Globalization, Nationalism, and Music Education in the Twenty-First Century in Greater China 9789048552207

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Globalization, Nationalism, and Music Education in the Twenty-First Century in Greater China

Globalization, Nationalism, and Music Education in the Twenty-First Century in Greater China

Wai-Chung Ho

Amsterdam University Press

Cover design: Coördesign, Leiden Typesetting: Crius Group, Hulshout isbn 978 94 6372 993 2 e-isbn 978 90 4855 220 7 (pdf) doi 10.5117/9789463729932 nur 840 © Wai-Chung Ho / Amsterdam University Press B.V., Amsterdam 2021 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of the book.



Table of Contents

Preface

11

Acknowledgements

17

List of Abbreviations

19

1 Introduction Nation, Culture, and Identity Globalization, Nationalism, and Cultural Identity Education for a Changing World Cultural Identity and Music Education in the Global Age The Concept of Greater China The Main Themes of This Book

21 23 26 30 34 36 39

2 Rising China and Governing Aspirationsfor Cultural Politics, Music, and Education 55 A Review of Cultural Politics and Music in Modern China 57 Patriotic Movements in the First Half of the Twentieth Century 58 Revolution and Chinese Communism between the Establishment of the prc and the Cultural Revolution 60 A New Stage in the Promotion of Nationalism and Socialism after the 1978 Open Door Policy 63 Nationalist Aspects of Education from the 1980s to the New Era 65 Implementation of Patriotic Education after the 1989 June Fourth Incident 66 Constructing the ‘China Path’ and the ‘Chinese Dream’ in the Community in the Global Age 69 Music Education in the Interaction between Chinese Nationalism and Chinese Communism in the Global Age 72 The Diverse Means of Promoting Chinese Nationalism in the Community73 Using English and Rap Music to Spread State Propaganda 76 School Music Education between Communism and Nationalism 80 Multiculturalism in Music Education: Building Bridges between Nationalism and Socialism in the Global Age 85 A Changing Nation: The Impact of Globalization on Chinese Society86

Confucius Institutes, China’s Soft Power, and Music The Chinese Socialist Dream and Multiculturalism in School Music Education in the New Era Summary

3 The Struggle for Cultural Identity, School Education, and Music Educationin Hong Kong Society in Hong Kong A Review of Politics, Identity, and Cultural Production Development of Local Politics in the Dynamics of the ChinaHong Kong Relationship after 1949 China’s Influence on Cultural and Educational Development after 1967 Changing Local Identity Localization of Hong Kong Culture and Popular Music in Association with Identity Shaped by Lion Rock Spirit The Politicization of School Education Basic Law Education Censorship in Education Introduction of Chinese National Identity in Civic Education and National Education Chinese History and History in the School Curriculum Opposition to the Government’s Extradition Bill The Social Construction of Music Education after the 1997 ­Handover A Brief Account of the Development of Western and Chinese Music in the Community General Background of School Music Education in Hong Kong Education in Chinese Music Education in Chinese Nationalism Education in Social Harmony and Multiculturalism Cultural Politics and School Music Education in the New Era Summary 4 Music Education in Taiwan: Imagining the Local, the National, and the Global A Historical Overview of Political and Cultural Relations between the Japanese, Han Chinese, and Taiwanese in Taiwan Cultural Identity, Chinese Culture, and Chinese Nationalism in the Community and School Education

88 90 98 111 113 115 116 118 120 123 128 129 130 132 136 140 144 144 145 147 149 152 155 160 175 178 184

Taiwanization, Local Culture, and School Education after the End of Martial Law 191 Taiwanization after the Lifting of Martial Law in 1987 192 The Preservation of Local Language and Local Identity in Education193 The Pursuit of Local and National Identity in Community Music Development195 The Pursuit of Local Identity in School Music Education 201 A Global Outlook in Education and Music Education 204 Globalization and Multiculturalism in School Education 205 Globalization and Multiculturalism in Music and School Music Education208 Core Values in School Music Education between Localization and Globalization 213 Summary 219 5 Music Teachers’ Perspectives on Cultural and National Values in SchoolMusic Education in Greater China A Review of the Present Situation in School Music Education Method: Questionnaires and Interviews Participants’ Demographic Information Perspectives on Cultural and Social Values in School Music ­Education Preferences for Teaching Music Types in Classroom Music Lessons Perceptions of Teaching Nationalistic Education through School Music Education Professional Development of Music Teachers Summary 6 Discussion: Rethinking the Transmission of Values and Music Culturesbetween Nationalism and Globalization in Music Education in Greater China Dynamics and Dilemmas of the Introduction of Values Education through Music Education Teachers’ Perspectives on Teaching Diverse Music Types across the Curriculum Dynamics and Dilemmas of Introducing Chinese Nationalism/ Patriotism through School Music Education

233 236 239 242 245 249 257 262 268

273 276 277 282

The Dual Paradigm of Multiculturalism and Nationalism in the Transmission of School Music Education Summary 7 Recapitulation and Conclusion Teacher Education between Globalization and Nationalism in Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan Teacher Education, Power, and Music Cultures between Globalization and Nationalism Music Education and the Role of Comparative Studies Closing Words

287 293 301 304 310 312 314

Appendix: Teacher Questionnaire

325

Index

335

List of Figures and Tables Figures Figure 1.1 Map of China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan 37 Figure 2.1 Total number of Confucius Institutes and Confucius Classrooms worldwide from 2013 to 2017 90 Figure 3.1 Hong Kong people’s ethnic identity according to the hku pop Site 123 Figure 3.2 Reasons for not teaching national education in school music education as perceived by pre- and in-service teachers158 Figure 5.1 Distribution of in-service teachers by years of teaching 243 experience (N = 437) Figure 5.2 Values perceived as important to teach in school music 247 education among pre-service and in-service teachers Figure 5.3 Music activities for conducting nationalistic education used by the teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan 258 Figure 5.4 Music styles to help increase students’ national consciousness as perceived by the teachers in China 258 Figure 5.5 Music styles to help increase students’ national consciousness as perceived by the teachers in Hong Kong 259 Figure 5.6 Music styles to help increase students’ national 259 consciousness as perceived by the teachers in Taiwan

Tables Table 1.1 Table 2.1 Table 2.2 Table 2.3 Table 2.4 Table 3.1 Table 3.2 Table 4.1 Table 4.2 Table 4.3 Table 5.1 Table 5.2 Table 5.3 Table 5.4 Table 5.5 Table 5.6 Table 5.7 Table 5.8

Change of population by ethnicity (%) in Mainland 37 China (1953-2010) The 100 national-level patriotic education bases 68 Selling the Party through new formats between 2013 and 2017 (selected video clips conveying the cpc’s message)71 Selected songs that incorporate ‘core socialist values’ 93 and social harmony Selected songs that introduce equality, multicultural 96 harmony, and peace Hong Kong ethnicity data obtained from the 2016 by-census115 Number of petitions against the extradition bill at 142 Hong Kong’s Christian schools recorded in May 2019 Selected foreign songs that introduce world folk songs 212 Selected songs that introduce love, peace, harmony, 213 and hope for humanity and a better world Selected songs about love and happiness with family 218 and friends Types of music concerts attended by the pre-service and in-service teachers in the three Chinese communi244 ties over a period of 12 months Types of schools taught in by the teacher interviewees 244 Average mean ratings for statements on values educa245 tion given by pre-service and in-service teachers Average mean ratings for statements on values education given by teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan 246 Average mean ratings from the teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan regarding attitudes towards teaching diverse music cultures 249 Level of incorporation of multicultural education into subjects as perceived by the teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan 251 Reasons for teaching diverse music cultures in school as perceived by the teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan251 School subjects that teachers from China believe should include traditional Chinese culture (average mean ratings) 254

Table 5.9 School subjects that teachers from Hong Kong believe should include traditional Chinese culture (average 254 mean ratings) Table 5.10 School subjects that teachers from Taiwan believe should include traditional Chinese culture (average mean ratings) 254 Table 5.11 Reasons for teaching nationalistic education in school music education as perceived by the teachers in China, 260 Hong Kong, and Taiwan Table 5.12 Reasons for not teaching nationalistic education in school music education as perceived by the teachers in 261 China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan Table 5.13 Teachers’ preferred types of music to teach for profes263 sional development Table 5.14 Average mean ratings from in-service teachers in support of pre-service education programmes to increase students’ knowledge of diverse music cultures, grouped 264 by their years of teaching experience Table 5.15 Average mean ratings from in-service teachers in support of pre-service education programmes to increase students’ knowledge of traditional Chinese music, 265 grouped by their years of teaching experience Table 5.16 Average mean ratings from in-service teachers in support of pre-service education programmes to increase students’ knowledge of local popular music, grouped 265 by their years of teaching experience Table 6.1 Preferred music genres among teachers in China, Hong 278 Kong, and Taiwan Table 6.2 Types of music perceived as increasing students’ national recognition 286 Table 6.3 Values perceived as important to teach in school music education288

Preface My interest in exploring theoretical issues and empirical knowledge about the relationship between nationalism, school music education, and social change in an increasingly globalized world is closely related to my journey as a researcher of contemporary Chinese studies. While Hong Kong and Taiwan are subject to claims that they are part of China, both have also been detached from Mainland China for long periods, and in recent years their affairs with it have endured fundamental changes. For example, Hong Kong’s relationship with China has become closer as a result of economic integration and the 1997 transfer of political sovereignty. Their relationship has been further intertwined by the Beijing-approved National Security Law (nsl), unanimously passed in Hong Kong on 30 June 2020 (i.e., on the eve of the 23rd anniversary of Hong Kong’s handover) and enacted on 1 July 2020. Regarding Taiwan’s relationship with China, Beijing regards Taiwan as a Chinese province that will ultimately be part of Mainland China again. Since the early 2000s, relations between China and Hong Kong have been relatively tense, including different interpretations of the ‘one country, two systems’ principle. These tensions have continued with the mass protests, beginning in June 2019, against a proposed extradition bill perceived as allowing dissidents to be transferred to China, which included a march of two million people (as claimed by the organizers) on 16 June 2019. The bill was withdrawn in September, but demonstrations demanding full democracy in Hong Kong continued in the last quarter of 2019. In April 2020, China’s liaison office in Hong Kong called for national security legislation and controversially declared that China had comprehensive jurisdiction over Hong Kong. The draft of Hong Kong’s national security legislation was voted on at the end of the third session of the thirteenth National People’s Congress on 28 May 2020. It was passed on 30 June. Also in June, the Hong Kong government passed the National Anthem Law, which criminalizes any abuse of the Chinese national anthem. Culture, politics, and selective forms of knowledge have become central coordinating lenses through which to view Hong Kong’s school education. On the other hand, Taiwan’s identification as a part of China has become increasingly ambiguous as the process of democratization and localization that began in Taiwan in the 1980s has allowed sovereignty to be practiced through the development of a ‘Taiwan consciousness’ (Taiwan yishi) among the Taiwanese people. Hong Kong’s protests in 2019 also decisively reversed President Tsai Ing-wen’s fortunes ahead of Taiwan’s January 2020 elections.

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President Tsai’s ruling party denounced China as an ‘enemy of democracy’ following claims of Chinese interference in the island’s politics ahead of presidential and legislative elections on 11 January 2020. The 2020 Taiwan election produced a landslide victory for the Democratic Progressive Party (dpp) as the dominant party in the legislature. The re-election of President Tsai was also a boost to Taiwan’s democratic identity, significantly complicating China’s Taiwan policy. The election result was undoubtedly a blow to Beijing authorities, who were exasperated by the post-election slogan ‘Today Taiwan, Tomorrow Hong Kong’, alluding to the hope that Hong Kong would one day have full democracy. In response to social changes in these regions, this book will deal with contemporary attempts in education to come to terms with two major and apparently opposing forces and ongoing processes – nationalism and globalization – in Greater China, which encompasses Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. It will also make a case for the central role of music education in terms of teaching practices and learning contents in the school curriculum. Given that political education is now part of the school curriculum, the question of how to cultivate students’ national and cultural values through the curriculum will continue to be contentious. From a sociological perspective, my research has focused on the constructs and concepts inherent in music learning, as well as on values education (not limited to political values) across the curriculum in these three Chinese territories, mainly obtained from the perspectives of school students in the 2000s. Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan are linked by their political histories and their common linguistic and cultural characteristics. During the periods of sociopolitical transformation between the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, cultural identities were established for music education which served as political ideologies to cultivate a national spirit and ethnic unity and to shape multicultural education for students and teacher education. Some of the challenges facing China have contributed to the development and globalization of its music education curriculum. Hong Kong and Taiwan have pursued different political ideologies, marked as they were by struggles over contested histories, political backgrounds, languages, identities, and cultures in which questions about their relationship with China have become increasingly important. Hong Kong and Taiwan are both primarily defined in relation to Mainland China, although their histories are also marked by strong associations with colonial empires: in Hong Kong, the British (1842-1997); and in Taiwan, the Spanish (in the north, 1626-1646), the Dutch (in the south, 1624-1662), and the Japanese

Preface

13

(1895-1945). The recent Sunflower and Umbrella Movements in Taiwan and Hong Kong respectively both targeted not only their local administrations but also those territories’ historical and complicated ties with the authorities in Beijing . In Hong Kong and Taiwan, the factors of political ecology (in terms of the level of democracy) and their relationships with China have affected their respective conceptions of the ‘home country’ and therefore have influenced the promotion of nationalism in education and music education. At the same time, the development and unfolding of multicultural education in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan in the last few decades in relation to other social and cultural changes have revealed how these societies have responded to the diversity issues that they have faced through school education in the twenty-first century. The question of the link between nationalism and globalization in education has puzzled many scholars and generated numerous arguments that have dominated the debate in both Western and non-Western contexts in recent decades. The rapid and often radical changes experienced in these societies have led to much debate about cultural transmission and education in school. Chapter One sketches the broad outlines of a theoretical framework that expands on traditional analyses of the role of cultures and education within the structure of national and global identities. This chapter will also offer a general introduction that presents my understanding of the key concepts of nationalism, globalization, and cultural power, including major theories and debates especially in relation to the cultural politics of education and values education in changing societies. Nationalism is often viewed as the other side of the coin of multiculturalism in education. In this era of increasing globalization, the concept of national culture is problematic because globalization has posed challenges to cultural identities in education in different parts of the world. China’s education is seen as comparable in importance to political development and cultural growth, and with the ‘Chinese Dream’, there is more potential for national restoration and for imparting a new global outlook on school education. There has been heated debate on the relationship between Chinese nationalism and globalization (or multiculturalism), particularly between collectivism and individualism, as well as how best to deliver music content and materials in the school education system. With this in mind, Chapter Two explores the extent to which policies for national identity formation and globalization interact to complement and contradict each other on the path of socialist education with Chinese characteristics in school music education.

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Over the past few decades, Hong Kong has developed unique local and national identities (but not in the sense of compromise) that have coincided with British colonization and the handover of Hong Kong to the People’s Republic of China (prc) in 1997. The concept of ‘one country, two systems’ has given Hong Kong the best of both worlds, enabling Hong Kong people to keep their way of life and freedom while tapping into opportunities and benefits arising from reuniting with China. With political pressure from the prc, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (hksar) government has repeatedly emphasized the importance of the development of national identity, which it has promoted by introducing traditional Chinese culture and the prc’s national anthem into society and school education. During the region’s political transformation, however, Hong Kong people have sought an original, authentic, and local culture based on the values that they have created, experienced, and shared. The objective of Chapter Three is therefore to explore the specific features of the material character of political identity in Hong Kong within the wider contexts of political and ideological complexities, juggling two pairs of relationships – between local and national cultures and between national and global cultures. Relations between Mainland China and Taiwan constitute one of the longest-running unsolved international and national political issues inherited from the Cold War. With particular reference to Taiwan’s school education, Chapter Four aims to broaden the conceptual approaches to understanding the complexity of Taiwanese culture. It will also discuss the Taiwanese government’s role in examining values and cultural identities in school music education through a pattern of local-global relationships along two axes in Taiwan: (1) the construction of a Taiwan-centric and local concept, also described as Taiwanese nationalism; and (2) the promotion of multicultural and global concepts. Chapter Five will explore the dynamics and complexity of the relationship between the state, nationalism, and globalization from the perspectives of school music teachers in Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. My research methods in this chapter involved a survey questionnaire sent to pre- and in-service primary and secondary school teachers in the three Chinese territories as well as interviews with teachers. The research study was approved by the institutional committee of the Use of Human and Animal Subjects in Teaching and Research. The survey was carried out between December 2017 and February 2019. The participants were recruited via email invitation and social media. Some teachers also kindly contributed their help by adding the online link and qr code to their social media pages to increase teacher participation. I also wrote to individual schools and

Preface

15

music teacher associations to ask for their participation in the survey. From Mainland China, 204 teachers participated in the survey, while from Hong Kong and Taiwan 312 and 127 teachers participated respectively. The last question of the survey invited the teachers to participate in a follow-up interview. Thirty-five participants (nine from China, 24 from Hong Kong, and 12 from Taiwan) were willing to take part in the individual interviews in this study and kindly included their contact numbers. Chapter Six will advance readers’ understanding of the concepts of nationalism and globalization in music education, not only summarizing Chinese localities within different sociopolitical contexts but also contrasting these experiences with those in other parts of the world. At present, the availability of a vast range of local, national, and global cultures throughout the world goes hand in hand with the associated trend of globalization. Reframing the major concerns of comparative education around the dynamics of national and global forces provides insight into, and new explanations for, how changes in national and international systems and relations result in changes in values and music cultures in school education and teacher education; this reframing underpins the theoretical significance of this book. The concluding chapter will present the complex tensions not only between Western, Chinese, and Taiwanese identities but also between the dynamics of local, national, and global identities in school music learning, as well as considering a number of complex issues that inform social transformations and cultural and national values in school education. Many aspects of social change, school music education, nationalism, and globalization are the same worldwide, while each country has individual and unique challenges to face and overcome. Chapter Seven will also explore the broader implications of political development, internationalization, nationalization, and cultural identity for music education in Southeast Asian countries. The significance of the study presented in this book is that it will explain musical and non-musical learning as a reflection of the relative globalization and sociopolitical ideologies of Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. The study will also make clear how the music curricula of these three regions are structured in accordance with national (and/or local) and global awareness and the diverse needs of teachers, students, and society. The focus of this book is on the interplay between state and education policy initiatives in Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, which will reveal that tensions in music education are not simply bipolar (i.e., global versus national). By developing a theoretical framework, the book will examine a multiplicity of factors and determine the relative importance of each in teacher education,

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GLOBALIZATION, NATIONALISM, AND MUSIC EDUCATION

which can be a determinant of teacher efficacy in the new global era. In addition, the book will present my reflections on how contentious issues in the literatures on nationalism, globalization, citizenship, values education, and school music education in the world – and specifically in these Chinese localities – have intensified over the years. Within such globalized contexts, patriotic sentiments, as expressed through music education practices and how teachers perceive their roles and the choices they make, may be seen in the light of the tensions in changing notions of national identity. Finally, this book will show why music teachers and policymakers must continue their efforts to understand the place of official knowledge in this process. In particular, it will present readers with background material for understanding more about cultural politics and the characteristics of music education, with the analyses of official documents and data from teachers collected from Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. This book also advances social and political perspectives that will contribute to informed discussions about the key issues facing educators in the three territories. The struggles over nationalism and globalization (or multiculturalism) will undoubtedly continue, and education policy, textbooks, the curriculum, teachers’ preferences, and teacher education will again be the sites of such continuing attempts to cement specific teaching contents and meanings.

Acknowledgements I carried out this project over the years with many stops and starts. I would like to express my heartfelt thanks to the teachers who participated in the online survey questionnaire and those who were kind enough to give up their time to be interviewed for the study presented in this book. Without their participation and support, I would not have been able to conduct this research. I am indebted to a number of people, including Dr. Daisy Wang, Miss Jo Qiao, Miss Smile Tse, and Dr. Eric Kong who offered very helpful research assistance in data collection at each of the participating sites. I would also like to acknowledge with gratitude the generous support of the Hong Kong Research Grants Council for funding the research projects (hkbu 12656516), without which this book would not have been possible. I was fortunate to have chosen Amsterdam University Press (aup) to publish this book. I would like to thank sincerely the editorial board at aup in preparing this manuscript for publication. There are many others who have given their support over the years, but I will save the best for last and credit my mother and my long personal and professional relationship with Professor Lucy Green. My academic journey would not have been possible without the support of these two wonderful ladies in my life. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my mother, who has been a constant source of support and encouragement, specifically for always believing in me and encouraging me to follow my dreams of excelling in education (including music education). My music education was not limited to private instrumental learning and the school context. My mother’s support, in the form of singing, listening to music, instrumental learning, and aspirations in music education, has had significant direct as well as indirect effects on my attitudes towards music and music education beginning at a young age. I also thank her for teaching me that my job in life is to learn, to know and understand myself, and to be happy, and for guiding me as a person and as a teacher. My mother has been a great inspiration to me in both my musical and educational developments with her unflinching insistence and support. And, finally, my thanks to Professor Green, who has been by my side even after I left her PhD supervision, and without whom I would not have had the courage to embark on my writing journey in the first place. Professor Green showed me how music sociologists look at the far reaches of human society both past and present, and how research in the sociology of music education focuses on music making, teaching, and learning as social constructs within the larger framework

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of society. Her perseverance, integrity, and people-loving nature are just a few of her qualities that continue to inspire me, and I aspire to do the same with my students. This was also my aim in producing this book on the complexity of the various forms of values, knowledge, and practices that are observed and encountered by music teachers, which demands careful and thorough reflection on the dynamics and dilemmas between nationalism and globalization in school music education in the three Chinese territories of Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan – and beyond.



List of Abbreviations

anova aspdmc cac cca cctv cdc CityU cnki cpc cr cuhk cyl dse dpp edb eduhk hac had hkbu hkco hkeaa hkfew hkfs hkptu hksar hksmf hksmsa hku hkust hkyco hlp ich kfc khepg kmt lcsd LegCo

Analysis of variance Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China Cyberspace Administration of China Council for Cultural Affairs China Central Television Curriculum Development Council City University of Hong Kong China National Knowledge Infrastructure Communist Party of China Cultural Revolution Chinese University of Hong Kong Communist Youth League Diploma for Secondary Education Democratic Progressive Party Education Bureau Education University of Hong Kong Hakka Affairs Council Home Affairs Department Hong Kong Baptist University Hong Kong Chinese Orchestra Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority Hong Kong Federation of Education Workers Hong Kong Federation Students Hong Kong Professional Teachers’ Union Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Hong Kong Schools Music Festival Hong Kong Schools Music and Speech Association University of Hong Kong Hong Kong University of Science and Technology Hong Kong Youth Chinese Orchestra Han Lin Publications Intangible Cultural Heritage Kentucky Fried Chicken Kang Hsuan Educational Publishing Group Kuomingtang Leisure and Cultural Services Department Legislative Council

20 

mo moe nab nict ntjcipa pfp pla PolyU prc roc sar sars uk um unesco us

GLOBALIZATION, NATIONALISM, AND MUSIC EDUCATION

Music Office Ministry of Education National Anthem Bill National Institute for Compilation and Translation National Taiwan Junior College of Performing Arts People First Party People’s Liberation Army Hong Kong Polytechnic University People’s Republic of China Republic of China Special Administrative Region Severe acute respiratory syndrome United Kingdom Umbrella Movement United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization United States

1 Introduction Abstract Chapter One sketches the broad outlines of a theoretical framework that expands that of traditional analyses of the role of cultures and education within the structure of national and global identities. It will also outline major theories and debates, especially in relation to the cultural politics of education and values education in changing societies. The rapid and often radical changes experienced by societies have led to much debate about cultural transmission and education in school. Nationalism is often viewed as the other side of the coin of multiculturalism in education. In this era of increasing globalization, the concept of national culture has become problematic because globalization has posed challenges to cultural identities in education in different parts of the world. Keywords: cultural transmission, cultural identities, cultural politics of education, between nationalism and globalization, values education

As the title suggests, this book is concerned with the dynamics between globalization and nationalism in school music education. This is closely related to my own personal education and research experience over the last two decades – my bewilderment with and reflections on the prescribed texts and their discussion of how education juggles the relationships between global and national cultures. This book will attempt to trace and examine these efforts through a reflective and critical analysis that responds to the evolving sociopolitical environment and makes the contents of the music education curriculum socially relevant. Globalization and nationalism are recognized as driving forces for change in today’s school education. Since the early 1990s, many nations, both Western and non-Western, have recognized that teaching and learning are complex activities that incorporate the need to negotiate between national and global frames of reference that have evolved from social and cultural contexts. This negotiation has been reflected in the struggles

Ho, Wai-Chung, Globalization, Nationalism, and Music Education in the Twenty-First Century in Greater China. Amsterdam, Amsterdam University Press 2021 doi: 10.5117/9789463729932_ch01

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between the socio-economic, political, and cultural tasks of curricula within and between communities and throughout the world. Cultural diversity, exchange, and hybridity have become facts of life in education. For many, globalization as knowledge, as found in data and ideas, has amounted to new horizons, but it has also challenged the imagery of a state-centric world in education. At the same time, nations regard education as something that should be homogenized by the official authorities in school education, as is perceived to be the case in China, Japan, and Korea. It has been presumed that nations face pressure in putting forth education policies to meet the twofold challenge of encountering global demands while incorporating national realities. Curriculum reform has focused on the growth of manpower in response to twenty-first century challenges, specifically the socio-economic, political, and educational needs arising from the changing society that aims to prepare students to compete globally while preserving their sense of national identity. Political action is a widely known force in education systems, which have come to terms with the reality of curriculum politics. Within the last few decades, a number of scholars have addressed the relationships between nationality, national identity, political culture, and education in the history of education, the sociology of education, the philosophy of education, and the cultural aspects of education, focusing on education as a political, social, and cultural phenomenon and what education means to – and in – different communities (e.g., Apple 1996; Freire 1985; Geertz 1973; Giroux 1992; Peterson et al. 2001; Takayama and Apple 2008). Despite their different emphases, these scholars have generally addressed the affinity between culture, education, and the practice of politics by asking what type of knowledge will be available in society. It has been difficult to comprehend what identity is and how national and global identities and culture (or school knowledge) can be constructed in different sociopolitical circumstances. In this context, this book will attempt to examine and discuss how school education (particularly music education) might juggle two pairs of relations in the curriculum: between national and global cultures and between the education of nationalism and the cultural values in school music education. The book will also further academic understanding of how music education in Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan has responded to globalization and nationalism and has shaped students’ identities in the Global Age. There has been pressure to reconsider teacher education in terms of the aim of being aware of the sociopolitical transformation it sets off and within which it develops music education relative to contemporary, twenty-first-century society.

Introduction

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Nation, Culture, and Identity Culture, which can diverge within a subgroup, region, and society, is a notably problematic word to define. Cultural identity is one of the features of people’s personal and social identity, which draws on culture, religion, social habits, ethnicity, music and the arts, the homeland, language, and so on. Culture, in Durkheim’s view (1964), is an emergent web of representations, holistically encompassing the deep-set value, belief, and symbolic systems of a natural collectivity in society. Durkheim also asserted that every society displays and requires a sense of continuity with the past, and that the past confers identity on individuals and groups that allows us to see collective memory as one of the elemental forms of social life (Durkheim 1995; Thompson 1998). American anthropologists Kroeber and Kluckhohn (1963) critically assessed the concepts and definitions of culture and compiled a list of 164 different definitions. The Dutch culture researcher Hofstede (1991) distinguished two types of culture. The first type referred to ‘civilization’ or ‘refinement of mind’ in a narrow sense, particularly in the areas of education, art, and literature. The second type, which was preferred and shared by social anthropologists, offered a broader definition of culture that included all patterns of feeling, thinking, and acting that refine the mind but is associated with ‘ordinary and mental things in life’, such as eating, greeting, showing feelings, and so on (Hofstede 1991: 5). For Hofstede and other theorists, ‘culture is learned, not innate. It derives from one’s social environment rather than from one’s genes’ (ibid.: 6). As expressed by Jenkins (2004), there are ‘individual identities’ and ‘collective identities’ that represent two different physical pillars, the latter of which can be regarded as cultural identity. T.S. Eliot defined culture as ‘all things making life liveable and composing society’ (cited in Eagleton 2005: 133). Peirce (1995: 15-16) noted that social identity is ‘multiple and contradictory’, and a learner cannot detach his/her cultural identity due to the continuous dependence on his/her own cultural knowledge. In other words, regarding cultural identity (Hinkel 1999; Peirce 1995), it is apparent that there is a connection between learning and cultural identity. There has been common agreement that cultural nationalism can be described as a form of nationalism in which the nation is defined by a shared culture. As noted by Hobsbawm (1983: 2, 6), a nation’s reliance is a basis for identity, highlighted by the state’s ‘invention of tradition’ and ‘invented tradition’. Current accustomed traditional practices such as ‘folksong, physical contests, [and] marksmanship’ have been converted, consecrated, and regulated for ‘new national purposes’ (Hobsbawm 1983: 6). While Halbwachs (1992)

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demonstrated the interacting and conflicting characteristics of historical memory and collective memory, Hall (1993) focused on the role of culture in the construction of nations and national identities. These valuable contributions to our understanding of how nation-states use culture and identity to deploy power and politics have been shaped and organized within diverse systems of production, reproduction, consumption, and distribution. The formation of culture, identity, and nation is a dynamic, contentious historical process. Cultural identity is viewed as how people relate to or bond with each other. The constructionist position holds that identity (including cultural identity) is socially constructed and not natural or given, as essentialism believes (see Clifford 2000). Robinson (1999: 98) considered identity to be ‘multiple, textured, and converging’, pointing out that ‘race […] alone does not constitute all of one’s attitudes, experiences, and cognitions related to the self’; however, race can be a commanding identity that is most prominent in our experiences. National identity has been a subject and an underlying theme of much controversy and debate in communication research, social science research, and studies on politics. National identity is not only a sense of belonging but also a focus on culture and other wider criteria, together with language, culture, religion, and descent. National identity has been distinguished as a collective sentiment among certain people derived from the belief of belonging to the same nation and sharing most of the attributes unique to that nation. Along this line, a given nation-state is formed when there is a ‘political apparatus […] ruling over a given territory, whose authority is backed by a legal system’ (Giddens 1990: 301). On the other hand, Anderson (1991: 49) defined a nation as ‘an imagined political community’ that is imagined ‘as both inherently limited and sovereign’; Anderson’s ‘imagined communities’ can be viewed as a form of a modernist version of social constructionism, echoing the postmodern cartography of Paulston (1996) that is constructed of imagined social cartography. Building on Billig’s seminal thesis Banal Nationalism (1995), scholars (e.g., Goode and Stroup 2015; Jones and Merriman 2009; Skrey and Antonsich 2017) have paid progressive attention to the competency of a state or a political elite to constitute and to give clout to national identities through the comprehension of everyday actions and everyday nationalism. Political accounts have been accomplished not only through formal or traditional means of nation-building, such as school policies, but also through obscured, unconscious, and unexplained dynamics. Thus, a given nation-state exists when there is a ‘political apparatus […] ruling over a given territory, whose authority is backed by a legal system, and by the capacity to use force to

Introduction

25

implement its policies’ (Giddens 1990: 301). Anderson (1991: 6), on the other hand, defined a nation as ‘an imagined political community’ that is imagined ‘as both inherently limited and sovereign’, arguing that an imagined community is different from an existing society because members do not see the actual community but imagine it in their minds. Scholars have often used the concept of culture interchangeably with those of race, ethnicity, and nationality, while nations and national identity are crucial components of how we construct our notion of social order (or social control) and social cohesion (or social bonds) and how we understand different ideologies between and within societies. National identity has been characterized as a dimension of the nation-building process. Since the nineteenth century, the concepts of culture, identity, and nation have evolved as a result of the consolidation of ethnic politics in many regions of the world. Durkheim discussed the identity of humans through the concept of ‘homo duplex’, which incorporates body, desire, and appetite on the one hand and socialized personality on the other (Coser 1977; Ross 2016). Anderson (1991: 15) believed that a nation is a community that is socially constructed, defining ‘nation’ as an imagined political community, despite the lack of direct connections among disparate individuals of a specific nation whom one may never know, meet, or hear from personally. Smith’s work (1998: 198) on the relevance of the ethnic origin of nations is important to our understanding of ‘why and where particular nations are formed, and why nationalisms, though formally alike, possess such distinctive features and contents’. Smith (2001: 18) also accounted for ‘the continuous reproduction and reinterpretation of the pattern of values, symbols, memories, myths and traditions that compose the distinctive heritage of nations, and the identifications of individuals with that pattern and heritage and with its cultural elements’. Thus, in terms of national identity, I refer to Smith’s analysis of national identity (1999a) in which he defined the roles of myths, memories, values, traditions, and symbols as powerful differentiators and reminders of the unique culture and fate of the ethnic community (also see Hastings 1997). Functionally, national identity is the ‘process whereby a nation [is] reconstructed over time’ (Zimmer 2003: 173), whereas Anderson (1991) and Gellner (1983) have used terms such as ‘imagined’ and ‘invent’ in a neutral and descriptive manner, respectively. Nation-states always adopt images of a chosen past to construct their national identity. In order to produce sufficiently strong affinities and solidarities from which collective unity and action can spring, every nation has its own reified national culture as a collective representation (Cillia et al. 1999; Sperber 1996), and one of the most crucial factors that bind people

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in a ‘nation’ is ‘the possession in common of a rich legacy of memories’ (Renan 1990: 19; also see Smith 1999a, 1999b) in the form of a shared heritage, through which its reproduction recreates and reinforces a sense of historical continuity and community. Hofstede (2001: 11-12) specified national culture as the communal mental programming of most members of a nation to identify them as a group. Although culture clearly has a specific relationship to ideology, Althusser (1971) argued that art (referring to authentic art) and culture are not simply a part of the ideological instance of society. For Althusser (1971: 152), a lasting cultural expression ‘makes us see, and therefore gives to us in the form of “seeing,” “perceiving” and “feeling” […] the ideology from which it is born, in which it bathes, from which it detaches itself as art, and to which it alludes’. This echoes what Williams (1977) argued – that politics and culture are realms of material production. Hence, there is a ‘material character of the production of a social and political order’, and the concept of the superstructure is an evasion (ibid.: 93). The notion of national and cultural identity is very important for countries, as it affects the stability and cohesion between nations.

Globalization, Nationalism, and Cultural Identity The new term ‘globalization’ came into widespread use in the early 1990s, subverting the former theory of cultural imperialism in which there is no single culture that governs the world (see Morley and Robins 1995). Globalization can be defined as the rapid acceleration of the cross-border movements of a variety of goods, labour, services, capital and information among various parts of the world. It has also been described as the growing interdependence of the world’s cultures and economies as a result of the growth of information and communication technologies and the repercussions of financial and trade liberalization. As Westernization can be seen as a process of development, Waters (1995) has accordingly argued that globalization is the direct consequence of the expansion of European culture across the planet via settlement, colonization, and cultural mimesis. However, the West is also the receiver or customer of Eastern cultures – for example, the spread of Hindi film music and Japanese karaoke as worldwide entertainment. Since the 1990s, Nigerian popular music has been observed in the international scene due to global communication and cultural flows, as exemplified by the popularity of many forms of hip hop music that have sprung up across the globe among youths. In that respect, Pieterse (1995)

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27

contended that the course of globalization can be appropriately described as a process of hybridization. In many local milieus, the meaning of the words globalization, globality, globalizing, globalism, and so forth are based on different perspectives, subject to how local societies and cultures perceive and pinpoint themselves in the shifting world system. Globalization reinforces multiculturalism through the massive flux of people moving between countries. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (unesco) paved the way for laws, decrees, and action plans on Intangible Cultural Heritage (ich) in 2001 and subsequently on Cultural Heritage in 2009. At the same time, it took into account and explored cultural diversity and the values of cultural pluralism in public policies and practices, particularly in private and public partnerships. The acquisition of cultural knowledge from other societies is taking place more often and more widely than ever. Such a process is but a specific example of the process that has been featured as globalization. Communication between regions has introduced different cultures to one another in unparalleled ways. In such a globalizing context, Wallis and Malm (1984: 297-302) illustrated and categorized cultural interaction into four types: ‘cultural exchange’ (an interaction and exchange between two or more cultures, often on a person-to-person level); ‘cultural dominance’ (a powerful society or group imposing on another in a more or less formally organized fashion); ‘cultural imperialism’ (an augmentation accomplished by the transfer of money and/or resources from the dominated to the dominating culture group); and ‘transculturation’ (a mixture of all of the above forms of cultural interaction). For example, jazz is an especially conspicuous exemplar of a music tradition that originated in connection with a specific subculture and later became a genre that served as mainstream American jazz as a whole before finally emerging as a global type of music (Atkins 2001; Nicholson 2014; Phillips 2013). The music of Madonna and Michael Jackson in the 1980s and 1990s and that of Lady Gaga and Justin Bieber between the late 2000s and 2010s might be said to be transcultural, or a form of global culture. The effects of this process might lead towards the creation of what Appadurai (1990: 299) has called ‘mediascapes’: ‘Mediascapes,’ whether produced by private or state interests, tend to be image-centred, narrative-based accounts of strips or reality, and what they offer to those who experience and transform them is a series of elements (such as characters, plots and textual forms) out of which scripts can be formed of imagined lives, their own as well as those of others living in other places.

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It may be that, globally, we are witnessing the creation and expansion of mediascapes made up of a variety of elements that are used in alternative ways in different places by particular groups of people. Furthermore, such mediascapes are not the product of one group or controlling organization but instead involve complex negotiation and struggles relating to the placing together of different elements. In recent decades, the topic of global/local distinction has been widely debated in cultural, literary, educational, and business studies. The phrase ‘one nation, one language, one culture’ was a common motto in terms of historical matters. Localization refers to the rise of local cultures and the adaptation of a product or other engagements to requirements of a specific target market, sometimes within, sometimes transcending state boundaries. Many people deem localization a counterpart of globalization, along the lines that the former is presumably based on something local and the latter on a global audience or market. In a marketing sense, global products are also produced locally with a view to selling the latest product everywhere at once. In addition to the distribution of global products, global localization involves the adaptation of global products to suit a particular locality. For example, this practice was described by Sony as one of ‘global localization’, which means that ‘while it operates across the globe it aims to gain “insiders” status within regional and local markets’ (Morley and Robins 1995: 150). This process, also called ‘glocalization’, is a global outlook adapted to local conditions (Robertson 1995: 28). As Morley and Robins (1995: 116) have outlined, contemporary processes of globalization are ‘about the achievement of a new global-local nexus, about new and intricate relations between global space and local space’. Globalization, nationalism, and the relations between them have been a hot debate topic among scholars in the discipline of international relations and have resonated among and within a number of disciplines like geography, cultural studies, and sociology. Globalization and nationalism have often been conjured as the two defining modes of the modern world. As perceived by Clark, the 1990s displayed marked tendencies in both directions at the same time; if anything the economic dimensions of globalization have grown vigorously but they coexist with the unforeseen resurgence of nationalism, which has ruptured the international community, as well as some of its constituent states. (1997: 4)

The impact of globalizing cultural trends on a variety of national cultures has become one of the fiercely debated affairs of the day. The coexisting

Introduction

29

rise of nationalistic and globalizing bearings has come to be seen as one of the main paradoxes of the past decade, unexpectedly to many observers. Some studies have argued that national identity is less important for people in more globalized countries (Ariely 2012, 2019; Brinkman and Brinkman 2008). However, others have reached the opposite conclusion (Antonsich 2009; Bekhuis et al. 2014; Norris and Inglehart 2009), while still others have discussed the complementary and contradictory tendencies of nationalism and globalization (Halikiopoulou and Vasilopolou 2011; Sabanadze 2010). These days, globalization is often seen as a hegemonic discourse enveloping and affecting all possible cultural forms and their elements all over the world, both in traditional and post-modern societies. When globalization and nationalism proceed, there is the question of what happens to cultural identity, and the answer might be that it becomes more compact in the acceptance of certain values and ideas. In particular, globalization is often regarded as a deadly threat to national culture. In the pre-globalization period, ‘the most significant phenomenon in the global history of music [was] the intensive imposition of Western music and musical thought upon the rest of the world’ (Nettl 1985: 3). To Huntington (1996), globalization reinforces communal politics to such an extent that there is a large risk of a clash of civilizations. Different cultures have responded in different ways, which vary from maintaining to preserving, modifying, or abandoning their musical traditions (Nettl 1985). In recent decades, Western music has continued to influence other music cultures worldwide, and its influence is not restricted to a sound system but extends to concepts and attendant technology and behaviour (see Hebert and Rykowski 2018). As a result of the spread of globalization, new conflicts and tensions have emerged, displaying a surge of nationalism and fundamentalism (Huntington 1996). Globalization has led to nations confronting the loss of their national identity. On a cultural level, the world has shifted from national cultures to blended cultures across the globe, developing a homogenized, cosmic culture rather than nationalism. Unlike Anderson, Smith (2001) has argued that even when nations are the product of modernity, it is possible to find ethnic elements that have survived and flourished in modern nations, despite globalization. According to Giddens (1994: 5), ‘the revival of local nationalisms, and an accentuating of local identities, are directly bound up with globalizing influences, to which they stand in opposition’. With advances in communication technology, the world has become deterritorialized (Robertson 1995) and is now considered a singular and unified place due to the shrinking of geographical constraints (Waters 1995). As a result of the spread of globalization, new conflicts and tensions have emerged, leading to a surge in nationalism and

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fundamentalism (Huntington 1996). In considering the positive and negative effects of globalization, some have perceived it as a power that destroys the heritage and music cultures of ethnic groups. Substantial literature exists on the challenges of globalization to nation-states as well as its various, even contradictory, impacts on the social, political, educational, and cultural dimensions of human activities in the increasingly interconnected and interdependent world (Carnoy and Rhoten 2002; Clayton 2004; Davies 2005; Held et al. 1999; Ishii et al. 2005).

Education for a Changing World Educators and researchers have been trying to understand the relationship between school learning and the social world. The respective approaches concerning knowledge, action, and the significance of experience began with William James and Émile Durkheim, and then moved to the conception of experience and practice in the efforts of John Dewey and Pierre Bourdieu. As argued by Durkheim (1977: 166), ‘[e]ducational transformations are always the result and the symptom of the social transformations in terms of which they are to be explained’. In response to the social and political unrest of the 1960s, Foucault (1991: 145-146) commented that a new form of the analysis of power was indispensable: ‘From all these different experiences, including my own, there emerged only one word, like a message written in invisible ink, ready to appear on the page when the right chemical is added; and the word is power’ [also see Foucault (1998: 63) for the concept that ‘power is everywhere’ and ‘comes from everywhere’]. What distinguishes educational institutions from armies, hospitals, and prisons is that the former draw attention to ‘communication’ above ‘capacity’ and ‘power’ (Foucault 1982: 218-219). Since the 1970s, sociologists have maintained their focus on social differentiation and social equality (e.g., Bernstein 1971, 1975; Bourdieu and Passeron 1990; Young 1971). Then, in the 1980s and 1990s, the emphasis on social differentiation and social equality developed from that of the social class to become entwined in the issues of ethnicity (e.g., Epps 1995; Williams 1986) and gender (e.g., Gilbert 1998; Gilbert and Gilbert 1998). In particular, the important role of the sociology of education is to study the relations between cultural reproduction (i.e., the transmission of existing cultural values) and social reproduction 1 (or the process of transferring 1 Social reproduction is a concept originally proposed by Karl Marx’s analysis of capitalist society in Das Capital and is a variant of his broader idea of reproduction.

Introduction

31

aspects of society). According to Bourdieu’s theory of cultural reproduction (1973, 1984), it is concerned with the link between original class membership and ultimate class membership and how this link is mediated by the education system (also see Bourdieu and Passeron 1990; Sullivan 2002). In Bourdieu’s social world or habitus (1984) – the physical embodiment of cultural capital2 that guides behaviour and thinking – power is seen as culturally and symbolically created and constantly re-legitimized through the interplay of agency, structure, and social action. Drawing from such interactions, forms of cultural knowledge and identity are linked to larger institutions in the social world. For centuries, conceptions of nationalism, cultural identity, and school education have been nation-orientated and civic-affiliated. Since knowledge is power, nationalism in education policies is common in schools. Education politics, which has been described as an extension of school education, is one of the most direct methods of shaping the power structure in the state’s education politics and moulding the expectations and norms of ‘ordinary’ citizens. The relationship between the extent of a psychological sense of citizenship and the existence of a sense of national identity has been raised based on the necessity of impelling further the nationality-established model of citizenship in our contemporary world (see Baubock 1994; Habermas 1994; Parekh 2003; Sindic 2011; Wilcox 2004). Nationalism is the idea that cultural identity should lay the foundation for a state, either in an imagined community to unify a common identity or in the process of building the nation-state (Anderson 1991; Giddens 1985; Smith 1998). With regards to the nature of knowledge production, social control, and political institutions in modern societies, this process can be interpreted as teaching school students how to follow rules and obey the authorities and authority figures. The most important theme in critical pedagogy (founded by Paulo Freire and regarded as a teaching philosophy and a teaching approach to help students question and challenge domination) is the belief that the education system/knowledge is never politically neutral and that teaching is therefore an intentionally political move, whether the teacher acknowledges that or not (see Freire 1970; also see Bigelow 1992; Giroux 1997, 2003; Shor 1992). This can be seen in the way the political dimension 2 Cultural capital, conceptualized by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu (1973, 2000), can be interpreted as the collection of symbolic components such as tastes, skills, material belongings, knowledge, and so on that one acquires through being part of a particular social class. Cultural capital is mainly gained through an individual’s initial learning and is unconsciously influenced by his or her surroundings (Bourdieu 2000).

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of education is regulated by power relationships and the particular forms of knowledge that in school are regarded as ‘official’ (see Apple 2008, 2014). In his book Can Education Change Society?, Apple (2013) continued to demonstrate that struggle and resistance are both always present and always active in education policies and practices in contemporary education. Teachers should be aware of the cultural identities of students and should be able to recognize the students’ cultural and collective identities in education practices (Ladson-Billings 1995, 2009). Bruner (1986, 1990, 1996) developed a notion of cultural psychology in education and summed up very simple yet important points that tie cultural identity to questions of teaching and learning. Textbooks usually play a dominant role in lessons, serving as a rich source of topics, texts, visuals, and language in the structure of course materials (Pulverness 2004). Traditional songs, riddles, rhymes, and other children’s lore are ideal for younger students (Ellis, 2003). Apple (2008, 2013), however, has encouraged teachers to take on the role of the critical educational scholar/activist to challenge dominant and oppressive systems of authority. The challenge facing cultural identity and school education is how to react to globalization and its collusion in both global and national/ local communities in most democracies throughout Europe, North America, and the Pacific. ‘Good citizens are made, not born’ (Callahan and Banaszak 1990: 338); accordingly, helping children flourish and achieve their full potential as citizens should be a far-reaching ambition of families, schools, and communities (Dynneson 1991). As Huddleston and Kerr (2006: 2) also claimed, ‘a citizen is a member of a political community or state’, and being a citizen ‘depends upon different factors’, for example birthplace, family bonds, or ‘the duration of residence in a country’. Over the past three decades, there has been a great deal of attention directed towards school education and globalization all over the world. There have also been questions of how far states can promote ‘national cultures’ through school education and the extent of the promotion of ‘national cultures’ through education taking shape in the Global Age. Buell (1994) maintained that national culture has been created and recreated, and our perception of cultural production is intensely related to radical changes in representations of the world order. During the latter part of the twentieth century and at the beginning of the twenty-first, citizens were encouraged to ‘think globally and to act locally’, and the idea of ‘global citizenship’ was thought to be made more possible through the power of the Internet and other electronic media. Beck (2000), following Bauman (1998; also see Smith 1999a), contended that local citizens of nation-states become entangled in the

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33

processes of globalization, whether or not they do so consciously. Citizenship discourse may implicate teaching and learning about membership in the nation-state, including national identity (Ljunggren 2014), national history and culture (Henderson 2010), national morals and values (Thornberg and Oğuz 2016), and civic life (Schudson 1998), to prepare young citizens for participation in communities within national borders. Under the conditions of globalization, citizens can hold multiple, nested, and overlapping identities (Banks 2004; Castles 2004; Ong 1999, 2004). It is common to speak of globalization as a question of increased homogeneity or heterogeneity, or a combination of the two – also called glocalization (see Robertson 1995). The laws of over half of the nation-states in the world realize ‘some forms of multiple citizenship or multiple nationality citizenship’ (cited in Kalekin-Fishman and Pitkanen 2007: vii). The notion of multiple citizenships has been attributed to Heater (1992: 154-155), who maintained that citizens have the right to attain a broader range of loyalties and responsibilities in the emergence of a world citizenship alongside state citizenship. Other scholars such as Pike (2000: 71) have contended that global education should also be ‘infused with distinct national characteristics’. On a broader scale, the major features of globalization appear to be processes such as trade liberalization, the expansion of the world market as a form of economic globalization, the growing role of the English language, new information and communication technologies, the integration of a multicultural context into practice, and other multidimensional processes (see Giddens 1990; Held et al. 1999; Kymlicka 2001). Among scholars who clarify the value of citizenship education, most believe that theories of liberal citizenship should be included as a crucial component of the education every child should receive in the curricula and discipline of public schools (Brighouse and Swift 2010; Peters 1967). The development of multiculturalism in the second half of the twentieth century was built on complication and diversity. Under the conditions of globalization, cultural diversity is a prominent theme in the school curriculum. There has been a remarkable growth in academic interest in the education reform of fostering multiple identities, including the multidimensional framework of cultural development, as a way of introducing the major dimensions of self, local, national, and global to help students acquire the knowledge, attitudes, skills, and values they need to maintain multiple identities within and beyond national borders (Banks 2001, 2008; Kennedy and Brunold 2016; Marshall and Bottomore 1992; Merryfield and Wilson 2005).

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Cultural Identity and Music Education in the Global Age Cultural diversity is a prominent theme in school music education in the curriculum. According to Gruhn (2004: 2), there has been a growing interest in ‘and desire for the development of more international exchange and stronger connections’ in music education ‘to avoid the extent and kinds of damage that were only just being overcome’ in the post-war period. John Blacking’s Venda Children’s Songs (1967) offers the best-known example of the enculturation paradigm and as such has been foundational for research in music education. As argued by Waterman (1991: 51), cultural continuity is a ‘recursive process’ in which the ‘production of individual representations of cultural patterns is grounded in a flow of activity continually shaped by actors’ interpretations of and reactions to constraints and incentives encountered in the world’. In a later publication, Blacking (1990) clarified the Venda assumption that the child is an active rather than a passive participant in his or her own musical development. In exploring global and cultural citizenship in arts education, artistic and cultural practices and identities – including diverse cultural traditions and identities – can cultivate young participants in their larger sociopolitical surroundings (Kuttner 2015; Stevenson 2003). For example, contemporary Afro-pop sometimes integrates the ‘electric guitars of Western rock and roll with melodies and rhythms of traditional African music’, while Western rock drummers have long adopted ‘a tradition from Africa whereby the sounds of different drums are combined’ (Croteau et al. 2012: 328). Jenkins (2001) described such musical eclecticism as the product of ‘third culture’ youths who fuse elements from mixed racial, national, or linguistic backgrounds. This is similar to the case that Bennett (1999) presented, in which Turkish and Moroccan youths in Frankfurt attempted to rework hip hop as a localized mode of expression. Within this context, some music educators (e.g., Elliott and Silverman 2015; Green 2005) have criticized the fact that education often seems to take music for granted and that music education (including in formal, informal, and non-formal settings) has long been ignored, as it is less prominent in cultural and social contexts to cultivate students to be active and engaged citizens. Allsup (2010: 136) adopted the term ‘musical citizenship’ for the incorporation and understanding of national citizenship and the new conceptions of global citizenship in classroom communities through music education. Hebert and Kertz-Welzel (2016a) have posited that globalization in the contemporary world has revolutionized the nature of international relationships, such that patriotism may even qualify as an objective for

Introduction

35

music education. In some national or governmental settings, education policy requires the incorporation of certain patriotic repertoire such as the singing or performing of the national anthem in the school curriculum (Hebert 2015; Hebert and Kertz-Welzel 2016a, 2016b; Southcott 2016). Hebert and Kertz-Welzel (2016b: 176) have contended that the dangers related to patriotic music education are more pronounced in powerful nations such as China, Germany, Russia, and the United States, where ‘there is more of a widespread tendency to assume that international cooperation is unnecessary’. From Kertz-Welzel’s perspective (2019), globalization is a notion that is neither good nor bad, as it is merely a reality that involves changes in music education. He has called for innovation and revolution in music education and has argued that ‘[w]e need to change music education, both in higher education and inside and outside schools, to be able to use the opportunities and address the challenges presented by globalization and internationalization’ (2019: 13). Other music educators (see, for example, Allsup 2010; Elliot 2005; Green 2005) have examined music teaching and learning as a pedagogy of emancipation and have chosen to use diverse music cultures, including popular and world music, to initiate or effect education reform as a response to social change. When it comes to defining globalization and localization, there are many views about what the words actually mean in musical identity through school music education. By adopting localization and globalization together, the values of pluralism and the focus on cultural diversity can be stimulated through school music education (Law and Ho 2002). Discussions of the development of formal music education have taken place across a wide range of countries and regions (see Campbell et al. 2005; Cox and Stevens 2016). The coexistence of local and global identities in children’s culture does not always involve an organic or obviously harmonious cultural blending (Harrop-Allin 2010). Even race is stable as other identities often differ in accounting for these different identities in music education. Multiculturalism – both as an idea and an institutional framework – has been seriously challenged, and one issue concerns ‘the relationship between ethnic identities and the wider society’ (Lidskog 2017: 24). Besides the inclusion of Western classical music, the aftermath of globalization (also generally applied to Westernization and the Asianization of Asia) in school music education has been evinced in the composition of music from diverse cultures, including Western and non-Western popular music and other forms of world music. With reference to the construction of children’s musical identities in the Republic of Cyprus, Greek popular music spans a continuum, from local or traditional musical characteristics

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at one end to global characteristics reflecting Anglo-American popular music at the other, within the school environment and out-of-school contexts (Pieridou-Skoutella 2011). Illustrations of ways in which musical globalization has been resisted within formal education can be found in places as far apart as – and with local histories as different as – ‘Brazil, Bali and Ghana’ (Green 2016: 76). Tensions between local, national, and global cultures have been identif ied in Bali (Dunbar-Hall 2011) and in Ghana (Wiggins 2011). The dilemma of globalization in the school curriculum arises when a local culture displays the need to coincide with globalizing fluidity but at the same time aims to satisfy its identity and traditions in the curriculum (Ho 2013). Within the breadth of racial heterogeneity in seemingly uniform racial spaces, there may be productive means for music education to provide opportunities for music and identity across boundaries (see Hebert and Hauge 2019; Lidskog 2017). Within Western and non-Western contexts, issues regarding local, national, global, and ethnic and cultural identities in music are likely to be increasingly important in music education at all levels. Further research in this area will likewise become increasingly important, as it has the potential to contribute valuable knowledge for educators and policymakers who develop and implement diverse music cultures and activities in and out of school.

The Concept of Greater China The term ‘Greater China’ has been described as the geographic area that has cultural and commercial ties to the Han Chinese (see Figure 1 for the locations of Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan). Officially, the People’s Republic of China (prc) includes Mainland China and Taiwan, whose minorities are called Taiwanese aborigines. Ethnically, Hong Kong is mainly composed of Han Chinese, who constitute approximately 92 per cent of the population. The overwhelming majority (over 95 per cent) of Taiwanese are of Han Chinese ancestry. Fifty-six different ethnic groups are officially recognized in China, and 91.5 per cent of Chinese are Han Chinese. Ethnic minorities in China represent the non-Han Chinese population (Zhou 2019: 68; also see Table 1.1). The 55 others, including the Bai, Bouyei, Dong, Hui, Manchu, Miao, Mongol, Tibetan, Tujia, Uyghur, Yao, Yi, and Zhuang people, can be found in China’s north, northwest, northeast, south, and southwest, with some located in the central interior.

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Figure 1.1  Map of China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan

Table 1.1 Change of population by ethnicity (%) in Mainland China (1953-2010)

Minorities Han Total

1953

1964

1982

1990

2000

2010

6.06 93.94 100.00

5.78 94.22 100.00

6.7 93.3 100.00

8.01 91.99 100.00

8.41 91.59 100.00

8.49 91.51 100.00

Since the last four decades of China’s opening and reforms, the prc has distinguished itself with political, economic, and cultural networks among overseas Chinese communities. Due to the effects of globalization, the prc has placed an emphasis on shouldering the mission of building their ‘Chinese’. The very origin of the concept of ‘Greater China’ can be traced to the traditional distinction between China Proper and Outer China (Harding 1993). The term ‘Greater China’ was used by George Cressey (an American author, geographer, and academic) in the 1930s to refer to the entire Chinese Empire as opposed to China proper (Harding 1993). In the late 1970s, the

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Greater China concept began to appear again in Chinese-language sources, referring to the growing commercial ties between Hong Kong and the Mainland, with the possibility of extending those ties to Taiwan; a 1979 edition of the Taiwanese journal Changqiao contains perhaps the first such reference (ibid.). The English term ‘Greater China’ subsequently re-emerged in the 1980s in reference to the growing economic and cultural ties between – and the increasing possibility of the political unification of – Chinese-speaking communities in China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Macau. The term ‘Greater China’ is a controversial concept, used in some circles for cultural, economic, and political purposes in the international Chinese community (see Shambaugh 1995). The term is generally focused exclusively on Chinese-speaking communities such as Mainland China, Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan, and sometimes Singapore, with their shared history and heritage (though there are also distinctive characteristics found in each region) and linguistic homogeneity. Some observers have recognized the Greater China concept as a way to (a)bridge ‘the linkages among the farflung international Chinese community’, thereby blending Singapore and overseas Chinese communities in their usage of the term (Harding 1993: 660; Wang 1993). Along this line, the term indicates their ‘Chineseness’ as a potentially unifying regional identity, especially within the geographic realm of Eastern Asia. The account of cultural China – in which different divisions of Greater China are deemed symbolic creations – and the diversified versions of Chinese culture and identity have the capability of transforming the Sinitic world. Appadurai (2005) articulated cultural activity within the realm of imagined communities and featured the role of ‘-scapes’ in cultural flow that is based less on geographic location and more on the new global order. Economically, we have witnessed increasing economic integration and interdependence among Chinese societies, highlighting the relevance of the Greater China concept in enhancing existing economic interactions and business collaborations (Breslin 2004). As noted by Callahan (2011: 106), the relations of Greater China are not merely ‘state-to-state diplomacy or patterns of international trade and investment in a global political economy. They involve less formal people-to-people relations, flows and disjunctures in a transnational economic culture.’ However, the term has become more complicated in its political connotation, which has accelerated the prc’s motives and determination to achieve reunification (see Cheung 2004; Shambaugh 1995; Wang 2015). Since political sovereignty over Hong Kong was returned from the United Kingdom (uk) to the prc on 1 July 1997, Hong Kong has experienced some degree of

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‘mainlandization’ under the ‘one country, two systems’ principle that frames relations between the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (hksar) and Beijing authorities. Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, Taiwan has transitioned towards democratization. In 2000, the Democratic Progressive Party (dpp), a Taiwanese nationalist and liberal political party, defeated and removed the authoritarian ruling party, the Kuomintang (kmt), for the first time. There is a substantial difference between the dpp and the kmt with regard to their positions on cross-Strait political relations. Many Taiwanese do not regard themselves as being a part of Greater China, as it gives the impression that Taiwan is part of Mainland China. More recently, the emergence of Greater China involves the idea of social and political identities, particularly focusing on the call for autonomy in Hong Kong and the clamour for independence in Taiwan (Cheung 2013; Wang 2015). These two aspects exemplify the institutionalized form of interactions among the geographic constituent parts of Greater China (i.e., political, economic, and cultural entities), which are intertwined with the notions of China as a nation-state and a geopolitical concept. China is governed by the Communist Party of China (cpc), which claims jurisdiction over 22 provinces, five autonomous regions (Inner Mongolia, Xinjiang, Guangxi, Ningxia, and Tibet), four direct-administered municipalities (Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, and Chongqing), and the Special Administrative Regions of both Hong Kong and Macau. The terms ‘Taiwan, China’, ‘Taiwan Province, China’, and ‘Taiwan Province of China’ are a set of politically controversial terms that feature Taiwan and its associated territories as a province or territory of China. The term ‘Taiwan, China’ is officially and politically sanctioned by the cpc as a way to claim and propagandize that Taiwan falls under the prc’s sovereignty.

The Main Themes of This Book Increasing dialogue between the East and the West has resulted in new modes of awareness generally, and new musical knowledge, musical meanings, and cultural identity in particular. This book will argue that the process of nationalism and globalization involves continuing and antipodal forces in contemporary education, which will fabricate and shape both education and music education with regard to teaching discipline and subject matter knowledge in the school curriculum. It will also examine the ways in which policies for national identity formation and globalization interact to complement and contradict each other in the content of music education in Greater China – that is, Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan.

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The current social, political, and economic challenges facing these three societies revolve around the ways in which globalization has confronted traditional Chinese and local culture and identity in the curriculum. Meanwhile, tensions posed by the complex relationship between cultural diversity and political change have also led to a crisis of national identity in these three localities. Neither globalization, nationalism, nor localization should lead to the creation of a unidimensional form of school music education but should instead combine national needs and local conditions in distinctive ways as well as nurture a variety of music cultures in the name of multicultural education. The three Chinese education systems have announced that their global education and learning communities are thriving, as they have integrated multiple cultures into their music curricula in order to enable students to understand how they are connected with others throughout the world. For the past few decades, Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan have, to some extent, maintained close relations with their respective governments to develop traditional Western, traditional Chinese, and local music in their communities as well as in their school education curricula. In this book project, ‘traditional Chinese music’ is the music genre in which music is played on solo instruments or in small ensembles of Chinese musical instruments, such as the pipa, dizi, erhu, suona, and the like. ‘Western teaching materials’ and ‘Western styles of music education’ refer to music theory, compositional techniques, orchestration, and European repertoires. Although traditional Chinese and traditional Western music have exerted considerable influence on local traditions, there are some uniquely local folk music, local opera, and local popular music found in the school curricula (Curriculum Development Council 2003, 2017; Ministry of Education, People’s Republic of China 2011, 2017; Ministry of Education, Republic of China 2018, 2019). Within this context, this book will discuss the recent developments of school music education in these three territories to illustrate the integration of music cultures and non-musical values in the relationship between national cultural identity and globalization through national policies for music in the school curriculum. Recent changes in the relationships between Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Mainland China have presented challenges to curriculum planners and education policymakers in the three territories in the areas of teaching and cultural development, which are important for the formation of national identity as well as preparing students for the challenges of globalization. Though comparative literature on music education in Chinese territories can be found (see Ho 2011, 2013; Law and Ho 2006), none of these studies have addressed music teachers and teacher education through school music

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education in response to changing global and national circumstances. To date, no studies examining the similarities and differences in school music education and teacher education in Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Mainland China have been found in relation to the double paradigm of nationalism and multiculturalism. While there have been various studies on education in Hong Kong (e.g., Fung and Lui 2017; Kam 2012; Vickers 2003), Taiwan (e.g., Chou and Ching 2012; Kwok 2017; Yang and Huang 2016), and Mainland China (e.g., Hughes 2017; Law 2014; Li 2017; Tan 2016), as well as comparative studies on Hong Kong and Taiwan (Law 2004; Law and Ng 2009; Xing et al. 2013) and communities in Greater China (Bray and Qin 2001; Lo 2016), there has been no single work that has compared directly the ways in which music education (particularly from teachers’ perspectives) in Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan has incorporated national (or local) and global influences. The music curricula, school education, and teacher education in Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan have, until relatively recently, been focused on Western music, but with the advent of music technology and the double paradigm of globalization and nationalism, this has begun to change. The main challenges facing school education and teacher education in school music education are the interplay between political ideologies and contemporary values and between traditional music and contemporary music styles. This book draws upon a political ecology from an education perspective to analyze how political and social processes have shaped the curricular content of school music education and the processes of ecological changes in Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. The issues explored include the recent curricular reforms and instructions in school music education within the changing societies of these three Chinese communities, and the dynamics and complexity of the relationships between the state, nationalism, and multiculturalism. Moreover, the book approaches the topic by considering the ways in which education has been related to social transformations and political considerations: on the one hand, the individual governments have emphasized the importance of the development of national identity and patriotism (and/or localism in Taiwan) in school education, and on the other hand, they have also integrated diverse cultural values into their school curricula. The main aims of this book are varied and intend to advance our understanding of a power challenge to the unity of nationalism and music cultures, the state and the nation, national identity and the global imperatives of multiculturalism. These are the related key areas in an overall framework that will be used to analyze how global relationships are considered in local and national contexts, as well as how they have altered the construction of

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musical and non-musical meanings and values in the school music education curricula of Mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong. In this book, nationalism is considered an important social and political phenomenon that involves creating, for Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, a definable identity through participation in singing and listening to their respective national anthems (China and Hong Kong have the same anthem, entitled ‘March of the Volunteers’, which originated from their fight against Japanese occupation in the early 1930s, while Taiwan adopted the ‘Republic of China National Anthem’ as a declaration to the ‘Three Principles of the People’ designated as the kmt party song in 1928) and by developing Chinese and their respective local and national folk music in school music education. The dynamic effect of multiculturalism can be found in the integration of world music and popular music in their respective school music curricula. Despite the different approaches to Western-based musical knowledge in schools, this book will show how Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan have promoted a sense of national identity and examine the extent to which the music cultures in their music education curricula have developed in response to globalization. Within a global, national, and local culture, teachers should strive for a broad consensus on how and what is taught. The current social, political, and economic challenges facing Hong Kong, Taiwan, and China revolve around the ways in which globalization has confronted traditional Chinese culture and identity in the curriculum. Meanwhile, tensions posed by the complex relationship between cultural diversity and political change have also led to a crisis of national identity in these three territories. The core research questions to be addressed in this book are as follows: 1 With particular reference to Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, what is the relationship between cultures, values, and identities in society as well as in music education? 2 What are the perspectives of music teachers in Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan on teaching traditional Chinese culture and other music cultures among diverse school subjects in the school curriculum? 3 To what extent can the non-musical learning of national identity and patriotism as well as globalism and multiculturalism be manifested in music education? 4 How can the effects of the double paradigm of nationalism and multiculturalism that have affected the relationship between the state and the transmission of musical and non-musical learning be understood to reflect the sociopolitical ideologies of Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan?

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This book will argue that school music education in these three Chinese communities has made a gradual cultural shift towards nationalism and multiculturalism in an attempt to move away from Westernism in their school music curricula. The research methods in this book involved an analysis of officially approved music textbooks, a survey questionnaire distributed to students attending music education programmes as well as to primary and secondary school music teachers, and in-depth interviews with student teachers and schoolteachers in the three territories. The core question for each sector of informants involved their response to cultural shifts in education policies. Because issues of cultural transmission and social transformation stand at the crossroads of education, humanities, cultural studies, sociology, social policy, and politics, the approach taken in this book was interdisciplinary. This approach revealed how thinkers in music, cultural studies, sociology, and education have considered the relationship between cultures (including music) and education as well as between schooling and society.

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Law, W.W. (2014). Understanding China’s curriculum reform for the 21st century. Journal of Curriculum Studies, 46(3): 332-360. Law, W.W., and Ho, W.C. (2002). Music education in Taiwan: The dynamics and dilemmas of globalization, localization and Sinophilia. Curriculum Journal, 13(3): 341-362. Law, W.W., and Ho, W.C. (2006). Culture, music education and the state in Hong Kong and Taiwan in a global age. Bulletin of the Council for Research in Music Education, 169: 63-77. Law, W.W., and Ng, H.M. (2009). Globalization and multileveled citizenship education: A tale of two Chinese cities, Hong Kong and Shanghai. Teachers College Record, 111(4): 851-892. Li, J. (2017). Educational policy development in China for the 21st century: Rationality and challenges in a globalizing age. Chinese Education & Society, 50(3): 133-141. Lidskog, R. (2017). The role of music in ethnic identity formation in diaspora: A research review. International Social Science Journal, 66: 23-38. Ljunggren, C. (2014). Citizenship education and national identity: Teaching ambivalence. Policy Futures in Education, 12(1): 34-47. Lo, W.Y.W. (2016). The concept of greater China in higher education: Adoptions, dynamics and implications. Comparative Education, 52(1): 26-43. Malm, W.P. (1984). Music cultures of the Pacific, the Near East, and Asia (2nd ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc. Marshall, T.H., and Bottomore, T.B. (Eds.). (1992). Citizenship and social class. London: Pluto. Merryfield, M., and Wilson, A. (2005). Social studies and the world: Teaching global perspectives. Washington, DC: National Council for the Social Studies. Ministry of Education, People’s Republic of China. (2011). Yiwu jiaoyu yinyue kecheng biaozhun [Compulsory education – National music curriculum standardization]. Beijing: Beijing Normal University. Ministry of Education, People’s Republic of China. (2017). Putong gaozhong yinyue kecheng biaozhun [Ordinary high school music curriculum standardization]. Beijing: Beijing Normal University. Ministry of Education, Republic of China. (2018). Shier nian guomin jiben jiaoyu kecheng gangyao – Guomin Zhong xiaoxue ji putong xing gaoji zhongdeng xuexiao: Yishu lingyu [Guidelines of 12-year compulsory education curriculum – National elementary and secondary schools and ordinary senior secondary schools – Learning key area for arts]. Taipei: Author. Ministry of Education, Republic of China. (2019). Shier nian guomin jiben jiaoyu kecheng gangyao – Zonghe xing gaozi zhongdeng xuexiao: Yishu lingyu [Guidelines of 12-year compulsory education curriculum – Comprehensive senior high secondary schools: Learning key area for arts]. Taipei: Author.

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Morley, D., and Robins, K. (1995). Spaces of identity: Global media, electronic landscapes and cultural boundaries. London; New York: Routledge. Nettl, B. (1985). The Western impact on world music: Change, adaptation, and survival. New York: Schirmer. Nicholson, S. (2014). Jazz and culture in a global age. Lebanon, NH: Northeastern University Press. Norris, P., and Inglehart, R. (2009). Cosmopolitan communications: Cultural diversity in a globalized world. New York: Cambridge University Press. Ong, A. (1999). Flexible citizenship: the cultural logics of transnationality. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Ong, A. (2004). Higher learning: Education availability and flexible citizenship in global space. In J.A. Banks (Ed.), Diversity and citizenship education: Global perspectives (pp. 49-70). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Parekh, B. (2003). Cosmopolitanism and global citizenship. Review of International Studies, 29: 3-17. Paulston, R. (Ed.). (1996). Social cartography: Mapping ways of seeing social and educational changing. New York: Taylor & Francis. Peirce, B.N. (1995). Social identity, investment, and language learning. TESOL Quarterly, 29(1): 9-31. Peters, R.S. (1967). What is an education process? In R.S. Peters (Ed.), The concept of education (pp. 1-23). London; Henley: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Peterson, G., Hayhoe, R., and Lu, Y.L. (Eds.). (2001). Education, culture, and identity in twentieth-century China. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Phillips, D.J. (2013). Shaping jazz: Cities, labels, and the global emergency of an art form. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Pieridou-Skoutella, A. (2011). Greek popular music and the construction of musical identities by Greek-Cypriot school children. In L. Green (Ed.), Learning teaching and musical identity: Voices across cultures (pp. 128-141). Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Pieterse, J.N. (1995). Globalization as hybridization’. In M. Featherstone, S. Lash, and R. Robertson (Eds.), Global modernities (pp. 45-68). London: Sage. Pike, G. (2000). Global education and national identity: In pursuit of meaning. Theory into Practice, 29(2): 64-73. Pulverness, A. (2004). Here and there: Issues in materials development for intercultural learning. Retrieved from: http://elt.britcoun.org.pl/forum/handt.htm Renan, E. (1990). What is a nation? In H.K. Bhabha (Ed.), Nation and narration (pp. 8-22). London: Routledge. Robertson, R. (1995). Globalisation: Time-space homogeneity-heterogeneity. In M. Featherstone, S. Lash, and R. Robertson (Eds.), Global modernities (pp. 25-44). London: Sage.

