Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities 2020043460, 2020043461, 9781799873433, 9781799873440, 9781799873457, 9781799849759

Citation preview

Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism: Emerging Research and Opportunities

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Emily Stacey Rose State College, USA

A volume in the Advances in Public Policy and Administration (APPA) Book Series

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Published in the United States of America by IGI Global Information Science Reference (an imprint of IGI Global) 701 E. Chocolate Avenue Hershey PA, USA 17033 Tel: 717-533-8845 Fax: 717-533-8661 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.igi-global.com Copyright © 2021 by IGI Global. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or distributed in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, without written permission from the publisher. Product or company names used in this set are for identification purposes only. Inclusion of the names of the products or companies does not indicate a claim of ownership by IGI Global of the trademark or registered trademark.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Names: Stacey, Emily, 1984- author. Title: Global politics, political participation, and the rise of Nationalism : emerging research and opportunities / by Emily Stacey. Description: Hershey : Information Science Reference, [2021] | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Summary: “This work focuses on the role of nationalist ideologies and policy prescriptions arising in nation-states around the world and highlights the rise of contemporary American nationalism in relation to the Tea Party that turned into the Alt-Right movement, encompassing traditional and white nationalist ideologies, the individuals using nationalist rhetoric to campaign and/or govern, and how the international community will change as a result of nationalism’s resurgent popularity”-- Provided by publisher. Identifiers: LCCN 2020043460 (print) | LCCN 2020043461 (ebook) | ISBN 9781799873433 (Hardcover) | ISBN 9781799873440 (Paperback) | ISBN 9781799873457 (eBook) Subjects: LCSH: Nationalism--Political aspects--Cross-cultural studies. | COVID-19 (Disease)--Political aspects. | Populism--United States. | Trump, Donald, 1946---Influence. | Black nationalism. | Mass media and nationalism. Classification: LCC JC311 .S69 2021 (print) | LCC JC311 (ebook) | DDC 320.54--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020043460 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020043461 This book is published in the IGI Global book series Advances in Public Policy and Administration (APPA) (ISSN: 2475-6644; eISSN: 2475-6652) British Cataloguing in Publication Data A Cataloguing in Publication record for this book is available from the British Library. All work contributed to this book is new, previously-unpublished material. The views expressed in this book are those of the authors, but not necessarily of the publisher. For electronic access to this publication, please contact: [email protected].

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Advances in Public Policy and Administration (APPA) Book Series ISSN:2475-6644 EISSN:2475-6652 Editor-in-Chief: Emily Stacey, Rose State College, USA Mission

Proper management of the public sphere is necessary in order to maintain order in modern society. Research developments in the field of public policy and administration can assist in uncovering the latest tools, practices, and methodologies for governing societies around the world. The Advances in Public Policy and Administration (APPA) Book Series aims to publish scholarly publications focused on topics pertaining to the governance of the public domain. APPA’s focus on timely topics relating to government, public funding, politics, public safety, policy, and law enforcement is particularly relevant to academicians, government officials, and upper-level students seeking the most up-to-date research in their field. Coverage

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

• Government • Law Enforcement • Political Economy • Politics • Public Administration • Public Funding • Public Policy • Resource Allocation • Urban Planning

IGI Global is currently accepting manuscripts for publication within this series. To submit a proposal for a volume in this series, please contact our Acquisition Editors at [email protected] or visit: http://www.igi-global.com/publish/.

The Advances in Public Policy and Administration (APPA) Book Series (ISSN 2475-6644) is published by IGI Global, 701 E. Chocolate Avenue, Hershey, PA 17033-1240, USA, www.igi-global.com. This series is composed of titles available for purchase individually; each title is edited to be contextually exclusive from any other title within the series. For pricing and ordering information please visit http://www.igi-global.com/book-series/advances-public-policyadministration/97862. Postmaster: Send all address changes to above address. Copyright © 2021 IGI Global. All rights, including translation in other languages reserved by the publisher. No part of this series may be reproduced or used in any form or by any means – graphics, electronic, or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, taping, or information and retrieval systems – without written permission from the publisher, except for non commercial, educational use, including classroom teaching purposes. The views expressed in this series are those of the authors, but not necessarily of IGI Global.

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Titles in this Series

For a list of additional titles in this series, please visit:

http://www.igi-global.com/book-series/advances-public-policy-administration/97862

Processual Perspectives on the Co-Production Turn in Public Sector Organizations Anja Overgaard Thomassen (Aalborg University, Denmark) and Julie Borup Jensen (Aalborg University, Denmark) Information Science Reference • © 2021 • 340pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781799849759) • US $195.00 Handbook of Research on Global Challenges for Improving Public Services and Government Operations Cenay BABAOĞLU (Selçuk University, Turkey) Elvettin AKMAN (Süleyman Demirel University, Turkey) and Onur KULAÇ (Pamukkale University, Turkey) Information Science Reference • © 2021 • 622pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781799849780) • US $295.00 Behavioral-Based Interventions for Improving Public Policies Viorel Mihaila (University of Bucharest, Romania) Information Science Reference • © 2021 • 305pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781799827313) • US $195.00 Examining International Land Use Policies, Changes, and Conflicts G. N. Tanjina Hasnat (University of Chittagong, Bangladesh) and Mohammed Kamal Hossain (University of Chittagong, Bangladesh) Information Science Reference • © 2021 • 439pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781799843726) • US $195.00 Effects of E-Authoritarianism and E-Protest on Contemporary Society Nygmet Ibadildin (KIMEP University, Kazakhstan) Information Science Reference • © 2020 • 300pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781799828631) • US $185.00

For an entire list of titles in this series, please visit:

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

http://www.igi-global.com/book-series/advances-public-policy-administration/97862

701 East Chocolate Avenue, Hershey, PA 17033, USA Tel: 717-533-8845 x100 • Fax: 717-533-8661 E-Mail: [email protected] • www.igi-global.com

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Table of Contents

Preface................................................................................................................... vi Chapter 1 Introduction.............................................................................................................1 Chapter 2 Strands of Nationalism: Theory and Application.................................................17 Chapter 3 The Politics of Pandemics: Nationalism vs. Public Health...................................48 Chapter 4 The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement...........74 Chapter 5 Black Lives Still Matter (2020): Ethnonationalism in the 21st Century..............96 Chapter 6 The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements...............131

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Chapter 7 The Future of the American Nationalist Movements..........................................153 Related Readings............................................................................................... 167 About the Author.............................................................................................. 211 Index................................................................................................................... 212

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

vi

Preface

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Explaining Contemporary Nationalism This work focuses on the role of nationalist ideologies and policy prescriptions arising in nation-states around the world. There are numerous consequential implications of countries, democratic and non-democratic (including the United States and United Kingdom) turning inward and the response by the global community to mutual concerns, such as the fight against the Islamic State, climate change, or coordinating responses to pandemics such as COVID-19 (2020). The work also provides insight into the wave of nationalism that has permeated the international community and led to increased isolationism as well as creeping authoritarianism as a result of the Coronavirus (COVID-19) outbreak and prolific spread. The work will touch on the juxtaposition to the nationalism espoused by President Trump and members of his administration with opposition movements and foreign leaders who until 2020 (and the pandemic) have collectively presented a commitment to the alliances that have served the world order for 50-plus years. The work highlights the rise of contemporary American nationalism in relation to the Tea Party that turned into the Alt-Right movement, encompassing traditional and white nationalist ideologies, the individuals using nationalist rhetoric to campaign and/or govern, and how the international community will change as a result of nationalism’s resurgent popularity. The role of the internet, through social media platforms, is emphasized as a crucial facilitator of discourse and mobilizer of participants in the public sphere. Nationalist ideologies have become a force in contemporary global politics on both sides of the political spectrum, from the Alt-Right to the rise of the Indigandos (anti-austerity movement in Spain that took on new life as the Occupy movements around the world), to the resurgence of Antifa, associated with the resistance movement against Donald Trump’s presidency. The recent rise of so-called ‘populism’ and the threat of authoritarian leaders seizing

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Preface

more control should be and is alarming to advocates of democracy in recent years. In countries like Poland, Hungary, Turkey, and even the United States have elected leaders upon their nationalist appeal to the people, offering often xenophobic and diversity-adverse solutions to societal problems. Many argue it is “in part [because], voters are frustrated with the political establishment, but they also have concerns about globalization, immigration, a dilution of national identity and the European Union” (BBC News, 2019). The decline in democratic nations in recent times has left a gap that populist leaders are eager to fill. DeCleen (2017) argues “populists mobilize and simultaneously stimulate or reinforce dissatisfaction with ‘the elite’ for its – real and/or perceived – frustration or endangerment of a number of popular demands, interests or identities.” By agitating the people, and having them associate their ills (economic, political, social, psychological) with this ‘elite group’ they are introducing the “chain of equivalence”, which Laclau and Mouffe (2001) noted is symbolized by the people. DeCleen (2017) notes that “what brings different demands and identities together in this populist articulatory chain – what makes them ‘equivalent’ – is the fact and/or impression that they are all frustrated and endangered by the same ‘elite’. In spatial-orientational terms, then, populism is structured around a vertical, down/up axis that refers to power, status, and hierarchical socio-cultural and/or socio-economic positioning.” When the first iteration of this text was written (August 2017), the focus was on the American response to nationalism domestically and the rise of Donald Trump’s brand of politics and populism. There has been, in the three years since President Trump ascending to office, an arguably necessary resurgence of civilian participation in their democracy. While some participation and ideology has been espoused to solidify bonds of similarity as in the white nationalist movement, others seek to maintain the constitutional democracy that they perceive to be eroding under the administration of Donald Trump and similar regimes throughout the international community. Citizens in the U.S. and around the world are reacting to the surge in immigration, refugees seeking new homes, and the downward turn of global markets (associated with the 2007-08 recession), which caused an influx of nationalist ideologies to spread. This resurgence of nationalism was foreshadowed by Rachman (2014) following the election of Indian President Modi (known as the Hindu nationalist), and came to fruition in the Western world during the 2015 in European parliamentary elections and finally, the campaign and election of Donald J. Trump in the U.S. (2016). While Rachman (2014) argued the world would survive this resurgence of nationalism in 2015, he could not

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

vii

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Preface

have predicted the American electorate taking such a sharp turn both to the far right, and inward. This turn inward has occurred among the global leaders (the U.S., U.K., and Germany in late 2017) whose populations have become outspoken critics of multiculturalism, globalism, and more locally, the rise of immigrants around the world, which are now perceived as a threat to national values and culture. At the time of writing, April 2020, the world is in the midst of a pandemic – a virus that has befallen the international community with origins in Wuhan, China, yet the spread has been far-reaching, and the existence and intense proliferation of Coronavirus (COVID-19) throughout late 2019 and into Spring 2020, has led to solidification of executive authority in democratic and non-democratic states alike as more nationalist leaning leaders are using this very real and prescient public health threat to legitimize semi-authoritarian or outright authoritarian power grabs under the guise of national security and protecting the national interest. Nationalism promotes a sense among members of the nation that they are unique or exceptional, and that the shared culture of the nation must be protected from foreign influence. This exaltation of ideologies that pit racial, ethnic, religious, and other identity groups against the mainstream (or dominant) culture has manifested numerous public demonstrations that center around the hatred of the Other, instead of uniting the nation under the same flag. The National Review claims, “…since Pearl Harbor, America has been strongly nationalist in spirit”, and that “American nationalism fits comfortably alongside economic and traditional conservatism, strengthening the ideological coalition” (Fonte & O’Sullivan, 2016). Yet the nationalism espoused by Trump and his administration is quite different than traditional nationalist ideologies that promote civic or economic commitment to the United States. Trump nationalism has widespread consequences in the globalized world, including economic considerations but more importantly, in redefining the world order. Are nation-states going to turn increasingly inward at the expense of international cooperation, at the expense of say the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) alliance or the fight to combat climate change or the Islamic State? Nationalism can be a dangerous ideology when it is harnessed by politicians to overinflate national interests over that of the global community, (which can harm the national population as an unintended consequence). Climate change has global implications as does the fight against radical jihadism in the form of the Islamic State, both efforts which to this point have been largely spearheaded by the United States and allies are now questionable, viii

