca Bay had multiple burials, and that precludes the possibility of a closer date, but taking into account the entire tomb assemblage and individual burials, the first burial can be dated to second quarter of or mid3rd c. BC based on the West Slope ware placed with the first burial, while the other assemblage, such as the two

Among the sherds of Hellenistic ware that were unearthed in the Diomedan sanctuary on the island of Palagruža, four sherds of the same kantharos were found (Fig. 9).147 The ivy spray on two rim sherds is still painted white. All sherds have a lustrous black glaze and very dark red fabrics. It is difficult to identify the workshop, but based on the shape, lustrous glaze and fabrics, parallels can be found in the Attic West Slope workshops. Similar sherds, still unpublished, were also found at the Kopila hillfort on the island of Korčula.148 Two biconical table amphorae were found in Budva.149 They both have incised rectangular motifs below the rim. Based on the unusual decorative pattern, it is safe to assume that it is a local product. The same shape was documented in Issa, but with Gnathia decorative patterns (to be more precise, of the Alexandrian group, and the example from Issa is considered an import).150 So, the workshops that made these vessels is still uncertain, since the shape has not been documented among the Issaean products, and their workshop should probably be sought farther south in Dyrrachion or Epirus. Based on the material from Albania published thus far, only two vessels from Apollonia can be attributed to West Slope ware with greater or lesser certainty: an unguentarium with attached small handles and incised chequerboard on the shoulder and a sherd of a vessel with outwardly curved

The oinochoe is on display in the Issa Archaeological Collection. Nινιoυ - Kινδελή, Tζανακάκη 2004, pp. 341-356, Pl. 152/α. Rapanić 1960, pp. 37-44. The tomb was found in the bay, approximately 1km north-west of the Vlaška njiva necropolis, and since no other tombs were found or reported nearby, the tomb is considered to be an isolated one. 144 Miše, Touloumtzidou 2015 (in print). The authors provide a detailed analysis of the tomb assemblage which consisted of 18 vessels and three individual burials. Besides West Slope and Gnathia ware, Black and Gray-glaze vessels and Plain were found in the tomb in Stonca Bay near Issa. 145 Vessels from Messenia in Κολώνας 1991, pp. 257-266, fig. 1-10, vessels from Boeotia in Médéon V, p. 77, Σελέκου 2011, p. 204 and vessels from Epirus in Γραβάνη 2009, p. 51. 141 142

143

Miše, Touloumtzidou 2015 (in print). Kirigin, Miše, Barbarić 2010, pp. 65-92. The sherds were sorted during the preliminary analysis of the pottery from Palagruža conducted by Dr. Kirigin and myself. 148 The sherds of a West Slope decorated kantharos were presented by Dr. Igor Borzić at the Congress in Honour of Duje Rendić Miočević in Šibenik in September 2013 (proceedings in print). 149 Popović 1994, p. 277, no. 445 and p. 27, no. 447, Krstić 2004, pp. 585-592 150 Kirigin 1986, p. 23, no. 45 and 1996, p. 128, Čargo 2010, p. 212, no. 2. 146

147

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Kirigin dated the Alto Adriatico vases at Sutilija hillfort to the second half of the 4th c. BC and attributed them to the workshops in Numana.161

rim and incised wavy lines below it.151 The unguentarium bears some resemblance in decoration and shape to the handles of an unguentarium from a tomb in Agioi Apostoli in the Ioannina Basin, dated to the end of the 3rd and early 2nd c. BC.152

Alto Adriatico vases were found in Issa in an archaeological context. Two oinochoe and one jug were found in a tomb in Martvilo excavated in 1930.162 They were found together with two squat Red-figure lekythoi, of which one has a reticulated decoration, a small Black-glazed bowl and one small plain hydria. According to a comparative analysis, Čargo dated the tomb to the end of the 4th c. BC.163 Two Alto Adriatico oinochoai were found in tombs 65A and 90 in the Vlaška njiva necropolis.164 In the tombs at the palm nursery in Issa, an Alto Adriatico oinochoe was found together with Gnathia vessels, Black-glazed and Plain ware.165 Unfortunately, because the tombs at the palm nursery were disturbed prior to the arrival of the archaeologists to the site, it is difficult to determine the tomb assemblage in each tomb, and to know whether the Gnathia vessels were in the same tomb as the Alto Adriatic oinochoe. The Alto Adriatico oinochoe has been dated on the basis of a comparative analysis up to the end of the 4th c. BC.166

III. 3. Alto Adriatico vases Alto Adriatico ware is a distinguish group of Red-figure vases that were produced at the northwest coast of the Adriatic, in Picenum, Spina and Adria, from the second half of the 4th to the mid-3rd c. BC.153 The characteristics of this group are dark red or dark brown painted decorations on a light vessel surface. The shape and decoration of Alto Adriatico vases were taken from the Attic Red-figure vase. The common motifs are floral and geometric patterns, mythological and every day scenes and female heads in profile on the well-known shapes of oinochoai, lekanides, skyphoi, jugs and craters, and plates.154 Most of these vases came from tombs, and only a small number were found in settlements and sanctuaries. Although, the study of Alto Adriatic production is still at its beginnings, the stylistic differences that distinguish them from contemporary Apulian Red-figure production may be noted. The painted motifs are rendered in a simpler and more stylized fashion, while the coating varies from back, dark brown to reddish.155 At the end of the 4th and beginning of the 3rd c. BC, Alto Adriatico vases were often found together with the Black glazed and Gnathia ware.156

The four sherds of Alto Adriatico ware from Cape Ploča are very poorly preserved, and the decoration on them has mostly disappeared. However, based on a stylistic comparison, Šešelj noted that they resemble sherds from other sites on the East Adriatic, such as those from Nesactium, Pharos and Danilo.167

On the East Adriatic coast, Alto Adriatico vases were documented at a numerous sites, from Nesactium in Istria to Nakovana Cave in the south.157 Most vessels of this type of ware were found in pieces and were not published with detailed descriptions.158 The recent studies by Kirigin on Alto Adriatic vases, especially on the sherds from the indigenous settlement at the Sutilija hillfort near Trogir, provide sound insights into the distribution of this type of ware in central Dalmatia.159 The sherds from Sutilija were found on the surface outside of the fortified wall, and Kirigin assumed that they were probably once part of a tomb assemblage.160 Based on analogies in Numana,

In Pharos, Alto Adriatic sherds were found during the excavation of a residential complex: sherds of a jug with handle dated to the 4th c. BC, sherds of a crater and bowl from the same layer dated to the late 4th and early 3rd c. BC, and a sherd of a skyphos.168 III. 4. Black-glazed ware169 Black-glazed ware, as the name implies, has a black, more or less lustrous glaze on the vessel surface. Black-glazed ware can also refer to the technique of applying the glaze to the vessel surface. Namely, the black colour on the vessels is a result of the application of a thin, diluted layer of clay rich in mineral elements, or colloidal solution. This

151 Vreka 1994, Tav. V, 29 and VI, 31, where this sherd is attributed to a hydria. These observations were made during a survey of publications from Albania, mainly in Iliria periodicals. 152 Πλιάκου 2009a, pp. 149-152, fig. 7. 153 Landolfi 1997, pp. 20-22. The author classified the Alto Adriatico vases into three phases: I - second half of 4th c. BC, II - end of 4th and beginning of 3rd c. BC, and III mid-3rd c. BC. 154 Landolfi 1997, pp. 15-16, 27. 155 Kirigin 1992, p. 83. 156 Landolfi 1997, p. 31-33. 157 So far, Alto Adriatico vases have not been documented on the southern part of the East Adriatic. For a distribution map of this type of ware on the East Adriatic coast, see Šešelj 2009, p. 40; map 4. needs to be revised. 158 The sherds of Alto Adriatico were found in Osor (Mihovilić 2002, p. 506, map. 5 and personal communication with Dr. Martina Blečić Kavur), in Zadar and Danilo near Šibenik (personal communication with my colleague Dr. Lucijana Šešelj), and Trogir (personal communication with Dr. Branko Kirigin). 159 Kirigin 2010, pp. 23-55. 160 Kirigin 2010, pp. 24-28, 36-37. The indigenous settlement on the Sutilija hillfort was never excavated, and explains why the archaeological context is not very clear. However, based on the context in Numana, Adria and Spina, where this type of ware was usually found inside tombs,

and the fact that they were found outside of the fortified walls at Sutilija, Kirigin reasonably assumed that they were part of a tomb assemblage. 161 Kirigin 2010, pp. 23- 55. 162 Čargo 2010, pp. 51-53. 163 Čargo 2010, p. 53. 164 Kirigin 1992, pp. 84, 90-91, fig. 4 and p. 94. 165 Čargo 2008, pp. 87-142. 166 Čargo 2008, p. 102. 167 Šešelj 2009, pp. 43-44, no. 1-4. 168 Kirigin 2004, p. 157. 169 Although archaeometric analysis have shown that surface of the vessels were not coverd in glaze, which is obtained on higher temperature that ancient vessels were fired, and more appropriate term/name would be coating, the name Black-glazed ware entered archaeological dictionary, which I am also using in this study. In forthcoming paper Perspectives of archaeometric analysis on Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast I will discussed in detailed differences between coating and glaze, as well as different colour of coating based on, currrently ongoing archaeometric analysis at Department of Geoscience at University of Fribourg.

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solution was applied to the vessels before firing, when they were still moist, to prevent a different degree of drying of the vessel and coating, which would usually cause cracking during drying or firing.170 The surface of the vessels was covered by this solution in different techniques: with a brush or by dipping the vessels into the solution, and sometimes a combination thereof.171 Among scholars, a number of names are used to describe this method, and therefore there are different names for this type of ware. In Italian publications, the vernice nera is equivalent to French vernis noir, or German Glanztonfilm.172 In some English-language publications, there are different terms, such as slip or gloss, but the widely accepted term is glaze.

dating.178 The colour of the glaze on Hellenistic ware could be fired in many colours, such as red, grey and brown, and sometimes several colours and/or their shades can occur on the same vessel. During the late Hellenistic period, new pottery types, such as the Grey-, Brown- and Red-glazed ware appeared, probably originated from Black-glazed ware. Their coating is deliberately fired in brown, grey and red, as their name suggests (see below). Not having painted decorations made Black-glazed ware cheaper, since it required a lesser degree of craft specialization, and so therefore it was more readily available to a wider range of consumers. This would explain the mass occurrence of tableware with a glossy black glaze from the second half of the 6th c. BC. Black-glazed ware first appeared in Athens and later in Corinth.179 Since the 4th c. BC, Black-glazed ware became widespread, and during the Hellenistic period it became the dominant type of ware.180 Attic Black ware was most popular during the Classical period, and it was exported not only to mainland Greece, but to southern Italy as well, where it influenced local production.

Black glaze also appears on Gnathia and West Slope ware, but the Black glaze ware doesn’t have painted decoration. This is the main difference between them, since the shapes are the same. Sometimes Gnathia ware can be defined as a type of black glaze with painted decoration. Regardless, in their study of Black-glazed ware from the Athenian Agora, Brian A. Sparkes and Lucy Talcott mentioned painted techniques, such as added red and white, or added clay and gilding as part of the Black-glazed ware decorations during the Classical period.173 Some of them, as shown, would become the standard feature of the West Slope ware during the Hellenistic period. Black-glazed ware also has decorations. During the Classical period in Attic production, the incised and relief decorations can be found, but from the mid-5th c. BC to the Hellenistic period, stamped decorations were the most popular. The motifs were impressed onto the moist clay before the glaze was added on the flat or concave part of a vessel. The most common motifs were palmettes, but some different motifs, such as lotus petals, olives, ivy, and meanders also appear.174 As of the second half of the 4th c. BC, stamped decorations were limited to the open-shaped vessels, like plates.175 Rouletting was also a common decoration on Black-glazed ware and it appeared in the second decade of the 4th c. BC.176 On some vessels from the second half of the 4th and early 3rd c. BC, stamped decorations are accompanied by incised arches and rouletting.177 Attic Black-glaze production achieved a high gloss on the glaze, which became the standard, so that other centres of production tried to imitate it. However, not all production could achieve a lustrous, smooth black glaze, not even well-established pottery centres like Corinth. The quality of the black glaze depended on the skill and experience of the potters or the persons charged with maintaining the temperature inside the kiln. However, throughout the Hellenistic period, as Rotroff noted, the quality of the black glaze deteriorated even on Attic Black-glazed ware, but not in a manner so predictable as to be useful for

Corinthian Black-glazed ware never achieved the high gloss of its Attic counterpart, and it is generally believed that Corinthian vessels did not retain their slip very well, which in many cases is brown and often not shiny. It would appear that the Corinthian potters were aware of their skill with the glaze or the quality of available clay, and often covered only some parts of the vessels with glaze, as on the semi-glazed bowls.181 According to McPhee and Pemberton, stamped decorations appeared in Corinth in the third quarter of the 5th c. BC as an imitation of Attic products.182 The production of Black-glazed ware on mainland Greece has not been studied in detail. Kallini provided some insight on it in an overview of Macedonian Black-glazed ware. From the mid-4th c. BC, Macedonian potters began to imitate Attic products, and on pottery found in Pella, from the second half of the same century to the 1st c. BC, they used stamping and rouletting techniques to decorate the vessels.183 The production centre for Black-glazed ware in Macedonia was the same one that made West Slope ware (see above). The imitation of Attic Black-glazed ware has also been noted in Ionia and on the island of Thasos, and the latter has been confirmed by analysis of the clay and Agora XXIX, pp. 10-11. Agora XII, pp. 9-30; Corinth VII.vi, pp 29-32. 180 Kallini 2012, p. 159. 181 Corinth VII.iii, p. 10and Corinth VII.vi, p. 29. 182 Corinth VII.vi, p. 32. Hellenistic ware in Corinth was classified, based on the shape and decoration, by Edwards in 1975 (Corinth VII.iii). The recent excavation and analysis of the pottery from the six deposits in the Panayia field near Corinth led to a new, lower chronology, in many cases 50 to 100 years later than previously thought and set by Edwards for Corinthian Hellenistic ware (Sanders et al. 2014b, pp. 53-54; the new chronology for Hellenistic ware in Corinth was largely based on their context data, on much more and more diverse data and morphological criteria). 183 Kallini 2012, p. 161-167 The Macedonian production of Black-glazed ware has been identified by macroscopic examination of the colour, composition of the clay and the quality of the glaze. 178 179

For more on Black-glaze technique see Hemelrijk 1991, pp. 236-237. Kallini 2012, pp. 159 and 161. 172 For the Croatian name crno premazana see Miše 2005, pp. 25-26. 173 Agora XII, p. 17. 174 Agora XII, pp. 22-26. 175 Kallini 2012, p. 161. 176 Agora XII, p. 30. 177 Agora XII, p. 25-26, Kallini 2012, p. 161. 170 171

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morphological comparisons to Attic imports.184 However, the regional production of the Black-glazed ware in mainland Greece has not yet been studied in detail.

Black-glazed ware. Black-glazed ware and its variants were a common type of pottery in Apulia throughout the Hellenistic period. In the late 2nd c. BC a new type of ware was introduced in southern Italy, Grey-glaze ware, which would gradually replace Black-glazed ware.193

Attic Black-glazed ware appeared in the Red-figure workshops of southern Italy in the 5th c. BC, and it has been documented that both types of ware were produced in the same workshops.185 Some scholars associated the rise of the workshops in the Greek colonies in southern Italy with the immigration of Athenian potters.186 The Blackglaze workshops have been documented in Metaponto, Taras, Heraclea and Thurii and in the indigenous centres as well, especially, and as seen above, when regional Gnathia production was established in the late 4th c. BC.187 The first classification of Black-glazed ware in southern Italy was made on Campanian Black-glaze vessels by Nino Lamboglia and later by Jean-Paul Morel. Lamboglia divided the vessels, based on the colour of the clay and glaze, into three groups: Campana A, Campana B and Campana C, although the last group was attributed to Sicilian production.188 Morel’s classification was based on the shapes of the vessels.189 Recently, these two classifications have been subject to revisions. Yntema noted that although Black-glazed ware was common in many regions, there are still no comparative studies to identify regional differences, as well as their development and interrelations. He also correctly noted that Blackglazed ware was produced in many different areas and can hardly be expected to constitute a uniform class, or even share a considerable number of traits.190 The problem is, as Roth stressed, that Black-glazed ware has many regional variants, but they are usually treated like a single stylistic group based on the black surface and morphological repertoire which they share.191 Also, the number of regional variants continues to grow as a result of archaeometric analysis and the ability to recognize local and regional variants of one production tradition.

The regional production of Black-glazed ware in southern Italy, on mainland Greece, and throughout the Mediterranean requires an internal classification for each site, because there are too many variants in shape that cannot be put in a default category.194 Black-glazed ware on the East Adriatic Black-glazed ware vessels were found at numerous sites on the East Adriatic coast, but they have not been subjected to detailed study. More recently there were some attempts to summarize previous knowledge, like the preliminary analysis of Black-glazed ware found during the archaeological excavation in the residential complex in Pharos.195 Besides the Attic imports, there are some sherds that may also indicate local production.196 However, for now, we are far from knowing its features, except that the colour of the clay is pale yellow and pale brown. Šešelj attempted to provide a brief overview of Black-glazed ware along the East Adriatic, and according to the distribution map, vessels of this type of ware were found at 30 sites mainly on the hinterland of northern Dalmatia, and on the coast and islands of central Dalmatia.197 Most of the vessels from these sites have not yet been published, or simply mentioned in publications without detailed descriptions or illustrations, and it is difficult to say anything about their shape or origin.198 A more detailed analysis was provided by Šešelj for Blackglazed ware from the Diomedan sanctuary at Cape Ploča.199 But the sherds from Cape Ploča are very small and poorly preserved as they were found on the surface or close to the surface of the archaeological site very close to the sea, and were exposed to weathering a salt water climate. From the reconstructed shapes, it may be concluded that most common shape on Cape Ploča were plates, skyphoi, jugs, various bowls, and gutti.200 Their provenance is difficult

Based on all regional variants, Apulian production may have been the most significant for the East Adriatic coast, since, as noted above, imports from this region were dominant in comparison to others. Recently, in his studies of the pottery materials from Valesio, Yntema singled out Apulian Black-glazed ware, calling it Apulian Black-gloss ware, and he also covered the area outside of Apulia.192 According to the current level of documentation, the workshops making Black-glazed ware were in Metaponto and Taras, and in the indigenous settlements of Valesio and Oria. Furthermore, since the technique of applying black glaze on these vessels was the same as on Gnathia ware, there is no reason to doubt that the workshops in Apulia that produced Gnathia ware were also producing

Yntema 2001, pp. 213 and 2005, pp. 8-9. In her doctoral dissertation, Lucijana Šešelj (Šešelj 2009, p. 77) mentions over 70 different shapes for Black-glazed ware with a strong indication that number may grow with each new excavation. 195 Kirigin, Hayes, Leach 2002, p. 247, Kirigin 2004, p. 164. 196 A Black-glaze unguentaria with lustrous black gloss, incised lines and dark red fabrics, with attached small vertical handles, may be have come from Attic production, in Miše 2005, pp. 34-35, fig. 15/3). 197 Šešelj 2009, p. 79, map. 7. 198 The list of sites with Black-glazed ware is listed in Kirigin, Katunarić, Šešelj 2005, Appendix 7. For sites in northern Dalmatia see Batović 1968b, p. 177, 1973, P. XCVII, 2, 1980, p. 73, 1987, p. 374, P. XLII; Brusić 2000, p. 31, and the more recent publication of the necropolis in Nadin, albeit without a detailed descriptions of the vessels, in A. Batović, Š. Batović 2013, p. and more detailed descriptions of the sherds and archaeological context from the nearby necropolis in a forthcoming publication, Miše, Hellenistic ware from the indigenous necropolis at Gradina in Dragišić near Šibenik, Croatia. For sites in Istria, see Mihovilić 2004, pp. 110, 113. 199 Šešelj 2009, pp. 79-107. 200 Šešelj 2009, p. 80. 193 194

Kallini 2012, p. 165, note 35. Yntema 1990, p. 160, note 3. 186 Kallini 2012, p. 163-165, and references cited there. 187 Small 1992, pp. 68-69 and Yntema 2001, p. 121 and 138. 188 Lamboglia 1952, pp. 139-206. 189 Morel 1981. 190 Yntema 1990, pp. 149-160 191 Roth 2007, p. 42-43. 192 Yntema 2001, pp. 137-139. 184 185

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to determine due to its poor preservation, but based on a sherd of what was probably the neck of an oinochoe with an incised sheaf wheat, Sicilian origin may by assumed.201 Besides the sherds from Cape Ploča, a Black-glazed baby-feeder and two salt-cellars from a tomb found in Martvilo in 1930 can also be distinguished. They were found together – presumably, since the archaeological records are not clear – with two Red-figure lekythoi, one with a palmette and one with a rectangular decoration, and two Alto Adriatico oinochoai, all dated to the end of the 4th c. BC.202 As mentioned above, the Black-glazed vessels on the East Adriatic coast were not studied in detail and therefore the common shapes and their origin cannot be discerned. However, in the publications, such as catalogues or excavation reports, there is a tendency to draw parallels to, and date them in line with Campanian production, which as Yntema warned, may be misleading. Also, local East Adriatic production of Black-glazed ware should also not be excluded.

regional differences, the same classification method as suggested for the regional variants of Black-glazed ware. However, based on Gray-glaze ware from Metaponto, Giardino attempted to define production in Metaponto, while Yntema attempted to define Apulian production.207 Although widespread in the Hellenistic Mediterranean, Grey-glaze ware in the scholarly literature is still poorly represented and often appears under different names, such as ceramica a pasta grigia, Republican Grey-gloss ware, Graue Ware, and Grey-gloss ware.208

In an archaeological context with Gnathia ware, Blackglazed ware was found in the disturbed tombs at the palm nursery in Vis, in tombs 14/1955, 1/1959, 3/1976, and 14/1979 in the Martvilo necropolis, at the sanctuaries on Cape Ploča, Palagruža and Nakovana Cave on the Pelješac Peninsula, and in the disturbed tombs in the indigenous necropolis near Dragišić, in the wider Šibenik environs.203

Grey-glaze ware was found at numerous sites along the East Adriatic coast.210 Although most of these vessels have not been published, Šešelj’ preliminary study of Greyglaze articulated and thorn kantharoi from the East Adriatic coast offered some insight into this type of ware.211 She compared the shapes of the kantharoi from Resnik to the kantharoi from Dyrrachion, and hypothesized that these shapes were locally produced in Grey-glaze technique under the influence of Dyrrachion workshops. During archaeological excavations Grey-glaze vessels were found on Cape Ploča, in the residential complex in Issa, in the Martvilo necropolis and Dyrrachion necropolis.212

The most common shapes for Grey-glaze ware are bowls and plates, while jugs and other vessels of closed shape are rare. The Grey-glazed vessels are rarely decorated, but when they are, it consists mostly of incisions, or deep grooves on the shoulders of the oinochoai, as on an oinochoe from the AMS Greek and Hellenistic Collection (cat. no. 126). Sometimes the decoration was rendered on plates with rouletting technique.209

III. 5. Grey-glazed ware Grey-glaze ware, as the name suggests, is a Hellenistic type of ware with grey glaze or coating. It appeared in the 2nd c. BC following the tradition of Black-glazed ware. The manufacturing process for Grey-glaze ware is similar that for Black-glazed ware. The same techniques for applying the coating were used, but the vessels were fired without a re-oxidation phase and that gave them a grey colour.204 From the mid-2nd c. BC onward, Grey-glaze ware spread throughout the western Mediterranean.205 The most common variant of this type of ware is Campanian C, which was produced in Sicily. Besides Sicilian production, Grey-glaze ware was produced in Apulia and Lucania, and pottery kilns with ceramic discards were found in Metaponto and Oria.206 This type of ware has also not been studied in detail, and it deserves, due to its

As already mentioned, the Issaean type C oinochoai and table amphorae were also produced in Grey-glaze technique in Issa. They are usually smaller than the oinochoai of the same shape from Gnathia production and they lack decorations, except occasional grooves on the shoulders.213 However, once Issaean Grey-glaze ware in Issa, Resnik and Dyrrachion undergoes analysis, more will be known about Grey-glaze production on the East Adriatic coast.