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2

Rising China and Governing Aspirationsfor Cultural Politics, Music, and Education Abstract President Xi Jinping has emphasized the path of socialist education with Chinese characteristics for the fulfilment of socialist modernization, including the realization of the Belt and Road Initiative to highlight political, economic, and cultural developments. Education is seen in China as comparable in importance to political development and cultural growth, and with the Chinese Dream, there is more potential for national restoration and for imparting a new global outlook in school education. With this in mind, Chapter Two explores the extent to which policies for national identity formation and globalization interact to complement and contradict each other on the path of socialist education with Chinese characteristics in school music education. Keywords: China’s school music education, Chinese characteristics, Chinese Dream, global outlook, national restoration, socialist education

After the announcement of Deng Xiaoping’s ‘Open Door Policy’ in 1978, China experienced a gradual transition from a state-owned economy to a socialist market economy. The Four Modernizations project for agriculture, industry, national defence, and science and technology – launched in December of that year – quickly became outdated due to the rapid expansion of transnational capital in the 1980s and economic stagnation around the time of the 1989 Tiananmen Square Incident. The term ‘socialist market economy’ was introduced by Jiang Zemin during the 14th National Congress of the CPC in 1992 to describe the goal of China’s economic reforms. The shift from a planned economy to mixed forms of private and public ownership within a market environment represented a new historic breakthrough in the

Ho, Wai-Chung, Globalization, Nationalism, and Music Education in the Twenty-First Century in Greater China. Amsterdam, Amsterdam University Press 2021 doi: 10.5117/9789463729932_ch02

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reforms and opening up and created entirely new prospects for China’s political, economic, and cultural progress between the 1990s and the 2000s. In November 2012, President Xi Jinping promoted a new slogan, the ‘Chinese Dream’ (Zhongguo Meng: a popular term in the prc describing a personal and national ethos and a set of ideas), to represent his ideals for national development and to uphold the ruling ideology of his new leadership. Xi Jinping’s Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era was included in the cpc’s Constitution during the 19th National Congress in October 2014. The Chinese Dream is associated with President Xi’s goal of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation (Callahan 2015a, 2015b, 2017; Ferdinand 2016). The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), introduced in 2013 as a platform for regional multilateral collaboration, is intended to interlink China with regions on the ancient Silk Road (a network of trade routes connecting China and the Far East with the Middle East and Europe). In April 2019, President Xi delivered a keynote speech to world leaders at the opening ceremony of the Second Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation in Beijing, which laid out a substantial path for global benefit. On the one hand, he called for the safeguarding of national unity and solidarity among the different ethnic groups in China and advocated patriotism as an eternal theme in education; on the other hand, he declared that a new ‘global China’ has emerged with respect to cultural diversity required for a harmonious world. As the new regime mobilizes around the Chinese Dream of growing global influence, a new set of multicultural challenges has emerged. Moreover, President Xi disclosed his vision for a more definitive Chinese direction for the nation, and he has strongly encouraged a renaissance of Confucianism (also known as neo-Confucianism) in China. In the last six decades, Confucianism has been suppressed, destroyed, abandoned, restored, and renewed in contemporary China. President Xi’s cultural path is diametrically opposed to that of Mao Zedong (1893-1976). More recently, he has referenced Confucius in his speeches, which has further encouraged the movement of ‘reading the classics’. According to Chen Ming, a supporter of Confucian civil religion, President Xi’s ‘China Dream’ slogan is an ideological transformation favourable towards the basic principles of Confucianism (Jiang and O’Dwyer 2019). In his 2014 address to the International Confucian Association on the 2,565th anniversary of Confucius’s birth, President Xi praised Confucianism as the cultural soil that sustains the Chinese people. He stressed that Confucianism is the clue to understanding the national characteristics of the Chinese as well as the historical roots of the spiritual world of Mainland China. Chinese culture values family hierarchy and

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harmony, which are core concepts in Confucianism, and they continue to be valued in President Xi’s era. Customarily, he has promoted Confucius’s ideas and Confucian education, with an effort to return to traditional Chinese culture and values, as a barricade against unwanted foreign influences (see Bhattacharya 2019). ‘Politically minded Confucian revivalists perceive Confucianism as the heart of national identity that departs from “foreign” traditions such as liberalism’ (Bell 2015: 33). In addition to official propaganda and advertisements, the China Dream is incorporated into schools, universities, and other different aspects of the Chinese education system. The so-called ‘dream walls’ that have appeared at many schools and universities encourage students to write their own dreams on the wall (BBC News, 6 June 2013). Student singing competitions have also been promoted as a result of a ‘chart-topping folk song’ based on the China Dream. China’s education system is seen as comparable in importance to political development and cultural growth, as well as comparable with the Chinese Dream. On the one hand, President Xi has made clear that it is essential for teachers to bolster ideological and political education and that they should carry out their obligation to cultivate the party-approved creed (Wong 2019). On the other hand, there is more potential for national restoration and for imparting a new global outlook in school education (see Ho 2018). The relationship between Chinese nationalism and globalization (or multiculturalism), particularly between collectivism and individualism, and its delivery through music contents and materials in the school education system has inspired a heated debate. With this in mind, this chapter will explore the extent to which policies for national identity formation and globalization interact to complement and contradict each other on the path of socialist education with Chinese characteristics in school music education. Before tracing the development of state ideology in education for culture and values development, this chapter will first present an overview of cultural politics and music in contemporary China.

A Review of Cultural Politics and Music in Modern China Revolution, nationalism, and communism have each played a significant role in China’s political development during the twentieth century. Both internal revolutions and foreign aggression have been important in shaping Chinese nationalism and communism. A collective identity has always been exercised by singing propaganda songs concerning patriotism, revolution,

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and communism, and this has given millions of singers a profound musical sense of who ‘we’ are and the role ‘we’ play in the social history of China. Twentieth-century propaganda songs have been used to expand the collective memories of individual Chinese people and to merge them into a collective, all-embracing memory of China as an ideal whole. These songs arose from three different social and political contexts: (1) a combination of national humiliation and patriotism during the first half of the twentieth century; (2) in praise of Red China3 under the cpc’s leadership between the establishment of the prc and the Cultural Revolution (cr); and (3) a celebration of the integration of Chinese nationalism and patriotism (rather than communism) after the 1978 economic reforms. Patriotic Movements in the First Half of the Twentieth Century Between the mid-nineteenth and twentieth centuries, China struggled against major invasions by both Western powers and Japan. The Qing Dynasty (1644-1911) was overthrown in 1911, and the Republic of China (roc) was installed in its place, ending thousands of years of imperial rule in China. Nationalism in China was a flag under which the nation was roused by the collective memory of its hatred of its enemy, Japan. In 1917, China joined the First World War (1914-1918) against Germany with a view to retrieving Shandong Province, but after the end of the war, when the Versailles Peace Conference in 1919 conceded Shandong to the Japanese, the Chinese felt betrayed. The end of the First World War thus coincided with a resurgence of Chinese nationalism. The first wave of modern Chinese nationalism reached its height during the May Fourth Movement (Wusi Yundong), also known as the New Culture Movement (Xin wenhua yundong), which denounced the Treaty of Versailles4 for granting the Japanese territorial rights over Shandong Province. During the May Fourth era (1915-1925), Chinese intellectuals debated the question of the relevance and validity of the Confucian tradition while searching for new ideas through Marxism and communism from abroad. The resultant 1919 May Fourth Movement attracted adherents among workers and merchants and spread from Beijing to Shanghai and other major 3 The use of red in the sense of ‘communist’ was chosen by the Bolsheviks in 1917. Red China became a recurrent villain in Cold War literature as an unofficial name for the prc. 4 The Treaty of Versailles was negotiated by the victorious powers between January and May 1919 and was signed on 28 June of that year. It was focused on Germany primarily, but it had dramatic consequences for China.

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cities. The movement peaked on 4 May 1919, when over 3,000 students from Peking University and other schools marched from many points to gather in front of Tiananmen to protest against China’s treatment in the Treaty of Versailles (for details, see Wang 2012: 184; also see Chen 1970; Wang 2019; Wasserstrom 2005; Wasserstrom and Liu 1989). Chinese protesters shouted slogans such as ‘Struggle for sovereignty externally’ and ‘Get rid of national traitors at home’ to denounce imperial aggression (Wang 2012: 185). The manifesto, circulated orally and in some Chinese newspapers, called for a tidal wave of nationwide strikes and boycotts of Japanese goods. Chinese protests also called for ‘Mr. Science’ (Sai xiansheng) and ‘Mr. Democracy’ (De xiansheng) to replace ‘Mr. Confucius’ in order to strengthen the new nation and to save their battered homeland (see Spence 1981: 117-123). The May Fourth Movement also marks China’s annual National Youth Day5 in contemporary China. At a few turning points in the growth of Chinese music and music education in the twentieth century, songs were adopted to translate political ideology with the aid of Western-based musical teaching materials. Three of the more influential composers of Chinese school songs were Shen Xin-gong (1869-1947), Li Shu-tong (1880-1942), and Zeng Zhimin (1879-1929), who had returned from musical training in Japan and were involved in the so-called school-song movement in the early years of the twentieth century (see Gong 2018: 99-100; Liu 2010: 74; Melvin and Cai 2004: 87). They believed that music could save the country, and they were the first of the ‘modern’ composers to synthesize Western (‘European Japanese’) songs with Chinese folk songs in a marching style. Besides his own written songs, Shen also used others from America, Europe, and Japan, but his lyrics were focused on anti-feudalism, support for the democratic revolution, and ‘the struggle for national prosperity’ (Liu 2010: 44). Protest songs denouncing the Versailles Peace Conference and Western and Japanese imperialism became popular. Students at the Shanghai Music Conservatory taught protest songs to students from other schools (Wasserstrom and Liu 1989: 10). Li Jinhui (1891-1967), a Chinese language and music educator, strove for school education that would promote ‘literature in the national language […] ethical citizenship, knowledge of nature, painting, handicrafts, music and sports’ (Jones 2001: 170). 5 Youth Day on 4 May is a public holiday that has been celebrated since 1949. This holiday is off icially a day off and is part of the so-called Golden Week, when China celebrates May holidays. Golden Week was the name given to a semi-annual seven-day or eight-day national holiday implemented in 2000. In 2019, Golden Week fell between 1 May and 4 May (including three days of official holidays and Youth Day).

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Protest songs continued to be widely promoted by Chinese musicians between the late 1920s and the mid-1940s. After the Japanese occupation of Manchuria in September 1931 and the bombing of Shanghai in early 1932, many musicians, writers, intellectuals, and filmmakers focused their work on the fate of their country, and patriotism in music was highly valued (Steen 1999/2000: 124). In the 1930s and 1940s, significant Chinese composers like Nie Er (1912-1935), Xian Xinghai (1905-1945), and Zhao Yuanren (1892-1982) made use of tunes in the national style to make contributions to new Chinese music. For example, ‘Song of the Counter-Japanese Military and Political University’ (also known as the ‘Military Academy Song’; lyrics written by Kai Feng and music composed by Lu Ji in November 1937) was the anthem of the Counter-Japanese Military and Political University6 and is the present-day anthem of the National Defence University of the People’s Liberation Army (pla) . Historians have identified the songs composed by Chinese musicians as the key to the acclaim of the leftist films of the 1930s and 1940s (see Yeh 2002: 83-93). Zhou Xuan’s (1920-1957) 1937 movie theme song ‘When Will You Return?’ (‘Heri Jun Zailai’) caught the mood of wartime China (see Steen 1999/2000: 133), while Nie Er’s ‘March of the Volunteers’ (‘Yiyong Jun Jinxing Qu’), originally the theme song for the 1935 patriotic movie Children of the Storm (Fengyun Ernu), was very popular during the war years and was later approved as the national anthem of the prc (see Luo 2014: 171-172). Revolution and Chinese Communism between the Establishment of the prc and the Cultural Revolution After decades of Japanese occupation and civil war, the spread of communism in China reached its pinnacle with the establishment of the prc in 1949. During the summer of 1949, the China Federation of Literature and Art Circles was founded to supervise national organizations representing the major branches of the arts, including the Chinese Artists’ Association, the Chinese Musicians’ Association, the Chinese Writers’ Association, the Chinese Filmmakers’ Association, the Chinese Dancers’ Association, and the Chinese Dramatists’ Association. Music and songs were enlisted into the service of its political ideology. All new and rearranged compositions had to be inspected first by the Chinese Musicians’ Association to make sure that they were politically correct. The revolutionary song ‘March of the Volunteers’ became its provisional national anthem on 27 September 1949. 6 This was a comprehensive public university located in Yan’an, Shaanxi, the headquarters of the Communist Party of China during the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945).

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Played at the beginning and the end of Children of the Storm, the song was intended to inspire the audience to feel ‘a rhythmic, disciplined action oriented to physical training and combat’, while the lyrics asked the audience to offer ‘the participation of [their] voice’ (Lee and Yang 2007: 13). However, ‘March of the Volunteers’ was no exception to the cr’s attack against tradition. Though the lyrics were disregarded, the memory invoked by the song was still present during diplomatic occasions (Xu and Fine 2010: 153). In October 1950, Mao Zedong (1893-1976) decided that China would enter the Korean War and fight against the us and its United Nations allies for control of the Korean peninsula. Chinese troops (known as the Chinese People’s Volunteer Army) crossed the Yalu River to assist the North Korean forces and were committed to the Korean War after the American troops crossed the 38th parallel. Mao also considered revolutionary songs important to the domestic political work of the cpc. Written under Party supervision and published by the Beijing authorities, these songs encouraged children ‘to look forward to a new day under socialism’ and to understand the bad old days under Japanese occupation (Cathcart 2010: 209). Chinese students were educated through singing about Japanese ‘war crimes’ and China’s ‘new enemy’, the us (Cathcart 2010: 209). Other popular songs that called for help from North Korea served ‘as a tremendous nationalistic rallying cry’ (Cathcart 2010: 203). For example, the film Battle on Shangganling Mountain (Shang Ganling), which was produced in 1956, described a bloody battle fought between the Chinese and the Americans on that site during the Korean War in late 1952. Its theme song, ‘My Motherland’,7 was a leading element of anti-American propaganda for decades. The film portrayed the battle as a Chinese victory over American imperialism. A common practice among communist artists was to set new words to popular folk tunes. For instance, in October 1943, in response to the Chinese Nationalists’ claim that ‘[w]ithout the nationalists, there would be no China’, Cao Huoxing, who was a member of the cpc and its anti-Japanese publicity squad, wrote the song ‘Without the Communist Party, There Would Be No China’, which lent new words to an old folk song. In 1950, Mao inserted the word ‘new’ into the song’s title – ‘Without the Communist Party, There Would Be No New China’ – thereby emphasizing the leadership of the cpc. 7 ‘My Motherland’ (music composed by Liu Chi and lyrics written by Qiao Yu) was initially called ‘A Big River’ in an attempt to represent the hundreds of rivers that flow in China. The song title was altered when it was published with the movie. Though the song was written for the movie Battle on Shangganling about the Korean War in the 1950s, there was no explicit mention of the war.

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The Cultural Revolution continued to stimulate revolutionary fervour and to establish Mao as a cult figure. What became known as ‘quotation songs’, which were drawn from the Little Red Book, were first publicized in the People’s Daily (Renmin Ribao) on the eve of National Day in 1966 (Clark 2008: 182). According to the newspaper, one factory worker said: The more one sings revolutionary songs, the redder becomes one’s heart; singing makes the whole body burst with energy […]! When singing about advancing […], we learn to advance […]; when singing about heroes, we learn to be heroes; with long strides we advance on the revolutionary road. (Cited in Wagner 1996)

While the cpc introduced red revolutionary songs, it actively suppressed other traditional and popular ones. ‘March of the Volunteers’ was banned from being played and sung during the cr, and its writer, Tian Han (18981968), was imprisoned. Produced in 1963, the musical film The East Is Red (Dongfang Hong) retold the history of the cpc, from its founding in 1921 to its victory over the Nationalists in 1949. The film became a cornerstone of Mao’s cult of personality, and its title song, also called ‘The East Is Red’ – a folk song with lyrics attributed to Li Youyuan (1903-1955), who was a farmer from northern Shanxi – became the de facto anthem of the prc. In 1965, Zhou Enlai (1898-1976), the prc’s first premier, guided and produced The East Is Red, a self-declared ‘song-and-dance epic’ (yinyue wudao shishi) that presented the history of the cpc as a propaganda musical. By the late 1960s, the Central People’s Broadcasting Station’s daily broadcasts began ‘before dawn and ended deep into the night with a rendition of the melody played on a set of ancient stone chimes’ (Jones 2020: 3). School students started their day by singing the song, and communal meetings commenced with its narration (Jones 2020: 3). The song, which affirmed Mao Zedong as the people’s saviour, became the first sound to be broadcast back to Earth from the satellite China launched into orbit in 1970 (Foster 2009). Besides ‘The East Is Red’, songs disseminated through state-controlled media were mainly limited to a few of the cpc’s classic songs, such as ‘The Internationale’ (‘Guoji Ge’), ‘Three Rules of Discipline and Eight Rules of Attention’ (‘Sanda Jilu Baxiang Zhuyi’), ‘Sailing the Seas Depends on the Helmsman’ (‘Dahai Hangxing Kao Duoshou’), ‘Ode to the Motherland’ (‘Gechang Zuguo’), ‘The Sun Is the Most Red, Most Pro Chairman Mao’ (‘Taiyang Zuihong, Mao Zhuxi Zuiqin’), ‘We Are Chairman Mao’s Red Guards’ (‘Women Shi Mao Zhuxi De Hong Weibing’), and ‘Long Live Chairman Mao’ (‘Wansui Mao Zhuxi’). All of these songs were characterized by march-like

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music and pro-communist lyrics, and they received air play from the 1940s to the 1970s. According to records in the National Library of China, no new books about ‘national humiliation’ were published in China between 1947 and 1990 (Callahan 2006: 186). Similarly, most Chinese educated during Mao’s tenure had ‘minimal knowledge about Japanese war atrocities’ (He 2007: 50). China is home to 56 ethnic minorities, each with their respective culture, identity, language, and religion. During the cr, many of the songs employed traditional melodies and styles, often by famous ethnic minorities and with distinct regional styles, to promote a sense of national unity amidst diversity (see Mackerras 1984). Compared with other revolutionary songs, the Chinese ethnic minority songs composed during the Cultural Revolution (cr) were much livelier, with danceable melodies and rhythms. One of the most popular songs, ‘Red Guards from the Grassland Met Chairman Mao’, which featured stereotypical motifs such as grasslands and the sound of horses galloping, was a particular reference to Mongolian nationality. Another song, ‘The Great Beijing’ (‘Weida de Beijing’), written by a Xinjiang composer, was filled with syncopated rhythms typical of Xinjiang ethnic minority dances. Other similar songs included ‘Never-Ending Singing of the Zhan Mountain’ (‘Zhan Shan Ge Sheng Yong Bu Lou’) by Zhang Wen of the Bei ethnic minority group and ‘Zhuang People Sing for Chairman Mao’ (‘Zhuang Zu Ren Ming Ge Chang Mao Zhu Xi’) by the Zhuang ethnic minority Creation Group of the Department of Culture in the Guangxi Zhaung Autonomous Region. These revolutionary songs by ethnic minorities ameliorated the usual breed of cr revolutionary songs with their diversity of ‘rhythmic and tonal idioms different from those of the mainstream Han music’ (Lau 2008: 107). A New Stage in the Promotion of Nationalism and Socialism after the 1978 Open Door Policy In December 1978, after the end of the Cultural Revolution and under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping (1904-1997), the cpc announced a new ‘open door’ policy to attract foreign business and capital. The Central Propaganda Department of the cpc (founded in May 1924 and suspended during the Cultural Revolution but restored in October 1977) has a central, guiding role in Chinese society in the current era. Revolutionary music and films are often adopted in current television programmes to connect ‘the goals and concerns of the present with those of the past and evoke feelings of nostalgia’ (Brady 2006: 72). In the 1980s, songs such as ‘My Chinese Heart’ (‘Wo De Zhongguo Xin’), ‘I Am Chinese’ (‘Wo Shi Zhongguo Ren’), and

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‘Descendants of the Dragons’ (‘Long de Chuaren’) were powerful musical representations of Chinese nationalism (see Ho 2006: 444). In 1984, Deng understood the iconic value of the Great Wall, an ancient series of walls and fortifications built on the norther borders of the Chinese empire, as a patriotic symbol and declared his intention to initiate a repair and reconstruction campaign titled ‘Love China, Restore the Great Wall’. The content of patriotic education was ‘non-Communist’-oriented. While ‘Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought’ were downplayed (Zhao 1998: 296), the cpc drastically reduced its imposition of communist ideology after the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, as Chinese Party leaders recognized the need to change the younger generation’s attitude toward both the Communist Party leadership and the Western powers (Wang 2008). Official propaganda songs, along with other symbols of Mao’s period, gradually declined. Though the discourse of Chinese nationalism and the music scene during the reform era was complicated by the country’s rapid economic development and various internal social conflicts such as the 1989 Tiananmen Square Incident, there was no change in the continuing power of the cpc to impose its long-standing ideology of a unified and strong China (Zhao 2004). In the early 1990s, there was a resurgence in Mao’s popularity (i.e., ‘Mao fever’ [Mao re] or ‘Mao craze’ [Mao rechao]) that led to red song ‘fever’ (Kraus 2012: 109). Between 1991 and 1992, ‘The Red Sun’ single, whose lyrics made use of Mao’s slogans, sold six million copies (Schrift 2001: 161; also see Barmé 1999). The album Red Sun featured Chinese popular music that included cover versions of odes to Mao Zedong, with ‘disco karaoke versions of revolutionary folk songs’ representing ‘a highly successful strategy’ by the cpc ‘to exploit [Chinese popular music], for commercial and also propaganda ends’ (Harris 2005: 402). Disco in Communist China broke ‘generational barriers’, and it was accepted positively by older Chinese (Gonzaba 2012: 18). It has been argued that the cpc used the Red Sun album to enter into competition with commercial recording companies for the first time as well as to compete for marketing business and to win the hearts and minds of the people (see Barmé 1999: 116-118; Gonzaba 2012: 18). Propaganda productions from the Cultural Revolution era appeared in new formats such as DVDs and karaoke versions, while revolutionary songs in praise of Mao appeared in rock and pop versions, and propaganda slogans were printed on T-shirts, porcelain, mouse pads, watches, and other memorabilia (see Mittler 2008: 466-467). Concurrently, the prc authorities selected propaganda material from pre-existing repertories of myths and national memories related to Chinese nationalism in an attempt to build popular support for national regeneration.

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In 1994, the Propaganda Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League of China (hereafter, cyl; also known as the Young Communist League of China) produced a set of patriotic education posters for the ‘commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the victory of the Chinese people’s struggle against Japan and the victory of the international struggle against fascism’ (Landsberger 2004: 34). The historical drama focused on the composition of the ‘March of the Volunteers’ and continued in the 1999 film The National Anthem, made in celebration of the 50th anniversary of the prc (Lee and Yang 2007: 13). State-controlled popular culture, such as films, songs, and other publications, chose patriotism as its theme. In 2009, a Chinese state-run poll showed that the song ‘The East Is Red’, which praises Mao as ‘the people’s saviour’, was the favourite Chinese patriotic song among the generations born after the Cultural Revolution (Guy-Ryan 2016). The year 2011 witnessed the release of a host of patriotic movies in China to celebrate the cpc’s 90th anniversary, including Beginning of the Great Revival, a sequel to 2009’s The Founding of a Republic. Though the latter film focuses on the founding of the Communist Party in China, its theme song, ‘One Day’, is largely about love for the motherland, and it became a national hit on China’s radio music charts immediately after its release. The movie itself featured more than 100 popular actors and actresses from Mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong in a transparent attempt to attract younger audiences and encourage them to identify with the historical characters portrayed in the film.

Nationalist Aspects of Education from the 1980s to the New Era The theoretical framework of historical and political analysis has been very effective in competing and contested narratives of the origin and direction of China’s nation, which is famous for its long state history (see Fitzgerald 1996; Matten 2012; Weiss 2014). Chinese nationalism in the twentieth century was directed against Japanese and Western imperialism rather than against its other Asian neighbours. Following Mao’s death in 1976 and in the wake of social and economic reforms under Deng Xiaoping after 1978, Chinese nationalism has become increasingly conditioned by the theme of globalization (or economic globalization). The purpose of China’s reforms was said to be the development of ‘socialism with Chinese characteristics’ (Deng 1984). The Chinese state has long included nationalism as an essential element of its efforts to create a new, unified, collective political culture. China’s national identity is referred to as a form of racial nationalism (Dikötter

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1992, 1994, 1997a), meaning a cultural nationalism that imagines the nation as having a distinctive civilization based on a unique history, culture, and territory. Efforts were made to boost patriotic education when, in 1982, the Chinese nation adopted its constitution, which maintained that Chinese citizens should love the nation and the people as well as receive education on ‘patriotism, collectivism, internationalism and communism’ (Fairbrother 2014: 25). As noted by Dikötter (1997b: 6), since the nationalist movements of the late nineteenth century, ‘[m]yths of origins, ideologies of blood and theories of biological descent have formed a central part in the cultural construction of identity in China’. Barmé (1996: 197) expressed that the mood of Chinese patriotism in the 1990s was that of ‘wounded national pride’ and asserted that a solution to China’s problem was its assimilation to the democracies of the West. Implementation of Patriotic Education after the 1989 June Fourth Incident Immediately following the Tiananmen Square Incident that occurred on 4 June 1989, the Chinese authorities strengthened patriotic education with a view to renewing a love of country and state within the Chinese people. The Teacher’s Law asserts that teachers have an obligation to provide patriotic education to their students. Zhao (2004: 218) argued that patriotic education in China started officially in the 1990s, and in 1991, ‘the first official document on patriotic education, a Circular on Fully Using Cultural Relics to Conduct Education in Patriotism and Revolutionary Traditions, was issued’ by the cpc’s Propaganda Department. The historical narrative of Japanese aggression in China has long been included in Chinese patriotic curriculum materials and has been consistent since the 1989 June Fourth Incident. As pointed out by Zhao (2004), in 1994, copies of tapes of history movies that told stories of Chinese patriots fighting for China in the Japanese war of aggression were made by television stations and sent to and screened at all secondary schools, even in remote areas. Large-scale demonstrations against the us and other Western nations began to take place in Chinese communities overseas, for example in response to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade in 1999, as well as demonstrations against Western nations in response to the issue of Tibet. Nationwide anti-Japanese protests in 1996, 2003, 2005, 2010, and 2012 were highly visible cases in China. For instance, on 7 September 2010, a collision occurred between a Chinese fishing trawler and a Japanese Maritime Self-Defence Force warship near Diaoyu Island (a group

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of uninhabited islands in the East China Sea), with the Chinese captain and all the fishermen being arrested by the Japanese. On 8 September, Chinese activists in the Defending Diaoyu Movement (also known as the Baodiao Movement, a pan-Chinese nationalism movement) gathered in front of the Japanese Embassy to protest against the moves by the Japanese government. Major Chinese cities such as Changsha, Chongqing, Shenyang, Shanghai, Shenzhen, and Wuhan also staged anti-Japanese demonstrations. On 16 October, university students in Xian held anti-Japanese rallies, and several thousand university students marched to the centre of the city, shouting ‘boycott Japanese goods’, ‘return our Diaoyu Island’, and ‘down with Japanese devils!’ (Tong and Lei 2014: 129). Students and protesters also sang the Chinese national anthem, ‘March of the Volunteers’, and other anti-Japanese songs. After the June Fourth Incident in 1989, the State Education Commission urged primary and secondary schools to teach modern Chinese history so that students would ‘remember historical lessons, and not […] forget imperialist invasion and Chinese people’s heroic resistance’ (Ministry of Education 1990: 103). Modern historical consciousness in China has largely been shaped by the ‘Century of Humiliation’ (also known as the ‘One Hundred Years of Humiliation’), from the mid-1800s to the mid-1900s. China’s defeats in wars against foreign aggression (particularly the Sino-Japanese conflicts) have been highlighted to foster patriotism in individuals and to further the national cause (e.g., Sneider 2013; Zhao 1998). The eight years’ war of resistance (i.e., from 1937 to 1945, which was often disregarded in Mao’s era) was a key epoch in the history of modern China and has re-emerged in the popular consciousness in Mainland China (Coble 2007). Museums and public monuments have played very significant roles in the formation of Chinese national memory and identity in the community as well as in school education. In 1991, the Central Propaganda Department of the cpc issued a ‘Notice about Conducting Education of Patriotism and Revolutionary Tradition by Exploiting Extensive Historical Relics’ to explain its rationale for adopting historical sites for patriotic education (Wang 2008: 794). Also begun in 1991, the ‘Patriotic Education Campaign’ (Aiguo zhuyi jiaoyu huodong) was launched to introduce Chinese youths to a version of history that de-emphasized the Maoist narrative of ‘class struggle within China in favour of the depiction of China as a victim of humiliation and brutality at the hands of foreign powers’ (Sneider 2013” 45). Since 1993, China’s Ministry of Education (moe) has introduced patriotism as a guiding principle for China’s education reforms, and the content stipulated in 1994 focused on two areas: (1) Chinese tradition and history; and (2) national unity and territorial integrity (Zhao 1998). In 1994, the cpc issued the ‘Outline

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on Implementing Patriotic Education’ that required local governments at all levels to set up ‘patriotic education bases’ as one of the most significant contents of the campaign (Wang 2008: 794). In 1995, the Ministry of Civil Affairs reported that it had carefully chosen 100 sites as national-level ‘demonstration bases’, including 40 memory sites related to past conflicts or wars with foreign countries, 24 sites representing the memory of Chinese civil wars between the cpc and the kmt between 1927 and 1949, and the remaining sites for myths and heroes (for details, see Table 2.1 below; Wang 2008: 795-796). Beijing was selected as the monument to bolster ‘the 100 national-level demonstrational bases’ for local governments’ (Wang 2012: 107). Table 2.1 The 100 national-level patriotic education bases External Conflicts (40 sites)

Civil Wars (24 sites) Myths (21 sites)

Heroes (15 sites)

20 sites – Anti-Japanese War (1937-1945) 7 sites – Opium Wars (1839-1842 and 1856-1860) 4 sites – Korean War (1950-1953) 1 site – Russian Invasion (1858) 1 site – China-India War (1962) 1 site – War with the Dutch over Taiwan (1662) 1 site – Invasion of the Eight-Power Allied Forces (1900) 5 sites – Other general anti-imperialism museums/sites Civil wars between the CPC and the KMT (1927-1949) 15 sites – Wonders (ancient architecture, museums of ancient civilization) 4 sites – Relics from prehistoric civilization 2 sites – Great achievements after 1949 7 sites – CPC Leaders 4 sites – Model Workers 4 sites – Patriots

Throughout the history of the prc, schools – among other societal organizations – have been guided to mould citizens’ knowledge, attitudes, and behaviour towards society, the nation, and the state through patriotic and political education. Scholars (e.g., Fairbrother 2003, 2004; Zhou and Wang 2017) have argued thatChina’s patriotic education has been effective in influencing student attitudes. For example, in a 2003 study on the effects of patriotic education on shaping the political attitudes of Mainland Chinese university students, Fairbrother (2003) concluded that patriotic education was effective in changing students’ attitudes toward the state and that they eventually came to hold attitudes in line with the Chinese education policy promoted by the Chinese government. From data collected in June 2014 from more than 1,400 students at three elite universities in Beijing, Zhou and

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Wang (2017: 181) found that nationalist propaganda (particularly patriotic education) had a significant effect on negative sentiment toward Japan, while state-approved textbooks with information about Japan, museum and memorial visits, and television programmes and movies ‘relating to the War of Resistance against Japan [were] all associated with more intense anti-Japanese sentiment’. Constructing the ‘China Path’ and the ‘Chinese Dream’ in the Community in the Global Age China’s economic rise over the last few decades has brought the issue of education to the forefront of public consciousness, particularly the continual rollout of the patriotic education campaign in the Global Age of China. Since Xi Jinping came to power in 2012, the cpc has attempted to limit the impact of Western ideas while borrowing from Chinese traditions to inspire confidence in China’s development model (also known as the ‘China Path’). Since President Xi took office, Chinese nationalism and the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation have become the central themes of his ‘Chinese Dream’ discourse (see Bhattacharya 2019; Ho 2018; Peters 2020). At the same time, Xi has attempted to reconcile socialism in the Mao Zedong era and the reform and legacy of Deng Xiaoping. The core socialist values (shehui zhuyi hexin jiazhiguan), a set of new official interpretations of 12 values written in 24 Chinese characters – prosperity, democracy, civil society, social harmony, freedom, equality, justice, the rule of law, patriotism, dedication, integrity, and friendliness – were promoted at the 18th National Congress of the cpc in 2012, during which President Xi became the General Secretary of the cpc. On 29 November 2012, he explained the concept of the Chinese Dream when he visited the ‘Road to Revival’ exhibition organized by the National Historical Museum (later known as his ‘Chinese Dream’ speech). He described the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation as a celebration of the present and a declaration of its future (see Mohanty 2013: 34). A top-down political campaign followed throughout the party, and the country began promoting the dream; the Chinese Dream has been the main theme of most of President Xi’s public speeches ever since. According to the database of Chinese academic journals at the China National Knowledge Infrastructure (cnki),8 8,249 articles that mentioned the ‘Chinese Dream’ were published within China by mid-2014 (Sørensen 2015: 55; also see Callahan 2015c). 8 The cnki (first launched in 1996 by Tsinghua University and Tsinghua Tongfang Company) is a key national information construction project under the lead of Tsinghua University. It is

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The cpc orchestrated the conception of ‘China’s premodern past’ in its comprehensive creed and blended traditional and historical values such as ‘harmony’ in its stage setting of ‘socialist core values’ (Shi-Kupfer et al. 2017: 28; also see Callahan 2015a, 2015b; Peters 2017, 2020). ‘Harmony’ is a Confucian concept with a long history that has been readopted by the present-day prc government. Since the early 2000s, harmony has been popularized ‘as China’s alternative to the ideas of freedom and democracy’ (Callahan 2015b: 993). The nucleus of the Chinese Dream is the concept of harmony, which was historically derived from musical consonance and symphonic music. The achievement of the Chinese Dream has greatly relied upon reforms in fields such as the culture industry and education. Althusser (1971) uses the concept of Ideological State Apparatuses (isa) as certain distinct and specialized institutions, which include political, religious, educational, communications, and cultural isas. Mass media forms such as film, television, magazines, advertising, and the Internet are essential in producing shared imaginations and common experiences to construct the nation and to promote nationalism. In addition to the search for social harmony, nationalism has been on the rise in China (including among online communities) in the past decade (see Guo 2018). Youth culture in China largely mirrors global trends toward greater commercialization as seen by its consumption of Baidu and Taobao (the Chinese equivalents of Google and eBay, respectively), iPhones, and iPads. Among this demographic, the press, radio, and television function as the communications isa. In December 2013, the prc government issued guidelines for practicing core socialist values, and Chinese mass media such as radio and television stations were urged to run more public service broadcasts to spread core socialist values during prime time, while newspapers were instructed to provide more space to such issues (see Ho 2018: 234-235). The Chinese government has embraced rap music to spread President Xi’s message, particularly to the younger generation. The cpc has developed a repertoire for digital communication, such as ‘stylish cartoons and video clips’ aimed at the younger generation, with more than 100,000 official accounts featured in China’s messaging service WeChat and 180,000 profiles for state agencies in the microblogging platform (Shi-Kupfer et al. 2017: 10). These important new formats have been used to attempt to sell the Party to society (see Table 2.2 below, adapted from Shi-Kupfer et al. 2017: 32). supported by the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Science, the Propaganda Department of the cpc, and the General Administration of Press and Publication.

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Table 2.2 Selling the Party through new formats between 2013 and 2017 (selected video clips conveying the CPC’s message) Video Clip (Language, Year) Produced By

Key Ideas

The CPC works hard on behalf of the people to realize the China Dream. Studio on Fuxing Road US elections and politics are skewed by money, while China’s leaders are carefully trained. Who is Xi Dada? (both English People’s Daily Xi is taking care of China as he and Chinese, 2015) would take care of his own family. Everybody loves him. Going with Uncle Xi, US Studio on Fuxing Road The United States benefits from edition (English, 2015) business with China. The Shisawu (English, 2015) Studio on Fuxing Road, China’s five-year plans are BBDO based on careful and thorough research. China Central TeleviEfficient task force fighting on beThe Leading Small Group on sion (CCTV) half of the people by eliminating Comprehensive Reforms is corruption and pushing through turning two (Chinese, 2015) reforms. The Kung Fu of the Chinese Studio on Fuxing Road China’s ‘new normal’: Economic slowdown is intentional, economy (English, 2016) strategic, and smart. The Communist Youth Rational, patriotic Party Warriors The legend of the online volunteers (Chinese, 2016) League fight selflessly for truth, order, and cybersecurity in the chaotic Internet. Who am I? (Chinese, 2016) CCTV The CCP is working selflessly and tirelessly on behalf of the Chinese people. Belt and Road bedtime stories China Daily China’s efforts to bring prosper(English and Chinese, 2017) ity and peace to regions along the ancient Silk Road, told as bedtime stories by a Western English-speaking father to his daughter. Xinhua (New China) TV A German student calls for How amazing is it to live in learning from China’s innovative China? Let’s hear it from a and flexible cashless economy. German (German, English, and Chinese, 2017)

The Communist Party is with you along the way (both English and Chinese, 2013) How leaders are made (both English and Chinese, 2013)

Studio on Fuxing Road

The Cyberspace Administration of China (cac), founded in 2014, is in charge of Internet content regulations and cyberspace security as well as approval of business related to online news reporting. On 12 February 2015, a music video featuring cac staff members performing a new

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choral anthem titled ‘Cyberspace Spirit’9 was filmed at a gala hosted by the Beijing Internet Association to honour China’s cyberspace administration’s work in transforming the world into a better place, which was televised during a New Year’s celebration event. The lyrics are closely tied to the construction of the Chinese Dream as noted in the f inal section of the chorus, which exclaims: ‘Internet superpower: Tell the world that the Chinese Dream is uplifting China. Internet superpower: I represent my nation to the world.’ In August 2015, China’s Ministry of Culture banned 120 songs from streaming music sites and karaoke businesses for inappropriate content promoting crime, violence, sex, and harming public morality. The songs were also banned from commercial performance for being harmful to Chinese society.

Music Education in the Interaction between Chinese Nationalism and Chinese Communism in the Global Age Since the beginning of the twentieth century, the incorporation of Western musical learning into the Chinese education system has included the establishment of Western music instruction at the primary, secondary, and higher education levels in Mainland China (see Ho 2003; Liu 2010). In developing its Chinese music education system, China has borrowed from the West, particularly its teaching and learning materials. At the higher education level, music education on the Mainland was developed by intellectuals who were trained in Western countries as well as by foreign missionaries. These institutions have also reflected the orientation of the inflow of Western music into China since the 1920s. Chinese composers/musicians have long assimilated Western music styles in writing for both symphonic orchestras and their own traditional instruments. In 1927, the first National Shanghai Conservatory of Music was set up with an education system imitating that of America and Europe. It also served as a model for other institutions in later periods. Other important conservatories, such as the Central Conservatory of Music founded in 1950 and the China Conservatory of Music established in 1964, have continued to dominate the training of professional musicians and music teachers on the Mainland. Conservatories such as the Xinghai Conservatory of Music (founded in 1932), the Xi’an Conservatory (1949), the Shenyang Conservatory 9 The music video, with English subtitles, can be viewed at: https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v = -QlNjvWlWZk&t = 53s (accessed 7 July 2020).

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of Music (1938), the Sichuan Conservatory of Music (1939), the Tianjin Conservatory of Music (1958), and the Wuhan Conservatory of Music (1965) were closely modelled after those of the Soviet Union. Contemporary Chinese music and music education have long been criticized as being understandable only in terms of Western music systems. Though Chinese conservatories, universities, and schools encourage students to study traditional Chinese music and traditional Chinese musical instruments, music learning is still heavily weighted towards traditional Western music. The influence of Western music continues to upset the balance between the development of Chinese and Western music in the Global Age of China. With China’s entry into the World Trade Organization in 2001, its successful bid for the 2008 Olympic Games, and the staging of the 2010 World Exposition in Shanghai, China has steadily integrated with the global economy in the last two decades. The development of a market economy has inspired increasing numbers of people in China to espouse more materialistic and individualistic values and has made Chinese society ‘more diversified’, which has brought about changes in ‘ordinary Chinese life’ (Cao 2009: 47). On the one hand, the Chinese government has more generally adopted diverse means to integrate identity formation through nationalism and patriotism in official songs. On the other hand, it has focused on maintaining the diversity of official popular songs (particularly rap songs) that transmit its political ideology and education. The government has attempted to move away from traditional propaganda works inspired by Marx and Mao to a friendlier and more popular image with the integration of celebrity power. The Diverse Means of Promoting Chinese Nationalism in the Community The Chinese state has established a stronger sense of nationalism and national identity in the public and has even shaped nationalist content through informational media, especially through state-owned and state-supported television stations, radio stations, and newspapers (see Gao 2015). To catch young people’s attention, the Chinese government has taken a leading role in producing hit promotional movies and videos to extoll ‘amazing China’ before its political meetings in the past two years. Amazing China is a 90-minute patriotic documentary created by China’s state broadcaster in 2018 featuring China’s achievements in the areas of science, technology, infrastructure, and military modernization since President Xi came to power in 2012.

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Moreover, the annual Spring Festival Gala10 organized by China Central Television (cctv, the dominant state television broadcaster with a network of 50 channels broadcasting different programmes in Mainland China) has often presented songs and dances that focus on unity by bringing various ethnic groups together. For years, renditions of 1980s and 1990s patriotic songs by Peng Liyuan – President Xi’s wife and a famous folk singer for the pla – have been seen by nearly the entire Chinese nation during cctv’s Chinese New Year Gala. The annual Gala is regarded as a platform for cultivating love for traditional Chinese music and an understanding of the various music styles of the country’s 56 ethnic groups (see Gorfinkel 2018; Ho 2018). In 2013, Celine Dion performed a Chinese folk song with a famous Chinese military singer. In 2014, Cheung Ming Man, a Hong Kong singer who shot to fame in China after his song ‘My Chinese Heart’ was released in 1984, presented a new song called ‘My Chinese Dream’ (echoing President Xi’s favourite political slogan) at the 2015 Spring Festival Gala. At the 2019 Gala, there were song medleys, dances, and eye-catching costumes featuring the different ethnic groups of China. The songs of cctv’s 2020 Spring Festival Gala were popular, and some paid tribute to Chinese history and culture, while others expressed warm human emotions. The Gala was held in three separate locations, including the leading venue in Beijing and sub-venues in Zhengzhou (the provincial capital of Henan Province) and the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area, and the focus was on the theme of ‘Sharing a Well-off Dream and Having a Happy New Year’. The prc government has stipulated that, in line with Chinese nationalism, new propaganda songs must be closer to the lives of the people and reflect the ‘identities of generations of Chinese who lived through Chinese history’ to frame ‘their pain, excitement, hope, and belonging’ (Gao 2015: 3). Written to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the prc and performed by Hong Kong film star Jackie Chan and famous Mainland singer Liu Yuanyuan, the song ‘Country’ stresses that each household is tied to the fate of the nation as they work together to build a symbolic ‘country’. In their music video, each time the word jia (‘home’) is sung, one or both singers form the sign language symbol for ‘home’. Such lyrics express the Chinese government’s intention to construct a harmonious society and to foster a strong system of morality for the people by extending the love and responsibility learned within the family to the whole community. In the nationwide nomination of Red Songs in the 10 The beginning of the Spring Festival Gala first aired in 1983. Since 2016, the cctv Gala has used the implementation of multiple venues, or ‘sub-venues’, from which the show is broadcast, while the main station is located in Beijing (Koetse 2019).

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2011 ‘Singing over China’ campaign, 36 contemporary songs were chosen from among 18,132 entries, many of which were recent popular hits about loving one’s family and one’s nation (Ho 2016a: 68). All 36 songs emphasized leading a positive, happy, healthy, and harmonious life in a socialist society as well as the importance of the cpc’s efforts to revive the country. The ruling cpc has encouraged popular nationalist sentiment in China for decades as a means of strengthening its own political legitimacy. Historical memory not only offers ways to reconstruct the past but also helps explain present conditions, since the present is constituted by the past (Halbwachs 1980). In the new Communist China, nationalism continues to be centred on historical memories of opposition to the Japanese invasion. As early as October 2004, Beijing authorities announced a new patriotic education project titled ‘Three One Hundred for Patriotic Education’, which included 100 films, 100 songs, and 100 books, all with patriotic themes (Wang 2008: 796). One such book was Never Forget Our National Humiliation (Wang 2008: 796). Nationalism in China, which emerged through historical humiliation, continues to be the work and expression of the propaganda efforts of the cpc in the new China. Beginning in the spring semester of 2017, China’s textbooks adopted the phrase ‘14-year Chinese People’s War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression’ (rather than the phrase ‘Eight-year Chinese People’s War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression’). Although the last Sino-Japanese War ended more than 70 years ago, anti-Japanese protest songs that had been popular at that time are still regarded as ‘golden oldies’ and as such continue to raise awareness of China’s past national humiliation and anti-Japanese sentiments. On various occasions celebrating the anniversary of the commemoration, the government actively encouraged the singing of popular anti-war hits from that period, such as ‘On the Songhua River’ (‘Songhuajian Shang’), ‘Protect the Yellow River’ (‘Baowei Huanghe’), ‘The Song of the Guerrilla’ (‘Youjidui Ge’), and other songs in praise of the motherland, in order to promote enthusiastic patriotism and refresh war memories among the Chinese people (see Liu 2010: 186-189). To strengthen Chinese nationalism, the state media has provoked a resurgence in patriotic songs to develop a personality cult with a particular focus on President Xi Jinping. In 2016, a rapidly expanding list of songs took the prize for being the most personally complimentary towards the Chinese leader, including ‘Our Xi Dada’, ‘Xi Dada Loves Peng Mama’, and ‘The Rise of Xi Dada’ (despite Beijing authorities discouraging the use of positive nicknames for the leader), all written by unaffiliated Chinese songwriters. The song ‘Xi Dada Comes to Our Home’ was posted by an official provincial WeChat account in Anhui on 2 May 2016. In November 2017, ‘some 4,500

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loudspeakers’ were set up in the capital of Hebei Province to exhort people to ‘unite tight around President Xi’ (Dikötter 2019: 160). In the same month, a newly composed patriotic song, ‘To Follow You Is to Follow the Sun’ (‘Genzhe Ni Jiushi Genzhe Na Taiyang’), praising former Chinese leader Mao Zedong, was launched in Beijing. The song also imputed similar significance to President Xi, and it conjured up patriotic images of Chinese flag ceremonies and saluting soldiers, introducing a new era of choral singing: ‘To follow you is to follow the sun. The earth is splendid. The sky is clearer. To follow you is to follow the sun. The people are cheering and singing of the Chinese Dream’ (my translation). As China is undergoing a period of rapid social and economic transitions, this represents a revealing case study of the role of ideology in the transmission and reception of popular songs containing propaganda. The use of propaganda songs has raised national historical awareness and thereby continues to be the most important component of the cpc’s ideology. Singing such songs is also a sign of loving the nation and its diplomatic handling of foreign affairs in the new China. Using English and Rap Music to Spread State Propaganda Since the 1990s, the prc’s expression of ‘anti-foreign’ has become dominant in popular culture (see Barmé 1996). At the turn of the twenty-first century, Beijing authorities issued a proclamation on patriotism (i.e., devotion to one’s country). This included the implementation of ‘orthodox ideology’ to cultivate national pride and to unify the diverse ethnic groups in China. The call for patriotism was meant to ‘counteract regional decentralization to divert attention from inequalities’ such as the uneven distribution of wealth and the rift between cities and the countryside (Xu 2012: 114). The Chinese government has also attempted to move away from traditional propaganda works inspired by Marx and Mao to a friendlier and more popular image with the integration of celebrity power. The government has therefore embraced rap music to spread President Xi’s message, particularly to the younger generation. In the past few years, the cpc and the state media have adopted a new strategy of using rap songs to get its message across, not only to the nation but also around the globe. To engender a political discourse that squares economic development and globalization with nationalism, these propaganda songs have attempted to strike the right balance between the two and to essentially strengthen the nationalism-globalization and the nationalism-economic nexus in the context of fluctuating foreign and domestic pressure. Thus, new propaganda music videos are intended to reach out to the smartphone generation.

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English11 is an important part of establishing China’s propaganda overseas. In 2015, the state-run news agency Xinhua released a new propaganda song in English aimed at foreign audiences that has been described as having unusual tunes and lyrics. The song is about the release of the ‘Proposal on Formulating the Thirteenth Five-Year Plan (2016-2020) on National Economic and Social Development’, which reaffirms President Xi’s policy vision for China in the Global Age as well as the nation’s blueprint for economic and social development matters in the world. The song, which went viral in October 2015, used an animated clip to explain the country’s national roadmap for the Thirteenth Five-Year Plan. Backed by an acoustic guitar, four cartoon characters with American accents sing about the Plan while travelling atop lily pads through a mint green and fuchsia dreamscape to China’s Great Wall, and then in a Volkswagen bus, to explain the significance of China’s Five-Year Plan for 2016-2020.12 The cartoon video ends by saying, ‘Now it’s time to get ready for the Fourteenth Five-Year Plan.’ This video shows that the Chinese government is seeking new ways to improve its image through the increasing soft power of China. In December 2015, China’s state broadcaster cctv released a rap-themed propaganda video titled ‘The Reform Group Is Two Years Old’ in support of President Xi. In May 2017, Chinese state media sent out a ‘Sesame Street’-style propaganda video on Weibo in which a group of delighted children sing the English song ‘The Road and Belt Is How’ (‘how’ is a near-homonym of hao, the Chinese word for ‘good’). The song lyrics warmly praise the Belt and Road Initiative and tout the trade initiative of the country’s ‘One Belt, One Road’, which will allow people to ‘trade in our wealth’, ‘connect with our hearts’, and ‘share in a world of prosperity’. With cartoon graphics of various countries shown, the video seeks to appeal to both Chinese and Western audiences. Moreover, in 2016, the cyl promoted the English-language rap song ‘This Is China’ sung by the hip-hop group Tianfu Shibian (also known as CD Rev, 11 China has chosen English as the major foreign language taught in schools, colleges, and universities. As part of the curriculum reforms for the nine years of compulsory education in China, a new English language curriculum was introduced for junior secondary schools in 1993 (Adamson 2001). English has become a compulsory subject in China beginning in Grade Three since 2003 and has been gradually introduced into the curriculum even earlier in many schools. International schools are mostly located in the four municipalities (Beijing, Chongqing, Shanghai, and Tianjin) and other provincial capitals, such as Changsha, Chengdu, Guangzhou, Shijiazhuang, and Wuhan. 12 The music video can be viewed at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v = m91zBt94Ll0 (accessed 7 July 2020).

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a band from Chengdu City in Sichuan Province) on YouTube and Facebook.13 The group rose to prominence for attacking Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen in their English-language song ‘The Force of Red’, which featured lyrics about embracing the ‘one China’ principle. ‘This Is China’, regarded as a campaign by the Chinese government to soften its image in the rest of the world, was produced by Chinese people born in the 1990s. The lyrics are an assertion that the people’s Chinese Dream will come true, but they also do not shy away from China’s problems, such as air pollution. According to Qiao Mu, a Chinese media researcher, ordinary people in China are rejecting the old preaching style used by the People’s Daily newspaper and cctv news (Li and Munroe 2017). Though hip-hop made it big in China in 2017, the prc government tightened its control over the media and the arts in January 2018. The Rap of China (Zhongguo Xin Shuochang), a Chinese rap competition show that first aired on 24 June 2017, was produced by iQiyi, an online video platform based in Beijing. The show was credited for popularizing hip-hop in Mainland China. In January 2018, the National Radio and Television Administration strengthened the cpc’s centralized leadership in new and public media and banned references to hip-hop culture and actors with tattoos from mass media. The two winners of The Rap of China, PG One and GAI, were criticized for deteriorating the cpc’s values and social morality. PG One was pushed to make a public apology for his inappropriate lyrics about drugs and sex, and his music was removed from most Chinese websites. According to Gao Changli, Director of the Administration’s Publicity Department, four new ‘Definitely Don’t’ guidelines were set and released on 19 January 2018 regarding inviting guests to radio and television programmes: Don’t invite guests who conflict with the cpc’s core and morals; Don’t invite guests who are tasteless, vulgar, and obscene; Don’t invite guests who have unsophisticated ideological and artistic merit; and Don’t invite guests with stains, scandals, and problematic moral integrity. (Kingdom 2018; my translation)

This act was part of a crackdown on ‘low taste content’ (Pasha-Robinson 2018). Despite the official crackdown on hip-hop culture in the mainstream media, hip-hop is a movement for change to promote China’s state reforms. The promotional music videos for the Belt and Road Initiative feature the trade-boosting schemes from around the world. In May 2017, the first Belt 13 The music video, with English subtitles, can be viewed at: https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v = HCm3sbujB8g (accessed 7 July 2020).

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and Road Forum for International Cooperation, an infrastructure-building project, was held in Beijing with a gathering of 29 heads of state and governments, representatives from more than 130 countries, and many international organizations. In 2018, China’s state-run Xinhua News Agency released musical propaganda via a catchy hip-hop music video titled ‘Here We Go, Belt and Road’. Another song’s composition, titled ‘The Belt and Road, Sing Along’, was credited to Nan Band, a rock band that combines Kazakh folk music and metal music from Xinjiang, China. Performed in English by an actor and one of the Xinhua News Agency’s reporters, the three-minute clip highlights the fruitful cooperation between China and countries along the Belt and Road project. The singalong was created by Chinese millennials. Moreover, Xinhua promoted the Two Sessions gathering 14 of Chinese lawmakers and a top political advisory body held in Beijing – with promises of the road to common prosperity, better lives for the Chinese people, and a more prosperous society – by producing an English rap video and releasing it on 4 March 2019. The song was composed and performed by Chinese rapper Su Han, who depicted the ‘two sessions’ as an opportunity to showcase China’s power.15 The video, titled ‘Two Sessions: To the World from China’, begins with a dramatic camera angle panning over Beijing’s Great Hall of the People, where members of the National Congress of the cpc would gather on 5 March 2019. The clip was also composed of snapshots of China’s recent achievements, including its moon landing, poverty alleviation, and the Sunway Taihu Light supercomputer. Recently, the cyl launched a new three-and-a-half minute music video titled ‘Be as Good as Your Word’ (‘Shuo Dao Zuo Dao’), featuring popular young Chinese artists (including Roy Wang, Timmy Xu, Wei Daxun, Crystal Zhang, Shen Yue, and Wang Likun) as a group of Chinese students singing about how to achieve good social credit. This new music video intends to propagate China’s Social Credit System16 among the younger Chinese generation.17 The song lyrics highlight 14 Amazing China was released on 2 March 2018 (i.e., three days before the Two Sessions meeting) and is about China’s economic and technological achievements in the last five years. In the Two Sessions meeting, President Xi was elected to a second term with 100 per cent of the votes on 17 March 2018. It was also decided that China’s two-term presidential limit would be discontinued. 15 The music video can be viewed at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v = a5rvO5e-rik (accessed 7 July 2020). 16 The Social Credit System is a national reputation system being developed by the Chinese government to rate the integrity and the level of trustworthiness of its 1.4 billion citizens in Mainland China. 17 The song lyrics of ‘Be as Good as Your Word’ were written by Cui Shu, with music by Zhao Jialin, who had an Internet hit with the song ‘Little Apple’ and also worked on the theme song for Beijing’s 2022 Winter Olympics bid.

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the importance of the future and the idea that one should be ‘trustworthy’ (chengxin, one of China’s core socialist values), which implies integrity, honesty, and trustworthiness. In 2019, the Chinese state media continued to use rap music to promote propaganda through its internal affairs division and to slam the Hong Kong protests. Hip-hop acts around the world are known for their antiestablishment standpoint, but seemingly not in China. Many of the rappers on the Mainland are very patriotic and have adopted social media to challenge the pro-democracy demonstrations in Hong Kong in the second half of 2019. A pro-establishment rap song in China titled ‘Hong Kong’s Fall’, produced by a Chinese rap band called CD Rev (also known as Chengdu Revolution), is one of the latest weapons in Beijing’s propaganda war to discredit pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong. With visuals of protesters fighting against the authorities and breaking into Hong Kong’s legislative buildings, the English-language rap song begins by mocking their demand for democracy, describing it as an excuse for violence such as throwing bombs across city streets. Other Chinese rappers have publicly expressed their support for the Beijing authorities and the Hong Kong police, and many others have followed (Wright 2019). The release of the track came after hip-hop acts in China, such as Higher Brothers (a Chinese hip-hop group from Chengdu), Vava (a Chinese rapper from Ya’an, Sichuan), and PG One (also known as Wang Hao, one of China’s best-known rappers), turned to social media to post their pro-police memes created by the Communist Party’s media, including images of the Chinese flag, in support of the Hong Kong police. School Music Education between Communism and Nationalism When the cpc established the prc in 1949, it was inevitably confronted by the uneasy relationship between Chinese communism and Chinese nationalism in school education. In the past 30 years, China has undergone tremendous political and economic changes and has witnessed the decline of communist ideology (particularly after the 1989 Tiananmen Square Incident) and a rise in nationalism. In regard to this complex association, nationalism in present-day China’s school music education can be observed in two domains: (1) the continual focus on anti-foreign aggression in its teaching materials; and (2) the presentation of teaching materials on the image of a ‘new Communist China’. Even though the Second Sino-Japanese War ended nearly 74 years ago, an anti-Japanese feeling remains in the Chinese community and in school

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education. As claimed by Zhao (2004: 232-233), the Chinese people ‘were asked to bear in mind that weakness, disunity, and disorder at home would invite foreign aggression and result in loss of Chinese identity […] suffering before 1949 demonstrated’. Nationalist propaganda, such as patriotic education, was implanted among students, beginning with young students and continuing throughout the many stages of schooling (see Liu and Ma 2018; Wasserstrom 2005; Zhou and Wang 2017). In 1995, in celebration of the 50th anniversary of China’s war victory, a large-scale commemorative campaign was launched to bring patriotic education to a climax. Chinese secondary school students nationwide conducted the ‘Six Hundred Project’ to popularize a long list of patriotic books, movies, television dramas, poems, and songs (He 2013: 110). Anti-Japanese songs such as ‘The Sino-Japanese War’ (1894-1895) are still used in the community and in class to praise the reconstruction of the nation after Japanese aggression (Ho 2006, 2018). China declared the 70th anniversary of Japan’s surrender in the Second World War a public holiday on 3 September 2015. Beijing and other major cities had massive military parades and presented concerts to mark China’s victory in the anti-Japanese war. The ‘Yellow River Cantata’, which was composed by the late well-known Chinese composer Xian Xinghai (19051945), rang out in many celebration activities and concert halls celebrating the 70th anniversary of the victory of the Chinese People’s War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War.18 At the opening ceremony of the Ninth Beijing International Film Festival (presented as a tribute event under the theme ‘Home, Country’ and marking the 70th anniversary of the founding of the prc), the life story of Xian Xinghai was presented in a debut film about the ‘Yellow River Cantata’ in Yan’an 19 to mark its 80th anniversary. Patriotic songs (both old revolutionary songs and newly created ones) extolling the cpc and President Xi’s Chinese Dream are popular in both the community and school education. In late February 2019, for example, a video featuring more than two dozen children wearing T-shirts with the characters for ‘China’ on them and literally singing their praise of the company Huawei – a leading multinational provider of information and communications technology in China – in the song ‘Huawei Is Beautiful’ 18 For example, more than 40,000 people participated in singing the ‘Yellow River Cantata’ and other old revolutionary songs on the banks of the Yellow River in Zhengzhou City in Henan Province on 30 August 2015. The video can be viewed at: https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v = 8TZSuslWLCg (accessed 7 July 2020). 19 Yan’an (located in the northern province of Shaanxi) served as the largest base and headquarters of the cpc after the Long March, from 1936 to 1949.

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(‘Huawei Mei’) went viral on Chinese social media.20 The release of ‘Huawei Is Beautiful’ reflected the global pressure that Western governments continued to face. The music video was created by the production company Zhoudan Kid’s Singing Classroom based in Zhuhai, South China and was posted on its WeChat social media account. Some of the patriotic lyrics delineated in the song are, for example, ‘What is the best phone in the world? Everyone says it’s Huawei,’ and ‘Teacher tells me to love my country, and to love our domestic brand Huawei! Huawei is good, Huawei is beautiful, Huawei earns reputation and honour for China.’ The cpc celebrated its 90th anniversary in 2011 and has since experienced various conflicts in establishing and consolidating its ruling position in China domestically and internationally. On the global stage, President Xi has presented China as a supporter of the free market and a champion of economic globalization; however, he is also leading a campaign to indoctrinate the country with the ideologies of Marxism, Leninism, and Maoism to eliminate capitalism. In the past decade, school education in China has witnessed changes, with a further rise of patriotism among young students. The Chinese Dream has been incorporated into schools and education reforms in diverse formats, and many schools and universities encourage their students to write their Chinese dreams on ‘dream walls’ on campus. Patriotic education includes the study of the long history of China and its civilization, an appraisal of the cpc, political ideology, national integrity, and unity. The Chinese state is the sole authority in managing values in music education and appropriate and healthy lyrics delineated in the official approved textbook materials (Ho 2016b; Ho and Law 2004; Ministry of Education 2011, 2017). The National Anthem Law, which was approved by the Standing Committee of the National Congress of the cpc in September 2017 and went into effect on 1 October 2017, obliges teachers to teach students to sing the anthem, to learn its history and spirit, and to obey the etiquette for singing it (for details on the National Anthem Law in Chinese, visit the National Congress of the cpc website, 2017). Patriotism is not only expressed in posters but also through singing patriotic songs and in flag-raising ceremonies by primary and secondary school students (Landsberger 2005: 667). On 31 December 2018, a new song, ‘The Chinese Dream’, composed by Hou Dejian (a Taiwanese songwriter and singer), was released during a ceremony at Zhengding Middle School in Hebei Province, where President Xi worked 20 The music video can be viewed at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v = NQsSQp2WoRo&t = 55s (accessed 7 July 2020).

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as a Party Secretary for three years, beginning in 1983. The song inspired the school to cultivate patriotism in its students. The current music curriculum guidelines in China, according to the ‘Nine Year Compulsory Full-Day Education Curriculum’, are six years of elementary school music and three years of junior secondary school music (Ministry of Education 2011), while the ‘Music Curriculum Standard for Senior High School’ calls for three years of senior high school music (Ministry of Education 2017). The topic of Chinese nationalism is now featured in the first unit of some music textbooks (e.g., Hunan Literature & Art Publishing House 2018a, 2019; People’s Education Press 2016a; People’s Music Publishing House 2015a, 2018a, 2019; Shanghai Educational Publishing House 2015, 2017a). Examples of some of the anti-Japanese songs in the music textbooks are ‘On Songhua Song’ (‘Songhua Jiang Qiu’), a patriotic song that describes the life of people who lived in northeastern China after the 918 Incident (Flower City Publishing House & Guangdong Education Publishing House 2014a: 36), ‘Shout Aloud! Yellow River’ (‘Nuhou Ba! Huanghe’) from the Yellow River Cantata, a work originally written to instill feelings of nationalism and patriotism during China’s struggle against Japanese aggression (Flower City Publishing House & Guangdong Education Publishing House 2014b: 28), ‘Protect the Yellow River’ (‘Baowei Huanghe’), also from the Yellow River Cantata (Shanghai Educational Publishing House 2017b: 26-27), and ‘I Am Chinese’ (‘Wo Zhi Zhongguo Ren’) (Shanghai Educational Publishing House 2018a: 43). As noted by Wang (2012: 223), the use of historical memory is ‘the prime raw material for constructing China’s national identity’ and cultivating a nationalistic and anti-Western victim mentality to provide Chinese youngsters with an understanding of who they are and how to comprehend the rest of the world in carrying out foreign relations. The music curriculum guidelines suggest that teachers adopt values education in the music curriculum, focus on aesthetic qualities, and build students’ love of music, the nation, and life (Ministry of Education 2011: 4-5, 2017: 3). With the promotion of Chinese nationalistic education, various expressions from propaganda songs, including love for the homeland and love for the nation, have found a place in school education (see Flower City Publishing House & Guangdong Education Publishing House 2014c: 2-7; People’s Education Press 2016b: 12-15, 2016c: 2-3, 2018a: 10-19; People’s Music Publishing House 2018b: 30 and 34-36). Works by patriotic composers such as Nie Er, Liu Tianhua (1895-1932), and Xian Xinghai can be found in teaching materials (Jiangsu Phoenix Juvenile & Children’s Publishing House 2015a: 19). Patriotic songs such as ‘Ode to the Motherland’ (‘Gechang Zuguo’) (People’s Education Press 2014: 1), ‘March of the Volunteers’ (‘Yiyongjun Junxing

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Qu’) (People’s Education Press 2015a: 24-25, 2015b: 1), and ‘The National Flag Is Very Beautiful’ (‘Guoqi Zhen Meli’) (Flower City Publishing House & Guangdong Education Publishing House 2015: 16-17) are included in the music curriculum to nurture respect, loyalty, and good citizenship. According to the moe (2017: 4), schools should nurture and practice President Xi’s core socialist values, the values of traditional Chinese culture, the cr, and the culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the music curriculum. The music curriculum guidelines clearly indicate that the revised curriculum will be followed by the three representative principles of Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, and Deng Xiaoping Theory (Ministry of Education 2017: 2). First, the teaching materials must be consistent with what in China’s school music education is usually referred to as ‘socialist education with Chinese characteristics’ that have evolved over time with China’s socioeconomic transformation; and second, they must contain a coherent vision of how the changing society of China is transforming at the same pace as the rest of the world. Moreover, traditional Chinese culture attaches great importance to school education as a means of enhancing students’ knowledge about Chinese tradition and hierarchy, particularly through the teaching of song lyrics. According to President Xi, traditional Chinese culture has an important historical impact and tangible value, and Chinese people should cultivate a sense of national confidence and nurture a national spirit with patriotism at its core (G.Z. Zhang 2017; Zhao 2020). Three traditional Chinese festivals – the Qingming Festival (or Ching Ming Festival, or Tomb-Sweeping Day in English), the Dragon Boat Festival, and the Mid-Autumn Festival, which are observed by the Han Chinese of China and other Chinese communities – were declared official state holidays in 2008.21 Songs for the Dragon Boat Festival, which falls on the fifth day of the fifth month in the Chinese New Year, are also found in the textbooks (e.g., Flower City Publishing House & 21 Traditional festivals and customs were once suppressed under Mao Zedong. On 16 May 1966, Mao Zedong launched a political campaign named the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. By August 1966 (also known as Red August), Mao’s allies urged the Red Guards to carry out the smashing of the Four Olds (po si jiu) of old thinking, old cultures, old customs, and old habits ( jiu sixiang, jiu wenhua, jiu fengsu, jiu xiguan) in order to modernize and create a new, equal Chinese society. During this process, schools, temples, churches, libraries, and historical sites were destroyed. Old religious practices, traditional festivals, other old social practices such as traditional weddings and funerals, and old ways of dress were violently attacked and suppressed. There was also an orgy of burning old books, smashing old art objects, and banning traditional Chinese music (including Peking Opera) and Western classical and popular music. Only model plays that introduced communist and revolutionary themes were promoted during the Cultural Revolution.

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Guangdong Education Publishing House 2014d: 8; People’s Music Publishing House 2018c: 38-39). Songs and music about the Chinese New Year in the approved textbooks are intended to preserve the core values of traditional Chinese culture, including happiness, joy, and well wishes for others (e.g., Juvenile & Children’s Publishing House 2014a: 5-6; People’s Education Press 2016d: 52-53, 2018a: 46). Traditional Chinese values (i.e., learning to love the motherland, family interdependence, the importance of family, a peaceful family, respect for elders, filial piety, and the roles of parents and children) interacting with modern life are upheld in approved songs in the textbooks. Benevolence, the core value of Confucianism, which extends from the importance of familial ties and social relationships, is also found in song lyrics; for example, see ‘How Happy We Are’ (‘Women Duome Xingfu’) (Flower City Publishing House & Guangdong Education Publishing House 2014e: 32-33), ‘Mother’s Song’ (‘Mama Zhi Ge’) (Flower City Publishing House & Guangdong Education Publishing House 2014e: 33), ‘Good Children’ (‘Hao Ertong’) (Shanghai Educational Publishing House 2015: 4), and ‘We Are Forever Friends’ (‘Yongyuan Shi Pengyou’) (People’s Music Publishing House 2015b: 48-49).

Multiculturalism in Music Education: Building Bridges between Nationalism and Socialism in the Global Age The theme of openness toward the other culture – which in China refers to the effects of globalization – frequently blends with openness towards other cultures in general. Global changes have provided the conditions for the emergence of new theoretical discourses that pose a powerful challenge to Chinese society regarding the unity of nationalism and culture, the nation, and national identity and the universal imperatives of a common culture. The cultural aspects of globalization and multiculturalism are often shaded by their political and economic impacts, although both are affected by the pattern of interactions among national and ethnic cultures within the nation-state. Huntington (1996) has claimed that the spread of globalization has led to new conflicts and tensions emerging, which in turn has resulted in a surge of nationalism and fundamentalism. The controversy and rebuttals provoked by Huntington’s work (1996) are not of immediate concern in this chapter; however, his argument does provide important insights into some prominent conflicts that have resulted from globalization. In the face of globalization’s impact on the nation-state, the transforming construction of outer nationalist discourse can be explained as a rational response to

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the changes induced by globalization (see Held et al. 1999). In this view, the preservation of culture and identity is the prime objective of contemporary nationalism in the accounts of multiculturalism and globalization in China’s cultural and educational development. A Changing Nation: The Impact of Globalization on Chinese Society In the last four decades, China has grown economically by accommodating itself in the global economy and gradually upgrading its position in the world. Due to its economic reforms, China’s economy grew exponentially, resulting in its gdp being over thirteen times more in 2006 than it had been in 1978 (Tisdell 2008: 10). In 2005, the volume of China’s foreign trade exceeded RMB10 trillion (about US$1.47 trillion) for the first time, and it subsequently went beyond RMB30 trillion (about US$4.4 trillion) in 2018 (General Administration of Customs, People’s Republic of China, 2019). More intensive global interactions, global capital, and computer technologies have brought about more opportunities for cultural diversity in Chinese society and its culture. More and more multinational companies have settled in first-tier cities in China (such as Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, and Shenzhen), building ties and communication between foreigners and Chinese. China’s supermarkets have an enormous selection of foreign items and brands such as biscuits, wine, chips, chocolates, tea, and coffee. Commodities of famous brands such as Coca-Cola, Adidas, and Nike are sold in shops throughout Chinese cities. The Coca-Cola Company was the first foreign corporation allowed in the prc in 1978, and it recently celebrated its 40th anniversary in the country. The company practices a glocal strategy approach that integrates the ethnocentric and polycentric model to communicate with Chinese customers in cyberspace (see Yan 2006). In 2018, inspired by clay dolls (a local folk-art tradition), Coco-Cola China adopted two familiar animated characters that it introduced during the Chinese New Year. In 2019, it continued to launch its annual Chinese New Year campaign with its clay doll characters by spreading the message that prosperity starts with family love in its Chinese ‘Taste the Feeling’ theme song22 in Putonghua. China’s Coca-Cola Chinese New Year campaign was 22 The Coca-Cola Company closed its ‘Open Happiness’ campaign and launched a new global campaign in 2016 called ‘Taste the Feeling’ to uplift the refreshment of drinking Coke. The song ‘Taste the Feeling’ was written by Swedish DJ Avicii and London-born and Australian-raised singer Conrad Sewell. It was released as a digital download in March 2016. It was the official music theme song of Coca-Cola’s Union of European Football Associations EURO 2016 campaign.