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Preface

as the U.S. has withdrawn from the Paris Climate Accord and Russia has taken a much more active role in Syria (arguably to ensure the continuation of the Assad regime after the removal of IS). The results of the U.S. turning away from its leadership position in the international community leaves a void that can be filled by powerful European countries such as Germany, or by non-committal allies such as Russia which has re-inserted its’ national politics in many regions in Europe, most recently in the Baltic Sea region and Ukraine. Nationalism has not only reached the Western world, but as stated has been used to elect Modi in India, and has resulted in a build-up of the Japanese military, 75 years after World War II, which according to Lendon (2016) “comes as the country faces shifting security dynamics in the region, with a newly elected US president who looks poised to upend the diplomatic playbook and redraw the geopolitical map”. The international community has a more prescient concern that Lendon (2016) alludes to: North Korea. In September 2017, North Korea tested its sixth nuclear weapons test in the history of the nation (which has been deemed a “perfect success” by the regime), and comes at a time when the Trump Administration has escalated the tension between North Korea and the U.S. as well as allies in the region (Dewan, Lee, & Watkins, 2017). The latest test has elicited the most calculated response by the administration (although the “fire and fury” statement was aggressive, it came across as vague and largely symbolic as it was followed by no action). Defense Secretary General Mattis promised a “massive military response” to any threat from North Korea to the U.S. or its allies” (Dewan, Lee, & Watkins, 2017). Militarily, nationalism entails a more unilateral role for the U.S. in international affairs, as Trump has promised on the campaign trail with his bemoaning of a “free-loading world that takes Washington leaders as fools” (The Economist, 2016). Again, this can be extremely dangerous as the geopolitical conflicts seem to be increasing daily and Trump insistent on showing the strength of America, while simultaneously chiding our allies about their lack of support. Take the NATO, which has been in existence since 1949, this organization is a collection of European nations and the U.S. that have a military pact to protect and respond to common threats. Trump has repeatedly claimed that NATO ally members do not pay a fair share for U.S. protection and has vowed at times to renegotiate the alliance agreement or simply remove the U.S. from the organization altogether. Trump made a crucial speech to the NATO allies in late May 2017 in his first address to the member countries, most of whom hoped that the new American president would use the moment to reconfirm the U.S.’s commitment to upholding the

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

ix

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Preface

military alliance at a critical time (particularly for Eastern European nations that are in the direct path of Putin’s Russia and his desire to spread influence in the region). Instead, Trump shocked both member states as well as his own foreign policy team by failing to speak on the ever-important Article 5 provision of the NATO treaty, which if invoked would require all members to respond to the attack, in summary, Article 5 is an affirmation that “an attack on one [ally] is an attack on all” (Herb, 2017). Instead, President Trump used this critical moment to again deride the relevancy of the institution as a whole, and then chide member nations about how much money the U.S. was putting into the organization versus everyone else (Glasser, 2017). This is an important and not to be forgotten omission by the American president, as the only time in the history of the NATO alliance that Article 5 was invoked directly followed the September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States. The implications of Trump’s ambivalence regarding the NATO alliance could be wide reaching as the administration has increased the number of troops in Afghanistan (the number is reportedly in the thousands but there has been no official confirmation) (Michaels, 2017), threatened to get involved in the ongoing constitutional crisis in Venezuela, as the U.S. and other nations continue to remove the Islamic State from Iraq and Syria, and of course, in response to the threat of a nuclear North Korean regime. As former director of the National Security Agency and Central Intelligence Agency, Michael Hayden stated, “the military options are bad. They are not zero. We have got them – but none of them are good” (CNN, 2017). As the aggressive rhetoric between the U.S. and North Korea intensifies, the nationalism that the White House is espousing and adhering to might be more harmful than helpful. The president tweeted a reactionary statement on September 3 in response to the North Korean nuclear bomb test, warning China (an economic ally of both the U.S. and North Korea) that the U.S. is considering “stopping trade with any country doing business with North Korea” (Dewan, Lee, & Watkins, 2017). Trump’s brand of nationalism leaks out into his policies and statements on potential policy, it is a surprisingly interventionist foreign policy position coming from candidate Trump, who leaned more libertarian in the few statements on international relations that are on record. Eliminating trade relations with China would mean a vast increase to consumer goods in the United States, with $480 billion of imported goods from the country in 2016 alone, making China the largest trading partner (Dewan, Lee, & Watkins, 2017). The idea that the United States can ‘go it alone’ on all policy matters, particularly economic and military policy is short-sighted but is fed by nationalist ideologies that perpetuate the U.S. as exceptional and selfx

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Preface

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

reliant. The list of countries with which trade would be stopped is extensive and beyond China, includes powerful economic partners such as Germany, India, Taiwan, France, Mexico, and Turkey. Although the international community has called Trump’s bluff on his veiled threat to cut economic ties with countries dealing with North Korea, as ending trade relations with just China alone would “trigger a protectionist spiral that would create a global recession”, it would not be out of the realm of possibility, as Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin has claimed he would be “draft[ing] a sanctions package to send to the president for his strong consideration” (Borger et al., 2017). Trump went so far as to deride South Korea for “appeasing” its nuclear neighbor to the north, placing judgment on a newly elected liberal regime in South Korea whose president has indicated a willingness to pursue diplomatic solutions to the nuclear threat as opposed to following along with the strong talk of the American president (Thrush & Landler, 2017). Former Obama national security official Ely Ratner highlighted the problem with Trump attacking South Korea over trade and diplomacy with its closest neighbor, arguing “in a circumstance where we’re going to need close cooperation with not only South Korea but China as well, he is coming out swinging at all of them rather than trying to build support and coordination” (Thrush & Landler, 2017). The Trump threat also includes consideration of dropping a major trade agreement with South Korea. It has been U.S. foreign policy for decades to involve neighboring countries in the North Korean situation that has intensified over the last few years, particularly China and South Korea, as they would have the most to lose should a military conflict ensue. Yet with every veiled or not-so-veiled threat, Trump is pushing once-U.S. allies to the breaking point, where it becomes questionable whose military will actually show up should America engage North Korea, or vice versa. Obviously strong condemnation of the North Korean regime is necessary, but many political scientists and average Americans alike are questioning the president’s need to poke at allies in the region who are most likely to make an impact on the decision-making of Kim Jong-Un, particularly South Korea where hundreds of thousands of U.S. military officials are stationed.

Considering Economic Nationalism Economic nationalism is a brand of nationalism that emphasizes domestic control over the economy, but more specifically, the goods imported and exported to the homeland and a preference for domestically made products. McCarthy argues that “where economic nationalism is concerned, the

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

xi

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Preface

abstraction against which tariffs and industrial policies are weighed is a pristine market in which there are no pre-existing distortions arising from political influence”, this is where “optimal efficiency prevails” (2020). Economic nationalism has become the antithesis of globalism and a driving force in modern global politics, with the uncertainty within the currency market (stability of the Eurozone, Brexit economic consequences, etc.), the rise of trade conflicts and all-out trade wars between high impact actors, such as the United States versus China under the Trump Administration. This type of nationalism is also most closely associated with Trump’s Buy American, Sell American mantra as well as a fairly hollow executive order signed in early 2017 that encourages the “maximization” of domestic goods and products (Phillip, 2017). Yet in practice, the majority of his business dealings occur either outside of the U.S. borders or involve the hiring of foreigners on work visas to save money (Phillip, 2017). Drezner (2017) notes that the economic nationalism emanating from Trump’s administration (which came largely from the now removed Steve Bannon), “…is an effort to reward nontradable sectors at the expense of tradable sectors…Infrastructure, spending, deregulation and protectionism will benefit sectors like, say, housing, or coal and oil…[while] trade and immigration barriers will hurt sectors like tech, commercial aviation, and higher education”. Another Trump Administration policy reevaluation has a direct tinge of nationalism, and involves immigration reform, one of the red meat topics for white nationalists and moderate conservatives alike. Trump announced in September 2017 that the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program (known as DACA) would be assessed and possibly ended, although he deferred the issue to Congress, which takes some of the attention and blame away from the executive office. DACA is a program for illegal immigrants who were brought over as children by their parents, and has benefited nearly 800,000 people. The program allows children of illegal immigrants who came to the U.S. before age 16, the opportunity to remain in the country to allow them to work and study after reaching age 18, if they meet certain conditions (which do include not having a serious criminal record and graduating from high school) (Krogstad, 2017). Immigrants who meet the DACA requirements are able to remain in the U.S. for two years without fear of deportation, and the benefits are renewable. The nationalism found in this policy is selfevident; if there are fewer immigrants in the job pool, then hiring American becomes not just a policy suggestion, but a de facto mandate. Some of the major actors in American business have condemned the thought of ending DACA. In fact, Mark Zuckerberg, founder of Facebook (who is rumored to be xii

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Preface

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

mulling a 2020 White House run) co-founded a pro-immigration organization (FWD.us) with Bill Gates and other technology industry giants (Fox, 2017). President of FWD.us Todd Schulte argued, “At least 75 percent of the largest companies in America has someone who identifies as a DACA employee, which means its much higher” (Fox, 2017). Trump’s executive inaction on DACA, pushing the problem to Congress to fix comes as Hurricane Harvey relief is beginning to reach a federal level. It is estimated that almost 200,000 of the total 800,000 DACA recipients live in Texas (Aguilar, 2017) and in a disaster relief situation, where over 40,000 people have been displaced it is not clear how the Texas or federal government will deal with illegal immigrants who attempt to file for relief and aid. Obviously, nationalists will argue that only citizens deserve aid from the government, yet the human element of losing everything one owns to a natural disaster and then being deported does not play well politically on either side of the spectrum. Combine the DACA decision with the larger immigration reform touted by both candidate and President Trump, which includes the so-called Muslim (or travel) ban that is awaiting a Supreme Court hearing in the Fall 2017 session, and many of the industries that Drezner (2017) noted would be impacted are in fact seeing what effect the new administration is having on their business. Loizos (2017) reported in January, just after the original travel ban executive order was implemented that Silicon Valley leaders have started to create subsidiaries of their companies in Canada and moving their immigrant workers north. She notes, “The broader idea is interesting, and that’s for employees to keep their current jobs with their current employers but to have the option to work via a wholly owned Canadian subsidiary that can provide them with protected status in the event the U.S. changes its employment regulations” (Loizos, 2017). Numerous Canadian technology CEOs penned a letter in January asking Prime Minister Trudeau to allow for the easy entry of displaced people within the industry, a portion of it reads, The Canadian tech community also calls on the Canadian federal government to institute an immediate and targeted visa providing those currently displaced by the US Executive Order with temporary residency in Canada. This visa would allow these residents to live and work in Canada with access to benefits until such time as they can complete the application process for permanent residency if they so choose. We encourage provincial and municipal governments across Canada to lend support as they can (Loizos, 2017).