Giardino 1980, pp. 247-287, Yntema 2005. Ceramica a pasta grigiain Giardino 1980, pp. 247-287, Republican Grey-gloss ware n Small 1992, p. 134, Graue Ware in Hempel 2001 and Grey-gloss ware in Yntema 2005. 209 Yntema 2005. 210 Šešelj 2009, p. 110. 211 Šešelj 2005, pp. 49-61. 212 Gray-glazed ware on Cape Ploča in Šešelj 2009, pp. 111-126, at a residential complex in Issa in Miše 2010, pp. 69-81, from the Martvilo necropolis in Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, P.XIII/4, Čargo 2010, p. 80, no. 9, pp. 112-116, nos. 2-3, 5, 8, 9, p. 132, no. 5, pp. 134-135, nos. 8-10, p. 139, no. 16, p. 140, no. 17, p. 142, no. 22, p. 144, no. 26, p. 181, no. 3, p. 256, no. 3. All of these vessels (oinochoai, pelikai, pyxides and jugs) were found in tombs together with vessels that can be attributed to local production, and Grey-glazed ware from Dyrrachion in Hidri 1976, pp. 245-258, 1983, pp. 137-176, 1986a, pp. 187-195 and 1986b, pp. 99-112. 213 Issaean oinochoai from tombs III, IV and 1b in Čargo 2010, p. 80, no. 9 (tomb excavated in 1930), p. 112, no. 2 and p. 132, no. 5 and p. 256, no. 2, and Issaean table amphorae of small dimensions from tombs III and IV in Čargo 2010, p. 114, no. 5 and p. 134, nos. 8-9. 207

Šešelj 2009, pp. 106-107, no. and fig. 38, and more detailed analysis in Miše, Touloumtzidou 2015 (in print). 202 Čargo, 2010, pp. 51-61. 203 Black-glazed and Gnathia vessels in the same context in tombs from palm nursery in Čargo 2008, pp. 123-128, from tombs in Martvilo: vessels unearthed during the 1950s, see Čargo 2009, P.14/9, 18-19, P.34/8-9, and for vessels unearthed during the 1970s, see Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, P.XI/3, 7-6, 16, 32,25 and P.XIII/14, 16, 20, 26, from sanctuaries at Cape Ploča in Šešelj 2009, pp. 79-107 and Palagruža in Kirigin, Miše, Barbarić 2010, pp. 65-92, and from Nakovana Cave I was informed by Dr. Branko Kirigin, who personally analysed the material from the excavations in Nakovana cave, which unfortunately have not yet been published. For tombs in the Dragišić necropolis in Miše see Hellenistic ware from the indigenous necropolis at Gradina in Dragišić near Šibenik, Croatia. Forthcoming in the proceedings from the Congress in Honour of Duje Rendić Miočević in Šibenik, held in September 2013. 204 González López 1999, p. 65. 205 Morel 1981, p. 47, Kenrick 1985, pp. 49-52. 206 Yntema 2001, p. 214. 201

208

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brown coating, and the kantharos with incised decoration and brown coating, and dated to the 3rd c. BC, were found in Messenia.221 The workshop in Argos, according to the published material, produced vessels with brown and red coating (for red coating see below).222 The group of Browncoated lekythoi were found in the Dourouti necropolis near Ioannina, dated to the second half of the 4th c. BC, and were attributed to local production of the Epirot workshop.223 Brown-coated skyphoi and bowls were also produced in the Ambracia workshops in the Late Hellenistic period.224 On Corfu, lamps, unguentaria and kantharoi were also produced in addition to skyphoi and bowls.225 Many of the Brown-coated vessels such as lamps, bowls, pyxides, and typical bowls with one horizontal handle were found in the tombs at the Leukas necropolis, and it is assumed that they were locally produced. Although the necropolis was dated from the second half of the 4th to the 2nd c. BC, the Brown-coated ware has been dated to the 2nd c. BC.226

III. 6. Group of Late Hellenistic coated ware During analyses of Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast, the coated ware group was noted. The coating, rather than glaze, since they do not have a lustrous gloss and were probably fired at a different temperature, is brown and red.214 They appear on Hellenistic vessel shapes such as oinochoai, pelikai and skyphoi. Brown coated ware Brown-coated ware was found mostly at sites in central Dalmatia. Kantharoi and skyphoi sherds were unearthed in Resnik and on Cape Ploča, in the residential complex in Issa; one skyphoi now in the AMS Greek and Hellenistic Collection (cat. no. 160) is probably from Martvilo.215 Along with skyphoi and kantharoi sherds, sherds of jugs were also found in the Dragišić necropolis.216 Most of these sherds lack any decoration, but the sherds from Cape Ploča and Resnik have ribbing, in the tradition of Gnathia production, or a relief decoration, which was also found on the sherds from Dragišić. Brown-coated ware vessels have a pale and soft yellow fabric, and the coating varies from light to dark brown. The most notably common shape among the Brown-coated kantharoi in central Dalmatia is articulated. Since this shape was also produced, as previously noted, in Grey-glaze production in Resnik, it may be assumed that this shape was also produced in local workshops with a brown coating. Preliminary archaeometric analyses on the sherds from Cape Ploča and Resnik indicated they were locally produced.217

Based on all of the above-mentioned shapes and production traditions, it can be noticed that decorations on these vessels are quite rare, and if they are decorated, usually this consists of incised wavy lines. The brown coating was widespread on vessels from western Greece produced in local workshops. However, none of these workshops produced the shape of articulated kantharoi with brown coating that was common in central Dalmatia. Based on the current state of research, it is still difficult to assume that the brown coating technique came to central Dalmatia from the workshops in western Greece, or that the potters in Resnik adopted the new colour and developed their own production of brown-glazed articulated kantharoi.

The vessels with brown coating were not common in southern Italy. They were found in Valesio, and because of their restricted number in southern Italy, Yntema assumed their production somewhere on the East Adriatic.218 On mainland Greece, the situation is quite different. The brown-black to brown coating was very popular in the Peloponnese. It was documented on bowls, skyphoi and lekythoi in the tombs in Patras, where they have been dated to the late 4th to the late 3rd c. BC and are considered local products.219 In Aigion, the second largest city in ancient Achaia on the Peloponnese, Brown-coated bowls and skyphoi were found in tombs dated from the late 3rd to the late 2nd/early 1st c. BC.220 Relief decorated bowls with

Hellenistic Red-coated ware The red coating, or red slip, was more common on Roman ware, and during the late Hellenistic period, some vessels, such as plates, bowls, dishes, pelikai and craters, were so covered. This group or type of ware, as well as the previous Brown-coated ware, has not yet been studied in detail, probably because not much has been published. Recently Shehi’s study on Red-coated ware from Dyrrachion made significant progress in expanding our knowledge and understanding of this type of ware.227 Furthermore, the author identified local production, and based on the archaeological context, suggested its production from the 2nd to mid-1st c. BC and after.

This needs to be verified by archaeometric analysis. We cannot exclude a different composition for the solution that was used to make the coating. 215 Brown-coated ware from Resnik was separated during personal examination of the pottery material. Similar in shape and colour vessels from Cape Ploča in Šešelj 2009, p. 92, no. 15, p. 94, no. 18, p. 95, no. 20, and for Brown-coated ware from a residential complex in Issa see Miše 2010, pp. 69-81. 216 Personal analysis of the pottery materials from Dragišić. 217 Šešelj 2009, pp. 304-310, Šegvić et al. 2012, pp. 53-87. However, further analysis of this type of ware must be conducted on a statistically relevant number to provide more clear confirmation. 218 Yntema 2001, p. 339. He mentions the ‘chocolate brown gloss’ on relief ware, and assumes, based on parallels in Dalmatia and Albania, their origin from ‘a (Greek?)’ settlement on the eastern shore of the central and southern part of Adriatic Sea. 219 Kόλια, Σταυροπούλου-Γάτση 2005, p. 48, fig. 1-2, 49, fig. 4-5, 52, fig. 13, 57. 220 Παπακωστα 2005, p. 79, fig. 6, p. 81, fig, 9. 214

Hellenistic Red-coated ware on the East Adriatic, bedsides Dyrrachion, was found in central Dalmatia. Three small table amphorae, two small oinochoe, one skyphos, one jug with a handle, and one pyxis were found in Issa, today Θεμελης 2005, p. 104, fig. 10. Mπανακα-Δημακη 2005, pp. 126-142. 223 Aνδρεoυ 2009, p. 135, fig. 27/AE 7417, 7418 144. 224 Αγγελή 2009, p. 168-169, fig. 11-12, 178. 225 Pηγινoς, Γεωργιαδoυ, Aδαμoπoυλoυ 2009, pp. 180-181, fig. 2-6, p. 183, fig. 9. 226 Πλιάκου 2009b, pp. 198-200, fig. 7-11, p. 203, 15. 227 Shehi 2008, pp. 9-13. 221

222

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

in the AMS Greek and Hellenistic Collection.228 At the Martvilo necropolis, Hellenistic Red-coated unguentaria, table amphorae, bowls, and oinochoai were found in tomb III/1955, IV, Va/1955 and 1b/1959.229 One unguentaria with red coating, and sherds of bowls and jugs were found on Cape Ploča.230 Sherds of jugs were also found in the necropolis in Dragišić.231 It is still difficult to identify their workshop, but a closer examination of the small table amphorae from Issa, and its comparison to the same shape of table amphorae from Issaean Grey-glaze production, indicate that they may have been made by the potters in Issa who also produced vessels with red coating. Based on the sole red-coated articulated kantharos, which is, as mentioned above, a shape present in high numbers in central Dalmatia, from Cape Ploča, Šešelj assumed their production in Resnik.232 However further analysis of this type of ware will provide clear answers concerning production of Hellenistic Red-coated ware in central Dalmatia.

One oinochoe with red coating from a tomb dated to the 2nd c. BC in the Western Cemetery in Ambracia is very interesting.233 It represents local production by the Ambracia workshop with influences from Apulian Gnathia production. The heart-shaped body and tall neck of the oinochoe from Ambracia is very similar to the oinochoai of Issaean Gnathia production dated to the 2nd c. BC.234 Tomb 11 at the Leukas necropolis, dated from the last quarter of the 3rd to the mid-2nd c. BC, contained a globular unguentaria with orange to reddish coating and incised decoration attributed to a local workshop.235 One red-coated lagynos was found in Naupaktos.236 Additionally, coated vessels were found in Thessaly; a Red-coated lagynos with incised decoration from tomb 366 in Demetrias has been dated to the second half of the 2nd c. BC.237 In ancient Macedonia, the red coating is accompanied by West Slope decoration on a pyxis from Veroia, dated to the early 2nd c. BC, and on a kantharos from Edessa dated to the mid-3rd c. BC.238 All of the above-mentioned Red-coated vessels are deemed local products of regional workshops from the late 3rd to the 1st c. BC.

As for Brown-coated ware, most analogies to Hellenistic Red-coated ware can be found on mainland Greece.

Čargo 2007, pp. 37, 42-44, nos. 18-24. Čargo 2010, p. 119, no. 19, pp. 136-137, nos. 11-13, š. 145, no. 28, p. 149, nos. 38-39, p. 154, nos. 52-53, pp. 156-158, nos. 59, 61-65, pp. 160163, nos. 72, 74-76, 79-80, p. 165, nos. 85-86, p. 180, no. 2, p. 193, no. 24, p. 264, no. 25. All these vessels were found together with vessels that can be attributed to local production. 230 Šešelj 2009, pp. 178-188, nos. 1-15 231 Personal analysis of the pottery material from Dragišić. 232 Šešelj 2009, p. 177. 228 229

Αγγελή 2009, pp. 170-171, fig. 18. See Chapter II. 5. 2. Πλιάκου 2009b, pp. 200-202, fig. 13. 236 Σταυροπούλου - Γάτση, Σαράντη 2009, pp. 270-271, fig. 3. 237 Nικoλαoυ 2000, pp. 51-52, fig. 11. 238 Drougou 1991, pp. 86-88, 124. 233

234 235

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IV. the East Adriatic Coast from the 4th to the 1st Centuries BC

The main objective of this study is to present Gnathia and related ware on the East Adriatic coast, its distribution among Greek settlements and indigenous communities, the development of local production and the craftsmanship of local potters. So instead of final remarks, I shall briefly discuss the East Adriatic in the period between the 4th and 1st c. BC in the light of new data obtained through analysis of Gnathia and related ware. The present study has also demonstrated contacts with the East Adriatic region and its incorporation into the trade networks of the Hellenistic period. These contacts can be best followed through Gnathia ware. There are several reasons for this: most importantly, Gnathia ware was the first type of southern Italian, Apulian ware, that had wide distribution; second, the painted decoration distinguishes Gnathia vessels from contemporaneous Black-glazed ware, which was the most common among fine table ware, but has not yet been studied to the extent that its different regional workshops may be determined with any certainty; third, the current level of research of Gnathia ware in Apulia allows for discussion of all aspects of its production and the discernment of specific developmental phases and workshops; and fourth, Gnathia ware on the Eastern Adriatic coast has been found at many sites and in large numbers, which facilitated a comparative analysis of Apulian production. Furthermore, the pottery provides sound insight into contacts and trade, since other artefacts, such as metal ware or jewellery, are scarce at archaeological sites and were re-used and recycled. Coins can also provide evidence of trade, but usually they are also scarce. However, pottery, either used in everyday life or in burials, or in rituals at sanctuaries, have been found in high numbers at many sites, and they demonstrate not only trade networks but also the intensity of these contacts and trade.

after the establishment of the Greek colonies Epidamnos/ Dyrrachion and Apollonia, the southern part of the East Adriatic was incorporated into the trade networks with the Greek polises on mainland Greece and in southern Italy (Megale Hellas) since the late 7th c. BC. This corresponded with the imports of Black- and Red-figure ware from the Attic and southern Italian workshops, mostly from Taras. Significant change occurred in central Dalmatia at the beginning of the 4th c. BC with the establishment of the colonies of Pharos on the island of Hvar and Issa on the island of Vis. There are still some disagreements among scholars over the date of Issa’s foundation and whether it was established before or after Pharos in 385/4 BC. The debate revolves mostly around different interpretations of the description by Diodorus Siculus of a conflict between Greeks from the island of Pharos in the Aegean and indigenous inhabitants when establishing a colony on the neighbouring island of Hvar. According to Diodorus Siculus, Dionysius the Elder established the colony of Lissus, from which he assisted the Pharians in establishing the colony of Pharos on Hvar (Diod. XV, 13, 4; XV, 14, 2). Diodorus denoted the colony of Dionysius as Lissus and not Issa, which has led to contention. Some scholars believe that the name of the established colony was incorrectly rendered as Lissos instead of Issa, and that Dionysius the Elder founded a colony on the island of Vis prior to the establishment of the colony of Pharos. To confirm this theory, they refer to the great distance between Pharos and Lissos (today’s Lezhë) in Albania, a three-to-four day voyage that would have prevented Dionysius from coming quickly to assist. The counter argument is that, so far, archaeological excavations in Issa have not yet revealed any physical evidence from the beginning of the 4th c. BC. Unfortunately, archaeological evidence from Lissus is also of little help since the oldest material that has been so far found in Lezhë has been dated to the last third of the 4th c. BC. So, the date of establishment of the Greek colony of Issa remains open.

As we can see, the East Adriatic coast was fully engaged in the vigorous trade networks of Adriatic as of the mid4th c. BC. However, these contacts were established before, in the Bronze and Iron Ages, through exchanges of various goods. Italian Geometric wares, such as Daunian vessels, were imported to Liburnia, Kvarner and Histria, but some sherds were also found in central Dalmatia in the indigenous settlement of Rat near Ložišća on the island of Brač. In the 6th and 5th c. BC, the East Adriatic was also known to Greek sailors, as indicated by ancient literary sources and artefacts, mostly isolated finds of Attic Black- and Red-figure ware, and Archaic terracotta figurines from Istria and Dalmatia.239 Unlike the northern and central part,

Although the exact date of foundation is still unknown and subject to much speculation, archaeological evidence may provide sound insight into Issa’s economic and political development during the Hellenistic period. Being on the periphery of the Mediterranean world, Issa was deeply engaged in the Hellenistic koine through commerce and cultural exchanges. As already mentioned, so far archaeological evidence from both necropolises and excavations conducted within the town walls (intra muros) cannot provide a closer look at Issa at the onset of

Most of these artefacts are unpublished. For the best survey on the vessels from this period on the East Adriatic, see Lisičar 1973, pp. 3-29; for the vessels from Istria, Mihovilić 2002, pp. 499-519 and 2004, pp.

101-121, and for artefacts from central Dalmatia, now in the AMS, Kirigin 2008 and Poklečki Stošić 2010.

239

61

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

the 4th c. BC. However, from the mid-4th c. BC, imported materials from southern Italy can be followed in Issa. A closer examination of the imported vessels indicates that most of them came from workshops in Taras and later, as of the second half of the 4th and into the 3rd c. BC, from workshops in Canosa. Only a few vessels can be attributed to other southern Italian production traditions, and their numbers cannot match those of Canosan products. The previous assumptions that Canosan potters, at around the mid-3rd c. BC, moved to Issa and established local Gnathia production, has been confirmed herein. The resemblance between Canosan and Issaean vessels cannot be neglected. The Issaean potters assumed shapes and decorative patterns with Dionysian motifs. This comes as no surprise, since Issa based its economy on wine production, export and trade.240 According to the Alexandrian historian and geographer Agatharchides, who was active in the 2nd c. BC, wine from Issa was ‘superior to every other wine whatsoever’.241 His testimony is important given that he was born in Cnidus, a city that is assumed to establish a colony on the island of Korkyra Melaina near Issa, or he may have consumed Issaean wine in Alexandria.242 The large quantities of amphorae found on the island of Vis were mainly concentrated around the fertile fields of the interior and near the harbour.243 Additionally, sherds of poorly fired amphorae found near Vlaška njiva indicate that Issa also produced amphorae – containers for exporting wine.244 Issa’s economic ascent was accompanied by political expansion to neighbouring islands and the coast. Issa established some manner of political alliances with indigenous settlements in Tragurion and Epetion. According to Strabo (VII, 5, 5), Tragurion was established by Issa, while Epetion and Salonae were under Issaean control according to Polybius (XXXII, 9, 1):‘[The] people of Issa have often sent embassies to Rome, complaining that the Dalmatians damaged their territory and the cities subject to them, meaning thereby Epetion and Tragurion.’ The date of these actions is the mid- 2nd c. BC.245 During archaeological excavations in the Lapidarium of the Trogir City Museum, sherds of indigenous prehistoric ware, South Italian Geometric ware, Black- and Red-figure ware, and sherds of Apulian and Issaean Gnathia ware were found.246 This indicates that the settlement in Trogir

existed long before the arrival of the Issaean. A similar situation can also be observed in Epetion, where sherds of indigenous prehistoric ware were found in the lower layers.247 The settlement of Resnik lies between Tragurion and Epetion; it had a harbour that was first mentioned in 156 BC, when Delmati attacked Tragurion and Siculi (believed to be in today’s Resnik).248 The excavations in Resnik revealed the structure of the settlement together with the harbour and, as already mentioned, considerable Hellenistic ware and possible workshops.249 Based on the quantity of Hellenistic materials, genuine commercial development occurred in the late 3rd and the 2nd c. BC. All of the aforementioned settlements, Tragurion on the west and Epetion in the east, with Resnik between them, are situated among fertile fields in Kaštela Bay, and near the mountain pass at Klis, a natural communication tie with the hinterland and therefore a good trade route with indigenous communities. This commercial route began in Salona, as Strabo mentioned, the port of the Dalmatians, an indigenous community that inhabited the interior of today’s central Dalmatia.250 This area played a vital role in communications and trade in the late 3rd and 2nd c. BC, with Issa as an economic and political leader. The distribution map of Issaean Gnathia ware confirms this situation. Hence Issaean Gnathia ware was found only in this area of the East Adriatic. This expansion of Issaean political influence from the mid-3rd c. BC was certainly encouraged by economic growth, but also with the support of a rising Rome, since Issa became a Roman ally after the Illyrian war in 229 BC. Despite the intensity of excavations in the residential complex in Pharos, the relationships and trade links of this Greek polis still cannot be reconstructed because the materials have not been published. According to the material published to date, Pharos imported Gnathia vessels from Canosa, but not to the extent that Issa did. Also, not much Issaean Gnathia ware was found in Pharos. Given that Pharos was situated near a fertile plain, the largest in central Dalmatia, it must have been a prosperous polis at least until 219 BC, after the Roman destruction the second Illyrian war. Some archaeological evidence, such as the remains of a pottery kiln and pottery discards, indicates the existence of a workshop. Furthermore, an amphora sherd bearing the graffiti of Pharos was found in Ošanići, and this could also indicate trade between Pharos and indigenous communities in the hinterland, but this should be addressed in future research.