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designed as an expression of good fortune, starting with family love, and the clay dolls were depicted in scenarios that brought families together for precious moments of happiness with Coke.23 In actual fact, the global image of Coca-Cola did not simply market itself to the China nation and its culture; more ambitiously, it created an explicitly Chinese mass market of consumers traversing its traditional culture and customs. In the age of globalization, many American fast-food companies in China have attempted to strike a balance between globalization and localized tastes. There are many American fast-food chains in China, and Kentucky Fried Chicken (kfc, first introduced in Beijing in 1987, with almost 6,000 outlets across the country) and McDonald’s (first opened in Shenzhen in 1990, with more than 2,700 outlets across the country) are the two largest chains. These American fast-food restaurants are mainly located on main streets or just off the highways in the us. However, in China, these restaurants are typically located in downtown areas where the population density is high. kfc has collaborated with Baidu (a Chinese multinational technology company often dubbed ‘China’s Google’) to use artificial intelligence to develop facial recognition technology to predict customers’ orders in Beijing. Menus offer rice dishes, spicy chicken, soy-milk drinks, egg tarts, fried dough sticks, wraps with local sauces, Chinese buns, rice porridge, and oolong tea. McDonald’s in China also adds Chinese flavours to its localized menu, including rice products, rice porridge, egg custard tarts, taro pies, and some dipping sauces for its Chicken McNuggets, such as chili garlic. Starbucks in China even makes mooncakes, a traditional Chinese dessert, for the annual Moon Festival. In the past two decades, China’s cinema market has been growing dramatically, and it is critical to global box office revenue. The cpc’s victory in 1949 and the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950 led to an official ban on Hollywood films in 1950. The ban lasted until 1994, when the Chinese government reopened the market to import Hollywood movies. In the summer of 2014, Paramount’s Transformers 4: Age of Extinction, an American science-fiction action film based on the Transformers toy line, became the top-grossing movie in China, with US$300 million in ticket sales, eclipsing the US$244 million gross taken in the us (Zhu 2020: 108). The latest Avengers movie smashed box office records in China during the Chinese Labour Day holiday (1-4 May) after its release on 24 April 2019. China also topped the international market with the movie Frozen II in December 2019, a sequel 23 The video can be viewed at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v = EUNAerqEFbo (accessed 7 July 2020).

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to the 2013 Disney animated blockbuster Frozen. It has been predicted that China’s cinema market will continue expanding and will overtake North America as the largest film market worldwide in 2020 (Zhu 2020: 107-108). China’s cinema market has developed quickly and is booming due to the interplay between Hollywood movies and Chinese movies. According to Yingjin Zhang (2007: 51), a leading English-language scholar of Chinese cinema, the dominant mode in Chinese cinema during the Maoist era was ‘socialist realism’ and, in response to that dominant mode, Fifth Generation filmmakers presented audiences with an alternative post-socialist mode. For example, the Chinese movie Shanghai Dream (Qing Hong), which won the Jury Prize at the 2005 Cannes Film Festival, includes a scene set in a disco in China’s underdeveloped Guizhou Province in 1983, with young people dancing to the ‘River of Babylon’ and ‘Gotta Go Home’ by Boney M (a Euro-Caribbean group originally based in West Germany). At the turn of the twenty-first century, the globalization of the Chinese movie industry featured movies such as Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon (2000), Hero (2002), and Kung Fu Hustle (2004), and it has been growing dramatically as a new challenger to America’s media dominance in global markets. The Chinese film industry has benefited from and battled with Hollywood blockbusters in terms of box-office performance. For example, the recent Chinese movies Wolf Warrior 2 (2017) and Operation Red Sea (2018) grossed US$870 million and US$568 million respectively, which has put pressure on Hollywood studios and their blockbusters (Song 2018). These two Chinese movies were regarded as patriotic action movies about Chinese war heroes, and the latter served as the highlight movie shown to audiences at the 90th anniversary of the founding of the Chinese pla as well as at the Party’s 19th National Congress. China is also a key market for Hollywood, despite the limit of only 34 foreign films shown in theatres each year (Pham 2019). Hollywood films are doing well in China’s cinema market, responsible for ‘more than one-third of China’s box-office revenue in recent years’ (Xu 2018: 178). Confucius Institutes, China’s Soft Power, and Music China’s global influence has grown with its embrace of globalization and the resulting expansion in cultural and education exchange. The political rehabilitation of Confucianism is part of the Chinese Dream, and Chinese socialism with Chinese characteristics is also an indication of the growth of Chinese culture, tradition, literature, and wisdom (Ambrogio 2017). At the beginning of the twenty-first century, China began establishing in both Western and non-Western countries a number of government-run

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bodies known as Confucius Institutes to promote the Chinese language and culture. These non-profit public education organizations affiliated with China’s moe have demonstrated that globalization has not wiped out Chinese culture. Thanks to the efforts of the Confucius Institutes, neo-Confucianism (otherwise known simply as Confucianism) has spread to other parts of the globe also in part due to China’s economic growth, the recognition of the importance of the Chinese language, and ‘culture fever’ (wenhua re) (see Sole-Farras 2014). Gil (2009: 67) has argued that the exponential growth of Chinese language learning throughout the world is an important facet of ‘China’s soft power strategy’. One possible long-term consequence of this strategy is that it has ‘significant implications for China’s relations with other nations’ in world politics (ibid.). The total number of Confucius Institutes increased from 440 to 525 between 2013 and 2017, while the number of Confucius Classrooms increased from 646 to 1,113 over the same period (Statista 2018; see Figure 2.1). As cited by Zaharna (2014: 9), in terms of cultural bids, some Confucius Institutes have been bewildered ‘at how China has outpaced Japan despite the wide appeal of Japanese manga, anime, karaoke, and sushi’ (also see Cull 2008: 33). Though some universities (particularly the American ones) have moved to close their Confucius Institutes after being criticized for spreading Chinese communist influence, the Confucius Institute is still an important component of government policy aimed at keeping up with the rising global demand to learn Chinese (Reuters, 24 February 2019). The music concerts, festivals, and workshops presented by the Confucius Institutes around the world feature contemporary arrangements of traditional Chinese music integrated into the global music scene to introduce audiences to Chinese music. The Music Confucius Institute, a non-profit education organization affiliated with China’s moe, was established in 2012 to facilitate musical and cultural exchange between China and Denmark through musical performances. The establishment of the Institute occurred after many years of collaboration between Beijing’s Central Conservatory of Music and the Royal Danish Academy of Music in Copenhagen. Since 2017, the Confucius Institute at Portland State University has partnered with the Centre for Exchange and Experience of Chinese and Foreign Music Cultures & Music of the Confucius Institute Office at the Central Conservatory of Music to present an international music summer school programme in China to Portland-area college students who are interested in studying music (Office of International Affairs, Confucius Institute 2018). Besides traditional Chinese music, Confucius Institutes also promote Chinese opera and culture on college and university campuses and in communities internationally. As

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Figure 2.1 Total number of Confucius Institutes and Confucius Classrooms worldwide from 2013 to 2017 2017

1,113

525

2016

1,073

513

2015

1,000

500

2014

851

475

2013

646

440 0

200

400

600

Confucius Classrooms

800

1000

1200

Confucius Institutes

claimed by Ho (2017a, 2017b), the current rise of Confucianism is a manifestation of cultural nationalism in education that has emerged from the growing political and economic power of China in the world. The Chinese Socialist Dream and Multiculturalism in School Music Education in the New Era In the previous discussion, the word ‘multiculturalism’ referred not only to the feature of cultural diversity – which can be found in most contemporary liberal democracies – but also to a particular type of political response to an multiethnic community like China. Despite rapid economic growth in the last three decades, China has retained its socialist goals of achieving social equality. Minority education and multicultural education as a system have long been a model for combining the interests of Chinese ethnic minorities in their respective cultural heritages and the interest of national development and integration (see Leibold and Chen 2014). Chinese students are developing a broader sense and understanding of and greater respect and love for the arts by learning about musical diversity and the richness of other cultures (see Ministry of Education 2011, 2017). Since the 1990s, China has been engaged in a radical experiment in multicultural education. In 1999, the ‘National Academic Seminar on Ethnic Music Education’ was presented in Hohhot, Inner Mongolia to encourage diverse traditional ethnic music to be introduced into school music

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education. The State Council’s Decisions on Accelerating the Revolution and the Development of Ethnic Education (2002) posits that ‘our country is a socialist country built upon diverse ethnic groups […]. Ethnic unity and friendship should be emphasized […] at every level, by every kind, and in every grade of school education’ (cited in W.Z. Zhang 2017: 66). This view is meant to sustain the unity of the Chinese nation. The Chinese government has always promoted the country as a harmonious, stable, multicultural mosaic, with 56 diverse ethnic groups striving for common prosperity. This image was reflected in the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games. The Beijing Organizing Committee for the Olympic Games promised to ‘organize diversified culture and educational programmes to cater the needs of the people’ while encouraging ‘the widest participation of the people in the preparation of the Games […] to increase the cohesion and pride of the Chinese nation’ (cited in Leibold 2010: 1). At the opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympic Games on 8 August 2008, 56 children dressed in the outfits of China’s 56 ethnic groups carried their national flag into the Bird’s Nest Stadium to symbolize the relationship of unity, equality, and mutual assistance among all of China’s ethnicities, after which a nine-year-old girl sang ‘Ode to the Motherland’. The concept of Olympic-related nationalism was evident in the different modes of ethnic inclusion reflected on the stage and behind the scenes at the Olympic Games in Beijing. For example, the Information Office of China’s State Council in September 2008 issued a while paper tilted ‘Protection and development of Tibetan Culture’. The Information Office of China’s State Council24 in September 2008 issued a white paper titled ‘Protection and Development of Tibetan Culture’. And in 2014, on the first ever visit by a Chinese leader to the unesco’s headquarters, President Xi focused on the value of cultural diversity and the importance of cultural equality and explained that China had spread its culture via the Silk Road. However, the dynamics of music education in China have brought together two phenomena in the Global Age. The first is the interaction between nationalism and socialism, and the second is the conceptions of multiculturalism and globalization being incorporated into the music curriculum. First, the moe has attempted to integrate the Chinese socialist dream as an aspiration for national renaissance by having students learn 24 The State Council, namely the Central People’s Government, is the highest administrative organ of the prc and the highest executive agency of state power. Its main functions are to formulate administrative measures; to deal with affairs like China’s internal politics, diplomacy, national defence, finance, economy, culture, and education; and to make sure that Party policy is implemented from the national to the local level.

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selected songs in school music education. Popular revolutionary songs still remain an important part of the materials in the curriculum. More than 50 years after the end of the Cultural Revolution, themes of revolutionary songs continue to uphold the cpc’s political philosophy praising national glory and Chinese socialism, and schools are encouraged to promote these songs in the school curriculum (Ho 2017a, 2017b). Following the path of socialist education with Chinese characteristics, a new app and website were designed to help school students learn about new socialist thought and Chinese classics with a view to consolidating their belief in the Party in the smartphone age. The lessons in the platform include ‘I am Chinese’, the introduction of the country’s ‘56 ethnic groups living in harmony’, and ‘Building a well-off society’. Another important lesson, ‘Grandpa Xi led us into the new era [Shi Xi yeye dailing women zou jinle xin shidai]’, explains how President Xi’s Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics will help the new era in China and includes illustrations of President Xi and smiling children (Griffiths 2019).25 David Bandurski, an expert on Chinese propaganda at the University of Hong Kong, has claimed that a phone app called ‘Study to make China strong’ (‘Xuexi Qiangguo’) is part of a new approach to ensuring that the cpc’s message is disseminated effectively in the smartphone age (Griffiths 2019). To its credit, the Chinese government has included approved songs in the school curriculum to reconcile the Chinese Dream more effectively with political realities. President Xi made remarks on ideological and political theory when presiding over a symposium for teachers in Beijing on 18 March 2019. He stressed that ideological and political courses should incorporate the nation’s mainstream ideology, and he also instructed teachers to improve the ideological and theoretical level of their courses for students at primary, secondary, and tertiary schools (Xinhua News Agency, 18 March 2019). Teachers were advised to strengthen education on ‘core socialist values’, including prosperity and social harmony, using approved song lyrics to enable the younger generation to better understand their responsibilities and to become better people (see Table 2.3 for the selected songs from China’s textbook materials). The ethnic policies of the Chinese nation have been introduced into the Chinese education system by including cultural traditions as well as 25 The People’s Daily opened its special website (rmrbsn.cn) and mobile app to enable students to read articles chosen for different age groups. It can be viewed at: https://www.rmrbsn.cn/ article/detail?topicId = 0&articleId = 3097&articleUrl = https://static.rmrbsn.cn/html/articleHtml/2019022509264720190225092647142.html (accessed 7 July 2020).

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Table 2.3 Selected songs that incorporate ‘core socialist values’ and social harmony Song Titles

Textbook Sources

‘Tuanjie Jiushi Liliang’ (‘Unity Is Strength’), sung in Chinese ‘Youji Dui Ge’ (‘Guerrilla Song’), written by Chinese composer He Luting, an active conductor and composer in the communist mass song movement in the 1930s; sung in Chinese ‘Rang Women Dangqi Shuangjiang’ (‘Let’s Paddle Together’), sung in Chinese ‘Xiyi Ge’ (‘Laundry Song’), the lyrics express the socialist narrative of the army and the people as one ‘Zuoren Yaozuo Zheyang De Ren’ (‘Being a Person Like This’), sung in Chinese ‘Gongchan Ertong Ge’ (‘Song for Communist Children’), sung in Chinese ‘Zhongguo Renmin Jiefangjun Junge’ (‘Song for Chinese People’s Liberation Army’), sung in Chinese ‘Kua Shiji De Xin Yidai’ (‘Crossing the New Generation of the Century’) sung in Chinese ‘Lantian Xiang Women Zhaohuan’ (‘The Blue Sky Calling Us’), sung in Chinese ‘Remin Gonghe Guo Guoge’ (‘The National Anthem of the PRC (Zhonghua), sung in Chinese ‘Jubei Zhufu’ (‘Toast’), sung in Chinese ‘Women Zoujin Shiyue De Yangguang’ (‘We Are Entering the Sunny October’), sung in Chinese ‘Zhongguo Hua’ (‘Chinese Language’), sung in Chinese ‘Caise De Zhongguo’ (‘Colourful China’), sung in Chinese ‘Zouxiang Fuxing’ (‘Walking Towards the Rejuvenation’), sung in Chinese ‘Laodong Zui Guanrong’ (‘Labour Is Honour’), a song to cultivate creative movements in classroom music education; sung in Chinese ‘Mama De Xin’ (‘My Mother’s Heart’), a Chinese song expressing love for a mother and love for the motherland; sung in Chinese ‘Honqi Ge’ (‘Praise of Red Flag’), sung in Chinese

Flower City Publishing House & Guangdong Education Publishing House, 2014a, p. 39 Hunan Literature & Art Publishing House, 2018a, p. 42; People’s Education Press, 2016a, pp. 2-3.

Hunan Literature & Art Publishing House, 2018b, pp. 18-19 Hunan Literature & Art Publishing House, 2018c, pp. 28-29 Jiangsu Phoenix Juvenile & Children’s Publishing House, 2016, p. 25 People’s Education Press, 2015a, p. 20 People’s Education Press, 2016a, p. 8

People’s Education Press, 2016b, p. 3 People’s Education Press, 2016c, pp. 26-27 People’s Education Press, 2016d, p. 1

People’s Education Press, 2016e, pp. 26-27 People’s Music Publishing House, 2015a, p. 3

People’s Music Publishing House, 2015c, pp. 56-58 People’s Music Publishing House, 2018a, p. 2 People’s Music Publishing House, 2018a, p 9 People’s Music Publishing House & Henan Literature & Art Publishing House, 2018a, pp. 30-31 People’s Music Publishing House & Henan Literature & Art Publishing House, 2018b, p. 26 Shanghai Educational Publishing House, 2017a, p. 1

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the arts of China’s diverse ethnic cultures in the school curriculum (see Postiglione 2009; G.Z. Zhang 2017). Through teaching more about the music of ethnic minorities in school music education, the Chinese authorities have attempted to help students maintain cultural sustainability, multicultural understanding, and national unity (see Ministry of Education 2011, 2017). A music textbook unit titled ‘56 Flowers’ refers to the 56 ethnic groups in China and to a patriotic song about how the 56 nations, 56 flowers, and 56 brothers and sisters are one family (see People’s Education Press 2016e: 26-33). In 2015, the popular Chinese girl group 56 Flowers (Wushiliu Duo Hua) was formed, following in the footsteps of the Japanese girl group AKB48, with 56 young women aged sixteen to 23 selected from the 56 ethnic groups of China. The group sings songs praising China’s core socialist values and the socialist regime. Each of the members was chosen by the Ministry of Culture from the 56 officially recognized ethnic groups. The group 56 Flowers also show off their musical talents in their adoption of classical Chinese instruments, such as the guzheng (a plucked seven-string Chinese musical instrument from the zither family) and yueqin (also known as the moon guitar or moon zither). Songs from diverse ethnic minority groups are found in the off icial textbooks, such as folk songs from the Bouyei, Dong, Kyrgyz, Uyghur, Mongol, and Yao people (see Hunan Literature & Art Publishing House 2018a, 2018b, 2018c, 2019; People’s Education Press 2016c; People’s Music Publishing House 2015a, 2015b, 2015c; Shanghai Educational Publishing House 2015). For example, the Uyghur folk song titled ‘Glory to the Motherland’ (‘Song Zuguo’) is used as an expression of love for the motherland, stating: ‘Our motherland is a garden. The singing of larks joining the sky […]. Singing aloud with victory to celebrate our peaceful years’ (Shanghai Educational Publishing House 2015: 28; my translation). Moreover, in the approved songs in the textbooks one can find the collective voice of the cpc which is in search of unity, power, and strength against enemies (or foreign aggression) to bring people of all ethnic groups together for prosperity. For example, the ‘Laundry Song’, regarded as one of the first ‘red revolutionary songs’ that related the Sino-Tibetan relationship, was composed for Tibet to celebrate its ‘liberation from imperialism’, and it highlights Tibetans expressing their gratitude for the pla’s help in their liberation (Hunan Arts & Literature Publishing House 2018c: 28-29; also refer to Table 2.3).26 A song titled ‘A 26 The ‘Laundry Song’ was first performed on stage in Beijing in 1964. It is regarded as one of the first revolutionary songs (also known as red songs) specifically composed for Tibet to celebrate its liberation and to extoll the many contributions of China’s military to Tibetan society. A 1964 music video of this song was widely shown and distributed on the Mainland. It

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Mother’s Daughter’ (‘Yige Mama De Nuer’) composed by A Jing from the Zhang ethnic group is also included, and the lyrics note that all children have mothers (no matter whether one is from the Zhuang or Han ethnic group), with ‘China’ their eternal mother (People’s Education Press 2016c: 9). Second, the Chinese nation is seen as being increasingly reliant on multicultural music education as a policy panacea for the intensification of nationalism in Chinese society. Some approved songs found in the music textbooks can be seen as a response to the interaction and dynamics of nationalism and globalization in shaping and formulating values education in its curriculum content. In addition to the Chinese national anthem, Chinese students are also aided in constructing their learning experiences by getting to know the anthems of other specific cultural groups as well as being encouraged to have respect for other political and musical values in the name of future global development. These anthems include the ‘Internationale’ (one of the most recognizable and popular songs written by a French anarchist for the International Working Men’s Association, which was an association of unions and socialists from various countries in 1864 to 1872) and other national anthems from the US, Russia, North Korea, and Australia (Shanghai Educational Publishing House 2018b: 35-42). The song selections in the approved music textbooks take into consideration the promotion of a parallel study of the social and cultural context in which the songs are created and experienced, to instil in young students the ideas of equality, multicultural harmony, and the peaceful coexistence of all people (see Table 2.4 for the selected songs). The lyrics of the song ‘Heavenly Road’ (‘Tian Lu’) (written to mark the opening of the railway connecting Qinghai and Tibet on 1 July 2006) are: As an auspicious cloud flying across the sky. To bring good fortune to the Tibetan peoples […]. That’s a heavenly road of wonder ahh […]. Making mountains no longer high and ways no longer long. And bringing people from all ethnic groups together through laughter […]. The singing of happiness spreading everywhere. (Jiangsu Phoenix Juvenile & Children’s Publishing House 2015b: 23; my translation)

The song lyrics express the good relationship between ethnicity and nationhood in China as well as the aspirations of the people to live a better and happier life. can be viewed at: http://vimeo.com/25401141 (accessed 7 July 2020). The song is still performed and can be regularly heard at official Chinese events.

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Table 2.4 Selected songs that introduce equality, multicultural harmony, and peace Song Titles

Textbook Sources

‘Rang Shijie Chongman Ai’ (‘Let the World Fill with Love’), sung in Chinese ‘Women Dajia Tiao Qilei’ (‘We All Dance Together’), the melody of the song was adapted from J.S. Bach’s Minute in C Major; sung in Chinese ‘Ai De Renjian’ (‘Love in the World’), sung in Chinese ‘A Whole New World’, composed by Alan Menken; sung in English ‘We Are One’, composed by Mary Donnelly; sung in English ‘Tomorrow Will Be Better’ (‘Mingtian Hui Genghao’), a song written by Rolf Lovland, Brenda Graham, and Taiwanese songwriter Lo Ta-yu, inspired by the United Kingdom’s charity single ‘Do They Know It’s Christmas?’, to raise money for World Vision International to aid Africa in 1985; sung in Chinese ‘You Raise Me Up’, an English song originally composed by the Irish-Norwegian duo Secret Garden, with lyrics written by Brendan Graham; sung in English ‘You and Me’, the theme song for the 2008 Beijing Olympics composed by Chen Qigang; sung in both English and Chinese ‘Hand in Hand’, produced by Giovanni Giorgio Moroder; It was the official song of the 1988 Olympics in Seoul, South Korea, but sung in Chinese ‘Shou Lashou, Diqiu Cun’ (‘Hand in Hand, Global Village’), sung in Chinese ‘The Cup of Life’, the official song of the 1998 FIFA World Cup in France, written by Ian Blake and Desmond Child and sung in Chinese ‘We Are the World’, written by Michael Jackson and Lionel Richie for the album We Are the World, recorded by the supergroup USA for Africa in 1985; sung in English ‘Zai Yiqi’ (‘Together’), a folk song from the Yi ethnic group; sung in Chinese ‘Any Dream Will Do’, a song written by Andrew Lloyd Webber and Tim Rice for the musical Joseph and the Amazing Technicolour Dreamcoat

Hunan Literature & Art Publishing House, 2018d, pp. 46-47 Hunan Literature & Art Publishing House, 2018f, p. 36

Hunan Literature & Art Publishing House, 2019, pp. 32-33 Juvenile & Children’s Publishing House, 2014a, p. 41 Juvenile & Children’s Publishing House, 2014b, p. 41 Juvenile & Children’s Publishing House, 2014b, p. 19; People’s Music Publishing House, 2015b, pp. 28-29

Jiangsu Phoenix Juvenile & Children’s Publishing House, 2015a, p. 3

People’s Education Press, 2016c, p. 48),

People’s Education Press, 2016c, p. 49

People’s Education Press, 2016d, pp. 12-13 People’s Music Publishing House & Henan Literature & Art Publishing House, 2018c, pp. 8-9; Flower City Publishing House & Guangdong Education Publishing House, 2014b, p. 39 People’s Music Publishing House & Henan Literature & Art Publishing House, 2018d, pp. 6-7 Shanghai Educational Publishing House, 2015, p. 35 Shanghai Educational Publishing House, 2017b, pp. 16-17

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Moreover, the current music curricula for primary and secondary school music education include traditional Western music, Western musicals such as those composed by Andrew Lloyd Webber, film music, electronic music, both Western and Asian popular music, and other music from around the world. Learning world music encourages Chinese students to develop a broader sense of aesthetics and a greater understanding of and appreciation for other countries and their cultures (see Guo 2018; Yu 2015; W.Z. Zhang 2017). Students are encouraged to explore and to experience diverse music traditions from Europe, North America, South America, Africa, and Asia (Flower City Publishing House & Guangdong Education Publishing House 2014a, 2014b, 2014d; Hunan Literature & Art Publishing House 2016, 2018a, 2018b, 2018c, 2018d, 2018e, 2018f, 2018g; Jiangsu Phoenix Juvenile & Children’s Publishing House 2015a, 2015b, 2016; Juvenile & Children’s Publishing House 2013a, 2013b, 2014a, 2014b; People’s Education Press 2016b, 2016c, 2016d, 2018b; Shanghai Education Publishing House 2018a, 2018b). Despite the disputes over Taiwan’s political status, popular songs such as ‘The Invisible Wings’ (‘Yinxing De Chibang’), the theme song of the Taiwanese tv series Love Killing 17 composed by Wang Yajun and released in 2006 (People’s Education Press 2018b: 46-47), and ‘Pearl of the Orient’ (‘Dongfang Zhi Zhu’), the nickname of Hong Kong, written by Taiwanese songwriter Lo Tayu in 1991 to praise the beauty and prosperity of Hong Kong (Hunan Literature & Art Publishing House 2018g: 59), have been deemed suitable for publication. In line with the gradual infusion of individual values as a result of China’s 1978 Open Door Policy and economic globalization in the past three decades, the values of ‘creativity and individuality’ have been emphasized in the curriculum. Since 2001, creativity has become a core component of China’s education reforms and a ‘priority’ in its curriculum development (Vong 2008). This shift in the school curriculum has changed the foci of school curricula from knowledge delivery to the theory that students should be more integrated and life-oriented (see Ministry of Education 2011, 2017). School music education contributes to discipline and commitment and fosters creativity and individualism. The efforts of schools and society should create an environment that fosters creativity among young people (see Ho 2018; Lockette 2012). New curriculum guidelines encourage creative music-making to make classes more pleasurable and students more motivated (Ministry of Education 2011, 2017). While the Chinese government has attempted to develop creativity in school education through education reforms toward student-centred creative practices, there is also the question of how the government can balance this with its ambition of increasing socialist education and nationalism in school music education, which may,

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to some extent, presume vigorous control of creativity, creative thinking, and musical imagination in the delivery of the music curriculum and activities in the music classroom.

Summary This chapter has examined the complicated struggles associated with the reconfiguration of the prc’s socialist-communist education and multiculturalism in music education that have occurred in response to social changes, including nationalization and globalization. It has also explained the role of the government in such a reconfiguration and has offered a new framework that regards music education as being based on how the Chinese state determines its cultural policies and policies for development. To sum up, the Chinese government now recognizes that opening up to the world in order to develop and preserving national identity and cultural heritage for nation-building are not necessarily mutually exclusive. Classrooms and schools represent a ‘culture of power’ to the extent that they can mirror sociopolitical relations that exist in the Chinese community. Although the highly centralized Chinese system means that there tends to be a closer correspondence between policy and practice, there remains a significant degree of diversity in the practices of school teaching as to whether music education should be conducted in classrooms as prescribed by the cpc-led state. Globalization has challenged the classical notions of nationalism and socialism in China’s music education. This has presented a challenge in devising music materials (particularly the chosen songs included in the music textbooks officially approved by the Chinese state) and teaching strategies that can help students experience educational and musical values that are relevant to the notion of the new ‘socialism with Chinese characteristics’ that follows the Chinese Dream to nurture the new generation. The Sinicization of socialism – embodied in song lyrics fostering the traditional virtues of the Chinese nation and love for both family and the country – represents the cpc’s recognition of the importance of Chinese traditional culture not only for preserving socialism but also for China’s modernization. How the quest for empowerment and a genuine break with soft authoritarianism will play themselves out in the curricular discourse remains to be seen. Whatever the case may be, there appears to be a degree of tension between the role of schools and music teachers on the one hand, and what Chinese authorities deem desirable in promoting national and

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global cultures and values through the school curriculum on the other hand. This challenge to China’s school music education will be reported, explored, and examined in the following chapters through the surveys conducted with Chinese music teachers, which will be discussed in Chapter Five.

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The Struggle for Cultural Identity, School Education, and Music Educationin Hong Kong Abstract Over the past few decades, Hong Kong has developed unique local and national identities without compromising its identity, which has coincided with British colonization and the handover of Hong Kong to Mainland China in 1997. With political pressure from Mainland China, the Hong Kong government has emphasized the importance of developing national identity to align with the concept of ‘one country, two systems’, which it has promoted by introducing traditional Chinese culture and national identity into society and school education. Within this context, Chapter Three examines the specific features of political identity in Hong Kong education and school music education within the wider contexts of political and ideological complexities – between local and national cultures and between national and global cultures. Keywords: Hong Kong’s music education, one country, two systems, political transformation, traditional Chinese culture, between local and national cultures

Hong Kong is positioned at the mouth of the Pearl River Delta on the coast of southern China and adjoins Guangdong Province in Mainland China. The city is considered a gateway between the East and the West. ‘British Hong Kong’ refers to the period under British crown rule after Hong Kong was ceded to Great Britain by China’s Qing Dynasty following the First Anglo-Chinese War (also known as the First Opium War, 1839-1842). In 1898, Britain was granted an additional 99 years of rule over Hong Kong under the Second Convention of Peking, which included an extension of Hong Kong’s territory. The 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration was an important

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and historical watershed in the political development of Hong Kong’s promulgation of ‘The Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China’. It stated that Hong Kong people could live under the ‘one country, two systems’ principle for a period of 50 years after the handover on 1 July 1997, under the name ‘Hong Kong, China’. This declaration guaranteed Hong Kong a 50-year right to maintain its own capitalist system and way of life and to enjoy a high degree of autonomy in all matters except foreign policy and defence. The declaration marked the beginning of Hong Kong’s decolonization and the convergence of its social system with that of the prc. Hong Kong, one of many British colonial cities, began as a small fishing village, later evolved into an important free port and eventually became an international metropolis and financial centre. The emergence of the middle class in Hong Kong is largely a consequence of ‘the structural transformation of Hong Kong economy in the post-war decades’ (Lui 2003: 162). However, like many other contemporary metropolitan areas, urban poverty is one of the most important social problems in Hong Kong (see Chan 2001; Lau and Gordon 2017). The Hong Kong government placed the poverty line at 50 per cent of median household income by household size in 2013, and in 2018, the household poverty lines for one-person and two-person households were HK$4,000 (US$615) and HK$10,000 (US$1,290) respectively (Census and Statistics Department 2019). As stated by the Hong Kong Poverty Situation Report for 2018, 14.9 per cent of Hong Kong’s population (i.e., over one million people) live in poverty (see Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region 2019a: xii, xiv). According to the 2016 Report on Annual Earnings and Hours Survey by the Census and Statistics Department, there were about 60,200 workers whose salaries were below the salary level of the corresponding hourly rate of HK$34 – i.e., US$4.39 per hour (Oxfam 2018: 45). It was found that family structure (single-parent vs. two parents), assimilation (first- vs. second-generation children of immigrant families), and parental human capital are significantly associated with the risk of child poverty (Chou 2013: 183). In order to relieve the financial burden of the general public, the Hong Kong government provides in addition to recurrent cash benefits a range of non-recurrent cash benefits every year, such as rate waivers and extra social security payments (Government of the Hong Kong Special Administration Region 2019a: 36). With more than 7.48 million people living in only 7 per cent of the total area of 1,104 square kilometres, the shortage of housing is a phenomenon in Hong Kong (indeed, the situation is the same in most cities in East Asian countries), and the shortage of suitable land is said to be making the living space of most Hong Kong people ever smaller.

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Hong Kong has a rich history of immigration and emigration. The first wave of mass immigration to Hong Kong resulted in a population explosion between 1945 and 1951 (i.e., after the Second World War and during and after China’s Civil War between 1945 and 1949). Immigrants from Mainland China accounted for a notable segment of Hong Kong’s population, ‘as large as one-half in 1961 and stably at around one-third since the 1990s’ (Zhang and Ye 2018: 86). In the late 1960s this trend was reversed, with the 1967 Hong Kong Leftist Riots (large-scale riots between pro-communists and the government of Hong Kong) triggering a mass migration wave out of the city. This trend was revived following the 1989 Tiananmen Square Incident. In the decade leading up to 1997, amid uncertainties surrounding the handover of the city to Mainland China, Hong Kong experienced a mass migration wave and brain drain (see Wong 2017). At the same time, diverse waves of people from Great Britain, Australia, India, Japan, Africa, and elsewhere have also metamorphosed Hong Kong and have been metamorphosed by it (Knowles and Harper 2009). After Hong Kong was returned to China, a daily quota of 150 immigrants from Mainland China were granted a ‘one-way permit’ to leave the Mainland and settle in Hong Kong. Since the 1997 handover, Hong Kong has gained more than 1.5 million new citizens (i.e., about 20 per cent of its population) from the Mainland. This chapter will explore how the dynamics and complexities of the relationships between the prc, the uk, and Hong Kong have shaped and been sites of the struggle in the postcolonial culture and identity of Hong Kong within the community and in school education. With this in mind, the objective of this chapter is to explore the specific features of the material character of political identity in Hong Kong within the wider contexts of political and ideological complexities, with particular reference to school education. There are three great challenges facing music education in Hong Kong: (1) how to cultivate national identity through music education; (2) how to incorporate Chinese music into a Western-oriented music curriculum; and (3) to what extent music education can bring about social harmony and peace. First, it is necessary to provide a general view of Hong Kong society and to establish the political and cultural contexts in which this study of society, identity, and cultural development in Hong Kong has taken place.

Society in Hong Kong Hong Kong has claimed to be ‘Asia’s World City’ for its melting pot of Eastern and Western cultures, and with its merging of traditional and modern as well

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as old and new, this has created Hong Kong’s diverse and distinctive culture. The ideologies of Eurocentrism have permeated the Chinese social fabric (including the society in Hong Kong) ever since the colonial encounters of the tenth century. Eurocentrism encompasses Euro-American chauvinism about the supremacy of the West (see Dirlik 1999; Hardt 2010; C.K. Lau 1997). What I am referring to here as ‘Eurocentrism’ is an attitude that took root in China following its colonial defeat by the West. While it emerged in the West, Eurocentrism has spread to the rest of the world. Hong Kong became the focus of ‘some China-centred and/or Eurocentric cultural scholars’ who were involved in the fine arts, literature, and other ‘high-art’ circles (Lau 2000: 162). Since entering into its era of decolonization in the 1980s, Hong Kong culture has become complicated due to the interactions between traditional Chinese and Western cultures (Chu 2010; Darwin 1997; Lo 1988). In the two decades since the return of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty, cultural cooperation and close cultural exchanges with the Mainland have resulted in the evolution of Hong Kong’s cultural and educational sectors. Presently, Hong Kong enjoys a multilingual landscape. Cantonese is the predominant first language, while English was the official language until the Official Language Ordinance in 1974 gave equal footing to Chinese. English still prevails as the major language of international trade, finance, commerce, administration, and higher education (Evans 2009, 2010), with Putonghua increasingly also being employed in these areas in the last decade (Li 2009). Hong Kong is a so-called Chinese society, yet about 8 per cent of its total population is categorized as ethnic minorities. Ethnically, as recorded in the 2016 by-census, the population of the city of Hong Kong is overwhelmingly Chinese (92 per cent; see Census and Statistics Department 2017; also see Table 3.1).27 The number of ethnic minorities living in Hong Kong has increased by 70.8 per cent over the last ten years, from 342,198 in 2006 to 584,383 in 2016 (Census and Statistic Department 2017: 7). The increase in ethnic minorities includes Filipinos, Indonesians, South Asians (including Indians, Pakistanis, Nepalese, Bangladeshis, and Sri-Lankans), and Whites. The significant increases in the Filipino and Indonesian ethnic groups were mainly due to increases in the number of domestic workers in Hong Kong (Census and Statistic Department 2017). The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (hksar) government has made efforts to integrate the residents of ethnic minorities 27 According to the 2016 Population By-Census, there were 584,383 ethnic minorities residing in Hong Kong, which constituted eight per cent of the whole population in Hong Kong (Census and Statistics Department 2017: 7).

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Table 3.1 Hong Kong ethnicity data obtained from the 2016 by-census Ethnic Groups Chinese Filipino Indonesian White Indian Nepalese Pakistani Thai Japanese Other Asians Others

Number (%) 6,752,202 (92.0%) 184,081 (2.5%) 153,299 (2.1%) 58,209 (0.08%) 36,462 (0.5%) 25,472 (0.3%) 18,094 (0.2%) 10,215 (0.1%) 9,976 (0.1%) 19,589 (0.3%) 68,986 (0.9%)

into Chinese-dominant communities in Hong Kong by offering assistance in, for example, education (inclusive of additional linguistic education), employment, social interaction, job seeking, application for public housing, and so on (see Chan 2001; Equal Opportunities Commission 2009, 2012; Kennedy 2012). In 2017, to commemorate the 20th anniversary of the handover and to celebrate the existence of ethnic minority communities in Hong Kong, community support teams and support centres for ethnic minorities funded by the Home Affairs Department (had) presented a range of celebration activities, including carnivals, competitions, and multicultural shows. Hong Kong’s cultural diversity has given rise to its entertainment business, which produces distinctive movies, television programmes, and music containing multicultural elements. Buddhists, Christians, Muslims, Taoists, and other local religion practitioners can all find places of worship. Despite the deep influence of Western culture, traditional Chinese and local cultures still thrive in Hong Kong. The Leisure and Cultural Services Department (lcsd) of the Hong Kong government released the first Representative List of the Intangible Culture Heritage of Hong Kong on 14 August 2017, which included 20 items related to four areas: performing arts; social practices, rituals, and festival events; knowledge and practices; and traditional craftsmanship (Intangible Culture Heritage Office 2017).

A Review of Politics, Identity, and Cultural Production In spite of having roots in Mainland China and the majority of Hong Kong people being Chinese by ethnic origin, during its colonial period Hong Kong

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differed from Mainland China in its society and ways of life and political norms. Hong Kong eventually evolved a separate culture and identity that differed from Mainland China. Since this relationship is so complicated, this section will take account of overall changes in Hong Kong’s politics, culture, identity, and society through the triangular relationship between the prc, the uk, and Hong Kong, particularly between 1949 and the 1997 handover, as well as focusing on the social construction of cultural production (also known as material production) that has nurtured identities among Hong Kong people. Finally, this section will argue that while Hong Kong people may acknowledge their Chinese roots, it might be difficult for them to translate these roots easily into a common national identity. Development of Local Politics in the Dynamics of the China-Hong Kong Relationship after 1949 At the time of the outbreak of the Korean War in the 1950s, and amid the intensification of the Cold War,28 the political, economic, and cultural relationship between the prc and Hong Kong was suddenly terminated. When the Korean War broke out in 1950, the Chinese government decided to enter the war and called it the ‘War to Resist us Aggression and Aid Korea’. The alienation of the Hong Kong Chinese from the Mainland was reinforced by anti-communist propaganda in Hong Kong supported by Western countries, particularly the us, after the formation of the prc in 1949. As a British colony, Hong Kong strictly banned the export of wartime materials to China. This embargo led to a decline in entrepôt trade with China, and Hong Kong was obliged to develop its own manufacturing industries instead. The British government maintained what a 1957 us National Security Council paper described as ‘the careful fiction of Hong Kong’s neutrality with regard to Communist China’ in the Cold War (quoted in Leary 2012: 548). Among the Western powers, the United Kingdom took the lead in recognizing the prc in 1949, and Hong Kong continued its commercial activities and trade with China’s inland provinces. Because of the unstable political environment in the prc, many Chinese, especially Shanghainese factory owners, relocated to colonial Hong Kong. By 1954, the influx of 28 Growing out of the aftereffects of the Second World War, the Cold War developed between the us and the Soviet Union and their respective allies and lasted for much of the second half of the twentieth century. The Cold War was a long period of tension between the democracies of the Western World and the communist countries of Eastern Europe, resulting in mutual suspicions. However, there were no direct military campaigns between the two main antagonists, i.e. the us and the Soviet Union.

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Chinese refugees to Hong Kong had reached 667,000 (almost 30 per cent of the colony’s population), which strained the city’s existing infrastructure and resources to the limit (Oyen 2015: 154-184). In October 1947, Fortune magazine related that approximately US$50 million from affluent Chinese had enabled them to capture a fortress in Hong Kong, and that 228 Shanghai businesses and industrial corporations had contributed their enrolment and development to Hong Kong (see Ho 1992: 6). During and after China’s Civil War on the Mainland, many Shanghai tycoons and small factory owners marshalled their capital southward and established manufacturing bases for textiles, toys, plastics, and other light industries in Hong Kong in the 1950s and 1960s (see Broggi 2018; Schenk 2001). Hong Kong became the export centre of manufactured products in East Asia, and it also exported to the United States and European nations. Hong Kong’s population grew from 600,000 in 1945 to 2.1 million in 1951. Together with the provision of cheap labour, the economy in Hong Kong developed rapidly in the second half of the twentieth century. Enterprises manufacturing items such as chemicals and matches, hardware, rubber, and textiles moved to Hong Kong, and they played an important role in the industrialization of Hong Kong during the 1950s and 1960s (Liu 1997: 588-589). Many observers noted that the success story of industrialization in Hong Kong stemmed from its policy of positive non-intervention (Sit 1998: 880). The number of registered enterprises ‘rose from 16,507 in 1970 to 45,025 in 1980’, which increased the number of employed from 549,000 to 907,000 (Liu 1997: 589). The industrialization of Hong Kong advanced rapidly, particularly from the early 1960s through 1970, including in the new industries of plastics, electronics, watches, and textiles. From the beginning of the 1980s, when China advanced its four modernizations, Hong Kong developed its role as a financial intermediary for China, and its financial and business sectors (including maritime transport, banking, insurance, etc.) exhibited accelerated development. Toward the end of the 1980s, Hong Kong began to move from an emphasis on manufacturing industries to service industries. As economic and social contacts have continued to grow, the number of cross-border marriages between Hong Kong and Mainland residents has risen in the last few decades. In the post-war period, Hong Kong also set up many bodies whose aim was to bridge the information gap between the Hong Kong government and the people, and the government also sought potential community leaders. As noted by Mayo (1975: 130), the British Colonial Office became concerned with ‘community development’, particularly in developing social welfare

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and basic education in the British colonies. Community development was described in a British government publication as: active participation, and if possible on the initiative of the community, but if this initiative is not forthcoming spontaneously, by the use of techniques for arousing and stimulating it in order to achieve its active and enthusiastic response to the movement. (Colonial Office 1958: 2)

The idea of community development can be traced back to the establishment of Kaifong associations (also known as Kaifong Welfare Associations) – which promoted moderate politics to the general public in urban areas of Hong Kong in 1949 – and the building of other cooperative societies in the 1950s. For example, the government set in motion a civil servant housing scheme to let civil servants establish cooperative building societies under the Cooperative Societies Ordinance, which allowed for the application of land grants and low-interest loans to build homes for civil servants’ quarters. The Mutual Aid Committees, an integral part of the Home Affairs Department (had), was founded in 1973 with the aim of promoting public participation in community affairs and improving the cleanliness, security, and general management of multi-story buildings. China’s Influence on Cultural and Educational Development after 1967 The cultural development of Hong Kong and China diverged significantly and resulted in the radical severing of Hong Kong’s cultural and social ties to the prc in the post-1950 era (see Choi 1990a, 1990b). The cultural life of Hong Kong people was assumed to be ‘apolitical’ and ‘pluralistic’, while in the prc, cultural life tended to be ‘political’ and characterized by ‘centralized thinking’ as required by the state (Ho 2011). Though Hong Kong is historically and geographically connected to China, Hong Kong’s colonial governance, industrialization, commercialization, and other modernization processes fostered the emergence of a sense of a Hong Kong identity following 1967. China’s objections to British colonial rule and the diplomatic policies of the British in Hong Kong’s politics were sources of conflict from time to time. In the 1960s and 1970s, Hong Kong experienced significant social unrest and widespread social dissatisfaction, as evidenced by a number of political demonstrations, industrial strikes, and student protests. The 1967 riots, inspired by China’s Cultural Revolution, were organized by Hong Kong’s communists and students who mainly came from pro-Beijing schools (also known as patriotic schools). The 1967 riots led to

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51 deaths, hundreds of serious injuries, and thousands of arrests. Although the 1967 riots originally arose from workers’ disputes and grievances, the confrontations between the pro-Beijing forces and the British Hong Kong government were intensified by local violence and bombings (for details, see Cheung 2009; Yep 2008). There were reports that hundreds of bombs (both genuine and fake) were placed in the streets with placards proclaiming the pro-Beijing and anti-colonial stance of the people who had placed them. Members of the pro-Beijing forces in Hong Kong were bound to a small circle associated with the mainstream of society. In the colonial period between the 1950s and 1970s, pro-Beijing patriotic schools formed an auxiliary culture and sought to build up a surrogate, socialist, and prc-unified identity with the provision of modest education for the common people (Lau 2013, 2014). During the 1940s and 1950s, these patriotic schools included Chung Wah School, Fishermen’s Children’s School, Fukien School, Heung To, Hong Wah Middle School, Mongkok Workers’ Children’s School, Pui Kiu Middle School, and many others. These schools were conceived as a model of independent power that endured in the school system and that fought against the British Hong Kong government (Lau 2013: 27). Graduates from local pro-Beijing schools worked in associated Chinese organizations and companies, such as the Xinhua News Agency (an official press agency of the prc), Ta Kung Pao, the Bank of China, the crc Department Store, and so on (see Lau 2011: 138). Moreover, the Cultural Revolution in the prc distinctly appeared to some Hong Kong people as ‘less an inspiration than a threat’ (Mathews 2003: 59). Many Hong Kong people envisioned a horrifying image of Communist China during the Revolution. To counter this image, ‘Hong Kong Week’ was established, which included fashion shows, popular entertainment, exhibitions, and a parade, and it would later become the much larger ‘Festival of Hong Kong’, with a focus on the ‘community as one’, a ‘sense of belonging’, and more local awareness of social issues (Mak and Chan 2013: 161). Many scholars (e.g., Cheung 2009; Mak and Chan 2013; Tong 2016; Yep 2008) agree that there was a gradual increase in the development of a Hong Kong consciousness and a sense of belonging among Hong Kong people after the 1967 riots.29 Owing to the 1967 riots, Hong Kong faced a more polarized, individualized, divided, and heterogeneous society, and social cohesion became an 29 The 1967 riots, which were described as anti-colonial riots in 1967, originated from an employment dispute at an artificial flower factory in Hong Kong. With intervention by leftist trade unions and suppression by the British colonial government, it turned into a riot that ended with 51 dead and more than 800 injured. Of the more than 8,000 bombs found, 1,100 were real.

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important notion in public policy debates. A characteristic ‘Hong Kongness’ further distinguished those whom Siu (1993: 32-33) refers to as ‘the backbone of Hong Kong’s prosperity’, whose ‘social and emotional ties to China are relatively weak’ (also see Ma 1999). Those espousing this identity, which was distinct from identities found among people in China, were labelled ‘Hong Kong People’ (‘Heung Gong Yan’),30 and it was stimulated by economic development and colonial policies on popular culture, education, housing, and the media. The culture of Hong Kong (also known as Hongkongese culture) can best be described as a foundation that began with Lingnan’s Cantonese culture from the provinces of Guangdong and Guangzi in southern China. Cantonese is the predominant Chinese dialect spoken in Hong Kong. During the British colonial period, Hong Kong used English as the official language, and later appended Cantonese as a second official language in 1974. Since 1995, the official language policy of the Hong Kong government has been promoted as ‘biliterate’ (Chinese and English) and ‘trilingual’ (Cantonese, Putonghua, and English), even after the 1997 transition. Changing Local Identity After years of negotiation, the governments of the uk and the prc finalized the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration, which prepared the way for the handover of Hong Kong on 1 July 1997. However, the agreement did not represent the wishes of all three sides of the triangular relations – China, the uk, and the people of Hong Kong – because Hong Kong people were not part of the equation and thus did not have any real autonomy. Without roots and lacking sovereignty, Hong Kong’s fate was decided by the central governments of China and the uk (see Horlemann 2003; Scott 1989). Moreover, the uk had no jurisdiction over, no power to rule, and no power to supervise Hong Kong after the handover. The local identity of Hong Kong citizens in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (hksar) is a powerful social and cultural reality. After the 1997 handover, various social and political forces shaped and negotiated a postcolonial identity in the promotion of Hong Kong identity that corresponded to Hong Kong’s changing politics and cosmopolitan way of life (see Kwong 2016). The public uproar in 2003 over Article 23 in the National Security Bill and the subsequent mobilization of public opinion on constitutional reform rekindled the debates on Hong Kong identity. On 30 The residents of Hong Kong, with their modern sense of self-awareness and identity, are often called ‘Hong Kong people’, ‘Hong Kong men’ (but not ‘Hong Kong women’), ‘Hongkongese’, ‘Hongkongers’, and ‘Hong Kongers’. This chapter makes no distinction among these terms.

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1 July 2003 (an official celebration marking the sixth anniversary of Hong Kong’s handover), more than 500,000 people marched in Hong Kong against Article 23.31 Chants of ‘Power to the people’ and ‘Down with Tung’ were heard in the street demonstrations against the anti-subversion bill and the leadership of Hong Kong Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa. The campaign against Article 23 was a fight between the core values of Hong Kong and Chinese national identity. There has been much discussion of the conceptualization of cultural, local, and national identity in the local-national dichotomy among Hong Kong people before and after the 1997 handover. The identity of Hong Kong people has always been divided into four categories – namely, Hongkongers, Chinese, both, and neither (see S.K. Lau 1997). With the advent of decolonization, renationalization, and localization, Hong Kong people established their own ‘Hong Kong identity’ and were, to a certain extent, resistant to the idea of embracing a holistic Chinese identity. Inspired by the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration and the 1989 Tiananmen Square Incident, the question ‘Are we Chinese, Hong Kong Chinese, or Hongkonger?’ has been frequently asked by Hong Kong people. Those who ask this question have been described as confronting an ‘identity crisis’ (Henderson 2001; S.K. Lau 1997) in that they identify with – but are very isolated from – China. Since the 1997 handover, the whittling away of Hong Kong’s autonomy by Mainland China, particularly in the last decade, has added to the sense of an identity crisis. National identity is unquestionably an important component in political culture when exploring the identity of the people of Hong Kong. Four different sorts of national identity have been recognized – namely, Hong Kong citizens, Chinese Hong Kong citizens, Hong Kong Chinese citizens, and Chinese citizens – but among these, the identities of Hong Kong citizens and Chinese citizens have been more variable (Fung 2004). With the rapid expansion of China’s influence, many young people who have grown up in post-handover Hong Kong have little attachment to either the British colonial regime or today’s China (Bland 2017). Based on six sets of surveys carried out between 1996 and 2006, Ma and Fung (2007) analyzed the informants’ self-proclaimed identity in terms of five categories: Hongkongers, Hongkongers but also Chinese, Chinese but also Hongkongers, 31 The Basic Law, which serves as Hong Kong’s constitutional document, was adopted on 4 April 1990 by the prc’s Seventh National People’s Congress and came into effect on 1 July 1997. Under the principle of ‘one country, two systems’, the socialist system and policies of the prc will not be practised in the hksar and Hong Kong’s previous capitalist system and lifestyle will remain unchanged for 50 years (i.e., until 2047). However, the prc has warned Hong Kong that it must not become a base from which to subvert China.

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Chinese, and other. They found that Hong Kong people validated a mixed identity (sometimes contradictory identities) by recognizing themselves as both Hongkongers and Chinese (Ma and Fung 2007). In terms of political identities in post-1997 Hong Kong, national and local identities have been contextualized as ‘two distinct attitudes’ that have been led ‘to drift apart in recent years’ (Steinhardt et al. 2018: 261). In recent polls, most Hong Kong people identified themselves as Hongkongers rather than Chinese or Hong Kong Chinese. For example, according to a poll of 1,007 people conducted by the University of Hong Kong (hku) in 2016, about four in ten residents described themselves as Hongkongers (41.9 per cent), while a quarter (25.1 per cent) identified themselves as Hongkongers in China (hku Public Opinion Programme Site 2018a). The term ‘Hongkonger’ extends well beyond politics and nationality and crosses into the definitions of culture, ethnicity, race, and morality (see Blundy 2016; Lee 2020). Overall, for example, there has been ‘a strong opposition against the authoritarian Communist Party regime’, as many Hong Kong students ‘place value on freedom of speech and the rule of law’ (Ortmann 2018: 111). According to Ortmann’s student interviews (ibid.: 112) conducted between 2014 and 2015,32 the most important event in Hong Kong concerning its increasing dissatisfaction with China was the 79-day Umbrella Movement (um). In December 2018, according to a survey conducted by hku’s Public Opinion Programme (pop), the three highest ratings for ethnic identity on a scale of 0 to 10 (0 = weak identity and 10 = strong identity) was ‘Hongkongers’ at 8.34, ‘Asians’ at 8.07, and ‘members of the Chinese race’ at 6.98, while ‘citizens of the prc’ was the lowest at 5.91 (see Figure 3.1; hku pop Site 2018b). With a view to sustaining the city’s cultures, values, and harmony, local museum collections and local libraries have helped the community to construct their own cultural identity. Brochures, labels, and lectures are permanent interpretive devices in museum halls that normally consist of a large amount of information, such as dates, facts, and places (see Kavanagh 1994). The Hong Kong Museum of Art, established in 1962, and the Hong Kong Museum of History display Hong Kong’s rich cultural heritage and its memory. As claimed by Man (2011: 90), the Museum of Art has influenced ‘identity formation by using its resources and representatives in both colonial and postcolonial spaces’ and has played ‘a significant role in some of the cultural and political antagonisms involved’. The Hong Kong 32 The semi-structured interviews were carried out over three years, between 2013 and 2015, and took place in the author’s social research methods class in a local university during the fall semester (Ortmann 2018).

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Figure 3.1  Hong Kong people’s ethnic identity according to the HKU POP Site Citizens of the PRC

5.91

Chinese

6.59

Global citizens

6.86

Members of the Chinese race

6.98

Asians

8.07

Hongkongers

8.34 0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

Heritage Museum, which opened in 2000, is the latest public museum that has attempted to build local identity and community solidarity within the diverse communities in Hong Kong. Vickers (2003: 74) has argued that the unique political culture in Hong Kong was formed by placing ‘countervailing pressures’ on local museums’ curators, who have been enforced to perform ‘a delicate balancing act’ between Hong Kong and China. According to Carroll (2005: 80), the four objectives of Hong Kong museums are as follows: (1) to foster a local identity within a larger sense of Chinese nationalism; (2) to preserve an ‘authentic’ Hong Kong past; (3) to promote colonial and postcolonial Hong Kong as an artefact of East and West (though grounded in traditional Chinese culture); and (4) to present Hong Kong as an international city. The Hong Kong Central Library opened in 2001 and carried out a Hong Kong Music Collection Campaign in the same year. The major purpose of the campaign was to collect material related to music in Hong Kong, develop public understanding of the preservation of Hong Kong’s music archives, and encourage studies and research on Hong Kong music (Chang 2008). The Hong Kong Central Library at that time had a collection of ‘over 5,000 music documents and facilitated local music research and publications’ (ibid.: 495). Localization of Hong Kong Culture and Popular Music in Association with Identity Shaped by Lion Rock Spirit The localization of Hong Kong culture has involved the development of Cantonese popular music – a unique genre with lyrics written in standard

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modern Chinese but sung in Cantonese – in response to demands from Hong Kong audiences that popular music be sung in their own dialect. This section will attempt to examine how local identity has developed in local culture and music before and after 1997 as well as how the popular song ‘Below the Lion Rock’ has reflected the social and political transformation of Hong Kong over the last four decades. The origins of the song ‘Below the Lion Rock’ lie in a popular tv programme, Below the Lion Rock, which portrayed the lives of Hong Kong’s industrious working people in concrete social situations. The programme was first broadcasted in 1972 and ran until 2016 on commercial tv stations. Below the Lion Rock had a famous theme song that shared the same name as the tv show. It was composed in 1979 by Joseph Woo (1933- ), a respected local songwriter, with lyrics written by James Wong (1941-2004), who is regarded as the ‘Father of Cantopop’, and sung by Roman Tam (1945-2002), who was known as the ‘Godfather of Cantopop’.33 Both the name of the tv series and its eponymous theme song gave rise to the term ‘Lion Rock Spirit’, which was symbolic of the city’s growth in the early days. The song lyrics evoked powerful memories in Hong Kong people who were poor but worked hard to improve their living standards: In life there is joy But we’ll also be sad If we can meet everyone beneath the Lion Rock There will be more smiles than sighs In life it is often rough And it can’t be without worries If we are on the same boat We can all help each other beneath the Lion Rock And leave our differences behind… [my translation].

Besides the tv programme and the song, Lion Rock Spirit is embedded in those who built Hong Kong, transforming it from a barren rock into one of the most vibrant cities in the world. It is said to be the core value of Hong Kong, passed on by Hong Kong people from generation to generation. Lion Rock Spirit has been cited by politicians and businesses as a symbol of the can-do character of Hong Kong people. During the 2003 outbreak of severe 33 The music video featuring Roman Tam singing ‘Below the Lion Rock’ can be viewed at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v = FhXDbQU_VAY&list = RDFhXDbQU_VAY#t = 5 (accessed 7 July 2020).

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acute respiratory syndrome (sars), which infected 1,755 people and killed 299, the song was often broadcasted by the media in Hong Kong and became the city’s unofficial anthem. Following Hong Kong’s 1 July protests in 2003, political activists and pro-democracy protestors often adopted the song as a symbol to resist the political establishment. In late 2014, Lion Rock Spirit took on a new layer of meaning with the Umbrella Movement (um). Regarded as a call for independence from the prc’s rule, it is also known as the Umbrella Revolution and the Occupy Central Movement, and it was supported by the civil disobedience campaign known as Occupy Central with Love and Peace, which also ended on 15 December 2014. On 23 October 2014, a group of rock climbers (who were also protesters) hung a huge yellow banner reading ‘I want real universal suffrage’ on the highest point of Lion Rock. The participants in the um identified a new narrative based on local identity and the ‘New Lion Rock Spirit’. This new narrative did not aim to overthrow the traditional values of Lion Rock Spirit but instead emphasized the importance of collectivism, fairness, justice, public interest, and local interests in Hong Kong, cherishing its local characteristics by distinguishing it from other prc cities (Pang 2016). Although the Umbrella Movement was unable to achieve its goal of universal suffrage, the event was partly responsible for the rise of localism in Hong Kong and a new political awakening among Hong Kong youths. During the um protests, there was what was known as an ‘add oil machine’ (an online platform) that carried messages of support from people worldwide to the protesters. The term ‘add oil’ (a colloquial expression of encouragement) is generally not understood by other English speakers. An art collective called ‘Stand by You: Add Oil Machine’ launched a scheme to project words of encouragement from international supporters to protesters onto a wall along Gloucester Road, Hong Kong. According to the organizers of the protests, more than 40,000 messages were collected from all over the world encouraging protesters to ‘add oil’, using the Hong Kong English phrase, which now has its own Urban Dictionary entry (Bland 2015). As a result of the 2014 Umbrella Movement, Hong Kong people have undergone an evolution of their consciousness of social identification, with the creation of new terminologies and modified terms in response to their changing society: for example, yellow ribbons versus blue ribbons to demonstrate the protestors’ identity in the Umbrella Movement,34 people from Mainland 34 Yellow ribbons, a symbol of democracy, were worn by activists who showed support for the Occupy Movement. Activists also tied yellow ribbons on the gates of China’s Liaison Office. The yellow ribbon as it is used today stems from the 1973 hit ‘Tie a Yellow Ribbon Round the Old Oak

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China versus Hong Kong people, anti-localism versus localism, and the old Lion Rock Spirit versus the New Lion Rock Spirit. Cantopop’s usage of the Cantonese language has also been described as a reaction that shows aversion to the colonial English language as well as to the Chinese motherland’s Putonghua (Ho 2003). As reflected in the Umbrella Movement’s protest songs – namely, the Cantonese version of the song ‘Do You Hear the People Sing?’ (anonymous), ‘Under the Vast Sky’ (Beyond), the um’s unofficial anthem ‘Lift Your Umbrella’ (featuring Denis Ho, among others), and ‘Gau Wu (Shopping) Every Day’ (anonymous) – Ruhlig (2016: 62) claimed that ‘different strands of the um’s identity politics’ were incorporated into the music and that the songs were both a representative case of a mobilization of ‘Hong Kong’s protest history/tradition’ and ‘manifestations of different kinds of localism’. Though the dominant language of the um’s protest songs was Cantonese, the English versions (though they were less significant in the um) reflected ‘the international character of Hong Kong’ (Ruhlig 2016: 63). A combination of the Cantonese and English languages was an emblem ‘of the local with an international musical tradition (cover versions)’ (ibid.: 68). The music video for ‘Do You Hear the People Sing?’ (an unfolding of the plot of Les Misérables) was propagated in the um by means of a YouTube video, which showed an unidentified young girl singing the song: ‘Hand in hand, we fight hard for the right to vote for our future’. In the video, her hand is covering her mouth and she is holding a teddy bear embellished with the words ‘keep quiet’.35 Moreover, the theme of ‘Below the Lion Rock’ also caught the attention of the post-handover government marshalling the people of Hong Kong, particularly during this difficult era. In March 2002, Anthony Leung Kamchung, the Financial Secretary, used the lyrics of the song ‘Below the Lion Rock’ to conclude his maiden budget speech and to revitalize a dispirited Hong Kong (Wong 2017: 106-107): Of one mind in pursuit of our dream All discord set aside With one heart on the same bright quest Fearless and valiant inside Tree’ by Tony Orlando and Dawn, an American pop music group that was popular in the 1970s, and is sung as a protest song. In contrast to the yellow ribbons that def ined the Movement, supporters of the police opted to wear blue ribbons to pledge their support for the opposition. 35 The music video, with English subtitles, can be viewed at: https://m.youtube.com/ watch?v = mrWPp4fUpCQ (accessed 7 July 2020).

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Hand in hand to the ends of the earth Rough terrain no respite Side by side we overcome ills As the Hong Kong story we write.

The hksar government always produces music videos presented by local popular artists to promote a positive image of society in the community. On 23 April 2013, the ‘Hong Kong: Our Home’ campaign was launched at the Hong Kong Museum of History by the Chief Secretary for Administration, Carrie Lam (who has also served as the fourth Chief Executive of Hong Kong since 2017), to foster social cohesion and to promote mutual help and solidarity in the community. The campaign’s theme song, ‘Sail On’, which featured the Cantopop singers Jacky Cheung and Eason Chan, a new score by Eric Kwok, and lyrics by Abrahim Chan, adopted part of the iconic melody from ‘Below the Lion Rock’ to invoke Lion Rock Spirit in a time of hardship and uncertainty. On 23 May 2013, Lam launched the music video for the campaign with the hope that the song would inspire perseverance in Hong Kong people. However, as Chu notes critically (2018: 32), ‘Sail On’ was not well accepted by Hong Kong people because its ‘top-down sense of belonging’ did not make an impression on them, ‘unlike the bottom-up experience’ shared in ‘Below the Lion Rock’. Despite the unpopularity of ‘Sail On’, Lion Rock Spirit continues to be used to reignite the Hong Kong populace. On 11 October 2017, Lam concluded her 2017 Policy Address speech at the Legislative Council (LegCo) by focusing on the Hong Kong spirit that has not yet been extinguished, and she appended the lyrics of the hksar’s 20th anniversary theme song, ‘Hong Kong Our Home’: ‘We’ve built wonders through hard work. Believing in ourselves evermore. That’s why I treasure Hong Kong. That’s why I appreciate Hong Kong’.36 As the coronavirus spread in 2020, some Hong Kong people from different sectors have reawakened the Lion Rock Spirit in an effort to beat COVID-19 together in Hong Kong. In a bid to revive Hong Kong’s coronavirus-battered economy, the launch of the Hong Kong Coalition – regarded as a new pro-China coalition by pro-democracy local politicians with two former Chief Executives of the hksar, Tung Chee-hwa and Leung Chun-ying, and hundreds of prominent local figures – was announced at a press conference on 5 May 2020. In addition to the press conference, the Coalition released 36 The music video, with English subtitles, can be viewed at: https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v = AagOERgK8Co (accessed 7 July 2020).

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a theme song titled ‘Zai Chufa’ (Start Again) sung by various Hong Kong artists to connect Hong Kong people to a better future.37

The Politicization of School Education This section will present the political context of Hong Kong’s school education under China’s rule since 1997. Before the 1980s, education in Hong Kong reflected the political aims of the British Hong Kong government in terms of the expression of colonial symbols such as the ‘Union Jack’ flag and the depoliticization of education in that political activities were not permitted to be carried out in school. With a view to suppressing the spread of communist influence in Hong Kong’s schools, for example, an amendment of the Education Ordinance in November 1948 provided the Director of Education with the authority to refuse or to cancel the registration of any teacher, close any school, and control the curricula and textbooks of all schools (Sweeting 1993: 199). On important occasions, such as speech days and open-school ceremonies, the national flag of the uk and the Hong Kong colonial flag were both flown, and the national anthem of the uk was played, particularly in government schools. The importance of schools arose from the fact that they made available what was considered ‘official knowledge’. Scholars have examined Hong Kong’s school education and specific curricula in response to political changes in Hong Kong, focusing on education and colonial transition (Bray 1997; Morris and Sweeting 1991), language and education (Evans 2002; Lai and Byram 2003), civic education (Lai 1999; Tse 2004), citizenship education (Chong 2015; Fairbrother 2005, 2010), history and Chinese history (Vickers 2002; Vickers and Kan 2003), and politics and university governance (Law 2019). Contextualized instruction in Hong Kong after 1997 has been marked by open confrontation and compromises between Mainland China and Hong Kong. Schools in Hong Kong play an essential role in advancing the political agendas of the government and in imposing the ideals of the ruling party. The promotion of national identity has been a central component in curriculum development in the last two decades. These political concerns have involved many direct conflicts between the Hong Kong people and the Hong Kong and Beijing authorities, resulting in tense central-local relationships that have challenged the principle of ‘one country, two systems’ and the Basic Law. 37 The music video can be viewed at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v = B2x9vbdo9VU (accessed 7 July 2020).

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Basic Law Education In May 1996, the Preliminary Working Committee, a body set up and appointed by the prc authorities for the preparation of the transfer of sovereignty over Hong Kong, recommended that the Education Bureau (edb) publish appropriate teaching materials in accordance with the Basic Law. With a view to supporting the teaching and learning of Basic Law education, the Curriculum Development Institute of the edb produced the guide Understanding the Law, Access to Justice – Basic Law Learning Package (Junior Secondary) in both Chinese and English in 2011-2012. In an update, the edb produced in 2015 the version of the Package that was ‘reprinted with minor amendments’, which was dispatched to all secondary schools. The edb also created an online course on the Basic Law (nine modules, including ‘one country, two systems’ and the Basic Law, Relationship between the Central Authorities and the hksar, Interpretation and Amendment of the Basic Law, The Basic Law and Daily Life) for secondary school students’ self-learning. Teachers were encouraged to adopt and combine different flexible teaching and learning strategies to deliver and promote Basic Law education through junior secondary humanities subjects. Basic Law education has been introduced in different curricula, such as the general studies subjects in primary schools, life and society subjects and Chinese history at the junior secondary level, and liberal studies at the senior secondary level (see Curriculum Development Council 2011). According to the new curriculum guidelines for the junior secondary level issued on 31 May 2017, schools should provide a total of about 39 hours of Basic Law education, including about 24 hours of Chinese history and 15 hours of life and society subjects (Curriculum Development Council 2017a: 17-18). If schools do not offer life and society lessons or in cases where Basic Law-related modules are not delivered at the junior secondary level, then a 15-hour independent ‘Constitution and the Basic Law’ module must be developed for schools by mid-2017 (Curriculum Development Council 2017a: 18; Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region 2017a). The learning hours for Basic Law education would total 51 hours if schools committed two hours and ten hours, respectively, to geography and history in Basic Law education. Such education can also be strengthened and promoted through the development of learning and teaching materials, the organization of relevant learning activities, the provision of teacher education, and exchange programmes with Mainland students and teachers. Alongside the work of the Basic Law Promotion Steering Committee and the celebration of the 70th anniversary of the establishment of the prc

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and the 40th anniversary of China’s reforms and opening up, the edb is organizing a competition to encourage primary and secondary students to read materials related to the Basic Law (refer to the Education Bureau Circular Memorandum No. 33/2019). The edb will shortlist Hong Kong schools’ finalists who will participate in a nationwide competition to be held in Beijing in the 2019/20 school year. Censorship in Education Although educational developments in Hong Kong and China are different in their orientations, the hksar has long had a hidden political agenda of not annoying the prc authorities, despite granting Hong Kong freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and freedom of publication, protected under Article 27 of the Hong Kong Basic Law and Article 16 of the Hong Kong Bill of Rights. The politicization of education policies, which are controlled by the bureaucratic system of the edb (formerly known as the Education Department, an official organization that implements education policies in Hong Kong), has demonstrated that the EDB has the power to overrule the contents of Hong Kong’s school curricula and to censor curriculum materials. After 1997, the hksar government was expected to abide by the ‘one country, two systems’ policy. The edb and its publishers are tasked with producing ‘appropriate teaching materials’ in line with the Basic Law to retain the One-China Policy, and schools are constrained by official documents that authorize the nature of subject knowledge. As such, textbooks used in Hong Kong must be approved by the edb based on their alignment with the curriculum guidelines, formal quality textbooks, and teaching resources (refer to the Education Bureau Circular Memorandum No.30/2019). The document Fundamental Principles for Revising Textbooks encourages textbook publishers to maintain the essence of the concept of ‘one country’ under the spirit of the principle of ‘one country, two systems’ (Curriculum Development Council Textbook Review Committee 1998). The means of censorship have been observed by publishers, bureaucrats, and academics (Vickers and Jones 2005: 182), in that no effort should be made to challenge or affront the Chinese government over sensitive issues. For example, terms adopted in the textbooks were altered from ‘Hong Kong’ to ‘Hong Kong Special Administrative Region’ and ‘Taiwan’ to ‘Taiwan Province’. In March 2016, the Leisure and Cultural Services Department (lcsd) dropped the word ‘National’ (in both Chinese and English) from the full name of Taipei National University of the Arts in a producer’s mini-biography in a drama programme booklet (Mok and

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Cheung 2016). Between 1999 and 2016, the hksar government omitted the word ‘National’ from the names of Taiwanese universities in its official press statements at least 23 times (Cheung 2016). Censorship and self-censorship in Hong Kong have become more widespread, and the number of episodes has increased dramatically in the 2010s. Such incidents can be traced back to the 2014 Umbrella Movement. For instance, in August 2014, Hong Kong’s postal service was criticized for refusing to mail tens of thousands of flyers on civil disobedience produced by Scholarism, a pro-democracy student activist group for education policies in Hong Kong. The lcsd also banned students from using Tamar Park (an urban park adjacent to the Central Government Offices and the LegCo managed by the lcsd) on the climactic day of their class boycott (Kong 2018). In late September 2014, in response to the rejection of civil nominations by the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress of the prc, the Hong Kong Federation of Students (hkfs) and Scholarism organized a two-week class boycott at higher education institutions as well as several waves of protests outside the new government headquarters. These protests steadily ‘developed into an occupy movement, leading to civil disobedience’ on a remarkable scale, and this movement was formed to a large extent by volunteers (Fung and Su 2016: 160). When the um was still in full swing, it was reported that some senior government officials were dissatisfied with the Liberal Studies curriculum (particularly the themes related to the rule of law and sociopolitical participation), as they believed that it had provoked students to join the demonstrations (Fung and Lui 2017: 161). Since 2015, however, university student unions have ceased participating in the annual June Fourth vigil38 and instead held forums in 2016 and 2017. No forum was presented in 2018, as multiple student leaders maintained that the discussion was repetitive. In 2019, six student unions, from hku, the Chinese University of Hong Kong (cuhk), Hong Kong Baptist University (hkbu), the Hong Kong Polytechnic University (PolyU), City University of 38 The annual event, like the yearly June Fourth Memorial Candle Vigil organized by the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China (aspdmc) at Victoria Park, demonstrates the collective belief in and exercising of civic values. Since the 1989 Tiananmen Square Incident, the aspdmc has held an annual candlelight vigil, which is joined by tens of thousands of people. According to the aspdmc, the turnout at the candlelight vigil on 4 June 2019 included over 180,000 people, while the police claimed that 37,000 people participated at its peak (South China Morning Post Reporters, 2019). The participants demanded the ‘end [of] one-party dictatorship… to build a democratic China’. With an increasingly strong Hong Kong identity and growing anti-China sentiments, the candlelight vigil is starting to face new criticisms, particularly among young localists (see Cheng and Yuen 2019; Ma 2015).