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

xiii

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Preface

Many academics and theorists have warned of a potential brain drain when it comes to Trump’s immigration policies, leading some of the world’s best and brightest away from the United States, which has long been a beacon of industry, particularly in research and development. For this brand of economic nationalism that promotes American workers over immigrants, there must be a reinvestment in domestic programs, most crucially both public and higher education, in order for American workers to be able to do the work of immigrants in sectors like medicine, technology, and academia. Sadly, the average American believes that the role immigrants play in society is lesser-than, that is, immigrants are doing work that Americans themselves do not want to do (which is true in some cases) but in others as described, there will be voids of knowledge and service if immigrants were to simply go away. In response to the election of Trump and his immigration policies, on February 16, 2017, immigrants from around the United States participated in ‘A Day Without Immigrants’. The immigrants collectively decided not to show up for work to give Americans an idea about what life would really be like without immigrants. Some employers in at least ten major U.S. cities showed support for their employees, but others reportedly fired employees who did not show up to work, the legality of which remains a grey area for employment attorneys (Lam, 2017). According to Lam (2017), “Fallout of the strikes will likely hit low-wage workers hardest, since their workplaces typically lack protections and benefits that make other workers less vulnerable”. However, it is not good policy for a democracy to punish workers for expressing their first amendment right to assemble and protest, no matter the issue or status of that worker. As Congress goes back to work in September 2017, a main issue they will have to tackle will be funding for Trump’s border wall, which he threatened to shut the government down over in August. Although the House of Representatives provided $1.6 billion in funding for the wall in July (Walsh & Herb, 2017), that amount will come out of taxpayer dollars, breaking the campaign promise made by Trump that Mexico will be paying for the wall. Congress will grapple with how to provide further funding for the wall amid other budgetary concerns, such as Hurricane Harvey relief as well as appropriating funds to allow the government to continue to function. Nationalism (in its various forms) has become a leading ideology in contemporary American politics, and yet many of its proponents do not have a clear grasp on what the implications of that nationalism will have on their everyday lives. In terms of economic nationalism, a turn inward means that prices on goods will rise if the U.S. is not getting the best deal on importing these goods or if the U.S. cuts trade off with the list of countries it has threatened xiv

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Preface

under the Trump Administration, most importantly, Mexico and China. The removal of DACA recipients, 91 percent of whom are employed according to FWD.us, would result in 30,000 DACA recipients losing their employment status and being deported per month, which could be devastating to the American economy (Fox, 2017). This announcement of DACA comes after President Trump used the executive power of the pardon on former Arizona Sheriff Joe Arpaio who was convicted of contempt of court and due to serve six months in jail over an immigration law passed in the state that allowed law enforcement to racially profile, leading to the detention of American citizens (Stern, 2017). One of the administration’s most visible and ardent followers of nationalism, Attorney General Jeff Sessions reportedly told President Trump that DACA is a legislative, not executive decision (echoing the disdain for the Obama-era policy which was implemented via executive order), and urged him to allow Congress to make the decision on the continuation of the program (Johnson, 2017). Again, this may be the more dangerous move for the Republican Party as a whole, as they will have to make a final decision on the program within six months, well before the 2018 midterm elections, and this decision could have a major impact on the re-election of many Republicans in Congress. This bleeding of the xenophobic nationalism plays well during the primary campaign (which of course, Trump does not have the pleasure of engaging in during the 2020 race), and although the general election race has not started in earnest, there are signs that Trump’s campaign is poised to use immigration as a wedge issue as red meat for his base (see July 15, 2020, Trump War Room Twitter account (@TrumpWarRoom) ‘MS-13 says Thanks Biden’ tweet below). Trump’s blended nationalism could have long-term consequences for the wider Republican brand, the United States as leader of the free world in the future, and the international community’s ability to cooperate and achieve shared goals.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

COVID-19 and the Global Isolationism The contemporary environment at the turn of the decade is in peril, this impending doom has been ushered in by many things, including the focus of this work, the turn towards nationalism. However, there have been important factors and catalysts that have made the deviation from the democratic path much easier for leaders to justify and for their citizenry to digest, most notably the global fight with the Coronavirus pandemic. The year 2020 started with the typical display of Trump nationalism (as discussed previously) in relation to foreign policy, in fact, writing in April 2020, it is difficult to believe that

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

xv

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Preface

just three months ago the United States was threatening and actively bombing Iranian targets in Iraq. However, mid-January the international community turned its collective attention towards a virus that at the time was ravaging parts of China, on January 11 the country reported its first death from the illness, and by January 20 the first cases of COVID-19 had extended to neighboring countries, such as Japan, South Korea, and Thailand (Bryson Taylor, 2020). The first case reached the United States (Seattle, Washington) by way of Wuhan on January 21, by the end of January 2020, the World Health Organization had declared a global health emergency related to coronavirus, regimes began restricting access to and outright closing their borders to travel, and the rest is pandemic history. International relations and comparativist scholars are certainly not surprised to see a collective chaos moment as the opportunity for authoritarian leaders to consolidate power and endow themselves with greater power, what is more striking is the number of defined democracies that are experiencing a turn toward a more powerful executive at the expense of civil liberties and rights. The United States and United Kingdom’s regimes have certainly used the global pandemic of 2020 as an advantageous time to increase what the executive level has the authority and ability to do. Great Britain quickly passed legislation to deal with the coronavirus that allows government ministries the “power to detain and isolate people indefinitely, ban public gatherings (including protests), shutdown ports and airports, and all with little oversight (Gebrekidan, 2020). Trump’s United States is not operating under democratic principles as sterling as once believed. The United States Justice Department similarly attempted to justify what can only be referred to as a denial of constitutional rights of due process when the department requested the legislature provided them with emergency powers, including “a plan to eliminate legal protection for asylum seekers and detain people indefinitely without trial” (Gebrekidan, 2020), only when the plan was met with opposition from both sides of the aisle did the Justice Department rescind its request and submit a proposal more in line with democratic values. The U.S. was among the first Western countries to ban travel into the country by any foreign nationals who had traveled to China within a two-week span beginning on January 31, a move that would trigger a closing of regions of countries, borders between countries, and travel throughout numerous countries around the world in effort to flatten the curve, or slow the spread of COVID-19. The international response to the coronavirus pandemic has been siloed and disjointed. There has been very little cooperative effort, summits, talks, xvi

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Preface

or coordination among industrial democracies, at the very least the G-7 countries. The nationalism and the subsequent policies that its advocates implement are designed to turn the focus of attention and resources from the problems of shared concern (global terrorism, climate change, nuclear disarmament, etc.) to domestic issues and increased isolationism. As nationalist ideologies and policies spread throughout the international community, it becomes inevitable that there is a reverse wave of democratization that supports (more) authoritarian regimes. For example, in 2019 according to the Freedom in the World report (Freedom House, 2019) sixty-four countries became less democratic, while only thirty-seven became more so. Should this trend continue it reinforces the argument that neo-nationalism a la Trump, Johnson, Modi, Putin, Erdogan, and so many more is causing a backslide in global democracy that is re-shaping the world order. There is a growing sense of doom within the foreign policy, international relations, comparative politics realms – the structure and organization of the international community is mutating, being driven by, at best, populist characters, and at worst, nationalist ideologues. As Stacey (2018) and many others have argued there has been an inward turn among nation-states’ politics and commitments to solving global problems; in the U.S. one could point to the election of Barack Obama and the Tea Party aftermath, which led to the rise of the Trump brand of politics, but this is a trend that cannot be blamed solely on Trump (though his existence and influence have exacerbated the spread of this brand of nationalism). The era of post-globalization and the intertwined international community has seemingly ended with the proliferation of neo-nationalism (a la Trump) and ushered in what Kaplan is referring to as “second phase of globalization”, one that is characterized by power blocs or spheres of influence competing against one another instead of the majority of nation-states benefiting from the global supply chain and an unfettered global market (Kaplan, 2020). Nationalism is back en vogue amongst global politicians looking to reshape the world order in their image and ideology, and are using the rhetoric of fear to justify and legitimize their less than democratic governance. Although there have been numerous catalysts for the deterioration of the utopian global society brought about by the end of the first phase of globalization, the spread of nationalism and the global COVID-19 pandemic are certainly crucial to the process (which this author believes began in 2007 with the rise of the Tea Party and spread of anti-regime/anti-capitalism opposition movements around the world), and will be explored extensively throughout this work. In terms of neo-nationalism, Rachman (2020) emphasizes an

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

xvii

Preface

important feature: borders. The era of globalization and its advocates touted the end of the nation-state and its rigid borders that defined its sovereignty, political reach, and influence; instead transnationalism was ushered in with the assistance of the internet and borders became porous to-and-for almost everything. However, neo-nationalism is defined by a return to strict delineation of and adherence to international laws respecting borders, this is true in the return of xenophobia in democratic elections around the world as politicians argue that citizens must focus on the nationals instead of foreigners within its borders. From Brexit to Wilders to Le Pen to Trump, fear of the Other (which often translates to cultural, religious, and/or ethnic differences) has played a role in mid-2010s electoral politics. The coronavirus has also put on display the lack of cooperation in the current global community in part due to that nationalist attitude (America First, for example). Rachman (2020) argues that borders are “returning with a vengeance – driven by the coronavirus.” The return of the nation-state to prominence due to the pandemic makes sense, as the State is the failsafe for society; when times are tough or there is a mass societal crisis, the citizens will look to the State for leadership and strength. The pandemic is reaffirming many nationalist policies and sentiments that were popular before the virus spread across the world, including isolationism, protectionism within the economy, and strict border control. The types of attitudes and laws that are being considered and passed to combat COVID-19 are authoritarian and unlikely to be reversed once the disease is ‘contained’. This work will consider the rise of neo-nationalism stemming from the Tea Party in the United States, Brexit and the era of the Tory Divorce from Europe, contemporary electoral politics that are helping in the spread of nationalist policies and leaders (providing a normalization of policies that are sometimes anti-democratic), the 2020 resurgence of Black Lives Matter after the death of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor, and the role of the coronavirus pandemic in helping to shape the world order to come.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

REFERENCES Aguilar, J. (2017). Report: Trump has decided to end Obama-end immigration program DACA. The Texas Tribune. Available from: https://www.texastribune. org/2017/09/03/report-trump-has-decided-how-move-forward-daca/ Beinart, P. (2017). What Trump Gets Wrong About Antifa. Atlantic (Boston, Mass.), 16(August). https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2017/08/ what-trump-gets-wrong-about-antifa/537048/ xviii

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Preface

Borger, J., Walters, J., & McCurry, J. (2017). Mattis on North Korea: any threat to the US will be met with ‘massive military response. The Guardian. Available from: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/sep/03/donaldtrump-condemns-very-hostile-north-korea-nuclear-test Bryson Taylor, D. (2020). A Timeline of the Coronavirus Pandemic. New York Times. Available from: https://www.nytimes.com/article/coronavirustimeline.html DeCleen, B. (2017). Populism and nationalism. In C. Rovira Kaltwasser, P. Taggart, P. Ostiguy, & P. Ochoa Espejo (Eds.), Handbook of Populism (pp. 342–362). Oxford University Press. Dewan, A., Lee, T., & Watkins, E. (2017). Mattis warns of ‘massive military response’ to NK nuclear threat. CNN. Available from: https://www.cnn. com/2017/09/03/politics/trump-north-korea-nuclear/index.html Donald Trump fails to endorse NATO’s mutual defence pledge. (2017). The Economist. Available from: https://www.economist.com/blogs/ democracyinamerica/2017/05/trump-s-trip Drezner, D. (2017). Who benefits from Bannon’s economic nationalism? The Washington Post. Available from: https://www.washingtonpost.com/ posteverything/wp/2017/02/07/who-benefits-from-bannons-economicnationalism/?utm_term=.3677cbff36de Europe and right-wing nationalism: A country-by-country guide. (2019). BBC News. from: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-36130006

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Fonte, J., & O’Sullivan, J. (2016). Donald Trump’s Win: American Nationalism Returns. National Review, 18(November). https://www.nationalreview.com/ article/442306/donald-trumps-win-american-nationalism-returns Fox, M. (2017). Almost every major US company is benefitting from DACA, Zuckerberg backed-group says. CNBC. Available from: https://www.cnbc. com/2017/09/01/almost-every-major-us-company-is-benefitting-from-dacazuckerberg-backed-group-says.html Freedom House. (2019). Freedom in the World 2019: Democracy in Retreat. Available from: https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/ democracy-retreat