Kirigin, Katunarić, Šešelj 2005, pp. 7-24. This information was reported by Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae, I, 28d. Kirigin 2008, p. 70. 242 For Agatharchides, see Schwartz 1893, pp. 739-741.It is important to note here that the precise location of the Cnidian colony on the island of Korčula has still not been archaeologically verified. 243 Kirigin, Katunariċ, Šešelj 2005, pp. 7-24; Kirigin et al. 2006. 244 Branko Kirigin attempted to make a rough estimate of the amount of wine production on the island of Vis, using statistical data from the Middle and Modern Ages. These figures vary widely at different times: 20th-century movements varied from c. 0.30m to 15m litres, with a medieval average of approximately 2.5m litres. However, it is difficult to apply these figures to the Hellenistic period but they still provide some insights into the potential of the island for wine production (Kirigin, Katunarić, Šešelj 2005, p. 8, pl. 1). 245 Novak 1966, pp. 199-126, Kirigin 1990b, pp. 313-314, Šašel Kos 2011, p. 627, Dzino 2010, p. 34. 246 Excavations were conducted in 1987, and the pottery material has not yet been published, but Kirigin kindly gave me his notes taken during analysis of the pottery materials. In addition to potsherds, prehistoric walls were also found under the Hellenistic walls. During excavations 240 241

in the front of the Cathedral in Trogir, conducted in 1979, traces of a Hellenistic wall were found near the town’s northern wall, and as Prof. Ivo Babić noted, sherds of prehistoric ware were also found in several places within the perimeter of ancient Trogir (Babić 2002, pp. 397-403). Furthermore, based on indigenous prehistoric ware and imported ware found in Trogir, Kirigin assumes that during the Iron Age, Trogir was a small community that had contacts and traded with the western Adriatic coast, and this also implies the existence of local chieftains within the community who formed a political alliance with the Issaeans in the 3rd or 2nd c. BC (Kirigin 2010, p. 37-38). 247 Faber 1983, pp. 17-37. 248 Resnik 2004, pp. 13-21, Šešelj 2009, pp. 493-494. 249 Resnik 2004. 250 Čače 1995, pp. 101-133 and 1999, pp. 57-85, Kirigin 2012, pp. 59-86.

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IV. the East Adriatic Coast from the 4th to the 1st Centuries BC

The hinterland of central Dalmatia was inhabited by the ancient Delmati. The core area of Delmatian territory was the karst fields of Livanjsko and Duvanjsko and in Buško blato and Glamočko in today’s western Herzegovina and southern Bosnia.254 Excavations in this area have not yet revealed Gnathia or other Hellenistic ware, nor artefacts of Greek or/and Italic origin. In the area closer to the coast, one imported Gnathia skyphos was found in a pile-dwelling settlement in Dugiš. So far this is the only Gnathia vessel found in the area, and unfortunately other settlements and necropolises in this part of Delmatian territory, which naturally gravitated toward the coastal zone, have not been excavated. The vicinity of Kaštela Bay, where Tragurion, Epetion and Resnik and, according to Strabo, the port of Delmati in Salona were situated, could indicate that contacts between Issaean traders and Delmati existed, but, so far, the archaeological materials do not offer enough evidence to reveal anything of the nature of the relationship between the Delmati and the Greeks settled on the central Dalmatian islands.

The increase in imported vessels from southern Italy from the mid-4th c. BC can also be followed in the indigenous settlements along the East Adriatic coast. The role of the established Greek colonies in central Dalmatia is still not known. Was this increase in imported vessels in indigenous communities the result of trade contacts via Issa and Pharos, or did these communities, especially in northern Dalmatia and Istria, establish their own contact network with southern Italy based on the tradition of Adriatic trade in the Iron Age? The South Italian Geometric ware of Daunian, together with bronze vessels and artefacts from settlements and necropolises in Istria, denote contacts with southern Italy from the 8th c. BC onward. A similar situation was also documented in Kvarner and northern Dalmatia, in the Liburnian settlements and necropolises. These contacts can be traced through the Picenum region and the Po valley, and probably directly across the Adriatic from Istria and Liburnia to the Daunian region. So the sherds of South Italian Red-figure and Gnathia ware of the 4th c. BC in this part of the East Adriatic are not surprising, and they demonstrate the continuity of trade contacts with southern Italy in the 4th and 3rd c. BC. Furthermore, if one takes into consideration that, so far, none of the Gnathia sherds and vessels found north of Cape Ploča can be attributed to Issaean production, it may be assumed that Issa did not play an important role in the trade between the Histrians and Liburnians and southern Italy, and that this south-west and north-east trans-Adriatic trade was run by indigenous traders. Recently, Mihovilić argued that the presence of artefacts of Italic and Greek origin, mostly ceramics – luxury sets used for drinking wine at symposia and festivals – in the wealthiest Histrian tombs, points to the existence of an aristocracy that had contacts with Mediterranean civilizations.251 The same can be also argued for the Liburnians, since sherds of South Italian Red-figure and Gnathia ware, mostly vessels for wine consumption, were found in settlements and necropolises.252 Unfortunately, the state of research in Liburnia and an entire unpublished necropolis precludes the possibility of determining whether imported South Italian Red-figure and Gnathia ware was only placed in the tombs of chieftains or aristocrats, and whether wine consumption was reserved only for ‘privileged’ groups in indigenous societies. The Apulian Gnathia ware in the necropolis in Dragišić, southern Liburnia, shows that it was placed in tombs together with indigenous prehistoric ware and were found in the neighbouring settlement as well. Although most of the tombs were excavated in the necropolis in Dragišić, and which yielded the most Gnathia ware in the indigenous settlement, it is difficult to draw any conclusions because the tombs were devastated and probably looted.253

Another indigenous settlement in central Dalmatia was in Rat, near Ložišća on the western part of the island of Brač. The settlement was situated on a hill overseeing the strait between the islands of Brač and Šolta, today the Gate of Split, a maritime route to the coastal area and Kaštela Bay. Recent excavations in the settlement in Rat, as well as the previous excavations of tombs in Vičja luka, the settlement’s necropolis, yielded imported South Italian Geometric and Red-figure ware, but not Gnathia vessels. As the current state of research indicates, the settlement in Rat probably ceased to exist at the time of the Issaean political and economic ascent in central Dalmatia, which was, as noted above, supported by the Romans. However, future research in central Dalmatia, its islands, coastal area and hinterland, will shed new light on the complex political and economic relations in central Dalmatia in the 4th and 3rd c. BC. The southern part of the East Adriatic, based on the pottery material in the same period of the 4th and 3rd c. BC, also indicates contacts with southern Italy, but also with western Greece through the Red-figure and West Slope ware of the Epirot workshops, unlike the central and northern Adriatic, where contacts with mainland Greece are scarce and are so far only documented in Pharos and Issa. The same can be said of the vessels of Dyrrachion, and the recently identified Lissus production of Gnathia ware. Based on the pottery materials of the 4th and 3rd c. BC, it is difficult to trace the connections and trade networks along the East Adriatic coast between colonies Issa-Pharos-Dyrrachion. Naturally, these connections are more vivid in the area of the Illyrian kingdom, or at least in the published material from sites in Montenegro and Albania.

Mihovilić 2013, pp. 330-357. Batović 1987, pp. 339- 390. Prof. Šime Batović identified the material culture of the Liburnians, dividing it into four phases, and the last phase is characterized by an increase in imports of Hellenistic ware from the 4th c., similar to the last documented phase of Histrian material culture (Gabrovec, Mihovilić 1987, pp. 293-338, Mihovilić 2013, pp. 114- 287). 253 Personal analysis of the material from the tomb in Dragišić and excavation records by Prof. Zdenko Brusić and Marko Menđušić. 251 252

In the late Hellenistic period, in the 2nd and 1st c. BC, the situation on the East Adriatic coast changed, and this was reflected in the pottery materials. Imports from 254

63

Čović 1987, pp. 481-528.

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

southern Italy declined significantly, and local production intensified. Imports from the southern part of the East Adriatic and mainland Greece, which were formerly non-existent or present at a much lower scale than in the western Adriatic, began to be noticed. The causes for this reorientation of trade networks on the Adriatic were probably political and military events in southern Italy during the 3rd c. BC. The Greek cities in southern Italy were constantly involved in military conflicts, which spurred changes in the economy as well. Roman expansion to southern Italy and the presence of the army, as well as banditry and sieges, affected pottery production and export potential in that region. Such circumstances influenced the intensity of pottery production in Taras. The expedition of Pyrrhus in southern Italy from 280 to 272 resulted in the Roman conquest of Taras, which according to the traditional chronology was the reason for cessation of Gnathia production. However, it seems that Rome did not treat Taras as a conquered city, but rather accorded it the status of socius navalis – not quite autonomous and with the presence of a Roman military garrison. According to the archaeological material, these political events did not lead to the cessation of pottery production, but a crisis can be observed in the workshops of Taras. Recently, Yntema noted the migration of craftsmen in Apulia from 250 BC, including potters from smaller urban centres to larger ones.255 This political and economic situation resulted in the introduction of new forms in regional fine ware production that was influenced by eastern Mediterranean production in the 2nd and 1st c. BC. As we can see, a similar situation was also noted in East Adriatic production in Issa with the second and third phases of Issaean Gnathia ware, and in Dyrrachion with new shapes of articulated kantharoi in Gray-glaze ware. Pottery production in the East Adriatic in the late Hellenistic period was also marked, as noted before, by intense local production in Brown- and Hellenistic Red-coated ware with new shapes akin to those of mainland Greek production.

forced Issa to search for new markets and increase its own production, and it was probably at this time that expansion into central Dalmatia began.

Another political event in Apulia marked changes in the orientation of East Adriatic networks, impacting Issa in particular, was Hannibal’s campaign in the region. While awaiting a confrontation with the Roman army in 216 BC, his troops captured a Roman food supply warehouse at Cana.256 Cana was a port in Manfredonia Bay and the main hub of Canosan trade in the hinterland. The capture of the warehouse at Cana was likely the cause of the cessation of imports from Canosa to Issa. In addition to vessels, which, as we have seen, were found at numerous sites along the eastern Adriatic, Šešelj believed the main commodity exported from Canosa was grain, citing ancient written sources, especially Strabo.257 The new circumstances

The intense trade in the Mediterranean during the Hellenistic period resulted in the development of an artistic koine that produced a similar range of vessels, decorations and shapes, and also the development of many local workshops and production traditions. However, looking at the East Adriatic region, at periphery of Mediterranean Hellenistic world, the circulation of pottery indicates that distribution was more regional and inter-regional. What the presented data show is that besides inter-Adriatic connections, Adriatic communities were linked mostly to the central part of the Mediterranean, and much less so to its eastern and western parts.

When considering the East Adriatic coast in the period from the 4th to the 1st c. BC, it can be observed that this region was not unified, as often believed when speaking of this part of the Mediterranean periphery. The differences were mainly in the different political and economic circumstances experienced by the Greeks colonists and indigenous communities. The situation was rather complex, with the Histrian and Liburnian communities in the north dominated by their aristocracies, the Greek colonies in central Dalmatia with the politically and economically dominant Issa, and the communities in the south that were part of the Illyrian kingdom. The available literary sources and archaeological materials provide scant information on the relations between them. Furthermore, the trade networks in the 4th and 3rd c. BC indicated intense transAdriatic links, but not regional East Adriatic trade in this period. Imports of Apulian Red-figure and Gnathia ware show that trade between the indigenous communities in the East Adriatic and the Greek colony Taras and indigenous Apulian settlements existed and that they were very intense. The absence of Issaean Gnathia ware in those communities in the northern and southern parts of the East Adriatic indicate that Issa did not play an important role in the establishment of these contacts, which were likely formed through the local aristocracy and merchants. Issa exerted its political and economic influence primarily in central Dalmatia – on the islands and on the shores of Kaštela Bay. A significant change occurred in the late 3rd c. BC, caused by Roman expansion into southern Italy. North-south trade networks along the East Adriatic can be traced from that period onward, mostly in the 2nd and 1st c. BC, but mainly from south to central Dalmatia. Roman expansion in the East Adriatic since the first Illyrian war in 229 BC also prompted these changes.

Yntema 2013, pp. 237-263. Cornell 2005, pp. 351-419. 257 Šešelj 2009, pp. 510-511. 255 256

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection in the Split Archaeological Museum Coating: black coating is partly damaged. The outer edge of foot is coated, while the lower part of body and flat bottom of foot are red coated (7.5R 4/8).

V. 1. Imported Gnathia vessels

Fabrics: fine soft pale yellow clay (7.5YR 8/3). Comparisons: for shape: oinochoe in Taranto in Lippolis phase B 2 (Lippolis 1994, p. 245) and in tomb in palm nursery in Vis, but without red coating (Čargo 2008, p. 105, no. 4); for decoration: Alexandropoulou 2002, p. 44, fig. 16/Rz Ic and 17/Rz Id. Provenance: Taras. Attribution: Sidewinder group. Dating: last quarter of 4th c. BC.

1. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1499 Dimensions: h: 25cm, d. neck: 7cm, d. body: 16.2cm, d. foot: 7.5cm Description: round body on a low ring foot, and thick neck that ends with wide trefoil spout. Strip handle is horizontally attached to spout. Decoration: thick yellow horizontal line, as a branch, and above and below it alternate tendrils and grapes in white and yellow.

65

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

2. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1394 Find site: Martvilo necropolis, rescue excavation in 1948, tombs on the northern side. Dimensions: h: 22.5cm, d. neck: 5.5cm, d. body: 16.7cm, d. foot: 9.1cm. Description: round body on a low ring foot with vertical neck and wide trefoil spout. Strip handle is horizontally attached to spout. Decoration: two bands bounded with double incised lines and row of ovules inside (all visible in negative). On upper part of body are red horizontal lines on which long grapes, palm branches and tendrils are hanging. Most of the decoration erased. Coating: black coating in well preserved. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (7.5YR 7/6). Comparisons: for shape: oinochoe from tomb 11/71 at San Severo, and one oinochoe with thicker neck also at San Severo tomb 22/71 (De Juliis 1996, p. 115, no. 7 and 8). Provenance: Canosa. Attribution: Knudsen group. Dating: end of 4th and beginning of 3rd c. BC. Bibliography: Čargo 2010, p. 75, no. 5.

3. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1625 Dimensions: h: 25cm, d. neck: 7cm, d. body: 16.2cm, d. foot: 7.5cm Description: round body on a low ring foot, with long, vertical thick neck that ends with trefoil spout. Strip handle is wide and attached horizontally to spout. Decoration: two rows of ovules (visible in negative) are marked with incised horizontal lines on the neck, and below on the body are alternating grapes, leaves and tendrils (visible in negative). Two incised vertical and oblique lines on both sides of body, representing the branches with grapes and dots (visible in negative). Coating: black coating completely turned to red. Fabrics: fine soft pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3). Comparison: for shape: similar oinochoai are documented in Taranto, the type 113 dated in transition phase from D to E 1, around 200 BC (Hempel 2001, Taf. 3); for decoration: similar tendrils and grapes on vessels of Knudsen group (De Juliis 1996, p. 110, no. 11, p. 140, no. 4 and 1992, pp. 38-39, nos. 94 and 95).

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

Provenance: Apulia/Canosa.1

Dating: last quarter of 4th c. BC.

Attribution: probably Knudsen group. Dating: late 4th/3rd c. BC.

4. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1688.

5. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1644

Dimensions: h. of the preserved part: 12.2cm, d. neck: 5.6cm.

Dimensions: h: 20.5cm, d. body: 16cm, d. foot: 7.3cm.

Description: fragment of thick and short neck, and wide trefoil spout.

Description: round body on a low ring foot with short thick neck and wide trefoil spout. Strip handle is horizontally attached to spout. Vertical grooves on the body.

Decoration: two bands: in upper band is row of white ovules, and in lower: yellow and white spirals and triangles. Below can be seen dotted yellow lines and one red line.

Decoration: incised line with white vertical leaves above and below, and with rosette in the middle. Below is row of white dots, and below it are alternating grapes and dotted flowers.

Coating: black to a dark red coating.

Coating: black coating is partly damaged.

Fabrics: fine hard yellow clay (7.5YR 7/4).

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (2.5YR 7/6).

Comparisons: for shape and decoration: oinochoai in tomb 9/71 at San Severo (De Juliis 1996, p. 110, nos. 10 and 11).

Comparison: for shape: Morel 5623b 1, but this vessel from Vis has more spherical/round body.

Provenance: Canosa.

Provenance: Apulia

Attribution: Knudsen group.

Dating: probably end of 4th c. BC.

1 Poor performance of the vessel is due to bad firing conditions in the kiln, andperhaps indicating local production, but shape and decoration has not been documented on any other vessel found in Vis.

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6. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1368 Dimensions: h: 17.8cm, d. neck: 4.5cm, d. body: 13cm, d. foot: 7.1cm. Decoration: round body a low ring foot with short thick neck and narrow trefoil spout. Strip handle is horizontally attached to spout.

7. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1631 Dimensions: h: 21.3cm, d. neck: 4.3cm, d. body: 16cm, d. foot: 7.7cm.

Decoration: palm branch on the neck with circle in the middle and on upper part of the body are horizontal lines, and below are alternating grapes and tendrils (visible traces of white paint on negative).

Description: round body on a low ring foot with short and thick neck and trefoil spout. Strip handle is horizontally attached to spout.

Coating: brown coating.

Decoration: white long horizontal leaves in three rows.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (5YR 8/3).

Coating: brown to grey coating.

Comparisons: for shape: oinochoe from Vis (Čargo 2010, pp. 76-77, nos. 6-7; Lisičar 1973, p. 43, fig. 4); for decoration: on skyphoi (Green 1976, Pl. 16, no. 15 and 2001, p. 90, no. 18, and Roncalli 1999, p. 203, no. 325) and Alexandropoulou 2002, 17. Rz Id and 18. Rz Ie.

Fabrics: fine soft pale yellow clay (10YR 8/2).

Provenance: Canosa.

Dating: probably beginning of 3rd c. BC.

Comparisons: no direct comparisons. Provenance: Apulia.

Attribution: transition from Knudsen to Late Canosan group. Dating: first half of 3rd c. BC.

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1996, p. 444, no. 375.5, Lanza 2005, p. 39, fig. 5a and b); for shape: no direct comparisons. Provenance: Apulia. Dating: probably late 4th/3rd c. BC.

8. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1645 Dimensions: h: 26cm, d. neck: 4.7cm, d. body: 167.3cm, d. foot: 7.3cm. 9. Oinochoe, Inv. no. 44694

Description: round body on a low ring foot with thick neck and trefoil spout. Strip handle is horizontally attached to spout.

Dimensions: h: 25.3cm, d. neck: 4.9cm, d. body: 15.8cm, d. foot: 7.1cm.

Decoration: palm branch with small circle in the middle (visible in negative) on the neck, and on body ivy with wavy branch and above and below it are alternating tendrils and grapes (visible in negative).

Description: round body on a low ring foot, concave at bottom, with long neck and trefoil spout. Regular ribbing in two bands on the body. Strip handle is horizontally attached to spout.

Coating: black coating is well preserved.

Decoration: completely erased.

Fabrics: fine hard yellow clay (7.5YR 8/2).

Coating: black coating mostly erased, but still visible on lower part of body and neck.

Comparisons: for decoration: similar to vessels of Sidewinder group from Taranto (Green 1976, Pl. 16, no. 14, 1986, p. 135, fig. 28 and 2001, p. 87, no. 10, D’Amicis

Fabrics: fine very pale yellow clay (5YR 8/2).

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Comparisons: for shape: oinochoai from Vaste: one oinochoe without ribbing – attributed to Sidewinder group according to decoration on the neck, and one oinochoe with lion head at the end of handle, from tomb 8/1968, (Delli Ponti 1996, p. 133, no. 75, and p. 136, no. 81), oinochoai from Roccavechia: one with round body, but shorter neck and without ribbing from tomb 3/1934, dated to the end of the 4th and beginning of 3rd c. BC (Giannotta 1995, p. 44, fig. 6), one with ribbing, but with lion head at the end of the handle from tomb 19/1934, dated end of 4th c. BC (Giannotta 1996a, p. 48, fig. 15, no 16), and one without ribbing and with lion head, from tomb 25/1934, dated end of 4th and beginning of 3th c. BC (Giannotta 1996a, pp. 68-69, fig. 32, no. 60), and from Taranto in transition phase from B 2 to C, or from 300 until 245 BC (Lippolis 1994, p. 245).

10. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1580

Provenance: Apulian. Attribution: unknown.

Comparisons: for shape: above-mentioned oinochoai from Roccavechia and Vaste, but this example from Vis has a more elongated neck.

Dating: first half of 3rd c. BC.

Provenance: Taras.

Dimensions: h: 28cm, d. neck: 4.3cm, d. body: 16.7cm, d. foot: 8.4cm. Description: baggy body on a low ring foot, with long neck and wide trefoil spout. Round handle is horizontally attached to spout and ends with lion head. Regular ribbing on the body in one band. Decoration: ivy with red ribbon on both sides of the neck (visible in negative). Coating: black coating is well preserved. Fabrics: fine soft pale yellow clay (7.5YR 7/4).

Attribution: Alexandrian group. Dating: end of 4th and beginning of 3rd c. BC.

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464, no. 387), dated end of 4th and beginning of 3rd c. BC, oinochoe from Via San Lorenzo in Francavilla Fontana (Giannotta 1996b, pp. 466-467, no. 395.1), dated first half of 3rd c. BC, and two oinochoe from Crete, now in the Athens Museum, dated according to the long shape of the neck to the beginning of 3rd c. BC (Green 1979, p. 82, Pl. 21, fig. 7-8). Provenance: Taras. Attribution: Alexandrian group. Dating: beginning of 3rdc. BC. Bibliography: Kirigin 1981, pp. 229-236.

11. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1502 Dimensions: h: 26.5cm, d. neck: 3.8cm, d. body: 14.5cm, d. foot: 6.9cm. Description: baggy body on narrow and low ring foot, with long neck and wide trefoil spout. Round handle ends with lion head painted in white. Regular ribbing on the body in two bands. Decoration: ivy branch with two vertical palm branches on both sides of the neck and hanging red ribbon, and below in the middle is theatrical mask (visible in negative).

12. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1478 Dimensions: h: 27.3cm, d. neck: 3.4cm, d. body: 14cm, d. foot: 7.3cm.

Coating: black coating is well preserved.

Description: baggy body on a narrow and low ring foot, with long neck and wide trefoil spout. Round handle ends with theatrical mask. Regular and deep ribbing on the body in two bands.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (2.5YR 7/6). Comparisons: for shape and decoration: two oinochoe from Vis (Kirigin 1981, pp. 229-236), one oinochoe from tomb 11/1934 from Roccavechia (Giannotta 1996b, p.

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Decoration: yellow ivy and below are incised vertical and horizontal lines. Palm branches and ribbons are on both sides of ivy (visible in negative). Coating: black to reddish coating. Fabrics: fine soft pale yellow clay (2.5YR 7/6). Comparisons: for the shape: as previous vessel, although this oinochoe has longer neck, and wider trefoil spout comparing the body of the vessel – for the closest comparisons: one oinochoai from tomb 11/1934 from Roccavechia attributed to the Louvre Painter (Giannotta 1996b, p. 464, no. 387), one oinochoe from Oria (Bernardini 1961, Tav. 43/6), one oinochoe from Rhodes, today in Istanbul Museum (Pasinli 1984, fig. 1a-c), and one from Crete, today in Athens Museum (Green 1979, fig. 7-8). The similar oinochoai were also found in Vis (see Čargo 2007, p. 25, nos. 2 and 3) and one oinochoe also from Vis, now in Archaeological Museum in Split, dated end of 4th and beginning of 3rd c. BC (Kirigin 2008 p. 75, no. 38). Provenance: Taras. Attribution: Alexandrian group. Dating: beginning of 3rd c. BC.

13. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1034 Dimensions: h: 22.3cm, d. neck: 2.9cm, d. body: 12.4cm, d. foot: 6.4cm. Description: baggy body on a low ring foot, with long neck and wide trefoil spout. Round handle ends with white lion head. Regular and wide ribbing on the body in two bands. Decoration: ivy branch with two palm branches on the both sides and with dove in the middle (all visible in negative). Between two bands of ribs is row of yellow and white dots and double vertical lines.

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Coating: black coating is damaged.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (5YR 8/3).

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (2.5YR 7/6).

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Provenance: Taras.

Provenance: Taras.

Attribution: Alexandrian group.

Attribution: Alexandrian group.

Dating: beginning of 3rd c. BC.

Dating: beginning of 3rd c. BC.

14. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-823 Purchased: former Lukanović Collection from Šibenik. Dimensions: h: 29.5cm, d. neck: 4.2cm, d body: 16cm, d. foot: 8.4cm. 15. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1298

Description: baggy body on a low ring foot, with long neck and wide trefoil spout. Round handle ends with lion head. Regular and wide ribbing on the body in two bands.

Dimensions: h: 25.5cm, d. neck: 4.7cm, d. body: 16.4cm, d. foot: 7.3cm.

Decoration: decoration mostly erased, but in negative is still visible an ivy branch on the neck, with two vertical palm branches and ribbons at both ends. In the middle are two swans facing each other with outspread wings.

Description: biconical body on a narrow low ring foot, with long neck and very wide compared to the body, trefoil spout. Irregular ribbing on the body in two bands, but in the upper band they are shorter, and look like grooves.

Coating: black coating is damaged on handle and spout.

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Description: baggy body on a low narrow ring foot, with long narrow neck and wide trefoil spout. Handle is missing, but part where it was attached to spout is preserved and has lion head painted in white. Ribbing on body similar to previous vessel.

Decoration: completely erased, but a still visible red ribbon which is probably hanging on an ivy branch, visible in negative, as well as a dove in the middle. Coating: black to brown coating. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (7.5YR 8/4).

Decoration: decoration completely erased, but the ivy is still visible in negative along with rosette in the middle, and two vertical palm branches on both sides of ivy. In the middle a dove with spread wings and carrying ribbon.

Comparisons: as previous vessel. Provenance: Taras.

Coating: black to brown and red coating, erased.

Attribution: Alexandrian group.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (7.5YR 8/4).

Dating: beginning of 3rd c. BC.

Comparisons: as previous vessel. Provenance: Taras. Attribution: Alexandrian group. Dating: beginning of 3rdc. BC.

17. Oinochoe, Inv. no. 44840 Dimensions: h. of the preserved part: 19.5cm, d. neck: 3.1cm, d. of the preserved part of the body: 10cm. Description: upper part of vessel is preserved with long elegant neck and wide trefoil spout. Round handle ends with theatrical mask painted in white, and ribs are in two bands on the body.

16. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb- 1452 Dimensions: h: 25.5cm, d. neck: 3.2cm, d. body: 14.5cm, d. foot: 6.6cm.

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

Decoration: ivy branch with red ribbons and vertical palm branches on both sides, and below are two white doves facing each other.

Fabrics: fine yellow clay (5YR 8/3). Comparisons: for shape: oinochoe from Taranto phase C, dated from 275 until 225 BC (Lippolis 1994, p. 245).

Coating: black coating.

Provenance: probably Taras.

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (7.5 YR 8/4).

Attribution: probably Alexandrian group.

Comparison: as previous vessels.

Dating: 3rd c. BC.

Provenance: Taras. Attribution: Alexandrian group. Dating: beginning of 3rd c. BC.

19. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1763 Dimensions: h. of the preserved part of the neck: 11.4cm, d. neck: 3.4cm, d. foot: 6.3cm. Description: three fragment of the same vessel: a part of elegant neck, a low ring foot with concave bottom and part of body with ribs in two bands. Decoration: two vertical palm branches and ribbon on neck (visible in negative). Coating: black to brown and red coating. Fabrics: fine reddish clay (5YR 8/3). Comparison: as vessels nos. 10-16. Provenance: probably Taras. Attribution: probably Alexandrian group. 18. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-445

Dating: 3rd c. BC.

Dimensions: h. of the preserved part: 18.5cm, d. body: 9.8cm, d. foot: 5.7cm. Description: baggy body on a low ring foot and with narrow and long neck. The rest of the vessel is missing. Coating: black coating erased.

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20. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1767 Dimensions: h. of the preserved part: 18.5cm, d. neck: 13.5cm, d. of the preserved part of body: 13cm. Description: only upper part of vessel is preserved with vertical neck, trefoil spout, part of the body with ribs in two bands and strip handle with theatrical mask.

21. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1477

Decoration: laurel branch with flower in the middle (visible in negative with traces of white paint).

Dimensions: h: 30cm, d. neck: 3.6cm, d. body: 16.2cm, d. foot: 7.8cm

Coating: black coating is damaged.

Description: baggy body on a low ring foot, with long elegant neck and trefoil spout. Round handle ends with small spike. Regular and wide ribbing on the body in two bands.

Fabrics: fine red clay (7.5R 8/3). Comparisons: for decoration: vessels from Peuzetia (Green 2001, 57-103 and Lanza 2006b) and Alexandropoulou 2002, Lz I.

Decoration: white and red horizontal lines, and below is vine branch in yellow and four vertical tendrils, two on both sides of neck. In the middle is small yellow rosette and below is white swan. Between two bands of ribs are alternate flowers and double vertical lines in white and yellow.

Provenance: Apulian. Dating: mid-3rd c. BC.

Coating: black to dark brown and reddish coating. Fabrics: fine soft pale yellow clay (10YR 8/2). Comparisons: for shape: oinochoe from Taranto – transitional phase from C to D, dated second half of 3rd c. 76

V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

Comparisons: for shape: oinochoe of Alexandrian group, but the metope inside ribbing is characteristic feature of RPR group; for decoration: oinochoai from Vis with dove in the metope (Kirigin 1990a, pl. 27, fig. a, and pl. 30, fig. b, Vallicelli 2006, pp. 254-255, fig. 5-6, Čargo 2008, p. 109, no. 8), askos from Taranto also with dove in metope (Graepler 1997, p. 59, no. 7), one skyphos from Rhodes (Pasinli 1984, fig. 3), dove on the lid of pyxis in Bonn (Green 2001, p. 92, no. 21), and on one oinochoe also in Bonn (Green 1976, Pl. 22 and 23).

BC (Lippolis 1994, p. 245), oinochoe from tomb 2/1938 in Francavilla Fontana, dated also second half of 3rdc. BC (Giannotta 1996b, pp. 466-467, nos. 395.1 and 395.2); for decoration: one oinochoe from Rhodes with similar swan, but with outspread wings (Pasinli 1984, fig. 1a-c). Provenance: Apulian. Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

Provenance: Apulian. Dating: mid-3rd c. BC.

22. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1448 Dimensions: h. 28.5cm, d. neck: 3.5cm, d. body: 17.2cm, d. foot: 9.1cm. Description: baggy body on a low ring foot, with long elegant neck and trefoil spout. Round handle ends with horizontal spike. Regular and wide ribbing on body in two bands with metope in the upper. Decoration: completely erased. Dove in metope is partly visible in negative.

23. Oinochoe, Inv. no: Fb-44675

Coating: black coating.

Dimensions: h: 25cm, d. neck: 3.6cm, d. body: 15.5cm, d. foot: 8.2cm.

Fabrics: fine soft pale yellow clay (2.5Y 8/3).

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Description: baggy body on a low ring foot, with elegant neck and trefoil spout that is partly damaged. Handle is missing. Regular and wide ribbing on the body in two bands, with metope in the upper part.

Decoration: baggy body on a low ring foot and with handle horizontally attached to trefoil spout and with horizontal spike at the end. Regular and wide ribbing on the body in two bands with metope in the upper.

Decoration: two horizontal red lines with red dotted line between them. Below and on both sides of the neck are two vertical palm branches (visible in negative) and hanging red ribbon between them. Below the ribbon and in the middle of the neck is rosette, and dove in metope (all visible in negative).

Decoration: incised wavy line, while painted decoration almost completely erased, but vertical tendrils, ribbons and rosettes are visible in negative. Decoration in metope is not visible.

Coating: black to brown and reddish coating.

Fabrics: soft pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3).

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Provenance: Apulian.

Provenance: Apulian.

Dating: mid-3rd c. BC.

Coating: black to red coating, but mostly erased.

Dating: mid-3rd c. BC.

24. Oinochoe: Inv. no. Fb-1500

25. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb- 1387

Dimensions: h: 28.8cm, d. neck: 3.5cm, d. body: 16.3cm, d. foot: 8.1cm.

Dimensions: h: 27.3cm, d, neck: 3.7cm, d. body: 14.8cm, d. foot: 7.7cm. 78

V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

Description: round body on low ring foot, with short thick neck and trefoil spout. Round handle ends with horizontal spike.

Description: baggy body on a low ring foot, with long elegant neck and wide trefoil spout. Round handle ends with horizontal spike. Irregular and shallow ribbing on the body in two bands with metope in the upper, and marked with red lines. Decoration: two thin white and one thick red lines on which are hanging red and white ribbons on the neck and below are white tears. In metope are two dolphins facing each other with painted letter X at the end of their tails.

Decoration: one horizontal and two vertical palm branches on the neck (visible in negative) making π-motif, and below are two red ribbons and dove between them (visible in negative). On the body is incised wavy branch with painted leaves (visible in negative), and below are two incised horizontal lines.

Coating: black to red coating.

Coating: black coating is not well preserved.

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (2.5YR 7/6).

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (7.5YR 8/2).

Comparison: as previous vessel, and for motif of dolphin see Agora XXIX, pp. 53.

Comparisons: no direct comparison in shape. Similar incised decoration is on oinochoai from Athenian Agora dated from 120 until 86 BC (Rotroff 1991, p. 90, Pl. 38/90, and 2002, p. 112, fig. 2, Alexandropoulou 2002, Ez 1 ili Ez 3a.).

Provenance: probably Apulian with influence of West Slope ware. Dating: end of 3rd c. BC.

Provenance: probably Apulian with influence of West Slope ware. Dating: end of 3rdc. BC.

26. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1578 Dimensions: h: 24cm, d. neck: 4.8cm, d. body: 16.7cm, d. foot: 8cm.

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X/35 and 36); for decoration: pelike from Pharos (Miše 2005, p 41, no. 31, and Kirigin 2008, p. 61, no. 31).2 Provenance: Canosa. Attribution: Late Canosan group. Dating: beginning of 3rd c. BC.

27. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1699 Dimensions: h: 26.4cm, d. body: 16.2cm, d. foot: 7.2cm.

28. Oinochoe, Inv. no. 44808

Description: round body on a low ring foot, with thick neck and wide trefoil spout. Handle ends with lion head painted in white and yellow. Ribbing on the body in two bands with metope in the upper, and are marked with red lines.

Dimensions: h: 25cm, d. body: 17cm, d. foot: 7cm. Description: round body on a low ring foot, with short narrow neck and small (compared to body) trefoil spout. Round handle ends with short spike. Dense ribbing on body with metope.

Decoration: yellow ivy and below is dotted white line. Between bands of ribs is wavy yellow and white line.

Decoration: yellow ivy with white dots around leaves on the neck, below is dotted red horizontal line, and in the middle is white dove. The whole decoration is damaged and only visible on some parts.

Coating: black coating is well preserved. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/2). Comparisons: for shape: oinochoe with shorter neck, and wider foot from tomb 19/1934 in Roccavechia (Giannotta 1996a, pp. 46-48, fig. 15, no. 16), and one oinochoe from tomb 8/1968 in Vaste (Delli Ponti 1996, pp. 134-135, no. 79, and p. 136, no. 81), and one similar oinochoe from tomb 3/1976 on Martvilo (Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, T.

Coating: black coating is not well preserved. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (7.5YR 8/3).

2 It is worth noting that both oinochoa from Apulia have a round body, but on a wider ring foot than the similar oinochoe of Issaean production.

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Comparison: for shape and decoration: oinochoe from Martvilo (Kirigin 1990a, pl. 27, fig. a, and 2008, p. 81, no. 43; Čargo 2010, pp. 224-225, no. 1). This shape of oinochoe appears in Apulia at the end of 3rd c. BC (personal communication with colleagues Eliza Lanza and Prof. Green), and askos of similar shape was found in Taranto (Graepler 1997, p. 59, fig. 7). For decoration: see Green 2001.

Coating: black coating is only preserved on part of handle and spout.

Provenance: Apulian.

Dating: end of 3rd c. BC.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (7.5YR 8/3). Comparisons: as previous vessel. Provenance: Apulian.

Dating: end of 3rd c. BC.

29. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1503 Dimensions: h: 20cm, d. body: 12.2cm, d. foot: 6.5cm. 30. Oinochoe, Inv. no. 44692

Description: round body on a low ring foot that is concave on bottom, with short narrow neck and small (compared to body) trefoil spout. Metope can still be recognized in the upper part of ribbing.

Dimensions: h: 32.8cm, d. body: 16.5cm, d. foot: 7.6cm. Description: round body on a conical foot that is concave on bottom, with long elegant neck and trefoil spout. Round handle is horizontally attached to spout and ends with mould-made lion head. No ribbing.

Decoration: completely erased.

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Description: baggy body on a low ring foot concave at bottom, with long elegant neck and trefoil spout. Round handle ends with horizontal spike. Regular and short grooves on upper part of body.

Coating: white coating and lower part of the body is red coated, while the foot has dark red to brown coating. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/2). Comparisons: similar in shape as vessels of Alexandrian group (no. 6-9), but with more concave foot; for white coating see De Juliis 1997, pp. 111-112, fig. 124. Lion head shows resemblance with Canosan polychrome vases (vasi Canosini in Van der Wielen - Van Ommeren 1988, pp. 665-671, Van der Wielen 1992, pp. 520-529). For white coating in Daunia and Peuzetia see De Juliis 1997, pp. 111-112. fig. 124, and see this present study footnote 392.

Coating: white coating, but mostly erased. Fabrics: fine hard reddish clay (5YR 7/6). Comparisons: for shape: as previous vessel, and similar oinochoai from in Vis with black coating (Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, T.XIII/1, 6 and 18, Kirigin 1990a, pl. 27, Fb-1391 and pl. 30, Fb-1442- the last vessel was also published in Kirigin 2008, p. 83, no. 45, and similar is also oinochoe on p. 82, no. 44, and Green 2001, p. 103, no. 43), oinochoe with similar trefoil spout, but shorter neck and round body from Messapia, attributed to Alexandrian group (Bernardini 1961, Tav. 43/6, Giannotta 1994, pp. 93-94, fig. 6/1, and 1996b, p. 466, nos. 395.1 and 395.2). All mentioned comparisons have black coating, not white, for white coating: as previous vessel.

Provenance: probably Canosa. Dating: 3rd c. BC.

Provenance: probably Canosa. Dating: 3rd c. BC. Bibliography: Čargo 2010, p. 22, fig. 12

32. Oinochoe, Inv. no. 44382 Dimensions: h. of the preserved part: 15.6cm, d. neck: 5.1cm, d. of the preserved part of body: 13.8cm.

31. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1359 Purchased: Dojmi Collection from Vis

Description: only upper part of vessel is preserved with thick neck, trefoil spout and part of body with ribbing. Round handle ends with lion head.

Dimensions: h: 32cm, d. neck: 3.7cm, d. body: 17.6cm, d. foot: 8.1cm.

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

Decoration: ivy branch on the neck (visible in negative).

decoration can be found on skyphoi of the Late Canosan group (below in the Catalogue).

Coating: black coating is damaged.

Provenance: Canosa.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/2).

Attribution: probably Late Canosan group.

Provenance: probably Apulian.

Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

Dating: 3rd c. BC.

33. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-449 34. Oinochoe, Inv. no. 44723

Dimension: h. of the preserved part: 14cm, d. body: 8.7cm, d. foot: 5.7cm.

Dimensions: h: 20cm, d. neck: 4.8cm, d. body: 14.5cm, d. foot: 7cm.

Description: only lower part of vessel is preserved with round body on a conical foot that is concave on bottom, and with part of narrow neck. Handle is missing. Shallow ribbing on the body.

Description: round body on a low ring foot, concave at bottom, short thick neck and vertical trefoil spout. Strip handle ends with small spike.

Decoration: two white dotted and full horizontal lines, and below are red and white horizontal lines.

Decoration: completely erased. Coating: black to brown coating.

Coating: black coating is well preserved.

Fabrics: fine hard reddish clay (2.5YR 8/3).

Fabrics: fine soft yellow clay (10YR 8/2).

Comparisons: for shape: Chouse type III (Bollen 2004, pp. 25-34) and oinochoe from palm nursery in Vis (Čargo 2008, p. 107, no. 6).

Comparisons: for decoration: one pelike from Vis (Čargo 2008, pp. 115, no. 14), pelikai from tombs 6/1968 and 8/1968 from Vaste, dated end of 4th c. BC (Delli Ponti 1996, p. 119, no. 39 and p. 137, nos. 84 and 86) and similar

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Provenance: unknown. Dating: 3rd c. BC.

36. Pelike, Inv. no. 44337 Dimensions: h: 20cm, d. neck: 7cm, d. body: 16.5cm, d. foot: 7.6cm. 35. Oinochoe, Inv. no. 44708

Description: round body on a low conical foot, with long thick neck. Both handles are missing and part of horizontal rim. Deep and regular ribbing on the body.

Dimensions: h: 17.8cm, d. body: 10.7cm, d. foot: 6.4cm. Description: biconical body on a low ring foot, short thick neck and trefoil spout. Strip handle ends with horizontal spike.

Decoration: on both sides: row of vertical yellow tears and below is row of small yellow flowers. Coating: black coating partly erased.

Decoration: completely erased.

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (5YR 8/3).

Coating: black coating.

Comparisons: for shape: pelike from tomb 4/1970 in Vaste, dated in the mid-4th c. BC (Delli Ponti 1996, pp. 208-209, no. 285).

Fabrics: fine soft pale yellow clay (5YR 8/3). Comparisons: for shape: oinochoai from Peuzetia dated from 310 until 280 BC (Lanza 2006b, table of typological development of oinochoai), and Morel 5645a, dated beginning of 3rdc. BC.

Provenance: Apulian. Dating: late 4th c. BC.

Provenance: probably Apulian. Dating: 3rd c. BC. 84

V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

38. Pelike, Inv. no. Fb-778 37. Pelike, Inv. no. 44832

Dimensions: h: 17cm, d. body: 14.8cm, d. foot: 7.6cm

Dimensions: h: 18.5cm, d. body: 14.5cm, d. foot: 6.3cm.

Description: round body on a low ring foot with thick short neck and horizontal rim. Two vertical strip handles are attached below rim.

Description: round body on a low ring foot with thick neck and horizontal rim. Two vertical strip handles are attached below rim and on shoulder. Horizontal rim, but mostly damaged.

Decoration: erased. Coating: brown coating, but partly damaged.

Decoration: horizontal full and dotted lines on neck (visible in negative).

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/4).

Coating: black coating is damaged. Fabrics: fine very pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3).

Comparisons: according to the fabric and clay very similar to oinochoe Cat. no. 6 from transitional phase from Knudsen to Late Canosan group

Comparisons: for shape: pelikai of Group ix from Metaponto, dated quite high around 400-360 BC.

Provenance: north Apulian workshops.

Provenance: Apulia or Metaponto.

Attribution: transition phase from Knudsen to Late Canosan group.

Dating: late 4th/beginning of 3rd c. BC.

Dating: first half of 3rd c. BC.

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end of 4th c. BC, and in tomb 12/1968 (Delli Ponti 1996, pp. 111-113, no. 18, p. 161, no. 140). Provenance: Apulian. Dating: mid-3rd c. BC.

39. Pelike, Inv. no. Fb-1579 Dimensions: h: 22.8cm, d, rim: 8.2cm, d. neck: 4.6cm, d. body: 14.7cm, d. foot: 6.7cm. Description: round body on a wide conical foot and long elegant neck that narrows in the upper part. Horizontal rim is on mould-made throat. Two vertical round handles below rim. Regular ribbing in two bands on the body and marked with incised and white painted lines. Decoration: on both sides erased, but still visible traces of yellow paint. Below handles are yellow vertical lines and above them are white horizontal lines. Coating: black coating is well preserved.

40. Pelike, Inv. no. Fb-77b

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (5YR 8/3).

Dimensions: h: 20.4cm, d. rim: 7cm, d. neck: 3cm, d. body: 11.4cm, d. foot: 5.8cm.

Comparisons: for shape: pelikai from Taranto, dated in the transition phase from B 2 to C, or from 280 until 225 (Lippolis 1994, p. 263), from Peuzetia, date in the same period as pelikai (Lanza 2006b, pp. 83-85), from Messapia (Maruggi 1993, p. 17), pelikai with same shape of body, but wider rim and foot from Vaste in tomb 5/1968, dated

Description: baggy body on a conical foot with long narrow neck and thick horizontal rim. Two round vertical handle below rim. Dense ribbing in two bands on the body.

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Decoration: incised horizontal lines, but painted decoration on both sides erased.

Decoration: on both sides: horizontal red and white lines. Coating: black coating is damaged.

Coating: black to brown coating and part of the neck is red.

Fabrics: fine pale red clay (5YR 8/2). Comparisons: for shape: similar pelike from Vis (Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, T.X/23, with longer neck and Čargo 2008, p. 115, no. 14), and from Apulia, but with wider neck and rim, from tomb 8/1968, dated end of 4th c. BC (Delli Ponti 1996, pp. 137-138, no. 86), and from Taranto (D’Amicis 1996, p. 437); for decoration: see Late Canosan group (Green 2001, pp. 57-103).

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (5YR 8/3). Comparisons: for shape: pelike from Vis (Kirigin 1986, p. 23, no. 44, Čargo 2007, pp. 29-30, no. 7), and from Apulia (Bernardini 1961, Tav. 35/4, Green 1977, p. 561, fig. 13 and 2001, p. 88, no. 14). Provenance: Apulian.

Provenance: Canosa.3

Dating: mid-3rd c. BC.

Attribution: probably Late Canosan group. Dating: mid-3rd c. BC.

41. Pelike, Inv. no. Fb-781 Purchased: Church Collection in Vis established in 1926. Dimensions: h: 16cm, d. rim: 6.1cm, d. neck: 3.1cm, d. body: 9.2cm, d. foot: 5.4cm. Description: baggy body on a low ring foot with short thin neck and horizontal rim attached to two vertical stripe handles. Regular ribbing on the body, and marked with red and incised lines.

3 According to its characteristic decoration, this vessel could belong to the Late Canosan group, although from the publications from south Italy that were available to me, I could not find comparisons in north Apulia.

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42. Pelike Inv. no. Fb-1480

43. Pelike, Inv. no. 44831

Dimensions: h: 20cm, d. rim: 6.9cm, d. neck: 3.3cm, d. body: 11cm, d. foot: 6cm.