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Hong Kong (CityU), and the Education University of Hong Kong (eduhk), along with the hkfs, jointly announced that they had revived the forum. CityU removed the term ‘National’ from the name of a sister university in Taiwan – changing it from National Chiao Tung University to Chiao Tung University in Hsinchu – in its sports-related announcements on its website (Cheng 2019). In regard to the name change, CityU asserted that both names – National Chiao Tung University and Chiao Tung University in Hsinchu – have been extensively adopted (ibid.). In January 2019, when the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology (hkust) announced that the University of Macau scholar Lionel Ni would be its new provost, the word ‘National’ was removed when Ni’s undergraduate degree in electrical engineering from National Taiwan University was mentioned in his bio. Moreover, the edb has long been criticized for its lack of transparency in the membership of its Textbook Committee. In April 2018, following a media report that revealed that the edb’s Textbook Committee deemed certain phrases in some Chinese history textbooks as being inappropriately worded or containing ambiguous concepts, Secretary for Education Kevin Yeung stressed that corrections should be made in the present contents. Such corrections included ‘Hong Kong is located in southern China’, ‘China took back the sovereignty of Hong Kong’, and ‘the Chinese Communist Party’s one-party rule’ (see Lum 2018). Yeung declared that China had ‘always had sovereignty over Hong Kong’, so school textbooks should recount the handover as the ‘taking back’ of sovereignty (ibid.). Other Chinese history books, including those assigned for primary school students, describe Hong Kong’s colonial age as the ‘British occupation’ and exclude details of the Chinese civil war (Chan 2018). According to a recent survey of three mainstream senior secondary textbooks on Chinese history, in response to the 30th anniversary of the June Fourth Incident, it was found that the newest edition had more open spaces regarding the subject than the older versions. For example, the text used more instances of ‘military clearance’ and ‘settlement movement’, but it did not mention the use of tanks, guns, and so on (Ming Pao Daily News 20 May 2019: A8). Thus, when narrating history, the choice of words is very important in the process of approving textbooks. Introduction of Chinese National Identity in Civic Education and National Education The hksar government has attempted to resolve the problems that have resulted from the long colonial period by promoting Chinese culture and Chinese identity in the school curriculum. After the political change of

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1997, one of the most essential influences of China’s cultural heritage was the intensity of students’ engagement in learning. In September 1995, the Civic Education Team of the Board of Education began publishing a series of teaching materials titled ‘Affection for Hong Kong, Heart for China’ for primary and secondary school students (Yuen 1997: 522). The Civic Education Guidelines (Curriculum Development Council 1996) and the Biannual Report (Committee on the Promotion of Civic Education 1996) both stipulated that the promotion of Chinese culture and traditions was an important task for civic education (e.g., Curriculum Development Committee 1985). This move to preserve political and national identities was also illustrated in official educational documents from before and after the handover. Tung Chee-hwa, the first Chief Executive in post-handover Hong Kong, formally placed patriotism on the education reform agenda, and a holistic education review of the curriculum across all levels of schooling was carried out between 1999 and 2001 (see Fairbrother and Kennedy 2011; Tse 2004). According to Tse (2006), Tung focused his early public speeches on the important role of education in building national identity among the public. The civic education policy in the post-1997 period has been described as Chinese values and moral education (Morris and Morris 1999) and the ‘re-depoliticization of civic education and official confirmation of nationalistic education’ (Leung and Ng 2004: 43). For example, the education reform document Learning to Learn: Life-long Learning and Whole-person Development, released in 2001 by the Curriculum Development Council (cdc), was criticized for having substituted political contents with national education based on elements of Chinese culture (Leung and Ng 2004). Since 2001, moral and civic education has been considered one of the four Key Tasks in nurturing students in the seven priority values and attitudes in whole-person education: ‘Perseverance’, ‘Respect for Others’, ‘Responsibility’, ‘National Identity’, ‘Commitment’, ‘Integrity’, and ‘Care for Others’. In 2008, the Chief Executive announced in his Policy Address that a national education platform known as ‘Passing on the Torch’ would be created by coordinating the work from different voluntary groups. In the same year, the National Education Funding Scheme for Young People was launched to subsidize and support large-scale national education activities, including the organization of Mainland trips for young people. In the 2011-2012 Budget, an allocation of HK$100 million (US$12.82 million) was proposed by the hksar government to launch the five-year ‘Mainland Experience Scheme for Post-secondary Students’, which would bankroll local post-secondary students’ participation in activities through short-term internships or learning programmes in Mainland China (Legislative Council Secretariat 2011).

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The exchange programme, titled ‘Understanding Our Motherland’, features school-based exchange activities for Hong Kong’s senior primary and junior secondary students to enhance their understanding of and broaden their horizons in China’s history, culture, and its development. In the 2011 budget year, spending on social harmony and civic education for national education increased by 15 per cent from 2010, to HK$70 million (US$8.9 million), while funding for individual rights (i.e., public education about rights and equality) entailed a decrease of 65 per cent, to HK$15 million (US$1.923 million) (Chiu and Lee 2011). For the 2019/20 school year, the Curriculum Development Committee has advocated teaching the essential civic values of ‘respect and inclusiveness’, ‘responsibility’, and ‘love’ for the subject matter ‘Fulfil Your Civic Responsibilities for a Happy Community’ in order to encourage ‘courtesy’ and ‘morals’ and to promote the ‘Constitution’ and the ‘Basic Law’ with the aim of expanding the public’s comprehension of ‘one country, two systems’. On 30 April 2012, the edb declared that moral and national education should be introduced in Hong Kong to promote a deeper sense of identification among local Hong Kong citizens, with China as a standalone subject that should be introduced in a ‘progressive manner’ through a three-year initiative before it became compulsory in primary schools in 2015 and in secondary schools in 2016 (for details, see Fung and Lui 2017). The booklet ‘The China Model’ makes aggravating proclamations, describing China’s dominant party as ‘progressive, selfless and united’ while criticizing multi-party systems such as that in the us (Lai 2012). The booklet’s implementation into the Hong Kong public school curriculum sparked protests among Hong Kong citizens, who claimed it was ‘brainwashing’ youths in the form of pro-Mainland propaganda. The Hong Kong Professional Teachers’ Union (hkptu), a pro-democracy trade union and the largest teachers’ organization in Hong Kong with more than 90,000 members, has maintained that moral and national education is unnecessary, as the original civic education curriculum already includes ‘national education’ (Hong Kong Professional Teachers’ Union 2013; Ip 2012). During the peak day of the protests, on 29 July 2012, 90,000 people took to the streets to demonstrate (the government claimed it was 32,000 people). Protesters, including parents, teachers, and students, expressed their refusal to cooperate with the launch of national education in the school curriculum as they took part in a demonstration outside government headquarters in Hong Kong. On 9 September 2012, the government announced an indef inite suspension of the compulsory implementation of the new curriculum, thus ending the political crisis.

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In 2019, Chief Executive Carrie Lam hinted at revisiting the question of national education to nurture a sense of ‘I am Chinese’ identity among youths as young as kindergarteners. Lam also emphasized that Hong Kong youths should have affection for Hong Kong, a sense of national identity, and a global outlook. The edb organized a five-day Mainland exchange programme for students in 2019 titled ‘An Exploration into the Sports Culture and Marine Technology of Qingdao (2018/19)’ and, in line with the school curriculum, arranged to participate in sports activities and to seek to understand China’s development in marine technology. The ‘Beijing, Hong Kong and Macau Student Exchange Summer Camp (2019)’, held in Beijing from 21 to 27 July, was jointly organized by the Beijing Municipal Education Commission, Hong Kong’s edb, and the Education and Youth Affairs of the Macau Special Administrative Region to provide exchange opportunities for students from Beijing, Hong Kong, and Macau39 to learn the history and development of the three regions. However, plans to adopt civic education or civic and national education in the school curriculum in Hong Kong’s public schools have sparked protests among many sectors of Hong Kong people, who have claimed that the curriculum brainwashes young people’s minds with pro-Mainland propaganda. Leung and Print’s survey (2002) conducted in Hong Kong in 1999 found that only half of the 494 secondary school teachers surveyed preferred nationalistic education as the nucleus of civic education, while education for cultural nationalism was pinpointed as the most preferred topic. According to a survey conducted by the Boys’ and Girls’ Clubs Association involving 1,995 secondary school students and 1,409 parents of primary school children in 2012, three-quarters of the students and parents responded that the controversial national education curriculum should be withdrawn and a new consultation exercise should be presented, in spite of the government’s claim of a majority of support for its implementation (Lo 2012). Only 10 per cent of the students and 23 per cent of the parents who completed the survey supported making national education an independent subject (ibid.). 39 Located in the south of Guangdong Province, Macau (or Macao) is famous internationally for its gambling industry and is sometimes referred to as ‘the Las Vegas of the East’. Macau was under Portuguese rule for over 400 years until it was returned to Chinese sovereignty in 1999. Macau is officially known as the Macao Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China. It governed under the principle of ‘one country, two systems’. Although Macau is no longer a colony, Portuguese is still an official language. Portuguese influence can still be seen in its street signs, which resemble Portugal’s traditional blue-and-white ceramic tiles, and the city is filled with pastel-coloured neoclassical buildings that were built during the colonial period.

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A study by the think tank of Hong Kong Policy Research Institute40 showed that one in three Form Five secondary school students among some 2,000 Form Five students from 20 schools across Hong Kong faced a ‘national identity crisis’: 86 per cent of those surveyed classified themselves as Hongkongers and 57 per cent recognized themselves as Chinese (Ng 2016). Though the assumption was made that boosting knowledge about China would lead to a rise in ‘patriotic feelings among students’, a more basic and explicit concern was ‘how an intensely unifying national identity promoted in the personal and social education reform is indeed differentiated from the day-to-day cultural experiences of students’ (Kam 2012: 660). Many Hong Kong teachers feel uncomfortable teaching civic or political education, which may be related to their lack of resources and teaching materials, their insensitivity toward politics, their misunderstanding of the nature of civic education, and a lack of knowledge on how to teach the topic (see Fok 1997; Leung and Ng 2014). Research has been proposed to investigate the contradiction between the anticipation of ‘the nurturing of political culture generated from the democratic development of Hong Kong and the reality in the civic education classrooms’ (Leung and Ng 2014: 10). There have been numerous calls from educators, academics, and civil society encouraging the hksar government to decentralize the mandatory subject in the interest of securing more effective implementation of citizenship education (see Fairbrother 2006, 2010; Fairbrother and Kennedy 2011; Lee 2004; Morris and Morris 2002). Chinese History and History in the School Curriculum In many countries, history is offered as a compulsory subject up until Grade Nine, while in others it is compulsory up until high school or offered as an elective. In the second half of the twentieth century, history education was successively widened in scope in many countries from a narrow cultural sphere to broader perspectives (see Nygren 2011; Vansledright, 2009). As with many other subjects, the status of the teaching of history is currently provisional (not compulsory) and is regarded as legitimate on the grounds of its presumed capacity to provide students with an understanding of contemporary society in many countries (Arkell 1988; Symcox and Wilschut 40 In response to the historical changes brought about by the return of Hong Kong’s sovereignty to China in 1997, the Hong Kong Policy Research Institute (a non-profit and non-governmental independent think tank) was set up in 1995 to conduct policy-orientated research related to the long-term development of Hong Kong.

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2009). On the one hand, globalization and increasingly diverse societies have challenged the understanding of what should, and could, be the teaching of history in school in response to a multicultural environment (Banks 2009; Nash et al. 2000). On the other hand, history is used to supply ‘symbolic examples when political leaders try to evoke nationalism before a conflict, when racist organizations try to exclude immigrants from the national community or when revolutionaries rally against the establishment’ (Nordgren and Johansson 2015: 18). Thus, history is controversial because it is inextricably linked to notions of cultural transmission, heritage, and national identity, and this partly explains why governments have sought influence over the history curriculum (Kaye 1996). Unlike countries or regions that have one history subject in the core curriculum, such as the prc, Singapore, South Africa, the uk, and the us, there have long been two history subjects in Hong Kong’s school curriculum: history and Chinese history. Since 2014, the edb has been reviewing the curriculum of both subjects. Chinese history was first introduced in 1945, and it became an independent subject in secondary schools in Hong Kong despite the limitation of the politicization of Hong Kong schools under colonial rule (Kan 2007; Kan and Vickers 2002). Though Hong Kong students were taught about the historical and cultural traditions of China, the school curriculum was kept at a distance from the prc under the leadership of the cpc. Students were educated about China’s great cultural traditions, strong and weak Chinese rulers, invasions by foreigners, and the strengths and weaknesses of Chinese governments. There was an attempt to focus on ancient Chinese history in order to avoid Chinese history as a subject that promotes Chinese nationalism (Morris et al. 2000: 257). As noted in a report from the Chinese Studies Committee organized within the Education Department in 1953, one purpose of teaching Chinese history to Chinese children would be to get rid of this complex by reviving what is good in Chinese culture, thereby instilling fresh confidence into, and restoring the self-respect of, her people. This, however, must not be identified with the promotion of anti-foreignism. (Education Department 1953: 33)

As reflected in the first Policy Address by Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa, delivered on 8 October 1997: ‘We will incorporate the teaching of Chinese values in the school curriculum and provide more opportunities for students to learn about Chinese History and culture. This will foster a stronger sense of Chinese identity in our students.’

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The subject of Chinese history is intended to promote a unifying national sentiment as part of the efforts to enhance China’s own legitimacy and authority. The Chief Executive maintained in his 2017 Policy Address that the edb would include Chinese history as an independent compulsory subject for the junior secondary level in the 2018/19 school year. The objectives of the Chinese history syllabus were amended and expanded to ‘enhance’ pupils’ sense of belonging to and affection for the Chinese nation through learning Chinese culture and ‘to understand that Chinese culture has the characteristics of being able to integrate with different cultures and transform into a new form of Chinese culture’ (cited in Morris et al. 2000: 258). To evoke nationalistic emotions, the narrative of the new Chinese history curriculum may delve into such matters as the ‘unequal’ treaties signed between the British and the Qing Dynasty, Western imperial aggression against China in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and the Nanking Massacre. (Kwok 2017). In the new Chinese history curriculum, the notion of ‘Chinese national identity’ includes the very first statement in the Basic Law, that ‘Hong Kong has been part of the territory of China since ancient times’ (ibid.). Kevin Yeung, the Secretary for Education, considered that students would have a better understanding of Hong Kong’s relationship with the Mainland by learning about how the city has played a part in China’s development (The Standard, 25 May 2018). The prc has long been testing how far it can go in politicizing the Hong Kong education system by imposing governmental control over the curriculum authorities and by excluding the 1967 riots and the 1989 Tiananmen Square Incident from all Chinese history textbooks issued in 1994. At the same time, the inclusion of local Hong Kong identity in the curriculum and the insufficiency of a sense of belonging to China among Hong Kong students have revealed just how challenging this task of politicization has been. For the prc, the 1989 students’ movement on Tiananmen Square was regarded as ‘unpatriotic’ and ‘disloyal’, and Hong Kong was described as a subversive base from which to overthrow the Chinese communist authorities because of its support for the Beijing democratic movement. Although the nationalist perspective has been made more explicit to encourage the learning of Chinese history and culture in post-handover Hong Kong (Lo 2004), most teachers have been criticized for ignoring, or cramming into the last few weeks of the term, the study of more modern Chinese periods and topics (Kan cited in Vickers and Kan 2003: 206). In a questionnaire survey to 271 teachers conducted by the hkptu between February and March 2015, 62.3 per cent expressed concern that there would be political interference in the revised Chinese history curriculum (So 2015). Public

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opinion surveys conducted between 1985 and 2005 also show that while there has been a growing sense of Chinese identity over time, there was also an ambivalent sense of national identity (Mathews et al. 2008: 11). However, following the second round of consultation on the revised Chinese history curriculum, a survey conducted by the Hong Kong Federation of Education Workers (hkfew), a pro-Beijing teachers union, found that out of 165 secondary Chinese history teachers, 80 per cent believed that the new curriculum would meet the objectives and 70 per cent were happy with the new curriculum (Qiu 2017). In Hong Kong, the study of history has focused on world history in terms of the colonizer and its allies, which is remote from the historical context of the majority of Hong Kong people. Though Chinese history and world history have both introduced Hong Kong history, their approaches are entirely different – Hong Kong is viewed exclusively as a part of China in the former and as embodying an international perspective in the latter (Kan and Vickers 2002). The Revised Curriculum Framework of History (Secondary One to Three), which was designed in chronological order, is composed of twelve topics, with a particular theme suggested for each school year. The framework aims to broaden students’ international perspectives, the histories of civilizations, and countries in other regions, such as the inclusion of the Islamic civilization and the founding and development of the us. According to the revised curriculum framework for history, the development of Hong Kong is included, with a coverage of the cultural heritage of pre-colonial Hong Kong, political and socioeconomic developments during the British colonial period, and the relationship between Hong Kong and China. Though there continues to be no mention of contentious issues such as the 1967 riots and the Tiananmen Square protests, it has no separate sections on the city’s past. Thus, it has been left for teachers and schools to decide whether these contentious topics should be taught in their schools. The revised curriculum frameworks of junior secondary Chinese history and history are expected to be implemented at the Secondary One level in September 2020 at the earliest. However, neither Chinese history nor history have been particularly popular elective subjects for Secondary Six students who sit for the Diploma for Secondary Education (dse) examination, an academic qualification offered by the Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority (hkeaa) and regarded as the university entrance examination. In 2018, out of 59,000 dse students (Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority 2018a), 41 5,836 and 5,525 day school candidates, 41 The actual number of participants was 57,649 (97.7 per cent).

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respectively, took Chinese history and history – fewer than the number of day school students who sat for other humanities subjects like geography (9,388) and economics (9,204; Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority 2018b). Furthermore, most teachers tend not to spend much time on controversial historical topics, since they are still optional in the revised curriculum. As a consequence, this deprives students of an opportunity to understand these historical issues in school education. In May 2020, a question on a Chinese history exam for the dse Examinations, about whether Japan did ‘more good than harm’ to China between 1900 and 1945, sparked a political firestorm among those who found that it disregarded the atrocities Japan committed as an invader. Local pro-China politicians and teachers as well as the Chinese authorities were outraged, which led to the Hong Kong edb declaring that the question was ‘biased’ and ‘seriously hurting the feelings’ and dignity of the Chinese people who suffered great pain during the Japanese invasion of China (Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region 2020). The edb took the unusual action of asking the hkeaa, which sets and marks the dse Examinations, to scrap the question on the exam, which was taken by 5,200 students on 14 May 2020. The examination question went viral on China’s social media platform Weibo, with millions of comments condemning Hong Kong. Critics and observers commented that the furore affected not only the 5,200 students who sat for the examination, it also had wider implications for Hong Kong school education. It was suggested that China’s moe select capable teachers to come to Hong Kong to instruct local teachers on teaching Chinese history. The selection criteria of the Mainland teachers were based on their ‘strong political position’, their adherence to ‘the principle of one country, two systems’, and ‘their love for the country’ (Ming Pao Daily News, 25 May 2020: A8). Opposition to the Government’s Extradition Bill On 26 March 2019, the Chief Executive-in-Council endorsed the Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Legislation (Amendment) Bill 2019 submitted by the LegCo. 42 The political eruption 42 The amendment was proposed to the Legislative Council in March 2019 with reference to the case of Chan Tong-kai, a Hongkonger who was arrested in Hong Kong for the theft of his girlfriend’s credit card, phone, camera, and cash. He pleaded guilty to money laundering charges in Hong Kong, but he is accused of having murdered his pregnant girlfriend when they visited Taiwan in 2018. Nonetheless, he cannot be sent to Taiwan for trial, as there is no legal understanding between Hong Kong and Taiwan with respect to extradition.

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over the contentious extradition bill began to escalate when it became clear that pro-government lawmakers were also considering the unprecedented move of bypassing normal vetting procedures to speed up its passage. The pro-democracy camp was greatly concerned that the bill could result in people being extradited to the Mainland for political reasons. In the ensuing months, mass protests took place in the city over fears of the further erosion of rights and legal protections, which were guaranteed after the city’s handover from the British colonial regime to Chinese sovereignty in 1997. The Civil Human Rights Front, an organization affiliated with almost all the pan-democratic bases in Hong Kong for the affairs of Hong Kong politics and livelihood, claimed that the march on 27 April 2019 had a turnout of over 130,000 people (reported by the police as 22,800 people), who took to the streets to protest against the proposed amendment to Hong Kong’s extradition laws. On 9 June, hundreds of thousands of Hong Kong people participated in a vast protest against the proposed extradition law. Hong Kong expats also held protests in cities around the world, including Taipei, London, New York, Toronto, Melbourne, Berlin, and Tokyo. On 12 June, the officials in charge of the legislature intended to resume a second reading of the amendment at a meeting with the full council. Tens of thousands of people blocked the roads around the government’s headquarters and the Legislative Council Complex in protest against the extradition law. Police used pepper spray, tear gas, and rubber bullets to disperse the group, as the mass protests against the extradition bill were regarded as ‘riots’. On 13 June, the legislative debate on the bill was postponed after lawmakers were unable to access the Legislative Council Complex. The us Congressional-Executive Commission on China urged Chief Executive Carrie Lam to withdraw the extradition bill, as the recent peaceful protests showed that they were a strong and profound statement against such amendments. Concerns about the prc judiciary system are deep-rooted and widespread in many sectors of the city. It was reported that more than three-quarters of Hong Kong’s Executive Council and most pro-government lawmakers went to schools to petition against any controversial plans to oppose the government’s extradition bill (Su 2019). More than 23,000 students, alumni, and teachers from all public universities and one in seven secondary schools in Hong Kong participated in sending online petitions against the controversial extradition bill (ibid.). On 2 April 2019, Hong Kong’s university student unions (including the hku Students’ Union, the Student Union of cuhk, the hkbu Students’ Union, the PolyU Students’ Union, the Provisional Executive Committee of the CityU Students’ Union, the Provisional Executive Council of the eduhk Students’ Union, the Provisional Executive Committee of

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Table 3.2 Number of petitions against the extradition bill at Hong Kong’s Christian schools recorded in May 2019 Local Christian Organizations Catholic Church Anglican Church Chinese Christian Church Baptist Church Methodist Church Carmel Church Tsung Tsin Church Christian Nationals’ Evangelism Commission Christian & Missionary Alliance Church Union Lutheran Church Stewards China Holiness Church New Life Schools Incorporation Pentecostal Church Rhenish Church United Christian Chinese Christian Churches Union Chinese Christian Mission Cumberland Presbyterian Church Ebenezer School Evangelical Free Church International Christian Quality Music Secondary and Primary School Kowloon City Christians’ Church Kowloon Tong Church of the Chinese Christian and Missionary Alliance Lai Chack Ling Liang Church Mission Covenant Church SALEM-Immanuel Lutheran Church Seven-day Adventist Church Young Men’s Christian Association Young Women’s Christian Association

Number of Petitions 63 30 19 6 6 6 5 3 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

the hkust Students’ Union, the Hong Kong Academy for Performing Arts Students’ Union, and the hkfs) released a statement titled ‘Dancing with the Devil’ to call for the unity of Hong Kong people and to urge the government to withdraw the extradition bill. As noted by Ying (2019), on 30 May 2019, 179 Christian schools (i.e., schools run by Catholic and Protestant churches) signed petitions against the extradition bill (see Table 3.2 below). School

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students and alumni joined a list of opponents to propose changes to Hong Kong’s extradition laws; among them, more than 400 people signed a petition initiated by the alumni of St. Francis’ Canossian College, the alma mater of Chief Executive Carrie Lam. Moreover, as reported on 5 June 2019, 388 local and overseas’ higher education institutions, primary and secondary schools, and school alumni formed joint petitions (far more than the 250 universities, primary and secondary schools, and school alumni against the national education petition in 2012), while 344 secondary schools (i.e., nearly 70 per cent of Hong Kong secondary schools) made claims against the extradition bill (Apple Daily News, 9 June 2019). Banners opposing the hksar government’s proposed changes to the law were strung up at six universities (hku, cuhk, hkbu, CityU, PolyU, and eduhk) across the territory on 8 June 2019. However, some school principals criticized the public for encouraging school participation in the controversy over the proposed extradition law (Li and Li 2019). The Hong Kong Association of the Heads of Secondary Schools opposed the anti-extradition protests and articulated strong opposition to protesters taking over schools on campuses (ibid.). A statement issued by the school heads titled ‘Protest Students’ Well-being’ made it clear that the Association did not support teachers and students using a school strike as a means to express their opinions. The hkfew maintained that politics and education should be separated and criticized a series of online petitions by students, teachers, and alumni from about 80 secondary schools and universities. In connection to the proposed extradition law and its consequences in ongoing local protests, the Secretary of the edb, Kevin Yeung, urged teachers to adhere to the Code for the Education Profession of Hong Kong and to endorse local schools’ suspension of teachers out of concern for students’ safety. Most complaints against teachers involved inappropriate remarks on social media platforms, including hate speech, foul language, and provocations of violence. Between June and late November 2019, 123 teachers were investigated over allegations of misconduct related to civil unrest. Among these 123 complaints, investigations were completed in 74 cases, with misconduct confirmed in 13 of those and another 30 being dismissed (Chan 2019). The remaining 31 cases were initially approved, but some were under review or awaiting explanations from the teachers involved (ibid.). The President of the Professional Teachers’ Union (ptu), Fung Wai-wah, criticized the government for creating ‘white terror’ and stated that the ptu would unite with teachers against the government’s suppression.

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The Social Construction of Music Education after the 1997 Handover As part of education within the school and community, music education is also thought of as a dynamic process that has been rooted in a sociocultural and political context in Hong Kong. The 1999 Consultation Paper published by the Education Commission dictated that the central role of education was to promote ‘a sense of national identity and in so doing it identifies the areas in which Hong Kong is viewed as “unique”’ (Morris et al. 2000: 258). The 2017 Policy Address, entitled ‘We Connect for Hope and Happiness’, promised to cultivate a strong sense of Chinese national and cultural identity (Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region 2017b: 44-45). Music and education have played an essential role in advancing the political agendas of the government and/or in imposing the policies of the ruling party. This section will analyze the relationship between music education and Hong Kong’s political transition from a British colony to a Special Administrative Region (sar) of the prc. First, a brief account will be provided of the cultural environment of Hong Kong. A Brief Account of the Development of Western and Chinese Music in the Community As the product of a cosmopolitan city, the music of Hong Kong is an intercultural activity framed by Western, Chinese, and local Hong Kong cultures. The music enjoyed in Hong Kong is an eclectic mixture of popular and traditional genres from both Western and non-Western societies. Three local professional orchestras – the Hong Kong Philharmonic Orchestra (established as an amateur orchestra under the name Sino-British Orchestra in 1947), the Hong Kong Sinfonietta (set up by a group of local music graduates in 1990 and reorganized in 1999), and the Hong Kong Chinese Orchestra (hkco) founded in 1977, the only local professional, full-sized Chinese orchestra – regularly perform Western and Chinese classical music, give outreach courses, and visit communities and schools. The Hong Kong government supports the development of the arts – including both traditional music and Western classical music – through the establishment and construction of various types of organizations and cultural venues. The Leisure and Cultural Services Department (lcsd), a department of the Hong Kong government headed by the Secretary for Home Affairs, provides leisure and cultural activities for Hong Kong people. The lcsd’s Community Programmes Office organizes city-wide events and

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carnivals, including Chinese and Western cultural programmes and popular programmes such as variety shows and popular music concerts. The Hong Kong Arts Development Council, a statutory body established by the Hong Kong government in 1995 under the Hong Kong Arts Development Council Ordinance Chapter 472, supports the broad development of arts in the areas of literary arts, performing arts, visual arts, and film and media arts in Hong Kong. The West Kowloon Cultural District is a new, large, and strategic investment by the hksar government to meet the long-term infrastructure needs of the arts and cultural sector, including the Xiqu Centre, which has been described as the first landmark performing arts venue. The Xiqu Centre opened in January 2019 for the promotion of the traditional Chinese art form of xiqu (i.e., Cantonese Opera and other genres). Outside school education, the Music Office (mo), which was established in 1977 by the Hong Kong government and transferred to the lcsd in January 2000, is known for promoting knowledge and appreciation of music in the community, particularly targeted at young people, through instrumental and ensemble training for school students using both Chinese and Western musical instruments. Presently, the mo runs three training programmes: the Instrumental Music Training Scheme, Ensemble Training, and Outreach Music Interest Courses. General Background of School Music Education in Hong Kong Informal music education in Hong Kong’s schools was introduced through the ‘missionary invasion’ or ‘cultural invasion’ by Western countries before the Second World War (Ho 2000). Christianity has been in Hong Kong since 1841, and both the Roman Catholic Church and Protestant congregations have been active as part of Christian religion in Hong Kong. Music has taken up an important place in Hong Kong and is essential in worshipping, educational life, and the promotion of multiculturalism. During the early period of British colonial rule, the London Missionary Society, the Church of England, and the Roman Catholic Church contributed greatly to the development of school music education in Hong Kong. In 1910, music was first taught in the French convent schools for girls through piano lessons. Until the 1960s, school music education was mainly provided by convent schools through informal education, and missionaries played a significant role in the promotion of Western music education in Hong Kong (ibid.). Nonetheless, before the Second World War, school music activities were mainly based on singing, and the songbooks were drawn from ‘Chinese school songs’ written by Mainland composers Shen Xin-gong (1870-1947) and

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Li Shu-tong (1880-1942), anti-war songs, film songs, textbooks from Mainland China such as ‘Renascent Junior Secondary Music Textbooks’, and the English songbook ‘The One Hundred and One Best Songs’ (Chow 1990: 458). After the establishment of the prc in 1949, Chinese music (including traditional Chinese music and ‘new music’ written during the Mao period) was not recognized in Hong Kong’s school music curriculum. School music education was known as a ‘colonial product’, and a supposedly apolitical content of Western musical knowledge was assigned in the music curriculum (Ho 2000). There was also no acceptance of politicization in the incorporation of political issues in music. No political songs (including either the prc’s patriotic songs or Chinese political songs that upheld democracy and political freedom) were put forward in the formal music curriculum (Ho 1999a, 1999b). With the signing of the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration, a process of decolonization of Hong Kong began which involved incorporating Chinese music into the music curriculum and providing more teaching resources and training to teaching and learning Chinese music. With respect to informal music education, the annual Hong Kong Schools Music Festival (hksmf) has been an important event in school music education during both the colonial and post-colonial periods in Hong Kong. In 1949, D.J.F. Fraser, a Scot, was one of the first organizers of the hksmf43 and eventually also became the Music Organizer of the Hong Kong Education Department. In 1949, the first festival was presented, and its repertories were based mainly on Western music. With Fraser’s efforts, the Music Department of the Hong Kong Education Department was organized, and the music subject was implemented in primary and secondary school music education in 1952. In the same year, the first classes for singing in Chinese were introduced. Fraser strongly advocated adopting the English music education system, for example, the Oxford music course, Curwen’s Tonic Sol-fa, sight-singing, sight-reading, and choral singing (Chow 1990: 459). In 1960, the Festival started to include instrumental music composed by Chinese composers. In addition to the Music Festival, the Music Office (mo), established in 1997 by the Hong Kong government, promotes musical training and music appreciation in the community, particularly among primary and 43 The hksmf was established by the Hong Kong Schools Music and Speech Association (hksmsa). It was begun and administered by the Music Section of the Hong Kong Education Department in November 1940. Its aim was to make concerts available for school students and to cultivate their interest in music. When they were not drawn from among the local music teachers, the adjudicators for the hksmf mainly came from the uk during the colonial period in Hong Kong.

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secondary school students. Its programmes and events involve a provision of instrumental and ensemble training for both Western and Chinese music as well as outreach and exchange programmes for youths (though with a strong emphasis on Western musical training and programmes). Over the last two decades, political discourse on music education has revived concerns about the elevation of certain political and social values, cultures, and identities. The cultural identity and social construction of school music education has always been complex in Hong Kong. Nationalism and cultural identity are essentially a collective state of mind in which Hong Kong students are expected to be loyal to the state of China. To some extent, music education has been transformed considerably in response to the increasing involvement of the government, politics, and culture in school education. Education in Chinese Music Music education is grounded in knowledge that is subscribed to (or upheld by) the political authorities in response to social and political contexts in contemporary education. The return of Hong Kong to the prc in 1997 has induced another form of cultural transmission within school music education: the growth of Chinese elements, ceremonial expressions of national identity, and the integration of multiculturalism and social harmony in official song literature. The music curriculum in schools and the adopted music textbooks have been drawn from the four learning targets of the music curriculum: developing creativity and imagination, developing music skills and processes, cultivating critical responses in music, and understanding music in context (Curriculum Development Council 2003: 12-13). In this regard, music in education is focused on active participation in various musical experiences such as listening, performing, creating, composing, and analyzing. Though the teaching of Chinese music and the Chinese anthem is spelled out in the curriculum content, the political construction of music education is not explicitly expressed in the learning objectives (see Curriculum Development Council 2003, 2017a). Since the 1997 political handover, the political discourse on music education has revived concerns about the promotion of Chinese cultural heritage and national identity in the curriculum. The ‘re-Sinicization’ of music education in Hong Kong is reflected in the introduction of Chinese music into school education. The hkco, financially supported by the hksar government, has helped to promote Chinese music to students and teachers by inviting them to attend workshops and concerts. Apart from regular presentations of concerts, the hkco also organizes symposia and Chinese

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orchestra competitions, such as the Hong Kong Youth Music Interflows, in the community. The Friends of Hong Kong Chinese Orchestra was set up in March 1998 with a view to promoting Chinese music to members through ticket discounts, free mailings of the Friends Newsletter, Orchestra updates, concert leaflets, interviews with hkco musicians, and so on. The Hong Kong Youth Chinese Orchestra (hkyco) of the mo, which was established in 1978 with about 90 members, has performed at major local festivals, such as the Hong Kong Festival and the Hong Kong International Youth Arts Festival. In conjunction with giving local concerts, the hkyco has performed in neighbouring regions as well as the uk, the us, Canada, and Australia. The Quality Education Fund, established by the hksar government in 1998, has funded many music projects to promote Chinese music orchestras, Chinese operas, Chinese painting, workshops, and performances in schools. The present curriculum guidelines (Curriculum Development Council 2003, 2017a) for school education encourage the teaching of Chinese instrumental music, Cantonese Opera, and local music. Teaching traditional Chinese culture with vocal and instrumental music is included in a unit of the official approved music textbook for Secondary Junior One students to help them gain some knowledge of Chinese music and understand the role of music in Chinese life (see Hong Kong Music Publisher 2013a). The music curriculum guidelines also recommend strengthening students’ Chinese musical skills and knowledge through performance, appreciation, and composition. Students are taught the categories of traditional Chinese musical instruments, which consist of bowed strings, woodwinds, plucked strings, and percussion (see Chan et al. 2014; Ma et al. 2006a, 2006b). The guidelines also recommend singing and listening to folk songs from diverse regions of China in relation to their social and geographical backgrounds (Curriculum Development Council 2017a: 56, 78). In this regard, I believe that more development and promotion of Chinese folk music should be the main target for school music education for Grade One through Grade Nine. Through these nine grades of school music education, the important genres of traditional Chinese music cover such courses as Han Chinese Folk Songs, Folk Songs of Minority Groups in China, Chinese Opera, and Chinese Instrumental Music (e.g., Chan et al. 2010, 2014; Hong Kong Music Publisher 2013a; Ma et al. 2006a, 2006b). Teaching Cantonese Opera, 44 a traditional operatic genre conducted in Cantonese in southern China, has been one of the major initiatives that has 44 Cantonese Opera is also known as ‘Guangdong Drama’, as it is the principal form of opera found in Guangdong, a province in South China. After the Second World War, its popularity grew

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served as a solid platform for learning about Chinese culture (Leung 2014). To help develop Cantonese Opera as a unique local art form more effectively, the Home Affairs Bureau (HAB), an official organization that promotes civic education, youth policy, culture and the arts established the Cantonese Opera Advisory Committee in May 2004 to advise the Secretary for Home Affairs on the promotion, preservation, study, and development of Cantonese Opera. Subsequently, the Cantonese Opera Development Fund was set up in 2005, and it has been open for applications to promote professional training and programmes, community activities, and research activities every four months since 2007. The Hong Kong Academy for Performing Arts launched the Cantonese Opera Degree as part of its efforts to preserve this traditional art form. The Cha Duk Chang Children’s Cantonese Opera Association is the only children’s Cantonese Opera company to offer school-based children’s Cantonese Opera lessons in Hong Kong. It also promotes Chinese cultural values to children and facilitates their appreciation of traditional Chinese culture at an early age. The Association is committed to producing tailormade scripts performed by children and with children as their audience. With a view to introducing this traditional art form to a wide audience among young people, the Department of Cultural and Creative Art at eduhk integrated 3D kinetic sensing technology into Cantonese Opera training to provide a bridge between Cantonese Opera artists and schools (Shen 2018). Education in Chinese Nationalism Chinese nationalism has been emerging in various degrees in Hong Kong education since the 1997 handover, such as the requirement to sing the prc’s national anthem in schools,. The hksar government hopes that the national anthem and the national flag will help increase students’ patriotism and that all schools will participate in flag ceremonies, particularly on National Day on 1 October. For the celebration of the hksar’s 20th anniversary in 2017, China’s Xinhua News Agency launched an animated music video, sung alternately in Putonghua and Cantonese, which rapped in praise of joint

rapidly in Guangzhou, Hong Kong, and Macau and among Chinese communities in Southeast Asia. The origins of Cantonese Opera date back to the reign of Emperor Jiajing (1522-1566) of the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644). As a genre of Chinese opera, Cantonese Opera integrates literature, drama, music, arts, martial arts, and dance. After the 1997 handover, Cantonese Opera continued to be preserved and promoted within schools and in the community. In 2009, Cantonese Opera was inscribed on the unesco Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity following joint nomination by Hong Kong, Guangdong Province, and Macau.

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Mainland-Hong Kong initiatives and explained the unifying power of ‘one country, two systems’. 45 The Music Curriculum Guide (Primary One to Secondary Three), first issued in 2003, made substantial references to teaching the prc’s national anthem, ‘March of the Volunteers’, in both primary and secondary schools. Basically, a notion in the guide suggests that students will become familiar with the national anthem through activities, for example, singing it during school assemblies (Curriculum Development Council 2003: 56). In addition, it is recommended that students participate in flag-raising ceremonies and sing the national anthem ‘to instil a sense of belonging to the nation and society’ (Curriculum Development Council 2003: 66). For example, the formal music curriculum also provides activities to familiarize students with the anthem, such as lesson plans for secondary school students to compare the Chinese and Australian anthems (Curriculum Development Council 2003: 97-99). The suggested activities are related to listening, performing, and creating music associated with the two anthems, illustrating the learning objectives of these lesson plans to ‘sing in unison with technical accuracy’ (Curriculum Development Council 2003: 98) and to ‘describe music of different styles/ cultures in relation to its contexts’, including the analysis and discussion of the historical and cultural contexts of anti-Japanese war songs (ibid.: 30). Primarily, the learning elaboration is not only restricted to music and its techniques but also to developing skills and values such as creativity, critical thinking, problem solving, and ‘national awareness’ (ibid.: 98, 99, 118). The Key Learning Area Curriculum Guide for arts education notes that the singing of the Chinese national anthem at school functions is a means to contribute to the functions of music in daily life (Curriculum Development Council 2017b: 55). On 4 November 2017, the Standing Committee of the 12th National People’s Congress adopted the decision to include the National Anthem Law to Annex 3 of the Basic Law. In line with Article 18(2) of the Basic Law, the national laws listed in Annex 3 of the Basic Law should be practiced locally by way of promulgation or legislation by the hksar government. It is thus the responsibility of the hksar government to implement the National Anthem Law locally. Over the years, both the edb and the cdc have been exercising the authority to decide what is and what is not taught through the curriculum guidelines. As reported by the General Studies Curriculum Guide for Primary Schools (Primary 1-Primary 6) (Curriculum Development 45 The music video, with English subtitles, can be viewed at: https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v = E8yqVQ-y5Q8 (accessed 7 July 2020).

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Council 2017b: 40), the teaching of the national anthem is listed as a ‘core learning element’ in the first stage of the curriculum (i.e., Primary One to Primary Three). Education about the anthem in primary and secondary schools is compulsory, and sanctions are also applied to those who mock or disrespect the work. If the Chinese flag is raised at the same time the anthem is played, attendees must face the flag. The law criminalizes singing malicious parodies or derogatory forms of the anthem, which could lead to a maximum fine of HK$50,000 (US$6,450) and a three-year prison term. Regardless of how schools are funded and the curriculum they teach, the Law covers primary, secondary, international, and special schools in Hong Kong. In June 2020, the edb set out guidelines to advise schools on how to observe anthem rules while displaying the regional and national flags during some celebration activities and school events such as open days and sports days. Moreover, school heads are urged to look into cases of violations by teachers and/or students and call the police if the acts involve serious and deliberate insults to the anthem. After the 1997 handover, the Chinese national anthem has been found in either the appendix or in the main texts of some adopted music textbooks in schools (see Editorial Board of the Excellence Publication Company Limited 2012a, 2012b, 2012c; Ma et al. 2006a, 2006b). Some adopted Chinese patriotic songs in music textbooks, which include the heirs of Chinese traditions and historical cultural sites, offer a perspective on the key aspect of introducing state-led nationalism in singing. For example, Chinese songs with titles such as ‘Long De Chuanren’ (Heir of the Dragon), for Chinese landmarks like ‘Chang Jiang’ and ‘Huang He’, emphasize bonds of blood and cultural heritage (Hong Kong Music Publisher 2013a: 14-15); ‘Huang He Song’ (Praise the Yellow River) (the Yellow River is also known as China’s ‘Mother River’ and the cradle of Chinese civilization), originated from the second movement of the River Cantata for baritone (Tchiang and Chun, 2011a: 24-25); ‘Yonggan De Zhongguo Ren’ (The Brave Chinese People), features the phrases ‘we are the brave Chinese’, ‘looking at the Chinese soil’, ‘we know no fear of hardship’, ‘united in one single mind’, and ‘to break through the darkness’ (Hong Kong Music Publisher 2013c: 118-119); and ‘Zhongguo Ren’ (Chinese People) describes Chinese civilization over its 5,000 years of history, to urge people to reinforce their nationalist sentiments (Editorial Board of Excellence Publication Company Limited 2012b: 42). These lyrics express the Chinese state’s determination to create a new, unified collective historical memory and political culture. Besides the incorporation of the Chinese national anthem and other nationalistic songs, the approved music textbooks in the curriculum have

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adopted Chinese folk songs to unite the Chinese nation through singing. Folk songs from diverse Chinese ethnic minority groups also appear in the official textbooks, such as folk songs from Jiangsu, Mongolia, Sichuan, and Xinjiang (see Chan et al. 2012a, 2012b; Editorial Board of Excellence Publication Company Limited 2012a; New Trend in Music Editorial Board 2012a, 2012b, 2012c; Tchiang and Chun 2011a). The first unit of a music textbook for Primary Three students is focused on the understanding and singing of the Chinese national anthem and Chinese folk songs for the learning objectives of developing creativity and imagination, developing music skills and processes, cultivating critical responses in music, and understanding music in context (Chan et al. 2012c). Though Chinese revolutionary or communist songs are never mentioned in official curriculum guidelines, one music textbook refers to the learning of a Chinese folk song titled ‘Nanni Bay’ (‘Nanniwan’, literally, ‘South Muddy Bend’)46 as an example of teaching ‘classical Chinese folk songs’ (Hong Kong Music Publisher 2013a: 132) even though the song was actually a Chinese revolutionary song written in 1943, with lyrics by communist playwright and poet He Jingzhi (1924- ) and music by Ma Ke (1918-1976). Education in Social Harmony and Multiculturalism Throughout Chinese history, the moral model of social harmony has played an important role in building up national unity, ensuring the cohesiveness of the country, and ensuring good relations with neighbouring nations. Social harmony has been an important aim of the hksar government since 1997 (Tung 1997), and accordingly it launched a campaign to enhance social quality and the social harmony (Tung 2000). With a view to distinguishing the new administration from the colonial administration, senior officials of the hksar government have been enthusiastic in associating themselves with Chinese traditions in the launch of their social harmony campaign. Since January 2020, the world has been alarmed by the outbreak of covid-19, which has caused large-scale disruptions to people’s daily lives. As in other parts of the world, Hong Kong people have tapped into their social consciousness to deal with the impact of the global pandemic. Some 46 Nanniwan is a gorge about 90 kilometres long located in Yan’an. It is regarded as a revolutionary base and the birthplace of the cpc’s military campaign in northwest China’s Shannxi Province. The song ‘Nanniwan’ was made popular by the cpc and continues to be one of the most recognizable songs in the prc. Cui Jian, the pioneer and godfather of rock and roll in Mainland China, rearranged this old revolutionary song and set it to rock music in 1991.

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songwriters have composed new coronavirus- and quarantine-inspired songs to instruct us to wash our hands. There is a list of songs composed or rearranged for covid-19 that can be found on the Internet or circulating through local social media, including ‘Fight the Virus’47 (Do Re Mi covid-19 version), 48 ‘Together’ – a piece combining ‘Jasmine Flower’, a Chinese folk song, and ‘Nessun Dorma’ (None Shall Sleep), an aria from the final act of Giacomo Puccini’s opera Turandot – and ‘We Promise to Meet in the Spring’ (Yue Zai Chuntian Xiangjian). Many Hong Kong artists have dedicated their tribute songs to those fighting the coronavirus. For example, the song ‘Walking with You’ (Pei Zhe Ni Zou), sung by a group of Hong Kong popular singers, is meant to reinforce our belief that unity and collaboration is the only means to overcome adversity. 49 Other songs, such as Andy Lau’s ‘I Know’ (Wo Zhidao) and ‘Waiting for the Wind and Rain to Pass’ (Deng Fengyu Jingguo) – a collaboration between Jacky Cheung from Hong Kong and Jay Chou from Taiwan – express their admiration for the medical staff working on the frontlines to battle covid-19. In response to globalization, Hong Kong’s politicians and educators have sought to maintain a dialogue with their Eastern and Western counterparts. To equip students with tools to cope with the challenges of globalization and a service- and knowledge-based economy, Hong Kong embarked on large-scale education reforms in the late 1990s. Consequently, education was given new roles and functions, such as enhancing ‘knowledge, ability, quality, cultivation and the international outlook of the people of Hong Kong’ (Education Commission 2000: 3, 29). As the world becomes a global and interdependent village, school education is encouraged to develop a global outlook among students in order for them to be able to cope with the changing world in the twenty-first century (Curriculum Development Council 2000, 2001). To this end, Hong Kong education began to globalize by reforming its curriculum, and more particularly by broadening its curriculum contents to include non-Western music (see Curriculum Development Council 2003, 2017c). The General Studies Curriculum Guide (Curriculum Development Council 2017b: 40, 36) points out that junior primary school 47 The music video, which was released on the YouTube channel on 20 January 2020, can be found at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v = JYTzX9JCbDY (accessed 7 July 2020). This song was a remake by Singaporean entertainer Alan Oon of Paul Simon and Art Garfunkel’s classic song ‘The Sound of Silence’. 48 The music video can be found at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v = MMBh-eo3tvE (accessed 7 July 2020). 49 The music video can be found at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v = nrFdvkWcAqA (accessed 7 July 2020).

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students should cultivate their appreciation of ‘the inheritance of history and culture of Hong Kong and the country’, while senior primary school students are obliged to ‘respect the multi-cultures of Hong Kong’. With respect to sociocultural changes, the revised music curricula for primary to junior secondary education have attempted to cultivate students’ lifelong interest in music and ‘to raise the standard of and cultural qualities of Hong Kong’ (Curriculum Development Council 2003: 8). For example, one volume for Primary Six found in an approved music textbook is particularly devoted to the teaching of world music, such as Australian folk music, Austrian folk music, and African music, and the instructions actively involve students and include non-musical information linking the music with its sociocultural context (see Chan et al. 2010). The use of world folk music is also commonly found across all grades of primary and secondary school education (e.g., Chan et al. 2012c, 2012d, 2014; Hong Kong Music Publisher 2013b, 2013c; Tchiang and Chun 2011b). The senior secondary music curriculum continues to provide students with ‘broad and balanced music learning experiences’ in respect to ‘a wide range of music genres and styles […] that broaden their music and cultural horizons, strengthen their knowledge and promote their respect for local and other cultures’ (Curriculum Development Council & the Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority 2007: 2). Folk songs from diverse social and cultural backgrounds found in the music textbooks are intended to encourage a multicultural approach to music education. For example, the textbooks include songs and music from Denmark, England, Germany, Japan, Korea, Italy, Mexico, Poland, Russia, Spain, Scotland, the us, Wales, and the Romani culture (see Chan et al. 2014; Hong Kong Music Publisher 2013a; Ma et al. 2006a, 2006b; Tchiang and Chun 2011a, 2011b, 2011c). School music educators have attempted to use selected songs in official approved music textbooks to promote sustainable development and peace in Hong Kong and the world. Approved songs found in the music textbooks promote social harmony and character development by emphasizing interethnic respect in the domains of family, society, the country, and the world. For example, a unit in a music textbook titled ‘Songs for Loving Home and Loving Motherland’ is an attempt to deploy diverse songs from China, Hong Kong, and other nations to foster a strong sense of national identity in the era of globalization (Editorial Board of Excellence Publication Company Limited 2012c). Combining both Chinese and Western songs, this unit includes the Chinese national anthem, the Chinese song ‘Chinese People’ (Zhongguo Ren) sung in Putonghua, the Israeli song ‘Hatikvah’ (The Hope), the French national anthem, Claude Debussy’s Finlandia, and the

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Cantonese pop songs ‘Beyond the Lion Rock’ and ‘We Love Hong Kong’, all of which are meant to transmit the notion of loving one’s nation within the wider music culture. Moreover, song lyrics chosen from both local and foreign literature always aff irm youth development, family bonds, friendship, and concerns for peace and international harmony. For example, a number of songs are incorporated into the lessons to help students build a sense of belonging to a common humanity, become responsible and active in global citizenship, and promote a culture of peace. These songs include ‘What a Wonderful World’, written by Bob Thiele and George David Weiss (Editorial Board of Excellence Publication Company Limited 2012c: 12-13); ‘Heal the World’, written and composed by Michael Jackson (Editorial Board of Excellence Publication Company Limited 2012c: 36-37); ‘A Whole New World’, a theme song from Disney’s 1992 animated film Aladdin written by Alan Menken (Hong Kong Music Publisher 2013a: 80-81); and ‘Let There Be Peace on Earth’, composed by Jill Jackson-Miller and Sy Miller in 1955 and initially written for and sung by the International Children’s Choir in Long Beach, California (Tchiang and Chun 2011c: 76-77); and ‘I’d Like to Teach the World to Sing’, which originated as the jingle ‘Buy the World a Coke’, written by Roger Cook, Roger Greenaway, Bill Backer, and Bill Davis (New Trend in Music Editorial Board 2012b: 108-109). The song lyrics also suggest to students that falling in love with people from other countries is all the result of the globalization of love. By using Western and Chinese music literature in singing, students are emboldened to express their belief that families are loving and caring. Songs such as ‘Going Home’, adapted from Antonin Dvorak’s New World Symphony (Tchiang and Chun 2011a: 106); ‘My Love Will Get You Home’, written by Daniel Holter and Janelle Robertson (Editorial Board of Excellence Publication Company Limited 2012b); ‘Great Big House’, a traditional song from the us (Chan et al. 2012d: 58); and ‘My Home Is Hong Kong’, a Cantonese song (Chan et al. 2010: 53-55) express students’ family bonds, the wonder of friendship, and love of the city.

Cultural Politics and School Music Education in the New Era While Hong Kong’s edb has prescribed a healthy diet of music styles to be taught, it has also paid specific attention to the promotion of Chinese culture and identity, social harmony, and to both local and global concerns in the transmission of music cultures. Music education in Hong Kong has been caught in the tension between musical and non-musical approaches in the school

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curriculum, and these dynamics and dilemmas will be discussed further in this section. This line of questioning views music education in Hong Kong as a cause of political and cultural endeavours in the following discussion: 1 Given the sociopolitical changes, how nationalistic education and Chinese culture through school music can be learned effectively; 2 How music education can be led to the notability and practice of Chinese music in school; and 3 The extent to which the implementation of culturally heterogeneous processes and education for social harmony and peace can be realized in local, national, and international relations. Since Hong Kong became a special administrative region of China, it has been invested with China’s national flag and anthem and a share of traditional Chinese music culture. After 150 years of British colonial rule, there has been an urgent need to cultivate the younger generations’ sense of belonging to the prc as well as to the hksar. According to a 2004 survey on Hong Kong schools conducted by a pro-Beijing group, only 45 per cent of schools conducted flag-raising ceremonies during the school year (Yeung and Kwok cited in Mathews et al. 2008: 89). The National Anthem Law was proposed by the hksar government to preserve the dignity of the Chinese national anthem (also known as the ‘March of the Volunteers’), so Hong Kong people (including school students and teachers) must now respect the national anthem. This aspect is regarded as a significant part of patriotic education in Hong Kong. The singing of the anthem teaches three important historical lessons (Law 1997). First, the integrity, sovereignty, and stability of the prc do not depend on protection from other countries but on its own economic, political, and military strengths. Second, the solidarity of all the people of China is vital to its national survival, particularly when under threat of invasion. And third, any regime that treats its people as ‘slaves’ – like the Chinese government under the Kuomintang – should be overthrown. Despite the historical lessons that can be drawn from the anthem, Hong Kong teachers and students may certainly be caught in the dilemmas of the extent of its relevance to students and the complex national identity related to the daily life of students in contemporary Hong Kong society (Ho 2006, 2018; Law 1997; Law and Ho 2004). Prior to the handover, music education in Hong Kong was a ‘colonial product’ that adopted the Western assumption of the apolitical content of musical knowledge in its curriculum. Although Hong Kong marked the 23rd anniversary of its reunion with the Mainland on 1 July 2020, questions remain as to whether school music education should use the prc’s national

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anthem and other Chinese patriotic songs to help students foster a sense of pride in China’s history and traditions. According to a recent survey involving 102 pre-service and 124 in-service teachers in Hong Kong between 2017 and 2018, it was found that most of them did not feel comfortable with teaching and singing the Chinese national anthem and other patriotic songs, and they had no intention of introducing Chinese patriotic education into their classroom music lessons (see Figure 3.2; data adapted from Ho 2018). The issue will continue to be a question of how the Hong Kong edb and schools can exercise their authority when the National Law must be enforced in local schools. There are also questions about the effectiveness of existing curricular and pedagogical attempts to urge teachers to teach and to help students experience musical and non-musical values in teaching the anthem and other patriotic songs in school. Whether justifiable or not, the struggle over political education, generally, will certainly continue to occupy the efforts of Hong Kong policymakers, leaders, educators, and its people. Some Hong Kong students and teachers are developing split local and national identities. Findings of a Varsity survey involving 285 local university students who attended local schools for at least four years showed that 60 per cent of them first received Chinese patriotic education before the age of twelve, but only 56 per cent of them considered themselves ‘Hongkongers from China’, while 40 per cent maintained that Chinese patriotic education influenced their national identity to a certain extent (Chiu and Lee 2011). Moreover, ethnic Chinese principals and teachers with foreign passports might experience additional difficulties if they promote the prc’s national anthem in schools, whether it is on a compulsory or voluntary basis (Ho 2009). Regarding the second of the three points above, the ‘re-Sinicization’ of school music education in the hksar is reflected in the pronounced incorporation of Chinese culture and Chinese music into the curriculum (see Curriculum Development Council 2002, 2003; Curriculum Development Council and Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority 2007). School music education started in Hong Kong after the Second World War and has often been identified with music in the Western classical tradition. Owing to the imminent political changes in Hong Kong, the recent curriculum guidelines (Curriculum Development Council 2003, 2017a) and music textbooks have focused on Chinese music in listening programmes and singing Chinese folk songs as part of the repertoire (e.g., Chan et al. 2010, 2014; Hong Kong Music Publisher 2013a). There has always been a simulation model for how memories, symbols, knowledge, and the values of in-group histories can be developed to promote

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Figure 3.2 Reasons for not teaching national education in school music education as perceived by pre- and in-service teachers 3

Other reasons

7 5

Not supported/encouraged by my school

6

Lack of teaching materials

10

Not important to teach this area as compared to traditional Western and Chinese music

10

14 15 13 14

Lack of teaching time to teach this area Lack of adequate pre-service training

17

20

18

Not welcomed by students

32 26

Not my area of interest 0

5

10

15

20

In-service teachers

25

39 30

35

40

45

Pre-service teachers

a sense of pride in one’s state and country (see Anderson 1991; Smith 1999; Tajfel and Turner 2004). The promotion of Chinese music – including traditional Chinese vocal and instrumental music as well as Chinese folk music – is an attempt to maintain Chinese cultural heritage in the school curriculum. Recent curriculum reforms have recommended that students learn about music from a variety of genres and cultures, including traditional Chinese music, Chinese folk music, and local music (Curriculum Development Council 2017a, 2017b). As the musical background of most teachers in Hong Kong is based on their Western classical training, they do not feel confident in teaching Chinese music. Even though some of the surveyed teachers agreed that teaching Chinese music was important to students in school education, they noted that they were able to devote very little time on this topic (Ho 2018). Although issues about Chinese music in the Hong Kong music curriculum have been raised as a problem in the postcolonial setting, fundamental changes have not yet been made. Outside formal music education, learning musical instruments and participating in music bands, orchestras, and choirs are the most popular types of music classes among young Hong Kong students inside and outside the school environment. Leung (2003) conducted a survey on extracurricular music activities in Hong Kong secondary schools and found that few music teachers could play traditional Chinese instruments (among the 329 music teachers, 3.3 per cent majored in Chinese instruments and 96.6 per cent in Western instruments). Among the instrumental classes surveyed in

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secondary schools, 70 per cent were found to use Western instruments and only 30 per cent used Chinese instruments (Leung 2003). Even though the hksmf50 has attempted to organize annual performances to raise the standards of teachers and students in Western and Chinese music, the participants involved in Western music are far more talented than the Chinese ones (see the list of finalists and prize-winners’ concerts, Hong Kong Schools Music and Speech Association 2019a). In reviewing the music groups organized in the 2019 Hong Kong Youth Music Camp, one of the most important annual events offered by the mo each summer, only two groups – Chinese Orchestra and Junior Chinese Orchestra – were specifically related to Chinese music; the other groups included Symphonic Band, Senior String Orchestra, Junior Symphony Orchestra, and Youth Choir (Government of the Hong Kong Special Administration Region 2019b). Moreover, the learning of Western instruments (especially the piano) is encouraged by parents, and students rarely choose to learn Chinese instruments on their own in Hong Kong (Ho 2007; Leung 2003). Hence, the difficulty of teaching Chinese music may be due to music teachers’ professionalism (which was and is mainly based on Western classical training) in teaching Chinese music and the unimportant role that Chinese music – including both traditional Chinese and local classical and folk music – plays in Hong Kong higher education and teacher education, which has long been focused on European classical music. Consequently, Chinese music does not receive much attention in Hong Kong school music education. In the recent Policy Addresses by the Chief Executive, the government has pledged to promote Chinese culture with a view to reinforcing school students’ interest in and understanding of it and helping them to inherit its spirit of excellence. However, besides the provision of learning Chinese music in local higher education, there are also questions of how Hong Kong’s youths learn to play Chinese musical instruments and learn about Chinese folk music in school as well as outside the school environment. Regarding the third point above, as the world becomes a global and interdependent village, school education in Hong Kong has been encouraged to develop a global outlook among students in order for them to be able to 50 The hksmf is presented by the hksmsa. The hksmsa was started and operated by the Music Section of the Hong Kong Education Department in November 1940, to encourage school students develop an interest in music. The first classes for singing in Chinese were only introduced in 1952; in 1960, instrumental music by Chinese composers and Chinese speech classes were included. Hong Kong students are keen on participating in the annual hksmf, and the number of entries has grown substantially (Curriculum Development Council 2003: 6; also refer to the homepage of the Hong Kong Schools Music and Speech Association 2019b).

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cope with the changing world in the twenty-first century. Bernstein’s code theory (1975) illustrates how schools can act as a strong independent force in shaping a student’s identity and, essentially, their view of the world. To prepare students for the challenges of an increasingly interconnected and bilateral world of Chinese and Western music, the current arts and music guidelines (Curriculum Development Council 2002, 2003, 2017a) have attempted to address both global and national features. The recent versions of approved music textbooks (e.g., Editorial Board of Excellence Publication Company Limited 2012a; Hong Kong Music Publisher 2013a; Ma et al. 2006b) have attempted to incorporate the concepts of social harmony, love, and global peace in song lyrics as the finishing point of a happy, loving, harmonious, and prosperous society. For example, many approved songs – like the 2008 Olympics theme song ‘You and Me’ (Hong Kong Music Publisher 2013b: 114-115) and the Scottish folk song ‘Auld Lang Syne’ (Tchiang and Chun 2011b: 80-82), with both Chinese and English lyrics – promote social harmony through peaceful interaction and complement the beauty of human dynamics among members of society. However, the question of how diverse cultures can be woven into the fabric of a local or a national identity remains, along with the issue of how Western music, Chinese music, other world music traditions, and popular music should or could be balanced in the teaching curriculum. School music education has always been limited to Western music, in spite of the fact that most teachers believe in multicultural education. As acclaimed by Bernstein (1975: 85), ‘[c]urriculum defines what counts as valid knowledge, pedagogy defines what counts as valid transmission of knowledge, and evaluation defines what counts as a valid realization of the knowledge on the part of the taught’. This can help us to realize how the content of students’ learning becomes legitimatized, formed, and controlled. Students are required to face the challenges of an increasingly interconnected and interdependent world, and school music education must address not only local and national cultures but also global and national cultures.

Summary Over the past two decades, Hong Kong has developed a unique Chinese national identity that has coincided with British colonization and the handover of Hong Kong to the prc after 1997. Due to political pressure from the prc, the hksar government has repeatedly emphasized the importance of the development of a national identity, which it has promoted by introducing

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traditional Chinese culture into society and school education. Of the agents of political socialization that have affected the formation of political culture in Hong Kong society, education is one that has been decisive in this reconstruction. This chapter has argued that school education in Hong Kong acknowledges Chinese culture and Chinese nationalism in the curriculum, but this may not help teachers and students to translate these components easily into a common national identity and school culture to what can truly be practised in the curriculum. When we think of nationalism and multiculturalism in the curriculum, we think first and foremost of a curriculum that paints an accurate picture of the total human experience, irrespective of sociopolitical circumstances. As the transformation of political structures into one China with two systems has become an essential objective of the prc’s policy, Hong Kong music education has found itself in conflict not only with the balance between the transmission of traditional Chinese and Western cultures, but also with the introduction of Chinese music and nationalistic songs promoted by the authorities in Beijing. When Hong Kong was returned to the prc, the city’s youths did not have a psychological affiliation to the history of China, national identity, and traditional Chinese culture. There remains the question of how to teach values through music as well as how to prepare teacher education to find some form of rapprochement between teacher education and school music education. This challenge to school education will be described, examined, and discussed through the surveys carried out with Hong Kong’s music teachers, which will be scrutinized in Chapter Five.

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4

Music Education in Taiwan: Imagining the Local, the National, and the Global Abstract Relations between Mainland China and Taiwan constitute one of the longest-running unsolved international and national political issues inherited from the Cold War. With particular reference to Taiwan’s school education, Chapter Four aims to broaden the conceptual approaches to understanding the complexity of Taiwanese culture. The Taiwanese government’s role in examining values and cultural identities in school music education through local-global relationships occurs along two axes in Taiwan: (1) the construction of a Taiwan-centric and local concept, also described as Taiwanese nationalism; and (2) the promotion of multicultural and global concepts. Global-local accommodations are found in the inclusion of multicultural and ethnic music cultures as well as in the coexistence of the concepts of global harmony and Taiwanese localization in school education. Keywords: relations between Mainland China and Taiwan, Taiwanese nationalism, Taiwanese culture, local-global relationships, Taiwan’s music education

Taiwan (officially known as the Republic of China, hereafter roc) is bounded by the Pacif ic Ocean to the east and is located off the southwest coast of Okinawa, Japan, north of the Philippines. Taiwan has a population of 23.82 million people, with about 84 per cent being Taiwanese, 14 per cent Mainland Chinese, and 2 per cent Taiwanese Aborigines. The capital city of Taipei is widely regarded as the political, economic, and cultural centre of Taiwan, which is renowned for its fascinating blend of traditional and modern cultures. Officially, the most common and largely understood language of Taiwan is Mandarin Chinese. Except for their writing systems, Mandarin Chinese (standard Taiwanese Mandarin, the national language

Ho, Wai-Chung, Globalization, Nationalism, and Music Education in the Twenty-First Century in Greater China. Amsterdam, Amsterdam University Press 2021 doi: 10.5117/9789463729932_ch04

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of the roc) is almost identical to the official language of Mainland China, known as standard Chinese (Putonghua). The other two major languages are Hokkien (commonly known as Taiwanese), which is spoken by the Taiwanese Hoklo people who descended from immigrants who came from southern Fujian Province during the Qing Dynasty, and Hakka, a variant of the Chinese language adopted by Hakka people who came to Taiwan from Guangdong Province. The history of human settlement on the island of Taiwan dates back to the arrival of the Austronesian people (or Austronesian-speaking people), ancestors of many of the tribal people who still live in Taiwan, between 4,000 and 5,000 years ago. ‘Austronesian peoples’ is a term that refers to people who live in Southeast Asia, Oceania, and the African island of Madagascar and who are speakers of Austronesian languages. Major Austronesian languages include Malay (Indonesian and Malaysian), Filipino (Tagalog), and Javanese. According to Wyeth (2019), the Austronesian language family encompasses over 2,000 languages, which includes Taiwan’s indigenous languages. Taiwan’s indigenous population has dwelled on the island for at least 5,500 years, but it gradually became a minority after the Han Chinese migration started in the seventeenth century. Taiwan’s written history began with the partial colonization of Taiwan in the early seventeenth century. According to Jacobs (2008, 2013, 2014), Taiwan was ruled by a total of six colonial regimes: first by the Spanish, who governed in northern Taiwan simultaneously with the Dutch in the south (1626-1642), then by the Zheng family (1662-1683),51 followed by the Manchu Qing Empire (1683-1895), the Japanese (1895-1945), and the totalitarian Chinese Nationalist reign (1945-1988) (also see Jacobs 2014: 48). After the collapse of the Ming Dynasty in 1644, the rulers of the Qing Dynasty were the Manchus, an ethnic minority in China established during the Qing Dynasty. The Manchu people arrived in Taiwan primarily in two waves of migration – the first wave occurred during the Qing Dynasty, in which the Manchu-led government annexed Taiwan to the Qing Empire, and the second wave began during the Chinese Civil War (1945-1949). Taiwan was placed under Japanese colonial rule as a result of the 1895 Treaty of Shimonoseki (also known as the Treaty of Bakan), by which the 51 Zheng Chenggong (1624-1662), better known as Koxinga, a Chinese Ming loyalist who resisted the Qing conquest of China in the seventeenth century, defeated the Dutch and claimed Taiwan, bringing it under Chinese Han rule for the first time in Taiwanese history. Zheng established a dynasty in Taiwan, known as the House of Koxinga (or the Zheng Dynasty, as the reigning family of the Kingdom of Tungning). After Zheng Chenggong’s death, his son, Zheng Jing, continued to use Taiwan as a base to sustain the anti-Qing struggle for another 20 years.