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

xix

Preface

Gebrekidan, S. (2020). For Autocrats, and Others, Coronavirus is a Chance to Grab Even More Power. New York Times. Available from: https://www. nytimes.com/2020/03/30/world/europe/coronavirus-governments-power.html Glasser, S. (2017). Trump National Security Team Blindsided by NATO Speech. Politico Magazine. Available from: https://www.politico.com/magazine/ story/2017/06/05/trump-nato-speech-national-security-team-215227 Hayden not surprised by North Korea test (full interview). (2017). CNN. Available from: https://www.cnn.com/videos/world/2017/09/03/michaelhayden-entire-north-korea-hydrogen-bomb-test-sotu-intv.cnn Herb, J. (2017). What is Article 5? (And why it matters). CNN Politics. Available from: https://www.cnn.com/2017/07/06/politics/what-is-article5-nato-trump/index.html Johnson, E. (2017). Trump has decided to end DACA, with 6-month delay. Politico (Pavia, Italy), 3(September). https://www.politico.com/ story/2017/09/03/trump-dreamers-immigration-daca-immigrants-242301 Kaplan, R. (2020). Coronavirus Ushers in the Globalization We Were Afraid Of. Bloomberg. Available from: https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/ articles/2020-03-20/coronavirus-ushers-in-the-globalization-we-were-afraidof Krogstad, J. (2017). DACA ‘Dreamers’ face uncertain future under Trump. Pew Research Center. Available from: https://www.pewresearch.org/facttank/2017/09/01/unauthorized-immigrants-covered-by-daca-face-uncertainfuture/ Laclau, E., & Mouffe, C. (2001). Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (2nd ed.). Verso.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Lam, B. (2017). Fallout from ‘A Day Without Immigrants’. Atlantic (Boston, Mass.), 21(February). https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2017/02/ day-without-immigrants-2/517380/ Lendon, B. (2016). Resurgent Japan military ‘can stand toe to toe with anybody’. CNN. Available from: https://www.cnn.com/2016/12/06/asia/ japan-military-pearl-harbor-anniversary/index.html Loizos, C. (2017). Silicon Valley is making plans to move foreign-born workers to Canada. TechCrunch. Available from: https://techcrunch.com/2017/01/31/ in-silicon-valley-plotting-to-get-foreign-born-workers-to-vancouver/ xx

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Preface

Meyer, J. (2017). FBI, Homeland Security warn of more ‘antifa’ attacks. Politico (Pavia, Italy), 1(September). https://www.politico.com/story/2017/09/01/ antifa-charlottesville-violence-fbi-242235 Michaels, J. (2017). Trump stalls decision over troop increase in Afghanistan amid war strategy debate. USA Today. Available from: https://www.usatoday. com/story/news/world/2017/08/03/trump-afghanistan-dispute-stallsdecision-over-troop-increase/537397001/ Phillip, A. (2017). Trump signs ‘Buy American, Hire American’ executive order, promising to fight for American workers. The Washington Post. Available from: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/post-politics/wp/2017/04/18/ trump-signs-buy-american-hire-american-executive-order-promising-tofight-for-american-workers/?utm_term=.9215eb26bbd6 Queally, J., Oreskes, B., & Winton, R. (2017). After Bay Area violence, California debates classifying ‘antifa’ as a street gang. The LA Times. Available from: https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-antifa-gang-20170904story.html Rachman, G. (2014). Nationalism is back. The Economist. Available from: https://www.economist.com/news/21631966-bad-news-international-cooperation-nationalism-back Rachman, G. (2020). Nationalism is a side effect of coronavirus. Financial Times. Available from: https://www.ft.com/content/644fd920-6cea-11ea9bca-bf503995cd6f Stacey, E. (2018). Nationalism, Social Movements, and Technology. IGI Global.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Stern, M. (2017). How Republicans are extorting Trump into killing DACA. Slate. Available from: http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/ jurisprudence/2017/08/how_republicans_are_extorting_trump_into_killing_ daca.html Thrush, G., & Landler, M. (2017). Why Trump, After North Korea’s test, Aimed His Sharpest Fire at the South. The New York Times. Available from: https://www.nytimes.com/2017/09/03/us/trump-north-south-korea-nuclear. html

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

xxi

Preface

@TrumpWarRoom. (2020). Tweet: Joe Biden would stop deporting violent MS-13 gang members. Available from: https://twitter.com/TrumpWarRoom/ status/1283394885475852288?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Et weetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1283394885475852288%7Ctwgr%5E&ref_ url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.washingtonpost.com%2Fpolitics%2F2020%2 F07%2F16%2Ftrumps-flawed-rose-garden-assault-joe-biden%2F

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Walsh, D., & Herb, J. (2017). House approves spending bill with $1.6 billion for the border wall. CNN Politics. Available from: https://www.cnn. com/2017/07/27/politics/spending-bill-vote-border-wall-money/index.html

xxii

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

1

Chapter 1

Introduction ABSTRACT

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

This chapter introduces readers to concepts of nationalism in historic and modern contexts. The concept of Otherness and alienation that are a symptom and result of increased nationalism in modern politics is explored. The use of digital technologies, including social networking platforms by contemporary nationalist movements is highlighted, explaining the infuence that is aforded to average citizens via these tools. Communicative digital platforms are enabling dissent against both society and the state, and the egalitarian nature of digital technologies allows for the swift and often efective mobilization of protest that transcends the online into the public sphere.

The neoliberal, postmodern global order is dismantling. The action of a multitude of nation-state actors has compromised the ideals of the globalized world, notably the rise of nationalist movements that seek to turn societies around the world inward, and away from the cooperation (economic, social, and political) that has characterized the last three decades. Neo-Nationalism has become a predominant political ideology around the world, with various strands that fit into many cultures pre-existing concerns, prejudices, and normative ways of living. Nationalism is an extremely loose concept in modern politics, with some adhering to the more academic definition, which highlights the patriotism and intense loyalty an individual feels toward their nation over others. The idea that borders should correspond with national communities has been at the foundation of political legitimacy since the

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-7343-3.ch001 Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Introduction

French Revolution. It was used to justify the carving up of land after the fall of multiethnic empires and/or monarchies. According to Brubaker (2019),

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Nationalism was construed by key theorists as a major vector of historical development, central to the epoch-making political, social, economic and cultural transformations of modernity. It was construed of as involving a new principle of political legitimacy, a new mode of social and economic organization, a new kind of cultural identity and psychological orientation and a new form of imagined community (P. 47). Neo-nationalism, a wave of modern nationalist ideology and politics that emerged in the mid-2000s-early 2010s, uses tactics and discourse focused on the people, or populism. Populism and nationalism as political ideologies fit hand-in-glove, as nationalism seeks to root political and social decisions in the sovereignty of the nation, in the same manner that populism is rooted in the sovereignty of the people, and there are two ways in which the two ideologies can be used to mobilize a population. The first views populism as a type of nationalism, the people are the nation and vice versa (De Cleen & Stavrakakis, 2017; Stewart, 1969). The second used by more fringe elements of society, such as the AltRight, have co-opted the term and infused it with connotations of racism, xenophobia, misogyny, and various strands of nationalism are replacing the globalized manner of governance, where the concept of the nation or society is viewed as exceptional and unique, and a citizen’s loyalty to the socalled ‘traditional conception’ of the nation is often times over-exaggerated in public (see Vogel, 2017; Stark, 2016). The nativist form of nationalism, that which emphasizes the people of a nation, in a more Othering manner (us. vs. them) (Brubaker, 2019). Much of the politics of the 21st century have focused on a return to nationalism, and the identity politics that define “Otherness” (Said). In the last decade, this turn toward nationalist ideology on the part of right-wing political parties around the world has resulted in a xenophobic and dangerous rhetoric that blames immigrants and minority groups for the demise of cultural norms and traditional values, particularly in Western societies. It is precisely because nationalist discourse seeks to “restore ownership of the polity to the nation” (Brubaker, 2019, P. 51) that American nationalism is particularly dangerous, as the civil society in the 2

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Introduction

United States has been predicated on differences instead of similarities amongst its citizens. Nationalism explains some of the fervor emanating from the extreme right-wing conservative party (also known as the alt-right), yet there are various other fissures that have rendered U.S. politics divided and seemingly irreconcilable. The identity politics that plague the United States centers around not only racial and ethnic issues, but generational gaps that leave many Americans completely disconnected from their politicians, this is particularly true of the youth. This became quite evident in February 2020, when the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI) designated “raciallymotivated violent extremism to a national threat priority”, which puts those white nationalists/neo-Nazis in the same category as the Islamic State as far as the resources that the agency will expend to halt the spread of the ideology and violence (Owen, 2020). According to Christopher Wray, FBI Director, the agency made 107 domestic terrorism arrests in fiscal year 2019, similar to the amount of arrests for international terrorism (Owen, 2020). Wimmer argues that all types of nationalism maintain two foundations, “first, as members of the nation, understood as a group of equal citizens with a shared history and future political destiny, should rule the state, and second, that they should do so in the interests of the nation” (2019, P. 1). From that foundation it is clear to see why so many disaffected youth in the democratic West are turning away from the globalized world to their nation-state seeking among other things, equality, equity, economic and political opportunity, and acknowledgement. Nationalist politicians tend to borrow rhetoric from populism, in that they attempt to recognize those forgotten or silenced within a polity, exalting them to the forefront of national politics with the slightest mention and promise to shine light on their plight. Nationalism spread as a political ideology, in particular, because it “established a new hierarchy of rights between members (citizens) and nonmembers (foreigners)…it reinforced the Enlightenment ideal that all citizens should be equal in the eyes of the law” (Wimmer, 2019, P. 3). Again, even at its most base level, nationalism as a political ideology provides for winners (citizens) and losers (immigrants/ foreigners) who are not entitled to the same rights and/or privileges; a tenet of neo-Nationalism which focuses heavily on those belonging to the nationstate and those who do not. Yet nationalist ideations of Othering can (as previously stated) extend to those who do, in fact, belong to the nation (e.g.: African-Americans or Jewish-Americans), while insisting that these folks do not deserve the rights of nationals. It is when a demonization of Other occurs to express loyalty to the nation that nationalism becomes quite problematic, particularly in democratic

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

3

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Introduction

countries, such as the United States. Covert (2017) summarized the Trump brand of nationalism directly following the first instance of mass public racial violence in Charlottesville, Virginia, where white nationalists groups called a rally to condemn the state’s removal of confederate war monuments. Monuments to persons such as Robert E. Lee and Jefferson Davis who stood on the side of the southern states and their continuity of slave system in American economic development. These are wounds that have not healed in the American body politic. President Trump, was presented a moment that could either bring a nation together or severe the ties of unity that have been forged over a hundred years since the Reconstruction era following the Civil War. Trump “equated white supremacists with anti-racist activists” (Covert, 2017), those supremacists who chanted “Jews will not replace us”, Trump claimed they were “fine people…there to innocently protest” (Covert, 2017). This rhetoric is specifically despicable for an American president to utter in the 21st century, and has contributed to the mainstreaming of white nationalist and supremacist ideologies, not only in dialogue but marching down the streets of the world’s oldest democracy. As Brubaker (2019, P. 54) notes, “…the bounded collectivity may be indeed construed in ethnic or national terms, and the threatening ‘outside’ may be identified with actual or potential immigrants (or with ethnicized or racialized ‘internal outsiders’: those living on the inside who, even when they are citizens of the state, are not seen as belonging, or fully belonging, to the nation)”. Ethnic nationalism, thus, has made a vibrant comeback in global politics, as citizens from the U.S. to those voting in Brexit and Hungary for an increased focus on domestic problems. Throughout Europe in the late 2010s and into the new decade there has been a surprising resurgence of neo-Nazi and right-wing nationalist political actors/parties that are in direct opposition to initiatives that undermine national interests, such as the European Union and the steady flow of refugees (in other words, immigration). These parties have been gaining power in national legislatures and making concerted efforts to become executive branch officials. As Cederman notes, nouveau ethnic nationalism has certainly targeted new migration, however the “brunt … has targeted ethnic minorities that have long existed in countries” (2019), forcing generations of hyphenated citizens to decide between nationality and ethnicity. Nationalism, at its core, is “about the right (and perhaps the duty) of states to intervene in the market in order to defend their citizens and control the malignant effects of hyperglobalism: bringing jobs back home, supporting domestic production, limiting immigration, and raising tariffs” (Tamir, 2019). 4