Dimensions: h: 16.6cm, d. rim: 5.8cm, d. neck: 3cm, d. body: 11.4cm, d. foot: 5.3cm.

Description: baggy body on a conical foot with short and narrow neck. Two vertical strip handles attached to horizontal rim. Shallow ribbing on the body is marked with red and white lines.

Description: baggy body on a conical foot with short and narrow neck. Narrow and horizontal rim, and two vertical strip handles are attached below rim. Shallow ribbing on the body.

Decoration: on both sides: horizontal lines and ivy below them (all visible in negative). Below both handles are incised X marks.

Decoration: on both sides: horizontal lines, two thin and one thick (visible in negative). Coating: black coating, partly damaged.

Coating: black coating.

Fabrics: fine pale red clay (5YR 8/3).

Fabrics: fine soft pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3).

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Provenance: Canosa.

Provenance: Canosa.

Attribution: probably Late Canosan group.

Attribution: probably Late Canosan group.

Dating: mid-3rdc. BC.

Dating: mid-3rd c. BC.

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44. Pelike, Inv. no. 44834

45. Pelike, Inv. no. Fb-1444

Dimensions: h: 20cm, d. rim: 7cm, d. neck: 3cm, d. body: 12.5cm, d. foot: 6.6cm.

Dimensions: h: 22.8cm, d. rim: 8.2cm, d. neck: 4.6cm, d. body: 14.7cm, d. foot: 6.7cm.

Description: similar as previous vessel, but with wider conical foot and wider rim. Both vertical handles are also wider, with rib in the middle. Regular ribbing on the body.

Description: similar to previous vessel, but with more rounded body on a low ring foot. Neck short and rim is horizontal. Two vertical strip handles are attached below the rim. Dense and shallow ribbing on the body.

Decoration: on both sides: two horizontal white lines with one thick yellow between them below are two dotted white lines with two thin yellow between them. Above ribbing are four white and one red line.

Decoration: on both sides: horizontal red and white lines, and below them is yellow line with slashes above. Below again are red and white lines.

Coating: black coating is partly damaged.

Coating: black to brownish coating.

Fabrics: fine pale reddish clay (5YR 8/3).

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (5YR 8/3).

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Provenance: Canosa.

Provenance: Canosa.

Attribution: probably Late Canosan group.

Attribution: probably Late Canosan group.

Dating: mid-3rd c. BC.

Dating: mid-3rdc. BC.

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46. Pelike, Inv. no. 44814

47. Pelike, Inv. no. Fb-1030

Dimensions: h: 15.3cm, d. rim: 7.7cm, d. neck: 5cm, d. body: 11cm, d. foot: 6cm.

Dimensions: h: 20.7cm, d. neck: 4.8cm, d. body: 15.5cm, d. foot: 7.9cm.

Description: round body on a low ring foot, with thick short neck and out-curved rim. Two vertical round handles are attached below the rim. Wide and irregular ribbing on the body.

Description: biconical body with thick and short neck on low ring foot. Rim is wide and horizontal. Two vertical strip handles are attached below the rim. Ribbing in two bands on the body with metope in the upper.

Decoration: on side A: same decoration as on previous vessel, and on side B: dotted white horizontal lines and one full line.

Decoration: on both sides: horizontal red and white lines (paint partly erased) and dove in metope (visible in negative).

Coating: black coating is well preserved.

Coating: black to brownish and red coating.

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (5YR 8/3).

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3).

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Comparisons: for shape: no direct parallels in shape with Apulian, but similar in shape with one pelike from tomb III/1948 from Martvilo (Čargo 2010, p. 113, no. 4). Although, on pelikai from tombs 6/1968, 8/1968 from Vaste, the similar biconical body can be observed, but the upper part is different and has narrower neck and mouldmade rim (Delli Ponti 1996, p. 119, no. 39, p. 147, nos. 84 and 86))

Provenance: probably Canosa. Attribution: probably Late Canosan group. Dating: mid-3rd c. BC.

Provenance: Canosa/Issa. Attribution: RPR group/Issaean imitation. Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

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lower part of body more sharply narrows towards the foot than on previous vessel,

48. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-871 Dimensions: h: 9cm, d. rim: 7.2cm, d. body: 6.9cm, d, foot: 3.9cm, wall thickness: 3mm.

Decoration: on both sides: horizontal full and dotted lines, with red lines still visible below the rim and on body.

Description: hemispherical vessel on a wide low disc foot and vertical rim. Both handles are missing.

Coating: black coating mostly erased. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/2).

Decoration: on both sides: horizontal lines and slashes (visible in negative).

Comparisons: for shape: skyphoi from Martvilo (Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, T. X/26) and from tomb at palm nursery in Vis (Čargo 2008, p. 117, no. 16), from Peuzetia – according to typology – dated from 300 until 280 BC (Lanza 2006b, tip C - typology of skyphoi). From Daunia, from tombs XIII/1970, 12/1971, 32/1971 in San Severo, dated first half of 3rd c. BC. (De Juliis 1996, p. 46, nos. 117 and 158); for decoration: similar, or same as on vessels of early Late Canosan group, and skyphoi that do not have ribbing, but red and yellow lines and dotes (Green 2001, p. 63, no. 20).

Coating: black coating mostly erased. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/4). Comparisons: for shape: skyphoi from Taranto and Peuzetia – according to their typology – dated around 300 BC (D’Amicis 1996, p. 437; Lanza 2006b, pp. 83-85), from Daunia, in tomb 35/1971 in San Severo, and in Arpi, dated first half of 3rdc. BC (De Juliis 1996, p. 166 and 1992, pp. 38-39, nos. 93-96, fig. 211-228), from Messapia, but with different decoration, wavy lines instead of slashed, in tomb 12/1968 in Vaste, dated in the end of 4th c. BC (Delli Ponti 1996, p. 157, no. 129). The skyphos of same shape, but with decoration in manner of Knudsen group in Green 2001, p. 91, no. 19. For decoration: skyphoi from tomb 3/1976 at Martvilo (Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, T. X/26), and one skyphos from tomb at palm nursery in Vis (Čargo 2008, p. 118, br. 17).

Provenance: Canosa. Attribution: early Late Canosan group. Dating: first half of 3rd c. BC

Provenance: Canosa. Attribution: early Late Canosan group. Dating: beginning of 3rd c. BC.

50. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-788 Purchased: Church Collection in Vis established in 1926. 49. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1336

Dimensions: h: 9.6cm, d. rim: 7.6cm, d. body: 7.5cm, d. foot: 3.7cm, wall thickness: 3mm.

Dimensions: h: 9.1cm, d. rim: 7.3cm, d. body: 7.3cm, d. foot: 3.5cm, wall thickness: 3mm.

Description: hemispherical vessel that narrows in a lower body to a small disc foot. Rim is vertical and two horseshoe handles are horizontally attached below the rim.

Descriptions: similar to previous vessel, but has both horseshoe handles horizontally attached below the rim and

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Decoration: on both sides: red horizontal line with white dots around. Coating: back coating. Fabrics: fine yellow clay (10YR 8/6). Comparisons: as previous vessel. Provenance: Canosa. Attribution: early Late Canosan group. Dating: first half of 3rd c. BC

52. Skyphos, Inv. no. 44710 Dimensions: h: 7.9cm, d. rim: 7cm, d. body: 7cm, d. foot: 3.2cm, wall thickness: 3mm. Description: similar to previous vessel, but has more rounded shape and sharply narrows in a low disc foot. One handle is missing. Decoration: on side A: red and white horizontal lines and in the middle is palm branch in white; on side B: completely erased, together with coating. Coating: black coating is well preserved and on one side and erased. 51. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1646

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/4).

Dimensions: h: 9.1cm, d. rim: 7.7cm, d. body: 7.2cm, d. foot: 3.3cm, wall thickness: 3mm.

Comparisons: as previous vessel. Provenance: Canosa.

Description: similar to previous vessel.

Attribution: early Late Canosan group.

Decoration: on both sides: ‘sawtooth’ motif in white and yellow, and below are red and white horizontal lines.

Dating: first half of 3rd c. BC

Coating: black coating is partly damaged. Fabrics: fine hard yellow clay (10YR 8/3). Comparisons: as previous vessel. Provenance: Canosa. Attribution: early Late Canosan group. Dating: first half of 3rd c. BC

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

54. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1671 Find site: Martvilo necropolis, rescue excavation in 1948, tombs on the northern side.

53. Skyphos, Inv. no. 44288

Dimensions: h: 7.2cm, d. rim: 6.4cm, d. body: 6.4cm, d. foot: 3.1cm, wall thickness: 3mm.

Dimensions: h: 8.8cm, d. rim: 6.8cm, d. body: 6.6cm, d. foot: 3.5cm, wall thickness: 2mm.

Description: similar shape as previous vessel, with two horseshoe horizontal handles below the rim.

Description: similar shape as previous vessel, but higher. One handle is missing.

Decoration: on side A: horizontal full and dotted white lines, on side B: red and white horizontal lines.

Decoration: on both sides: horizontal full and dotted lines, but most of the decoration erased.

Coating: black to brownish and red coating.

Coating: black coating mostly erased.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/4).

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/4).

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Provenance: Canosa.

Provenance: Canosa.

Attribution: early Late Canosan group.

Attribution: early Late Canosan group.

Dating: first half of 3rd c. BC

Dating: first half of 3rd c. BC

Bibliography: Čargo 2010, p. 92, no. 22 (published photo of side B of the vessel).

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56. Skyphos, Inv. no. 44290 Dimensions: h: 8.2cm, d. rim: 6.5cm, d. body: 6.4cm, d. foot: 3.2cm, wall thickness: 2mm. Description: as previous vessel, but missing part of body and part of rim (opposite side of photo). Decoration: on side A (preserved side): two horizontal full white lines and two dotted lines (partly seen in negative). Coating: black brown and light brown coating. Fabrics: fine reddish clay (2.5YR 7/3). Comparisons: as previous vessel. Provenance: Canosa.

55. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1647

Attribution: early Late Canosan group.

Dimensions: h: 9cm, d. rim: 6.8cm, d. body: 6.8cm, d. foot: 3.4cm, wall thickness: 3mm.

Dating: first half of 3rd c. BC

Description: as previous vessels, but this vessel is taller. Decoration: on both sides: one horizontal thick red line and two dotted white lines. Coating: black coating is well preserved. Fabrics: fine hard pale yellow clay (10YR 8/4). Comparisons: as previous vessel. Provenance: Canosa. Attribution: early Late Canosan group. Dating: first half of 3rd c. BC

57. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1408 Find site: Martvilo necropolis, rescue excavation in 1948, tombs on the northern side. Dimensions: h: 9.3cm, d. rim: 6.9cm, d. body: 7cm, d. foot: 3.6cm, wall thickness: 3mm. Description: similar as previous vessels, but on conical foot. Decoration: on both sides: white and red horizontal lines and above is ‘sawtooth’ motif in white. Coating: black to grey and reddish coating. Fabrics: fine ochre clay (2.5Y 8/3).

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Dating: first half of 3rd c. BC.

Comparisons: as previous vessel. Provenance: Canosa. Attribution: early Late Canosan group. Dating: first half of 3rd c. BC. Bibliography: Čargo 2010, p. 93, no. 23.

59. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1058 Dimensions: h: 8.5cm, d. rim: 6.9cm, d. body: 6.9cm, d. foot: 3.7cm, wall thickness: 3mm. Description: similar shape as previous vessels, but with wide ribbing to body. Decoration: on both sides: two white lines with red line between them. Below and near the ribbing is the ‘sawtooth’ motif in yellow and red lines marks the beginning of ribbing. 58. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1337

Coating: brown to reddish coating.

Dimensions: h: 9.6cm, d. rim: 7.6cm, d. body: 7.6cm, d. foot: 4.6cm, wall thickness: 3mm.

Fabrics: fine hard pale yellow clay (10YR 8/4). Comparisons: for shape: skyphoi from Martvilo (Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, T. X/18, 33 and T. XII/12), skyphoi similar in shape, but with poor quality decoration, from tomb at palm nursery in Vis (Čargo 2008, p. 122, no. 21), one skyphos from Vis, now in Split Archaeological Museum (Kirigin 2008, p. 79, no. 41), skyphoi from Pharos (Pharos 1996, p. 75, fig. 39; Vallicelli 2006, p. 256, fig. 7), and from Apulia (Bernardini 1961, Tav. 19/6; De Juliis 1996, p. 110, no. 13; Green 2001, p. 92, no. 22). According to the shape, similar skyphoi in Taranto are dated to phase B, from 300 until 272 BC (Lippolis 1994, p. 248). Decoration as previous vessels.

Description: similar to previous vessels, but on a conical foot, concave at bottom, and missing one handle. Decoration: on side A: horizontal white and red lines and slashes; on side B: horizontal dotted and full lines (visible in negative). Coating: black coating is damaged and on side B is red. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/4). Comparison: for shape: skyphos, but on disc foot, from tomb at palm nursery in Vis (Čargo 2008, p. 118, no. 17), and for further comparisons and decoration see previous vessels.

Provenance: Canosa. Attribution: Late Canosan group.

Provenance: Canosa.

Dating: 3rd c. BC.

Attribution: early Late Canosan group.

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60. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-789

61. Skyphos, Inv. no. 44279

Dimensions: h: 9cm, d. rim: 6.8cm, d. body: 7cm, d. foot: 3.9cm, wall thickness: 3mm.

Dimensions: h: 10cm, d. rim: 7cm, d. body: 7.1cm, d. foot: 3.7cm, wall thickness: 3mm.

Description: similar shape as previous vessels, but on more conical foot, missing one handle.

Description: similar shape as previous vessels and also missing one handle.

Decoration: similar to previous vessel with horizontal lines and ‘sawtooth’ motif on both sides. Coating: black coating is well preserved.

Decoration: similar to previous vessel, but better preserved, and with two horizontal white lines below the ‘sawtooth’ motif, and above the red line ribbing marks begin.

Fabrics: fine hard pale yellow clay (10YR 8/4).

Coating: black coating is well preserved.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Fabrics: fine hard yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Provenance: Canosa.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Attribution: Late Canosan group.

Provenance: Canosa.

Dating: 3rd c. BC.

Attribution: Late Canosan group. Dating: 3rd c. BC.

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63. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1366 62. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1056

Dimensions: h: 9.7cm, d. rim: 7.2cm, d. body: 7.2cm, d. foot: 4.2cm, wall thickness: 3mm.

Dimensions: h: 9.6cm, d. rim: 7.4cm, d. body: 7.2cm, d. foot: 3.8cm, wall thickness: 4mm.

Description: similar shape as previous vessels, but more conical foot. Two horseshoe handles horizontally attached below the rim.

Description: similar shape as previous vessels and also missing one handle.

Decoration: similar to previous vessel, but with more dense slashes on ‘sawtooth’ motif.

Decoration: on both sides: two thin white horizontal lines, and below them the ‘sawtooth’ motif in yellow with wide slashes. One thin white and one thick red line indicate the beginning of ribbing.

Coating: black to brown coating. Fabrics: fine hard pale yellow clay (10YR 8/4).

Coating: black to reddish coating.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Fabrics: fine hard pale yellow clay (10YR 8/4).

Provenance: Canosa.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Attribution: Late Canosan group.

Provenance: Canosa.

Dating: 3rd c. BC.

Attribution: Late Canosan group. Dating: 3rd c. BC.

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65. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-790 64. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-787

Purchased: Church Collection in Vis established in 1926.

Purchased: Church Collection in Vis established in 1926.

Dimensions: h: 9.1cm, d. rim: 7.1cm, d. body: 7cm, d. foot: 3.5cm, wall thickness: 4mm.

Dimensions: h: 9.7cm, d. rim: 6.7cm, d. body: 6.7cm, d. foot: 4cm, wall thickness: 4mm.

Description: similar shape as previous vessels, but missing one handle.

Description: similar shape as previous vessels, but the lower part of body gradually narrows to foot, giving the whole vessel a more elegant shape. Both handles are missing.

Decoration: as on previous vessels, but the ‘sawtooth’ motif is in yellow and white. Coating: black coating is well preserved.

Decoration: similar to previous vessel, but the ‘sawtooth’ motif is in white.

Fabrics: fine soft pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Coating: black coating is well preserved.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (2.5YR 8/3).

Provenance: Canosa.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Attribution: Late Canosan group.

Provenance: Canosa.

Dating: 3rd c. BC.

Attribution: Late Canosan group. Dating: 3rd c. BC.

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

66. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1055

67. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1036

Dimensions: h: 9.1cm, d, rim: 6.7cm, d. body: 6.7cm, d. foot: 3.3cm, wall thickness: 4mm.

Dimensions: h: 10.2cm, d. rim: 7.3cm, d. body: 7.3cm, d. foot: 3.3cm, wall thickness: 3mm.

Description: similar shape as previous vessels. Two horseshoe horizontal handles are horizontally attached below the rim.

Description: similar shape as previous vessels, but with smaller and narrower conical foot. Decoration: similar to previous vessel, but damaged.

Decoration: decoration on both sides of the vessel erased, but on one side (in the photo) the ‘sawtooth’ motif is visible in negative.

Coating: black coating is damaged. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Coating: black coating is well preserved.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Provenance: Canosa.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Attribution: Late Canosan group.

Provenance: Canosa.

Dating: 3rd c. BC.

Attribution: Late Canosan group. Dating: 3rd c. BC.

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68. Skyphos, Inv. no. 44338 69. Skyphos, Inv. no. 45766

Dimensions: h: 9.4cm, d. rim: 7cm, d. body: 7.2cm, d. foot: 3.9cm, wall thickness: 2mm.

Dimensions: h: 9.5cm, d. rim: 6.7cm, d. body: 6.9cm, d. foot: 3.5cm, wall thickness: 0.3cm.

Description: similar shape as previous vessels and with narrow conical foot partly damaged. One handle is missing.

Description: similar shape as previous vessels, but part of the body with rim is missing, and one handle.

Decoration: similar to previous vessels.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Decoration: similar to previous vessels, and ‘sawtooth’ motif is white and yellow, but most of the colour erased, and visible in negative.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Coating: black to dark red coating.

Provenance: Canosa.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Attribution: Late Canosan group.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Dating: 3rd c. BC.

Provenance: Canosa.

Coating: black to dark grey and brown coating.

Attribution: Late Canosan group. Dating: 3rd c. BC.

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70. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1367 Dimensions: h: 10.1cm, d. rim: 6.9cm, d. body: 6.8cm, d. foot: 3.9cm, wall thickness: 3mm. 71. Skyphos, Inv. no: Fb-1335

Description: similar shape as previous vessels. Two horseshoe handles are horizontally attached below the rim.

Dimensions: h: 9.2cm, d. rim: 7cm, d. body: 7cm, d. foot: 4.2cm, wall thickness: 3mm.

Decoration: motif is similar to previous vessels, but in white and mostly erased.

Description: hemispherical vessel on a long vertical leg and conical foot, and with vertical rim. Wide ribbing on the body. Both handles are missing.

Coating: black coating is well preserved, except one handle is red.

Decoration: on both sides: red and white horizontal lines and between them is ivy with wavy branch (visible in negative).

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2). Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Coating: black coating is partly damaged.

Provenance: Canosa.

Fabrics: fine soft pale yellow clay (7.5YR 8/3).

Attribution: Late Canosan group.

Comparison: for shape: skyphoi on vertical leg from Apulia, Lanza type C 1, dated from 275 until 250 (Lanza 2006b, tip C 1).

Dating: 3rd c. BC.

Provenance: Canosa. Attribution: Late Canosan group. Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

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72. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1071

73. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1334

Dimensions: h: 8.9cm, d. rim: 6.3cm, d. body: 6.4cm, d. foot: 3.4cm, wall thickness: 4mm

Dimensions: h: 8.8cm, d. rim: 6.6cm, d. body: 6.5cm, d. foot: 3.6cm, wall thickness: 3mm

Descriptions: similar shape as previous vessels, but on higher conical foot. One handle is missing.

Description: similar shape as previous vessel, but on wider foot and smaller leg. Two horseshoe handles are horizontally attached below the rim.

Decoration: on both sides: the ‘sawtooth’ motif is partly visible on one side in negative, and the rest of decoration erased.

Decoration: on both sides: horizontal and wavy lines (in negative, but visible some traces of white paint).

Coating: black coating, but mostly fell off.

Coating: black to brownish coating.

Fabrics: fine very pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/1).

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/1).

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Provenance: Canosa.

Provenance: Canosa.

Attribution: Late Canosan group.

Attribution: Late Canosan group.

Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

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75. Skyphos, Inv. no. 44283 Dimensions: h: 8.9cm, d. rim: 7cm, d. body: 6.9cm, d. foot: 4cm, wall thickness: 3mm. 74. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1463

Description: similar shape as previous vessels, but unlike previous vessel this find has no stem.

Dimensions: h: 9.8cm, d. rim: 6.9cm, d. body: 6.8cm, d. foot: 3.9cm, wall thickness: 3mm.

Decoration: similar to previous vessels, but damaged. Coating: brown or dark brown coating.

Description: similar shape as previous vessels, but lower part of body narrows in short stem and in conical foot which is lower and narrower than on previous vessel. One handle is missing.

Fabrics: fine soft reddish clay (7.5YR 8/3). Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Decoration: similar to previous vessels, but the colour is partly erased.

Provenance: Canosa. Attribution: Late Canosan group.

Coating: black coating is partly damaged.

Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

Fabrics: fine hard pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/1). Comparisons: as previous vessel. Provenance: Canosa. Attribution: Late Canosan group. Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

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76. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1339 77. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1338

Dimensions: h: 8.3cm, d. rim: 6.6cm, d. body: 6.5cm, d. foot: 3.6cm, wall thickness: 3mm.

Dimensions: h: 9.5cm, d. rim: 6.4cm, d. body: 6.6cm, d. foot: 4cm, wall thickness: 4mm

Description: similar shape as previous vessels.

Description: similar shape as previous vessels, but longer body and wider conical foot.

Decoration: similar to previous vessels. Coating: black coating is partly damaged.

Decoration: mostly erased, but still visible traces of white colour, and ‘sawtooth’ motif in negative

Fabrics: fine hard pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Coating: black coating is partly damaged.

Comparisons: as previous vessel, and also skyphoi type C 1 in Peuzetia (Lanza 2006b).

Fabrics: fine soft ochre clay (7.5YR 8/4).

Provenance: Canosa.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Attribution: Late Canosan group.

Provenance: Canosa.

Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

Attribution: Late Canosan group. Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

79. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1714 78. Skyphos, Inv. no. 44341

Dimensions: h: 8.5cm, d. rim: 6.4cm, d. body: 6.3cm, d. foot: 3.2cm, wall thickness: 3mm.

Dimensions: h: 9.4cm, d. rim: 6.7cm, d. body: 6.6cm, d. foot: 3.5cm, wall thickness: 3mm.

Description: similar shape as previous vessel, although shape of body is more oval, and rim is slightly incurved.

Description: similar shape as previous vessel, but on a narrower conical foot. Both handles are missing.