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Qing government ceded Taiwan to Japan.52 The Treaty solidified Japan’s status as the victor of the war, as China was forced to concede its territory, including Korea and Taiwan, in addition to large sums of currency and silver. The annexation of Taiwan into the Japanese Empire was viewed as Japan’s first steps in carrying out its ‘Southern Expansion Doctrine’ (Nanshin-ron), which was a political doctrine calculated to include Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands in Japan’s sphere of interest for its economic and territorial expansion (see Liao and Wang 2006). The Taiwan Strait (also called the Formosa Strait from the Portuguese Ilha Formosa, meaning ‘beautiful island’) is a strait 180 kilometres (100 miles) wide separating the island of Taiwan from Mainland China. Cross-Strait relations (also referred to as Mainland-Taiwan relations, or Taiwan-China relations) between the two political entities – the prc and the roc – are defined by the Taiwan Strait. In 1945, civil war broke out in China between the Kuomintang (kmt) led by Chiang Kai-shek (1887-1975), and the cpc led by Mao Zedong (1893-1976). The cross-Strait relationship between Taiwan and Mainland China continued to be highly politicized after 1949, when the kmt government withdrew from China and settled in Taiwan. The prc asserted that there was only ‘One China’ and that Taiwan was an inherent part of it. However, Chiang Kai-shek and the kmt contended that their government continued to represent all Chinese people on both the island and the Mainland. Though relations between the prc and the roc constitute one of the longest-running unsolved international and national political issues inherited from the Cold War, the cross-strait crisis between China and Taiwan still persists and tensions remain high. With special reference to school education, this chapter will examine the complicated interplay in Taiwan of the processes of localization and globalization in social transformation and education reforms as well as the challenges to school music education regarding the delivery of Chinese, Taiwanese, Western, and other world music cultures in the curriculum. The chapter will also discuss the government of Taiwan’s role in examining values and cultural identities in school education and music education 52 The Treaty of Shimonoseki was signed between the Empire of Japan and the Qing Government at the Shunpanro Hotel in Shimonoseki, Japan on 17 April 1895, ending the First Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895). By the main terms of the treaty, China was obliged to recognize the full and complete independence of Korea; cede the Pescadores Islands, Taiwan, and the Liaodong (South Manchurian) Peninsula to Japan; pay a war indemnity of 200 million taels to Japan; and open the ports of Chongqing, Hangzhou, Shashi, and Suzhou to Japanese trade and navigation. The Liaodong Peninsula was returned to China after the ‘Triple Intervention’ of France, Germany, and Russia in exchange for an additional indemnity of 30 million taels to Japan.

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through a pattern of local-global relationships along two axes in Taiwan: (1) the introduction of a Taiwan-centric and local concept (also described as Taiwanese nationalism); and (2) the promotion of multicultural and global concepts. In this chapter, local cultures refer to the diverse endogenous arts and musical identities in Taiwan that have been delineated as forms of ‘national spirit’ in the achievement of Taiwanese culture. Global cultures (or multiculturalism) in Taiwan are composed of diverse music cultures, including cultural traditions from both Chinese and Western traditions, folk music, contemporary music, popular music, and other world music. Globallocal accommodations can also be found in the inclusion of multicultural and ethnic music cultures as well as in the coexistence of global harmony and Taiwanese localization in the school system.

A Historical Overview of Political and Cultural Relations between the Japanese, Han Chinese, and Taiwanese in Taiwan Under its many colonizers – the Dutch and the Spanish, the Ming Dynasty, the Qing Dynasty, Japanese colonial rule, and the roc (from 1949 to the present) – Taiwan has been politically and culturally influenced by and has blended with European, Japanese, Han Chinese, and Taiwanese indigenous cultures. Immigrants from Mainland China to Taiwan during the seventeenth through the nineteenth centuries transformed Taiwan’s island into ‘a cultural and political outpost of the “Middle Kingdom”’ (Knapp 1976: 43). Today, Taiwan’s population is mainly descended from these early Chinese immigrants, though centuries of intermarriage with indigenous people mean a fair number of Taiwanese have some aboriginal ancestry as well. The four major ethnic groups in Taiwan are Minnan Taiwanese (also known as Hokkien Taiwanese, Holo, or Taiwanese), Hakka Taiwanese, Mainlanders, and Aborigines. The first three groups are Han Chinese: the Minnan and Hakka Taiwanese came from Mainland China to Taiwan many generations ago, whereas the Mainlanders fled to Taiwan with Chiang Kai-shek in 1949 or shortly thereafter. In 1895, the Japanese defeated the Manchus in the First Sino-Japanese War, and China ceded Taiwan to Japan in the Treaty of Shimonoseki. According to Liao (2006: 2), Taiwan underwent at least four stages of colonialism under Japanese rule: (1) assimilation as the main policy from 1895 to 1919; (2) integration from 1919 to 1930; (3) differential incorporation and coercion from 1930 to 1937; and (4) the ‘subjugation […] and mobilization of “imperial subjects” to participate in the “holy” war in Asia from 1937 to 1945’. The

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Musha Incident in 1930 (also known as the Wushe Rebellion) was regarded as a major uprising involving the indigenous Seediq tribe53 against colonial Japanese forces in Taiwan (for details, see Ching 2000 and Payne 2014). Between 1895 and 1945, during Japanese colonial rule, education and assimilation were core elements of Japanese colonial policy, which cut off Taiwanese people from mainstream Chinese culture and compelled them to learn the Japanese language and culture (see Heylen 2004; Takeshi and Mangan 1997; Tsurumi 1979). Various assimilation policies were implemented in colonial Taiwan, including the imposition of the Japanese language, sports, clothing, and education system. For example, a broad array of educational and propaganda institutions, such as Schools for Popularizing the National (Japanese) Language, National (Japanese) Language Training Schools, Youngsters’ Associations, and Citizenship Training Schools introduced the Japanese language and the ‘Spirit of Imperial Empire’ to expedite ‘the assimilation of the Taiwanese in the 1930s’ (Chao 2009: 120). Under Japanese colonial rule, the Taiwanese were forced to study and to speak kokugo, the national language of Japan. The implementation of Japanese language education in Taiwan included teaching methodologies and textbook compilation. During the Second World War, the intensification of Japanese assimilation policies were found in Taiwanese national language textbooks and elementary Japanese language textbooks, which were ‘edited by the Taiwan Government-General’ and ‘the Japanese Education Association in the Manchu State’ in 1937 (Siu 2014: 57). These textbooks were commonly adopted in public schools and were ‘an effective tool to propagate Japanese militarism among teenagers’ under Japanese colonial rule in Taiwan (Siu 2014: 81). Common schools (Kogakko) and social education programmes were established for Taiwanese children during the Kominka Movement (literally, the Japanization Movement) between 1937 and 1945. Taiwanese students learned to become ‘imperial citizens’ loyal to the Japanese Emperor, a policy that aimed to erase the Han Chinese identity 53 The Seediq are a Taiwanese aboriginal people who live primarily in Nantou County and Hualien County. They are divided into three distinctive tribes – the Tkdaya, Toda, and Truku – but only members of the Tkdaya tribe participated directly in the Wushe Uprising. The Wushe Incident, which occurred in 1930 in the mostly aboriginal region of Musha in Taichu Prefecture (located in modern day Nantou County), resulted in the massacre of hundreds of Seediq tribal people. The Seediq were officially recognized as Taiwan’s 14th indigenous group on 23 April 2008. The film Warriors of the Rainbow: Seediq Bale, directed by Wei Te-Sheng and produced by John Woo, is a 2011 Taiwanese historical drama based on the 1930 Wushe Incident in central Taiwan. The f ilm was shown in competition at the 68th Venice International Film Festival and was nominated for Best Foreign Film in 2011 at the 84th Academy Awards.

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of Taiwanese people (see Heylen 2004; Peng and Chu 2017; Tsurumi 1979). With regard to singing about the Empire of Japan and learning citizenship, four songs from a collection – ‘Kimigayo’ (the national anthem of Japan), ‘Kigensetsu’ (‘Empire Day’), ‘Tenchosetsu’ (‘Empire’s Birthday’), and ‘Ichigatsu Tsuitachi’ (‘1 January’) – evolved into the regulated holiday and ritualistic songs adopted in colonial Taiwan (Chao 2009: 116-117). In Lai Kou’s analysis (2001) of two sets of music textbooks published in Taiwan in 1915 and 1934, it was found that they were similar to the music textbooks published in Japan and the song texts intended to help students learn Japanese. By the early twentieth century, the Japanese encouraged local Taiwanese to participate in sports. As a result, baseball was first introduced to Taiwanese students in 1919 (Yu and Dan 2006). Baseball was considered a vehicle for the social integration, assimilation, and Japanization of young Taiwanese (Cho 2016; Lin and Lee 2007; Morris 2011). The roc advocated the teachings of the Three Principles of the People (Sanmin Zhuyi), a political philosophy championing the principles of nationalism, democracy, and socialism developed by Sun Yat-sen. In 1945, following Japan’s surrender at the end of the Second World War, the island of Taiwan was given over to the administrative control of Taiwan’s Nationalists (i.e., the kmt). At first, the Taiwanese people believed that they would have a greater say in their own governance with the arrival of Nationalist leaders from China. However, they quickly realized that this would not be granted, and tensions increased between the Taiwanese population and the administration of General Chen Yi, the Governor of Taiwan who was appointed to oversee the island. The 228 Incident in 1947 (also known as the 228 or the February 28 Massacre) and the subsequent oppression of the native Taiwanese by the kmt government ‘reinforced the distrust and animosity between native Taiwanese and Mainlanders’ (Shih and Chen 2010: 85; for details, also see Hou 2011). On the night of 27 February 1947, an enforcement team of the Tobacco Monopoly Bureau confiscated contraband cigarettes from a woman named Lin Chiang-mai, who illegally sold cigarettes in front of the Tien-ma Tea House in Taipei. On the morning of 28 February, people went to the Tobacco Monopoly Bureau to protest. Violence broke out when Governor Chen Yi’s office tried to disperse the crowd. Angry people attacked not only police stations and government offices but also Mainlanders. Chen Yi declared a state of emergency, and police and soldiers fired upon the people to put down the unrest. The popular uprising was met with a violent three-month crackdown, a tragedy that broke up many families and resulted in a huge death toll – an estimated 18,000 to 28,000 people. This incident went unacknowledged for 48 years until 1995, when President Lee Teng-Hui,

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a victim of 228, issued a formal apology on behalf of the government and declared 28 February a holiday to commemorate the victims. The Communist Party of China took power in Beijing in October 1949 after defeating Chiang’s kmt Nationalists in the Civil War. In 1949, Chiang and his two million troops and followers fled to Taiwan from Mainland China and relocated the capital of the roc to Taipei. Martial law was imposed in 1949 and was a mainstay of the Nationalists’ authoritarian rule until it was lifted in 1987, the first step toward democratic rule in Taiwan. Under martial law (also referred to as the White Terror), the kmt was the only legal political party, and the secret police – called the Taiwan Garrison Command54 (a secret police/state security body in Taiwan similar to a unified combatant command in the us) – had absolute power to suppress political and democratic activities, censor the media, screen publications prior to distribution, and arrest anyone voicing criticism of government policies or kmt notables. Under the kmt’s administrative control, the conflict between Chinese nationalism and Taiwanese identity led to a continuing crisis in Taiwanese society. Throughout the period of martial law, the kmt government promoted Chiang Kai-shek’s personality cult, naming memorial halls, schools, and streets after Chiang and erecting statues of the leader as well as the mausoleum where he was entombed after his death, in order to highlight the longevity of kmt’s rule (Taylor 2006, 2010). The central authorities banned aboriginal languages in public discourse in favour of Mandarin, prohibited the use of aboriginal names, enforced the use of Chinese names, denounced indigenous cultures, and put an end to communal activities and traditional festivals characterized by indigenous customs. The kmt government also suppressed Taiwanese local culture in an effort to promote assimilation into ‘Chinese’ culture. Taiwan was an authoritarian state, and the mass media mainly served the established political system and social and cultural values. The kmt government enjoyed majority ownership of the print media and television networks. The ‘two big newspapers’ (China Times and United Daily) and three television stations – Taiwan Television, China Television, and Chinese Television Services – together carried ‘more than a 90 percent share of the media market’ (Huang 2009: 4). Their relationship with the kmt government was very close, as the bosses of China Times and United Daily were members of the kmt’s Central Standing Committee, and the three tv stations – ttv, 54 The Taiwan Garrison Command was established at the end of the Second World War, and it operated throughout the Cold War. It was disbanded on 1 August 1992.

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ctv, and cts – were owned by the government, the kmt, and the military, respectively. According to Tsao (2000), before the introduction of television, radio stations in Taiwan broadcast their programmes only in Taiwanese. However, after television was introduced, there was ‘no one single station which broadcast[t] completely in any of the dialects’ (Tsao 2000: 288). In 1972, the moe announced that ‘dialect programming must be reduced to one hour per day’ (Chen 2008: 205). In 1976, the implementation of the Broadcasting Act further regulated television programmes broadcasting in Taiwanese with hourly limitations, and only Mandarin could be presented in television shows (Khoo 2019: 598). Taiwanese actors were forced to perform in Mandarin, and the performance of Japanese songs (particularly welcomed among the senior generations in Taiwan) was eliminated altogether. This suppression of the Taiwanese language persisted until 1987, when the end of martial law was declared by President Chiang Ching-kuo (1910-1988), the elder son of Chiang Kai-shek who served as president of the roc between 1972 and 1988. Formosa Hakka Radio, the pioneer of the Hakka language broadcasting sector in Taiwan, was launched in 1994. Hakka was declared an official national language after Taiwan’s Legislative Yuan passed amendments to the Hakka Basic Act in December 2017. For townships where Hakka people make up at least half of the population, Hakka is the primary language. In addition, some civil servants are required to take a language test in Hakka (Cheng and Chung 2017). On 25 October 1971, the United Nations General Assembly voted to admit the prc into the United Nations and expel the roc. This development resulted in Taiwan’s increasing isolation in the international community. In response, the government of Taiwan began to strengthen its domestic legitimacy by adopting the policy of Taiwanization (also referred to as localization or indigenization) to promote the ideology of Taiwan as a homeland of, and for, Taiwan’s people. Taiwan ceased to be a single-party state in 1986, and political reforms beginning in the 1990s loosened the kmt’s grip on power in Taiwan. After the lifting of martial law in 1987, the government of Taiwan set up the 228 Memorial Foundation, a non-profit corporation to deal with the aftermath of the 228 Incident. A City of Sadness, a 1989 Taiwanese historical movie directed by Hou Hsiao-hsien about a family involved in the White Terror under the kmt regime, is most often discussed for its ‘portrayal’ of the 228 Incident. In 2006, the government turned the foundation into a permanent institute in charge of running the National 228 Memorial Museum for educational and cultural transmission. Some artists, film producers, writers, game designers, and musicians have also addressed the subject of the 228 Incident. For example, the Taiwanese heavy metal

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band Chthonic55 includes several lyrical references to the 228 Incident in their album Mirror of Retribution. The Democratic Progressive Party (dpp, part of Taiwan’s Pan-Green Coalition), a Taiwanese nationalist and centrist political party founded in 1986 as part of the Tangwai (‘outside the authoritarian rule’) Movement, opposed the kmt’s one-party authoritarian rule. The Pan-Green Coalition (or Pan-Green groups) is a localist political coalition in Taiwan consisting of the dpp, the Taiwan Solidarity Union, the Taiwan Independence Party, and the Taiwan Constitution Association. The use of the colour green is partly due to its association with the anti-nuclear movement. The Pan-Blue Coalition (or Pan-Blue groups) is a loose political coalition that includes the kmt, the People First Party (pfp), the New Party, the Non-Partisan Solidarity Union, and the Minkuotang. This coalition tends to favour a Chinese nationalist identity over a separate Taiwanese one. The dpp won the presidency with the election of Chen Shui-bian in March 2000, and Chen’s inaugural ceremony in May 2000 symbolized the bewildering processes of democratization and localization. Nevertheless, the kmt remained one of Taiwan’s main political parties, with Ma Ying-jeou elected in 2008 and re-elected in 2012 as the seventh kmt member to hold the office of the presidency. In the 2008 presidential election, Ma projected a ‘Taiwanized’ image of himself that suggested ‘the strong impact of two decades of Taiwanization policies, focused on the ethnic and cultural realm, [and] on the political market of Taiwan’ (Copper 2009: 472). The peak of the era of Ma Ying-jeou (2012-2016) and Tsai Ing-wen came with the 2014 Sunflower Movement, the kmt’s resounding defeat in the 2016 and 2020 elections, and Hong Kong’s protests triggered by the Extradition Bill (proposed by the Hong Kong government to establish a mechanism for the transfer of fugitives to Mainland China, not only from Taiwan but also from Hong Kong and Macau) in 2019. On 16 January 2016, Tsai Ing-wen, who led the dpp, won 55 Chthonic (also known as the ‘Black Sabbath of Asia’) is a Taiwanese heavy metal five-piece band that was formed in Taipei in 1995. It is led by pro-independence activist Freddy Lim, a legislator in the pro-independence New Power Party, which emerged from the 2014 Sunflower Movement to advocate Taiwan’s independence/nationalism, universal human rights, and civil and political liberties. Lim and the other band members are also active in pro-Taiwan and progressive social issues. The band combines influences from Western metal with traditional Taiwanese music, including adaptations of folk songs and the use of traditional music instruments (most notably the erhu) and the native Taiwanese language. Chthonic’s 2018 album was labelled ‘Politics (Chengchi)’ with the official title ‘Battlefield of Asura’ in English (W.C. Ho 2019: 39). The band was invited to participate in the On the Pulse of Music Festival in Hong Kong in December 2018, but the Hong Kong Immigration Department did not approve the band’s visa application and the band was forced to cancel its show in Hong Kong.

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the presidential election and was inaugurated on 20 May 2016. In the spring of 2019, Tsai Ing-wen’s approval ratings were low as the dpp suffered a huge defeat in the 2018 local elections. Tsai’s rebound in the summer of 2019 was widely attributed to two factors, both of which involved China. The first was the pro-democracy unrest in Hong Kong, which spurred the local media to increase support for the independence-leaning dpp among voters who had long been wary not only of China but of the China-friendly opposition party kmt. The second was Taiwan’s economic growth, which was abetted by the us-China trade war in 2019, as foreign businesses sought substitute sources for goods manufactured on the Mainland. From cross-Strait relations to the us-China trade war, the 2020 presidential election was poised not only to have economic implications but also to have a great impact on the security and politics of the region. Tsai won her party’s nomination to run for a second four-year term, and on the campaign trail she gave her support to the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong. Han Kuo-yu, the Beijing-friendly mayor of Kaohsiung, was officially nominated by the kmt party to challenge Tsai Ing-wen in the presidential election. However, on 11 January 2020, with a voter turnout of 74.9 per cent – the highest since the 2008 election – incumbent President Tsai Ing-wen won the election with 57.1 per cent of the popular vote.

Cultural Identity, Chinese Culture, and Chinese Nationalism in the Community and School Education The change of government in Taiwan in 1949 brought another wave of education reforms, with additional new policies and structures introduced in Taiwan’s public schools. Through school education, the kmt government indoctrinated Taiwanese people to acquire national consciousness in the context of a ‘Greater China’. In 1951, the kmt government required that the spoken language in all types of school gatheringsbe Mandarin (Khoo 2019: 598). In 1956, ‘a comprehensive Speaking the National Language Movement’ was inaugurated, and only Mandarin could be used as the language of instruction; all other local languages were banned in schools (ibid.; Lai 2019: 588). Between the 1960s and the late 1980s, all schools in Taiwan adopted national standardized textbooks that were written, approved, published, and distributed by the Ministry of Education (moe) or other appointed state apparatuses. This national standardized textbook policy was rooted in the nation’s history of state intervention in civil society. Following the policy of nine-year compulsory education instituted in 1967, President Chiang

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Kai-shek delegated textbook writing at all levels to the National Institute for Compilation and Translation (nict), a branch of the moe, which remained the sole official institution in charge of writing and screening textbooks until the 1990s (Chen 2002: 41). Despite having been militarily defeated, Chiang Kai-shek maintained that the kmt was still the legitimate government of China, and his government’s strong insistence on promoting the Chinese tradition aimed to eliminate Japanese influences on Taiwanese culture. Chiang viewed the prc, established by the victorious cpc in 1949, as ‘an illegitimate, traitorous “nest of bandits”’ (Chang and Holt 2007: 134). The term ‘communist bandits’ and related expressions were used from the 1950s to the 1980s. Chiang firmly rejected the concept of ‘two Chinas’, a policy that could be translated as ‘one China and one Taiwan’ (ibid.). In mass media in the 1950s, the image of the roc was intentionally distinguished from that of the Taiwan Province. Chang (2007: 4) examined the maps in elementary geography textbooks in early post-war Taiwan and pointed out the marginal, subsidiary status of Taiwan in the mind of the Nationalists: The peripheral image of Taiwan was reinforced in the roc Map, dangling on the right-hand bottom corner, marginalised like a fragment dripping from the great fertile land. The great land of China was the centre of the map. The gaze of map-users was drawn […] towards ‘our Homeland’ – the true China.

Chang (2015) concluded that the Nationalist government deliberately created its own version of ‘homeland’ in post-war education. From the late 1950s to the 1960s, there was a change of disposition in the ways the Nationalist government exercised its autocratic authority and visually governed over the capital, Taipei, from de-Japanization to Sinicization (Yang 1993). Examples of this were the Taiwan Grand Shrine (now the Grand Hotel), built in 1901, and the Chien-Kung Shrine, established in 1928, which were created for the sanctuary and honour of the spirits of the Japanese state religion, Shinto, and were damaged in 1944 and 1945, respectively (see Wang and Heath 2008: 35). The Taiwan Huguo Shrine and the Commodity Exhibit Hall of the Governor’s Hall, still located in Taipei, were accordingly remodelled and transformed in the mid-1960s in ‘a style resembling traditional Chinese architecture’ (ibid.). In the quest for modern Chinese architecture, ‘the necessity of reinterpreting Sinicism’ arose (ibid.: 42). As described by Wang and Heath (ibid.: 35-36), the newly built sites from the early 1960s onwards tended to be ‘monolithic ostentatious palace forms’ erected in the capital

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with titles that included the word ‘National’, such as the National Central Library, the National Science Education Centre, the National Chinese Cultural University, the National Historical Museum, the National Palace Museum, and the National Chung-Shan Hall. The National Palace Museum, which was built in the traditional imperial style, opened in Taipei in 1965. An overview of the period from the 1950s to the 1970s shows that cultural promotion was focused, in essence, on promoting Chinese culture as a means to resist the communist regime on the Mainland. Following the establishment of Chiang Kai-shek’s central government in 1949, it either ignored or belittled local crafts, literature, dance, and music and relied on a one-China policy to legitimize its rule over Taiwan. Based on Lin’s 1987 analysis of social studies textbooks at the elementary level, Taiwanese history and geography comprised only a small part of the pre-1997 kmt-sponsored texts (also see Wachman 1994: 40-41). The kmt launched the Cultural Reform Movement and the Cultural Cleansing Movement in the early 1950s as a form of top-down control over cultural production and an instrument of political indoctrination. These movements contributed to the purpose of constructing a world view by promoting kmt founder Sun Yat-sen’s Three Principles of the People (often summarized as nationalism, democracy, and people’s livelihood), supporting adherence to Chiang Kai-shek and accomplishing the fundamental aim of defeating Communist China. In 1966, Chiang Kai-shek initiated the Chinese Cultural Renaissance (Zhonghua wenhua fuxing yundong, also known as the Chinese Cultural Renaissance Movement), with the result that Chinese culture was well preserved and promoted as a ‘cultural counterattack’ against the cultural destructions caused by the cpc during the Cultural Revolution (see Tozer 1970; Wang 1987). The movement was launched in November 1966 on the 100th anniversary of Sun Yat-sen’s birthday, and the General Association of Chinese Culture was established in 1967. The dedication of the Chung-shan building by the kmt government in memory of Sun Yat-sen on his birthday was ‘an ideal occasion for launching its attempt to save Chinese culture’ (Tozer 1970: 82). For its opening ceremony on 12 November 1966, Chiang Kai-shek published an article titled ‘Memorial Essay for the Opening of the Chinese Culture Hall of Dr. Sun Yat-sen’s Building’ (see Wang 1987: 66). His article explained the significance of Chinese culture and the creed of the Three Principles of the People, pinpointing how Confucius had shaped Chinese culture for over 2,500 years (Wang 1987: 67). The Chinese Cultural Renaissance Movement Promotion Council sponsored ‘essay contests, calligraphy exhibitions, a series of books on Chinese philosophy, translations of Needham’s work on Chinese science, and publications of treatises on civil manners’ (Hatfield 2010: 66).

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In addition to promoting traditional Chinese arts in society, the kmt government sought to strengthen the legitimacy of its authority and promoted patriotism and anti-communism (but China-centredness), citizenship and moral education, Chinese culture, and the celebration of historical glory in the school curriculum (see Chun 2017: 43-45; Hung 2013: 88). Most topics on Taiwanese history, culture, language, and literature were absent in the curriculum. The aims found in the 1976 national social studies curriculum guide were to cultivate students’ comprehension of the origin of Chinese civilization; examine Chinese geography, history, and cultural diversity in China; learn how the Three Principles of the People could be achieved; explain how Taiwan served as a revival base for the kmt government to reunite with China in the future; and spread adherence to Chinese nationalism (see Lin 1987; Su 1998, 2006). The Cultural Revolution on the Mainland aimed to abolish the ‘Four Olds’ (i.e., old thinking, old cultures, old customs, and old habits) and dismantle traditional Chinese culture in education. By contrast, the kmt government implemented the Chinese Cultural Renaissance Movement with a view to focusing on the essentials of ancient Chinese philosophy (Hung 2013: 88). As stated by Wachman (1994: 41), during this era, the kmt regime elevated a ‘particular view of China, history, and culture associated with a value system that validate[d] the adoption of the appropriate – Chinese – identity and denied the legitimacy of any rival, subordinate, or alternative construction of cultural identity’. Meanwhile, the amplification of the communists’ wrongdoing was conveyed in textbooks (Hung 2013; Su 2006). Before the lifting of martial law in 1987, the entire value system was a representation of ‘Chineseness’, and the education policy was propagated with the values of citizenship, patriotism, loyalty, group cooperation, and service, along with respect for leaders, teachers, parents, and, most importantly, Chiang’s governance (Brindley 1999: 34, 74). Taiwanese education sought to instil the ancient ‘Four Norms and Eight Virtues’ (Se wei ba de; i.e., traditional Chinese cultural values) that were laid down by Confucianism as criteria to guide Chinese society’s moral judgement. The four norms were ‘ritual canon’, ‘righteousness’, ‘incorruptibility’, and ‘sense of shame’. Historically, there were several versions of the eight virtues, but the most common elements were ‘filial piety’, ‘respect for elders’, ‘loyalty’, ‘credibility’, ‘ritual canon’, ‘righteousness’, ‘sense of honour’, and ‘sense of shame’, which were meant to combat communist ideas (Sole-Farras 2014: xxiii). Moreover, to bridge te cultural gap between the prc and the roc, Chiang Kai-shek attempted to convince people politically and culturally by establishing Chinese cultural influences in Taiwan. It has often been demonstrated

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that the kmt era was one of recolonization rather than decolonization (Fulda 2002). Phillips (1999: 276) described the post-1945 period as an era of ‘troubled decolonization with an abortive reintegration into China’, while Chun (1994: 54) regarded it as a ‘process to (re)nationalise Taiwan’. Many scholars, such as Loh (1966), Rubinstein (1994), and Su (1998, 2006), have found that the historical texts were mainly focused on the themes of the legitimacy of the kmt regime in Taiwan, the political leadership of Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek, the eventual recovery of Mainland China, the great accomplishments of the kmt government in China and Taiwan, and the aspirational words of Sun Yat-sen’s Three Principles of the People. For example, the history curriculum and textbooks were major mechanisms used to construct ‘collective memory’ to shape ‘national, social, and cultural imaginations of the young’ (Huang and Chen 2019: 101). During the martial law period, history textbooks depicted two strands of narrative: (1) ‘a Sinicization narrative’ (Chinese colonization) to erect a particular collective memory about Taiwan being of Chinese descent and an heir of Chinese culture; and (2) a ‘Chinese restoration narrative’ in which Taiwan was conceived as ‘reborn to be the model child of Chinese descent’ (ibid.). In everyday routines, the education system trained Taiwanese children to be loyal to the ruling kmt, the roc state, and President Chiang Kai-shek and hostile toward the prc (Wilson 1970). Lin (2003: 136) described the placement of pictures of political leaders and the government agenda in classrooms: Chiang’s [President Chiang Kai-shek’s] picture hung above the blackboard at the front of every classroom in all public and private schools in urban and rural areas. This status was obviously visible when one walked into any public school. Every morning for a least f ifty minutes, all pupils gathered in a circle, sang the national anthem, saluted the flag, and listened to the principal’s orations on topics such as honesty, hard work, creativity, f ilial piety, brotherly love, neighbourliness, cooperation, benevolence, responsibility, laws, patriotism, and peace.

Thus, school education included daily flag-raising ceremonies, military training courses, and music lessons on military anthems. Music was adopted to manifest a sense of Chinese cultural identity with the aim of supporting the kmt’s sovereignty (Ho 2007; Read 2019). It was considered a significant tool for socializing young people in post-war Taiwan in the cultivation of ‘Chineseness’ and in the securing of political support for anti-communist reunif ication. According to Liu (2010: 160), one China Youth Corps record was labelled Happy New Year and Merry Christmas

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(though it was not themed around the Christmas holiday), and the album gave prominence to titles like ‘Congratulations Everyone, Happy New Year!’, ‘Victory Is Coming Soon’, ‘In a Far Away Land’ (a folk song about Uighurs in Xinjiang Province), ‘Embroidered Pouch’, and ‘Dudu Dang’ (a Taiwanese folk song). Anti-communist and pro-Nationalist ‘watchwords’ were found in songs like ‘Defeat the Communists and Recover Mainland China’ (Ho 2015: 525; Hsin 2012: 117). Nationalist military songs were used to inspire Chinese Nationalists to fight against the Mainland Communists, such as the well-known military song ‘Counterattack the Mainland’, which included the lyrics ‘Counter attack, counter attack, counter attack the Mainland […]. The mainland is our territory, the mainland is our home […]’ (Chang and Holt 2015: 92). This song strongly reflected Chiang’s dream of developing Taiwan into a strong base from which to launch his return to Mainland China one day. Children aged six to eighteen were taught military songs such as ‘I Am a Chinese’, ‘Fight Our Way Back to the Mainland’, ‘Chinese Will Be Strong’, ‘I Love China’, and ‘The Plum Blossom’ in the public school system, and they were rewarded for memorizing the songs and demonstrating good singing in the ‘regular military anthem competitions’ (Chen 2008: 201-202). Chinese music was a major medium in promoting Chinese culture in both the community and in school in Taiwan. Western classical music was highly emphasized during the Japanese colonial period in Taiwan. The Taipei Chinese Orchestra, which was founded in 1979, was the first government-supported professional Chinese orchestra. The National Taiwan University of Arts was established in 1957, with Chinese music established in 1963. The Chinese Music Department of the Chinese Culture University was founded in 1975 and renamed the Faculty of Chinese Music in 1976 (for details, see Lu 2003: 174-175). Peking Opera (or Beijing Opera)56 was tremendously popular in Taiwan during Japanese colonization, and it became a state-supported art after the kmt regime came into power. According to Guy (2005), the kmt government, in the name of preserving ‘national essence’, made a huge effort in reforming Peking Opera, and state support fostered large audiences that included schoolchildren and others, of whom Peking Opera was intended to affirm their Nationalist ideology. In addition 56 Peking Opera, a form of traditional Chinese theatre, originated in Beijing in the middle of the Qing Dynasty. It combines music, vocal performances, dance, mime, and acrobatics. The primary melodic Chinese instruments include the jinghu and erhu (bow-stringed instruments) and the yueqin (a traditional Chinese string instrument, also known as moon guitar or moon zither). The pipa (a four-stringed musical instrument), dizi (a bamboo flute), and double-reed suona are also used in some specific dramatic scenes.

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to a 30-minute programme titled ‘Introduction to National Opera’, the Chinese Cultural Renaissance Movement Promotion Council persuaded the three heads of Taiwan’s tv stations to broadcast one hour of Peking Opera performances per week in February 1975, which was continued for more than 20 years (see Guy 2005: 73-74). Students studied Peking Opera instead of Taiwanese Opera or traditional Taiwanese puppetry. As observed by Lee (2002: 102), music was adopted as a tool for change in regard to the music style itself and ‘the words of the selected songs’ found in the curriculum. In 1952, the Curriculum Standards: Music was published, which included songs that introduced the themes of the reclamation of China from the communists, while patriotic songs and the natural environment were the first consideration for elementary school education (ibid.: 132). Meanwhile, ‘Sinicization’ was observed in the cultivation of Chinese values introduced in some Taiwanese popular songs. For example, one of the most famous songs from the Campus Songs Folk Movement (xiaoyuan minge yundong) in Taiwan – ‘Descendants of the Dragon (Long De Chuanren)’, written in 1978 by Taiwanese songwriter Hou Dejian – became wildly popular in Chinese communities, particularly in Mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong. The lyrics imply that all Chinese are descendants of the dragon, embracing the creation of Chinese nationalism and expressing the importance of reunification (Cheng 2019: 39; Lams and Liao 2011: 69). Hou wrote this song after the us severed its ties with Taiwan and normalized relations with China in the late 1970s, and the song expressed strong national sentiment about how the Taiwanese had once again suffered at the hands of foreign powers. The dragon in the title of the song was associated with the Emperor of China and was adopted as a symbol of imperial power. After the late 1970s, ‘Descendants of the Dragon’ moved away from the domain of popular culture and into the realm of official ceremonies, the mainstream media, and even school education in the contemporary Chinese context. The song has been described as ‘a marching Chineseness’ that proclaims to the world explicitly that ‘we are Chinese’, with a stomping melody like those found in many patriotic songs (Cheng 2019: 32). The close relationship between ‘we’ and ‘dragon’ accentuates the physical attributes in an anthropological sense: ‘black eyes, black hair, and yellow skin’. In the 1980s, popular music in the style of Hong Kong and Taiwan (shortened to gangtai in Chinese) gained an important share in China’s popular music market, with many popular music songs having their roots in Hong Kong and Taiwan patriotic songs to secure them against censorship from Mainland China. Song lyrics often appealed ‘to biological, physical and primeval elements’ to epitomize the essential ‘Chineseness’ (Cheng 2016: 172).

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The songs introduced in the Campus Songs Folk Movement, which consisted of largely Mandarin lyrics, represented a rising nationalist sentiment among Taiwanese youths, and the songs were labelled ‘local themes accompanied by instrumentation devices from Western folk music’ (Read 2019: 170-171).

Taiwanization, Local Culture, and School Education after the End of Martial Law The literacy rate in Taiwan is 98.5 per cent, and the island has the fourth highest standardized mathematics test scores in the world according to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (Greenwald 2017). The education system is comprised of six years of elementary school, three years of junior high school, three years of senior high school, and four years of higher education. The first nine years have been compulsory since 1968, and in the fall of 2014, it was proposed to expand compulsory education to twelve years, a policy put into practice in September 2019. In July 1987, martial law was abolished by President Chiang Ching-kuo (1910-1988), the eldest and only biological son of Chiang Kai-shek, and this was followed by the liberalization and democratization of Taiwan. There was a shift in power away from the Mainlanders to local Taiwanese, leading to a political and cultural movement centred on Taiwanese history and culture rather than on the previous China-focused one. Taiwanization (also known as the Taiwanese localization movement) is defined in a broad sense as the general self-identification process of Taiwanese people, Taiwanese culture, and their polity in time and in space. The famous declaration that Chiang Ching-kuo made in 1987 – ‘I am a Taiwanese too’ – marked the inevitable political indigenization of the kmt (Lu 2002: 3). The first version of the Cultural Heritage Preservation Act was approved during Chiang Ching-kuo’s presidency. Taiwan passed a critical milestone on the road to democracy when the dpp was founded on 28 September 1986. The dpp is regarded as the first organized party to challenge the kmt’s long-standing political monopoly as well as a competitor for national political power. After its establishment, the dpp strongly advocated Taiwanese independence, anti-communism, human rights, and a distinct Taiwanese identity. One astounding phenomenon of its cultural orbit was related to the development of Taiwan-focused cultural policies, together with the opening of new museums throughout the territory – for example, the Museum of Prehistory in Taidong, the Museum of Ceramics in Yingge, and the Museum of Taiwanese History in Tainan (see Muyard 2009).

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Taiwanization after the Lifting of Martial Law in 1987 Lee Teng-hui (1923- ), the successor of President Chiang Ching-kuo, became the first Taiwanese-born president as well as the chairman of the kmt from 1988 to 2000. This was the period often described as bentuhua (translated as ‘localization’, ‘Taiwanization’, or ‘indigenization’; see Chen 2006; Jacobs 2005, 2013; Kaeding 2009; Scott and Tiun 2007). During Lee’s regime, the balance of power between Mainlanders and native Taiwanese transformed remarkably. Lee continued Chiang Ching-kuo’s practice of Taiwanizing the party and the state and introduced democratization through majority rule. Lee advocated the ‘New Taiwanese’ (or ‘New Taiwanese People’) ideal that referred to people living in Taiwan and sharing the same fate (Gold 2003: 15; also see Du 1996; Tsai 2005; Tse 2009) and replaced the earlier political slogan ‘Fighting back against the Mainland’ with ‘Footing in Taiwan, taking an international view’ (Chen 2006: 323). To this end, during his twelve-year presidency, Lee introduced several measures including the ‘place of birth’ measure, which replaced the designation of ancestral origins in China regarding identity and highlighted instead one’s roots in Taiwan, thus erasing the distinction between those who came to Taiwan long before the kmt troops and those who came with them. In March 1996, Long Live Chiang Kai-shek Road in front of the Presidential Palace was renamed Ketagalan Boulevard in honour of the Taiwanese Aborigines who once inhabited what is now the Taipei Basin. At that time, DPP heavyweight Chen Shui-bian was the mayor of Taipei City. De-Sinicization accelerated under the Chen Shui-bian administration, with Chen serving two terms as president between 2000 and 2008 while the pro-Taiwan independence dpp was in control of the Executive Yuan. Chen’s 2000 election was indicative of deeper changes already taking place with regard to national identity in Taiwan. After Chen was elected as Taiwan’s first opposition party president, he responded to the public’s expectation of a reduction in ethnic tensions by implementing de-Sinicization policies, introducing a new principle of localization and Taiwanese enlightenment in his inauguration speech on 20 May 2000 (see Lams and Liao 2011; Sullivan and Lowe 2010). According to Clark and Tan (2012: 20), in 2000, almost half of the population (47 per cent) claimed double identity, but self-perceived Taiwanese identity outnumbered self-perceived Chinese identity ‘39 per cent to 14 per cent’. This trend was also observed during the Chen Shui-bian years as Taiwanese identity rose ‘from 39 per cent to 51 per cent between 2000 and 2005’, while Chinese identity slumped ‘further to just 4 per cent’ (ibid.). In the summer of 2004, about three months after Chen was re-elected to a second

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term, a series of public consultations were held at the Indigenous Peoples’ Council in Taipei to debate how indigenous rights should be integrated into the new constitution. Chen Shui-bian described the ‘mosaic’ theory of multiculturalism as ‘a symphony, with each culture playing its own music to create a beautiful harmonious song’ (Wang 2004: 305-306). Between 2002 and 2007, the government of Taiwan took several steps to change terms like ‘China’, ‘Republic of China’, ‘Taipei’, and others that smacked of an association with Chinese culture. The Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall in Taipei was renamed the National Taiwan Democracy Memorial Hall, the name change being announced by Chen on 15 May 2007. Between late 2008 and 2018, there was a shift in power between the kmt and the dpp. The kmt comeback began in 2008. The slogans ‘Taiwan heart’, ‘Taiwan spirit’, and ‘Taiwan soul’ continued to be found in popular propaganda songs for election campaigns between the 2000s and the 2010s. According to Kaeding (2009: 19), the 2008 presidential election campaign of the kmt candidate Ma Ying-jeou affirmed a changeover in the essential identity of the kmt’s conception of ‘New Taiwanese’ ‘from the civic side of the spectrum towards the ethnic side’. The current president of Taiwan, Tsai Ing-wen, continues to seek legitimacy and claims that she is open to talks with Beijing authorities if they are willing to promise democracy and renounce the use of force against Taiwan. In January 2020, Tsai called on China to ‘face reality’ because the island was ‘an independent country already’, and she refused to acknowledge that Taiwan and the Mainland belonged to ‘One China’. The Preservation of Local Language and Local Identity in Education The Taiwanese language and the promotion of local identity are closely associated with the Independence Movement in Taiwan. The Taiwan Independence Movement is a political and social movement that gained momentum in 1995 after the US Congress granted Taiwan’s President Lee Teng-hui permission to visit the us. The movement aims to establish an independent sovereign state in the territory of Taiwan, preferably known officially as the ‘Republic of China’, with a unique ‘Taiwanese national identity’. The dpp has been a strong advocate of Taiwan’s independence and is one of the main promoters of the Taiwanese Language Movement. The dpp’s main argument is that Taiwan is politically, culturally, and economically separate from the Mainland, and ‘Chinese culture’ is only one of the many facets that comprise the greater Taiwanese identity (Beaser 2006: 8). In 1993, the Ministry of the Interior, a cabinet-level policy-making organization under the Executive Yuan of the roc, recognized that the previous language policy

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‘was repressive and a mistake’, and the moe reported that local languages could be studied as electives at the elementary level (Wu 2009: 107). In 1994, the moe expanded on a mandatory subject area for 40 minutes per week titled ‘Homeland Studies’ for students in Grades Two through Six with the intention of providing opportunities and resources for students to learn the local dialects, history, and geography of their community and hometown and develop an understanding of cultural and ethnic diversity within Taiwan’s society. In the late 1990s, many more elementary schools began to teach mother tongues. Between the late 1980s and the 2010s, education development in Taiwan was viewed as part of an integrated response to its sociopolitical changes. In the 1990s, more Taiwanese music traditions, Fukien and Hakka music, literature, and art were delivered in the school curriculum. Taiwaneserelated materials, which had been regarded by the kmt government as ‘uneducated’ and of ‘low taste’, now came to form an important element in the education reforms. In 1998, the Legislative Yuan passed the Aboriginal Education Law to protect peoples’ rights to learn their native languages, history, and culture in the kindergartens and primary schools of their hometowns (Legislative Yuan 1998). In 2001 to 2002, students in Grades One through Six were required to take one to two lessons in any one homeland language per week, regardless of their provincial affiliation. In 2001, nativist education was declared a compulsory subject in elementary schools, and elementary school students throughout Taiwan were required to take at least one local language course. Such language courses remained as electives for junior secondary school students. In 2003, the moe proposed the Language Equality Law draft, which included all languages of the four ethnic groups – namely, Hoklo, Hakka, the Austronesian languages, and Mandarin Chinese. In this draft, Mandarin Chinese was changed from a national language (guoyu) to a Chinese language (huayu; Wu 2009: 108). In addition, the school curriculum paid less attention to the history of China and focused on Taiwan itself (Dreyer 2003). Following the proclamation of the 2005 Indigenous Peoples’ Basic Law and the 2007 Traditional Intellectual Creations Protection Act, the Indigenous Languages Development Act took effect on 14 June 2017 to further efforts to promote, protect, and preserve Taiwan’s 16 officially recognized indigenous tribes’ national languages and aboriginal cultures, and to facilitate transitional justice for indigenous peoples. In 2007, the Council for Cultural Affairs (cca) took over the act from the moe, formulating the National Language Development Law and altering the target from operating local languages to the preservation of local languages/cultures and the conservation of

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linguistic diversification and equality in Taiwan (Council for Cultural Affairs 2007). The moe maintains that schools in certain geographical locations should provide native language courses other than Hakka, Minnan, and indigenous languages, in accordance with their available resources and the features of the locality (Ministry of Education 2014: 19). Moreover, Taiwan’s government supports cultural diversity in education and incorporates ‘nativist’ education (xiangtu jiaoyu) to teach students about Taiwanese history, Taiwan’s geography, Taiwan’s environment, Taiwan’s native languages, and Taiwanese arts and culture in elementary, junior high, and senior high schools. Thus, government directives have helped to cultivate in students an affection for Taiwan and respect for its diverse cultures and ethnic groups. In 1997, Taiwan’s government introduced a series of new textbooks for secondary schools titled Getting to Know Taiwan (Renshi Taiwan), which focused exclusively on Taiwanese history, society, and geography. The series included three standard textbooks: Renshi Taiwan Lishi Pian (Knowing Taiwan: History Volume), Renshi Taiwan Shehui Pian (Knowing Taiwan: Society Volume), and Renshi Taiwan Dili Pian (Knowing Taiwan: Geography Volume). The last chapter of the Knowing Taiwan: Society Volume dwells on the subject of a ‘New Taiwan’ (Hughes 2011: 64). Textbook materials are no longer Sinocentric, as they have integrated various cultures, including former Western colonial powers and Japan (Wang 2005; also see Kaeding 2009). The moe also requested the revision of other textbooks to emphasize Taiwan more prominently. The Pursuit of Local and National Identity in Community Music Development After the lifting of martial law in 1987, disputes between the Taiwanese (i.e., early immigrants who had long been settled on the island and their offspring), the Chinese Mainlanders (i.e., immigrants who came to the island with the kmt government after 1949 and their descendants), and the diverse Taiwanese ethnic groups such as Fukien, Hakka, and other aboriginal groups came to represent the characteristics of Taiwan’s political culture. Local history and culture acquired more attention in 1994, when the government’s cca changed the subject of that year’s National Festival of Culture and Arts from ‘mainstream’ (i.e., the celebration of traditional Chinese culture) to native culture. Taiwanese ethnic songs and dances and popular songs sung in the Taiwanese language have been associated with democratic movements and ceremonial activities in the promotion of local identity for more than two decades.

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Taiwanese Opera (gezaixi), which literally means ‘song-drawn’, is a local folk art that distinctively conveys Taiwanese culture with a stylized mixture of both literary and colloquial registers of Taiwanese Hokkien (see Chang 1997). The ‘Taiwanese-ness’ of Taiwanese Opera was attributable to some extent to its performances in Taiwanese, the mother tongue of the majority of Taiwan’s population. Unlike other traditional performances that were brought to Taiwan by its Chinese immigrants, Taiwanese Opera is purely and proudly ‘made in Taiwan’ to reflect the lives and languages of the local people. According to Hsu (2010: 27), Taiwanese Opera’s stage speech is composed of two levels, ‘classical and vernacular’. As defined by Chang (1997: 111-112), Taiwanese Opera is widely recognized as ‘a theatre of the Taiwanese’, such that ‘an emergent Taiwanese nationalism casts gezaixi as an identity symbol tightly bound to politics’ (Guy 2005: 154; also see Chang 1997: 111-112). Under post-war kmt rule in Taiwan, Peking Opera had been popular and was recognized as ‘national drama’. However, September 1990 marked a new age of Taiwanese Opera, one of the most famous local arts in Taiwan, in the Taiwanese music community. The Lan Yang Taiwanese Opera Troupe was brought into being in 1992 as the first government-established Taiwanese Opera company in the history of the artform. In addition, the sponsorship of the government of Taiwan provided a vast array of associated activities ranging from instituting elementary school programmes to financial support for overseas performances (Hsu 2010: 92; also see Stenberg and Tsai 2017). Government-supported Taiwanese Opera events have contributed ‘to changes in the opera’s cultural significance, public image, social status, and performance practices’ (Hsu 2010: 92). The three most significant organizations for cultural sponsorship of Taiwanese Opera at the national level are the government’s cca, the National Centre for Traditional Arts, and the National Culture and Arts Foundation, and funds can also ensue from county, city, or community agencies at the local level. For example, on 4 July 2008, the ‘City of Taipei 2008 Taiwanese Opera Model Performances’ (a government-sponsored two-week event) started at Menjia Park, which is located in a historical district. The Liao Chiung-chih Taiwanese Opera Foundation for Culture and Education was established in 1999 for the preservation of Taiwanese folk art and the promotion of Taiwanese Opera as well as the cultivation of talented actors in Taiwanese Opera. In April 2009, a Taiwanese documentary about Liao Chiung-chih, regarded as the first Taiwanese opera actress to perform the ancient Taiwanese art of gazaixi opera, won a gold award in the arts and culture category at the 2009 Houston International Film Festival. In the same year, Liao was honoured by the cca in recognition of her lifetime achievement in promoting the art form.

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Besides Taiwanese Opera, many Taiwanese folk arts have benefitted from a revival of interest in the past decade. For example, the Hakka Affairs Council (hac, originally established as the Council for Hakka Affairs under the dpp government in 2011 and renamed the hac in 2012) aims to promote and revitalize the Hakka language and culture as well as to promote cultural research and exchange. President Tsai Ing-wen pledged to help promote Taiwanese Hakka culture to the world at the Taiwanese Hakka Federation of Asia in October 2018. Hakka folk songs of the hills and tea-picking as well as Hakka operas are believed to be unique to Taiwan in terms of their origin and development. Their popularity is the result of their rich musical heritage, sensational storylines, and the use of a local dialect (see Chiu 1992; Yang 2002). Hakka Opera was originally transported from China to Taiwan. Its main themes are historical events and Hakka stories. In keeping with tradition, most of its performances are presented outdoors. Because most Hakka people live and work in hilly areas where they produce tea, the term ‘tea-picking opera’ has been used to refer to Hakka theatrical performances. The musical style is commonly known as bei guan (‘northern pipe’) and is played on shao na (Chinese reed-trumpets), gongs, and drums. Puppet shows include budaixi (glove puppet shows), piyingxi (shadow puppet shows), and xuansi kuilei (marionette or string puppet shows). Glove puppet performances blend various elements of Taiwanese local culture such as local dialects, folk music, colourful painting, embroidery, and puppet manipulation. Pili International Multimedia (regarded as the hottest puppet drama company in Taipei) has produced new performing methods such as special effects and satellite tv and has teamed up with YouTube to air its Taiwanese puppet shows with the aim of promoting the traditional art to international viewers.57 As stated by Lin (2002: 26), the New Taiwanese Music Movement began in the 1980s and has since borne fruit and continues to be of paramount importance in the twenty-first century. The movement has produced popular artists such as Lim Giong, Wu Bai, Judy Chiang, and Chen Ming-chang, who have increasingly pushed Taiwanese popular songs from the edge to the mainstream. In particular, Lim Giong’s hit single ‘Moving Forward’ (1990) was associated with the genre known as New Taiwanese Songs.58 This song was 57 One of the puppet dramas, titled The Battle of Saber and with English subtitles, can be viewed at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v = QGLKJ_S-iDU (accessed 7 July 2020). 58 The song told Lim’s own story of leaving his hometown to pursue greater career opportunities in Taipei. The song can be viewed at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v = gD14iiXq7Xw (accessed 7 July 2020).

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performed in the folk-pop style that broke with the traditional melancholic style of Taiwan’s pop and marked the rise of the Taiwanese popular music industry. As claimed by Lim Giong, ‘using Mandarin to express Taiwanese feelings is just wrong […]. Singing in Taiwanese is the best way […]. It’s much more direct, and you can sing with a lot of force’ (Einhorn 1992: 32). The success of Lim Giong in the music market is reflected in the strong demand for Taiwanese-language songs, since 73 per cent of Taiwan’s population speaks Taiwanese (Lin 2002: 29). Since the 1990s, Taiwanese popular songs (i.e., a popular genre sung in Taiwanese Hokkien and produced mainly in Taiwan) have become the hottest contemporary music style in Taiwan.59 Aboriginal songs and aboriginal performers have grown increasingly prominent in the Taiwanese music industry. Samingad is an aboriginal singer from the Puyuma tribe who received a Golden Melody Award for Best New Artist for her first album, Voice of Puyuma, released in late 1999. Her second album, Wild Fire, Spring Wind, released in September 2001, also earned her a Golden Melody Award nomination for Best Dialect (Non-Mandarin Language) Female Vocalist. Zheng Zhi-ren’s song ‘Praising Formosa’, sung in Taiwanese, captured many hearts with its lyrics: ‘Formosa, our dream, our love. Just like my mother is calling my name. Rock and cherish, forever hold a beautiful dream’ (Chang and Holt 2006: 102). The lyrics reflect the image of Taiwan as a mother and ask people to appreciate being born and raised in Taiwan. This song is also a modern Taiwanese classic included in the music textbooks of elementary, junior, and senior high schools (Lin 2002). According to Chen Chun-bin, a professor in the Department of Music at Taipei National University of the Arts, indigenous performers captivated by the process of cultural reexploration are embellishing and expanding the popular music industry in Taiwan (see Gao et al. 2018). The contesting parties in Taiwan have always promoted local identity by using Taiwanese popular songs throughout their election campaigns. Chuang Chia-yin’s paper from the National Taiwan Normal University demonstrated how the national imagination of Taiwan was constructed in popular songs through maternal and feminine images in the 1990s (cited in Amae and Damm 2011: 12). For example, Chen Shui-bian has had a long history of adopting campaign songs. In his 1993 Taipei mayoral campaign, Chen, the dpp candidate, asked Taiwanese-language poet Lu Han-hsiu and musician Chan Hung-ta to compose campaign songs for him (Lin 2002: 31). 59 Hokkien popular music is also welcome among Hoklo people in other overseas Chinese communities in Southeast Asia.

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In 1994, Chen secured his path to Taipei City Hall by adopting two campaign songs titled ‘Taibei Xin Guxiang’ (‘Taipei, New Hometown’) and ‘Chuntuan De Huarui’ (‘Spring Blossoms’) (Lee 2004: 17). More essentially ethnic elements characterized President Chen’s inauguration in May 2000, with performances of a Hakka ‘mountain song’, Hoklo folk music, ethnic dances, and Chang Hui-mei (mostly known as A-Mei, an indigenous popular singer from the Puyuma tribe) singing the national anthem. The prc regards Taiwan as a rebel province and responded to Chen Shui-bian’s inauguration ceremony by stopping Chang Hui-mei from performing on the Mainland until the summer of 2001. The prc government also withdrew Chang’s advertisements for the soft drink Sprite from billboards, newspapers, and television overnight immediately after the presidential ceremony. In January 2004, the dpp released an album containing an accumulation of songs sung in previous campaigns, which included seven original songs and one hit single. During the campaign rallies for the 2004 presidential election, the political alliance between the kmt and the People First Party (pfp) strove to go beyond the concept of the ‘New Taiwanese’ by focusing on their love for Taiwan and recognizing that they were a part of Taiwan. In March 2004, the chairman of the kmt at the time and presidential candidate, Lien Chan, made the dramatic gesture – along with his wife and Secretary-General Lin Feng-cheng – of kissing the land to show their love for the island during a campaign rally held in Taipei City (T.L. Huang 2004; Wong 2004). An array of performances at the rally included aboriginal performances, hip-hop dances, and other entertaining spectacles of songs and dances. In 2004, the Lien Chan and James Soong presidential campaign also delivered the Pan-Blue parties’ first campaign music album, including six authentic songs and three remakes of older songs (Lee 2004: 17). The kmt now presents itself as both Chinese and Taiwanese in its election campaigns, as is clear in its television advertisements. For example, during the 2008 election campaign, the kmt presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou was featured in an official music clip jogging with others while featuring two lines from the Taiwanese song ‘Move Forward’ by Lim Giong. The television advertisement ‘Our Taiwan – Our Home’, a model case of Taiwanization and the catch-all ‘New Taiwanese’ identity promoted by Ma, showed famous Chinese and Taiwanese food, Chinese Opera, and aboriginal traditions and various temples. The song in the clip ended with the slogan ‘Work together for a new Taiwan’, with the lyrics declaring that ethnic backgrounds did not matter as long as people were happy together and were not divided in achieving Ma’s ‘New Taiwanese’ identity. In May 2016, the Puzangalan Choir from Majia Township, an indigenous mountain

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township in Pingtung County, incorporated aboriginal music elements into the singing of the national anthem at Tsai Ing-Wen’s presidential inauguration.60 Besides the development of civil society in Taiwanese elections, Taiwanese popular songs have a political impact that goes beyond electoral party politics (Read 2019). There has been a musical renaissance for Taiwan’s artists as they have been encouraged to draw creativity from their own cultural heritage. Non-Mandarin sonic expression (arising from Hoklo, Hakka, and other aboriginal sounds) has been a fertile source of new music and recordings, with relevant external influences (see Guy 2018; Ho 2006; Tan 2017). For example, Hoklo-language rap music first emerged as a local narrative tradition in Taiwan after the end of martial law in the late 1980s (Schweig 2014). The Taiwanese music band Blacklist Studio produced their first and most prominent album, Songs of Madness, in 1989 (regarded as a new chapter in Taiwan’s popular music scene); its nine tracks included only three that contained some Mandarin – in the chorus of ‘Mad’ (track 2), in a few key phrases in ‘A Democracy Bumpkin’ (track 7), and in the song ‘Taxi’ (track 6), sung in both Mandarin and Hoklo, with spoken vignettes in Hoklo (Guy 2018: 281, 298). The album was crucial to the development of the genre known as the New Taiwanese Song Movement (Tin taiyu ge yundong), which delineates political themes and expresses social criticism. These song lyrics infiltrated Taiwanese politics and social issues, and the producers had the band sing in Taiwanese as a protest to ‘the former high status of Mandarin Chinese’ (Chang and Holt 2006: 105). Moreover, the culturally enhanced concept of ‘New Taiwanese’ has focused on the significance of cultural and ethnical discourses in local identity as observed in local music festivals. The successful Taike Rock Festivals held in 2006 and 2007 were a follow-up to an expanded ‘Taike Rock and Art Festival’ in 2006, promoted and celebrated in the Taiwanese style (see Ho 2009). The two music festivals Inland Rock (a two-day pro-independence music festival) and Tsingsan Fest, held in 2016, were an active formation of identity and political action that reunited people with the indigenous constructions of Taiwanese identities (Read 2019). The former festival was presented on 24-25 September 2016 under the slogan ‘Taiwan’s mainland is 60 The music video about the Puzangalan Choir at the presidential ceremony can be viewed at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v = BM-98jSB01A (accessed 7 July 2020). The Puzangalan Choir had been due to participate in a choral festival in Guangdong Province, China in July 2016. However, the invitation was withdrawn shortly after the choir’s performance at the presidential inauguration. Tsai Ing-Wen pledged TW$500,000 (US$15,430) to the choir after she found out that their trip had been cancelled (BBC News, 16 June 2016).

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Nantou [and not China]’.61 It was presented in Nantou as a way to reconnect ‘Taiwanese with a Taiwan-centric conception of the physical inland’ and to produce identities and experiences representing Taiwan and Taiwaneseness (Read 2019: 173).

The Pursuit of Local Identity in School Music Education The 2001 Grade 1-9 Curriculum Guidelines reorganized and refined school subjects into seven learning areas: language arts, health and physical education, social studies, arts and humanities, science and technology, mathematics, and integrative activities. In September 2019, national basic education in Taiwan was increased to twelve years, replacing the previous nine-year compulsory education. The arts and humanities curriculum of Taiwan covers the teaching and learning of music, visual arts, and theatre (Ministry of Education 2003, 2008, 2018, 2019). The arts guidelines stipulate that ‘the learning of Arts and Humanities subjects should address the individual arts, and together the arts should promote, connect, and integrate the learning of other academic subjects’ (Ministry of Education 2004: 1). As for other school subjects, the arts and humanities textbooks are reviewed and approved by the nict. With an augmented awareness of the importance of traditional forms of music and drama maintained by both curriculum guidelines, Taiwanese Opera, Taiwanese folk songs, and Taiwanese puppet shows have served as emblems of Taiwanese identity and as such have regained their vitality under the localization movement (Cheung-Yung and Lai 2010; Ho 2006; Ho and Law 2002; Law and Ho 2006). ‘Localization’ is a recourse to the increase in diverse interior musical identities in Taiwan that seek local cultural forms of expression in the school curriculum. Most significantly, Taiwan redefined the meaning of ‘national identity’ for the school curriculum by stressing the learning of local and aboriginal languages and their cultures. Graduate schools were established in the 1990s for music departments in many Taiwanese universities, which has promoted research on Taiwanese music (Lu 2003: 213). Taiwanese local cultures and the history of Taiwanese music have emerged as key learning areas for the cultivation of homeland education and national/local identity. The introduction of famous Taiwanese artists 61 Nantou County is the only landlocked county on the island. It is also the second largest county of Taiwan. Nantou County is famous for its mountainous scenery and its tea plantations.

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has been illustrated in teaching materials, and there has been an increase in the inclusion of songs written by Taiwanese composers in the curriculum (Lai 2005). For example, three units of arts and humanities in Grade Five textbooks, ‘This Is the Place Where I Grow Up’, ‘Environment – You, I, and He’,62 and ‘My Home Town and My Songs’, teach students to recognize the transformative feature of identity in Taiwanese nature and the appreciation of the richness of local folk songs (Han Lin Publications [HLP] 2017a). A textbook chapter for Grade Nine titled ‘A Musical Journey in Taiwan’ introduces the location of 16 recognized Taiwanese aboriginal tribes on a Taiwan map, aboriginal folk songs, Hoklo folk songs, Hakka folk songs, and other composed folk songs by Taiwanese composers, (see Kang Hsuan Educational Publishing Group [KHEPG] 2017a: 46-65). Education that supports ethnic cultures in music classes is referred to as ‘loving Taiwan’, and it enhances Taiwanese students’ comprehension of and love for their own land with the introduction of local Taiwanese composers such as Lu Sen-bao (1910-1988), Lu Quan-sheng (1916-2008), Yang Zhao-zhen (1929-2004), Ma Shui-long (1939-2015), and Xu Chang-hui (1929-2001) in the textbook materials (see HLP 2017a: 80-82; KHEPG 2017b: 148-153; Lin et al. 2012a: 130-143; Nani Bookshop 2014: 114-115, 2019a: 62). As observed by Chu and Kennedy (2005: 253), only a few Taiwanese folk songs were found in the elementary music textbooks produced by the nict from the 1960s to the 1980s; most songs were from Mainland China. Many music textbooks now also include more Taiwanese folk and composed songs, which are all required to be sung in their respective languages – e.g., the songs ‘Tune for Rowing the Boat’ sung in Hakka, ‘Missing the Annual Ritual’ in the Puyuma language, and ‘Losing the Copper’ in Hokkien (HLP 2017a: 86-90). Units on Taiwanese aboriginal music from different tribes and Han Taiwanese folk songs are introduced in the same music textbook (Lin et al. 2012a: Chapters Six and Seven). Teaching materials have always attempted to develop students’ positive self-identity through appreciating one’s place, understanding the common bonds they have with the environment, and immersing themselves in an environment of love for themselves. Taiwanese songs such as ‘Meilidao’ (‘The Beautiful Island’; KHEPG 2017b: 146-147), adapted from the poetry of Chen Xiu-xi – considered one of the most important Taiwanese female poets – and composed by activist Li Shuang-tze, strive to cultivate a love for the beauty and distinctiveness of the Taiwanese island as well as a greater 62 The author of this book does not have a gender bias. The translation was made from the Chinese title directly.

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appreciation of the land among students. This song was also anthemic in the Taiwanese democracy movement. Other songs such as ‘Taiwan De Xintiao Sheng’ (‘Heartbeat of Taiwan’; KHEPG 2017c: 158-159), written by Lin Mai-ke, present the wonderful and warm side of Taiwan,63 and ‘Taipei Tankong’ (‘Taipei Sky’; KHEPG 2017c: 198-199), written by Chen Fu-ming, emulates the past by bringing back many good memories of Taipei. Meanwhile, popular songs composed by Taiwanese songwriters, such as Hou De-jian (KHEPG 2017b: 86), Jay Chou (HLP 2017c: 20-21), Su Lai (KHEPG 2017d: 176), Ashin from Mayday (KHEPG 2017e: 164-165), and Lao Ta-yu (HLP 2017b: 167, 2017c: 22), are included in the textbook materials. Their songs are always encouraging and uplifting, giving students hope and strength in life. Taiwanese Opera is now regarded as an official art form based on folk songs and stories in vernacular Taiwanese. In 1990, the moe and the cca chose one junior high school and one vocational high school in which to present lessons on Taiwanese Opera, and this is regarded as the first time that Taiwanese Opera was delivered in formal school education (Cheng 2005: 7). The National Taiwan Junior College of Performing Arts (ntjcpa),64 including the Chinese Opera Department, the Department of Taiwanese Opera, the Department of Theatre Arts, the Department of Acrobatics and Dance, and the Hakka Opera Department, is regarded as the first vocational school to offer ten continuous years of education in the performing arts. ntjcpa students start their training in the fifth year of elementary school (at about ten years of age), and their education includes the last two years of elementary school, three years of junior high, three years of high school, and two years of junior college (National Taiwan College of Performing Arts 2004). The moe has also sponsored performances of Taiwanese Opera in schools and other venues, with provisional subsidies of up to NT$800,000 (about US$24,857) per performance, with a view to providing a better opportunity for high school students to watch the best troupes (Crook, cited in Ho 2016: 65). The textbook materials introduce the most famous local artists and performers, such as Liao Qiong-zhi and Yang Li-hua, highlighting their artistic achievements and cultural developments in Taiwanese Opera (see KHEPG 2017b: 158-159). Puppetry, known as Budaixi in Taiwanese (literally, ‘cloth sack theatre’), is also being encouraged to develop students’ appreciation of aboriginal 63 ‘Heartbeat of Taiwan’, sung by Jolin Tsai, was the theme song of the Taiwan Pavilion at Expo 2010 in Shanghai. 64 The National Fu Hsing Dramatic Arts Academy merged with the National Kuo Kuang Academy of Arts to establish the National Taiwan Junior College of Performing Arts on 1 July 1999. According to Guy (2005, 154), it was only under intense pressure that the National Fu Hsing Dramatic Arts Academy offered a Taiwanese Opera curriculum in the summer of 1994.

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cultures. Traditional glove puppet performances (e.g., HLP 2017a: 66-69; KHEPG 2017b: 160-165) celebrate native culture as Taiwanese identity. Puppet shows include budaixi (glove puppet shows), piyingxi (shadow puppet shows), and xuansi kuilei (marionette or string puppet shows). The government also promotes other traditions such as the use of local dialects, folk music, painting, embroidery, and puppet manipulation in both local communities and schools. For example, the Taiyuan Asian Puppet Theatre Museum is devoted to the preservation of puppetry on the island. With the assistance of the Taipei city government, all second-grade students in the city can visit the museum during the school year to see a traditional puppet show performance (Huffman 2018). In conjunction with performing original puppet productions, members of the Tainan-based GooDoo Puppet Troupe travel to local schools to teach puppet workshops in which history lessons are joined with DIY activities, and students can paint their own puppets and learn how to make them move in the workshops (Huffman 2018; also see Huffman 2019).

A Global Outlook in Education and Music Education The term ‘globalization’ highlights the expanded significance of global pressures and political, economic, and cultural developments amid the increased importance of a global construction of reference. Owing to its varied cultural and ethnic blend and complex colonial history, cultural developments in Taiwan have been developed on the basis of different phases of sociopolitical situations – namely, the Spanish and Dutch occupations, Chinese immigration, Japanese colonization, Pan-Chinese cultural inheritance during the kmt’s authoritarian era, the dpp’s Taiwanization, and contemporary democratic movements and localization. Since the 1990s, Taiwan has been one of the world’s largest exporter of information technology (it) products such as computers, semi-conductors, telecommunications equipment, and computer software. According to the latest report on relative levels of wealth and poverty, titled ‘The World’s Richest and Poorest Countries in 2019’, Global Finance ranked Taiwan the 17th wealthiest country out of 191 countries (Everington 2019). Hardware technology companies in Taiwan – including Foxconn which assembles Apple iPhones, asus- and Acer-produced computers, and htc cell phones – have made a dramatic impact in cultural terms. The implementation of this flagship industry, including six projects in the accompanying divisions of ‘television, film, pop music, handicraft, digital content, and product design’,

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has resulted in the most economically promising manufacturing sector (Chung 2012: 348). Appier, a Taiwan-based advertising technology start-up founded in 2012 with a recent focus on QGraph and Emotion Intelligence, provides artificial intelligence platforms to brands and retailers in the global technology supply chain for hardware manufacturing to help enterprises solve their most challenging business problems. All these advancements in technology have significantly altered the ways in which cultural goods in general are produced, delivered, and consumed as well as the nature of the cultural products within the broader context of the cultural products themselves in Taiwan. Globalization and Multiculturalism in School Education The 1992 Ethnicity and Cultural Policy proposed by the dpp focused on Taiwanese citizenship’s lack of alignment with any single ethnic group, culture, nation, or people, listing four major ethnic groups (i.e., Taiwanese – also known as Hoklo – Hakka, Mainlanders, and Aborigines) in society (Wang 2004). In 1993 and 1994, revisions were made to the curriculum in order to systematically reduce nationalistic elements, such as the removal of terms like ‘Chinese superior nationality’ and ‘recovering Mainland China’ (Doong 2008: 49). By the mid-1990s, the moe had sought to establish a new agenda for education reforms by shifting the focus of the school curriculum from the Chinese Mainland to Taiwan and by adopting the slogan ‘passions for homeland, heart for China, and global outlook (xiangtuqing, zhongguoxin, shijieguan)’. In the General Guidelines of Grade 1-9 Curriculum Guidelines of Elementary and Junior High School Education published by the moe in 1998, concerning and appraising diverse cultures and international understanding was highlighted as one of the core competencies (Liu and Lin 2011: 163). The curriculum standards in elementary and junior secondary schools (Ministry of Education 1993, 1994) briefly mentioned love for the world as a quality of good citizens’ cultural exchanges and attitudes on international occasions. In 2001, Taiwanese schools implemented the Grade 1-9 Curriculum Guidelines, which mandated that ‘cultural learning and international understanding’ was one of the ten fundamental capabilities, focusing students’ understanding and appreciation on their national culture and on world culture. Another way in which globalization has impacted schooling is that the quality of national education systems is increasingly being compared with that of other countries, with more focus on mathematics and science curricula, English as a foreign language, and communication skills. As is also

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found in other Asian regions, the impact of the globalization of English can be observed in the education sector in Taiwan. As claimed by Graddol: Almost everywhere, educational systems are in a state of rapid change. Globalisation has led to a desperate race in many countries to upgrade the skills of their workforce faster than their economies are being forced up the value chain. (2006: 70)

The Taiwan government’s considerable emphasis on the English language and society’s response to this demand have led to the provision of English language education in school education as well as in higher education (see Lin 2018; Liu 2016; Wu 2011; Yeh 2014). In 1966, the Wenzao Ursuline College of Languages65 was established by the Sisters of the Roman Union of the Order of St. Ursula as the first five-year junior college of languages in Taiwan. It began with education for female students, offering four languages: English, French, German, and Spanish. In 1980, the moe requested that language education be extended to male students, with a view to playing a more central role in a national project to promote language education in Taiwan (see Her 2007: 18). When the nine-year mandatory education system was introduced in 1968, English was not studied until the junior high school level. In response to economic globalization, an increasing number of Taiwanese parents and educators have advocated the incorporation of English at the elementary level. Since 2005, English has been a compulsory subject for Taiwanese students between Grade Three and the first year of college. Out-of-school instruction to increase examination scores has been popular. In the last two decades, education reforms in Taiwan have focused on generic and transnational skills such as English proficiency and it and have developed tripartite frameworks for citizenship education at the local, national, and global levels (Law 2004). More than 90 per cent of high school students in Taiwan’s big cities have attended private English tutorials (Hsieh 2010). As in other countries throughout Asia, Taiwan regards English language education as critical to its future. According to the findings viewed in a public opinion survey published in January 2006, it was reported that 80 per cent of respondents hoped 65 Officially, the college changed its name to Wenzao Ursuline College of Languages in 1999, and it extended its range of activities with the recognition of a four-year degree programme. In 2013, it was renamed Wenzao Ursuline University of Languages. It is regarded as the only university devoted to language education in Taiwan.