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Introduction

Trump’s demagogue mentality and rhetoric is, however much he would like to believe it, is not new or novel. It harkens back to the 1930s when acclaimed publisher William Randolph Hearst initiated the ‘Buy American, Hire American’ campaign in which he claimed to put ‘America First’, with undertones of the same racial and ethnic discrimination of the Trump ideology. For Hearst, it was the threat of Japanese immigrants and their exports; today, it is the Mexicans, Chinese, people from Arab descent or Muslims outright. In both instances (Hearst and Trump), the main motivation was not simply racial, but economic which was used to create a fervor over immigrants taking hard earned American positions. There is no coincidence that Trump has adopted the ‘America First’ moniker as well as promotes an agenda that glorifies the good old days of American industry, such as coal at the expense of more pluralist industries like technology and research. To this point, Stephen Bannon, Trump’s former White House Chief Strategist argued that “when two-thirds or three-quarters of the CEOs in Silicon Valley are from South Asia or from Asia…it could undermine civic society” (Carman, 2016). According to Wimmer (2019), “The white working classes find populist nationalism attractive because it promises to prioritize their interests, shield them from competition from immigrants or lower-paid workers abroad, and restore their central and dignified place in the national culture.” For Cederman, the “scariest thing about today’s ethnic nationalism is that it could bring a return to the ills that accompanied its past ascendance: major violent upheavals both within and among countries” (2019). The social movement that Trump and the Alt-Right has established is a formidable force in modern American politics, a movement that seemingly threatens the majority of accepted American values, including equality, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness regardless of intrinsic characteristics. The American social movement has forever been sporadic process, which marked the last four decades at various moments, for different reasons, by stratified groups of the population. The mainstream public has vacillated from issues of environmental rights to social justice causes such as the Million Man March, Occupy Wall Street, and the LGBTQ movement. Contemporary American social movements have become more insular as marginalized or perceived marginalized groups argue their particular grievances against the system, status quo politics, and socioeconomic policies that have done little to safeguard the industrial/service-based American economy. Periods of American activism have been accompanied by a deep apathy among citizens regarding their role in the traditional political processes, which only deepened with the U.S. presidential election in 2016. This work focuses on

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

5

Introduction

global nationalist movements in the age of instantaneous connection via the internet, and examines the use of social media and digital platforms in coalescing and mobilizing these movements, taking them from the virtual space to the public sphere, and what impact these movements have had on global politics in the present-day. The movements of focus in this work are the development of the Tea Party into Alt-Right beginning in 2009, and resulting in the election of Donald Trump in 2016, and the global realignment to more nationalist, authoritarian politics as a result of exhausted globalism, the depletion of the interconnectedness and cooperative international community that existed in the era of globalization and directly after until roughly the 2010s. American movements were fomented out of intense anger, disbelief in a sociopolitical system that was not benefitting the membership, and the desire to establish an unwavering block of the electorate that could incite changes in their circumstance. Yet only one movement focused itself on electoral changes – the Tea Party/Alt-Right, and for better or worse, the political change that this movement has been responsible for has become internationally legitimized with the election of 2016. The work will also focus on the contemporary Coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic and how this urgent public health crisis is causing a shift toward more nationalist (and often more authoritarian) policies and leaders who use strongman rhetoric to convince vulnerable populations that they can cure what ails the polity.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Communicating Nationalism Like other contemporary sociopolitical movements (and even terrorist organizations – See Stacey 2017), global nationalists have taken advantage of the ubiquity and ease of access to digital technologies, in particular more recently, social media platforms to spread ideology, build a base of support, and mobilize said base in the real world (e.g.: at a Unite the Right or Antifa rally in real life (IRL)). Platforms such as Gab, Facebook, Twitter, 4Chan and 8Chan, as well as Reddit have been used to communicate the rhetoric of nationalism and advocate for (and sometimes plan and announce) acts of violence against various minority populations (particularly in the United States). For example, a recent incident of domestic terrorism and nationalist violence involved a Trump-ian manifesto that was posted on 8Chan claiming that the attack was due to the “Hispanic invasion of Texas” before the killer went on a shooting spree in an El Paso, Texas Wal-Mart shopping center, 6

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Introduction

killing 23 people (Felton, 2020). Anders Breivik emailed a 1500 page manifesto to over five thousand people entitled, 2083 – A European Declaration of Independence, in which he critiques globalism and multiculturalism as well as warns of the Muslim immigration threat to Norway, among numerous references to Christianity. Breivik attacked parts of Oslo on July 22, 2011, the manifesto was emailed just hours before the attack was perpetrated; a fertilizer bomb that was detonated outside of the Prime Minister’s office that killed eight bystanders and injured hundreds more; and Breivik went on a shooting spree at a Labor Party youth political camp in a nearby town of Utoya, killing 69 people, most of whom were the teenage participants in the camp. The manifesto still lives on via numerous websites, and easily accessible and ready to indoctrinate the minds of folks like Dylann Roof. The copycat and one-upping of nationalist violence seems to have become a game on the less tasteful parts of the internet, and the posting of hate-filled literature and calls for violence against various minority or groups of diverse people has become commonplace in 21st century digital discourse. Glaser (2019) reports the El Paso shooter reported being inspired by another manifesto and mass killing spree that was live-streamed in Christchurch, New Zealand. The killer in New Zealand posted a lengthy essay that included a link to a Facebook Live broadcast of the attack on 8Chan, imploring viewers to share with others. It took Facebook 45 minutes to remove the shooting spree in Christchurch, which allowed it to be posted 1.5 million times in the first 24 hours after the attack (Glaser, 2019). Glaser describes 8Chan in the most eloquent of ways, “An anonymous, meme-filled internet backwater... [that has] long been a place for white supremacists to indoctrinate others – mostly young white men – into its bigoted ideologies” (2019). It is a tool for neonationalism given its demographic of users, who do tend to skew 18-30 years old, nevertheless it is not the only tool that has been used to communicate nationalist ideologies, plot attacks, and commensurate. 8Chan was created in the wake of Gamergate, (a digital harassment campaign targeting female and LGBTQ members of the gaming industry/sector), by Fredrick Brennan after 4Chan’s administrators banned threads relating to Gamergate that included personal information, such as phone numbers and addresses (Glaser, 2019). 8Chan has become a haven for content that is too controversial for 4Chan (which is saying a lot), for example, after the Poway, California synagogue attacker’s manifesto appeared on 8Chan, users began making comments about getting a “high score” and kill more than the Christchurch attack (Glaser, 2019). Thus becoming a hub for political extremism for predominately young white men.

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

7

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Introduction

Eriksen (2007) argues that in the era of globalization, the internet (thus its platforms and applications such SNS) has been used to strengthen national identities, seemingly the antithesis of the typical argument regarding the internet as the great border eraser. Certainly the internet and digital tools have been used to strengthen diaspora communities, which have reinforced nationalist sentiments (at the least). Eriksen, following Gellner (1997) makes a point that technological advancements contribute to politics of a nation and the way its politics (and cultural sentiments) are directed at other parts of the international community – and much of that is shaped by available technologies in the modern world. Gellner, for example, writes about a deterritorialization of nationalism. Eriksen summarizes Gellner, “...the social and cultural principles legitimizing nationalism and instilling loyalty among its adherents may well operate across a non-contiguous territory” (Gellner, 1997, P. 107). Gellner, even in 1997, is fully cognizant of the potential of just rudimentary World Wide Web technology to reinforce national politics and to be used as a tool of global communication for politics (specifically nationalism), Gellner saw the transnational nature of the communicative platform. Sinclair and Hall (2018) examine the ubiquity and dominance of digital technologies, and in particular, social media platforms, and in terms of social media use, folks reported using social networking sites to get information either from a political organization (20 percent) or a person (23 percent). Sadly, only 7 percent reported using twitter for political information, 17 percent blogs, and 13 percent YouTube. Two major points of research emerge from Sinclair and Hall’s work: 1) regardless of online political information source, people are very likely to talk to others about what they find online; 2) there is an indication that media are unlikely to travel from one channel to another – if you get an email, you’re likely to share the information via the same medium. Sharing political memes is a specific kind of political participation that Sinclair and Hall say has two implications: Simply by sharing politics across a new medium/media platform it is the case that many more people can be exposed to an idea quickly; people are highly influenced by the political behavior of their friends – desire to adhere to a common norm of behavior (Sinclair 2012). Memes have influence over the political process – they are bite-sized nuggets of political information (whether verified or not) that cannot be unseen, which can have a changing impact on the political environment (particularly of campaigns). Unlike reading articles, candidate websites, or policies, memes are visual, often cartoon-y, and easy to digest. With the rise of fake news sites and the issues we have as connectors and sharers discerning what is true and what is false, it is increasingly likely that false information 8

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Introduction

is being distributed amongst the political networks of citizens – as witnessed saw in 2016. White nationalist groups and their tech-savvy organizers are infiltrating global political issues and events and co-opting them, often sowing dissent and destruction along the way. The most recent and perhaps heinous example of the use of social media platforms to further the nationalist agenda comes during the (now – June 2020) two week long nationwide protest movement affiliated with Black Lives Matter fighting police brutality and reform with the death of George Floyd who died underneath the knee of a Minneapolis police officer on the street. The protests have been largely peaceful with some criminal elements (looting, rioting, and vandalism), while the response by law enforcement in various cities and from President Trump has been to “dominate” and re-establish “law and order” (Kelly & Naylor, 2020). Early in June a Twitter account that purportedly belonged to an American Antifa group that was using the platform to advocate violence at the George Floyd protests, was identified as linked to the prominent white nationalist group Identity Evropa (Collins et al., 2020). Antifa is a favored target of President Trump and many on the right, rightfully so, as the group advocates citizens fight against overreaches of government, more specifically, anti-fascism. Trump has claimed without substantiation repeatedly throughout the Floyd protests that Antifa members are responsible for the destructive actions and perverting peaceful protest. The Twitter account the white nationalist organization has been used throughout the protests to foment violent attitudes toward law enforcement and calling for destruction of property to emphasize the message. The Anti-Defamation League noted that some of these agitators are known as “Boogaloo Bois” and are not specifically concerned with race, instead “their orientation is anti-government and vehemently anti-police, a fact that has shaped their reactions to the protests against George Floyd’s killing” (Kates, 2020). The Boogaloo Boys, according to Sottile (2020), the fledgling movement was “born in the full light of the internet age – with all the peculiarities that entails. The name comes from 4Chan…and involves the 1984 breakdancing movie ‘Breakin’ 2: Electric Boogaloo’…the second half of its [the move’s] name eventually became slang for a fabled coming civil war – a sequel to the first”. The Boys espouse extreme libertarian views with an emphasis on the protection and progression of gun rights in America, and do so in a leaderless fashion. Unlike the Alt-Right movement that has adopted key figures and propped up various influencers, the Boogaloo Boys are a decentralized network of followers on different platforms, and may have varying goals. Sottile notes that the members have differing goals and beliefs

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

9

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Introduction

based on what pages (or sites) they are consuming, “Some of these men claim to be antiracist, while others old white supremacist beliefs and warn of an impending white genocide. While some Boogaloo pages on Facebook feature periodic talk of racial justice and urgent needs to address climate change, many others are filled with memes featuring neo-Nazi black suns” (2020). But the one thing that links the Boys together is the “willingness, if not an outright desire, to bring about the collapse of American society” (Sottile, 2020). Yet they are using the internet and digital technologies to disseminate disinformation that leads to mobilization of actors (for often misunderstood reasons) and behaviors that may be detrimental to the whole of civil society (and the regime). Contemporary political and social movements tend to be identity-driven, short-term, goal-oriented mobilizations that rely on participants’ ability to use digital technologies to facilitate the spread of awareness and content. This produces questions with the traditional processes of social movements, which need to be reexamined to account for the digital tools that have become intermeshed with contemporary movements and their ability to mobilize support. Arguably, new technologies encourage less hierarchical communication of ideology and goals than previously understood in traditional sociopolitical movements. It is important to note that social media and digital technologies do not negate popularity or the mainstreaming of a certain individual or group from becoming ‘thought leaders’ or influencers in the movement. Yet the reoccurring structure of the rise of the Alt-Right is the visibility of the influencer hierarchy (an individual or group of individuals who are leading the ideological and tactical dissemination) but the movement on the ground is conducted in a democratic manner among all participants, a la Occupy (Papacharissi, 2015; Karatzogianni, 2015; Gitlin, 2012). While the use of digital technologies for nefarious ends is highlighted in this section, and throughout this text (as this author is a technorealist), it does seem worth mentioning that the same technologies and platforms are being used to combat hateful rhetoric and interrupt previously scheduled events with digital trickery, at best. One of the most categorically surprising and interesting digital companions that developed over the summer of 2020, beginning in the wake of the Floyd killing and re-ignition of Black Lives Matter in the streets and meddling in Trumpian politics are the K-Pop stans and TikTok teens. These two groups of young people from around the world live online and their worlds intermingle via social media platforms such as TikTok (a platform used for making short videos typically set to popular music) and Twitter fans of Korean pop groups such as BTS. These youth 10