Decoration: only visible in the negative and is similar to previous vessels.

Decoration: on both sides: horizontal lines and below them is ‘sawtooth’ motif (all visible in negative).

Coating: black to brown coating. Fabrics: fine soft pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Coating: black to dark brown coating.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (7.5YR 8/3).

Provenance: Canosa.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Attribution: Late Canosan group.

Provenance: Canosa.

Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

Attribution: Late Canosan group. Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

80. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1060 Dimensions: h: 10.2cm, d. rim: 7.1cm, d. body: 7cm, d. foot: 3.8cm, wall thickness: 4mm.

81. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1672

Description: similar to previous vessels, but with short stem, and wider conical foot.

Find site: Martvilo necropolis, rescue excavation in 1948, tombs on the northern side.

Decoration: damaged on both sides, but still visible traces of white paint and in negative are still visible horizontal lines and ‘sawtooth’ motif between them.

Dimensions: h: 9.3cm, d. of preserved part of body: 6.2cm, d. foot: 3.7cm, wall thickness: 3mm. Description: most of the body together with rim are missing; both handles also missing. Shape is hemispherical and similar to previous vessels.

Coating: black to brownish and dark red coating. Fabrics: fine soft pale yellow clay (7.5YR 8/3).

Decoration: on the preserved part: horizontal red line with white dots below and yellow above.

Comparisons: as previous vessel. Provenance: Canosa.

Coating: black coating is well preserved.

Attribution: Late Canosan group.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

Comparisons: as previous vessels. Provenance: Canosa. Attribution: Late Canosan group. Dating: 3rd c. BC. Bibliography: Čargo 2010, p. 91, no. 21.

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83. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1464 82. Skyphos, Inv. no. 44345

Dimensions: h: 9.7cm, d. rim: 6.5cm, d. body 7cm, d. foot: 5cm, wall thickness: 3mm

Dimensions: h: 7.1cm, d. of the preserved part of body: 6.7cm, d. foot: 3.3cm, wall thickness: 3mm.

Description: hemispherical vessel with slightly out-curved rim. Lower part of body sharply narrows in wide conical foot that is flat at the bottom. Two horseshoe handles are horizontally attached below rim. Beginning of ribbing is marked with red line.

Description: lower part of hemispherical vessel is preserved with short stem and narrow conical foot. Coating: mostly erased, but some parts retain black coating.

Decoration: on side A: white horizontal lines and slashes, on side B: decoration completely erased.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (7.5YR 8/3).

Coating: black coating is damaged.

Comparisons: as previous vessels.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3).

Provenance: Canosa.

Comparisons: for shape: no direct comparisons; for decoration: similar to decorative patter of Late Canosan group.

Attribution: Late Canosan group. Dating: 3rd c. BC.

Provenance: Canosa. Attribution: probably late Late Canosan group. Dating: end of 3rdc. BC.

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

84. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-786

85. Skyphos, Inv. no. 45770

Purchased: Church Collection in Vis established in 1926.

Dimensions: h: 10.5cm, d. rim: 8.5cm, d. body: 8.5cm, d. foot: 4.6cm, wall thickness: 0.3cm.

Dimensions: h: 9.7cm, d. rim: 7.5cm, d. body: 7.6cm, d. foot: 4.5cm, wall thickness: 5mm.

Description: hemispherical vessel with vertical rim and wide, but low conical foot. One horizontal handle is missing, while other is below the rim. Wide ribbing in two bands on the body and the beginning of ribbing is marked with incised and white lines.

Description: hemispherical vessel on a wide conical foot, and no stem. Two thick horseshoe handles are horizontally attached below the rim, but one handle is damaged. Dense ribbing on the body.

Decoration: on both sides: yellow palm branch, and between the bands of ribs is dotted white line.

Decoration: on both sides: white slashes and below are red and white thick horizontal lines (over ribs).

Coating: black coating.

Coating: black to grey coating.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Fabrics: fine hard pale yellow clay (7.5YR 8/3). Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Comparison: for shape: Lanza 2006b, phase C 1, dated 250-200.

Provenance: Canosa.

Provenance: Apulia.

Attribution: probably late Late Canosan group.

Dating: end of 3rd BC.

Dating: end of 3rdc. BC.

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86. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1406 Find site: Martvilo necropolis, rescue excavation in 1948, tombs on the northern side. Dimensions: h: 9.2cm, d. rim: 7.2cm, d. body: 7.4cm, d. foot: 3.8cm, wall thickness: 3mm. 87. Skyphos, Inv. no. 44343

Description: hemispherical vessel with narrow and short stem, and low conical foot. Two horseshoe handles are horizontally attached below the rim. Ribbing in two bands on the body and beginning of the ribbing is marked with incised lines.

Dimensions: h: 9.4cm, d. rim 7cm, d. body: 7cm, d. foot: 4.1cm, wall thickness: 3mm. Description: hemispherical vessel on a conical foot, concave on the bottom. Slightly out-curved rim. One horseshoe handle (other is missing) is horizontally attached below rim. Band of shallow ribs on body.

Decoration: on side A: two horizontal yellow lines, above them a row of white dots; on side B: yellow line with yellow slashes above and below it, and with central yellow rosette.

Decoration: dotted line (visible in the negative) and below are red and white lines.

Coating: completely erased, but on the stem and on the outer edge of foot are traces of red coating.

Coating: black to greyish coating.

Fabrics: fine very pale yellow clay (7.5YR 8/2).

Fabrics: fine hard yellow clay (7.5YR 8/3).

Comparisons: for shape: skyphoi from Taranto dated in phase B 2, from 300 until 275 BC (Lippolis 1994, p. 249). Hemispherical skyphoi from Messapia, but with vertical handles of same fabric and red coating on the stem and foot (Delli Ponti 1996, p. 130, no. 70 and p. 132, no. 71; Maruggi 1993, p. 15). For decoration: De Juliis 1992, 39, br. 92 i 1996, 46/8, 143/7, 158/6.

Comparisons: for shape: as previous vessel. Provenance: Apulia. Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

Provenance: probably south Apulia. Dating: 3rd c. BC. Bibliography: Čargo 2010, p. 88-89, no. 19.

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89. Lid, Inv. no. Fb-1398 Find site: Martvilo necropolis, rescue excavation in 1948, tombs on the northern side.

88. Olpe, Inv. no. 44846

Dimensions: h. 10.5cm, d. 14cm.

Dimensions: h: 14cm, d. rim: 9.1cm, d. body: 12cm, d. foot: 5.3cm.

Description: hemispherical lid with conical handle on the top. Ribbing in two bands on the lid, and beginning of the ribbing is marked with incised lines that are filled with red paint. Metope in upper band.

Description: S-curved profile on a low and narrow ring foot, with short thick neck and outcurve rim. One vertical strip handle is below the rim and has knob on top.

Decoration: between two bands of ribs is row of white dots and below the lower band are white and yellow wavy lines; dove in metope (visible in negative).

Decoration: ivy with wavy brunch and leaves in white and yellow. On the body and below the rim are red and white horizontal lines.

Coating: black coating is well preserved.

Coating: black to grey, red or greenish coating.

Fabrics: fine reddish clay with visible traces of mica (2.5YR 8/4).

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (5YR 8/3). Comparisons: for shape: olpe with ribbing of Daunian production (Lanza 2005, p. 69, no. 19), and small jug (olpetta) with one handle, but without narrower lower part of the body, of Etruscan – Latian production, (Lanza 2005, p. 118, no. 64; Morel 5552 1 – but without the knob on top of the handle of Etrurian production of 3rd c. BC).

Comparisons: for decoration: Green 2001, p. 63, 92. Provenance: Canosa. Attribution: RPR group. Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

Provenance: probably Daunian or Etruscan workshops.

Bibliography: Čargo 2010, p. 87, no. 17.

Dating: 3rd c. BC.

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V. 2. Isseian Gnathia vessels

90. Bowl, Inv. no. Fb-1467 Dimensions: h: 6.8cm, d. rim: 12cm, d. body: 4.4cm. Description: hemispherical bowl with vertical rim and high conical foot. Decoration: on both sides: white and red horizontal lines. Coating: black to light brown and grey coating, and inner surface black coating. Fabrics: pale yellow clay with visible traces of mica and grog (10YR 8/3). Comparisons: for shape: bowls from Pharos (Pharos 1996, p. 69, no. 30 and p. 93, no. 8) and from on Martvilo tomb XIV/1948 – tombs on the south (Čargo 2010, p. 237, no. 18). The shape can also be compared with lower part of pyxis in Green 2001, p. 92, no. 21. This shape of bowl usually has ribbing and painted handles (De Juliis 1992, p. 38, nos. 209-210), or without ribbing and with painted handles (Pharos 1996, p. 100, no. 4). Provenance: probably Canosa. Attribution: late Late Canosan group.

91. Oinochoe, Inv. no: Fb-1032

Dating: end of 3rdc. BC.

Dimensions: h: 19.1cm, d. body: 10.8cm, d. foot: 5.8cm. Description: round body on ring foot, with handle that descends vertically on trefoil spout. Dense ribbing on body; with central metope. Decoration: white dove in metope holding sprig (sprig is visible only in traces of white paint).On the neck is white and yellow ivy, with very thick brush strokes. Coating: black to dark brown and reddish coating. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (5YR 8/2). Comparisons: for shape: oinochoe without metope from tomb 24/1980 on Martvilo (Kirigin, Marin 1988, Tav. 26/1-10), dated by the imported pelikai of Alexandrian group and of RPR group, and skyphoi of Late Canosan to

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

the end of 3rd c. BC, oinochoe with round body from tomb 14 in Heraclea, dated quite high around 330 till 280 BC (because the author focused on the traditional chronology, Pianu 1990, T. XLIV/1), and oinochoe from Roccavechia (Bernardini 1961, Tav. 43/2); for decoration: oinochoe from tomb 3/1976 on Martvilo (Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, T. X/35).

beak (similar as on previous vessel). In metope is white theatrical mask. Coating: black coating is good preserved. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/4). Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Provenance: Issa.

Provenance: Issa.

Dating: mid- to second half of 3rd c. BC.

Dating: mid- to second half of 3rd c. BC.

92. Oinochoe, Inv. no: 44807

93. Oinochoe, Inv. no: 44828

Dimensions: h: 24.8cm, d. body: 15cm, d. foot: 7.4cm.

Dimensions: h: 22.6cm, d. body: 15.8cm, d. foot: 7.2cm.

Description: round body on ring foot, narrow short neck and trefoil spout. Round handle ends with white painted lion’s head. Wide ribbing in two bands on body with metope in upper.

Description: round body on low ring foot, narrow neck and trefoil spout. Dense, shallow and irregular ribbing with metope in upper part of body. Handle is missing.

Decoration: yellow and white ivy painted with very thick brush strokes, below is white dove with sprig in its

Decoration: white and yellow ivy painted with very thick brush strokes, and below is rosette, also in white. In metope is a white dove (visible in negative), with probably a sprig in its beak (similar as on previous vessels).

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

Coating: black coating is damaged and partly fallen. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/4).

Decoration: horizontal branches with central rosette, and below is red ribbon and alternating spirals and flowers. In metope is white rosette.

Comparisons: as the previous vessels.

Coating: black to brown coating, mostly erased.

Provenance: Issa.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/4).

Dating: mid- to second half of 3rd c. BC.

Comparisons: for shape: no direct comparisons, for decoration: palmettes on pelikai from tomb 3/1976 (Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, T. X/14) and tomb 24/1980 on Martvilo (Kirigin, Marin 1988, Tav. 26/1-3). Applied mould-made female heads were also on one pelike from tomb at palm nursery in Vis (Čargo 2008, p. 112. no. 11) Provenance: Issa. Dating: mid- to second half of 3rd c. BC.

94. Oinochoe, Inv. no: Fb-1630 Acquisition: purchased from Guido Lucić - Roki from Vis. Dimensions: h: 24cm, d. body: 15.5cm, d. foot: 6.2cm. 95. Oinochoe, Inv. no: Fb-1727

Descriptions: round body with pronounced shoulders on low and narrow ring foot. Trefoil spout is partly damaged. Thick round handle is attached to spout and to body of the vessels with appliqué mould made female heads. Wide ribbing in two bands, with metope in upper, marked with red lines. The entire vessel is asymmetrical.

Dimensions: h: 17.3cm, d. body: 15.9cm, d. foot: 7 cm. Description: round body on low ring foot with narrow short neck, and ribbing with metope in upper part of body. Upper part of neck, spout and handle are missing. Decoration: white and yellow ivy with irregular brush strokes and below is undefined painted decoration,

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perhaps poorly execute owl. White dove in metope below horizontal palm branch.

Decoration: ivy with wavy branch and vertical leaves on neck and dove in metope (all visible in negative).

Coating: black coating.

Coating: black coating, partly damaged.

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (5YR 8/3).

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Comparisons: for shape: as previous vessel.

Comparisons: for shape: no direct comparisons, but similar oinochoa, without mask at the end of handles, from Taranto is dated to transition phase from D to E 1, around 200 BC (Hempel 2001, Taf. 3).

Provenance: Issa. Dating: mid- to second half of 3rd c. BC.

Provenance: Issa. Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

96. Oinochoe, Inv. no. 45554

97. Oinochoe, Inv. no. 44806

Dimensions: h: 26cm, d. body: 14.8cm, d. foot: 7.1cm.

Dimensions: h: 22.8cm, d. body: 14cm, d. foot: 7cm.

Description: round body (partly damaged) on a low ring foot, long neck that narrows in upper part, and wide and vertical trefoil spout. Handle is horizontally attached to spout and ends with theatrical mask. Dense ribbing on body and with metope in upper part.

Description: baggy body on a low ring foot with narrow neck and wide trefoil spout. Round handle is horizontally attached to spout and ends with horizontal spike. Dense ribbing on body with long and narrow metope in upper part.

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Description: baggy body on a narrow low ring foot with concave bottom, long vertical neck and trefoil spout. Round handle horizontally attached to spout and ending with horizontal spike. Wide ribbing on body in two bands and marked with incised horizontal lines.

Decoration: ivy with wavy branch (visible in negative) between two horizontal red lines. A flower in the metope (visible in negative). Coating: black to brownish coating. Fabrics: fine ochre clay (7.5YR 8/3).

Decoration: red ribbon and with rosette below (all visible in negative).

Comparisons: for shape: oinochoe from palm nursery in Vis (Čargo 2008, p. 109, no. 8), and form trefoils spout, oinochoai from Taranto, dated in phase D, from 225 until 200 BC (Hempel 2001, Taf. 3).

Coating: black coating is damaged. Fabrics: fine soft pale yellow clay (7,5 YR 8/4). Comparisons: for shape: similar in the lower part of body – baggy shape on a low ring foot, with oinochoai from Taranto from transition phase from C to D, or in the second half of 3rd c. BC (Lippolis 1994, p. 245), but the upper part of this oinochoe with long narrow neck gives the vessel completely different shape, and one similar oinochoe from tomb 2/1938 in Francavilla Fontana, also dated in the second half of 3rd c. BC (Giannotta 1996b, pp. 466-467, nos. 395.1 and 395.2); for decoration: red ribbon motif is characteristic feature of Alexandrian group, and this may be a local imitation of same group.

Provenance: Issa. Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

Provenance: probably Issa. Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

98. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1386 Dimensions: h: 25.7cm, d. neck: 3.2cm, d. body: 15cm, d. foot: 7cm.

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99. Oinochoe, Inv. no: Fb-1191 Dimensions: h: 26.3cm, d. neck: 2.8cm, d. body: 12.3cm, d. foot: 6.2cm. Description: baggy body with long neck, trefoil spout and round handle that ends with slightly up-curved spike painted in white. Decoration: white slashes around one horizontal line, and in the middle is painted butterfly (all visible in negative).

100. Oinochoe, Inv. no: 44295 Dimensions: h: 29.5cm, d. body: 13.5cm, d. foot: 7.1cm.

Coating: black coating

Description: round body, long narrow neck, and low conical foot. Strap handle ends with up-curved spike painted in white.

Fabrics: soft pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3). Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Decoration: incised horizontal lines with painted slashes around (visible in negative); ornament in metope erased and not visible.

Provenance: probably Issa. Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

Coating: black coating. Fabrics: pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3).

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Coating: black coating, mostly erased.

Comparisons: for shape: oinochoe from tomb 3/1976 on Martvilo (Cambi Kirigin, Marin 1981, T. XIII/1 and 6, and Kirigin 1990a, pl. 27, fig. b, c), oinochoe from tomb in Stonca Bay but without metope (Rapanić 1960, T. IV/), and oinochoe from Issa Archaeological Collection(Green 2001, p. 103, no. 43).

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3). Comparisons: as previous vessel. Provenance: Issa.

Provenance: Issa.

Dating: end of 3rd and beginning of 2nd c. BC.

Dating: end of 3rd and beginning of 2nd c. BC.

102. Oinochoe, Inv. no: 45555 Dimensions: h: 32cm, d. body: 14.6cm, d. foot: 7.7cm. Decoration: same shapes as previous vessel, but instead of ribbing, on body are incised horizontal lines that divide body in two bands with grooves in upper part.

101. Oinochoe, Inv. no: 44699 Dimensions: h: 21cm, d. body: 10cm, d. foot: 5.9cm. Description: round body, long narrow neck, and conical foot. Strap handle ends with up-curved spike painted in white.

Decoration: completely erased.

Decoration: only white dots are still visible.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3).

Coating: white coating, mostly erased.

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Comparisons: for shape: as previous vessel; for white coating: see cat. nos. 30 and 31 and on one table amphorae with the knobs on top of the handles from tomb IV/1948 in Vis (Čargo 2010, p. 133, no. 7), and in Apulia Provenance: Issa. Dating: end of 3rd and beginning of 2nd c. BC.

104. Oinochoe, Inv. no.: Fb-1576 103. Oinochoe, Inv. no.: Fb-1726

Dimensions: h. of preserved part of the vessel: 16cm, d. body: 9.2cm, d. foot: 6.2cm.

Dimensions: h. of preserved part of the vessel: 24.5cm, d. body: 13cm, d. foot: 7.6cm.

Description: similar shape as previous vessel, but with shallow and dense ribbing.

Description: round body, long narrow neck on conical foot. Dense ribbing in two bands on body with metope in upper. Spout and handle are missing.

Decoration: slashes around two horizontal lines (visible in negative).

Decoration: completely erased.

Coating: black to brown and red coating.

Coating: completely erased.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (7.5YR 8/3).

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (7.5YR 8/3).

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Comparisons: for shape: as previous vessel.

Provenance: Issa.

Provenance: Issa.

Dating: end of 3rd and beginning of 2nd c. BC.

Dating: end of 3rd and beginning of 2nd c. BC.

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Coating: black to brown coating, mostly erased. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3). Comparisons: for shape: as previous vessel; for decoration – lattice complex and checkerboard, mostly on West Slope table amphorae from Athenian Agora (Rotroff 1991, fig. 30-31, Pl. 45 and 46, nos. 117-119, Pl. 27, no. 49 and 2002, p. 111, nos. 1-2 and Agora XXIX, Fig. 417418, 422-423, 427, 429, 430.437 and 439-444) and plates (Alexandropoulou 2002, Taf. 6/ B(?) 1 and Ep 6 and Agora XXIX, Fig. 835), where both motif are dated from mid-3rd until 86 BC, and also on other Isseian oinochoai (Kirigin 1990a, pl. 27, fig. b-c, Green 2001, p. 103, no. 43, Čargo 2007, pp. 31-33, nos. 1 and 2). Provenance: Issa. Dating: second half of 3rd and 2nd c. BC.

105. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-777 Dimensions: h: 27cm, d. neck: 3.2cm, d. body: 14cm, d. foot: 7cm. Description: round body with long neck on a concave foot. Strap handle ends with slightly up-curved spike and part of trefoil spout is missing. Wide ribbing in two bands on body and are marked with incised and red lines.

106. Oinochoe, Inv. no. 61558

Decoration: two white horizontal lines with incised line between them. Below is incised checker board and lattice complex (some of the checkerboard design was painted in white but paint mostly erased), and below is two rows of red and two rows of white dots.

Descriptions: round body with long neck, and foot is missing. Round handle ends with horizontal spike. Ribbing in two bands on body and marked with incised and white lines.

Dimension: h: 33cm, d. neck: 3.2cm, d. body: 17cm.

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Decoration: incised checkerboards and lattice complex, and below are rows of ovules and flowers (visible in negative).

107. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1728 Dimensions: h: 27.8cm, d. neck: 3.5cm, d. body: 13.2cm, d. foot: 7.3cm.

Coating: black to red coating.

Description: round body with long narrow neck on low conical foot. Handle and spout are missing. Ribbing in two bands on body and marked with incised and white lines.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3). Comparisons: as previous vessel. Provenance: Issa.

Decoration: incised checkerboard and lattice complex, and below is row of yellow ovules and white flowers.

Dating: second half of 3rd and 2nd c. BC.

Coating: black coating is damaged. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3). Comparisons: for decoration: as previous vessel, and for motif of ovules and flower: on oinochoe from Vis (Kirigin 1986, p. 28, no. 114, Čargo 2007, pp. 31-33, no. 2) and ovules on oinochoe from tomb 5/1979 on Martvilo (Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, T. XV). Provenance: Issa. Dating: second half of 3rd and 2nd c. BC.

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

Comparisons: as previous vessel. Provenance: Issa. Dating: second half of 3rd and 2nd/probably beginning of 1st c. BC.

108. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1025 Dimensions: h: 16.3cm, d. body: 12.5cm, d. foot: 6.8cm. Description: round body on low conical foot. Handle ends with theatrical mask, but it is damaged. Upper part of neck and spout are missing. Ribbing in two bands on body and marked with incised line.

109. Oinochoe, Inv. no: 44826 Dimensions: h: 29.2cm, d. body: 13cm, d. foot: 7cm.

Decoration: incised checkerboard and lattice complex, and above ribbing are painted ovules and flowers (visible in negative).

Description: similar shape as previous vessels, but with up-curved spike. In the upper part of body are incised short vertical grooves, and ribbing on lower part.

Coating: black coating is well preserved.

Decoration: two incised wavy lines that forma spiral around the neck, and above is red line.

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (2.5YR 8/3).

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

Coating: black to red coating.

Decoration: horizontal lines and below are tendrils with zigzag lines (visible in negative).

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/2).

Coating: black coating is damaged.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Fabrics: soft pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3).

Provenance: Issa.

Comparisons: as previous vessel, but also very similar in shape to oinochoe from Athenian Agora, dated from end of 3rd according to the pear shape, low diameter and broad foot, and ribbing that looks like grooves, and double groove to late 2nd c. BC. (Agora XXIX, pp. 126, Fig. 489)

Dating: 2nd c. BC (according to incised decoration).

Provenance: Issa. Dating: late 2nd c. BC.

110. Oinochoe, Inv. no: 44301 Dimensions: h: 25cm, d. neck: 2.7cm, d. body: 14.2cm, d. foot: 7. 2cm. Description: baggy body on a conical foot, with long neck that ends in trefoil spout. Round handle is horizontally attached to spout and has small up-curved spike at the end. Wide and regular ribbing in two bands on body and marked with incised horizontal lines painted in red.