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that the government of Taiwan would designate English as the second official language (Graddol 2006: 89). Furthermore, according to the Overseas Community Affairs Council, most parents in Taiwan consider that the English learning programmes in elementary through high school are inadequate: 48.1 per cent of parents maintained that cram schools (also known as shadow education; literally, ‘private supplementary tutoring’) and after-school programmes are more efficient in teaching English than formal school education, and 42 per cent of parents exposed their children to English-language learning before they started elementary school education (Liao 2018). Cram schools are specially designed schools that train their students to meet particular goals, most commonly to prepare them for an imminent public examination in a more intensive way. In other words, they are specialized social institutes that prepare students for tests in a more competent and marketable manner (H.M.E. Huang 2004). The tutorial subjects are mainly mathematics, sciences, Chinese, and English. On average, high school students spend half of their day attending school and cram schools (Chou 2008). According to a survey conducted with 2,898 students in 87 schools in Taiwan, most of them attended cram schools to brush up on their coursework and slowly prepare themselves for their college entrance examinations (Chen and Huang 2016). Among those parents who paid for primary school English classes, 29.2 per cent spent more than NT$48,000 (US$1,600) a year. When asked about the reason for enrolling their children in extra schooling to learn English, 39.9 per cent of parents mentioned globalization, 37.9 per cent answered that it brought the guarantee of employment, and 32.2 per cent believed it offered a better opportunity to enter higher education. Currently, the moe is planning to increase English class hours in the school curriculum and to establish more than 160 bilingual classes from Grades One to Twelve across Taiwan as part of an effort to make English an official language (Lin 2018: 3). Since the 2001/02 school year, encouraging students to be conscious of the international community with its diverse cultures and traditions has been one of the six goals for bringing about a modernized education system (Law 2004: 259). As stated in the current Grade 1-12 Curriculum Guidelines, rolled out during the 2019/20 school year, students are expected to develop a sense of democracy, grasp the concept of human rights, and acquire a basic understanding of and respect for different peoples and cultures as well as to cultivate the importance of global citizenship by cherishing nature, cherishing life, and taking care of our natural resources to maintain ecosystem stability, cultural development, and so on (Ministry of Education

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2014, 2018, 2019). Recently, Taiwan’s National Academy for Educational Research, an agency of the moe, produced an animated video explaining the characteristics of the Grade 1-12 Curriculum Guidelines for life-learning and cooperation to cultivate students’ global outlook and sense of an integral ‘global village’ (dequicun) The video featured included frequent visual images of a world map.66 Globalization and Multiculturalism in Music and School Music Education The power of music as a platform for sociopolitical and cultural change is undeniable in the globalization of school music education. Globalization and economic prosperity in Taiwan’s emerging democracy have brought about a multicultural, plural society in which global visual, performing, and literary arts have taken root and flourished. During the last three decades, Taiwan’s cultural policies have reflected the interaction between globalization and Taiwanese consciousness (or Taiwanization) that has helped the development of Taiwan as a multicultural society, which can be observed in media, literature, music, the arts, and the matter of languages in the construction and re-construction of music cultures in Taiwanese society. As part of the government of Taiwan’s overall framework for promoting the cultural and creative industries, the Government Information Office has executed plans related to television content, film, and popular music locally and internationally. Starting with the globalization of music, one must understand that, instinctively, globalization is a process powered by, and resulting in, the extension of cross-border flows of goods, services, money, people, information, and culture (Held et al. 1999). The term ‘world music’ (also called global music or international music as a music category) usually conjures up many different styles of music around the globe, including many forms of ethnic music, indigenous music, folk music, neotraditional music, and the incorporation of such music into Western popular genres. The def inition and classif ication of music has been met with a variety of responses from musicologists, ethnomusicologists, and even music educators, which clarify the dynamics that underlie the production and reception of world music. Globalization (which generally suggests Westernization), the Asianization of Asia, and non-Western traditional 66 This animated video, with English subtitles, can be viewed at: https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v = ti_wdYbggas (accessed 7 July 2020).

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music are often set forth as a culturally, technologically, socially, and economically homogenizing force in the distribution of music in Taiwan. The music of Taiwan also reflects the diverse culture of the Taiwanese people. Guy (2001) has argued that the cultural production of multicultural music is part of an effective strategy of exploring cultural diversities in Taiwan’s national territory. The globalization and internationalization of classical music in Taiwan is essentially the process of incorporating an international, intercultural, or global dimension. Philharmonic Radio Taipei is regarded as the first Taiwanese radio station dedicated to classical music. Many Taiwanese musicians, such as violinists Lin Chao-liang, Hu Nai-yuan, Edith Chen, Tseng Yu-chian, and Tseng Yu-chien, and pianists Heinz Chen, Chen Pi-hsien, Hu Ching-yu, and Jenny Lin, have attended famous overseas music schools, have won prestigious international competitions, and have become prominent on the international stage. Meanwhile, the National Symphony Orchestra, the Taipei Symphony Orchestra, and the National Taiwan Symphony Orchestra have led in the development of Western orchestral music, and the Taipei Opera Theatre, the National Taichung Theatre, and the Metropolitan Opera House have promoted Western Opera. The Cloud Gate Dance Theatre, a modern dance group founded by choreographer Lin Hwai-min and established in 1973, has won acclaim from audiences and critics worldwide. In his group performances, Lin incorporated and adopted Chinese/Asian cultures and aesthetics, such as qi gong, martial arts, and calligraphy, as well as a uniquely Chinese style of dance and ballet. Taiwan’s Ministry of Culture has always provided support for Taiwanese artists and groups to participate in international music festivals, for example, the Taiwan-Okinawa Music Festival in 2018 and the Festival OFF d’Avignon and the Edinburgh Festival Fringe in 2019. For many, the international schowcasing of Taiwanese aboriginal music began with the German pop group Enigma’s controversial single ‘Return to Innocence’ (1993), which sampled a memorable tune called ‘Elder’s Drinking Song’ by Difang (1921-2002), who was a chief singer of the Taiwanese Amis people and was also known as Kuo Yong-Nan, without his authorization. ‘Return to Innocence’ was chosen as the theme song for the 1996 Olympic Games in Atlanta. In 1997, Difang filed a lawsuit over the unauthorized use of ‘Elder’s Drinking Song’, claiming that the recording had been made for cultural preservation purposes only (see Chang 2009/2010). Difang sent out a message around the globe that stated the following: ‘I want Amis music to be in every corner of the world and let everyone in the world know that there’s an Amis tribe

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in Taiwan’ (cited in Halbert 2005: 72). The case was settled out of court in 1999 with undisclosed conditions, and Enigma’s recording company agreed to compensate Difang f inancially. Besides the Amis tribe, other aboriginal singers such as Purdur and Samingad have also become international popular stars. In August 2018, the Council of Indigenous Peoples in Taitung, southeast Taiwan presented the Taiwan PASIWALI Festival, an international indigenous music festival, which featured indigenous music groups from seven nations. In regard to Taiwan’s popular culture, American, Japanese, and Korean cultures have been highly influential in Taiwan. Hollywood movies still draw the largest audiences, and young people show great enthusiasm for Japanese and Korean popular culture, such as tv dramas, cosmetics, fashion, and popular music. In the 1990s and into the 2000s, the television industry in Taiwan experienced major reforms. Local television stations began importing a large number of Japanese soap operas in the 1990s, followed by Korean soap operas in the 2000s. Taiwan’s transnational music market came about through its cross-Strait relationship with China. The popularity of singing competitions and tv talent shows from Mainland China in the past few years has increased the demand for music professionals in China, and as a result, programme producers from China have recruited Taiwanese songwriters and singers to participate with their production teams. On the one hand, these programmes have spread Chinese popular culture to Taiwan; on the other hand, this has also helped Taiwanese artists to reach worldwide Chinese audiences (CPI Analysis, republished by The News Lens, 2017). At the same time, more Taiwanese singers are performing songs written by songwriters from the Mainland, and the popularity of music from China has grown in Taiwan. The popular music culture in Taiwan has undergone a striking evolution over the past four decades. In the 1970s, under the influence of the us military’s presence, Taiwan’s domestic music market was dominated by American popular music. However, in the wake of the us severing its diplomatic ties with Taiwan in 1979, a student-led movement arose criticizing the kmt government’s reliance on the us in the realms of popular culture and music as well as in politics and economics. As a result, the campus folksong movement (xiaoyuan gequ yudong) encouraged university students to compose and perform folksongs as a means of both elaborating a local and specific form of Taiwanese cultural identity and indirectly protesting the kmt’s pandering to the us government (see Moskowitz 2010: 34-35; T.H. Ho 2019: 28-33). The commercialization of the folksong movement provided the basis for the development of Taiwan’s popular music industry between

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the late 1970s and the early 1980s. Economic prosperity has come to reside in global networks that link popular local and international artists, as well as local and multinational music businesses, with profit-maximizing webs of production and distribution. The 1980s marked the entry of the Big Five music transnationals (now bmg, emi, Sony, Warner, and Universal) in Taiwan’s music market. Aside from Sony, which had owned an ancillary company (Synco) in Taiwan since the 1970s, the transnationals at first worked by issuing local licences to allocate their records to Taiwan’s domestic market (Martin 2006: 7). At the same time, the presence of transnationals in Taiwan’s domestic market ‘put pressure on the local independents’, with many driven to become subsidiaries of transnational companies such as UFO, which was acquired by Warner in the late 1990s (ibid.; also see Wang 1999: 104-105). However, Rock Records, a Taiwanese record label founded in 1980, responded by emulating the expansionist strategies of global corporations and now has offices in Japan, Malaysia, Singapore, South Korea, and the Philippines. In 1987, the lifting of martial law opened the way for democratization in Taiwan and facilitated ‘the dynamism of Taiwan’s music scene today’ (Chung 2011: 86). For decades, Taiwan has been a leading global hub of the Mandarin pop market. Digital music has gained popularity in Taiwan as it has globally. The microchips inside popular music players are made in Taiwan at Semiconductor Manufacturing Company Limited and United Microelectronics Corporation (Leonard 2005). The music of Taiwanese popular artists and singers such as A-Mei, Jay Chou, David Tao, Jolin Tsai, and Leehom Wang, who are the most popular Chinese singers in Chinese communities, is composed of a mixture of Western R&B and rock music and traditional Chinese instruments and styles. By introducing song lyrics in Mandarin, Hakka, and aboriginal languages, many artists in the Taiwanese popular music industry are able to fashion a new way to imagine Taiwan and to celebrate the differences within the Taiwanese nation. Born in an age that has attached considerable importance to globalization, students in Taiwan have experienced a much more complex environment in which to learn other music cultures. Taiwan has attempted to strike an explicit balance between Chinese and Western traditions in its music curriculum, while also incorporating other forms of world music (see Ministry of Education 2003, 2008, 2018, 2019). According to the aims of the arts and humanities curriculum, students are encouraged to make headway in aesthetic understanding through appreciating and participating in multicultural arts activities, by learning to differentiate between classical and modern art and popular and elite art, by valuing

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Table 4.1 Selected foreign songs that introduce world folk songs Song Titles

Textbook Sources

‘He Shui’ (‘River’), a French song with Chinese lyrics ‘Meili De Caoyuan’ (‘Beautiful Grassland’), a New Zealand folk song with Chinese lyrics ‘Chengzhe Mache Dangyou Yuanye’ (‘Travelling in the Field on a Horse Cart’), a Mexican song with Chinese lyrics ‘Yueqi Ge’ (instrumental song), an Austrian children’s folk song with Chinese lyrics ‘Wanju De Ge’ (‘Toy Song’), a Bohemian folk song with Chinese lyrics ‘Bingo’, an American folk song with Chinese lyrics for singing and music games ‘Ievan Polkka’, a popular Finnish song set to a traditional Finnish polka tune for practicing the recorder ‘Poshi Ge’ (‘Song for Splashing Water’), a Vietnamese folk song with Chinese lyrics ‘Arirang’, a famous Korean folk song with Chinese lyrics ‘Dajia Lei Chang’ (‘We Come to Sing’), a Welsh folk song with Chinese lyrics ‘Believe Me, If All Those Endearing Young Charms’, an Irish folk song with Chinese and English lyrics ‘Greensleeves’, a traditional English song with English lyrics ‘Red River Valley’, an American song for practicing the recorder

HLP, 2017d, pp. 136-137 HLP, 2017e, p. 113

‘Santa Lucia’, a traditional Neapolitan song with Chinese lyrics ‘London Bridge Is Falling Down’ (also known as ‘My Fair Lady’ and ‘London Bridge’), a traditional English nursery rhyme with Chinese and English lyrics ‘Da Xiang’ (‘Elephant’), a traditional Japanese nursery rhyme with Chinese lyrics ‘Senlin Li De Xiaoniao’ (‘A Little Bird in the Forest’), a German children’s song with Chinese lyrics ‘Senlin Li De Xiaoniao’ (‘Little Birds in the Forest’), a German folk song for practicing recorder ‘Kabuli Dao’ (‘Island of Capri’), an Italian folk song for practicing recorder

HLP, 2017e, pp. 122-123 HLP, 2017f, pp. 154-155 HLP, 2019, p. 84 HLP, 2019, pp. 112-113 KHEPG, 2017e, p. 199 KHEPG, 2017f, p. 117 KHEPG, 2017f, p. 118 KHEPG, 2017f, p. 124 Lin et al., 2012a, pp. 20-21 Lin et al., 2012a, pp. 32-35 Nani Bookshop, 2014, p. 130 Nani Bookshop, 2014, p. 133 Nani Bookshop, 2019a, p. 39 Nani Bookshop, 2019a, p. 39 Nani Bookshop, 2019b, p. 50 Nani Bookshop, 2019c, p. 51 Nani Bookshop, 2019d, p. 39

artists from different historical periods and cultural orientations, and by using technology to learn more about other cultures (see Ministry of Education 2018, 2019). Diverse forms of Western, Chinese, and other world cultures and values in Taiwan’s school music education are expected to promote a new, twentyfirst-century citizen. The dynamic effects of globalization on school music

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Table 4.2 Selected songs that introduce love, peace, harmony, and hope for humanity and a better world Song Titles

Textbook Sources

‘Take These Wings’, composed by American songwriter Don Besig and sung in both Chinese and English ‘You Raise Me Up’, written by Secret Garden’s Rolf Løvland

Lin et al., 2012a, pp. 93-99

Lin et al., 2012a, pp. 215-219 ‘When You Believe’, a song from the 1998 DreamWorks musical Lin et al., 2012b, pp. 244-251 animated feature The Prince of Egypt, composed by Stephen Schwartz HLP, 2017c, pp. 130-131 ‘What a Wonderful World’, written by American music producer Bob Thiele ‘Prayer’, a Japanese folk song for singing and practicing on the HLP, 2017d, p. 123 recorder that encourages students to be cheerful when facing life’s challenges ‘Yiqi Wan Youxi’ (‘Let’s Play Games Together’), a Malaysian folk KHEPG, 2016, p. p. 11 song ‘Circle of Life’, a song from Disney’s 1994 animated film The Lion KHEPG, 2017a, King composed by Elton John and sung in English pp. 224-225 ‘We Are the World’, a charity song written by Lionel Richie and KHEPG, 2017a, pp. 226-227 Michael Jackson and originally recorded by the supergroup United Support of Artists (USA) for Africa in 1985 KHEPG, 2017c, p. 157 ‘Ting De Jian De Mengxiang’ (‘Audible Dream’), written by Taiwanese songwriter Zhang Hui-mei KHEPG, 2017d, p. 186 ‘Fengxian’ (‘Dedication’), composed by Taiwanese songwriter Weng Xiao-liang ‘Ni Shi Wo De Yan’ (‘You Are My Eyes’), written by Taiwanese KHEPG, 2017e, songwriter Xiao Huang-qi pp. 204-205 ‘Zum Gali Gali’, an Israeli folk song for promoting peace and KHEPG, 2017h, p. 8 love KHEPG, 2017h, p. 128 ‘Ri moi Krokah ki’, a Taiwanese Tayal’s folk song ‘Over the Rainbow’, written by Harold Arlen for practicing the KHEPG, 2017i, p. 198 recorder ‘Wo De Weilai Bushi Meng’ (‘My Future Is Not a Dream’), Nani Bookshop, 2014, composed by Weng Xiao-liang from Taiwan pp. 21-23 ‘We Wish You a Merry Christmas’, a British Christmas carol sung Nani Bookshop, 2019d, in English p. 96

education can be seen in the incorporation of Western popular music and world music into the formal music curriculum. Besides traditional Chinese and Western music, Taiwanese teachers are now encouraged to develop a broader view of aesthetics and to adopt a multicultural approach to music education by teaching diverse music cultures ranging from world folk songs to Western pop and local pop in order to help students understand and respect ethnic diversity.

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As recommended by the Ministry of Education (2018, 2019), students are encouraged to learn diverse music cultures such as world folk songs, and this multicultural music education is an important element in arts and humanities textbooks. Now students in Taiwan have more scope to learn and experience diverse cultures and their music, including Middle Eastern, Indian, Indonesian, Japanese, South Korean, Burmese, Vietnamese, Thai, African, Israeli, New Zealand, us, South American, British, Scottish, French, Spanish, German, Swiss, and Chinese music covered by the textbooks (see HLP 2017c, 2017d, 2017e; KHEPG 2016, 2017a, 2017f, 2017g; Lin et al. 2012a, 2012b; Nani Bookshop 2014, 2019a, 2019b, 2019c). World folk songs commonly found in music textbooks for elementary and secondary school education celebrate the cultural diversity of the globe (see some examples in Table 4.1). Moreover, students are encouraged to learn diverse song materials in the name of furthering global love, peace, harmony, respect, and tolerance, including the promotional songs for four different international and local events: the fifa World Cup in 2006, the 2008 Summer Olympic Games, the 2009 World Games, and the music concert themed on love and caring by the Watoto Children’s Choir from Uganda, who came to Taiwan in 2010 to give their concert for hope (KHEPG 2017e: 156-158). Singing foreign songs can facilitate students in learning how to live together in peace and harmony – an important aspect of life and of becoming active citizens – and how to play an active part in promoting a culture of peace in Taiwan as well as the world (see some examples in Table 4.2). Foreign songs are included in the textbook materials mainly for the celebration of humanity and are an attempt to encourage students to keep holding on to love and hope, to enhance their progress in learning, and to make the world a better place.

Core Values in School Music Education between Localization and Globalization Although music is a powerful force that can be used to transcend national boundaries, both music and school music education are a counterbalance to the complex processes involving globalization and localization in Taiwan. As maintained by Schultz (2007: 254-255), globalization has ‘resulted in a complex and dynamic set of international, national and local relationships that has created new patterns of inclusion and exclusion’. After the end of martial law in 1987, Taiwan experienced democratization and became perhaps the more liberal and open society in East Asia. Since the 1990s, the policy of school music education has been reversed, moving from suppressing

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ethnic cultures and identities to actively promoting them as part of a new cultural and collective identity, reasserting the importance of Taiwanese music and composers as well as cultivating a global sense of world music in the curriculum. While the government of Taiwan has attempted to integrate diverse music cultures (including the local ethnic culture) in the school music curriculum, it has also paid particular attention to school music education and other types of values education (particularly in song teaching) in regard to the promotion of love in human relationships, love of family, and love for life, both locally and globally. Examining the song lyrics in both local and foreign literature in selected music textbooks, the following three discussion areas will be devoted to the question of core values in school music education in relation to the dynamics of cultural localization and globalization: 1 The introduction of love songs delineated by song lyrics that are found in both religious and non-religious contexts; 2 The attempts in Taiwan’s school music education to weaken the identification of Taiwan as a part of China in the curriculum and depart from the orthodox vocabulary of Chinese nationalism, juxtaposed with the traditional Chinese values (particularly traditional Confucian values) delineated in the song lyrics adopted from other pop, folk, and world music that relate to the cultivation of positive social relationships between family, friends, and neighbours; and 3 Selected song lyrics that demonstrate the potential value of facilitating personal development in local, national, and global dimensions. With regard to the first theme, this section will focus on the expression of love as a powerful force for cultural transformation in school music education. The idea that love might influence politics is not new, as many social movements for freedom and justice in society continue to promote a love ethic. This section will argue that a politics of love (also known as revolutionary love, part of the political vocabulary in many societies around the world) is an instrument of the power that derives from human relationships with each other and that transforms the politics of the government of Taiwan through the inclusion of love songs found in both local and foreign songs. I use the term ‘affective politics’, as developed by Ahmed (2004), in my examination of the role of emotions in debates on international affairs such as terrorism, asylum, and migration. For example, in the song ‘Rang Ai Chuan Chuqu’ (‘Let Love Be Given’), Taiwanese songwriter Hong Yu-tong claims that the power of love should be given (not spoken about) and that love gives life its meaning like warmth from the sun (KHEPG 2017i: 202). Another Taiwanese song is ‘The True Meaning of Love’, the lyrics of which

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were drawn from the Bible (I Corinthians 13: 4-8) and include the lines ‘Love is patient, love is kind. It does not envy, it does not boast […]. Love never fails’ (KHEPG 2017h: 122-123). Though some English songs such as ‘Can You Feel the Love Tonight’, a song from the 1994 Disney animated movie The Lion King, composed by Elton John with lyrics by Tim Rice (Lin et al. 2012b: 239-242), ‘Tonight’, a song from the musical West Side Story written by Leonard Bernstein with lyrics by Stephen Sondheim (KHEPG 2017e: 231), and ‘Think of Me,’ a song from the musical The Phantom of the Opera written by Andrew Lloyd Webber, arranged for practicing the recorder in a two-part ensemble (KHEPG 2017e: 195) celebrate romantic love affairs, their lyrics and music allude to the unconditional affection in being together in other relationships. Moreover, religious and spiritual songs from the textbook materials tend to explain why and how we love each other by featuring diversity and tolerance with a mixture of religious beliefs and practices along the theme of love and human bonding. Taiwan’s society is characterized by a diversity of religions, including Buddhism, Taoism, Christianity, Confucianism, and other religious folk practices. Religious song lyrics are available in a variety of local and foreign literatures. For example, songs such as ‘Kum-ba-ya’, an African-American spiritual song of disputed origin, translated as ‘Come by Here’ (KHEPG 2017a: 218-223), ‘Dona Nobis Pacem’, sung in Latin as a canon (KHEPG 2017c: 186), ‘Canon of Thanks’, a popular traditional folk song featuring both unison and canonical sections and adapted by Donald Moore (KHEPG 2017i: 217-219), ‘God Bless Taiwan’, a Taiwanese song (KHEPG 2017b: 195), and ‘Hallelujah’ by George Frideric Handel (Nani Bookshop 2019d: 67) request that we rely on God for our overflowing blessings and for His mercy upon us. Turning to the second discussion area mentioned above, Taiwan has a history of colonialism, a predominantly Chinese population, and has achieved successful economic growth in the last few decades. To some extent, one may recognize that being a good citizen of the roc is vastly different from being a good citizen of the us, the uk, or Canada. Though the government of Taiwan has developed a national identity through the cultivation of performing arts in school as well as in society, it has adopted the policy of de-politicizing the performance of the national anthem (i.e., it has not asked its citizens to sing or to play the anthem in concert halls and theatres before the beginning of public performances and movies since the early 1990s). The introduction of traditional Chinese music is in celebration of Taiwan’s own sense of its cultural past and has nothing to do with the cultivation of national sentiment toward the Mainland (see

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HLP 2017e: 74-75; Lin et al. 2012a: Chapter Nine). Music that was composed in Communist China is never included in the school curriculum. Music textbooks now include more Taiwanese folk songs, which are required to be in their respective languages. In addition, music textbooks are greatly influenced by Confucianism concerning an attitude of respect, appreciation, mutual understanding, and the cultivation of virtual and harmonious relationships (see Chuang and Wang 2018; Huang and Gove 2012). The concepts of filial piety, loyalty, and friendship can be seen in the arrangement of interpersonal relationships between the self, family members, and friends. A unit on arts and humanities features the topic ‘Drawing My Hometown’ (KHEPG 2017j: Chapter Four). Textbooks include songs about filial piety such as ‘My Mother Is Very Busy (with Looking After Us)’ (an American folk song sung in Chinese), which has a photo illustration of a mother preparing a chicken meal for the family and the father and son sitting at the dining table (HLP 2017a: 129). Other songs about family love – such as ‘Muqin De Shou’ (‘My Mother’s Hands’), a Taiwanese song (KHEPG 2017b: 193) and ‘Tong Shou Tong Jiao’ (‘Same Hand and Same Leg’), a Taiwanese song that praises brother/sisterhood, with the lyrics ‘I am singing this song to my dearest brother. I will walk with you together in the future journey of our life’ (HLP 2017c: 150-151) – are believed to instil harmonious family rapport, trust, and caring. Confucian ethics are also seen in song lyrics about friendship, team-building, and kindness to or empathy for others, for example in songs sung in Chinese like ‘Lailadui Zhi Ge’ (‘A Song for Cheers’), a Sri Lankan folk song (KHEPG 2016: 86-87) and ‘Valuable Friendship’, a melody adapted from American composer Stephen Foster and sung in Chinese (HLP 2017e: 118). Table 4.3 provides more examples. On account of the general affinity with the traditional values of Confucianism in Taiwanese society, music is thought of more in terms of ethics rather than aesthetics (see W.C. Ho 2019). The inclusion of moral education or character education is the legitimation of values education that can also be observed in the Taiwanese arts and humanities curriculum (see Ministry of Education 2018, 2019). Regarding the third area of discussion, song materials in the school music curriculum encourage students to learn and to explore the self and then to make connections to their surroundings, including the social and natural worlds. The twelve-year curriculum framework starts with the expectation that the student will become a modern citizen with a national consciousness combined with international vision. This is achieved by building fundamental competencies in relation to three categories, namely,

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Table 4.3 Selected songs about love and happiness with family and friends Song Titles

Textbook Sources

‘Lullaby’, a German folk song for practicing the recorder ‘Kualie Xiangiu’ (‘Happy Together’), melody adapted from a German folk song ‘Jiayou Ge’ (‘Song for Add Oil’), songwriter unknown ‘You Are Not Alone’, written by American R&B singer R. Kelly for Michael Jackson in response to difficult times in his personal life ‘Kegui De Youqing’ (‘Valuable Friendship’), written by Stephen Foster, sung in Chinese ‘Sarumaenan ta’ (Puyuma language title meaning ‘We Are the Family Members’), written by Gao Zi-yang ‘Hao Pengyou’ (‘Good friend’), a German folk song but sung in Chinese ‘Nian Guxiang’ (‘I Miss My Homeland’), melody adapted from the New World Symphony written by Antonin Dvorak and sung in Chinese ‘Peiwo Kan Richu’ (‘Accompanying Me to Watch the Sunrise’), written by Japanese pop rock band Begin but sung in Chinese ‘To Share’ (‘Fenxiang’), composed by Taiwanese songwriter Wu Si-kai ‘Jia’ (‘Home’), composed by Qiu Wang-xiang from Mainland China ‘Ri moi Krokah ki’, a folk song from the Taiwanese Atayal people to send best wishes to friends ‘Yangguang He Xiaoyu’ (‘Sunshine and Little Rain’), a Taiwanese song written by Deng Yu-qing portraying human relationships with the symbols of sunshine and a little rain

HLP, 2019, p. 119 KHEPG, 2013, p. 31 KHEPG, 2016, p. 88 KHEPG, 2017c, pp. 159-161

KHEPG, 2017e, p. 118 KHEPG, 2017g, pp. 30-31 KHEPG, 2017g, p. 127 KHEPG, 2017i, p. 201

Lin et al., 2012a, pp. 2224-227 Nani Bookshop, 2014, pp. 42-43 Nani Bookshop, 2019a, p. 93 Nani Bookshop, 2019c, p. 100 Nani Bookshop, 2019d, pp. 94-95

‘spontaneity, communication and interaction, and social participation’ in real-life scenarios (Ministry of Education 2014: 5). Identity is essential for human beings since it determines how we are treated, what is expected of us, and what we expect from ourselves. Who I am, who we are, and what our identity is and what defines us have far-reaching consequences for self-achievement. Certain songs have helped to develop students’ positive self-identity, including the Taiwanese song ‘Snail’ written by Jay Chou about a very encouraging song about a snail slowly moving up a tree to see the sun (Lin et al. 2012a: 242-245), ‘One Thousand and One Wishes’, a Japanese song written by Angela Aki with the Chinese title ‘Continue – To Myself at 15 Years Old’ (KHEPG 2017a: 203 and 228-230), ‘You Are Not Alone’ written by American R&B singer R. Kelly for Michael Jackson in response to difficult times in his personal life (KHEPG 2017c:

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159-161), and ‘You Raise Me Up’, an English song originally composed by the Irish-Norwegian duo Secret Garden (Lin et al. 2012a: 215-219). These songs support students in attaining better self-esteem and a better self-image and in developing the skill of self-encouragement in accomplishing personal goals in the face of life challenges. These song lyrics are inspiring, and they encourage students to be proactive in finding happiness and living a more fulfilling life.

Summary Though Taiwan is not recognized as a nation-state internationally, it continues to promote cultural nationalism in school texts and to implement reforms in its music curriculum in order to foster a multilevel conception of identity in local, national, and global contexts among its youth. Music in Taiwan’s school education is not a value-free concept but one that is quintessentially politically charged. It has been the work of schools and politicians in Taiwanese society to chart the direction of nationhood and global citizenship. In response to the question of core values in school education, amid the dynamics of cultural localization and globalization, both local and foreign literatures were found to reflect the themes of love and peace in some of the basic Confucian ethical concepts and the practicing of values in the family and in society. In this light, school music education is considered aesthetic, as well as a reflection of social communication regulated by the Taiwanese authorities, with the incorporation of both local and global music cultures. School music education also encompasses the dynamics of multiple citizenships as they affect individuals and the wider community, embodying multiple identities of local ethnic, national, and global cultures applied to social and human relationships. However, there remains a significant amount of diversity in how music is taught in schools with regard to whether music teachers should conduct nonmusical teaching in the school curriculum, as prescribed by the Taiwanese state. At the same time, different music teachers may have quite different understandings of musical meanings and non-musical meanings, between the local and the global. The question remains as to how willing or able music teachers in Taiwan are to prioritize either prescribed or critical social and ethical concerns over aesthetic ones in the classroom. This challenge to Taiwan’s school music education will be reported, explored, and discussed in Chapter Five through the survey questionnaires conducted with Taiwanese music teachers.

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5

Music Teachers’ Perspectives on Cultural and National Valuesin School Music Education in Greater China Abstract Chapter Five compares the cultural and national values of the three regions of China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, exploring the dynamics and complexity of the relationship between the state, nationalism, and globalization from the perspectives of school music teachers in Greater China. The research method in this chapter involved a survey questionnaire distributed to pre-service and in-service primary and secondary school teachers in the three Chinese territories, as well as interviews with teachers who agreed to participate, conducted between December 2018 and February 2019. The findings of the study revealed that there are fundamental gaps between overt and operational curricula as well as between the background of the teachers’ training and professional development. Keywords: cultural and national values, dynamics between nationalism and globalization, perspectives of music teachers, professional development

With particular reference to China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, this chapter is an attempt to think through the cultural and national issues in these three Chinese regions in the twenty-first century. This will be accomplished through an analysis of how the cultural identity of these localities was formed, in response to the political ideology found in Asian and China Studies. Though Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan were influenced by the West in differing degrees, Western imperialism brought modern Western ideas and concepts as well as Western education systems and music education into all of these societies. China was never a colony (unlike Hong Kong

Ho, Wai-Chung, Globalization, Nationalism, and Music Education in the Twenty-First Century in Greater China. Amsterdam, Amsterdam University Press 2021 doi: 10.5117/9789463729932_ch05

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and Taiwan), but it was influenced by other foreign cultures throughout the centuries. The ‘cultural imperialism’ thesis laid out by Carnoy (1974: 1) posits that Western formal education in colonies was consistent with the aims of imperialism and that it was ‘an important institution for transmitting knowledge and culture from generation to generation’. Carnoy maintained that ‘Western schooling in the Third World and in the industrialized countries themselves’ was not the liberating force it was portrayed as but rather part of a complex web of ‘imperialist domination’ (ibid.: 3). Similarly, Altbach and Kelly (1978) claim that the purpose of education reflected the interests of the colonizers: though there were differences in the advanced schooling of colonizers from diverse countries, the various regimens had in common an underlying principle that education should be instrumental or functional in fulfilling the needs and discernments of the colonizers rather than the colonized (also see Bray 1992; Hayhoe 2015; Takeshi and Mangan 1997). The three societies of China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan share some similarities: they have their historical roots in ancient China, they have predominantly Chinese populations, and in the last few decades they have seen dynamic economic growth. Three motifs – political reunification, economic integration, and cultural interaction – capture many facets of the Greater China phenomenon (Harding 1993). Some analysts (ibid.; Wang 1991) have foregrounded the value of ‘Chineseness’, which alludes to the consciousness (and the creation of such a consciousness) of being Chinese and understanding the interactions within and among Chinese societies. Basically, these societies have similar population structures, as most of their people are Chinese (91.6 per cent in China, 92 per cent in Hong Kong, and 97.8 per cent in Taiwan). Currently, there are two Chinese writing systems in use in Chinese-speaking regions, namely traditional Chinese and simplified Chinese (which uses fewer strokes in its characters than traditional Chinese). In the new Global Age, competing versions of China’s nationalist discourse are seen in the struggles in Hong Kong and Taiwan. From China’s perspective, Taiwan is next in line to be unified with the prc, following Hong Kong in 1997 and Macau in 1999. However, 2014 was marked by unprecedented protests in both Taiwan and Hong Kong, and in 2019 there were once again demonstrations in Hong Kong – this time over the Extradition Bill. This has led the media and political analysts alike to point out a disconcerting trend against Beijing authorities: an increasingly localized sense of identity among residents in both territories that correlates with a diminishing sense of a national ‘Chinese identity’. China has claimed that Hong Kong and Taiwan are of great importance to the politics of Chinese nationalism, while the rise of new political forces and party politics have widened the

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identity gap between China one the one hand and Hong Kong and Taiwan on the other (see Dittmer 2017; Hao 2010; Kwan 2016; Lo and Bettinger 2009; Pang and Jiang 2019). In the summer of 2019, Hong Kong was shaken by prolonged protests, ostensibly triggered by the issue of amendments to the extradition law but symptomatic of a broader expression of discontent with China’s governance of Hong Kong under the framework of ‘one country, two systems’. As tensions mounted between Hong Kong and China during the summer of 2019, a number of global labels, such as the clothing lines Coach, Givenchy, Donatella Versace, and Calvin Klein and the beauty brand Fresh, apologized to Chinese customers after Chinese netizens launched online campaigns against them for implying that Hong Kong and Taiwan were independent countries on the companies’ websites. The online retailer Moda Operandi (a fashion discovery platform launched in 2011) listed a Birkin bag from the famed luxury brand Hermès that displayed the Chinese flag, fiery red with five golden stars, available for special order and priced at US$125,000. In the wake of the flag-dumping incidents in Hong Kong on 3 and 5 August 2019, a host of Hong Kong and Mainland celebrities heeded the call on Weibo, the Chinese social network, to post a photo of the Chinese flag. Liu Yifei, a Chinese-American actress, singer, and model starring in the new Disney live-action adaptation of Mulan, waded into the Hong Kong protest controversy by expressing support for Hong Kong’s police. On 1 October 2019, mass protests and violent revolts occurred between protesters and police in various districts of Hong Kong during the 70th anniversary of the establishment of the prc. Protesters chanted the slogan for the democracy movement: ‘Liberate Hong Kong, Revolution of Our Time!’ They also sang ‘Yuan Rongguang Gui Xianggang’ (‘Glory to Hong Kong’, regarded as a ‘national anthem’ representing the collective demands of the pro-democracy protesters in Hong Kong) in Cantonese and denounced the interference of China’s Communist Party (the cpc) in the territory’s liberal way of life. Meanwhile, pro-independence groups in Taiwan have called on the Taiwanese administration to implement localized education reforms for the last three decades. The history curriculum in Taiwan’s school education has been implicated in a significant dispute between advocates of democratization and localization and the Greater China concept. Beijing authorities condemned Taiwan’s high school history textbooks for 2019 because of the inclusion of the separatist idea of ‘Taiwan independence’ and the concept of ‘de-Chineseization’. Taiwanese President Tsia Ing-wen, sympathetic to the independence movement, was vocal in her support of the Anti-Extradition Bill campaign in Hong Kong, which she said might also jeopardize Taiwanese people who support human rights activists on the

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Mainland. In her address on 10 October 2019 to mark the 108th anniversary of the founding of the roc, Tsai called on Taiwan’s citizens to firmly reject the principle of ‘one country, two systems’, which she said would threaten the survival of the self-ruled island. Recently, Taiwan’s aid shipments to countries fighting the coronavirus have stirred up debate on the island about whether it should rebrand its national carrier, China Airlines, because the airline’s name includes the word ‘China’. National and cultural values in a globalized world continue to be significant concerns in school education in Hong Kong and Taiwan. The impact of the changing social and political environments in Hong Kong and Taiwan as well as the new agendas of identity politics espoused by the people of those territories may make it difficult for the parties involved to compromise on school education.

A Review of the Present Situation in School Music Education The idea that ‘China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity are indivisible’ has been intoned regularly by Chinese leaders (cited in Gill 2010: 141). In a speech to officials in early September 2019, Chinese President Xi Jinping claimed that ‘Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan’ are a major risk and challenge for the cpc, warning Communist Party members that they have to fight when decisive action is needed (Jun 2019). Despite the global economic and strategic challenges China faced in the trade war with the us, President Xi listed these three regions as a single locality to reflect Beijing’s view that all are part of China (ibid.). China’s Ministry of Education spent two years compiling the first nationwide unified textbooks for politics, history, and the Chinese language to be used by first-year high school students in major Chinese cities such as Beijing, Hainan, Liaoning, Shanghai, and Tianjin starting in September 2019. Other regions will integrate the new textbooks into their school curricula gradually by 2022. These newly edited textbooks include the following Chinese and Western characteristics: a greater focus on traditional Chinese values; a special emphasis on China’s revolutionary history, the inclusion of more than ten foreign articles that mostly reflect China’s achievements; and an emphasis on upholding the national sovereignty of inseparable parts of China, such as the Tibet and Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Regions, Taiwan, and the South China Sea. There has been much discussion about the ways in which education has shaped sociopolitical and cultural dynamics in the context of China compared with other regions dominated by Chinese populations (Bray 1997; Bray

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and Qin 2001; Lo 2016; Peterson et al. 2001). Green’s comparative study (1999) on education and globalization demonstrated a marked difference between Western and Asian systems. According to Green, internationalization in the West has generally not been accompanied by the reassertion of national culture in education that is evident in the upper secondary and higher education in East Asian states such as Japan, Korea, and Singapore. Nonetheless, Green did not extend his comparative study to Chinese communities. There have been various studies on the education systems in Hong Kong (e.g., Fairbrother and Kennedy 2011; Kam 2012; Wang 2017), Taiwan (e.g., Hung 2015; Mao 2008; Su 2006), and Mainland China (e.g., Hu 2019; Liu et al. 2018; Vickers and Zeng 2017) as well as comparative studies on Hong Kong and Taiwan (Law 2004; Law and Ng 2009) and between communities in Greater China (Bray and Qin 2001; Lo 2016). However, there has been no single work that has directly compared the ways in which school music education (particularly from the teachers’ perspective) in Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan has incorporated national (or local) and global influences. Though comparative literature on music education in Chinese territories can be found (Ho 2011, 2013; Ho and Law 2002, 2006; Law and Ho 2006), none of these studies has addressed music teachers and teacher education through school music education in response to changing global and national situations. To date, no studies have been carried out examining the similarities and differences in school music education in Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Mainland China in relation to the dual paradigm of nationalism and multiculturalism. This chapter will address this gap in the literature by exploring the changes that China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan are undergoing in their cultural and national dimensions and by examining the nature and extent of the cultural and national elements of school music education. Curricular guidelines for music education in these three Chinese regions have encouraged schools to promote a new collective identity in the twentyfirst century. Primary schools always schedule up to two weekly music lessons, while many secondary schools maintain only one weekly music lesson up to Grade Nine. Over the last two decades, despite the pressing problem in school education posed by identity politics, education and curricular reforms in China (Ministry of Education 2011, 2017), Hong Kong (Curriculum Development Council 2003, 2017), and Taiwan (Ministry of Education 2018, 2019) have been designed with the goal of preparing citizens for the challenges of globalization. Recent reforms in these societies have emphasized generic and transnational skills, such as proficiency in information technology and English, and developed tripartite frameworks for citizenship education at the local, national, and global levels. Chinese, local, and global music cultures are

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found in varying degrees in these regions’ respective education systems (see Ho 2011; Ho and Law 2006). However, the findings of Ho and Law’s survey questionnaires (2006) completed by 5,133 Chinese students in Grades Seven through Grade Nine (including 1,741 from Shanghai, 1,750 from Hong Kong, and 1,642 from Taipei), along with interviews with 46 music teachers in 2004, illustrated that students in the three societies much preferred traditional Western and popular music to their respective forms of local traditional music and traditional Chinese music styles. The findings also showed that the three Chinese societies attempted to strike an explicit balance between Chinese and Western traditions in their respective music curricula by integrating other forms of local music and world music (see Curriculum Development Council 2003, 2017; Ministry of Education, People’s Republic of China 2011, 2017; Ministry of Education, Republic of China 2018, 2019). Though the teachers interviewed from these three Chinese cities realized the importance of teaching traditional Chinese music, local folk music, and world music in school music education, they believed that it was difficult to teach diverse music styles in their music curriculum (Ho and Law 2006). The students in these three communities thus perceived themselves as having little knowledge about other music styles taught in classroom music lessons. It has been argued that globalization may result in Western music learning continuing to be the leading cosmopolitan culture in school music education in these three localities, which continue to face the challenges of cultural globalization and the search for national/local identity (Ho 2011). Moreover, music has long served as a symbol of national identity in education systems in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. Patriotic songs and other official songs are commonly considered wholesome and essential ingredients not only in school education but in fostering loyalty and good citizenship in students. The prc government has adopted music and music education as an influential nation-building system to enrich the politics of memory by combining the functional education of Confucianism with nationalism in order to encourage social harmony and maintain national myths (Law and Ho 2011). The prc strongly supports the transmission of official popular songs such as ‘The Great Wall Is Long’, ‘I Belong to China’, and ‘Today Is Your Birthday, China’, all of which promote unity, nationalism, and other official ideological values (Baranovitch 2003: 204). The prc welcomes the popular when it is attached to revolutionary ideas, and it makes its goals to foster Communist ideologies in young people clear. Since late 2013, a series of animated videos, patriotic popular songs, and microfilms have been shown on China’s social media platforms, including Tencent, WeChat, and Weibo, with themes ranging from publicizing government plans

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to lauding the nation’s prosperity. The prc produced a music video titled ‘Live Up to Your Word’ featuring five popular celebrities singing about how to achieve good social credit and promoting the importance of integrity and trustworthiness ahead of the scheduled national rollout of the controversial Social Credit System by the end of 2020 (see Lee 2020; Shen 2019; You 2019). The recent National Anthem Bill in Hong Kong requires schools to teach students how to sing the tune with proper decorum as well as to educate students in both primary and secondary education on the history and spirit of the anthem (Kennedy 2019; Legislative Council 2019). Primary and secondary schools in Taiwan are encouraged to play or to sing the national anthem at important school events such as Sports Day, and they can decide to sing or to play the anthem lyrics selectively (Chang 2015). Officially imposed nationalism in Taiwan has decreased rapidly, while songs composed by Taiwanese composers, Taiwanese folk songs, and local popular songs can now be found in the music curriculum (Ho 2019; Ishii 2018). In the light of recent education transformations in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, this chapter explores the question of how music teachers in these three societies have responded to various music styles and music practices in response to the diverse music paradigms and nationalistic education in the curricula in accordance with their evolving sociopolitical contexts. This chapter will address four major questions concerning: (1) the relationship between cultural and social values in the school music curriculum from the perspectives of music teachers; (2) teachers’ views on types of music they prefer in classroom music lessons; (3) their conceptions of the introduction of nationalistic education in school music education; and (4) pre-service teacher education from the perspectives of in-service teachers with respect to increasing students’ knowledge of diverse music cultures, traditional Chinese music, and local popular music.

Method: Questionnaires and Interviews The project presented in this chapter was approved by the institutional committee on the Use of Human and Animal Subjects in Teaching and Research. The teacher respondents were recruited via email invitation and social media. Survey questionnaires were disseminated between late 2017 and late 2018. In Hong Kong, the survey questionnaires for the pre-service participants were completed on university campuses and the time slots were assigned by their music instructors, while an online survey questionnaire using Google Forms (a free platform to create online surveys) was adopted

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for the in-service teachers to complete. After the online questionnaire was created, a link was sent to the music teachers for completion. Some teachers also offered their kind help by including the online link on their Facebook pages for other teachers’ participation. In both China and Taiwan, the survey questionnaires were completed by the pre-service and in-service teachers online. Participation in the survey questionnaire was entirely voluntary, and the participants were free to stop filling out the questionnaire or to refuse to answer any questions. The number of teachers who participated in the survey was 204, 313, and 121 for China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan respectively. In addition to the questionnaires, in-depth, semi-structured, one-on-one phone interviews were conducted to probe into and clarify the teachers’ perceptions, views, and interpretations. The individual interviews were conducted between autumn 2018 and spring 2019, and nine teachers from Mainland China, 24 from Hong Kong, and 12 from Taiwan were willing to take part in the interviews. On the phone, teachers were not face to face with the interviewer, which might have removed a major source of anxiety. They could also hold the phone interview in a familiar environment, such as their own homes, which possibly increased their comfort level during the interviews. The questionnaire content was more or less the same for both the preservice and in-service sectors of music teachers. It was decided that a few questions in the survey questionnaire would not be reported in this book, as they were not germane to the themes of analysis and discussion. Appendix One shows the survey questions addressed in this chapter. The self-designed questionnaire was divided into four sections: (1) perceptions of cultural and social values in school music education (Section 1, Questions 1-6); (2) conceptions of teaching music cultures, including the integration of diverse music cultures and traditional Chinese culture into school subjects (Section 2, Questions 7-15), and views on music education regarding nationalistic education and the teaching of the national anthem and patriotic songs (Section 2, Questions 16-20); (3) perspectives on professional development with respect to diverse music cultures, traditional Chinese music, and local popular music (Section 3, Questions 21-24); and (4) general information about the respondents (Section 4, Questions 25-31). The questionnaire (written in traditional Chinese characters for the teachers in Hong Kong and Taiwan and in simplified Chinese characters for the teachers in China) included a five-point Likert scale, closed items, and multiple-choice questions (see Appendix One for the English version). Most questions adopted a five-point Likert scale to allow the respondents to express degrees of either agreement or interest, for example, from 1 = ‘highly disagree’ to 5 = ‘highly agree’. The teachers’ responses were recorded into a

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data set using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (spss, version 22). According to the survey requirements, quantitative analysis (e.g., mean, standard deviation, percentage, cross-tabulation description, t-test analysis, and one-way anova) was conducted using the spss functions. The question items in the first three sections had very high reliability, with a Cronbach’s alpha of respectively 0.81, 0.93, and 0.92 in China; 0.74, 0.90, and 0.88 in Hong Kong; and 0.78, 0.93, and 0.90 in Taiwan. The data for this chapter were first presented to the Hong Kong Sociology Association’s 20th Annual Conference held on 1 December 2018 at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. In addition to the survey questionnaire, semi-structured interviews were carried out in order to study and elucidate the interviewees’ perceptions, views, and clarifications (Merriam 1998; Warren 2010). The interviewees in this study were those who agreed to participate in the individual interviews and provided their contact information in response to the last question on the survey questionnaire of this study. Though the teachers in the three regions agreed to participate in the interviews following the survey questionnaires, most of them turned down the invitation or did not respond even after a follow-up invitation either by email or by Line, WhatsApp, or WeChat (Chinese multipurpose messaging, social media, and mobile payment apps commonly used in Mainland Chinese) between winter 2018 and spring 2019. Line is not available in China as it has been blocked by China’s Great Firewall but was used by the teachers in Taiwan. Communication in Hong Kong usually took place over email and WhatsApp. On the basis of the data obtained from the survey questionnaires, interview questions were drafted for the teachers. Forty-five music teachers (nine from China, 24 from Hong Kong, and 12 from Taiwan) were involved in the one-to-one semi-structured interviews between autumn 2018 and spring 2019. The average duration of the interviews was about 30 minutes; however, some interviews lasted for about an hour, as some teachers gave especially long answers. Aside from two Hong Kong teachers who preferred participating in face-to-face interviews, the teachers were interviewed by telephone. The main questions for the interview were as follows: 1 How many years of teaching experience do you have? 2 Which values are important to include in a school’s music curriculum? Do you think your students would be interested in learning such values in school music education? 3 Do you believe that music education encourages a pluralist or multicultural education? What are the main aspects of this learning? 4 Do you think it is important to include traditional Chinese music in the school’s music curriculum? If so, how could you/your school promote Chinese cultural heritage in music education?

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5 Could the singing of the national anthem and other political/patriotic Chinese songs help students focus on values in the future?
 6 Overall, do you think the teaching of national identity should be included in values education in school music education? 7 Do you think current professional development mechanisms in your city help music teachers to teach Chinese music, popular music, and other world music? Notes were taken during the course of the interviews, which were audiotaped with the interviewees’ permission. The interview data, which was anonymous, was transcribed manually using Excel software.

Participants’ Demographic Information Unless specif ied, the term ‘teachers’ is broadly classif ied as both preservice teachers (also known as student teachers) and in-service teachers (i.e., serving or practicing teachers) in both primary and secondary school education sectors in this study. Among the valid responses, the participants of this survey questionnaire included a total of 193 student teachers and 445 schoolteachers from the three Chinese communities. Pre-service teachers must enrol in an initial educator preparation programme to study to become practicing teachers. The training periods for pre-service teachers in Hong Kong were of different durations, including one-year full-time, two-year part-time, and f ive-year full-time training modes. The one-year and two-year training programmes were for university graduates, while the five-year full-time Bachelor of Education programme prepares qualif ied music education teachers to teach in schools. The student teachers in China and Taiwan were enrolled in full-time teacher education programmes when they participated in this study. Among the valid responses of student teachers, 45 were male (23.3 per cent) and 135 were female (69.9 per cent). Among the valid responses of schoolteachers, there were 55 male teachers (12.4 per cent) and 383 female teachers (86.1 per cent).67 67 The gender distribution in the education profession has grown imbalanced in the three Chinese communities. Women are still pursuing teaching at far greater rates than men, particularly in the subjects of languages, arts, and humanities. However, the gender breakdown in teaching higher education (particularly senior positions) in these Chinese communities has switched from an imbalance in favour of men to an imbalance in favour of women.

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Figure 5.1 Distribution of in-service teachers by years of teaching experience (N = 437) 140 117

Number of Teachers

120

108

100 80

82

73 57

60 40 20 0 1-3 years

4-6 years

7-10 years

11-15 years

Over 15 years

Of the valid responses among the in-service teachers, 209 were primary school music teachers (47 per cent) and 218 were secondary school music teachers (49 per cent) from various local districts in China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong. Some respondents did not indicate their teaching sectors, as most of them were still involved in full-time teacher training at universities. Teaching experience for in-service teachers ranged between one to 15 or more years: 108 had seven to ten years of experience (24.3 per cent) and 117 had more than 15 years of experience (26.3 per cent; see Figure 5.1). The two most popular musical instruments to learn were piano (315 responses) and violin (ten responses). Other teachers had learned the accordion, organ, classical guitar, clarinet, flute, oboe, French horn, saxophone, trombone, trumpet, viola, cello, double bass, and percussion. For ten other teachers, their major musical training was singing (i.e., voice training). Among all the teachers who responded, only 24 said that their major instrumental training involved Chinese instruments, including the erhu (a two-stringed bowed musical instrument), guzheng (a Chinese plucked instrument, also known as a Chinese zither), huqin (a bowed string instrument), pipa (a four-stringed plucked Chinese instrument, also called the Chinese lute), and dizi (a Chinese transverse flute). When asked about their attendance at any concerts presented at public venues, most of the respondents in the three Chinese communities said that they had generally attended Western classical music concerts in the previous twelve months before they participated in the survey questionnaire (see Table 5.1).

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Table 5.1 Types of music concerts attended by the pre-service and inservice teachers in the three Chinese communities over a period of 12 months Types of Concerts

Number of Pre-service Teachers (%)

Number of In-service Teachers (%)

Western classical music 160 (82.9%) 326 (73.3%) Other world music such as African music, Indian music, Japanese music, and jazz 104 (53.9%) 191 (42.9%) Traditional Chinese and Chinese folk music 81 (42.0%) 146 (32.8%) Popular music 92 (47.7%) 130 (29.2%)

The interviewees in this study included nine teachers in China, 24 Hong Kong teachers, and 12 teachers in Taiwan (see Table 5.2 for the types of schools taught by the teacher interviewees). Table 5.2 Types of schools taught in by the teacher interviewees

Number of interviewees in China Number of interviewees in Hong Kong Number of interviewees in Taiwan

Primary School

Secondary School

Both Primary and Secondary School

4

3

2

10

13

1

6

6

0

The years of teaching experience for the teacher interviewees from China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan were mostly between three to 15 years. The greatest number of years of teaching experience among the teacher interviewees was 15 years in China, 35 in Hong Kong, and ten in Taiwan. The teachers in China and Taiwan reported that their teacher education training was based in their respective regions. Among the teacher interviewees in Hong Kong, most of them noted that they had received their teacher education training in Hong Kong, but one Hong Kong teacher said that his music and teacher education training were based in Canada, while another Hong Kong teacher obtained her music degree in Australia, though her teacher education training took place in Hong Kong. For ease of presentation, the responses given by the teachers in the interview data were labelled ‘China’, ‘Hong Kong’, and ‘Taiwan’.

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Perspectives on Cultural and Social Values in School Music Education Generally speaking, most of the respondents agreed that music education should be valued as part of school education. They were asked to use a five-level tier of agreement (from 1 = ‘strongly disagree’ to 5 = ‘strongly agree’) by which to rate the following five statements concerning their attitudes toward school music education: ‘I think music reveals the values of human society’; ‘I think school music education can teach students human culture’; ‘I believe learning music facilitates learning other subjects, such as Chinese Language and English Language, and/or enhances skills that students use in other learning areas’; ‘I welcome the idea of having compulsory music education for the whole of elementary and secondary music education as part of lifelong education’; and ‘I think extended music education (or extracurricular music activities) has a positive effect on the social achievement of students in schooling’. The overall mean ratings of the five statements among the pre-service and in-service teachers in the three regions were 4.17 (SD = 0.83), 4.22 (SD = 0.83), 4.49 (SD = 0.80), 4.43 (SD = 0.76), and 4.62 (SD = 0.64) respectively. Overall, the in-service teacher respondents returned higher mean ratings for all five statements (see Table 5.3). Table 5.3 Average mean ratings for statements on values education given by preservice and in-service teachers Attitude

Means for Pre-service Teachers

Means for In-service Teachers

I think extended music education (or extracurricular music activities) has a positive effect on the social achievement of students in schooling. 4.44 (SD = 0.64) 4.70 (SD = 0.62) I welcome the idea of having compulsory music education for the whole of primary and secondary music education as part of lifelong education. 4.26 (SD = 0.84) 4.59 (SD = 0.76) I believe learning music facilitates learning other subjects and/or enhances skills that students use in other learning areas. 4.24 (SD = 0.71) 4.51 (SD = 0.76) I think school music education can teach students human culture. 3.91 (SD = 0.82) 4.35 (SD = 0.79) I think music reveals the values of human society. 3.83 (SD = 0.80) 4.32 (SD = 0.79)

The statement with the highest mean rating among the teachers in China and in Hong Kong was ‘I think extended music education (or extracurricular

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music activities) has a positive effect on the social achievement of students in schooling’, while the statement ‘I welcome the idea of having compulsory music education for the whole of primary and secondary music education as part of lifelong education’ had the highest mean rating among the teachers in China and Taiwan (see Table 5.4). Table 5.4 Average mean ratings for statements on values education given by teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan Attitude

Means for Teachers in China

Means for Teachers in Hong Kong

Means for Teachers in Taiwan

I think extended music education (or extracurricular music activities) has a positive effect on the social achievement of students in schooling. 4.81 (SD = 0.53) 4.64 (SD = 0.62) 4.51 (SD = 0.58) I welcome the idea of having compulsory music education for the whole of primary and secondary music education as part of lifelong education. 4.75 (SD = 0.61) 4.55 (SD = 0.69) 4.63 (SD = 0.64) I believe learning music facilitates learning other subjects and/or enhances skills that students use in other learning areas. 4.68 (SD = 0.65) 4.50 (SD = 0.68) 4.41 (SD = 0.76) I think school music education can teach students human culture. 4.48 (SD = 0.78) 4.39 (SD = 0.72) 4.38 (SD = 0.76) I think music reveals the values of human society. 4.55 (SD = 0.80) 4.23 (SD = 0.68) 4.14 (SD = 0.77)

Moreover, the three most approved values to teach in school music education among in-service and pre-service teachers in the three regions were ‘multiculturalism’ (503 answers), ‘valuing myself’ (472 answers), and ‘communication skills’ (426 answers; see Figure 5.2 for the answers of each sector). The breakdown of the number of overall responses from teachers with respect to the three most popular values components of ‘multiculturalism’, ‘valuing myself’, and ‘communication skills’ were 177, 154, and 132 in China, 230, 219, and 217 in Hong Kong, and 177, 154, and 132 in Taiwan respectively. The t-test analysis showed that there was no significant difference (p > 0.05) between the pre-service teachers and the in-service teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan with regard to the respondents’ interest in teaching diverse social values in school music education. When asked in the interviews about the major cultural and social values in school music education, most of the teachers in the three regions maintained that, to some extent, values in education should be related to the teaching of both musical values (e.g., musical knowledge and skills)

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Figure 5.2 Values perceived as important to teach in school music education

364

334 284

32

26

56 11

15 18 Others

18

103

Environmental conservation

123

Valuing my family

127

Citizenship consciousness

142

National recognition

138

Communication skills

139

Valuing myself

400 350 300 250 200 150 100 50 0

Multiculturalism

Number of Teachers

among pre-service and in-service teachers

Number of In-service teachers Number of pre-serivce teachers

and non-musical values (e.g., education for feelings and self-expression) in the dual context of cultural and musical developments in the curriculum. Among the 45 teachers interviewed, only one Hong Kong teacher did not agree that it was a must to include values in school music education, as this teaching should be related to the teaching philosophy of each individual teacher. Many teachers believed that aesthetic education through music education should be the focus in school music education and that students should be helped to expand their potential for aesthetic experiences. Many teachers in the three Chinese communities pointed out that aesthetic education, music education, and music participation should be the dominant values of their teaching in school music education. Some Hong Kong and Taiwanese teachers noted that musical values were important in stimulating their students’ interest in learning musical knowledge and participating in music activities. Many teachers agreed that aesthetic education through music was a fundamental way for the students to learn communication skills and cultural expression. For example: The core values should be the cultivation of aesthetics, skills of music appreciation, and singing techniques. (China) I intend to nurture my students’ aesthetic developments in music listening and their self-initiation to understand musical elements. (China)

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Our school has its religious background, and the music curriculum has to be included in three parts: (1) hymn singing; (2) learning to play the recorder at school or learning a musical instrument inside or outside the school environment; and (3) teaching materials drawn from music textbooks, such as the learning of musical knowledge and music theory. All these types of music learning are very important and cannot be separated, as these learning components should be integrated into school music education. (China) The emotional experience is the most important element for my students in classroom music. (China) [I aim] to help students develop their positive attitudes toward life through their participation in music activities. Students should be able to express their feelings through music. (Hong Kong) In terms of aesthetic education […], it should be the ability to enjoy music aurally. (Hong Kong) [I try] to help students look for the beauty of music. (Hong Kong) School music education should encourage students to develop aesthetics and personal expression so that students have the opportunity to work together to enhance student collaboration in school. (Taiwan) I consider that the most important thing is the cultivation of aesthetics in school music education […]. To know how to distinguish what the beauty of music is, and how to use beautiful music in life […] music teachers should provide more guidance and education. (Taiwan). Students should enjoy music and learn to cultivate the beauty of music. I think my responsibility (being a music teacher) should be to help my students learn music to be their habit in life. (Taiwan)

Only one Taiwanese teacher said that values education in Taiwanese music education provided the best means of promoting Chinese and Taiwanese music in the school curriculum. Many interviewees (particularly in Hong Kong) noted that music was an essential component in a number of social values all over the globe. They believed that the immense benefits of expression through music could help students reinforce social relations by being introduced to and defining the norms and rules of society. For example: Life values can be delivered through participation in music activities, such as learning how to appreciate and respect others through music composition. (Hong Kong) I teach values related to family love and include some songs about the love of parents. (Hong Kong)

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Moral values such as self-esteem, self-identity, and social skills can be achieved in school music lessons. (Hong Kong) I highly value personal moral values and interpersonal communication in school music education […]. I teach my students to sing hymns to achieve moral values. (Hong Kong) In every form of social life, as well as in individual life, music has come to fill such an important place in school education. (Hong Kong)

Preferences for Teaching Music Types in Classroom Music Lessons The respondents from the three Chinese regions were asked to rate their preferences for introducing traditional Chinese music and Chinese folk music, their respective local music cultures (including classical, folk, and pop), and the music cultures of other countries. The average mean scores (from 1 = ‘strongly disagree’ to 5 = ‘strongly agree’) of these three music types were, respectively, 4.64 (SD = 0.69), 4.40 (SD = 0.88), and 4.83 (SD = 0.49) in China; 3.72 (SD = 0.89), 4.14 (SD = 0.88), and 4.45 (SD = 0.65) in Hong Kong; and 3.96 (SD = 0.97), 4.29 (SD = 0.80), and 4.68 (SD = 0.70) in Taiwan. When asked about whether school music education should increase students’ knowledge of diverse music cultures (from 1 = ‘highly disagree’ to 5 = ‘highly agree’), the mean scores of the teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan were 4.69 (SD = 0.64), 4.29 (SD = 0.66), and 4.49 (SD = 0.70) respectively. By calculating cross-tabulations, the highest responding means were among the teachers in China with seven to ten years of teaching experience, teachers in Hong Kong with one to three years of teaching experience, and teachers in Taiwan with four to six years of teaching experience (see Table 5.5). Table 5.5 Average mean ratings from the teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan regarding attitudes towards teaching diverse music cultures Years of Teaching 1-3 years 4-6 years 7-10 years 11-15 years Over 15 years

*Means among China’s Teachers

*Means among Hong Kong’s Teachers

*Means among Taiwan’s Teachers

4.66 (SD = 0.62) 4.91 (SD = 0.28) 4.95 (SD = 0.22) 4.88 (SD = 0.66) 4.66 (SD = 0.33)

4.69 (SD = 0.60) 4.62 (SD = 0.49) 4.19 (SD = 0.91) 4.26 (SD = 0.88) 4.55 (SD = 0.53)

4.75 (SD = 0.45) 5.00 (SD = 0.00) 4.85 (SD = 0.37) 4.88 (SD = 0.37) 4.71 (SD = 0.53)

* From 1 = ‘highly disagree’ to 5 = ‘highly agree’

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Moreover, the results of the one-way anova of China’s and Taiwan’s in-service teachers showed that there was no significant difference (p > 0.05) with respect to the five categories for years of teaching experience (i.e., one to three years, four to six years, seven to ten years, 11 to 15 years, and over 15 years) in their assessment of students’ knowledge in learning diverse music cultures in school music education in China [F(4, 188) = 0.953, p = 0.435] or in Taiwan [F(4, 62) = 1.464, p = 0.224]. However, the one-way anova analysis found that there were significant differences (p > 0.05) among the Hong Kong teachers in the five categories of teaching experience [F(4, 169) = 3.555, p = 0.008]. The independent samples t-test analysis showed that there was no significant difference (p > 0.05) in the rating of teaching music cultures of other countries between primary school teachers (M = 4.71, SD = 0.52) and secondary school teachers (M = 4.68; SD = 0.696) in China [t(190) = 0.324, p = 0.227]; between primary school teachers (M = 4.38, SD = 0.54) and secondary school teachers (M = 4.26; SD = 0.791) in Hong Kong [t(168) = 1.240, p = 0.217]; or between primary school teachers (M = 4.66, SD = 0.57) and secondary school teachers (M = 4.67, SD = 0.48) in Taiwan [t(60) = -0.055, p = 0.956]. The teachers in the three Chinese regions were asked to state their preferences for the integration of multicultural education into school subjects according to a five-order ranking scale (from 1 = ‘highly disagree’ to 5 = ‘highly agree’). The subject most preferred among the teachers was music (see Table 5.6). Compared with the similar nature of civic and political education (known as ‘Morals and Politics’ in China, ‘Moral and Citizenship Education’ in Hong Kong, and ‘Moral Education’ in Taiwan), the teachers in China reported the highest mean ratings for the subject of Morals and Politics (see Table 5.6). Additionally, the teachers were invited to provide one or more answers regarding their self-assessment of their competence in teaching diverse music cultures in school. Among the valid responses, 181 teachers from China, 253 from Hong Kong, and 115 from Taiwan rated themselves as having expertise in teaching multicultural music education. The major reason for acquiring this capability was the importance that multicultural music be taught and learned with a view to countering the prominence of traditional Western and other world music in music learning, according to 135 out of 181 teachers from China, 143 out of 253 teachers from Hong Kong, and 75 out of 115 teachers from Taiwan (see Table 5.7). Overall, many of the interviewed teachers in the three Chinese communities had greater preferences for teaching different music cultures. In particular, Taiwanese teachers highlighted that they were culturally

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Table 5.6 Level of incorporation of multicultural education into school subjects as perceived by the teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan (average mean ratings) School Subjects Music Visual Arts English Language Humanities Chinese Languages General Studies/ Liberal Education Science Morals and Politics Morals and Citizenship Education Morals and National Education Technology Physical Education Mathematics

*Means among *Means among Hong *Means among China’s Teachers Kong’s Teachers Taiwan’s Teachers 4.79 (SD = 0.53) 4.76 (SD = 0.57) 4.76 (SD = 0.64) 4.72 (SD = 0.71) 4.64 (SD = 0.78)

4.60 (SD = 0.78) 4.50 (SD = 0.83)

4.34 (SD = 0.75) 4.27 (SD = 0.80) 4.16 (SD = 0.95) 4.28 (SD = 0.78) 3.58 (SD = 0.98)

4.54 (SD = 0.67) 4.33 (SD = 0.76) 4.24 (SD = 0.82) 4.25 (SD = 0.77) 3.92 (SD = 0.89)

4.24 (SD = 0.78) 3.66 (SD = 1.10)

4.35 (SD = 0.66) 3.82 (SD = 0.93)

3.94 (SD = 0.94) 4.14 (SD = 0.77) 4.49 (SD = 0.80) 4.44 (SD = 0.80) 4.23 (SD = 1.00)

3.38 (SD = 1.05) 3.07 (SD = 1.11)

3.84 (SD = 0.88) 3.49 (SD = 0.99)

Table 5.7 Reasons for teaching diverse music cultures in school given by the teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan Reasons for Teaching

Number of Responses in China

Number of Responses in Hong Kong

Number of Responses in Taiwan

Important to be taught and learned, has equal status with traditional Western and other world music in music learning 135 143 75 Welcomed by students 116 79 23 I am interested in world music 96 97 31 Enough teaching materials 96 131 53 Supported/encouraged by my school 74 60 15 Sufficient teaching hours 62 56 19 Adequate teacher training 59 76 26 Other reasons 3 6 0

responsive in school music education, as they had to practice culturally based teaching under the prescripts of existing school policies as well as the government’s policymaking. Many teachers from the three regions noted that diverse music cultures or a variety of music styles and traditions

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from around the world should be delivered in the school curriculum. For example: Music lessons are the most diverse disciplines, and we should encourage students to learn more about other world music. (China) We attempt to set aside a large portion of our teaching hours to introduce Asian music such as music from Japan, Korea, and other Southeast Asian nations as well as African music to our senior grades of primary school education […]. We intend to help students to explore cultural expressions through intercultural or multicultural music education in a translation experience across the school music curriculum. (China) The school advocates a multidisciplinary approach to education, and the curriculum contents are based on diverse cultures. Music lessons also include music from different regions, such as music cultures in Asia, Africa, Japan, and the Americas. (China) Multicultural music education in school is carried out in both formal and informal music education. When Beijing presented its events on foreign affairs, such as the China-African forums, Sino-French forums, and French music festivals, I always took my students or asked them to attend these other world music concerts outside the school. (China) Students should learn and respect different types of world music and their respective ethnic characteristics […]. Music can break down barriers among various ethnic, racial, and cultural groups within school education. (Hong Kong) Different songs from different countries are introduced in school music lessons. We also teach students about the history or the cultures of the countries. (Hong Kong) With the help of music textbooks, multicultural music education is carried out in our school. These teaching and learning materials can [be] a powerful bridge to cultural understanding in the music curriculum. (Hong Kong) We teach students how to respect different musical cultures, and we have invited some African ensembles to perform in our school. (Hong Kong) We can find in our music textbooks that teaching approaches and activities are the most appropriate for integrating world music in classroom music. We also have our school activities on cultural exchanges, such as invited performances given by Japanese orchestras and other international and local performances on world music. (Taiwan) The music curriculum has included songs and traditional music selected from different nations, such as Korea, Japan, and India. (Taiwan)

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Our music lessons include Taiwanese, Japanese, and Indonesian music, and we lead our students to discuss and to examine the musical backgrounds and musical characteristics. (Taiwan)

Though most teachers were aware of the importance of multicultural music education, they felt that it was difficult to devise effective pedagogic methods or cultural access in an efficient manner. Their reasons for the ineffectiveness of these teaching and learning practices for world music education or multicultural music education included, for example: ‘authentic teaching materials on world music not found’ (China); ‘insufficient teacher education in teaching world music’ (China); ‘in-service teacher training in world music not available’ (China); ‘too busy with other teaching topics and contents’ (China); ‘world music not the major type of music taught in my music lessons’ (Hong Kong); ‘only taught the more popular world music, such as American music’ (Hong Kong); ‘only taught world music in a very small portion of the whole music curriculum (around one-tenth) because it is more appropriate for me to teach more music types/contents drawn from my students’ background’ (Hong Kong); ‘owing to my Chinese students’ background and experiences, it is very difficult for them to appreciate other world music’ (Hong Kong); ‘limited teaching materials’ (Hong Kong); ‘inadequate teacher training courses’ (Hong Kong); ‘not welcomed by my students’ (Hong Kong); ‘very limited teaching hours’ (Taiwan); ‘teachers not familiar with world music’ (Taiwan); ‘depending on individual teachers’ preferences for world music’ (Taiwan); ‘lack of teacher training in world music’ (Taiwan); and ‘insufficient teaching resources and materials’ (Taiwan). Moreover, the participants were asked about their views (ranking statements from 1 = ‘strongly disagree’ to 5 = ‘strongly agree’) on focusing on teaching Chinese music as a means of introducing Chinese culture into the school curriculum. When asked about the school subjects that should include information about traditional Chinese culture and customs for the whole of primary and secondary school music education, the respondents in all three Chinese regions gave the highest score to the Chinese language. In regard to the inclusion of traditional Chinese culture in the school curriculum, teachers from China comparatively scored the highest rating in all school subjects (see Tables 5.8, 5.9, and 5.10). Moreover, the one-way anova of in-service teachers from the three Chinese regions showed that there was no significant difference (p > 0.05) in the teachers’ perceptions about increasing students’ education in traditional Chinese culture through school music education with regard to their respective years of teaching experiences (the five brackets were one to three years,

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Table 5.8 School subjects that teachers from China believe should include traditional Chinese culture (average mean ratings) Rank

Type of Subjects

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Chinese Language Humanities (e.g., Geography, History) Music Visual Arts Morals and Politics Science Technology English Language Mathematics

*Mean

Standard Deviation (SD)

4.91 4.83 4.85 4.80 4.76 4.49 4.21 4.06 4.01

0.53 0.52 0.49 0.56 0.67 0.83 0.95 1.22 1.13

* From 1 = ‘strongly disagree’ to 5 = ‘strongly agree’

Table 5.9 School subjects that teachers from Hong Kong believe should include traditional Chinese culture (average mean ratings) Rank

Type of Subjects

1 2 2 4 5 6 7 8 9

Chinese Language General Education/Liberal Studies Humanities (e.g., Geography, History) Moral/Political Education Visual Arts Music Science Mathematics English Language

*Mean

Standard Deviation (SD)

4.55 4.19 4.19 4.14 4.06 3.91 3.09 2.73 2.74

0.73 0.78 0.77 0.99 0.67 0.72 1.05 0.96 1.04

* From 1 = ‘strongly disagree’ to 5 = ‘strongly agree’

Table 5.10 School subjects that teachers from Taiwan believe should include traditional Chinese culture (average mean ratings) Rank

Type of Subjects

1 2 3 4 4 6 7 8 9 10

Chinese Language Music Moral/Nationalistic Education General Education/Liberal Studies Visual Arts Humanities (e.g., Geography, History Physical Education Science English Language Mathematics

* From 1 = ‘strongly disagree’ to 5 = ‘strongly agree’

*Mean

Standard Deviation (SD)

4.40 4.22 4.26 4.19 4.19 4.17 3.70 3.57 3.39 3.14

0.74 0.84 0.86 0.78 0.80 0.84 1.06 0.97 1.16 1.04

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four to six years, seven to ten years, 11 to 15 years, and over 15 years). The figures are as follows: [F(4, 189) = 1.706, p = 0.150] in China, [F(4, 169) = 1.840, p = 0.123] in Hong Kong, and [F(4, 64) = 0.144, p = 0.965] in Taiwan. The t-test of the independent samples demonstrated that there was no significant difference (p > 0.05) in teachers’ ratings of increasing students’ education in traditional Chinese culture through school music lessons, whether between China’s primary school music teachers (M = 4.67; SD = 0.539) and secondary school music teachers (M = 4.71; SD = 0.69) [t(191) = -0.411, p = 0.682]; between Hong Kong’s primary school music teachers (M = 4.04, SD = 0.70) and secondary school teachers (M = 3.77, SD = 0.85) [t(168) = 2.195, p = 0.030]; or between Taiwan’s primary school teachers (M = 4.00, SD = 0.88) and secondary school teachers (M = 3.77, SD = 0.97) [t(62) = 0.944, p = 0.349]. To a large extent, all the interviewed teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan considered that traditional Chinese music and Chinese folk music were of educational value to students. Besides the introduction of traditional Chinese music into music activities in formal music lessons, many of the interviewees noted that they had established Chinese music ensembles in school, promoted extracurricular activities by inviting performing groups that played traditional Chinese music, presented lion dances and dragon dances at particular school events, and introduced traditional Chinese music into their cross-curricular learning. One Taiwanese teacher introduced Chinese music and helped students understand the elements of Chinese music found in some famous movies. Some teachers from across the three regions also shared the view that some popular music, like Cantonese pop and Mandarin pop, had many musical characteristics that were extracted directly from or indirectly influenced by traditional Chinese music and Chinese folk music, and thus pop was a good means for arousing students’ interest in learning Chinese music. Overall, the reasons teachers introduced traditional Chinese music, Chinese folk music, and Chinese culture into their music curriculum were varied, and included the following endorsements: Our students won’t listen and won’t find information about Chinese ethnic music on their own time. I believe they won’t have incentives to learn Chinese music. Thus, I need to educate and to encourage my students to learn more about China’s traditional ethnic music from diverse ethnic groups […]. (China) I consider that Chinese music (including traditional and folk music) should be very important and it should be the foundation of my students’ knowledge in music. (China)

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Traditional Chinese music is the best means to achieve education in Chinese culture in the school curriculum. (Hong Kong) Knowing music from China is important, as Hong Kong is part of China. (Hong Kong) Chinese music is part of Chinese culture. We need to pass on traditional Chinese music to the next generation. (Hong Kong) We cannot only teach Western classical music. We should provide holistic music education to teach traditional Chinese music and other Chinese ethnic music. (Hong Kong) We are Chinese, and students have to know more about Chinese. Students should also know the evolution of Chinese music. (Hong Kong) To some extent, Chinese music is affecting Hong Kong’s musical culture. For example, it is common to listen to Chinese folk songs in Hong Kong. Thus, I should equip my students with this musical knowledge. (Hong Kong) Students should know about their cultural heritage. Otherwise they won’t be able to compare their traditional musical culture with other music cultures. And they do not know the values of their traditional culture. (Taiwan) I think students should know their traditional [Chinese] culture first, and then they can learn other music. (Taiwan) Traditional Chinese music is an important part of […] multicultural music education. Chinese music also has its own unique characteristics. (Taiwan) Students can find Chinese music in their daily lives […] so I should teach Chinese music in school music lessons. (Taiwan)

However, owing to their musical and educational training, most of the teachers (mainly those from Hong Kong and Taiwan) maintained that they taught mainly Western classical music and that traditional Chinese music and Chinese folk music were highly undervalued in the music curriculum. Though a few teachers from China admitted that Chinese music was not treated equally in the school curriculum, they did not recount their reasons for this phenomenon. Many teachers from Hong Kong and Taiwan shared thoughts about their limitations in teaching traditional Chinese music and other ethnic Chinese music, which included: ‘not welcomed by students’; ‘no adequate teacher education’; ‘not my major interest to teach Chinese music’; ‘no available resources for teaching Chinese music’; ‘no teaching time for Chinese music’; ‘no time to prepare the teaching materials’; and other similar observations.