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Introduction

have been successful in disrupting hashtags that the alt-Right have devoted to their agenda over the summer, such as ‘White Lives Matter’ and ‘Blue Lives Matter’ in an effort to drown out #BlackLivesMatter in the height of the George Floyd protests (BBC, 2020). Instead of allowing the hashtags to trend with the content that was intended to be disseminated, K-Pop fans “flooded the hashtag with photos and videos…hop[ing] to drown out racist or offensive posts” (BBC, 2020). However, the kids took it one step further on the weekend of Juneteenth, during which President Trump held his first campaign rally since the outbreak of the Coronavirus pandemic. During the build-up to the event, the Trump campaign hyped up the rally, stating that there had been over one million requests for tickets for the event being held at the Bank of Oklahoma event center in Tulsa, Oklahoma (a venue that holds no more than 19,000 people). The turnout to the much anticipated rally was 6,200, a far different number than was expected by the campaign, who cancelled an outdoor appearance that was scheduled to occur before the main rally just outside the BOK center for the thousands of attendees who would be unable to fit inside the center. Although campaign manager Brad Parscale blamed the lack of attendance on mainstream media lauding the event as a potential disease spreading convention as well as protestors who allegedly kept the numerous Trump supporters from making into the event center (although the local media reported few protestors in the area). Instead, on the evening of June 20, 2020, during the rally a wave of conversation erupted on social media in which TikTok users and the K-pop fans took credit for registering “potentially hundreds of thousands of tickets for Mr. Trump’s campaign rally as a prank” (Lorenz et al., 2020). According to the New York Times, after the Trump campaign tweeted supporters to register for free tickets to the event using their phones, “K-pop fan accounts began sharing the information with followers, encouraging them to register for the rally – and then not show… [It] spread quickly on TikTok, where videos with millions of views instructed viewers to do the same” (Lorenz et al., 2020). Of course, as has been pointed out by numerous journalists, academics, and Parscale himself, the TikTok/Kpop youth may have trolled the campaign, providing them with bad data and an inflated sense of ego (at least until the materialization of the rally attendees) but they did not stop thousands more Trump supporters from showing up to Tulsa (as registration was free but getting into the venue was first come, first serve until capacity was reached). The larger story is why the base in a red meat state such as Oklahoma did not turnout for Trump in larger numbers, and how he can energize them in the five crucial months leading up to November 2020. Trump announced in the waning days of July 2020 that he intends to

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

11

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Introduction

“ban” TikTok from operating in the United States; “Trump said he could use executive powers or an executive order to ban TikTok in the United States” (Nakashima et al., 2020). Banning popular media that have been harnessed and waged against a leader is a move out of the Authoritarian’s Guide to Governance, and one that will likely damage Trump’s image with at least some of his more devout libertarian base. It is crucial to note that there are disparities in the availability of digital technologies as well as access to reliable internet, including wireless or Bluetooth technology. As Karatzogianni (2015, P. 78) notes, “Technology does not guarantee revolution. Sometimes poverty impedes revolution”, poverty as well as the still pronounced digital divide that largely exists in the regions of interest to social movement scholars currently. Technologies do not cause revolution or instances of contemporary collective action, but do serve an important function in the emergence, mobilization, and though not the focus of this work is arguably, the sustainability of new movements. Yet the availability of digital technologies in association with the political economy of technology does impede sociopolitical mobilization as well as the reaction of the regime can quell mobilization before it becomes widespread (e.g.: Bahrain, Saudi Arabia). As Freelon et al. (2016) articulate, not all social movements and mobilizations will use digital (social media) technology in the same manner, thus it becomes essential for researchers to analyze individual social movement organization’s awareness and tactical employment of these tools. The global nationalist movements that are the focus of this book used social media and the digital culture in savvy ways to affect citizens’ views on political parties, candidates, and social justice issues, ushering in a new wave of movement politics, which relies on the networked constituency and platforms such as 4Chan, Reddit, Twitter, and Facebook to disseminate news and information instantaneously (for better or worse). There is an emphasis on the phases of development of each movement as well as the political gains and consequences of strategy, namely digital strategy. The nationalism espoused by members of the Alt-Right is more in line with the traditional concept of American exceptionalism and the idea that the Western world (namely people of a certain descent) crafted the civilized world that we currently enjoy. This sentiment is echoed by newly minted American President, Donald Trump, who ascended the political ranks by catalyzing fear of the Other (Mexicans, Muslims, a female president) and attempting to convince his ‘populist’ base that he is a “savior with a time machine” (Burnham, 2016), which is invoked each time his campaign slogan, “Make American Great Again” is echoed. 12

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Introduction

Strands of nationalist theory are discussed in the chapter that follows as well as an analysis of contemporary nationalist movements and their use of digital technologies. Nationalist movements are a specific brand under the social movement theory umbrella, and the emergence, mobilization, and trajectory of the selected movements will be discussed thoroughly. This work does not seek to denigrate nationalism as a crucial re-emerging ideology in the neoliberal world order, but does emphasize the almost counterintuitive global spread of nationalist ideologies that are the cornerstones of the Alt-Right. This work highlights the movements, the tactics used, and concepts espoused by nationalist movements. It does not ascribe supremacy to globalism over nationalism. That is for the reader to discern.

REFERENCES BBC News. (2020). K-Pop fans drown out #WhiteLivesMatter hashtag. BBC News. Available from: https://www.bbc.com/news/technology-52922035 Bird, E. (2003). The Audience in Everyday Life: Living in a Media World. Routledge. Brubaker, R. (2019). Populism and nationalism. Nations and Nationalism. Journal of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism, 26(1), 44–66.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Burnham, W. (2016). This year’s upside-down election is part of a political realignment which encompasses both parties, and is fueled by public rancor. London School of Economics, Blog on American Politics. Available from: https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/usappblog/2016/07/11/this-years-upside-downelection-is-part-of-a-political-realignment-which-encompasses-both-partiesand-is-fueled-by-public-rancor/ Carman, A. (2016). Trump’s chief strategist Steve Bannon suggests having too many Asian tech CEOs undermines ‘civic society’. The Verge. Available from: https://www.theverge.com/2016/11/16/13653490/steve-bannon-trumppresidency-chief-strategist-breitbart-tech-visa Cederman, L. E. (2019). Blood for Soil. Foreign Affairs. Available from: https://www.foreignaffairs.com/reviews/review-essay/2019-02-12/buildingbetter-nationalism

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

13

Introduction

Collins, B., Zadrozny, B., & Saliba, E. (2020). White nationalist group posing as Antifa called for violence on Twitter. NBC News. Available from: https:// www.nbcnews.com/tech/security/twitter-takes-down-washington-protestdisinformation-bot-behavior-n1221456 Couldry, N., & Hepp, A. (2016). The Mediated Construction of Reality. Wiley. Covert, B. (2017). Trump’s White Supremacist Economic Agenda. The New Republic. Available from: https://newrepublic.com/article/144390/trumpswhite-supremacist-economic-agenda DeCleen, B. & Stravrakakis, Y. (2017). Distinctions and articulations: a discourse theoretical framework for the study of populism and nationalism. Javnost – The Public, 24(4), 301-319. Eyman, D. (2015). Digital Rhetoric: Theory, Method, Practice. University of Michigan Press. Felton, E. (2020). The El Paso Shooting Death Tool Has Risen to 23 as a Man Died After 9 Months in the Hospital. BuzzFeed News. Available from: https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/emmanuelfelton/el-paso-warlmartshooting-victim-dies-nine-months-in Freelon, D. (2016, March). Measure of a Movement: Quantifying Black Lives Matter’s Social Media Power (draft paper). Available from: https://www. scribd.com/document/320223723/Freelon-Measure-of-a-Movement Freelon, D., McIlwain, C., & Clark, M. (2016). Beyond the Hashtags. Center for Media and Social Impact. Available from: https://cmsimpact.org/wpcontent/uploads/2016/03/beyond_the_hashtags_2016.pdf

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Glaser, A. (2019). 8chan Is a Normal Part of Mass Shootings Now. Slate. Available from: https://slate.com/technology/2019/08/el-paso-8chan-4chanmass-shootings-manifesto.html Hatem Ali, A. (2011). The Power of Social Media in Developing Nations: New Tools for Closing the Global Digital Divide and Beyond. Harvard Human Rights Journal, (24), 185–219. Holley, P. (2017). Syrian Girl Who Tweeted From Inside Aleppo begs President Trump to Save Her Friends. Washington Post. Available from: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2017/01/25/syriangirl-who-tweeted-from-inside-aleppo-begs-president-trump-to-save-herfriends/?utm_term=.806849a53e19 14

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Introduction

Karatzogianni, A. (2015). Firebrand Waves of Digital Activism 1994-2014: The Rise and Spread of Hacktivism and Cyberconflict. Palgrave MacMillan. Kates, G. (2020). Twitter says fake ‘Antifa’ account was run by white supremacists. CBS News. Available from: https://kutv.com/news/nation-world/ twitter-says-fake-antifa-account-was-run-by-white-supremacists Kelly, A., & Naylor, B. (2020). Trump, Hailing Law Enforcement, Signs Executive Order Calling For Police Reform. NPR. Available from: https:// www.npr.org/2020/06/16/877601170/watch-live-trump-to-sign-executiveorder-on-police-reform Lorenz, T., Browning, K., & Frenkel, S. (2020). TikTok Teens and K-Pop Stans Say They Sank Trump Rally. New York Times. Available from: https:// www.nytimes.com/2020/06/21/style/tiktok-trump-rally-tulsa.html Nakashima, E., Lerman, R., & Whalen, J. (2020). Trump says he plans to bar TikTok from operating in the U.S. Washington Post. Available from: https:// www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2020/07/31/tiktok-trump-divestiture/ Owen, T. (2020). The FBI Just Put White Nationalists and Neo-Nazis on the Same Threat Level as ISIS. Vice. Available from: https://www.vice.com/ en_us/article/3a8awn/the-fbi-just-put-white-nationalists-and-neo-nazis-onthe-same-threat-level-as-isis Papacharissi, Z. (2015). Affective Publics: Sentiment, Technology, and Politics. Oxford University Press. Penney, J., & Dadas, C. (2015). (Re)Tweeting in Service of Protest: Digital Composition and Circulation in the Occupy Wall Street Movement. New Media & Society, 16(1), 74–90.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Ridolfo, J., & DeVoss, D. (2009). Composing for Recomposition: Rhetorical Velocity and Delivery. Kairos: A Journal of Rhetoric, Technology, and Pedagogy, 13(2). Said, E. (1979). Orientalism. Random House. Sottile, L. (2020). The Chaos Agents. The New York Times. Available from: https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/08/19/magazine/boogaloo.html

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

15

Introduction

Stepanova, E. (2011). The Role of Information Communication Technologies in the “Arab Spring”: Implications Beyond the Region. PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 159. Available from: https://pircenter.org/kosdata/page_doc/ p2594_2.pdf Tamir, Y. (2019). Building a Better Nationalism: The Nation’s Place in a Globalized World. Foreign Affairs. Available from: https://www.foreignaffairs. com/reviews/review-essay/2019-02-12/building-better-nationalism Vatnoy, E. (2016). Rejuvenating the Public Sphere – the Rhetorical Arenas of Social Media. Politics, Civil Society and Participation: Media Communication in a Transforming Environment, 121-131. Wimmer, A. (2019). Why Nationalism Works and Why It Isn’t Going Away. Foreign Affairs. Available from: https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/ world/2019-02-12/why-nationalism-works

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Zappavigna, M. (2012). Discourse of Twitter and Social Media: How We Use Language to Create Affiliation on the Web. Continuum International Publishing Group.