111. Oinochoe, Inv. no. 61576 (older Inv. no. Fb-1451) Dimensions: h: 27.9cm, d. neck: 3.8cm, d. body: 15.5cm, d. foot: 7.5cm.

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

Description: round body with long neck and trefoil spout. Round handle is horizontally attached to spout and ends with slightly up-curved spike painted in white. Foot is low and conical. Wide ribbing in two bands on body and marked with incised horizontal lines. Decoration: one incised and two painted white lines, and between them is ivy with heart-shaped leaves painted with thick yellow clay, alternating with dots of rosette. Below the ivy is spearhead necklace, also painted with thick yellow clay. Above the upper band of ribs are ovules and flowers (visible in negative). Coating: black to red and brown coating. Fabrics: fine soft pale red clay (10YR 7/3). Comparisons: for the shape: oinochoai from Split Archaeological Museum (Kirigin 2008, pp. 82-83, nos. 44 and 45); for decoration: for ivy: West Slope ware from Athenian Agora (Rotroff 1991, p, 94, fig. 98 and Agora XXIX, pp. 48, Fig. 438, 480, 490, 1278, 1279 and 1284), and for spearhead necklace: also on vessels from Athenian Agora (Rotroff 1991, p. 98, Fig. 24 and Agora XXIX, pp. 58-59, Fig. 106, 120, 135, 147, 188, 239, 258, 414, 417, 440, 442, 464, 1171, 1181, 1266-1267, 1270 and1280, ), where both motifs are dated from 120 until 86 BC. The same motif in mentioned in Alexandropoulou 2002, E z 3a and b, Abb. 12 and 13. Oinochoe of the same shape and with decoration in same technique are documented on the eastern Isseian necropolis Vlaška njiva.4 Provenance: Issa. Dating: end of 2nd c. BC.

112. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1689 Dimensions: h. of preserved part of the vessel: 17.5cm, d. neck: 3.2cm. Description: upper part of vessel is preserved; trefoils spout and short narrow neck. Decoration: four white horizontal lines with two incised in the middle. Between the bands of lines is ivy with heartshaped leaves, painted with thick yellow clay. Below the lines are small rosette and ovules also painted with thick yellow clay. Coating: black coating is well preserved. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (7.5YR 8/2). Comparisons: for decoration: as previous vessel. Provenance: Issa. Dating: end of 2nd c. BC.

4

Personal communication with Marina Ugarković.

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

113. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-443 Dimensions: h: 26.3cm, d. neck: 2.4cm, d. body: 13.5cm, d. foot: 7cm. Description: round body on conical foot. Upper part of neck, spout and handle are missing. Wide ribbing on lower part of body and are marked with irregular incised horizontal line, and in the upper part of the body are wide and short grooves.

114. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1433 Dimensions: h. 39.8cm, d. neck: 4.4cm, d. body: 20.5cm, d. foot: 10.2cm.

Decoration: vessel is not decorated Coating: black to brown coating.

Description: biconical body on low ring foot, vertical neck and trefoil spout. Long strap handle with knob at the end over trefoil spout and vertically attached to it. Wide ribbing on body in two bands.

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (2.5YR 8/3). Comparisons: for shape: as previous vessel.

Decoration: incised horizontal lines with ivy between them (visible in negative).

Provenance: Issa. Dating: 2nd / beginning of 1st c. BC.

Coating: black coating is well preserved. Fabrics: fine reddish clay(2.5YR 8/2).

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

Comparisons: for shape: oinochoe, but with narrower neck and foot, from Mytilene Archaeological Museum. (Aλεξανδρoπoύλoυ 2011, p. 229, fig. 6-7.)

upper part of the body alternating white vertical double lines and Xs with circles between the ‘arms’ (partly visible in negative).

Provenance: Issa.

Coating: brown coating, partly erased.

Dating: 2nd c. BC.

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (2.5YR 8/2). Comparisons: for shape: oinochoai from tomb 3/1976 on Martvilo (Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, T. XIII/4; Kirigin 1986, p. 28, nos. 115 and 117, and 1990a, pl. 28, fig. a-b; Čargo 2007, pp. 31-33, nos. 3 and 4). This shape in Issa was also popular in grey gloss and red coated pottery production (Čargo 2007, p. 38, no. 4, and Kirigin 2008, pp. 126-127, no. 83). Provenance: Issa. Dating: 2nd c. BC.

115. Oinochoe, Inv. no. 44803 Dimensions: h: 27.4cm, d. body: 14.5cm, d. foot: 7.1cm. Description: biconical body on concave foot, long narrow neck and trefoil spout. Long strap handle overarching spout and vertically attached to it; up-curved spike near the spout now missing. Decoration: incised and white horizontal and vertical lines, below are ovules (visible in negative), and on the

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

116. Oinochoe, Inv. no. 44801

117. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1724

Dimensions: h: 32.2cm, d. body: 16.2cm, d. foot: 3.4cm.

Dimensions: h: 31cm, d. body: 13cm.

Description: shape similar to previous vessel, but with wider conical foot, making the body of vessel appears more heart-shaped.

Description: same shape as previous vessels, but foot is missing. Decoration: completely erased.

Decoration: incised ovules and lattice complex between double white horizontal lines. Vertical and horizontal lines divide the upper part of body in metopes, but decoration inside them is missing.

Coating: traces of black coating are visible on trefoil spout. Fabrics: fine reddish clay (7.5YR 7/8).

Coating: brown coating, partially damaged.

Comparisons: for shape: oinochoai from tomb 3/1976 on Martvilo (Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, T. XIII/4; Kirigin 1986, p. 28, nos. 115 and 117, and 1990a, pl. 28, fig. a-b; Čargo 2007, pp. 31-33, nos. 3 and 4).

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (2.5YR 8/3). Comparisons: for shape: oinochoe from tomb 3/1976 on Martvilo (Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, T. XIII/4).

Provenance: Issa.

Provenance: Issa.

Dating: 2nd c. BC.

Dating: 2nd c. BC.

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

118. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1067

119. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1045

Dimensions: h: 30,5cm, d. body: 13,3cm, d. foot: 3,5cm.

Dimensions: h. 31,6cm, d. body: 13,7cm, d. foot: 3,8cm.

Description: same shape as previous vessels, but with conical foot and without spike at the end of long stripe handle.

Description: same shape as previous vessels, although missing handle, but with up-curved spike at the end of a handle is preserved. Ribbings on body are in two bands.

Decoration: completely fell off.

Decoration: completely fell off.

Coating: traces of black coating. Fabrics: fine reddish clay (7.5YR 7/8).

Coating: white coating is still visible on some part of the vessel. Inside of trefoil spout are traces of red, while on outer edge of spout are traces of brown coating.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (7.5YR 7/8).

Provenance: Issa.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Dating: 2nd c. BC.

Provenance: Issa. Dating: 2nd c. BC.

120. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1456 Dimensions: h: 28.5cm, d. body: 13.7cm. Description: same shape as previous vessels, but missing part of handle and foot, and has shorter neck.

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

Decoration: completely erased.

Coating: traces of brown coating on the outer edge of trefoil spout.

Coating: white coating is still visible on some parts of the vessel.

Fabrics: fine reddish clay with visible traces of mica (7.5YR 7/8).

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (7.5YR 7/8).

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Provenance: Issa.

Provenance: Issa.

Dating: 2nd c. BC.

Dating: 2nd c. BC.

122. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-444 Dimensions: h. of the preserved part: 22cm, d. neck. 3.1cm, d. body: 11.5cm.

121. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1065 Dimensions: h: 33.8cm, d. body: 13.9cm.

Description: same shape as previous vessels, but missing spout, handle and part of foot is damaged. On the body is stamped inventory number of AMS.

Description: same shape as previous vessels, but preserved part of long strap handle is higher than on previous vessel.

Decoration: completely erased.

Decoration: completely erased.

Coating: traces of brown coating.

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (7.5YR 7/8).

Fabrics: fine reddish clay with visible traces of mica (7.5YR 7/8).

Comparisons: as previous vessel, but for shape of foot the closest comparisons are oinochoe from tomb in Stonca Bay near Vis (Rapanić 1960, T. IV/2).

Comparisons: as previous vessel. Provenance: Issa.

Provenance: Issa.

Dating: 2nd c. BC.

Dating: second half of 2nd c. BC.

123. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-76

124. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1389

Dimensions: h: 26cm, d. neck. 3,1cm, d. body: 12.5cm.

Dimensions: h: 29.3cm, d. neck. 3.2cm, d. body: 15.5cm

Descriptions: same shape as previous vessels, but has higher foot with short leg. Handle is missing and part of trefoil spout is damaged.

Descriptions: similar shape as previous vessels, but body is shorter, giving the vessels a more heart-shaped appearance than previous vessels. It also has shorter neck and long strap handle that ends with up-curved spike.

Decoration: incised lattice complex with Xs on both sides and below are incised ovules.

Decoration: incised two rows of ovules (between them was probably painted decoration, but now not visible)

Coating: brown to reddish coating, mostly erased.

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and at the end of ovules, on both sides are incised lattice complex. Coating: black to grey coating. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/2). Comparisons: as previous vessels. Provenance: Issa. Dating: second half of 2nd c. BC.

126 Oinochoe, Inv. no. 44304

125. Oinochoe, Inv. no. 44724

Dimensions: h: 17.2cm, d. neck. 2.1cm, d. body: 7.5cm.

Dimensions: h. of the preserved part: 16.7cm, d. body: 14.5cm, d. foot: 6.7cm.

Descriptions: round body on short leg and wide conical foot. Long neck ends with narrow trefoil spout. Long strap handle has rib in the middle overarching the spout and vertically attached to it.

Description: the heart-shaped body with conical foot and short leg is preserved. Decoration: completely erased.

Decoration: no decorations, but on the upper part of body are wide and short grooves.

Coating: completely erased.

Coating: dark grey.

Fabrics: fine reddish to pale yellow clay (7.5YR 7/6).

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/4).

Comparisons: for shape: as previous vessels. Provenance: Issa.

Comparisons: for shape: as previous vessels, but on this vessel the foot is taller.

Dating: second half of 2nd c. BC.

Provenance: Issa (Grey glaze production).

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

Dating: end of 2nd and beginning of 1st c. BC.

Provenance: Issa. Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

128. Pelike, Inv. no. Fb-1027 Dimensions: h: 20.8cm, d. neck: 6.1cm, d. body: 15.5cm, d. foot: 6.9cm.

127. Pelike, Inv. no. Fb-1504 Dimensions: h: 18cm, d. neck: 4.9cm, d. body: 14.3cm, d. foot: 6.1cm.

Description: round body with two vertical strap handles on a low ring foot and horizontal rim. Dense ribbing, marked with red lines and with metope in upper part.

Description: round body with two vertical strap handles on a low ring foot and horizontal rim. Dense and irregular ribbing, marked with red lines and with metope in upper part. The entire vessel is asymmetrical.

Decoration: on both sides: yellow and white ovules with flowers between them. Below are dotted and full white lines. White and yellow rosette in metope.

Decoration: on both sides: yellow and white horizontal lines and slashes, with white rosette in metope.

Coating: black coating is damaged.

Coating: black coating is partly damage.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Comparisons: for shape: as previous vessel; for decoration (rosette in metope), the closest comparisons are presented in ornament table of Gnathia vessels in Alexandropoulou 2002, pp. 86-88, P-B II.

Comparisons: for shape and decoration: pelikai from the tomb 3/1976 on Martvilo (Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, T. XIII/10). The rosette inside the metope is a characteristic feature of RPR group (more in Green 1976 and 2001, pp. 57-103).

Provenance: probably Issa. Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

129. Pelike, Inv. no. Fb-1400 Find site: Martvilo necropolis, rescue excavation in 1948, tombs on the northern side.

130. Pelike, Inv. no. 44812 Dimensions: h: 20.2cm, d. rim: 10.3cm, d. body: 16.5cm, d. foot: 8cm.

Dimensions: h. of the preserved part: 15cm, d. neck: 7.3cm, s. body: 16cm.

Description: round body with short thick neck on low ring foot. Two twisted vertical handles are below the outcurved rim. Dense ribbing in two bands on body with metope in upper part.

Description: upper part of vessel is preserved, both vertical strap handles are missing and rim is damaged. Ribbing in two bands and marked with red full lines, dotted white and yellow lines, and metope in upper band. Decoration: on both sides: white horizontal lines and yellow wavy lines, and white bird in metope.

Decoration: on both sides: white and red vertical lines, and below them is yellow and white ivy. Part of the vessel with ivy is damaged. In metope is white bird.

Coating: black coating.

Coating: well preserved black coating with gloss.

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (7.5YR 8/3).

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Comparison: for shape and decoration: pelikai from tomb 22/1980 on Martvilo (Kirigin, Marin 1988, Tav. 26, 1/3 and Kirigin 1990a, pl. 30, fig. c). The bird in metope is a characteristic feature of RPR group (more in Green 1976 and 2001, pp. 57-103).

Comparisons: for decoration: as previous vessel. Pelikai with twisted handles were not, as far as can be judged from available publications, popular in Apulia, but are characteristic of West Slope amphorae (Rotroff 1991, p. 66, fig. 2, sp. 85, fig. 13, p. 95, fig. 22, p. 98-101, fig. 2932 and 2001, p. 111, fig. 1 /1, and Agora XXIX, pp. 120123, Fig. 409-443.

Provenance: Issa. Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

Provenance: Issa.

Bibliography: Čargo 2010, p. 85, no. 14.

Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

131. Pelike, Inv. no. 44340 Dimensions: h: 14.3cm, d. rim: 7cm, d. neck: 4.3cm, d. body: 11.4cm, d. foot: 5.1cm. Description: round body a low ring foot, with thick short neck, and horizontal rim. Two vertical strap handles are attached below rim and shoulders. Dense ribbing on body and marked with red line.

132. Pelike, Inv. no. Fb-853 Dimensions: h: 17cm, d. neck: 3.1cm, d. body: 10.3cm, d. foot: 6.8cm.

Decoration: two white and one red horizontal line, and below is ‘sawtooth’ motif in yellow.

Description: baggy body with two vertical strap handles on a low ring foot and horizontal rim. Irregular ribbing on body in two bands and marked with red lines.

Coating: black to brown coating, mostly erased. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3).

Decoration: on both sides: white and red horizontal lines and slashes (mostly visible in negative).

Comparisons: for shape: as vessels cat. nos. 128 and 129; for decoration: see Late Canosan group (Green 2001, pp. 57-103).

Coating: black coating is damaged. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Provenance: Issa

Comparisons: for shape: pelikai from Taranto from transition phase B 2 to C, dated around 275 BC (Lippolis 1994, p. 263)

Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

Provenance: probably Issa. Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

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production is with one oinochoe of RPR group in Bonn (Green 1976, Pl. 22 and 23). Provenance: probably Issa. Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

133. Pelike, Inv. no. Fb-852 Dimensions: h: 19.5cm, d. neck: 4cm, d. body: 14cm, d. foot: 7.2cm. Description: baggy body with two vertical strap handles on a low ring foot and horizontal rim. On the body are two bands of ribs with small metope in the upper band.

134. Pelike, Inv. no. 44703 Dimensions: h: 16.5cm, d. rim: 7.7cm, d. neck: 5cm, d. body: 12.3cm, d. foot: 6.4cm.

Decoration: on both sides: horizontal lines and slashes (mostly visible in negative). Decoration in metope is not visible.

Description: round body on a wide and low ring foot, with short and thick neck and horizontal rim. Two vertical strap handles are attached below rim and on shoulder. Wide and irregular ribbing on body.

Coating: black coating is damaged. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Decoration: on side A: dotted horizontal lines between two full lines; on side B: horizontal lines, with slashes above and below (visible in negative).

Comparisons: for shape: pelikai from the tomb 3/1976 on Martvilo (Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, T. X/23) and from tomb from palm nursery in Vis (Čargo 2008, p. 115, no. 14); for decoration: pelikai from tomb 14/1979 on Martvilo (Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, T. XIII/10). Pelikai with baggy body with horizontal rim, but with smaller handles can be found Taranto in the second half of 3rd c. BC (D’Amicis 1996, p. 437), and in tomb 8 in Vaste (Delli Ponti 1996, p. 137, no, 86); for ribbing and metope in the upper band, the closest comparisons with Apulian

Coating: black coating is partly damaged. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3). Comparisons: for shape: similar to vessels cat. no. 46, but with longer neck and longer strap handles. Provenance: Issa.

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC.

136. Pelike, Inv. no. Fb-1397

135. Pelike, Inv. no. Fb-1506

Find site: Martvilo necropolis, rescue excavation in 1948, tombs on the northern side.

Dimensions: h: 14.8cm, d. rim: 7.5cm, d. neck: 5cm, d. body: 11cm, d. foot: 6.2cm.

Dimensions: h: 15.5cm, d. rim: 8.4cm, d. body: 10.8cm, d. foot: 6.4cm.

Description: round body with two vertical strap handles and horizontal rim on a low ring foot. Neck is short with shallow and irregular ribbing.

Description: round body with two vertical strap handles and horizontal rim on low ring foot. Neck is short and thick. Regular ribbing on body.

Decoration: on both sides: white lines with red line between them.

Decoration: on both sides: horizontal lines and slashes (visible in negative).

Coating: black to brown coating.

Coating: black to red coating.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Comparisons: for shape: pelike from Vis, but now in Museo Nazionale in (Vallicelli 2006, p. 253, fig. 4).

Comparisons: for shape: pelike from Pharos (Miše 2005, p. 41, fig. 19, Kirigin 2008, p. 61, no. 31).

Provenance: Issa.

Provenance: Issa.

Dating: end of 3rd and beginning of 2nd c. BC

Dating: end of 3rd and beginning of 2nd c. BC. Bibliography: Čargo 2010, p. 86, no. 15.

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138. Pelike, Inv. no. Fb-1396/Inv. no. 62457 Find site: Martvilo necropolis, rescue excavation in 1948, tombs on the northern side. Dimensions: h: 15.2cm, d. rim: 8.4cm, d. body: 10.3cm, d. foot: 6.3cm.

137. Pelike, Inv. no. 44342 Dimensions: h: 27cm, d. rim: 10.4cm, d. body: 15.5cm, d. foot: 7.2cm.

Description: round body with two vertical strap handles and horizontal rim on low ring foot. Neck is thick and short. Wide and irregular ribbing.

Description: round body with pronounced shoulders on a low ring foot, thick vertical neck and out-curved rim. Two vertical strap handles below the rim. Wide and regular ribbing on body.

Decoration: no decoration. Coating: brown coating.

Decoration: no decoration.

Fabrics: fine soft pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Coating: black coating is damaged.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Provenance: Issa.

Comparisons: from shape: pelike from Pharos (Miše 2005, p. 41, fig. 19, Kirigin 2008, p. 61, no. 31). The shape is very similar with pelikai from Dyrrachion, which have more elongated bodies (Hidri 1983, sp. 173, Tab. XV, 5-8).

Dating: end of 3rd c. BC. Bibliography: Čargo 2010, p. 86, no. 16.

Provenance: Issa. Dating: end of 3rd c. BC.

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

140. Pelike, Inv. no. Fb-1642 Dimensions: h: 19, 7cm, d. rim: 10.2cm, d. neck: 7.3cm, d. body: 16cm, d. foot: 8.6cm.

139. Pelike, Inv. no. Fb-1296 Dimensions: h: 13.2cm, d. rim: 7.1cm, d. body: 8.8cm, d. foot: 5cm.

Description: similar shape as previous vessel, but body is more rounded. Two vertical strap handles are below horizontal rim, thick neck, low ring foot and wide ribbing.

Description: round body with short thick neck and two vertical round handles on a low ring foot and out-curved rim. Wide and irregular ribbing.

Decoration: no decoration. Coating: the black coating.

Decoration: on both sides: horizontal lines and slashes (visible in negative).

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/2).

Coating: black to grey coating.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Provenance: Issa.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Dating: end of 3rd and beginning of 2nd c. BC.

Provenance: Issa. Dating: end of 3rd and beginning of 2nd c. BC.

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

Provenance: Issa. Dating: end of 3rd and beginning of 2nd c. BC.

142. Pelike, Inv. no. Fb-1457

141. Pelike, Inv. no. Fb-779

Dimensions: h: 21.2cm, d. rim: 10.9cm, d. body 16.5cm, d. foot: 8.6cm.

Purchased: Church Collection in Vis established in 1926. Dimensions: h: 15.4cm, d. rim: 7.4cm, d. neck: 4.5cm, d. body: 9.7cm, d. foot: 6cm.

Description: round body with pronounced shoulders on a low ring foot, long thick neck, two vertical straps handles below the horizontal rim. Regular and wide ribbing.

Description: round body with two vertical strap handles and horizontal rim on low ring foot. Neck is more elongated than on previous vessels. Regular and wide ribbing.

Decoration: no decoration. Coating: the black coating.

Decoration: on both sides: horizontal lines (visible in negative).

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (2.5YR 8/3).

Coating: black coating.

Comparisons: for shape: pelike from the tomb in palm nursery in Vis, but with more pronounced body (Čargo 2008, p. 111, no. 10). This pelike also resembles table amphorae from Dyrrachion, which have more pronounced shoulders (Hidri 1986b, p, 118, Tab. V/1, p. 121, Tab. VIII/10). The table amphorae with round body are also documented in Taranto in phase D, but with more pronounced body and wider foot, where they are dated

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2). Comparisons: for shape: pelike from Pharos (Miše 2005, p. 41, no. 31, Kirigin 2008, p. 61, no. 31) and from Taranto, but with narrower neck, dated from 250 until 225 BC (D’Amicis 1996, p. 457).

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

Provenance: Issa.

around 225-200 BC (Hempel 2001, Taf. 8). This shape of pelikai usually has no decoration.

Dating: end of 3rd and beginning of 2nd c. BC.

Provenance: Issa. Dating: end of 3rd and beginning of 2nd c. BC.

144. Table amphora, Inv. no. Fb-1424 Dimensions: h: 22.7cm, d. rim: 8.4cm, d. neck 3.3cm, d. body: 12.6cm, d. foot: 7.2cm.

143. Pelike, Inv. no. Fb-1295

Description: heart-shaped body with pronounced shoulders on a wide conical foot and long and narrow neck. Two vertical strap handles with‘rotelle’ on top. Rim is horizontal on top of the moulded throat.

Dimensions: h: 14cm, d. rim: 8cm, d. body: 10.3cm, d. foot: 5.8cm. Description: round body on a low ring foot and horizontal rim. Both handles are missing. Wide short grooves on the upper part of body.

Decoration: on upper body and only on one side: incised wavy branch.

Decoration: no decoration.

Coating: brown to greyish coating.

Coating: black to red coating.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3).

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (2.5YR 8/3).

Comparisons: for shape: table amphorae from Vis, one in Kunsthistorisches Museum in Wien (Lisičar 1973, T. XVII/ the second vessel from the left), one in Museo Nazionale in Venezia (Vallicelli 2006, p. 258, fig. 9) and amphora

Comparison: as previous vessel.