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Perceptions of Teaching Nationalistic Education through School Music Education Overall, 183 ‘highly agree’ responses (28.7 per cent) and 268 ‘agree’ responses (42.0 per cent) showed that the teachers in the three Chinese regions welcomed the idea of having nationalistic music education for the whole of primary and secondary school music education, with an emphasis on teaching traditional Chinese music, contemporary Chinese music, and Chinese folk music (the overall mean score was 4.01, based on 1 = ‘highly disagree’ to 5 = ‘highly agree’). However, the survey findings showed that the highest rating was given among the teachers from China (who responded with a mean score of 4.71), while the respective mean scores for the Hong Kong and Taiwanese teachers were 3.52 and 4.15. Among the responses given in these three Chinese communities, the three most preferred music activities for introducing nationalistic education were ‘music and culture’, ‘music appreciation’, and ‘singing’ (see the individual answers of the teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan in Figure 5.3). The teachers in the three regions were also asked to specify which type(s) of music would help students increase their national consciousness, from options including the Chinese national anthem, traditional Chinese music, respective local music (including folk and popular music), and patriotic music. Of the responses from teachers in China, the three most popular music types were traditional Chinese music, local music from China, and the Chinese national anthem (see Figure 5.4). For teachers in Hong Kong, the top response for music that invoked a sense of national consciousness among students was traditional Chinese music, followed by local music (both folk and popular music), and the Chinese national anthem (see Figure 5.5). Taiwanese teachers rated the teaching of Taiwanese local music the highest with regard to increasing students’ national consciousness (see Figure 5.6). Moreover, the study showed that the teachers from China maintained the highest response rate to the question about their interest in teaching patriotic music (including Chinese anti-war songs and the national anthem) in school music lessons, with a mean of 4.15 (SD = 1.05), where 1 = ‘highly not interested’ and 5 = ‘highly interested’. The mean responses for teaching patriotic music in school music lessons were only 2.63 (SD = 1.15) in Hong Kong and 2.33 (SD = 1.21) in Taiwan. The one-way anova showed that there was no significant difference (p > 0.05) in the ratings of in-service teachers’ interest in teaching patriotic

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Figure 5.3 Music activities for conducting nationalistic education used by the teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan 4 1 4

Others

5

Chinese instrumental performance

18

127

4

Chinese folk dance

54 23

Singing

134

43

149 66

Music and culture

159

22

Music appreciation 0

176

113 50

182

100 Taiwan

200

150

Hong Kong

China

Figure 5.4 Music styles to help increase students’ national consciousness as perceived by the teachers in China 4

Others

Patriotic songs

128

Chinese national anthem

131

Local music from China

136

Traditional Chinese music

183 0

50

100

150

200

music between teachers from the five categories of experience in China ([F(4, 188) = 2.165, p = 0.075], in Hong Kong [F(4, 168) = 1.459, p = 0.217], or in Taiwan [F(4, 64) = 0.374, p = 0.826]. The t-test of independent samples demonstrated that there was no significant difference (p > 0.05) between primary school music teachers (M = 4.03; SD = 1.15) and secondary school teachers (M = 4.22; SD = 1.00) in China [t(190) = -1.142, p = 0.255]; between

Music Teachers’ Perspectives on Cultur al and National Values

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Figure 5.5 Music styles to help increase students’ national consciousness as perceived by the teachers in Hong Kong 7

Others Patriotic songs

37

Chinese national anthem

116

Local music from Hong Kong

136

Traditional Chinese music

207 0

50

100

150

200

250

Figure 5.6 Music styles to help increase students’ national consciousness as perceived by the teachers in Taiwan Others

3

Patriotic songs

17

Taiwanese national anthem

10

Traditional Chinese music

46

Taiwanese local music

95 0

20

40

60

80

100

primary school music teachers (M = 2.82; SD = 1.05) and secondary school teachers (M = 2.82; SD = 1.14) in Hong Kong [t(167) = 0.011, p = 0.991]; or between primary school teachers (M = 2.05; SD = 1.05) and secondary school teachers (M = 2.14; SD = 1.20) in Taiwan [t(62) = -0.304, p = 0.762]. Furthermore, the teacher respondents were invited to provide one or more answers regarding their self-assessment of their capabilities in nationalistic education in school music lessons. Among the valid responses, 186 in-service teachers in China, 235 teachers in Hong Kong (79 pre-service and 156 in-service teachers), and 101 teachers in Taiwan (40 pre-service and 61 in-service teachers) evaluated themselves as competent in teaching nationalistic education. There was a greater preference among the Mainland teachers to opt for teaching Chinese music as a means to achieve nationalistic education (see Table 5.11). Moreover, 93 teachers from China, 103 from Hong

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Kong, and 58 from Taiwan claimed that the major reasons for maintaining this competency was the importance that nationalistic education be taught and learned with a view to countering the influence of traditional Western and other world music in music learning (see Table 5.11). Table 5.11 Reasons for teaching nationalistic education in school music education as perceived by the teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan Reasons for Teaching

Number of Responses in China

Number of Responses in Hong Kong

Number of Responses in Taiwan

My preference for teaching Chinese music is to achieve nationalistic education 141 56 18 Important to be taught and learned, has equal status with traditional Western and other world music in music learning 93 103 58 Supported/encouraged by my school 95 52 15 Enough teaching materials 90 100 34 Welcomed by students 57 46 11 Sufficient teaching hours 49 46 8 Adequate teacher training 47 56 22 Other reasons 5 5 3

Many music teachers from Hong Kong stated that teaching nationalistic education in school music education was not their interest (see Table 5.12). In comparison with their counterparts in the other regions, more Hong Kong teachers also opted for ‘Not welcomed by students’ regarding teaching nationalistic education. When asked whether they were interested in teaching patriotic music (including Chinese anti-war songs and the Chinese national anthem) in school music education, the mean responses among the teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan were in the order of 4.15 (SD = 1.05), 2.50 (SD = 1.23), and 2.63 (SD = 1.15) respectively. By calculating cross-tabulations, data from the three regions in the study indicated that the teachers who had more than 15 years of teaching experience tended to have a greater preference for teaching their respective national anthem, traditional Chinese music, local music, and patriotic songs.

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Music Teachers’ Perspectives on Cultur al and National Values

Table 5.12 Reasons for not teaching nationalistic education in school music education as perceived by the teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan Reasons for Not Teaching

Number of Number of Number of Responses in Responses in Responses in Taiwan Hong Kong China

Teaching this area not my interest 8 85 Not enough teaching materials 4 40 Not welcomed by students 7 67 Not enough time to teach this area 5 46 No adequate training 3 54 Not important to be taught compared with traditional Western and Chinese music 4 36 Not supported/encouraged by my school 1 15 Other reasons 0 12

6 6 3 4 8 3 0 1

Generally speaking, most of the teachers interviewed in China and Hong Kong agreed that the Chinese national anthem was intended to stir feelings of patriotism and pride among students and that the Chinese national anthem was an integral part of their schools’ routine (this was particularly true among the teachers in China). Nonetheless, one teacher in Hong Kong emphasized that even though she taught the Chinese national anthem in classroom music lessons, she only educated her students to respect the anthem culturally; she did not cultivate in them a stronger sense of loving the nation through singing nationalistic and patriotic songs in these lessons. A few Hong Kong teachers hesitated in making their responses about the conception of national identity to be included in school education/school music education, and they gave short answers like ‘not signif icant’, ‘not sure’, and ‘not important to sing the Chinese national anthem’, without providing any further explanation. A few of the other teachers interviewed (three from China and one from Hong Kong) even said that they did not want to respond to this interview question regarding nationalistic education. Moreover, most of the teachers interviewed in China and Hong Kong expressed the opinion that teaching patriotism through school music education was very difficult in classroom music lessons. Their reasons were: ‘insufficient in-service training’ (China); ‘insufficient pre-service training’ (China); ‘insufficient teaching hours’ (China); ‘not sure of the historical background of the Chinese national anthem’ (Hong Kong); and ‘my teaching contents are rarely related to national consciousness or patriotism’ (Hong Kong). A few Hong Kong teachers maintained that they did not know much

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about this topic and that they were also not educated in how to conduct education on national identity or patriotism in the curriculum. Most Taiwanese teachers in the interviews replied that they had no interest in teaching nationalistic education through school music education and that such teaching was not obligatory in their school curricula. For example: I am totally lost about the introduction of teaching and learning nationalistic songs […]. And we are not required to teach this topic in school. We never introduce nationalistic or patriotic songs in school. The morning assemblies at our school no longer include the national anthem and other patriotic songs. It is only our regular practice to sing the national anthem at school events, but I do not find that our students have national sentiments or national consciousness through singing the anthem. The lyrics of the anthem are only related to the history of Taiwan. It is more appropriate to teach nationalistic education in the Chinese Language subject. I do not think that I have to ask to teach this component in classroom music. It is not compulsory for students to learn the anthem […]. Students have no idea why the lyrics of the anthem were composed and how they are related to modern Taiwanese society.

Professional Development of Music Teachers This section will present both the pre-service and in-service teachers’ perceptions and concerns about their preferred professional development in teaching music genres and styles and their perceptions of the professional development of pre-service teachers in terms of increasing the students’ knowledge of diverse music cultures, traditional Chinese music, and local popular music. The teachers were asked to state their preferences among the types of music taught for professional development according to a five-order ranking scale (from 1 = ‘highly disagree’ to 5 = ‘highly agree’). Nine music types were included in the survey questionnaire: (1) Western popular music, (2) traditional Western music, (3) traditional Chinese music, (4) contemporary Chinese music, (5) traditional Chinese folk music, (6) local classical music, (7) local popular music, (8) local folk music, and (9) other world music. The three most preferred types among the teachers in China were traditional Chinese music (M = 4.68, SD = 0.61), traditional Chinese folk music (M = 4.62,

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Music Teachers’ Perspectives on Cultur al and National Values

SD = 0.64), and contemporary Chinese music (M = 4.56, SD = 0.74). The three most preferred types among the teachers in Hong Kong were traditional Western music (M = 4.45, SD = 0.66), world music (M = 4.31, SD = 0.73), and Western popular music (M = 4.19, SD = 0.74). The three most preferred types among the teachers in Taiwan were world music (M = 4.53, SD = 0.59), traditional Western music (M = 4.45, SD = 0.67), and local classical music (M = 4.39, SD = 0.74). Overall, the teachers’ least preferred music type was local popular music (M = 4.32, SD = 0.95) in China, and contemporary Chinese music in Hong Kong (M = 3.78, SD = 1.00) and in Taiwan (M = 3.94, SD = 1.01) [see Table 5.13). Table 5.13 Teachers’ preferred types of music to teach for professional development Music Types

*Mean Responses in China

*Mean Responses in Hong Kong

*Mean Responses in Taiwan

4.06 (SD = 0.86)

4.21 (SD = 0.84)

3.93 (SD = 0.95)

4.24 (SD = 0.82)

3.78 (SD = 1.00)

3.94 (SD = 1.01)

4.31 (SD = 0.73)

4.53 (SD = 0.59)

4.45 (SD = 0.66)

4.45 (SD = 0.67)

4.06 (SD = 0.83)

4.37 (SD = 0.70)

4.19 (SD = 0.74)

4.20 (SD = 0.91)

4.08 (SD = 0.77)

4.39 (SD = 0.74)

4.10 (SD = 0.81)

4.21 (SD = 0.88)

Traditional Chinese music 4.68 (SD = 0.61) Traditional Chinese folk music 4.62 (SD = 0.64) Contemporary Chinese music 4.56 (SD = 0.74) Other world music 4.58 (SD = 0.70) Traditional Western music 4.53 (SD = 0.79) Local folk music 4.51 (SD = 0.78) Western popular music 4.41 (SD = 0.86) Local classical music 4.38 (SD = 0.91) Local popular music 4.32 (SD = 0.95) * 1 = ‘highly disagree’ to 5 = ‘highly agree’

In response to whether the professional development of pre-service teacher education should help increase students’ knowledge of diverse music cultures, the overall means (from 1 = ‘highly disagree’ to 5 = ‘highly agree’) among the teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan were 4.71 (SD = 0.57), 4.04 (SD = 0.88), and 4.23 (SD = 0.77) respectively. By cross-tabulating calculations, it was shown that the in-service teachers in China returned a higher mean response in all five categories of years of teaching experience, but in Hong

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Kong it was the in-service teachers with fewer years of teaching experience and in Taiwan, conversely, the in-service teachers with more teaching experience who seemed to be more supportive of increasing students’ knowledge of multicultural music education (see Table 5.14). Table 5.14 Average mean ratings from in-service teachers in support of preservice education programmes to increase students’ knowledge of diverse music cultures, grouped by their years of teaching experience

1-3 years 4-6 years 7-10 years 11-15 years Over 15 years

*Mean Ratings in China

*Mean Ratings in Hong Kong

* Mean Ratings in Taiwan

4.66 (SD = 0.54) 4.67 (SD = 0.63) 4.78 (SD = 0.49) 4.69 (SD = 0.67) 4.74 (SD = 0.54)

4.34 (SD = 0.72) 4.16 (SD = 0.80) 3.94 (SD = 0.92) 4.03 (SD = 0.87) 4.17 (SD = 0.89)

3.83 (SD = 0.57) 4.03 (SD = 0.51) 4.54 (SD = 0.51) 4.25 (SD = 0.70) 4.36 (SD = 0.67)

* 1 = ‘highly disagree’ to 5 = ‘highly agree’

The one-way anova of the perceptions of the in-service teachers in China and Hong Kong showed that in regard to increasing pre-service education training (in respect of the use of teaching materials and teaching methods) to impart greater knowledge of diverse music cultures, there were no significant differences (p > 0.05) among the five groups of teachers with regard to their respective years of teaching experience either in China [F(4, 188) = 0.367, p = 0.832] or in Hong Kong [F(4, 169) = 0.6120, p = 0.501]. However, a significant difference was found for the Taiwanese in-service teachers [F(4, 64) = 1.071, p = 0.034]. In addition, the teachers in China were generally aware (mean response of 4.71 [SD = 0.59]) that it was essential to provide teacher education training to increase their knowledge of traditional Chinese music in teaching materials and methods, while the mean responses among the teachers in Hong Kong and Taiwan were 3.99 (SD = 0.92) and 4.15 (SD = 0.77) respectively. The highest mean responses were found among the teachers from China and from Taiwan who had seven to ten years of teaching experience, while for Hong Kong it was the teachers with four to six years of teaching experience (see Table 5.15). Likewise, the one-way anova of the perspectives of in-service teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan regarding support for increasing pre-service training in the use of teaching materials and methods to impart greater knowledge of traditional Chinese music found that there were no significant

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Music Teachers’ Perspectives on Cultur al and National Values

Table 5.15 Average mean ratings from in-service teachers in support of preservice education programmes to increase students’ knowledge of traditional Chinese music, grouped by their years of teaching experience

1-3 years 4-6 years 7-10 years 11-15 years Over 15 years

*Mean Ratings in China

*Mean Ratings in Hong Kong

*Mean Ratings in Taiwan

4.56 (SD = 0.61) 4.79 (SD = 0.41) 4.83 (SD = 0.42) 4.63 (SD = 0.84) 4.69 (SD = 0.56)

4.14 (SD = 0.74) 4.20 (SD = 0.57) 4.00 (SD = 1.09) 4.00 (SD = 0.88) 4.18 (SD = 0.95)

4.00 (SD = 0.60) 4.50 (SD = 0.53) 4.54 (SD = 0.66) 4.00 (SD = 0.92) 4.11 (SD = 0.78)

* 1 = ‘highly disagree’ to 5 = ‘highly agree’

differences (p > 0.05) among the teachers when grouped according to their respective years of teaching experience in China [F(4, 189) = 0.496, p = 0.210], in Hong Kong [F(4, 169) = 0.308, p = 0.806], or in Taiwan [F(4, 64) = 0.813, p = 0.203]. The teachers in the three regions generally agreed that the introduction of local popular music should be integrated into their respective pre-service teacher training programmes: the mean responses were 4.52 (SD = 0.77) in China; 4.07 (SD = 0.85) in Hong Kong; and 4.22 (SD = 0.80) in Taiwan. The highest mean responses were found among teachers with seven to ten years of teaching experience among in-service teachers in China, one to six years of teaching experience among in-service teachers in Hong Kong, and four to six years of teaching experience among teachers in Taiwan (see Table 5.16). Table 5.16 Average mean ratings from in-service teachers in support of preservice education programmes to increase students’ knowledge of local popular music, grouped by their years of teaching experience

1-3 years 4-6 years 7-10 years 11-15 years Over 15 years

* Mean Ratings in China

* Mean Ratings in Hong Kong

* Mean Ratings in Taiwan

4.53 (SD = 0.62) 4.43 (SD = 0.97) 4.67 (SD = 0.70) 4.42 (SD = 0.88) 4.55 (SD = 0.73)

4.17 (SD = 0.92) 4.17 (SD = 0.76) 3.94 (SD = 1.06) 4.03 (SD = 0.81) 4.09 (SD = 0.96)

4.09 (SD = 0.51) 4.50 (SD = 0.75) 4.38 (SD = 0.76) 3.50 (SD = 1.30) 4.32 (SD = 0.67)

* 1 = ‘highly disagree’ to 5 = ‘highly agree’

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As with traditional music, the one-way anova of the perspectives of inservice teachers in China, Hong Kong and Taiwan regarding support for increasing pre-service training in the use of teaching materials and methods to impart greater knowledge of local popular music found that there were no significant differences (p > 0.05) among the teachers when grouped according to their respective years of teaching experience in China [F(4, 189) = 0.582, p = 0.676], in Hong Kong [F(4, 168) = 0.263, p = 0.901], or in Taiwan [F(4, 64) = 2.368, p = 0.062]. In the individual interviews, none of the teachers from any of the three Chinese communities responded to the questions on pre-service teacher education that related to the introduction of diverse music cultures, traditional Chinese music, local popular music, and other professional development in school education. Their unwillingness or inability to respond might have been due to tiredness towards the end of the interviews. They might also have been sensitive about being asked about professional development in pre-service teacher education (this was particularly the case for the interviewees from China). On the whole, in the interviews the respondents from China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan all considered that traditional Chinese music, Chinese folk music, and other world music were of educational value to students and that professional development should thus include these musical genres and styles. A few teachers from China articulated the opinion that the existing professional music education training was very good, and they did not provide any suggestions for change. Two teachers in China noted that the music textbooks could be updated to include more examples of popular music to enhance classroom music lessons. Generally speaking, the teachers from Hong Kong and Taiwan supported the introduction of different musical genres and styles in professional teacher development, but some of them expressed concerns about the limitations in actually implementing them. For example: So far, I have only received one two-hour in-service teacher training programme on teaching Chinese music. I do not find I have confidence in teaching this topic in school. (Hong Kong) The pre-service teacher training programmes should be more practical to integrate the recorder session as a source of positive musical experiences for pre-service teachers. (Hong Kong) We still adopt very traditional pedagogies in music teaching. Although e-books are used to enhance the interactions between students and the music teacher, I would still like to look for better pedagogical approaches/ methods to be adopted in classroom music. (Hong Kong)

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With regard to continuing professional development of teachers, there should be more support for the teaching of music composition, with the integration of music technology. For example, the edb can create some apps to support the teaching of composition. (Hong Kong) […] my students do not have an affiliation with Communist China. Such an attitude may also affect their appreciation of Chinese music in any forms (including the Chinese national anthem). There may be some professional development on how to improve students’ perceptions of Chinese music. And I should know the effective teaching method to promote Chinese music. (Hong Kong) School music education is undermined in the school curriculum. I hope that the government and the school can encourage more recognition of the role of music education, and we cannot rely on examinations to retain students’ academic learning […]. I think that we should diversify the teaching methods to present diverse music cultures in classroom music. As for the promotion of traditional Chinese music in school, I also hope that the government will clearly define the level of its political role so that we will not avoid talking about sensitive words or other sensitive teaching contents. (Taiwan) Students should learn more styles of music […]. We should plan to learn diversified music from primary one to junior high school. In addition, I find that many [music] teachers do not really love music, and they do not know how to teach it in a lively way. (Taiwan) I believe that teachers in various regions of Taiwan can compile teaching materials with local characteristics to make Taiwanese students more aware of the local region with its respective local music culture […]. In future, I hope that we would be able to cultivate school music education in creating well-rounded students. (Taiwan) I consider that the government should provide more resources to achieve a sound promotion [of school music education]. It is hoped that parents will also pay attention to music education, so that we could help students experience aesthetic development through music education, appreciate all types of music they experience in life, and have more opportunities in performing and participating in music activities. (Taiwan)

In general, most of the interviewees from the three regions commented that though many of their students preferred traditional Western music and popular music over other types, they would appreciate various kinds of music if teachers found effective methods, strategies, techniques, and materials that would work for their students. To a large extent, the teachers

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also provided specific policy recommendations for in-service and pre-service music teachers to encourage them to take greater ownership of their own growth and learning through reflective, self-initiated, and differentiated professional development opportunities, which might potentially result in positive education changes.

Summary This chapter compared the cultural and national values of the three regions of Greater China – China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan – and examined teachers in these three regions with regard to their perceptions of social values in school music education, their preferences in terms of music types taught in school music education, and their views on music teachers’ professional development. Although the forces of multiculturalism and nationalism can be seen in these three different parts of Greater China, they remain separate and distinctive in the development of music cultures in school education. The findings from 638 teacher respondents (204 from China, 313 from Hong Kong, and 121 from Taiwan) and interviews with 45 of these 638 teachers (nine from China, 24 from Hong Kong, and twelve from Taiwan) provide insight into the teachers’ training and professional development and revealed that there are fundamental gaps between overt and operational curricula . This chapter illuminated the tensions and dilemmas facing music educators and policymakers regarding how knowledge and cultures are taught in the respective music curricula of China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. There are some limitations to this study, the foremost of which is the representativeness of the pre-service and in-service teachers as well as the teacher sample as a whole. This challenge was compounded by the limitations in the distribution of the online survey. Due to the online format, it was not possible to randomize the sample population in this study, which might have resulted in reduced variation in the data. Thus, the interviewees could not be treated as representative of the teacher sample in this study. Nonetheless, to some extent, comparisons between the music teachers from these three Chinese societies have the potential to shed light on perspectives and experiences when it comes to the construction of cultural and national values in school education. Though most of the respondents from the three Chinese communities in this study preferred teaching traditional Western music, they also agreed with the teaching of traditional Chinese music, and some (mostly the teachers in Hong Kong and Taiwan) avoided the political indoctrination of nationalistic education in their implemented curricula.

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However, these practices differed significantly across music schooling in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, for different reasons and with social connotations and political implications that will be further examined and discussed in Chapter Six.

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Ho, W.C. (2011) School music education and social change in Mainland China, Hong Kong and Taiwan. Leiden: Brill. Ho, W.C. (2013). Globalisation and localisation in music education in Hong Kong and Taiwan. Comparative Education, 49(2): 163-180. Ho, W.C. (2019). Citizenship education and music education: Exploring the crossroads between globalisation and localisation in Taiwan. Music Education Research, 21(3): 228-242. Ho, W.C., and Law, W.W. (2002). Music education in Taiwan: The dynamics and dilemmas of globalization, localization and Sinophilia. Curriculum Journal, 13(3): 341-362. Ho, W.C., and Law, W.W. (2006). Challenges to globalisation, localisation, and Sinophilia in music education: A comparative study of Hong Kong, Shanghai, and Taipei. British Journal of Music Education, 23(2): 217-237. Hu, Y. (2019). Are informal education facilities effective means for generating political support? A spatial analysis. Social Science Quarterly, 100(3): 701-724. Hung, C.Y. (2015). Tradition meets pluralism: the receding Confucian values in the Taiwanese citizenship curriculum. Asia Pacific Journal of Education, 35(2): 176-190. Ishii, Y. (2018). The roles played by a common language and music education in modernization and nation-state building in Asia. Espacio, Tiempoy Educación, 5(2): 55-76. Jun, M. (2019). Xin Jinping names Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan as a risk for the Chinese Communist Party. South China Morning Post, 4 September. Retrieved from: https://www.scmp.com/news/china/politics/article/3025739/ xi-jinping-singles-out-hong-kong-macau-and-taiwan-major-risks Kam, C.P.I. (2012). Personal identity versus national identity among Hong Kong youths – Personal and social education reform after reunification. Social Identities, 18(6): 649-661. Kennedy, K. (2019). The national anthem law is about respect, and Hong Kong schools are already teaching that, South China Morning Post, 31 January. Retrieved from: https://www.scmp.com/comment/insight-opinion/hong-kong/article/2184318/ national-anthem-law-about-respect-and-hong-kong Kwan, J.P. (2016). The rise of civic nationalism: Shifting identities in Hong Kong and Taiwan. Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations: An International Journal, 2(2): 941-973. Law, W.W. (2004). Globalization and citizenship education in Hong Kong. Comparative Education Review, 48(3): 253-273. Law, W.W., and Ho, W.C. (2006). Culture, music education and the state in Hong Kong and Taiwan in a global age. Bulletin of the Council for Research in Music Education, 169: 63-77.

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Law, W.W., and Ho, W.C. (2011). Music education in China: In search for social harmony and Chinese nationalism. British Journal of Music Education, 28(3): 371-388. Law, W.W., and Ng, H.M. (2009). Globalization and multileveled citizenship education: A tale of two Chinese cities, Hong Kong and Shanghai. Teachers College Record, 111: 851-892. Lee, A. (2020). What is China’s social credit system and why is it controversial? South China Morning Post, 9 August. Retrieved from: https://www.scmp.com/ economy/china-economy/article/3096090/what-chinas-social-credit-systemand-why-it-controversial Legislative Council, Hong Kong. (2019). National Anthem Bill. Retrieved from: https://www.legco.gov.hk/yr18-19/english/bills/b201901111.pdf Liu, M., Huang, P.X., and Huang, T.X. (2018). Effective integration of college courses: Ideological and political education in entrepreneurship curriculum. Educational Sciences: Theory & Practice, 18(6): 3744-3752. Lo, M.C.M., and Bettinger, C.P. (2009). Civic solidarity in Hong Kong and Taiwan. The China Quarterly, 197: 183-203. Lo, W.Y.W. (2016). The concept of greater China in higher education: Adoptions, dynamics and implications. Comparative Education, 52(1): 26-43. Mao, C.J. (2008). Fashioning curriculum reform as identity politics – Taiwan’s dilemmas of curriculum reform in new millennium. International Journal of Education Development, 28(5): 585-595. Merriam, S.B. (1998). Qualitative research and case study applications in education. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass Publishers. Ministry of Education, People’s Republic of China. (2011). Yiwu jiaoyu yinyue kecheng biaozhun [Compulsory education – National music curriculum standardization]. Beijing: Beijing Normal University. Ministry of Education, People’s Republic of China. (2017). Putong gaozhong yinyue kecheng biaozhun [Ordinary high school music curriculum standardization]. Beijing: Beijing Normal University. Ministry of Education, Republic of China. (2018). Shier nian guomin jiben jiaoyu kecheng gangyao – Guomin Zhong xiaoxue ji putong xing gaoji zhongdeng xuexiao (Yishu lingyu) [Guidelines of 12-year compulsory education curriculum (National elementary and secondary schools and ordinary senior secondary schools – Learning key area for arts)]. Taipei: Author. Ministry of Education, Republic of China. (2019). Shier nian guomin jiben jiaoyu kecheng gangyao – Zonghe xing gaoji zhongdeng xuexiao (Yishu lingyu) [Guidelines of 12-year compulsory education curriculum – Comprehensive senior high schools – Learning key area for arts]. Taipei: Author.

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Pang, Q., and Jiang, F. (2019). Hong Kong’s growing separatist tendencies against China’s rise: Comparing Mainland and Hong Kong college students’ national identities. Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 48(1): 3-28. Peterson, G., Hayhoe, R., and Lu, Y.L. (Eds.). (2001). Education, culture, and identity in twentieth-century China. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. Shen, X.M. (2019). China made a music video about trustworthiness to promote the social credit system. Abacus News, 3 May. Retrieved from: https://www. abacusnews.com/digital-life/china-made-music-video-about-trustworthinesspromote-social-credit-system/article/3008750 Su, Y.C. (2006). Political ideology and Taiwanese school curricula. Asia Pacific Education Review, 7(1): 41-50. Takeshi, K., Mangan, J.A. (1997). Japanese colonial education in Taiwan 1895-1922: Precepts and practices of control. History of Education, 26(3) 307-322. Vickers, E., and Zeng, X.D. (2017). Education and society in post-Mao China. London: Routledge. Wang, G.W. (1991). The Chineseness of China – Selected essays. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press. Wang, K.J.Y. (2017). Mobilizing resources to the square: Hong Kong’s anti-moral and national education movement as precursor to the Umbrella Movement. International Journal of Cultural Studies, 20(2): 127-145. Warren, C.A.B. (2010). Discovering qualitative methods: Field research, interviews, and analysis. New York: Oxford University Press. You, T. (2019). China enlists its top heartthrobs to promote its social credit system in new propaganda music video. Mail Online, 8 May. Retrieved from: https:// www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-7006349/China-enlists-biggest-heartthrobspromote-social-credit-system.html

6

Discussion: Rethinking the Transmission of Values and Music Culturesbetween Nationalism and Globalization in Music Education in Greater China Abstract Chapter Six advances readers’ understanding of the concepts of nationalism and globalization in music education not only by summarizing Chinese localities with different sociopolitical contexts but also by contrasting these experiences with those in other parts of the world. At present, the availability of a vast range of local, national, and global cultures throughout the world goes hand-in-hand with the associated tendencies of globalization. The theoretical significance of this book is the reframing of major concerns of comparative education around the dynamics of national and global forces in order to provide insight into, and new explanations for, changes in national and international systems and relations and how they result in changes in values and music cultures in school education and teacher education. Keywords: transmission of values, comparative education, Greater China, music cultures, teacher education

The topic of values has been important in educational, philosophical, psychological, and sociological research for over a century. Cultures have certain values, beliefs, customs, and social behaviours, whereas societies encompass people who share mutual values and beliefs. The term ‘culture’ conveys a system of values, beliefs, and symbols – a system analytically discernible from ‘society’, which includes groups, roles, and norms (see Durkheim 1964; Thompson 1998). Hofstede’s discussion of cultural values

Ho, Wai-Chung, Globalization, Nationalism, and Music Education in the Twenty-First Century in Greater China. Amsterdam, Amsterdam University Press 2021 doi: 10.5117/9789463729932_ch06

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(1991) identified the dominance of cultural values over behaviours and acknowledged that cultural values communicate and sustain particular norms of interaction and understanding, which are emulated in the communicative behaviours of individuals (also see Hofstede 2001). Stuart Hall produced an impressive body of work on the relationship between culture and power and on the formative role of culture as a political and educational practice, produced and mediated within different social contexts, spatial relations, and historical junctures (see Giroux 2000). Foucault (1982, 1998) understood both power and knowledge as textual: power and knowledge are not seen as independent entities but are inextricably intertwined. Meanwhile, knowledge and culture simultaneously state the condition of the world and reproduce political beliefs and values (Giroux 2000; also see Apple 1996, 2014; Hall 1997). Values are the guiding force of education as well as of teaching and learning school subjects, including the humanities, commerce, and science. Values education, in one sense, instils a set of principles that determine schools’ and teachers’ preferences in educational settings. Globalization has influenced the major domains of life, such as society, the economy, culture, and education, and has increased the international circulation of cultural products and services, such as music and movies, in all societies. While globalization in the form of modernization, economic interdependence, and the spread of electronic communication has endangered local traditional values, nation-building and nationalism are nonetheless among the most powerful forces in the modern world (Giddens 1994). Within this context of globalization and nationalism, schools must resolve the problematic relationship between school knowledge and control, as their role may be implicated in producing or reproducing social control and nationalism in the transmission of knowledge, values, and attitudes (e.g., Apple 2008, 2013, 2014; Banks 2004; Thornberg and Oğuz 2016). In the light of the massive economic and political pressures of globalization, the current proliferation of music cultures transmitted in school represents an uneven distribution between aspects of globalization and nationalism in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. In order to prepare students for the challenges of an increasingly interconnected and interdependent world, the current arts and music guidelines in China (Ministry of Education, People’s Republic of China 2011, 2017), Hong Kong (Curriculum Development Council 2003, 2017), and Taiwan (Ministry of Education, Republic of China 2018, 2019) have attempted to address both global and national features. Since the early twenty-first century, even in the face of increasing globalization on

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economic and political fronts, nationalism has been greatly encouraged in the three Chinese regions. This chapter will present comparative research findings on the values and perceptions of teachers concerning local, national, and global music as well as cultural and national issues across these three Chinese communities . The primary purpose of this chapter will be to discuss the extent to which music teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan view values (including social values) as part of music education as well as how they interpret and incorporate musical and non-musical components into their classroom music lessons. This discussion chapter will follow the sequence of the research questions of the study (refer to Chapter One) by using both the quantitative and qualitative results collected from the music teachers in the three regions between late 2017 and early 2019. The findings of this study revealed that there are fundamental gaps in the overt and operational curricula concerning the sociopolitical function of values in school education, highlighting the complex interaction between local, national, and other world music cultures in the curricula as well as the essentials of teacher education in the three regions. The following discussion will be devoted to the four points that were raised in Chapter One: 1 There was a relationship between cultural and social values in school music education in the three Chinese societies, and the teachers generally agreed that ‘multiculturalism’, ‘valuing myself’, and ‘communication skills’ should be valued in the school curriculum. 2 The present findings from the three regions showed that the teachers’ preferences for multicultural music education did not necessarily lead to the creation of culturally heterogeneous processes in their classroom music lessons. 3 Between the dynamics of the introduction of Chinese music and Chinese nationalism/patriotism, the existing findings showed that most of the teachers (particularly from Hong Kong and Taiwan) felt more comfortable with teaching Chinese music and Chinese culture. Compared with the teachers in Hong Kong and Taiwan, the teachers in China were more adaptable in teaching Chinese music and Chinese nationalism/ patriotism in school music education. 4 There was pressure to reconsider teacher education in terms of the need to be aware of the sociopolitical environment in which it operates and within which it makes music education socially relevant in response to the dual paradigm of multiculturalism and nationalism in the transmission of musical and non-musical learning in the three communities.

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Dynamics and Dilemmas of the Introduction of Values Education through Music Education In the study, the music teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan generally believed that values education should be introduced in formal and informal school music education, and multiculturalism was perceived as an important component of a culturally responsible learning environment in school. Values communicate a direction for the way that music teachers, organizations, and societies act, what they strive for, and what they deem to be important for school education. To a large extent, most of the teachers in this study believed that it was important for values education to be implemented in compulsory school music education and in extracurricular music activities. While a cultural value may be thematic to a particular culture, most cultural values were shared by the teachers in all three Chinese societies. According to the quantitative data from the three regions, the values perceived by the teachers to be most important in classroom music lessons were ‘multiculturalism’ (177 responses in China, 230 in Hong Kong, and 177 in Taiwan), ‘valuing myself’ (154 responses in China, 219 in Hong Kong, and 154 in Taiwan), and ‘communication skills’ (132 responses in China, 217 in Hong Kong, and 132 in Taiwan). These fundamental values were also shared by most of the teachers, as these values have been the focus of attention in the new curriculum guidelines in China (Ministry of Education, People’s Republic of China 2017, 2019), Hong Kong (Curriculum Development Council 2003, 2017), and Taiwan (Ministry of Education, Republic of China 2018, 2019). Many of the teachers in these three Chinese communities believe that values education should be embedded in their music curricula. In the development of values, the teachers generally maintained that the role of music was to support the development of students’ cultural identity, the values-based selection of diverse music styles, the effect of music learning and music making on emotional development, and the development of social skills and general human values. They believed that social values related to life and personal and social growth should be introduced in the music curriculum. Only one Taiwanese teacher stated in her interview that values education in Taiwan’s school music should account for the promotion of Chinese and Taiwanese music in the school curriculum. However, the concepts of non-musical values – such as the democratic values of freedom and creativity as well as other contributions to society (see Woodford 2005) – were not found in the interview data from these three Chinese societies. Many teachers interviewed in the study maintained that students needed aesthetic education (and that music was a part of it) in order to allow them

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to experience, enjoy, and feel connected to beautiful music as part of their personal development as a whole, an opinion that sheds light on the aims of music education. However, to some extent, the teachers’ agreement that music facilitates the development of values in education were found to be different between China (M = 4.55, SD = 0.87), Hong Kong (M = 3.91, SD = 0.74), and Taiwan (M = 4.14, SD = 0.77). The teachers in China maintained a greater preference for school music that shaped social values, while the teachers in Hong Kong placed a lesser degree of significance on instilling values in music education for the formation of social consciousness. Teachers interviewed from Hong Kong generally stated that school music education was connected with the search for ways to facilitate the formation of multicultural competence balanced with personal needs for a modern society. Besides multicultural music education, the teachers in Taiwan articulated a sense of local identity and local cultures that reflected the changing society of Taiwan. By comparison, the teachers in China conformed more to the social values that were stipulated or promoted by the Chinese state. Their conformity to social values that were not the same as democratic values (such as liberty, equality, and justice) was supported by the data from the interviews in the study. Chinese teachers and students across China are being asked to enhance their knowledge of and belief in core socialist values by regularly reading and reciting these values (an official interpretation devised by Chinese socialists). As such, teachers not only serve to introduce and legitimate particular forms of cultural and social life, they also experience struggles over what forms of authority, types of knowledge and values, and versions of the past and future should be endorsed and transmitted to students. Questions have been raised about how to help teachers in schools become more informed about the role that music and music education should play in contemporary social and cultural life, to prepare students for these social values through school music education designed for the world in which they live.

Teachers’ Perspectives on Teaching Diverse Music Types across the Curriculum The concept of multicultural education in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan was imported from the West. Banks (1993, 2001, 2004) noted that education within a pluralist society should assert pluralist values and assist students in appreciating their home and community cultures, while conceiving and supporting a civic community that works for the common good and

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allowing students to receive knowledge, attitudes, and skills that will be necessary to participate in civic action. Bennett (1999) claimed that multicultural education was an approach to teaching and learning that was based upon democratic values and beliefs and the search for cultural pluralism within culturally diverse societies and an interdependent world (also see Green 1997, 1999). To some extent, China, Hong Kong and Taiwan are multi-ethnic, multilingual, and multicultural regions. China is home to 56 ethnic minorities, though 92 per cent of the Chinese population is ethnic Han. Hong Kong is primarily a Chinese society, with 92 per cent of the population ethnic Chinese. The population of Taiwan is between 95 and 97 per cent Han Chinese and also includes Hoklo, Hakka, and other ethnic groups originating from Mainland China, with over 2 per cent of the remaining population consisting of indigenous Taiwanese. Overall, the teachers in these three regions reported that traditional Western music was dominant in music lessons. At the same time, teachers in China and Taiwan were more willing to deliver traditional Chinese music in their classroom music lessons, while many teachers in Hong Kong agreed that they did not have any enthusiasm for teaching Chinese music and they were not familiar with Chinese music in their musical and educational training. In this study, the teachers in China reported that they were significantly involved in teaching Chinese music genres, including local contemporary, classical, folk, and popular music and other world music as well as the integration of other cultural education in music lessons (see Table 6.1). Table 6.1 Preferred music genres among teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan * Mean Ratings in China

*Mean Ratings in Hong Kong

*Mean Ratings in Taiwan

Preferences for teaching diverse music cultures 4.83 (SD = 0.49) 4.50 (SD = 0.64) 4.67 (SD = 0.50) Preferences for teaching traditional Chinese music and Chinese folk music 4.64 (SD = 0.69) 3.72 (SD = 0.87) 3.95 (SD = 0.97) Preferences for teaching local music (including classical, folk, and pop) 4.40 (SD = 0.87) 4.14 (SD = 0.87) 4.29 (SD = 0.79) * 1 = ‘highly disagree’ to 5 = ‘highly agree’

As compared with the teachers in Hong Kong and Taiwan, the responses from China’s teachers also obtained higher mean scores concerning the strength of their preference for including traditional Chinese culture as well

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as other diverse music cultures in the school music curriculum. The data showed that the teachers in China seemed to be more supportive in teaching traditional Chinese music and Chinese folk and local music as well as world music. As a few interviewees in China and Hong Kong also explained, their students had the opportunity to explore local music (particularly local popular music) in their daily lives, so they did not spend time on teaching this music genre in classroom music lessons. Though there has been great concern about introducing local music cultures into the current education reforms in Hong Kong and Taiwan to enhance students’ understanding of and sense of belonging to society, their respective cultural strategies may require a continuous process of self-reflection so that teachers can create an inspirational teaching and learning environment. However, according to the responses from some of the teachers from the three Chinese communities in the individual interviews, both in-service and pre-service teacher education programmes were generally not supportive of cultural diversity. Though many teachers in the interviews agreed that teaching Chinese, local, and other world music was important, they very seldom taught these types of music. In respect of their instrumental learning and preferred concert attendance in the previous twelve months, Chinese music was also less significant in the teachers’ musical experience in all three regions according to the survey. As with all education reforms and movements, there has been a time lag in bringing pre-service and in-service teachers up to speed regarding the teaching of multicultural education (including knowledge of local classical and local popular music) in all three regions. Correspondingly, universities, music educators, and policymakers should move with caution when attempting to translate multicultural rhetoric into curricular being and processes. Even though for some of the teachers their greater preference was for teaching diverse music cultures, the findings of this study also revealed complex tensions not only between local and national identities but also local, national, and global identities in school music teaching. The study also explored the tensions that have arisen for pre-service teachers in navigating cultural constructs within their respective teacher education programmes. Moreover, there was also the question of the teachers’ professional role in developing the values of a multicultural society through school music education as well as whether music education should be understood as an engagement with diverse music cultures for youths or as an improvement in or transformation of knowledge of particular cultures in the curriculum (see Apple 2014; Souto-Manning 2010). Nonetheless, it was not so much a result of ideology, control, and oppression but rather through more complex interactions between sociopolitical situations

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and the teachers’ knowledge and preferences that curriculum policy shaped classroom music lessons. The curriculum gap may be inevitable, but effective curriculum engineering and teachers’ professional development are essential to reduce the gap between the intended curriculum and the implemented curriculum. There are also questions of how China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan authorities can exert their capacities and deliver proper instructions when announcing curriculum outlines and issuing to local schools what and how teachers can teach in terms of global, national, and local cultures in classroom music lessons; the answers remain to be seen. Compared with the teachers in China, the mean ratings of the teachers in Hong Kong and Taiwan for the teaching of other world music and their conceptions of the promotion of multicultural education through classroom music lessons were lower. Such conceptions of multicultural education might be different from the political ideologies experienced in China. The discussion and the concept of multiculturalism and multicultural education may vary among these three Chinese regions. The principal aims of China’s education are to develop an identification with the cpc and the socialist system, to protect the unity of the Chinese nation, and to promote political stability (Wang 2004: 358). The Chinese government has emphasized the nation’s macro-education policies, aims, contents, and curriculum programmes through conditions determined by ethnic and cultural diversity (see Leibold and Chen 2014; Li 2017). As Wang and Phillion (2009) have commented, there is a critical need for multicultural education in China, but a large gap exists between China’s minority policy and practice, since the cpc controls all institutions, propagates dominant Han ideologies, and reproduces dominant Han culture (the promotion of traditional Chinese music being one of the major components here) as a means of maintaining national unity and national stability. Moreover, the cpc describes China as a unified multinational country, and national polices advocate cultural diversity with a particular focus on education for diverse ethnic minorities that contributes to ‘zhonghua minzu – a single unified Chinese nationality’ (Zhang 2017: 65). In China, the Han occupy a dominant position that is deemed superior and privileged, while ethnic minorities are relegated to a subordinate position in the societal order (see Law 2012). Owing to such Chinese communist ideologies, Zhang (2017: 76) has noted that it is difficult for Chinese music textbooks to ‘truly reflect cultural diversity’ by introducing various ethnic values or to genuinely approach the issue with ‘cultural neutrality’. This phenomenon may explain the high mean responses obtained from the teachers in China and the answers of the nine interviewees from China, which generally indicated that they

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were required to follow the Chinese state’s multicultural policy on education and that multicultural music education should include the teaching of world music such as that of Asia, Africa, and America. However, in this study, the interviewees might have avoided mentioning that the music of Chinese ethnic minorities should also be included in multicultural music education. Though Hong Kong is a Special Administrative Region (sar) of the prc and is not a sovereign decision-making entity, it has been the centre of a historic East-meets-West clash in terms of demographics and culture. Since the British colonial period, education in Hong Kong has embraced multiculturalism in the school curriculum, highlighting virtues and attitudes tending towards the integration of liberty, individuality, human dignity, openness, equality, plurality, tolerance, and respect for different ways of life, beliefs, and opinions (see Curriculum Development Council 2001: 11-12). Subsequently, the Arts Curriculum Guide (Curriculum Development Council 2002: 45) specified that students should learn to ‘understand, respect and accommodate the diverse cultures and beliefs of different parts of the world’. The Music Curriculum Guide also encourages education with the aim of ‘understanding and respecting traditions as well as values of other cultures through appraising music from different cultures’ (Curriculum Development Council 2003: 15). In contrast to Hong Kong, Taiwan has implemented multicultural education more systematically. As early as 1992, the dpp proposed the ‘Ethnicity and Cultural Policy’, which focused on Taiwanese citizenship as unaligned with any single ethnic group and stipulated that the four major ethnic groups of Hoklo (also known as Fukien Taiwanese), Hakka, Mainlanders, and Aborigines should be seen as equal in society. This policy has paved the way for multicultural agendas in society and in school education in Taiwanese society over the years. With the increased recognition of the diverse music cultures in Taiwan, relevant literatures on multicultural music education have been published in different areas, including pedagogies for those teaching multicultural music, the analysis of ethnic songs in music textbooks, and empirical studies on teaching ethnic music (see Chen 2007). Taiwanese teachers are encouraged to help students understand and respect ethnic diversity by incorporating various music cultures into classroom music lessons (see Ministry of Education 2018, 2019), and more multicultural music training programmes have been provided for both pre-service and in-service teachers (see Law and Ho 2006; Wu 2017). Comparing the historical contexts and contemporary music curricula (broadly understood) of Hong Kong and Taiwan revealed differences not only in multicultural music education but also in the teaching of local music.

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In Hong Kong, there has historically been a lack of meaningful educational space for internal reflection and teacher education on local identity and culture (Ho 2011). For example, as argued in Chapter Three, local history in Hong Kong’s secondary school education has been separated into Chinese and world history (Kan and Vickers 2002; Law 2004). Though teachers in Hong Kong are encouraged to teach local folk music, Cantonese Opera, and Cantonese opera songs (see Curriculum Development Council 2003), teaching local music has not been as highly regarded in the school music curriculum as Western classical music (Ho 2011). In contrast, Taiwan’s greater autonomy has provided greater space for local identity and for the construction of a pluralistic conception of local identity at the broad policy level. Many efforts have been made in the last two decades to promote tribal music to general audiences and school students in Taiwan. Taiwanese music and its local culture have emerged as key learning areas, as more emphasis is placed on Taiwan as a ‘homeland’ (Ministry of Education 2018, 2019). Thus, the survey responses from Taiwan’s teachers in this study were generally more favourable towards the teaching of local culture and local music.

Dynamics and Dilemmas of Introducing Chinese Nationalism/ Patriotism through School Music Education Among the three Chinese societies, the teachers in China gave their highest positive ratings for the teaching of traditional Chinese music, nationalistic education, and the promotion of patriotic songs in classroom music lessons, while the teachers in Hong Kong and Taiwan returned low mean reponses for these music styles. Many of the teachers from across the three territories gave their reasons for teaching nationalistic education, and they believed that there should be an equal share of the curriculum to Chinese and Western music. However, promoting the values of nationalistic education and national identity within music education tended to encounter great resistance in Hong Kong (particularly among younger music teachers or those with less teaching experience). The interview data obtained in all three communities suggested that the questions open to most debate were related to national identity. Some respondents (particularly in Hong Kong) had strong opinions about not ‘indoctrinating’ students with the concept of national identity via the implemented music curriculum (despite observing the inclusion of nationalistic education in the school curriculum), while a few teachers in China remained silent in the interviews and were not willing to articulate their views on nationalistic/patriotic education.

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Political indoctrination has long been an official element of the school curriculum at all levels of education in China. The prc government instructs schools to teach students to follow Communist Party values from an early age. President Xi has called for courses on strengthening ideological and political education in schools and on university campuses and for tighter restrictions on the spread of Western values in order to nurture the new generation of students and gain their support of the cpc’s rule and China’s socialist system. President Xi has also stressed that students should not just obey but love the Communist Party. At a conference organized by the Politburo to mark the 100th anniversary of the student-led anti-imperialist May Fourth Movement in April 2019, Xi said, ‘We need to […] strengthen political guidance for young people, guide them to voluntarily insist on the Party’s leadership, to listen to the Party and follow the Party’ (quoted in Zhang 2019). Moreover, the new guidelines issued by China’s State Council encourage schools to promote Communist Party organizations such as the Young Pioneers of China and the Communist Youth League to help students follow party values. The ‘Xuexi Qiangguo’ app, designed by the Alibaba Group and launched in January 2019 by the cpc’s Central Propaganda Research Centre, has been in the headlines both in and outside of China. The app was designed to teach and study ‘Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era’. It is the top-ranking app on China’s popular app charts, and state media has claimed that the app has been downloaded by more than 100 million registered users, including Chinese workers, teachers, students, and civil servants. Users can earn ‘study points’ by logging into the app daily, watching videos or television series about China’s ‘great revolutionary history’, taking weekly quizzes, reading and commenting on articles, and so forth. Using this technology, Chinese schoolchildren are required to study texts related to Xi’s political ideology. On 21 October 2019, China’s moe announced on its website that books and other publications in all primary and secondary school libraries would be inspected in accordance with the Communist Party’s policy, and books that did not fulfil the core values of socialism in China would be removed. In its quest to continue tightening ideological control, the Chinese government published new guidelines in January 2020 banning overseas teaching materials in primary and secondary schools. In addition, textbooks and other teaching materials are to be discontinued if they are at odds with the prc’s political direction and values orientation. In recent years, it has been the common practice of Chinese universities to monitor whether teachers are conforming to the Party’s ideological guidelines. University teachers in China are banned from criticizing the cpc and the constitution in class. In

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December 2019, China’s moe announced on its website that Shanghai’s Fudan University, a prestigious Chinese university considered one of the more liberal institutions in China, had dropped the phrase ‘freedom of thought’ from its charter and added a pledge to follow the cpc’s leadership. A group of students from Fudan University took part in a flash mob demonstration against changes to its charter by singing the college song, with the inclusion of a reference to freedom of thought and the pursuit of academic independence. This video clip of the flash mob went viral on Chinese social media as well as on Twitter in December 2019. In the same month, the moe also proclaimed that two other higher education institutions, Nanjing University and Shaanxi Normal University, had confirmed that they had changed their respective charters to emphasize Communist leadership. Based on these official policies, schools and universities must enforce the ideological conformity and political correctness of students and teachers. The fact is that school music education in China is not neutral; rather, it is fundamentally political in nature, and dealing with the relationship between school music and the state is one of its main aspects. Selected Chinese popular songs have been used to promote Chinese nationalism as an ideology and as an ideological state apparatus to enhance patriotic education in both the school environment and in society (see Gao 2015; Ho and Law 2012). Thus, in this study, the higher mean responses among the teachers in China with respect to national and patriotic education through school music lessons were clearly observable and understood (even though a few teachers in China did not respond to the question about nationalistic education in the interviews). By contrast, the teachers in Hong Kong and Taiwan had comparatively unenthusiastic responses to the idea of nationalistic and patriotic education through school music lessons. After its handover to the prc in 1997, the Hong Kong sar government announced nationalistic education as an exclusive focal point of civic education (Leung and Print 2002; Leung and Yuen 2009). A recent public opinion poll conducted with 1,015 residents between 17 and 20 June 2019 (in the wake of a march in which a record two million people called for a complete withdrawal of the city’s controversial Extradition Bill) revealed that the percentage of Hong Kong people who identified as Chinese was at its lowest point since 1997 – 52.9 per cent identified as ‘Hongkongers’, 10.8 per cent as ‘Chinese’, 12.3 per cent as ‘Chinese in Hong Kong’, and 23.5 per cent as ‘Hongkongers in China’ (The Public Opinion Programme of the University of Hong Kong 2019). Recently, a survey conducted at 204 schools (66 secondary, 78 primary, and 60 kindergartens) by the Hong Kong Federation of Education Workers, a pro-Beijing teachers’ union in Hong

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Kong, found that only about half of the schools surveyed had flag-raising ceremonies on National Day on 1 October (down from 79 per cent in 2018), 60 per cent of the schools reported that they would reduce the number of student exchange programmes to China, and some 21 per cent would consider singing the Chinese national anthem less frequently during assemblies (Magramo 2019; Ming Pao Daily News, 31 October 2019). In the past three decades, Taiwan has undergone a process of rapid democratization resulting in the emergence of a distinct national identity in Taiwan and the tendency to downplay de-Chineseization in textbooks on Taiwan (Law 2004). Since 1994, Taiwan’s moe has launched a series of education reforms in support of the development of a democratic education system, including fair competition in the textbook market, encouragement of teachers’ autonomy, and the incorporation of democratic education in the new curriculum guidelines for the twenty-first century (see Chen 2002; Fwu and Wang 2002; Yang 2000). Recent studies have drawn attention to the reallocation of power between the Taiwanese state, the society at large, and education authorities as well as a redefinition of the social components of a new collective identity to promote ethnic cultures and identities in the school curriculum – a new identity based on ‘Taiwan people’, whose ultimate homeland is Taiwan. According to a survey of 7,380 randomly selected respondents above the age of 20 in Taiwan, released by the National Chengchi University’s Election Study Centre in June 2019, 56.9 per cent claimed to be ‘Taiwanese’, and reported rates of Taiwanese identity increased for the first time in four years (Focus Taiwan, 2019). People who identified themselves as Taiwanese rose from 17.6 per cent in 1992 to 56.9 per cent in 2019, while the number of those identifying as Chinese plunged from 46.4 per cent to 3.6 per cent (Chung 2019). As reported by the four iterations of the Asian Barometer Survey, the scale of the populace who believed that ‘democracy is suitable for’ Taiwan rose from 59 per cent to 75 per cent between 2001 and 2014 (Bush and Hass 2019: 7). Some schools in Taiwan do not even ask their students to sing the Taiwanese anthem in the morning meetings (see Taipei Times, staff reporters, 2016). In September 2017, National Chengchi University passed a motion at a school affairs meeting to amend the lyrics of its school anthem by removing words and phrases that reflect strong ties to the party-state under the kmt (Wu and Chung 2017). Accordingly, nationalistic and patriotic education in music education offers important challenges to the music education profession and teacher training education in curriculum inquiry. Despite Hong Kong’s relationship with China becoming closer due to the 1997 transfer of sovereignty, recent social movements (e.g., the 2019 Anti-Extradition Bill protests) have

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championed the Hong Kong people’s right to self-determination, while Taiwan has continued its process of increasing democratization and liberalization, incorporating a sense of ‘Taiwan consciousness’ as it develops its political reforms. Schools in Hong Kong are obligated to teach the Chinese national anthem, but it is not compulsory for Taiwanese teachers to teach the Taiwanese anthem or patriotic songs in school. Moreover, music culture and its values may serve as social constructions that distinguish one group from another, even within similar cultural backgrounds, as well as enhance one’s understanding of the interplay between culture, politics, and music education in curriculum development (see Hebert and Kertz-Welzel 2016a, 2016b; Kuttner, 2015). In response to the question about the integration of traditional Chinese and folk music into nationalistic education in schools (1 = ‘highly disagree’ to 5 = ‘highly agree’ with the proposal), the mean ratings from the teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan were, respectively, 4.75 (SD = 0.6), 3.52 (SD = 0.98), and 4.15 (SD = 0.95). Based on the survey and interview findings (1 = ‘highly dislike’ to 5 = ‘highly like’), compared with the respondents in China (M = 4.15, SD = 1.05), many of the respondents from Hong Kong (M = 2.63, SD = 1.15) and Taiwan (M = 2.33, SD = 1.21) were more reluctant to teach and sing their national anthems and other patriotic songs, and they had less or no intention of introducing nationalistic and patriotic education through singing and other activities in the music curriculum. When asked about their perceptions of the types of music that cultivated national consciousness, however, many teachers from China and Hong Kong preferred teaching traditional Chinese music, while local music was preferred by the teachers from Taiwan (see Chapter Five). Alternatively, many teachers (particularly those in Hong Kong and Taiwan) did not advocate patriotic music as a way to increase their students’ national consciousness in school music education; instead, most teachers felt more comfortable teaching traditional Chinese and Chinese folk music in order to facilitate the transmission of Chinese music in their classroom music lessons (see Table 6.2). Table 6.2 Types of music perceived as increasing students’ national recognition Types of Music

Traditional Chinese music Local music (folk and pop) National anthem Patriotic music

Number of Responses in China

Number of Responses in Hong Kong

Number of Responses in Taiwan

183 136 131 128

207 136 116 37

46 95 10 11

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The inclusion of traditional Chinese music in school education may have been in response to the celebration of the three Chinese communities’ cultural past. This study raised the question of political attitudes towards the governments of the prc, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, which may have been related to the teachers’ opinions on the relative importance or unimportance of including political values in school music education. In essence, present-day music education in each of these societies reflects their political history and culture as well as their prevailing ideology and cultural identity, all of which may have affected how the music teachers responded to the survey questions concerning their educational and political beliefs.

The Dual Paradigm of Multiculturalism and Nationalism in the Transmission of School Music Education The following discussion is grounded in the teachers’ data and will focus on the dual paradigm of multiculturalism and nationalism as regards combining diverse music cultures and the promotion of nationalistic/patriotic education through school music education. On the one hand, this study has shown that music and music education in these three Chinese societies have undergone various changes in dynamic that have been contingent on contemporary global interactions. Music education in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan has long been impacted by Western culture and the promulgation of traditional Chinese culture. The complicated interplay of the interrelated processes of multiculturalism and nationalism also lie behind the sociopolitical developments in the three Chinese communities, where traditional Chinese music has for a long time been treated as inferior to Western classical music, at least in school music education. The development of these communities’ cultural and national identity through music education may raise more questions than answers concerning the sociopolitical function of values in school education. This section will examine the question of Chinese music teachers’ preferences in the music styles and music practices they teach, within the dynamics of national and multicultural paradigms in the curricula and in accordance with evolving sociopolitical contexts. Most of the music teachers from the three regions believed that in choosing the types of music taught in their lessons they were greatly influenced by their educational background. This was shown by the fact that most teachers had learned Western musical instruments and preferred to attend music

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concerts featuring Western classical music. The piano was the instrument most teachers preferred to learn: piano learners outnumbered other kinds of instrumental learners. Programmes with Western orchestral music were the best received by the teachers who attended concerts. The teachers in this study reported that they did not know how to play other world music instruments and had little knowledge about other countries’ musical instruments (Ho 2011; also see Ho and Law 2006). Though many interviewees from the three communities agreed that world music should be introduced in schools and that diversity in the types of music taught was beneficial to students, they only devoted a small proportion of their time to world music. Though most of the teachers expressed the opinion that it was important to teach world music, their music teaching was mainly dominated by Western classical traditions, though some traditional Chinese music was in the music curriculum. Correspondingly, while most of the teachers regarded the teaching of world music as important, the majority did not consider this music type the most significant component of professional training. The teachers in China rated their professional training in traditional Chinese music the highest (M = 4.68, SD = 0.61), followed by traditional Chinese folk music (M = 4.62, SD = 0.64), other world music (M = 4.58, SD = 0.70), and contemporary Chinese music (M = 4.56, SD = 0.70), while the teachers in Hong Kong rated Western classical music the highest (M = 4.45, SD = 0.66). However, the teachers in Taiwan rated the inclusion of world music (M = 4.58, SD = 0.59) higher than the inclusion of Western classical music (M = 4.50, SD = 0.67) (where 1 = ‘highly disagree’ and 5 = ‘highly agree’). As shown, the findings were related to social values; however, the teachers in all three regions preferred to teach multiculturalism over national recognition through school music education in their respective music education systems (see Table 6.3). Table 6.3 Values perceived as important to teach in school music education Social Values

Multiculturalism Valuing myself Communication skills National recognition Citizenship consciousness Valuing my family Environmental conservation

Number of Responses in China

Number of Responses in Hong Kong

Number of Responses in Taiwan

177 154 132 91 71 56 40

230 219 217 25 62 48 19

96 99 77 29 22 25 8

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However, in respect to the prc government’s policies on multiculturalism and support of ethnic social harmony in its pre-service teacher programmes, the teachers in China obtained higher responding means (M = 4.68, SD = 0.66) than the teachers in Hong Kong (M = 2.86, SD = 1.00) and Taiwan (M = 3.49, SD = 1.09) (from 1 = ‘highly disagree’ to 5 = ‘highly agree’). These findings might indicate that the teachers in China considered multicultural education important but that they preferred more teacher training in Chinese music. Their perceptions might have been related to China’s national policies advocating cultural diversity in the education system, with a particular focus on the notion of the diverse ethnic minorities’ contribution to zhonghua minzu, a political term currently used by the cpc that implies a central identity for China as a whole (see Zhang 2017). Curriculum contents and pedagogies influenced by social and political backgrounds (Small 1998) and the various beliefs and specific values articulated by the state are also preeminent in music education (Jorgensen 2003). Globalization, the extensive increase in intercultural communication and interaction, and cultural diversity in today’s music education have inspired calls for a new orientation in school education that embraces a global perspective and promotes intercultural understanding and respect. Curriculum reform has been China’s main human capital development strategy since the early 1990s, driven by sociopolitical, economic, and educational needs resulting from globalization, and the 2011 fine-tuning of all school subjects taught in China was an attempt to balance globalization with nationalism (Law 2014: 354). With this in mind, many scholars (e.g., Campbell et al. 2005; Elliott and Silverman 2015) have highlighted the increasing significance of multicultural music education and have provided social, educational, musical, and demographic rationales for the inclusion of world music in the school music curriculum. The study in this book assumed that there was a close relationship between music teachers’ preferences and their knowledge when it came to how they conducted their music activities in the classroom. At present, a music teacher in these three regions must fulfil a college or university’s requirements for a major in music or music education and demonstrate a knowledge of the history of music and music literature, music theory, composition, improvisation, orchestration, conducting, and musical instrument learning. The survey data from this study reflected that there is a need to reform teacher education in music to help in-service and pre-service music teachers understand the characteristics of ethnic and non-Western music by using a variety of techniques and pedagogies in teaching, including the exploration of the issues that inform the study of ethnic music in school. At

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the local/national and global levels, multiculturalism is thought of in terms of the challenges it poses to the role of government and school authorities in the transmission of diverse cultures in school education. Music education and teacher training has undergone a transformation due to digital media (see Kertz-Welzel 2019). More awareness should be placed on how future music teachers in these three Chinese regions can take advantage of this media and promote various music traditions from around the world in school and how music education can help music teachers understand these traditions. However, with the globalization of the economy, the markets in all three Chinese communities are being flooded with Western culture. Wallerstein (e.g., 1974, 2000) has claimed that the basic economic organization of the world system encloses a single worldwide division of labour that unifies multiple cultural systems into a single economic system. In this study, traditional Chinese music was the most preferred type of professional training among the teachers in China, traditional Western music for the teachers in Hong Kong, and world music among the teachers in Taiwan, while the least preferred music styles for professional development were local popular music among the teachers in China and contemporary Chinese music among the teachers in Hong Kong and Taiwan. The teachers from Hong Kong and Taiwan might have associated contemporary Chinese music with the prc government or with music related to Chinese communist values, which may have been the reason they did not choose that music genre as their preferred music style in either teaching or professional development. As one teacher in Hong Kong explained, when she taught contemporary Chinese music, her students associated it with Chinese communist music, and they did not have an interest in learning it. She considered how the edb, schools, and music teachers could help students learn about and understand this music without political implications. At present, the education authorities of these three Chinese communities may lack a long-term plan to teach and to train teachers in cultural heritage among in-service and pre-service teachers as well as among the younger generation. In this respect, they may be able to take steps to organize more cultural activities to promote the popularity of various music traditions. Regarding the issue of the integration of local, global, and Chinese cultures into the school curricula, information communication technology has impacted teaching and learning in many ways in the search for new frontiers and new discoveries and in the pursuit of musical knowledge through performing, composing, and listening in the music classroom. With the aid of modern computer technology, the materials for learning traditional Chinese music can be turned into digital products and posted on the Internet, and as

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such, music teachers in Hong Kong and Taiwan may feel more comfortable exploring how to teach Chinese music. Finally, school music education is seen as part of a social fabric mediated by political powers within the collective consciousness of the community (see similar arguments on the social construction of knowledge and education and the nation as posited in Anderson [1991], Bernstein [2003], and Young [1971]). By national identity, I am referring to what Smith (2001a: 30) defined as ‘the maintenance and continuous reproduction of the pattern of values, symbols, memories, myths and traditions that compose the distinctive heritage of nations’ (also see Smith 2001b, 2008). Most nations require their citizens to have un understanding of a written vernacular, in which various compilations of customs, rituals, traditions, and laws are transmitted. In functional terms, it is the ‘process whereby a nation is reconstructed over time’ (Zimmer 2003: 173). As proposed by Foucault, for ‘an archaeology of the human sciences […], every period is characterized by an underground configuration that delineates its culture, a grid of knowledge making possible every scientific discourse, every production of statements’ (cited in Eribon 1991: 158). The cultural (or political-cultural) foundations of nations share the distinctive characteristic of establishing a relationship between the government and school students in the nation-building process. It is through compulsory, standardized, mass public education that ‘state authorities hope to inculcate national devotion and a distinctive homogenous culture […] under the influence of nationalist ideals of cultural authenticity and unity’ (Smith 1991: 16). It is always assumed that the more centralized the school education system and teacher education, the more successful the promotion of nationalism is likely to be. Questions have also been raised about the low level of political literacy among music teachers, which may be related to their opinions on the relative unimportance of including political values in school music education. However, in Hong Kong and Taiwan’s school music education, nationalistic and patriotic education is particularly weak. Most Hong Kong and Taiwanese teachers in this study were reluctant to teach and sing their respective national anthems and other patriotic songs, and they had no intention of introducing nationalistic education in their classroom music lessons. When some teachers gave their reasons for teaching nationalistic education, they considered that the proportion of Chinese music in their curriculum should be equal to that of traditional Western and world music (see Chapter Five). It may also be that teacher training in nationalistic education is seen as problematic. Even though teachers in China gave the highest mean responses to questions on nationalistic education, some of them felt hesitant to express

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their reasons, and they mostly maintained that they had to follow the rules of their schools and their government policies. Recently, more and more people in Hong Kong, particularly those who were born after the 1980s and even after the 1990s (often called the ‘post-80s’ and ‘post-90s’) have actively participated in various social and political movements, protesting about issues related to democratic development, gender, poverty, minorities’ rights, and environmental protection. Thus, the idea of promoting the values of nationalistic education and national identity through music education may be met with great resistance (particularly among younger music teachers or those with less teaching experience in Hong Kong; see Chapter Five). As illustrated by Fung and Chan (2017: 403), the coexistence of both cultural pride in and resistance to China have been observed in the formation of Hong Kong’s identity. Their findings also indicated that resistance to other emotive icons symbolizing the Chinese state – such as the national flag and the national anthem – started to increase in 2010, and that by 2014, such opposition ascended to an even higher level than on the eve of the handover. The recent controversial Chinese national anthem bill, which received its second reading in the legislature in Hong Kong on 27 May 2020, stipulates that the legislation must attempt to uphold the dignity of the anthem and to regulate the way it is sung and played in order to enhance the sense of national identity among Hong Kong’s teachers and students and to promote patriotism. Hong Kong schools and teachers face a potential dilemma over whether they should report any abuse of China’s national anthem in school as well as how to handle complaints about their students insulting the anthem after the new legislation becomes effective. The question of Taiwanese/Chinese identity has become a central issue in Taiwan politics as well as in school education. Studies have often found that nationalism is a mutually exclusive struggle between Chinese nationalism and Taiwanese nationalism (e.g., Friedman 1997; Hughes 1997; Rigger 2006). Theories of democratization, de-politicization, and multiculturalism have helped explain the interactions between social groups, political parties, and Taiwan’s moe in shaping educational outcomes since the 1990s (see Kwok 2017; Law 2014). Such observations may help explain the pattern of interaction between players (including music teachers) and the pursuit of democratic values in Taiwan. As Smith (2001a: 128) has summarized, ‘national identity was always being reinterpreted and refashioned by each generation’. Taiwanese education (including school music education) can be observed as moulding a new ‘perceived’ national identity in which Taiwanese identity is elevated to a national level, which leads naturally to the integration of

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aboriginal, Hakka, Hoklo, and Chinese identities in the music curriculum (see Ministry of Education 2018, 2019). While examining the ongoing process of the democratization of Taiwan, the survey findings from the Taiwanese teachers in this study reflected the current debate between the discourses of Taiwanese nationalism and associated social changes that determine the cultural diversity of Taiwanese music education today. The teachers’ data from this study might also imply that the emergence of ethnic expressivity and a multicultural Taiwan may be instrumental in introducing a less Chinacentred, more Taiwanese national identity into school music education. Despite China’s growing economic pull in the last two decades, separatist sentiments have increased in Hong Kong and Taiwan, both politically and culturally. Although culturally they are predominantly Chinese, most Taiwanese and Hongkongers (particularly the younger generation) treasure their heritage yet long to be distinct from the regime of the prc. As argued by Chun (2017), Chineseness is not universally defined; instead, it is seen as a political tool or claim that operates and exists within a geopolitical realm. Such a Chinese identity embodies its own meaning (in cultural representational terms) in specific entanglements of colonialism, modernity, nation-state formation, and globalization (ibid.). Instead of seeing ethnicity or culture as ‘a natural point of departure’, it is more important ‘to see how context involves the relevance of culture’ as an action of critical decision in the processes of recognition (ibid.: 204). The music cultures that teachers introduce in the school curriculum may not be determined but are, rather, adaptable and contested. There have been questions about whether or not the cultural and ethnic bonding of Chinese nationhood or Greater China will still maintain an effective connection between the people of Mainland China and the people of Hong Kong and Taiwan. There have also been questions over how the edb/moe and schools can exert their power when announcing curriculum contents and instructing local schools what and how teachers can teach in terms of multicultural and national education in class, including the Chinese national anthem. The answers to these questions remain to be seen.