16

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

17

Chapter 2

Strands of Nationalism: Theory and Application

ABSTRACT

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The chapter delves into the strands of nationalism that exist in contemporary politics and explains the roots of nationalism as an ideology and practice. Global nationalist movements and politics are examined in this chapter, including the Kurdish confict, and the electoral politics of Geert Wilders (the Netherlands), Marine Le Pen (France), and the implications of the Brexit vote ushering in an era of Conservative politics in the UK. The origins of the AltRight ideology, which is heavily informed by varying concepts of nationalism are explored, including prominent fgures such as Richard Spencer and Jared Taylor. In the “Internet as a Nationalist Tool” section, the shifting media structure and infuence of digital culture on politics and ideology is explained.

Varieties of nationalism are abundant in the modern international community, and it is important to begin this discussion with the differentiation between nationalism and statism. Statism refers to the concept that the state (not civil society) should control economic policy, social policy, or both. Statism is a procedural manner, or structure in which to govern within a defined territory, a state. While nationalism is tied to the idea the nation, which is traditionally understood in political science as a population that shares “historical territory, common myths, and historical memories, and enjoys a mass, public culture… [it] exists as a psychological link between individuals and the collective” (Saunders, 2011). As previously stated, nationalism is difficult to measure DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-7343-3.ch002 Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Strands of Nationalism

quantitatively and is more in line with a feeling or psychological state regarding the love for one’s country and countrymen. Sentiment is a crucial piece to theories of nationalism, Max Weber (1922/1978, P. 176) argued that “one might well define the concept of nation… [as] a community of sentiment which would adequately manifest itself in a state of its own: hence a nation is a community which normally tends to produce a state of its own”. Weber’s definition of a nation includes the caveat of the national community developing its own territorial entity known as the state based around the particular shared culture. Yet as Anderson (1991, P. 7) notes, the nation is a limited concept – a person will never meet or know everyone living within their nation, and yet they feel a “deep, horizontal comradeship”. It is highly unlikely that all of the nearly 324 million (World Bank, 2016) people living in the U.S. will ever visit all fifty states, and yet, because of the shared norms, values, traditions, and culture there will always be a connection between the rancher in Wyoming to the Wall Street banker in New York. Those refusing to subscribe to the conflated idea of the nation, those that do not assimilate, or those who do not originate from the nation are relegated to the outside of the nation, and are referred to as minorities (or as stated previously, the Other). The concept of the Other that is used in this work is derived from Edward Said who argued that the distinguishing minority identities from national is a necessary part of the nation-building process. Said (1979, P. 331) maintains, “The development and maintenance of every culture require the existence of another, different and competing alter ego. The construction of identity involves the construction of opposites and Others whose actuality is always subject to the continuous interpretation and reinterpretation of their differences from “us””. Contemporary nationalism very much adheres to Said’s concept of othering or otherness. Yet it is important to note that American nationalism is divided amongst those who believe foreigners (the external Other) are the largest problem for the nation, and on the other side, those who believe that minorities (the internal Other) pose the biggest threat to enduring American exceptionalism, and what seems to be a minority population that believes both internal and external Others are detrimental to the nation. Barone (1993, P. 52) argues that American nationalism “is far better than any other, because it has room for all the rest. The definition of an American has proved through our history to be happily elastic: Anyone can belong. American-ness has as its source not a plot of ground or a strand of genes, but a set of principles which assert the moral equality and human rights of every person”. While the Alt-Right movement embodies both internal and external nationalism, the Black Lives Matter movement is focused on internal nationalism, or 18

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Strands of Nationalism

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

eliminating the divide between the dominant nation and the internal Other (which would be participants in Black Lives Matter vs. the dominant national culture and state apparatus that emphasizes white American culture and society over others). Saunders summarizes this division perfectly, noting “a nationalizing state is one that is involved in a compensatory project aimed at elevating the interests of the indigenous nationality above the interests of other nationalism” (Saunders, 2011, P. 26). The Alt-Right has succeeded in fostering a shared (seemingly imagined) experience of discrimination and degradation of the white (often male) status in American society, so much so that a man who ran a volatile campaign is now President of the United States. This perceived diminishing has evolved into a posturing that often involves military-style weapons at peaceful protests in order to convey authority and demand obedience through fear (see the ‘Re-Open the Government’ rallies regarding COVID-19 state shutdowns), and this posturing has become threatening not just to the powers that be (or the regime, see image below) but to fellow citizens who have been marginalized in contemporary (and often historically) politics. Nationalists will often convey and perceive national identity as monolithic, and base the identity upon the dominant or core nationality/culture, and explain how otherness is contributing to the mediocrity of the dominant nationals’ existence, which clearly marginalizes minority groups (whether internal or external Others). Differentiating between national populations and minorities (both internal and external) has been a political tactic for centuries, and has been used to justify some of the most horrific acts against humanity, such as the Holocaust during World War II (1941-1945), and genocide and statesponsored violence against civilians (Kosovo (1998-1999), Rwanda (1994), Syria (2011-present), China (1989), etc.). The same methodical us vs. them rhetoric is being espoused in the modern nationalist movement that extends overseas.

A Brief Note on Brexit and Nationalism Abroad It is impossible to discuss the contemporary bout of nationalism around the world without acknowledging the events surrounding Brexit, and the number of years and Prime Ministers the policy took to implement (whether

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

19

Strands of Nationalism

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Figure 1. Demonstrators

successfully or not remains to be seen). According to Hassan (2016), many of the anti-immigrant, nationalist movements that have risen around Europe “owe [their] success to the austerity policies that Europe has adopted in order to confront the economic and employment crisis”. These populist, nationalist movements are addressing issues most salient to the masses, including the economy, immigration, and insulating traditional cultural values against multiculturalism. This is most certainly crystallized by the rise of the British version of the Tea Party, the Eurosceptic and right-wing U.K. Independence Party, or UKIP. Although the party originated in the early 1990s, and involved splinter parties that eventually led to the creation of the UKIP, the party did not make political strongholds until an extremely vocal supporter, Nigel Farage took a leadership position in 2009. The modern UKIP under Farage adopted a nationalist ideology that turned against immigration, particularly from European Union members, as well as focused on economic issues of the working class in order to further the UKIP ideology. Like Trump, Farage (who indeed endorsed Trump and even made campaign appearances with the candidate, rarely heard of in American politics) ascended to power using latent prejudices and seeming injustices of the native class or national 20

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Strands of Nationalism

identity, which led to good electoral results in the 2013 local elections, 2014 national elections, and 2015 general election. The UKIP led by Farage won the European Elections in 2015 with 31 percent of the vote, beating both Labour and Conservative parties, and promoted “an economic programme mid-way between liberalism and nationalism”, and of course began endorsing the Brexit plan. An intriguing narrative that candidate Trump liked to push on the campaign trail was Brexit as foreshadowing his own success (something this author believed deeply in as well), as Quinn (2017) notes, “he [Trump] repeatedly cited the Brexit vote as an inspiration, predicting that his campaign too would awaken a dormant electorate and confound conventional wisdom”. The Brexit referendum occurred on June 23, 2016, and yet it took until January 31, 2020 for the United Kingdom to leave the European Union officially. The journey of the after-vote is a political saga for the centuries that includes the sudden resignation of two prime ministers (Cameron and May), the impending exit of Scotland and potentially Wales from the kingdom, and much consternation amongst the population regarding their futures (political and economic). After David Cameron’s resignation as prime minster directly following the Brexit vote, Teresa May succeeded him and although she did not support the ‘Leave’ campaign was tasked with carving a path forward to removing the country from the supranational entity (as a reminder, the vote on Brexit was extremely close, with 51.9 percent voting to leave and 48.1 percent to remain (The Week, 2020). However, May had stated her intentions to move a “hard Brexit” plan forward that took the U.K. out of the single market and being beholden to E.U. laws, and on March 29, 2017 May triggered Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty, which officially started the two-year countdown to the United Kingdom leaving the Union. The United Kingdom’s Brexit campaign was a model of contemporary nationalism as a political motivator for change. The Leave campaign, which advocated for the U.K. removing itself from the European Union, was most vocally anti-immigration, anti-refugee, anti-globalism, and sought to turn the political environment in the U.K. back to the nation. Nigel Farage made quite a few choice comments regarding Brexit, one of which echoes the 2016 Trump campaign he stated “During the referendum, I said I want my country back. What I’m saying today, is I want my life back, and it begins right now” (Palmer, 2016). Another salient quote from Farage regarding Syrian refugees mirrors the opinions spread by Trump and other Alt-Right leaders such as Richard Spencer, Farage noted, “You don’t know that – they are coming from all over the world. If you get back to the Geneva Convention definition, you will find very few people that came into Europe last year would actually

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

21

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Strands of Nationalism

qualify as genuine refugees” (Palmer, 2016). The methodical conceptualizing of refugees as this ominous Other who are all radicalized to hate the Western world and immigrants as drains on the national economy and a detriment to the national population is key to this new wave of nationalism. Interestingly, the campaign to ‘take back the U.K.’ has led to increased discussion amongst the members of the monarchy about independence from the kingdom, including a vigorous campaign for Welsh independence that is gathering support on social media sites, particularly Twitter known as YesCymru. The YesCymru organization has long advocated Welsh nationalism and supported a divorce from the monarchy even though a majority of the nation, (54 percent in an ITV Wales poll conducted in May 2020) oppose independence. The world witnessed the ugly divorce of Ireland from the United Kingdom in the early 20th century, and since nationalism and insulation of heritage has been critical to both Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland, especially with the political and economic consequences of Brexit remaining to be seen, there has been a growing sentiment to preserve the sovereignty and way of life for all countries involved (including the totality of the European Union). Riding the wave of nationalism that has reconstituted in the 21st century international community, Scotland began a renewed campaign for independence that had petered out after the 1997 devolution vote that led to the establishment of the Scottish Parliament on July 1, 1999. The referendum on Scottish independence took place in 2014 in which voters were simply asked, “Should Scotland be an independent country?” The results were clear, 55.3 percent of the Scottish electorate opposed independence at the time. However, as alluded to, the Brexit vote has reinvigorated the debate on Scottish independence and led the parliament to empower the government to hold a second independence referendum that would ultimately decide the fate of Scotland in the eyes of the European Union. To be held a referendum vote must be approved by both the Parliament and Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. Yet after the 2019 U.K. general election Boris Johnson disapproved of First Minister of Scotland Nicola Sturgeon’s request to hold a second vote. Tensions between the countries have worsened under a Johnson government, who has only highlighted the lack of will that Scotland has within the United Kingdom many times, but most recently commenting during the Coronavirus pandemic that “there is no such thing as a border” between Scotland and England (Behr, 2020). Comments such as this give credence to First Minister Sturgeon’s nationalist arguments for Scottish independence evermore popular as the 21st century begins. Sturgeon’s political party, the Scottish National Party (SNP) has long advocated for Scottish independence from the monarchy, 22

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Strands of Nationalism

with the 2014 effort being the closest the party has come to accomplishing their mission; the 2014 vote was characterized as ‘once in a generation’ and Prime Minister Johnson aims for that to be so, while the SNP and Sturgeon argue that the consequences of the Brexit vote have warranted a vote in the new decade (Lewis, 2019). While the Scottish sentiment regarding the monarchical arrangement were widely known, the Welsh often get overlooked in the politics of the Kingdom. Wales has a storied tradition of nationalism and love of culture (and particularly language) that characterizes much of the civil society and its citizens (this author writes from a personal love and experience with Wales and its lovely people as my doctoral degree came from Swansea University in southern Wales). Plaid Cymru, or the Party of Wales is the nationalist party in the country and has been underwhelming in terms of their political influence, holding “just a tenth of the Welsh seats in the British Parliament” compared to the more than half that the Scottish National Party holds (Lewis, 2019). Even worse is the lack of support for Welsh independence, as previously stated, support stalls around 30 percent in polls taken in recent years (including post-Brexit). Scottish independence and modern nationalism seems to be directly tied to the aftermath of Brexit and the lack of political will that the member countries of the U.K. have to assert against their more economically and politically formidable neighbor to the North. The ‘taking back’ of multiple nations has been a cornerstone to some of the most controversial campaigns that bled from 2016 into 2017 into the present day. Obviously, this work will focus heavily on the rise of Donald Trump as a self-proclaimed populist yet overt nationalist, but the campaigns of Geert Wilders in the Netherlands and Marine Le Pen in France also centered on the resurgence of traditionally accepted national culture and custom over the globalism that has dominated the political scene for decades. Wilders, the founder of the Party for Freedom, whose commentary on Muslims and the Islamic religion drew him not only widespread criticism, but also led to him being charged with inciting discrimination against Moroccans (Kroet, 2016). The 2014 incident, which is vaguely reminiscent of the Trump rallies (2015-16), stemmed from a political event involving the Party for Freedom at which “he asked supporters if they wanted more or fewer Moroccans in the Netherlands. The crowd responded by chanting “Fewer! Fewer! Fewer!” (Kroet, 2016). Le Pen has her own unique relationship with racially and ethnically charged rhetoric. Her father, Jean-Marie Le Pen is a nationalist and turned the National Front party into one that is synonymous with racism, antisemitism, and revisionist history. A notable comment the senior Le Pen made regarding