139

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

from Kamenjača near Sarajevo in Bosnia-Herzegovina (Paškvalin 2002, T. III/6), and amphorae of similar shape from Vis, one in Stonca Bay near Vis, but with ribbing (Rapanić 1960, T. IV/3), one from Martvilo necropolis (Kirigin 1990a, pl. 29), and one with painted decoration now in the Split Archaeological Museum (Kirigin 2008, p. 132, no. 88).

Coating: dark red to brown coating.

Provenance: Issa.

Dating: end of 2nd BC.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3). Comparisons: as previous vessel. Provenance: Issa.

Dating: end of 2nd BC.

145. Table amphora, Inv. no. Fb-1632

146. Table amphora, Inv. no. 44689

Dimensions: h: 23.7cm, d. rim: 9.5cm, d. neck: 4.1cm, d. body: 13cm, d. foot: 7cm.

Dimensions: h: 23.7cm, d. rim: 9.5cm, d. neck: 4.1cm, d. body: 13cm, d. foot: 7cm.

Description: heart-shaped body with pronounced shoulder on a wide conical foot. Long narrow neck ends with moulded throat and horizontal rim on top. Two vertical strap handles with ‘rotelle’ on the top below rim.

Description: heart-shaped body on a conical foot with long neck, mould-made throat and horizontal rim on top, but partly damaged. Two vertical handles attached below the rim.

Decoration: completely erased.

140

V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

Dating: second half of 3rd c. BC

Decoration: on both sides: horizontal lines and slashes (visible in negative). On the upper part of body are vertical and horizontal lines alternating with Xs (visible in negative). Coating: dark red to brown coating. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (7.5YR 8/3). Comparisons: as previous vessel; for decoration see oinochoai cat. nos. 116 and 117. Provenance: Issa. Dating: end of 2nd BC.

148. Skyphos, Inv. nos. Fb-44267 Dimensions: h: 9.6cm, d. rim: 5.7cm, d. body: 6.2cm, d. foot: 3.8cm, wall thickness: 4mm.

147. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1524 Dimensions: h: 10cm, d. rim: 7cm, d. body: 7cm, d. foot: 4.1cm, wall thickness: 3mm.

Description: S-curved vessel on small leg and wide conical foot that is flat at the bottom. Rim is out-curved and descends in a slight S-profile. Body is elongated and sharply narrows in the lower part. Two handles are missing. Beginning of dense ribbing is marked with red line.

Description: hemispherical vessel with vertical rim on a wide conical foot. Two horseshoe handles are horizontally attached below rim. Beginning of regular ribbing is marked with white and incised lines.

Decoration: on both sides: horizontal and small vertical lines; ‘sawtooth’ motif (visible in negative).

Decoration: on both sides: two incised horizontal lines with palm branch between them, painted with thick yellow clay.

Coating: black to brown coating.

Coating: black coating is partly damaged.

Coating: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3).

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (7.5YR 7/6).

Comparisons: for shape: skyphoi in Apulia in the mid-3rd c. BC (Lanza 2006b, pp. 83-85), but not in brown coating, and similar skyphoi with brown coating from Cape Ploča (Šešelj 2009, p. 64, no. 12); for decoration: as previous vessel.

Comparison: for shape: skyphos from Vis, but now in Split Archaeological Museum (Kirigin 2008, p. 80, no. 42). Palm branches in thick yellow clay also appear in Macedonian West Slope production (Alexandropoulou 2002, Abb. 29).

Provenance: Issa. Dating: end of 3rd c. BC.

Provenance: Apulian, with influence of West Slope ware. 141

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

150. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-44261 149. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1072

Dimensions: h: 11.5cm, d. body: 6.8cm, d, rim: 7cm, d. foot: 4.1cm, wall thickness: 4mm.

Dimensions: h: 10.3cm, d. body: 7.3cm, d. foot: 4.7cm, wall thickness: 4mm.

Description: similar shape as previous two vessels, but with taller leg and smaller conical foot. Both handles are missing. Dense and shallow ribbing.

Description: slightly S-curved vessel (part is missing), with slightly out-curved rim, small leg and conical foot that is flat on the bottom. Shallow and wide ribbing.

Decoration: on both sides: horizontal lines with slashes; ‘sawtooth’ motifs (visible in negative).

Decoration: on preserved part: horizontal lines and slashes (visible in negative).

Coating: black coating mostly erased.

Coating: brown coating.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3).

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/4).

Comparisons: for shape: skyphoi from tomb 3/1976 at Martvilo (Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, T. XIII/22, Kirigin 1990a, pl. 29, fig. b), skyphoi from Vis, but with unknown archaeological context (Čargo 2007, p. 34, nos. 5-7), and similar skyphoi in shape and in coating from Cape Ploča (Šešelj 2009, pp. 60, 64, nos. 7 and 12).Skyphoi with S-curve profile in Apulia are documented from the mid3rd c. BC (Lanza 2006b, pp. 83-85), but this profile is not so pronounced as on the Isseian shape, and they do not have tall legs.

Comparisons: for shape: as previous vessel. Provenance: Issa. Dating: end of 3rd c. BC.

Provenance: Issa. Dating: end of 3rd c. BC.

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

151. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-44349 Dimensions: h: 12.1cm, d. body: 6.6cm, d. rim: 6.7cm, d. foot: 4.2cm, wall thickness: 4mm. Descriptions: as previous vessel, but with taller leg. Part of rim is missing. Beginning of regular ribbing is marked with white line.

152. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1515 Dimensions: h: 10.3cm, d. body: 6.7cm, d. foot: 3.8cm, wall thickness: 4mm.

Decoration: horizontal lines and ‘sawtooth’ motif.

Description: hemispherical body with out-curved rim (more than previous vessels, and again giving a vessel a S-curve), partly damaged, long leg and wide conical foot. Both handles are missing. Beginning of regular ribbing is marked with red line.

Coating: black coating mostly erased. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3). Comparisons: as previous vessel. Provenance: Issa.

Decoration: on both sides: visible traces of red and white colour.

Dating: end of 3rd c. BC.

Coating: black coating. Fabrics: fine ochre clay (2.5YR 8/4). Comparisons: as previous vessel. Provenance: Issa. Dating: end of 3rd c. BC.

143

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

153. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-484

154. Skyphos, Inv. no. 45772

Dimensions: h: 11.1cm, d. rim: 6.6cm, d. body: 6.5cm, d. foot: 3.5cm, wall thickness: 4mm.

Dimensions: h: 12.5cm, d. rim: 7cm, d. body: 7.8cm, d. foot: 4.7cm, wall thickness: 4mm.

Description: S-curved profile with elongated body that sharply narrow into a long leg that ends with wide conical foot. Shallow and irregular ribbing. Both handles are missing.

Description: shape similar to previous vessels, but with more pronounced S-curved profile and shorter body. Beginning of regular ribbing is marked with white horizontal line. One horseshoe handle (other is missing) is horizontally attached below rim.

Decoration: not visible.

Decoration: on both sides: white horizontal lines and slashes; ‘sawtooth’ motif.

Coating: brown coating, mostly erased. Fabrics: fine soft pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3).

Coating: black to brown coating.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Fabrics: fine soft pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3).

Provenance: Issa.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Dating: end of 3rd and beginning of 2nd c. BC.

Provenance: Issa. Dating: beginning of 2nd c. BC.

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

156. Skyphos, Inv. no. 45141 Dimensions: h. of the preserved part: 7cm, d. body: 7cm, d. foot: 4cm. Description: lower part of the vessel is preserved; part of hemispherical body with ribs, tall leg and wide conical foot.

155. Skyphos, Inv. no. 45774

Coating: completely erased.

Dimensions: h: 11.5cm, d. rim: 6.7cm, d. body: 7.2cm, d. foot: 4.4cm, wall thickness: 4mm.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/4).

Descriptions: shape similar to previous vessel.

Comparisons: for shape: as previous vessel.

Decoration: on both sides: ‘sawtooth’ motif (visible in the negative).

Provenance: probably Issa. Dating: probably 2nd c. BC.

Coating: black to brown coating. Fabrics: fine orange clay (7.5YR 7/6). Comparisons: as previous vessel. Provenance: Issa. Dating: 2nd c. BC.

145

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

157. Skyphos, Inv. no. 44347 Dimensions: h. of the preserved part: 7.4cm, pd. body: 6.5cm, d. foot: 4cm.

158. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-1654

Description: as previous vessel, but taller leg.

Dimensions: h. of the preserved part: 9.4cm, d. body: 6.7cm, d. foot: 4.3cm.

Coating: black to brown coating, mostly erased.

Description: as previous vessel.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/4).

Coating: black to dark brown coating.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Provenance: probably Issa.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Dating: probably 2nd c. BC.

Provenance: probably Issa. Dating: probably 2nd c. BC.

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

160. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-483 Dimensions: h. of the preserved part: 9.2cm, d. rim: 6.5cm, d. body: 6.4cm, wall thickness: 3mm. 159. Skyphos Inv. no. 44711

Description: shape similar to previous vessel but with shorter body. Shallow and irregular ribbing. Foot is missing.

Dimensions: h. of the preserved part: 9.1cm, d. body: 6.8cm, d. rim: 6.5cm, wall thickness: 3mm.

Decoration: on both sides: horizontal lines below rim and on body (visible in negative).

Description: S-curved profile with one horseshoe handle (other is missing) horizontally attached below the rim. Leg and foot are missing. Shallow and dense ribbing.

Coating: brown coating, mostly erased.

Decoration: on both sides: ‘sawtooth’ motif (visible in negative).

Fabrics: fine soft pale yellow clay (10YR 8/2). Comparisons: for shape: as previous vessel; for brown coating: skyphoi from Resnik (still unpublished, but observation made by personal analysis of pottery material), skyphoi from Cape Ploča (Šešelj 2009, p. 64, no. 12 and p. 65, no. 13), and one skyphos from Vis (Čargo 2007, p. 34, no. 6).

Coating: black coating is well preserved. Fabrics: fine reddish clay (2.5YR 8/2). Comparisons: as previous vessel. Provenance: Issa.

Provenance: Issa or Resnik.

Dating: 2nd c. BC.

Dating: second half of 2nd c. BC.

147

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

162. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-44272

161. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-44264

Dimensions: h: 9.6cm, d. rim: 6.4cm, d. body: 7 cm, d. foot: 4.2cm, wall thickness: 4mm.

Dimensions: h: 11.6cm, d. rim: 6.5cm, d. body: 6.4cm, wall thickness: 4mm.

Description: similar shape as previous vessels.

Description: similar to previous vessels, but without ribbing and slightly elongated body.

Decoration: on the upper part of body and on both handles are visible traces of white paint.

Decoration: on both sides: horizontal lines and ‘sawtooth’ motif between them. Traces of red and white colour are still visible.

Coating: completely erased. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/2).

Coating: black to brown coating.

Comparisons: as previous vessel.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/2).

Provenance: Issa.

Comparisons: for shape: skyphoi from Vis (Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, T. XIII/23, Kirigin 1990a, pl. 29, fig. c, Vallicelli 2006, p. 257, fig. 6, Čargo 2007, p. 34, no. 8).

Dating: second half of 2ndc. BC.

Provenance: Issa. Dating: second half of 2nd c. BC.

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

163. Skyphos, Inv. no. 44712 Dimensions: h: 11cm, d. rim: 6.3cm, d. body: 6.7cm, wall thickness: 3.8mm.

164. Skyphos, Inv. no. 44258 Dimensions: h: 12cm, d. rim: 6.3cm, d. body: 6.8cm, wall thickness: 4.4mm.

Description: similar shape as previous vessel, but rim is damaged.

Description: similar shape as previous vessel, but missing one handle.

Decoration: on both sides: horizontal lines, with ‘sawtooth’ motif between them (visible in negative).

Decoration: same as on previous vessel.

Coating: black coating is well preserved.

Coating: black coating is well preserved.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/2).

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/2).

Comparisons: for shape: as previous vessel; for decoration: see Late Canosan group (Green 2001, pp. 57103).

Comparisons: as previous vessel. Provenance: Issa.

Provenance: Issa.

Dating: second half of 2ndc. BC.

Dating: second half of 2nd c. BC.

149

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

166. Skyphos, Inv. no. 46238 Dimensions: h. of the preserved part: 5.4cm, d. body: 3.5cm, d. foot: 2.4cm. Description: only the lower part of body, long leg and part of conical foot are preserved.

165. Skyphos, Inv. no. Fb-44276

Coating: black coating preserved partly on lower body.

Dimensions: h: 11cm, d. body: 7.4cm, d. rim: 6.8cm, d. foot: 4.2cm, wall thickness: 4mm.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/2).

Description: pronounced S-curve profile with short body that sharply narrows to long leg and wide conical foot that is flat on the bottom. Two horseshoe handles are horizontally attached below the out-curved rim.

Provenance: probably Issa. Dating: second half of 2nd c. BC.

Decoration: on both sides: white horizontal lines. Coating: brown coating. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/2). Comparisons: for shape: as previous vessels. Provenance: Issa. Dating: second half of 2nd c. BC.

150

V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

Provenance: probably Issa. Dating: end of 3rd/2nd c. BC, according to tomb assemblages on Martvilo.

167. Biconical pyxis, Inv. no. Fb-1706 Dimensions: h: 8.5cm, d. body: 8.6cm. Description: biconical profiled body on a low ring foot with vertical rim and two M-shaped handles that are obliquely attached to upper part of body. Decoration: on both sides: two incised lines and between them is white wavy line with dots.

168. Biconical pyxis, Inv. no. Fb-1013

Coating: black coating.

Dimensions: h: 8.5cm, d. rim: 6.3cm, d. body: 7.2cm, d. foot: 3.8cm.

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/2). Comparisons: for shape: two biconical pyxis from tombs Va on Martvilo excavated in 1955 and 1b in 1959; the last is dated to the 2nd c. BC based on the pottery assemblage in the tomb (Kirigin 1985, pp. 91-110, pl. VI, fig. 8. and p. 92, and 107, fig. 5. The same vessel in Čargo 2010, tomb III, p. 115, fig. 8, and p. 116, fig. 10 with horizontal handles, broadly dated from the 3rd to 1st c. BC, tomb IV, p. 142, fig. 22 also with handles, dated to the 2nd and 1st c. BC, tomb Va, p. 187, fig. 9, dated to the 2nd and 1st c. BC, and Čargo 2010, pp. 253-266, fig. 6, and similar pyxis from the same tomb but with more upturned rim and with round body(fig. 7), and one biconical pyxis without handles and decoration from tomb at Stonca Bay (Rapanić 1960, p. 40, pl. V. 3, Miše, Touloumtzidou 2015), and similar pyxides from tombs of Lilybaeum dated from the beginning to the mid-3rd c. BC (Bechtold 1999, p. 71, pl. VIII, 67, PIS 1); for similar decoration a pyxis with lid from tomb 1997/2 at Martvilo (Katić 2010, pp. 127-128, T. XXX/1a and 2, where author names it stamnos)

Description: biconical body on a low conical foot with concave bottom, out-curved rim and two vertical handle attached to shoulders and rim. Decoration: on both sides: red and white horizontal lines with ‘sawtooth’ motif between. Coating: black coating is partly damaged. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3). Comparison: for shape: similar vessel form Apulia (Lanza 2006b, pp. 75-77, type B, Bernardini 1961, Tav. 23/6). Lebes gamikos from Metaponto has similar body shape, but with conical foot and narrower outcurve rim so that vertical handles are not connected to the rim (Carter 1998, p. 264, T. 27, 1). Provenance: probably Issa.

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Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

Fabrics: fine reddish clay (2.5YR 8/3).

Dating: end of 3rd/2nd c. BC, according to decoration that still resembles Apulian influence. V. 3. Unidentified vessels

171. Oinochoe, Inv. no. 63587 Dimensions: h. of the preserved part: 11.1cm. Description: fragment of round body on a low ring foot. Coating: black coating, partly damaged. Fabrics: fine reddish clay (7.5YR 7/6). 169. Oinochoe, Inv. no. 45137 Dimensions: h. of preserved part of the vessel: 15cm, d. neck: 3.3cm. Description: trefoil spout, part of long neck, and handle that ends with horizontal spike are all preserved. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3).

172. Oinochoe, Inv. no. 45134 Dimensions: h. of the preserved part: 6.6cm. Description: fragment of trefoil spout and vertical neck. Coating: completely erased, but there are some traces of black coating. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3). 170. Oinochoe, Inv. no. 63881 Dimensions: h. of the preserved part: 14cm. Description: fragment of trefoil spout and short neck. Coating: black to brownish coating.

152

V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3).

173. Oinochoe, Inv. no. 63994

175. Oinochoe, Inv. no. 63601

Dimensions: h. of preserved part: 5.3cm.

Dimensions: h. of preserved part: 14cm.

Description: fragment of body with ribbing in two bands and with metope (no visible decoration).

Description: fragment of body with ribbing in two bands.

Coating: completely erased, but there are some traces of black coating.

Decoration: wavy line between two bands of ribbing (visible in negative).

Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/6).

Coating: black coating is partly damaged. Fabrics: fine reddish clay (2.5YR 7/4).

174. Oinochoe, Inv. no. Fb-1690b Dimensions: h. of the preserved part: 10.6cm. Description: fragment of body with ribbing in two bands. 176. Oinochoe, Inv. no. 43592

Decoration: between two bands of ribbing are short wavy lines and dots (visible in the negative).

Dimensions: h. of preserved part: 10.7cm.

Coating: black to brownish and red coating.

Description: fragment of body with ribbing in two bands. 153

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

Decoration: between bands of ribbing is wavy line (visible in negative). Coating: black to brown coating. Fabrics: fine pale yellow clay (10YR 8/3).

178. Pelike, Inv. no. 44344 Dimensions: h. of preserved part: 6.6cm, d. of the preserved part of neck: 4.7cm, d. of preserved part of rim: 5.5cm.

177. Pelike, Inv. no. 44844 Dimensions: h. of preserved part: 9.5cm, d. rim: 6.9cm, d. neck: 3.1cm.

Description: only part of neck and rim are preserved. The rim is horizontal with profiled outer edge.

Description: upper part of vessel is preserved with horizontal rim and short neck.

Decoration: thin white horizontal lines and one red thick line.

Decoration: on the neck (but mostly erased): horizontal red and white lines. Probably the same decoration as on previous vessels.

Coating: black coating. Fabrics: fine hard pale yellow clay (2.5YR 8/2).

Coating: black coating. Fabrics: fine reddish clay (5YR 8/3).

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V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

179. Skyphos, Inv. no. 63888 Dimensions: h. of preserved part of vessel: 3.6cm, d. of preserved part of vessel: 4.7cm, wall thickness: 0.4cm. Description: fragment of skyphos with vertical rim and one horizontal horseshoe handle below it. Coating: black coating is well preserved on the fragment. Fabrics: fine reddish clay (7.5YR 8/2).

155

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

156

III.

II.

I.

GROUP

Late Canosan (RPR) group

Type A

Type B

Type B 1

OINOCHOE

Type B 2

Type C

Type C 1

Type C 2

Table 1: Typology of Issaean oinochoai

V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

Type B 1 Type B

III.

II.

I.

Type A GROUP

PELIKE / TABLE AMPHORAE

Type B 2

Table amphorae

Table 2: Typology of Issaean pelike and table amphorae

157

Gnathia and related Hellenistic ware on the East Adriatic coast

158

III.

II.

I.

GROUP

Type A

Type A 1

SKYPHOS

Type A 2

Type B

Table 3: Typology of Issaean skyphoi

V. Catalogue of Gnathia Ware from the Greek and Hellenistic Collection

Table 4: Decoration on the Issaean Gnathia ware

Decoration

Name

Decoration

Name

Combination of lattice complex, checkerboard with ‘sawtooth’

New Ivy (RPR group)

Issaean ivy (imitation of RPR New Ivy)

Issaean painted metopes, X marks and circles

Issaean ivy (imitation of RPR group)

Issaean spiral motif

West Slope ivy Simple Issaean motif on skyphoi Spearhead necklace

‘Sawtooth’ Horizontal palm branch

‘Sawtooth’

Checkerboard and lattice complex

Lattice complex with ovules

‘Sawtooth’

159

Abbreviations

ADelt Aρχαιoλoγικoν Δελτιoν, Athens. AJA American Journal of Archaeology, Boston. BAR Inter. Ser British Archaeological Reports International Series, Oxford. Β΄ ΕλλΚερ Β΄ Επιστημονική Συνάντηση για την Ελληνιστική Κεραμική, Athens 1990. BCH Bulletin de correspondance hellénique. BICS Bulletin of the Institute for Classical Studies. BSA The Annual of the British School at Athens. CAH Cambridge Ancient History, (2nd ed.), VII, 2, Cambridge 2005. CAH VI Cambridge Ancient History, (2nd ed.), VI, Cambridge 2001. Δ’EλλKερ Δ΄ Επιστημονική Συνάντηση για την Ελληνιστική Κεραμική, Athens 1997. Ε΄ ΕλλΚερ Ε΄ Επιστημονική Συνάντηση για την Ελληνιστική Κεραμική, Athens 2000. ΕλλΚερΘεσ Ελληνιστική Κεραμική από τη Θεσσαλία, Athens 2000. ΕλλΚερΗπΑιτΙον Eλληνιστική κεραμική από την αρχαία Ήπειρo, την Aιτωλoακαρνανία και τα Iόνια Nησιά, Athens 2009. EλλKεπΠελ Eλληνιστική κεραμική από την Πελoπόννησo, Athens 2005. GZM Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja, Sarajevo Γ΄ ΕλλΚερ Γ΄ Επιστημονική Συνάντηση για την Ελληνιστική Κεραμική, Athens 1994.

HA Histria Antiqua, Pula. Hesperìa Hesperìa. Studi sulla Grecità di Occidente, edizioni di “L’Erma” di Bretschneider, Roma. Hesperia Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, New Jersey. AIug Archaeologia Jugoslavica. Meditarch Mediterranean Archaeology. Journal of the Australian Archaeological Institute at Athens. NotSc Notizie degli scavi di antichità, Roma. OA Opvscvla Archaeologica, Zagreb. Obavijesti HAD Obavijesti hrvatskog arheološkog društva, Zagreb. PJZ Praistorija Jugoslavenskih zemalja, Sarajevo. PPUD Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji, Split. RFFZd Radovi Filozofskog fakulteta u Zadru, Zadar. StAnt Studi di Antichità, Pubblicazioni del Dipartimento di Beni Culturali dell’Università di Lecce. Στ΄ ΕλλΚερ ΣΤ΄ Επιστημονική Συνάντηση για την Ελληνιστική Κεραμική, Athens 2004. VAHD/VAPD Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku, Split; from 2005. Vjesnik za arheologiju i povijest dalmatinsku. VAMZ Vjesnik Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu, Zagreb. Ζ΄ ΕλλΚερ Ζ΄ Επιστημονική Συνάντηση για την Ελληνιστική Κεραμική, Athens 2011.

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