Summary Although China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan share historical origins and ethnic traditions, they have different ways of defining how music education is demarcated in relation to political ideology. In the last two decades, while local and national education has focused on the school curriculum (e.g., the

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inclusion of local folk and local popular music, traditional Chinese music, and Chinese folk music), serious dilemmas concerning values education remain. School music education in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan has been caught in the tension between the transmission of musical and non-musical values, the examination of diverse music cultures, and the dilemma of which aspects of nationalistic education to teach through music (and how). The study in this book raised questions concerning how to teach values through music, how to prepare future music teachers, and how to find some form of rapprochement between teacher education and values education. Values education through school music education could contribute to the reintegration of a values perspective in music, culture, political ideology, and education more broadly, thereby enhancing a sense of political and social responsibility concerning sustainable development and valuing the community and even the world. The present patterns of music education may explain the cultural aspect that favours political correctness over values education in response to teaching musical and non-musical meanings within the collective consciousness of the community. At the same time, there may be concerns about how much the Chinese authorities’ interpretation of the governing principle of ‘one country, two systems’ and how much the Taiwanese government and its ‘de-Sinicization’ education in school music education may differ from that implied in the implementation of values education in school education. Owing to changes in social and political ideals and education policies, the outcome also depends on music teachers’ capabilities and willingness to develop an appropriate curriculum for students while taking into consideration their learning interests and to motivate students and widen their musical horizons. Though there may be a relatively close correspondence between policy and practice in systems such as those in China, Hong Kong and Taiwan, which are traditionally highly centralized, there is still great diversity in the practices of school music teaching as regards whether music teachers in these three communities conduct their musical and non-musical teaching as prescribed by the state. At the same time, different music teachers (depending on their teaching experience and age bracket as well as the locality they teach in) may have quite different understandings of both musical and social values in school music education. It remains debatable how willing or able music teachers in these communities will be to put either prescribed or critical social, political, and musical concerns before aesthetic ones in the classroom. There are questions about not only how to bridge the distance in political culture between teachers and the government (particularly in Hong Kong) but also how to cultivate teachers’ commitment to society through the

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school curriculum. There may be much to learn from how issues such as cultural and national identities are addressed in the music curricula of these three Chinese regions, and as such, further international research is needed in this area.

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Recapitulation and Conclusion Abstract The study of school music education in Greater China further highlights the emergence of new tensions resulting from different musical experiences and types of music that are taught (or not) and whether they are highly valued or less valued with regard to cultural and national values. This concluding chapter focuses on the complex tensions between Western, Chinese, and Taiwanese identities as well as between the dynamics of local, national, and global identities in school music learning. It considers a number of complex issues that inform social transformations and cultural and national values in school education. Many aspects of social change, school music education, nationalism, and globalization are the same worldwide, while each country has individual and unique challenges to face and overcome. Keywords: Western, Chinese, and Taiwanese identities, dynamics of local, national, and global identities, national and cultural values, school music learning, social transformations

China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan have long been crucibles for cross-cultural encounters between Chinese and Western cultures. They have different political ecologies (in terms of their relative levels of democracy), and Hong Kong and Taiwan have different relationships with China. These two factors have affected the meaning of ‘home country’ or ‘Chineseness’, and therefore the promotion of national identity and nationalism in education and music education are different in these three Chinese societies. The changes in the school music education systems of Mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong are a response to social transitions in Greater China in relation to development and governance across the region. These societies’ ‘Chineseness’ has been described as a potentially unifying regional identity that can be counterposed against Westernization. It should be noted that Hong Kong society was built on British foundations and adopted English

Ho, Wai-Chung, Globalization, Nationalism, and Music Education in the Twenty-First Century in Greater China. Amsterdam, Amsterdam University Press 2021 doi: 10.5117/9789463729932_ch07

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and Western values, even though the locals are ethnic Chinese. Though Taiwan is significantly Chinese, Chinese nationalism in Taiwan continues to change, and school education has attempted to re-imagine Taiwan in a new context of Taiwanese consciousness and Taiwanese ethnicity in its semiotic dimension. Thus, the theme of ‘Greater China’ or ‘Chineseness’ in the imaginary region has been the dilemma in the possible discursive associations that arise from the continuing transformation of school music in response to the recent political and sociocultural developments in these three Chinese territories. This study on school music education in the three Chinese territories further highlights the emergence of new tensions – resulting from different musical experiences and the different music types that are to be taught or not taught (or to be highly valued or less valued) – regarding cultural and national values among music teachers. This study has explored the dynamics and complexity of the relationships between the state, nationalism, and globalization (with its effects on the introduction of multiculturalism) in the education of music teachers in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. In the light of recent political and education transformations, this book has also attempted to draw upon this political ecology from the perspective of education to analyze how political and social processes have shaped the curricular content of school music education and the processes of ecological changes in Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. In terms of musical values in school music education, today most schools in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan offer education in classical music (for example, establishing school orchestras and other music ensembles for Western classical music), and they prefer music teachers who are professionally oriented for the most part towards Western classical music. This concluding chapter will revisit the complex tensions between not only Western, Chinese, and Taiwanese identities but also between the dynamics of national and global identities in school music teaching and learning. This chapter will also consider the implications of a number of complex issues that inform social transformations and cultural and national values in school education. Many aspects of social change, school music education, nationalism, and globalization are the same worldwide, while each country has unique challenges to face and overcome. The broader implications of political development, internationalization, nationalization, and cultural identity for music education can also be found in other Asia-Pacific countries such as Japan, South Korea, Singapore, and Thailand. Like Mainland China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and other Asia-Pacif ic countries such as Japan, Singapore, and South Korea have also responded

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to the Western impact on and challenges to their historical and political development. Since the 1990s, music education programmes in these regions have started to pay attention to the idea of multicultural education, which has gained popularity in other parts of the world. They have focused on traditional Western music but are starting to integrate multiculturalism and national identity – including the teaching of the national anthem and national and local traditional folk music – into the school curriculum more broadly. For example, the Japanese national music curriculum has attempted to shift from teaching Western classical music towards more diverse music cultures. The Japanese national anthem (like the anthems in Hong Kong and Taiwan) has been a topic of controversy and debate for the past two decades, especially between school administrators and teachers. Japanese public schools present their entrance ceremonies and graduations by raising the Hinomaru flag and singing the national anthem, ‘Kimigayo’ (for details regarding the Japanese national anthem, see Oba 2015). In 2012, the Japanese Supreme Court ruled that requiring the singing of the national anthem in schools was not ‘constitutional’, dismissing two suits brought by 375 education professionals who sought to ban rules that made singing mandatory (Ryan 2015). Singapore – like Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Japan – faces the same problem of balancing the promotion of multiculturalism (or a global perspective) and national identity through education and music education (see Ministry of Education, Singapore 2015, 2019). Before Singapore obtained self-governing status from the uk in 1959, Singapore’s national anthem was also ‘God Save the Queen’, the British national anthem. Since October 1959, schools have been instructed by Singapore’s Ministry of Education to teach Singapore’s national anthem, ‘Majulah Singapura’, to students, as well as the pledge. School music teachers in Singapore also face challenges related to professional development and how to achieve effective multicultural classroom teaching (Cain 2015, 2017; Costes-Onishi and Lum 2015). The Thai government has carried out a project called ‘United Thais – Strong Thailand’ with the intention of promoting unity and patriotism, and school students are required to stand up at 8:00 a.m. to sing the national anthem as the national flag is raised. The government has also attempted to incorporate diverse music cultures into the Thai school music curriculum (Chandransu 2019). The dynamics and the dilemmas between the global and the national as well as between unification and diversity remain highly relevant to school music education in an increasingly globalized world. In most Asian countries, teachers are asked to stay out of politics to a large extent but are nevertheless under official political obligations.

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Such political and cultural conditions have ramifications outside the Chinese context and the Asian sphere; they are also equally applicable to other less democratic or semi-democratic countries in the world. Nationalism and multiculturalism are also often recognized as competing positions in well-established democratic Western nations such as the uk (Asari et al. 2008) and Canada (Wayland 1997). Within this context, this book aims to stimulate discussion on the roles of music teachers, curriculum planners, and policymakers in promoting multicultural and national values in school education. Educators also need to recognize that multiculturalism and globalization in the contemporary world have revolutionized international relationships and the meaning of nationalism. Amidst such interaction, educators should consider how to cope with the larger issues of political and cultural processes, multiculturalism, and nationalism.

Teacher Education between Globalization and Nationalism in Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan This section will recapitulate the tensions that have arisen in navigating cultural constructs with pre-service teachers in their respective teacher education programmes as well as in-service teachers’ implementation of school music education. The current proliferation of national and local cultures as well as other world cultures in school music education is basically uneven. This study questioned what the function of teacher education in the age of globalization is as regards nationalism and multiculturalism in school music education. The discussion in the study reflected upon the challenges to teacher education and the extent to which these challenges have been addressed in recent reforms of teacher education in respect of globalism and multiculturalism in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. The focus of music education has generally continued to be Western with respect to both the learning of instruments and other music practices in these three Chinese territories. As the survey data from the study showed, predominantly classical Western instruments were practised, and world music was rarely included in the curriculum: teaching materials for world music were mostly based on the understanding and appreciation of Western musical knowledge and compositions in the three music curricula. Though the music teachers from China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan agreed that other types of world music should be introduced in schools, they dedicated only a small amount of time to teaching such music in the classroom. The teachers’ musical training and education, together with their unfamiliarity with

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world music, all limited their ability to teach students about diverse music cultures in classroom music lessons. Even though the number of songs and music from different cultures had been increased in the published materials, the question of musical authenticity was still a problem for the music teachers in these three societies. Moreover, as noted earlier, in music textbooks from China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, the lyrics of songs from other music cultures are mainly in Chinese or English. Teaching practices must be authentic to the people whose music is being taught if they are to shape the desired attitudes towards cultural differences among students (Campbell 2008; Davies 2003; Elliot 1995; Nethsinghe 2013). Education reforms should redefine multicultural education to include music education for a more enlightened society and focus on the implications for music education in teacher training as well as in classroom instruction. The music teachers in this study felt that they needed more training in multicultural education because of the diversity of their music classrooms. However, they seemed to be uncertain about the values of multicultural education and were not sure how to implement the principles and practices of multicultural education effectively. Preparing teachers and developing expertise in teaching for the postmodern world is a major challenge (Banks 1996, 2004). The field of teacher education, in general, has been slow to advance and re-imagine teacher education in both its theory and practice within the existing postmodern paradigm (Banks 2008). Well-developed multicultural training is essential for pre-service teachers’ awareness, preparedness, and attitudes regarding multicultural education and the students they will eventually teach (Futrell et al. 2003; Gorski 2009). Music teachers often have problems deciding what types of repertoires should be included in teaching. Contemporary scholars have called for traditional multicultural education to be modified in the direction of a critical multiculturalism that seeks to promote democratic initiatives in the curriculum, pedagogy, and social relations within schools (McLaren 2003). Critical multiculturalism promotes understanding and participation in a diverse society, suggesting that, as teachers and learners, we each give ourselves to the process of transformation through our own personal means and in dialogue with others (Freire 1998). Southcott and Joseph (2009: 20) found the ‘inclusion of artists-in-schools to be an intriguing, engaging and authentic way for school pupils and their teachers to engage with music of diverse cultures’. Tucker (1992: 38) argued that ‘in teaching multicultural arts education, there must be an authentic voice in the development of what could be an effective pedagogy’. I contend that music education in teacher

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education courses and in-service training may serve as an effective vehicle for exploring cultural understanding and cultural expressions, enabling positive attitudes towards cultural diversity. There is also the question of the teachers’ professional role in contributing to the development of a multicultural society through school music education as well as whether music education in the curriculum should be understood as the reproduction of diverse music cultures for young people or as an improvement or transformation of particular cultures (see Freire 1998). In higher education, multicultural music is an important aspect of teacher education in relation to curriculum development, its relevance, and representation (Gay and Howard 2000). The challenge to music teachers and to teacher education and training is to persuade a generation of music teachers that they can think and teach culturally and creatively, not only in the promotion of multicultural music education but also within the dimensions of the school music curriculum. Torres (1998: 421) has questioned how multiculturalism, democracy, and citizenship can be achieved and how ‘the canon, culture, and the constitution of a democratic multicultural citizenship’ can be recognized for multiple identities in culture and education. As also described by Cochran-Smith (2004), the new multiculturalism in teacher education is firmly allied to the belief in teacher education as a force for social justice and cross-cultural understanding. Music knowledge and music practice appears to be globalized, but the tradition of schooling in these three Chinese societies can still be described as being highly nationalistic. Incorporating features of multicultural education has long been discussed as an important aim of the teacher education programme, moving from pluralism to social justice (or social interaction for China) in the broader social context (for China, see Leibold and Chen 2014; for Hong Kong and Taiwan, see Jackson 2014). How, then, does the extent of recent reforms of teacher education programmes in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan relate and respond to global and multicultural challenges to uphold their democratic ideals of justice, freedom, and equality for teachers and students? Nation-building in these Chinese communities – whether nationalistic education through music education in China and Hong Kong or Taiwanization (or localization) of school music education in Taiwan – seems to be essential to contemporary school music education. It has meant – and in many respects still means – shifting students’ loyalties away from the bonds they have established in their local communities and towards the nation as a moral, political, cultural, and social centre. Nationalism is a sort of collective awareness – namely, awareness of the attachment to a nation,

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which might be called ‘national awareness’ or ‘national consciousness’ – that often aims to establish and maintain the sovereignty of the nation and to motivate individuals’ feelings of loyalty and attachment to elements of a nation such as collective political behaviour, speaking the same language, and sharing the same cultural traditions, customs, and social and ethical values. In this respect, Green (1997) believes that the role of nationalism in maintaining political stability and shaping national identity is in fact the foundation of individual identity and democracy in that it increases people’s participation in politics. Historical records indicate that nationalism in different nations has paved the way for the development of centralized government systems in relation to education – systems that monitor everything from teachers’ performance to what students have to learn (see Apple 2012; Hammond 2016; Lincicome 1999). Gutek (2006) has stated that from the beginning, education and nation-states were correlated; the formal role of education in nation-states was to turn a nationally impartial child into, say, a Chinese, a German, or a Russian in a national framework. In this regard, curriculum development and curriculum content – particularly history, literature, geography, and music – are the main fields of nationalistic operations for inducing a feeling of loyalty and nationalism. The version of the one-China principle, as applied by China’s central government to China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, involves appeals to a homogenous vision of China’s sovereignty and national dignity under the name of China, without its leading to outright independence for Hong Kong and Taiwan. ‘Chinese’ is an ambiguous term, depending on whether it is taken to describe a political, cultural, or linguistic entity, but it has often been considered as representing a politically and culturally homogeneous national identity in recent decades, and as such, this study has aimed to challenge this notion by examining the characteristics and practices of national education in school music education in Hong Kong and Taiwan as well as China. The promotion of nationalism has been an essential component of the Chinese nation’s determination to create a new, unified, collective political culture (see Callahan 2012; Hughes 2006; Qian et al. 2016). On 1 October 2019, President Xi Jinping opened celebrations to mark 70 years of Chinese communist rule, vowing that ‘no force’ would be able to shake the country and hailing the nation’s recent transformation in order to inspire a strong sense of nationalism. Since 1997, the Hong Kong sar government has repeatedly focused on the development of national identity and patriotism. While it has been traditionally accepted that many Hong Kong people share a form of pan-Chinese cultural identification that does not contradict their local

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distinctiveness, over the last two decades, a new type of local identity discourse has emerged. Recently, the increasing number of Hong Kong students arrested in unlawful protests has raised alarms within the Hong Kong government about Hong Kong’s education system. The dpp of Taiwan, however, has increased its popularity by standing up to Beijing, and even the kmt, the generally pro-Beijing party in Taiwan, has distanced itself from China in an attempt to legitimize its credentials in localization. In a speech in January 2019, President Tsai Ing-wen declared the ‘one country, two systems’ framework advanced by the prc to be unacceptable. Changes in the relationships of Hong Kong and Taiwan to China have presented education policymakers in both localities with problems when reforming school curricula in areas of teaching that are important for the formation of national identity (see Hughes and Stone 1999; Law 2004). Though official documents (Curriculum Development Council 2003; Ministry of Education, People’s Republic of China 2011, 2017; Ministry of Education, Republic of China 2018, 2019) maintain the importance of teaching traditional Chinese music, teaching materials in this area are not highly valued in the implementation of the respective curricula (see various school music resources published by HLP 2017a, 2017b, 2017c; Hong Kong Music Publishers 2013a, 2013b, 2013c; People’s Music Publishing House 2018a, 2018b, 2019). One of the most crucial parts of my book focuses on the differences between music education in Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan as concerns the relationship between political ideology, cultural values, and the role of musical knowledge. According to the findings in this study, we can draw four main conclusions. Firstly, we find that in China, the teachers’ highest-rated preferences when it came to what they taught in classroom music lessons were traditional Chinese music and world music; among teachers in Hong Kong and Taiwan, meanwhile, the preferred music styles were traditional Western music and world music, while contemporary Chinese music from the Mainland was the least popular type of music taught in their respective implemented curricula. Secondly, when compared with the teachers from Hong Kong and Taiwan, the teachers from China gave higher mean scores for all music styles taught in classroom music lessons. When asked about their preferred music styles for professional development in music teaching, the teachers from China rated traditional Chinese music the highest, the teachers from Hong Kong rated traditional Western music the highest, and the teachers from Taiwan rated world music the highest. Thirdly, it can be seen that many of the teacher respondents from Hong Kong and Taiwan (from both the survey questionnaire and the interviews)

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did not accept the idea that national or patriotic education should be part of school music education; most of the teachers from Hong Kong felt more comfortable teaching traditional Chinese and Chinese folk music, while the teachers from Taiwan preferred their own local music for classroom music lessons. By comparison, the teachers from China were very supportive of the idea of promoting patriotism and national identity through school music education. Fourthly, and as a result of asking questions about these three areas, there arose a further question about how we should understand the ways in which the dual paradigm of nationalism and multiculturalism has affected the relationship between the state and the transmission of musical and non-musical teaching when reflecting on the sociopolitical ideologies of China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. Currently, no book is available that has presented the theories and the relationships between nationalism and globalization in school education and cultural education as an analytical framework in these three Chinese territories. This book has explored recent curricular reforms and instruction in school music education within the changing societies of these three Chinese communities by examining the dynamics and complexity of the relationships between the state, nationalism, and multiculturalism. Besides the introduction of world music into the curriculum, music education in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan has started to integrate the teaching of local popular songs into textbooks. Some musical knowledge was common to all of the in-service and pre-service music teachers in all three territories, while other musical knowledge was particular to only some, depending on how the respective territories had responded to the introduction of globalization, localization, and national identity in their respective curricula. The study also evaluated the teachers’ attitudes towards the existing political and social contexts, teaching content, and activities in school music lessons in relation to the dual paradigm in school music education. The broader signif icance of the dynamics and tensions discussed in this book are obvious: rather than withering, it is clear that national sovereignty, national identity, and local identities and cultures are still significant factors in understanding cultural influences on music education and, consequently, the values and practices of music education in schools as well as teacher education in these three Chinese localities. Within the trend towards globalization and the ‘nationalized’, ‘localized’, and ‘hybridized’ cultural identities of China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan respectively, the idea of ‘Chinesenization’ has given rise to more debates about the provision of pre-service and in-service teacher education in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan in the Global Age.

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Teacher Education, Power, and Music Cultures between Globalization and Nationalism Given the multidimensional demands of the fast-changing world of the twenty-first century, the demands on teachers are also growing. Teacher education (or teacher training), as with preparation for all other professions, continues to build on the knowledge and experience gained from the past, projecting its results long into the future and reflecting the values that both societies and cultures attach to the job of preparing young people for life. This book has considered how the transformation of teacher education and practicum experiences could be infused with critical pedagogical practices and strategies (see Freire 1970; see also Bigelow 1992; Giroux 1997, 2003; Shor 1992) in response to evolving political situations. In China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan as well as in most other parts of the world, culture/music culture is related to cultural politics in critical pedagogy in the school curriculum. The approach to culture/music culture in critical pedagogy can be diverse and complex and sometimes confusing. On the one hand, culture is viewed as a medium of discipline and social control, while on the other hand, it is viewed as a site of resistance and possibility. According to Foucault (1972, 1980), power is based on and makes use of knowledge; on the other hand, power reproduces knowledge by shaping it in accordance with its anonymous intentions (Eribon 1991; Nola 1998). Today’s youth face a world in which communication and the information revolution have led to significant political, social, economic, cultural, and technological changes. Theorizing the social construction of power and knowledge, Giroux (1997) has maintained that, for teachers, the relationship between authority and power manifests itself not only in the legitimate exercise of control over students but also in the opportunity to influence the conditions under which they work. In his notion of teachers as transformative intellectuals, Giroux (1992: 15) has also held that teachers ‘understand the nature of their own self-formation, and have a future, see the importance of education as a public discourse, and have some sense of mission in providing students which they need to become critical citizens’. Taking this idea further, he has argued (2005: 76) that ‘[i]n the broadest sense pedagogy is a principal feature of politics because it provides the capacities, knowledge, skills, and social relations through which individuals recognize themselves as social and political agents’. It is in this context that we see not only that such actions are value-laden but that they also take place within particular relations of power, in which epistemologies are inextricably interrelated and every production of knowledge serves the interest of power in social institutions.

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In the last three decades, important struggles have taken place over the production of knowledge and culture in history and social sciences, where power, culture, and learning experiences have come together to produce particular identities in education. In Discipline and Punishment (1972), Foucault contended that modern society is a ‘disciplinary society’, referring to the notion that power in our contemporary era is largely exercised through disciplinary means in a variety of organizations, such as prisons, schools, and militaries (also see Foucault 1980, 1982, 1995). He has argued (1972, 1980, 1982) that knowledge is caught up in relations of power that are neither neutral nor impartial, adopting the term ‘power-knowledge’ (le savoir-pouvoir) to signify that power is constituted through accepted forms of knowledge and defining identity as a continuous discourse, never fixed but always changing in relation to its surrounding environment. Hence, the question of how power works in schools, as argued by Aronowitz and Giroux (1993: 150), will almost inevitably report ‘how it reproduces relations of domination and subordinary through various school practices’. Aronowitz and Giroux (ibid.) consider social control to be not merely an instance of domination but also a form of emancipatory practice. While the degree to which music is included in national curricula varies, it can be argued that most cultural policies for schools and higher education encourage young people to participate in social and political life in the community. Values may also be found within and beyond the school environment, which may conflict with the values of society and state authorities. Some music educators (e.g., Elliott 1995; Jorgensen 2003) advocate using a wide spectrum of musical resources with a view to creating a more holistic way of teaching music within a pan-cultural curriculum. However, Johnson (2004) has commented that some music educators might be reluctant to adjust their teaching to such changes. With regards to the nature of knowledge production, social control, and political institutions in modern societies, this process can be interpreted as teaching school students how to follow rules and obey the authorities and authority figures. This can be seen in the way the political dimension of education is regulated by power relationships and in the particular forms of knowledge in school that are regarded as ‘official’ (see Apple 2008). In Can Education Change Society?, Apple (2013) demonstrates that struggle and resistance are both always present and always active in education policies and practices in contemporary education. In this groundbreaking work, Apple aimed to bring educators to a more comprehensive understanding of what schools do and what we can do to challenge the connection of dominance and subordination in society at large (see also Apple 2018). The

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question of whether education can change society is an absolutely crucial one ‘both to ask and to answer’ (ibid.: 64). There has been a remarkable growth in academic interest in the education reforms related to the fostering of multiple identities – including the multidimensional framework of cultural development – as a way of introducing the major dimensions of self, local, national, and global and helping students acquire the knowledge, attitudes, skills, and values they need to maintain multiple identities within and beyond national borders (Banks 2004, 2008; Kennedy and Brunold 2015). This is why Apple (1990: vii) has asked, ‘Whose knowledge is of most worth?’, reflecting on the sovereign notion of power in the curriculum. Nonetheless, the notion of power is not so much a result of ideology, control, and oppression; rather it is more through complex interactions between sociopolitical situations and teachers’ knowledge and preferences that curriculum policy is shaped in classroom music lessons (Woodford 2005; also see Hebert and Kertz-Welzel 2016; Kertz-Welzel 2008).

Music Education and the Role of Comparative Studies Comparative education is an established field in education and research and a discipline in the social sciences that facilitates and initiates a wide range of research projects on different educational systems in various countries. The conclusion of this book suggests that an understanding of social-cultural models and values in music and music education in these three Chinese territories can be enhanced by seeing music as a sociopolitical construction between nationalism and multiculturalism. In this time of great need for mutual cooperation between nations and cultures, I have no doubt this book can increase communication and collaboration between these Chinese regions. Crossley and Jarvis (2000: 261) have asserted both ‘the exponential growth and widening of interest in international comparative research’ and the ‘increased recognition of cultural dimensions of education’ in recent times. Courses and programmes in comparative education are delivered in many universities (in both Western and non-Western nations), which have contributed to our understanding of a wide range of educational, social, and cultural issues and themes across numerous cultures, countries, and regions.1 Comparative education as a subject for teacher education curricula continues to be taught in many universities in Australia, the us, Canada, Latin America, the uk, and other Western European nations as well as some African and Eastern European countries. Research has included teacher

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education policy (e.g., Young et al. 2007), teacher practices (e.g., Lewis et al. 2005), teacher education for social change (Ritchie et al. 2013), and teacher education in plural societies (Craft 2012). Despite the fact that discussions of this topic have been ongoing in the field of music education for quite some time, it is only recently that teacher education programmes in non-Western nations have seriously considered multiculturalism. Nonetheless, as Kertz-Welzel (2008) has contended, comparative music education has long been considered unimportant because other issues are always deemed to be more compelling. Although music education is greatly influenced by globalization, it is rare that research establishes music education within globalization in terms of international and intercultural approaches to music instruction (Johansen 2013). By recognizing different cultural values and priorities, Kertz-Welzel (2019: 1) explored the issues of the transformation and change in music education, arguing that ‘[w]e should face that we live in a global world, where everything and everybody is interconnected’. Kertz-Welzel (ibid.: 13) continued to see the changes in music education in both ‘higher education and inside and outside schools’ as a response to ‘the challenges presented by globalization and internationalization’. This book has explored the struggles between political ideology and musical and non-musical contexts in the respective music education curricula of three Chinese localities in response to their evolving societies. As the first of its kind to focus on teachers’ perspectives, this study represents a new intervention in school music education in response to nationalism and globalization in these communities. Little empirical research has been conducted regarding the effects of globalization and nationalism on school music education and teacher education. Research into this area could illuminate the ways in which music teachers have affected students’ music and non-music learning in classroom music lessons. The notion of the ‘invented tradition’ comes from the work of the Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm, who viewed nations as products of social engineering. According to Hobsbawm (1983: 1), invented traditions are ‘a set of practices, normally governed by overtly or tacitly accepted rules and or a ritual or symbolic nature, which seek to inculcate certain values and norms of behaviour by repetition, which automatically implies continuity with the past’. The conceptual structure of music education and teacher education is shaped by the social context in which the political ideologies of all countries/regions function. China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan as well as other Asian countries , all of which have built cultural traditions over a long history, have made great efforts in their teacher education and music practice in schools to maintain their cultural assets and national identities

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while facing the changes of globalization. For example, the power of nationcentred orientation or nationalist imaginaries at work in music education is reflected in the fact that even though the music curriculum has changed from a more religious to an aesthetic (or musical) one – the former focusing on fostering loyalty or commitment to the King, God, and the nation-state, and the latter focusing on the cultivation of aesthetic development and musical understanding – the underlying framework may still be taken as being focused on the nation-state. We have also seen that, far from being value-neutral, the approaches to curriculum content and planning reflect particular ideological stances with respect to education, society, knowledge, and power (see Halstead and Pike 2006; Kelly 2004). These ideological stances may not always be overtly stated or admitted but often have to be teased out by examining the practices they inform. Consequently, the value positions of teachers, which underpin both ideological stances and practices, may mean that they never make explicit or simply carry out the approved official curricula. Though these Asian nations may value music education in a different way from the three Chinese localities studied here, a comparative approach could lead to useful research on the understanding of what music education is and should be in teacher education and what it can do for students. More generally, it will make a valuable contribution to music education, comparative educational studies, and Asian studies.

Closing Words When implementing policies and curricula to encourage students to develop stronger links with Mainland China and their respective communities, Hong Kong’s edb and its schools (including teachers) have had to consider such issues as their failure to implement the national education curriculum in 2012, growing anti-Mainland sentiment related to liberal arts studies, the recent controversial and problematic history question, the passing of the nab, and the inclusion of the recent nsl in the school curriculum. Recently, Hong Kong’s edb has ordered schools to review their book collections and immediately remove those books that might violate the nsl. Starting in September 2020, teachers in Hong Kong’s schools will be required to complete a mandatory training programme that includes core and elective sections on professional conduct and values and national and international development (Education Bureau 2020). Also starting in the 2020/21 school year, all newly recruited teachers will be required to complete 30 hours of core training

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and not less than 60 hours of elective training within their first three years of service, to understand and demonstrate their professional duties, roles, values, and conduct. While the edb has not created a list of banned songs, schools and teachers have been reminded that they should develop selfdiscipline and should not cross the line into a politicized environment (Sum and Chan 2020). Yet questions regarding changes in cultural and national values in school (music) education are relevant to Chinese policies as a whole. These new cultural and national politics, however, are puzzling on several levels, including the divisions between pro-China and pro-democracy groups in Hong Kong and Taiwan, the divided views among teachers themselves, and the educational policies and practices of Hong Kong and Taiwan that have been shaped by the emergence of the nation-state to cultivate national identity and multiculturalism locally, regionally, and nationally. Music education in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan has been challenged by the exclusive focus of multiculturalism and nationalism on nations, borders, and nationality. Over the past few decades, Hong Kong has developed unique local and national identities (without this indicating compromise) that have coincided with British colonization and the handover of Hong Kong to the prc in 1997. The concept of ‘one country, two systems’ has given Hong Kong the best of both worlds, enabling Hong Kong people to keep their way of life and freedom while tapping into opportunities and benefits arising from its reunion with China. To some extent, this concept has been drawn on in curriculum contents and developments, particularly the rigorous moral and national education programme. Meanwhile, since bringing about a transformation in Taiwanese identity in the late 1980s, Taiwan’s ruling parties have supported and restored the importance of local cultures and identities in its school music education. Efforts have been made to delimit the relationship between Chinese and Taiwanese cultures by de-emphasizing the long-term Chinese historical and cultural identification with Taiwan in the school curriculum. This book has argued that preparation for globalization and multiculturalism not only poses a challenge or a threat but also creates an opportunity for the teaching profession to develop and that this depends to a large extent on how governments translate these global and national essentials into demands or requirements on teachers. The development of school music education in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan cannot be explained by reference to simplistic or deterministic notions of ‘culture’, ‘nationalism’, or ‘globalism’ (or ‘multiculturalism’) although, as has been noted in previous chapters, the uncritical acceptance of such notions continues to inform much public discussion of music teachers and teacher education in school music education.

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Since the turn of the twenty-first century, China has risen as a world player and seems to be shedding the psychological complex caused by its century of humiliation. Chinese nation-building seems to be vital to school education (including music as a subject). On 10 September 2018, President Xi spoke at a national education conference in Beijing marking the 34th Teachers’ Day in China, calling for the requirement that educational institutions and teacher development should nurture students’ sense of patriotism and their dedication to the Communist Party, their country, and its people. Such a rise, as Lin (2016) has suggested, needs to accord with China’s development in terms of democracy, the rule of law, and culture. This in turn depends on how the cpc-led state redefines its socialist education and teacher education in this century. The question of how socialist China fosters a modern Chinese citizenry to match the country’s geopolitical ascent in the twenty-first century is an important one for Chinese leadership. Recently, President Xi declared that Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan (particularly, some people from Hong Kong and Taiwan) represented a major risk and challenge for the Communist Party, and he warned Communist Party members that they must be prepared to struggle when necessary. He listed these three regions as a single area of concern in his life, even placing this concern ahead of foreign affairs, regardless of the global economic and strategic challenges China faces, such as the trade war with the us and the covid-19 crisis. Beijing authorities have also encouraged education authorities in Macau and Hong Kong to make further efforts in the dissemination of patriotic education in their respective Special Administration Regions. In Hong Kong, moral, civic, and national education is an important component of whole-person education, intended to foster students’ positive values and attitudes through the teaching and learning of various key learning areas (including arts and music) and the provision of relevant learning experiences. Though the Hong Kong government protects the Chinese national anthem by any means necessary, many schools are still confused about how to deal with students who violate the National Anthem Law. Turning to Taiwan, under Chiang Kai-shek and the period of martial law, Taiwan was framed as a part of China – by promoting a China-centred vision of national identity (including national history and national language classes for Mandarin and Classical Chinese). In the last two decades, however, the Taiwanese national identity has been reconstructed through the exercise of diverse music styles (rather than focused on China-centred teaching and learning) as a part of the continuous renegotiation of boundaries between Chineseness and Taiwaneseness in the twenty-first century (Ho 2016; also see Kwok 2017; Zhong 2016).

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To some extent, teachers’ perspectives on their respective governments’ curriculum also revealed their own interpretations and inclinations in their classroom music lessons. The government is the principal actor in the selection, translation, and implementation of global and national imperatives. In this context, teachers (particularly in Hong Kong and Taiwan) are not just enforcers of government policy but are an important buffer between the government and students, helping them cope with the imperatives imposed at the school level. Teachers (mainly in Hong Kong and Taiwan) can be key players in accepting or rejecting such imperatives. There has been great concern about the idea of introducing specific music cultures into the current education reforms in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan to enhance students’ understanding and sense of belonging to society as well as a global outlook. This cultural work may require a continuous process of self-reflection so that teachers can create an inspirational teaching and learning environment. The curriculum gap may be inevitable, but effective curriculum engineering and teachers’ professional development are essential to reduce the gap between the intended curriculum and the implemented curriculum. Furthermore, teachers may struggle with their interpretations of a (new) cultural consciousness and how to apply it to teaching music to children in a changing world (see Pio 2017). As this book goes to press, school education in Mainland China and Hong Kong is being centralized while Taiwan’s intended policy is to decentralize school education. This might result in a different but interesting and challenging scene when it comes to political and cultural impositions of music education in these Chinese territories’ future. There is a question of whether or how government strategies can be sensitive to teachers’ needs and practical concerns, which may create more problems than solutions. Doing so can contribute to teaching that is transformative, prompting a reconceptualization of multicultural and nationalistic education in terms of knowing and understanding music cultures and music knowledge. Whether nationalism, localism, and globalization can be reconciled in future political development and school music education in these three Chinese regions remains to be seen. 1

Scholarly journals such as Compare, Comparative Education, Comparative Education Review, Educational Research for Policy and Practice, Globalisation, Societies and Education, International Education Journal: Comparative Perspectives, International Journal of Comparative Education and Development, International Journal of Educational Development, Journal of Studies in International Education, and Research in Comparative and International Education have also contributed to our understanding of these issues.

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Appendix: Teacher Questionnaire

Please answer the following questions. Except where specified, please tick () the appropriate box. Section 1

1. Do you think music reveals values of human society? StronglyStrongly disagreeagree 1 

2 

3 

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5 

2. What values are important to your music teaching? (Tick any boxes you feel apply.)  Valuing myself  Valuing other people  Valuing my family  Valuing my city  Valuing human society  Other(s) (please specify): 

 Valuing the environment  Valuing my nation  None

3. Do you think school music reveals the values of human society? StronglyStrongly disagreeagree 1 

2 

3 

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5 

4. Do you welcome the idea of having compulsory music education for the whole of primary and secondary music education as part of lifelong education? StronglyStrongly disagreeagree 1 

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5. Do you believe learning music facilitates learning other subjects and/or enhances skills that students use in other learning areas? StronglyStrongly disagreeagree 1 

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6. Do you think extended music education (or extracurricular music activities) has a positive effect on the social achievements of students in schooling? StronglyStrongly disagreeagree 1 

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Section 2

7. I like to teach the music culture of other countries. StronglyStrongly disagreeagree 1 

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8. I like to teach traditional Chinese music and Chinese folk music. StronglyStrongly disagreeagree 1 

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9. I like to teach local music culture. StronglyStrongly disagreeagree 1 

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10. Do you think that we should help students acquire more knowledge of traditional Chinese culture and custom in your music teaching? StronglyStrongly disagreeagree 1 

2 

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5 

11. Do you think that we should help students acquire more knowledge of multicultural education in your music teaching? StronglyStrongly disagreeagree 1 

2 

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5 

12. Do you find yourself capable of teaching multicultural education in school?  No The reasons are: (Please only “” the three most important factors.) ( ) Not given adequate training ( ) Not enough teaching materials ( ) Not welcomed by students ( ) Not supported/encouraged by my school ( ) Not my interest to teach world music ( ) Not enough time in my teaching schedule ( ) Not important to teach, as compared with traditional Western and Chinese music in music learning ( ) Other reasons (please state:   )  Yes The reasons are: (Please only “” the three most important factors.) ( ) Adequate training ( ) Enough teaching materials ( ) Welcomed by students ( ) Supported/encouraged by my school ( ) My preference is to teach world music

328 



GLOBALIZATION, NATIONALISM, AND MUSIC EDUCATION



( (



(

) Enough time in my teaching schedule ) Important to teach and learn, having equal status to traditional Western and Chinese music in music learning ) Other reasons (please state:   )

13. Which subjects do you believe should include information about other cultures? Strongly disagree

Strongly agree

a) Chinese language

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b) English language

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c) Mathematics

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d) Science

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e) Music

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f) Physical education

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g) Visual arts

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h) Moral/political education

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i) Humanities (e.g. geography, history)

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14. Which subjects do you believe should include information of traditional Chinese culture? Strongly disagree

Strongly agree

a) Chinese language

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b) English language



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c) Mathematics

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d) Science

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e) Music

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f) Physical education

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g) Visual arts

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h) Moral/political education

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i) Humanities (e.g. geography, history)

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329

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15. Do you welcome the idea of having multicultural music education for the whole of primary and secondary music education with an emphasis on teaching world music? StronglyStrongly disagreeagree 1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

16. Do you welcome the idea of having nationalistic music education for the whole of primary and secondary music education with an emphasis on teaching traditional, contemporary Chinese music and Chinese folk music? StronglyStrongly disagreeagree 1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

17. Are you interested in teaching patriotic music in school music lessons? NoMuch interestInterest 1 

2 

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4 

18. Which of the following types of music do you consider to be important to increase students’ national consciousness?  Chinese national anthem  Traditional Chinese music  Local music (including local folk and local popular music)  Patriotic music  Others (please state):   None of the above

5 

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19. In musical activities (e.g. listening, singing, or performing) to be taught in school, which of the following types of music make you identify with your nation?  National anthem  Traditional Chinese music  Local music (including folk and popular music)  Patriotic music  Others (please specify):   None of the above 20. Do you find yourself capable of teaching nationalistic education in school?  No The reasons are: (Please only “” the three most possible factors.) ( ) Not given adequate training ( ) Not enough teaching materials ( ) Not welcomed by students ( ) Not supported/encouraged by my school ( ) Not my interest to teach this area ( ) Not enough time in my teaching schedule ( ) Not important to teach, as compared with traditional Western and Chinese music in music learning ( ) Other reasons (please state):   )  Yes The reasons are: (Please only “” the three most important factors.) ( ) Adequate training ( ) Enough teaching materials ( ) Welcomed by students ( ) Supported/encouraged by my school ( ) My preference is to teach Chinese music to achieve nationalistic education ( ) Enough time in my teaching schedule ( ) Important to teach and learn, having equal status to traditional Western and other world music in music learning ( ) Other reasons (please state):   )

331

Appendix: Teacher Questionnaire

Section 3

21. Do you think teacher education training should prepare you to teach the following types of music? Strongly disagree

Strongly agree

(a) Western popular music

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(b) Traditional Western music

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(c) Traditional Chinese music

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(d) Contemporary Chinese music

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(e) Traditional Chinese folk music

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(f) Local classical music (music composed by local composers)

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(g) Local popular music

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(h) Local folk music

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(i) Other world music

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22. Do you think that the pre-service teacher training programme should help students increase their knowledge of using teaching materials and teaching methods to achieve multicultural music education? StronglyStrongly disagreeagree 1 

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23. Do you think that the pre-service teacher training programme should help students increase their knowledge of using teaching materials and teaching methods to achieve nationalistic education? StronglyStrongly disagreeagree 1 

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24. Do you think that the pre-service teacher training programme should help students increase their knowledge of using teaching materials and teaching methods to understand more about popular music? StronglyStrongly disagreeagree 1 

2 

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5 

Section 4

25. Gender:  Male   Female 26. The primary musical instrument that you have learned: Name of instrument:  27. Have you attended any concerts featuring world music in the past 12 months (e.g. African, Indian, Japanese, jazz)? (a)  No  Yes: (a) frequency: ( ) 1 ( ) 2 ( ) 3 ( ) 4 ( ) 5 times or more (b) Please specify the type of music (e.g. African, Indian, Japanese, jazz):  28. Have you attended any concerts featuring traditional Chinese music, contemporary Chinese music, or Chinese folk music in the past 12 months? (a)  No  Yes: (a) frequency: ( ) 1 ( ) 2 ( ) 3 ( ) 4 ( ) 5 times or more (b) Please specify the type of music: 

Appendix: Teacher Questionnaire

333

29. Have you attended any pop concerts in the past 12 months? (a)  No  Yes: (a) frequency: ( ) 1 ( ) 2 ( ) 3 ( ) 4 ( ) 5 times or more (b) Please specify the type of music:  30. Which school sector are you teaching?  primary school  secondary school  primary and secondary school 31. How many years’ teaching experience do you have?  1–3 years  4–7 years  7–10 years  11–15 years  15 years or more The End Thank you for filling out this questionnaire. All information will be treated confidentially.

Index 13th Five-Year Plan 77 24 Chinese characters 69 228 Memorial Foundation 182 1967 riots 118-119, 138-139 1989 Beijing Student Movement 139 1989 Tiananmen Square Incident 64, 80, 121, 131, 138 Aboriginal Education Law 194 aboriginal folk songs 202 aboriginal groups 195 active citizens 214 aesthetic development 267, 314 Affection for Hong Kong, Heart for China 133 Africa 34, 97, 137, 213, 252, 281 Afro-pop 34 A-Mei 199, 211 America 32, 59, 95, 97, 281, 312 American imperialism 61 anti-American propaganda 61 Anti-Extradition Bill campaign 235 anti-Japanese protest songs 75 anti-Japanese war songs 150 Article 23 120 arts and music guidelines 160, 274 arts education 34, 150, 305 Asia 35, 97, 113, 149, 176, 178, 183, 197-198, 206, 208, 252, 281, 296, 302 Asian Barometer Survey 285 Asianization 35, 208 Asian nations 252, 314 Asia-Pacific countries 302 assimilation policies 179 Australia 95, 148, 244, 312 Austronesian languages 176, 194 Baidu 70, 87 Basic Law 112, 121, 128-130, 134, 138, 150, 194 Beijing 91, 96, 189, 193, 252 Beijing authorities 13, 61, 75, 80, 128, 193, 234-235 Beijing Internet Association 72 Bernstein, Leonard 216 Blacking, John 34 BMG 211 Boney M 88 Bourdieu, Pierre 30-31 Boys’ and Girls’ Clubs Association 135 British Colonial Office 117 British colonial period 120, 139, 281 British colonial regime 121, 141 British colonial rule 118, 145, 156 Canada 148, 216, 244, 312 Cantonese culture 120 Cantonese Opera 145, 148, 282

Cantonese Opera Advisory Committee 149 Cantonese Opera Development Fund 149 Cantonese Opera training 149 Cantonese pop 155, 255 capitalist society 30 CD Rev 77, 80 celebrity power 73, 76 Central Conservatory of Music 89 Century of Humiliation 67 Chan, Abrahim 127 Chan, Eason 127 Chan, Jackie 74 Chang Hui-mei 199 Chen, Edith 209 Chen, Heinz 209 Chen Ming-chang 197 Chen Pi-hsien 209 Chen Shui-bian 183, 192, 198 Chen Yi 180 Cheung, Jacky 127 Cheung Ming Man 74 Chiang Ching-kuo 182, 191-192 Chiang, Judy 197 Chiang Kai-shek 177-178, 181-182, 185-188, 192-193, 316 Chiao Tung University 132 Chief Executive 121, 127, 133, 135, 137-138, 140, 143, 159 Chien-Kung Shrine 185 China’s national flag 156 China’s sovereignty 236, 307 Chinese and Western traditions 178, 211, 238 Chinese anti-war songs 257, 260 Chinese authorities 66, 94, 294 Chinese characteristics 56, 92, 283 Chinese citizens 66, 121 Chinese Communist ideologies 280 Chinese Communist music 290 Chinese Communist values 290 Chinese communities 41, 43, 66, 84, 149, 198, 211, 237, 242-243, 247, 250, 257, 266, 268, 275-276, 279, 287, 290, 294, 306, 309, 313 Chinese cultural heritage 147, 158, 241 Chinese Cultural Renaissance Movement 186-187, 190 Chinese Cultural Renaissance Movement Promotion Council 186, 190 Chinese culture 84, 88, 132, 137-138, 149, 155-157, 159, 161, 179, 186-188, 193, 253, 255-256, 275 Chinese dream 13, 56-57, 69, 76, 81, 88, 92, 98 Chinese film industry 88 Chinese Government 68, 70, 73-74, 76-79, 91-92, 97, 116, 130, 156, 280 Chinese history 67, 74, 128-129, 132, 137-139, 152

336 

GLOBALIZATION, NATIONALISM, AND MUSIC EDUCATION

Chinese Hong Kong citizens 121 Chinese instrumental music 148 Chinese language 59, 89, 176, 194 Chinese localities 15, 16, 309, 314 Chinese mass market 87 Chinese music 59-60, 74, 84, 89, 99, 113, 144, 146-148, 155-157, 159-161, 189, 216, 238-242, 249, 253, 255-257, 260, 262, 264, 266-268, 275, 278-280, 282, 286-291, 294, 308 Chinese nation 56, 66, 69, 91-92, 95, 98, 138, 152, 280, 307, 316 Chinese national anthem 150-152, 157, 257, 261, 293 Chineseness 187-188, 316 Chinese New Year 85 Chinese operas 148 Chinese orchestra competitions 148 Chinese patriotic songs 157 Chinese philosophy 186-187 Chinese revolutionary song 152 Chinese Socialism with Chinese Characteristics 88 Chinese Studies Committee 137 Chinese territories 12, 14, 18, 40, 237, 302, 304, 309, 312 Chou, Jay 203, 211, 218 Chthonic 183 Civil Human Rights Front 141 Civil War 176-177, 181 classic songs 62 classroom music lessons 157, 239, 249, 266, 278, 280-282, 286, 291, 305, 312-313, 317 Coca-Cola Chinese New Year campaign 86 Coca-Cola Company 86 Cold War 14, 116, 177, 181 collective consciousness 291, 294 collective memory 23-24, 58, 188 collective sentiment 24 colonial empires 12 communication technologies 26, 33 Communist China 75, 80, 116, 119, 186, 217, 267 Communist regime 186 community activities 149 comparative education 15, 312 composition 35, 148, 248, 267, 289 Confucianism 85, 88, 90, 187, 216-217, 238 contemporary Chinese music 257, 262, 288, 290, 308 contemporary music 41, 178, 281 Co-operative Societies Ordinance 118 cross-tabulating calculations 263 cultural activities 144, 290 cultural consciousness 317 cultural development 33, 40, 113, 118, 207, 312 cultural diversity 33, 35, 40, 42, 56, 86, 90-91, 115, 187, 195, 279-280, 289, 306 cultural equality 91 cultural growth 13, 57 Cultural Heritage Preservation Act 191

cultural knowledge and identity 31 culturally heterogeneous processes 156, 275 cultural products and services 274 Cultural Revolution 58, 60, 84, 92, 118 cultural studies 28, 43 cultural values 22, 30, 41, 181, 187, 273, 276, 308, 313 curricular reforms 309 curriculum contents 21, 153, 252 curriculum guidelines 83, 129-130, 150, 152, 157, 276, 285 curriculum policy 280, 312 Cyberspace Administration of China 71 Cyberspace Spirit 72 Debussy, Claude 154 de-Chinesenization 235, 285 decolonization 112, 121, 146, 188 de-Japanization 185 Deng Xiaoping 55, 63, 65, 69, 84 de-sinification 192 Dewey, John 30 Difang 209 Dion, Celine 74 disciplinary society 311 diverse cultural traditions and identities 34 diverse music cultures 178, 213-214, 240, 249, 251, 279 Durkheim, Émile 30 ecological changes 41, 302 economics 140, 210 educational practice 274 effective curriculum 280, 317 Eliot, T. S. 23 EMI 211 English song 96, 212, 219 ethical citizenship 59 ethnic Chinese music 256 ethnic cultures and identities 215, 285 ethnic groups 30, 36, 74, 92, 94-95, 178, 194-195, 205, 255, 278, 281 ethnic minorities 63, 90, 94, 114, 278, 280, 289 European classical music 159 extradition law 141, 143 family bonds 32, 155 FIFA World Cup 96, 214 filial piety 85, 187-188, 217 film and media arts 145 First Sino-Japanese War 177-178 First World War 58 Five-Year Plan 77 flag-raising ceremonies 82, 150, 156, 188, 285 folk music 42, 148, 154, 158-159, 178, 197, 199, 204, 208, 238, 249, 255-257, 262, 266, 282, 286, 288, 294, 309 folk songs 59, 64, 94, 148, 152, 157, 183, 201-203, 213-214, 239, 256

337

Index

foreign songs 214-215 formal music curriculum 150 French national anthem 154 friendship 91, 155 Fukien 119, 194 geographical constraints 29 geography 28, 140, 185-187, 194-195, 307 global and cultural citizenship 34 global and national features 160, 274 global citizenship 32, 34, 155, 207 globalism 27, 42, 304, 315 globalization 12-15, 18, 21-22, 26-29, 32-36, 40-42, 57, 65, 73, 76, 82, 85, 87-88, 91, 97-98, 137, 153-155, 177, 204-206, 208, 211, 214, 217, 219, 237, 274, 289-290, 302, 304, 309, 313, 315 global-local nexus 28 global outlook 13, 28, 57, 135, 153, 159, 205, 208, 317 global products 28 Godfather of Cantopop 124 GooDoo Puppet Troupe 204 government policy 89, 317 Greater China 12, 41, 184, 237, 268 great rejuvenation 56, 69 Great Wall 64, 77, 238 Green, Lucy 17 Guangdong 83-84, 148 Guangdong Province 111, 149, 176, 200 Gypsy culture 154 Hakka 194, 197, 211 Hakka folk songs 197, 202 Hakka people 176, 197 Han Chinese migration 176 Han Kuo-yu 184 hip-hop culture 78 historical conjectures 274 historical lessons 67, 156 historical memory 83 Hoklo folk songs 202 Hoklo people 176, 198 Hollywood movies 88, 210 Hong Kong 92, 138, 145, 290 Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China 131 Hong Kong Arts Development Council 145 Hong Kong Arts Development Council Ordinance 145 Hong Kong Central Library 123 Hong Kong Chinese Orchestra 144, 147 Hong Kong citizens 120-121, 134 Hongkongers 120-121, 136, 284 Hong Kong Government 117, 119-120, 144-145, 308 Hong Kong Heritage Museum 123 Hong Kong history 139 Hong Kong identity 118, 120-121, 131, 138 Hong Kong Immigration Department 183

Hong Kong Museum of Art 122 Hong Kong Museum of History 122, 127 Hong Kong Philharmonic Orchestra 144 Hong Kong Sinfonietta 144 Hong Kong spirit 127 Hong Kong Youth Chinese Orchestra 148 Hong Kong Youth Music Interflows 148 Hou Dejian 82, 203 Hu Ching-yu 209 human activities 30 humanities 43, 129, 140, 201-202, 211, 214, 217, 274 human relationships 215, 219 Hu Nai-yuan 209 hybridization 27 identifications of individuals 25 ideological and political education 57 Ideological State Apparatuses 70 imperial citizens 179 independent samples t-test 250, 255, 258 independent sovereign state 193 individual interviews 240-241, 266, 279 in-service teachers 157, 239-240, 242-243, 245-246, 250, 253, 257, 259, 262-266, 268, 279, 281, 304 interdependent world 30, 160, 274, 278 international perspective 139 Internationale, The 62 Italy 154 Jackson, Michael 27, 155, 213, 218 James, William 30 Japan 58-59, 65-66, 69, 81, 89, 100, 154, 175, 177-178, 180, 195, 211, 237, 252, 302 Japanese karaoke 26 Japanese occupation 42, 60-61 Japanese soap operas 210 Ketagalan Boulevard 192 KMT Government 177, 181, 184, 187-189, 194-195, 210 Kominka Movement 179 Korea 61, 95, 116, 154, 177, 237, 252 Korean soap operas 210 Korean War 61, 116 Kuo Yong-Nan 209 Kwok, Eric 127 Lam, Carrie 127, 135, 141, 143 large-scale education reforms 153 Lee Teng-hui 180, 192-193 Legislative Council 127, 140, 239 Leninism 64, 82, 84 Liao Chiung-chih 196 Liao Qiong-zhi 203 Li Jinhui 59 Lim Giong 197, 199 Lin Chao-liang 209

338 

GLOBALIZATION, NATIONALISM, AND MUSIC EDUCATION

Lin Hwai-min 209 Lin, Jenny 209 Lion Rock Spirit 123-127 Li Shu-tong 59, 146 Liu Tianhua 83 Liu Yifei 235 Liu Yuanyuan 74 local administrations 13 local concerts 148 local elections 184 local identity 120, 123-125, 193, 195, 198, 201, 238, 277, 282, 308 localization 11, 28, 35, 40, 121, 123, 177, 182, 191-192, 201, 204, 214, 217, 219, 306, 308-309 local music 123, 144, 148, 158, 238, 249, 257, 260, 267, 279, 281, 286, 309 local music research 123 local popular artists 127 London 46, 86, 141 London Missionary Society 145 Long March 81 Lo Tayu 97 Lu Quan-sheng 202 Lu Sen-bao 202 Madagascar 176 Manchuria 60 Mandarin pop 211, 255 Mao Zedong 61-62, 64, 69, 76, 84, 177 March of the Volunteers 42, 60, 62, 150, 156 martial law 181-182, 187-188, 191, 195, 211, 214, 316 Marxism 58, 64, 82, 84 Marx, Karl 30 Ma Shui-long 202 material production 26, 116 Mayday 203 May Fourth Movement 58, 283 Ma Ying-jeou 183, 193, 199, 225 McDonald’s 87 mediascapes 27-28 Metropolitan Opera House 209 Mexico 154 Ming Dynasty 149, 176, 178 mixed identity 122 moral education 133, 187, 217 Moroder, Giovanni Giorgio 96 multicultural agendas 281 multicultural and ethnic music cultures 178 multicultural arts activities 211 multicultural education 12, 40, 90, 160, 241, 250, 277, 279-281, 289, 305 multicultural harmony 95 multicultural society 208, 279, 306 multicultural understanding 94 multi-party systems 134 multiple citizenships 33, 219 multiple identities 33, 219, 306, 312 Musha Incident 179 musical characteristics 35, 253, 255

musical development 34 music cultures 15, 29-30, 35-36, 40-42, 155, 177, 208, 211, 214-215, 219, 237, 239-240, 249-250, 252, 256, 262-264, 266-268, 274-275, 279, 281, 287, 294, 305-306, 317 music education 12, 15, 21, 35, 42, 46, 59, 82, 156, 252, 256, 264, 266, 282, 287-289 music genres and styles 154, 262, 266 Music Office 145 music styles 41, 74, 155, 238-239, 251, 276, 282, 287, 308, 316 music textbooks 43, 83, 95, 98, 147, 151, 154, 157, 160, 180, 198, 202, 214-215, 217, 248, 252, 266, 280-281, 305 music theory 40, 248, 289 Nanking Massacre 138 Nanni Bay 152 national and local identities 122 national anthem 60, 95, 128, 149-151, 154, 156-157, 180, 188, 199-200, 216, 239-240, 242, 257, 260-262, 267, 285-286, 291, 316 National Anthem Law 82, 150, 156, 292, 316 National Chengchi University 285 National Chiao Tung University 132 National Chinese Cultural University 186 National Chung-Shan Hall 186 national citizenship 34 National Congress 56, 69, 79, 82, 88 national consciousness 184, 217, 257, 261-262, 286, 307 national culture(s) 13-14, 21, 26, 28, 32, 160 national dignity 307 national education 133-135, 143, 157, 205, 282, 293, 307, 316 National Education Funding Scheme for Young People 133 National Historical Museum 186 national identity/identities 13-14, 16, 22, 24-25, 29, 31, 33, 39-42, 57, 65, 73, 83, 85, 98, 113, 116, 121, 128, 133, 135-139, 144, 147, 154, 156-157, 160-161, 192-193, 201, 216, 238, 242, 261-262, 279, 282, 285, 287, 292, 295, 301, 307, 309, 313, 315-316 nationalism 11-16, 18, 21-24, 28-29, 31, 40-43, 57-58, 64-65, 69-70, 73-75, 80, 83, 85, 90-91, 95, 97-98, 123, 135, 137, 149, 151, 161, 178, 180181, 183, 186-187, 196, 215, 219, 234, 237-238, 268, 274-275, 284, 287, 289, 301-302, 304, 307, 309, 312-313, 315 Nationalist Government 185 nationalistic education 133, 135, 156, 239-240, 257, 259, 261-262, 268, 282, 284, 286, 291, 306, 317 National Language Development Law 194 National Library of China 63 National Palace Museum 186 National People’s Congress 121, 131, 150 National Security Bill 120

339

Index

National Symphony Orchestra 209 National Taichung Theatre 209 National Taiwan Normal University 198 New Party 183 New Taiwanese Music Movement 197 New Taiwanese Song Movement 200 New York 141 Nie Er 60, 83 non-musical learning 42, 275 Non-Partisan Solidarity Union 183 North Atlantic Treaty Organization 66 Oceania 176 One-China Policy 130 One Hundred and One Best Songs 146 ‘One the Country, Two Systems’ principle 11 one-way ANOVA 241, 250, 253, 257, 264, 266 Open Door Policy 55, 63, 97 orchestration 40, 289 Pan-Blue Coalition 183 Pan-Green Coalition 183 patriotic education 64-69, 75, 81, 83, 156, 282, 284-287, 291, 309 Patriotic Education Campaign 67 Peking Opera 84, 189, 196 People First Party 183 performing arts 145, 203, 216 PG One 78, 80 Philharmonic Radio Taipei 209 PLA National Defence University 60 Poland 154 Policy Address 127, 133, 137-138, 144 political culture 22, 65, 121, 123, 151, 161, 195, 294, 307 political demonstrations 118 political discourse 76, 147 political ecology 13, 41, 302 political fronts 275 political handover 147 political ideology/ideologies 12, 41, 59-60, 73, 82, 280, 283, 293, 308, 313 political interference 138 political powers 291 political reasons 141 political stability 280, 307 political system 31, 181 politicization 130, 137, 146, 292 popular and world music 35 popular culture 65, 76, 120, 210 popular folk tunes 61 popular music 26, 35, 42, 64, 84, 97, 123, 145, 160, 178, 198, 200, 208, 210, 213, 238-240, 242, 255, 257, 262, 265-267, 278-279, 290, 294, 308 positive education changes 268 post-handover Hong Kong 121, 133, 138 post-socialist mode 88 powerful memories 124 power-knowledge 311

PRC 14, 56, 58, 60, 62, 64, 68, 70, 74, 78, 80-81, 86, 91, 112-113, 116, 118-122, 125, 129-131, 137-138, 141, 144, 146-147, 149-150, 152, 156-157, 160, 177, 182, 185, 187-188, 199, 234, 238, 274, 276, 280-281, 283-284, 287, 290, 315 preferred music style 290 pre-service teacher education 239, 263, 266, 279 President Xi’s Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics 92 primary school teachers 250, 255, 259 pro-Beijing patriotic schools 119 pro-democracy camp 141 professional development 240, 242, 262-263, 266-268, 280, 290, 308, 317 professional teacher development 266 pro-government lawmakers 141 pro-Mainland propaganda 134-135 Propaganda Department 63, 65-67, 70 propaganda songs 83 Protestant congregations 145 public discourse 181, 310 Purdur 210 Putonghua 86, 114, 120, 126, 149, 154, 176 Qing Dynasty 58, 111, 138, 176, 178, 189 Quality Education Fund 148 quantitative and qualitative results 275 radical changes 13 re-sinification 147, 157 responding means 249, 257, 260, 263-264, 278, 282, 284, 291, 308 revolutionary songs 61-62, 64, 81, 92, 94 rock music 152, 211 role of culture 24, 274 Roman Catholic Church 145 Royal Danish Academy of Music 89 Russia 95, 154, 177 Samingad 198, 210 SAR 144, 284 Scholarism 131 school curriculum 12, 92, 97, 137, 158, 194, 256, 267, 276, 281, 293 schooling and society 43 Scotland 154 Second Sino-Japanese War 60, 80 Secretary for Home Affairs 144, 149 Secret Garden 96, 219 Shandong 58 Shen Xin-gong 59, 145 Shinto 185 significant difference 246, 250, 253, 257, 264 Singapore 137, 211, 237, 302 Sinicization 185, 188, 294 Sino-British Orchestra 144 Smith, Anthony 25, 29 social and cultural life 277 social and political movements 292

340 

GLOBALIZATION, NATIONALISM, AND MUSIC EDUCATION

social change(s) 11-12, 15, 35, 98, 302, 313 social conflicts 64 social construction of knowledge 291 social contexts 34, 274, 309 social control 25, 31, 274, 311 Social Credit System 79 social differentiation 30 social equality 30, 90 social harmony campaign 152 socialist education 84, 92, 97, 316 social media 14, 80, 82, 238-239, 241 social policy 43 social reproduction 30 societal order 280 sociology 17, 22, 28, 30, 43 Sony 211 South Korea 96, 211, 302 Spain 154 spatial relations 274 Spring Festival Gala 74 State Education Commission 67 St. Francis’ Canossian College 143 Sunflower and Umbrella Movements 13 Sun Yat-sen 180, 186, 188 survey questionnaires 219, 238-239, 241 sustainable development 154, 294 Taipei 180, 183, 189, 198 Taipei Opera Theatre 209 Taipei Symphony Orchestra 209 Taiwan 97, 177-179, 183-184, 187-189, 191-194, 196, 198-199, 202-203, 209, 214, 240, 290 Taiwan consciousness 11, 286 Taiwan Constitution Association 183 Taiwanese folk songs 202 Taiwaneseness 196, 316 Taiwanese Opera 190, 196-197, 201, 203 Taiwanese popular songs 197-198 Taiwanese society 181, 208, 211, 217, 219, 262, 281 Taiwanese state 285 Taiwan Grand Shrine 185 Taiwan Huguo Shrine 185 Taiwan Independence Movement 193 Taiwan Independence Party 183 Taiwan Province 39, 130, 185 Taiwan’s Nationalists 180 Taiwan Solidarity Union 183 Tam, Roman 124 Tao, David 211 Taobao 70 teacher education 12, 15, 22, 40-41, 129, 159, 161, 237, 242, 244, 253, 256, 264, 266, 275, 279, 282, 289, 294, 302, 304-306, 309, 312-313, 315-316 teacher education programmes 279, 304, 306, 313 teachers’ professional role 279, 306 teacher training 243, 253, 265-266, 285, 290, 305, 310 teaching ethnic music 281

teaching multicultural music 250, 281 teaching practices 12 techniques and pedagogies 289 Thailand 302, 313 theoretical framework 13, 65 Three Principles of the People 42, 180, 186-188 Tiananmen 64 Tianfu Shibian 77 Tibetans 94 Tokyo 141 top-down political campaign 69 Toronto 141 traditional Chinese and Western cultures 161 traditional Chinese culture 14, 42, 84, 123, 148, 161, 195, 240, 253, 278, 287 traditional Chinese instruments 158, 211 traditional practices 23 transmission of knowledge 160, 274 transnational companies 211 Treaty of Versailles 58-59 Tsai Ing-wen 11, 78, 183-184, 193, 197, 308 Tsai, Jolin 203, 211 Tseng Yu-chian 209 Tseng Yu-chien 209 Tung Chee-hwa 121, 133, 137 United States 87, 116, 154, 181, 193, 216, 312 Universal 211 university student unions 131, 141 values education 12-13, 16, 83, 215, 217, 242, 248, 276, 294 various music cultures 281 Versailles Peace Conference 58-59 visual arts 145, 201 Volkswagen bus 77 Wales 154 Wang, Leehom 211 Warner 211 War of Resistance against Japan 69 Weibo 235, 238 Western and non-Western popular music 35 Western-based musical knowledge 42 Western classical music 35, 189, 243, 256, 282, 287-288, 302 Westernization 26, 35, 208 Western music 29, 41, 97, 145, 153, 159-160, 213, 238, 262, 267-268, 278, 289-290, 308 Western powers 58, 64, 116 Western R & B 211 Western rock and roll 34 Wong, James 124 Woo, Joseph 124 world music 35, 42, 97, 154, 160, 177, 208, 211, 215, 238, 242, 250, 252-253, 260, 262, 266, 275, 278-280, 288-291, 304, 308-309 World Trade Organization 73 Wu Bai 197

341

Index

Xian Xinghai 81, 83 Xi Jinping, president 56, 236, 307 Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism 56, 283 Xinhua News Agency 92, 119, 149 Xin Xinghai 60 Yan’an 60, 81, 152 Yang Zhao-zhen 202 Yellow River 75, 81, 151

Yellow River Cantata 81 Yeung, Kevin 132, 138 Zeng Zhimin 59 Zhao Yuanren 60 Zheng Chenggong 176 Zhoudan Kid’s Singing Classroom 82 Zhou Xuan 60