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

23

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Strands of Nationalism

gas chambers as “detail of the history of World War II” (Pognon, 2008) was met by his daughter’s condemnation, she rebuked the statement calling it the “height of barbarism” (Collado, 2016). Marine Le Pen went so far as to distance herself from her father’s commentary and ideology that she expelled him from the party in August 2015, in an effort to soften the image of the National Front, and subsequently giving herself a real chance at winning the presidency. The same year, Le Pen’s National Front won 25 percent of the vote in the French election, which put 24 deputies from the party in the Strasburg Parliament, “thus becoming the biggest of the Eurosceptic parties thanks to a mixture of nationalism, conservatism, and an anti-Semitism of sorts” revamped for modern times (Hassan, 2016, P. 16). Although Marine Le Pen made a conscious attempt at realigning the National Front’s ideologies, particularly regarding immigration, she made declaratively nationalist statements during the campaign telling CNN and CBS News correspondent Anderson Cooper, “France isn’t burkinis on the beach. France is Brigitte Bardot. That’s France”, and also noting in the same interview, “Massive immigration brings with it cultures that are sometimes in contradiction with our values” (Cooper, 2017). In both the Dutch and French elections of 2017, the wave of nationalism that allowed for the Leave campaign to be successful in Brexit and ascended Trump to the presidency, failed to put either Wilders or Le Pen into power. Instead, both nations opted for a more centrist choice investing power in Mark Rutte (the incumbent Prime Minister) and Emmanuel Macron (who initially joined the establishment in 2012 under President Francois Hollande), respectively. The results of both highly anticipated elections seemingly impeded the surge of nationalism from spreading any further into Western Europe, and were welcomed by a global community that witnessed the U.S. withdraw from a previously negotiated and agreed upon climate change agreement as well as the vacillation on the part of the British government over its course on Brexit. As Hassan (2016, P. 17) summarizes, “The EU remains helpless for the moment, unable to distinguish between the different levels of discourse, whilst these new terrains of communication risk generating clashes of civilization and violence between communities”, the future of globalism and multiculturalism is at risk globally, not just from the American nationalist movement. A perhaps more prescient case of nationalism that will be decided in the very near future is the case of Kurdistan, or the Kurdish nation that has been relegated to swathes of northern Iraq, northwestern Iran, southeastern Turkey, and northern Syria, but without an officially recognized independent nationstate. The Kurds have provided the most visible military force fighting the 24

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Strands of Nationalism

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Islamic State in Iraq and Syria since 2014, reclaiming land in both nations from the terrorist organization. The obvious problem will inevitably come to fruition: will the United States endorse the Kurds keeping the land that they successfully claimed from IS and support their claims for independence once IS has been eliminated? The tensions on this issue continue to rise, particularly as Turkey took a more present role in fighting the Islamic State in 2016 after the attack on Istanbul airport leaving 44 dead. Turkish and Kurdish military fighters navigate a fine line between a mutual threat (IS) and their animosity toward each other regarding land, governance, and ideology. An estimated 25-35 million Kurds (BBC News, 2016) exist within other states as a self-determined nation, have not had international backing to declare independence, mainly again, due to the fact that their nation is comprised of pieces of autonomous, sovereign, pre-existing states. Yet the debate over reaping the rewards of their sustained military involvement with the Islamic State, much longer than our ally Turkey, is already being had in the U.S. foreign policy circles. The president of the Kurdistan Regional Government in Iraq announced in early 2017 that a referendum on independence will take place on September 25. Although the referendum is simply asking inhabitants of the Kurdistan region if they want an independent state, and would not put into place a mechanism for declaring independence, it would signify to Baghdad that the tentative regional structure of governance is at risk, and the Kurds are interested in “pursu[ing] independence more aggressively in a post-Islamic State Iraq” (Kaplan & Mardini, 2017). In the September 25 referendum, 93 percent of the Kurdish electorate voted for independence, with a turnout of over 72 percent (Dalay, 2017). Yet the legitimacy and legality of the vote was dismissed by the Iraqi government, as the sovereignty of the Baghdad government would be affected by the creation of an autonomous Kurdistan. As Dalay notes, the referendum has “put Kurdish aspirations and grievances – both of which risked being overlooked once the fight against ISIS was over and the United States downsized its commitment to Iraq – firmly onto the international agenda” (2017).

Defining Nationalism So what is nationalism? Beyond the definition previously provided, nationalism can be a diverse concept when considering who (or what group) is employing the ideology, and for what gain. Thus far, nationalism has been discussed as a psychological (or sentimental) attachment to a nation but the focus of this

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

25

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Strands of Nationalism

work is the overwhelming feeling of nationalism that has arisen in the 21st century, and how these feelings lead to greater action on the part of the national identity (indigenous population) to defend, sustain, grow, and sometimes, purify the nation. It is important to distinguish nationalism from populism, the two ideologies very often get mischaracterized as interchangeable yet there are differences. Notably, populism which advocates the masses (or workers) over the elites (institutions that oppress them), Mudde and Kaltwasser (2012, P. 8) define populism as “a thin-centered ideology that considers society to be ultimately separated into two homogenous and antagonistic groups, ‘the pure people’ and ‘the corrupt elite,’ and which argues that politics should be an expression of the general will of the people”. This definition of populism provides an easy context for the tenets of the ideology to be coopted by nationalists seeking to define who are the ‘pure’ and who are the ‘corrupt’ in society. Of course, class consciousness is a mainstay for nationalist battles against the status quo, but the brand of populism being espoused today marries nationalist ideals of ethnic purity and the supremacy of the national identity over all others. Muller’s definition of nationalism (2016, P. 3) rejects the traditional appeal to the masses/people, and instead focuses around two characteristics, anti-elitism and anti-pluralism, which is notably similar to the brand of nationalism advocated by Donald Trump and more prominent nationalists in his administration, such as Stephen Bannon. Muller, prophetically argued in 2016, that “populism is a particular moralistic imagination of politics, a way of perceiving the political world that sets a morally pure and fully unified – but ultimately fictional – people against the elites who are deemed corrupt or in some other way morally inferior” (2016, P. 19). However, in Muller’s view populism is not inherently anti-elitist (again, there are obvious parallels between Muller and Donald Trump’s ideology), Muller argued that populists “have no problem with representation as long as they are representatives; similarly, they are fine with elites as long as they are the elites leading the people” (2016, P. 29). Thus, Muller (and now Trump’s accepted definition of populism as nationalism) is a danger to democracy, as the very basic foundation of a democracy requires pluralism and consensus among citizens. Populists and subsequently, nationalists are able to resonate with the masses because they argue that they [populists/nationalists] are the only true representatives of the people’s will, according to Muller, “For a political actor or movement to be populist, it must claim that a part of the people is the people (author added italics for emphasis) – and that only the populist authentically identifies and represents this real or true people” (2016, P. 22-23). 26

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Strands of Nationalism

The classical conception of nationalism views the establishment and sustainability of a sovereign state that belongs to a certain national identity as the priority of each member of that national identity. Classical nationalists see the preservation of the cultures, customs, governance, and identity as crucial to maintaining the nation, and are vigilant in their defense of the status quo (as long as that status quo places the national identity above anything else) (See Yuval-Davies, 1997; Yack, 2012). Nationalism in the civic or classical sense is belonging to a common nation, which is defined by citizenship in the same nation-state; most often associated with feelings of loyalty and patriotism toward the states and fostering solidarity among citizens. De Cleen (2017) argues that nationalism is a discursive event that constructs the nation (Bhabha, 1990; Sutherland, 2005, P. 186), which necessitates a separation from the search of national essence (or what categorizes one as belonging to the nation) toward how nationalism is constructing the nation itself via discursive opportunities. Haidt argues, “Nationalists see patriotism as a virtue; they think their country and its culture are unique and worth preserving...Nationalists feel a bond with their country, and they believe that this bond imposes moral obligations both ways: Citizens have a duty to love and serve their country, and the governments are duty bound to protect their own people” (2016, P. 48). The nation, as understood according to nationalism as an ideology, is limited. As a community, the members of the nation feel as if they belong to that nation (affective response); and is, of course, sovereign, defined by the ability and right of a national government to make decisions independently, without external interference. Yet nationalism can be defined more broadly as a network of attitudes, norms, and actions that provide the necessary political, social (including moral), and cultural value to a nation or national identity, while simultaneously providing obligations for members of the nation in order to maintain and develop (Crosby, 2005; Breen & O’Neill, 2010; Motyl, 2001). This definition of nationalism allows for more specification of the national identity that is being targeted or doing the targeting, e.g., Black Lives Matter focusing on the African-American national identity as an integral part of the nation-state and its development. Classical nationalism does not tend to promote ideals of globalism nor multiculturalism, this is the strand of nationalism most closely associated with the Alt-Right and the rise of Donald Trump. Viefhues-Bailey (2017) argues that Trump’s brand of nationalism is “ethnocentrist-nationalist authoritarianism… [which] taps into a particular vision of divinity. Trumpism thus requires the work of public political theology” (P. 194). Interestingly but not out of the norm for the promulgation of nationalism, the dominant religion of the

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

27

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Strands of Nationalism

nation comes into play and can be easily manipulated by politicians seeking to gain a competitive edge and solidifying base support, particularly within the modern Republican party in the U.S. This religious Othering is combined with what numerous scholars (Bakker et al.; Choma & Hanoch; Kimmel; Mather & Jefferson) argue is the fostering or exacerbation of anxiety over the natives role in globalized America, and Trump has been able to activate a base of voters through authoritarian, anti-elite (particularly the liberal media and those who own and operate it), and an extremely exaggerated fear of the Other, whether racial, ethnic, religious, or political. As was evident over the weekend of August 12, 2017 with a massive White Nationalist rally protesting the removal of a confederate-era statue of Jefferson Davis in Charlottesville, Virginia. The Trump base has been radicalized (or more able to be open about their prejudices) by his oft flippant rhetoric regarding the purity of the national identity, with an emphasis on heritage. Such divisive, seemingly authoritarian language, according to Feldman, “represents particular social groups as embodying a threat to an ordered world” (2003, P. 69), and are particularly dangerous when they are repeated at the highest levels of society. Halikiopoulou through research illustrated that a breaking down of trust in government institutions enables extremist populism, which is politically advantageous of Donald Trump, who was able to tap into the mis-(or distrust) that the silent majority felt toward the government and institutions that are viewed as extensions of the government, such as the media apparatus. This breaking down of trust has facilitated the rapid and very public reawakening of American nationalism as well as white supremacist factions. White supremacy characterizes various belief systems which center on one or more of the following foundational concepts: whites should dominate people of other backgrounds, particularly where they may coexist; whites should inhabit a whites-only society sans other ethnic groups; whites have their own culture that is superior to others; and whites are genetically superior to other people. The Alt-Right employs white supremacy in its crusade to preserve their position in the American society, as minorities are overtaking the largest portions of the population. White supremacy in history has led to intense hatred of and violence against predominately African-Americans in the country, however, today’s use of white supremacist theories and talking points by charismatic members of the Alt-Right (such as Milo Yiannopoulos) include anyone of difference, including the LBGTQ community, HispanicAmericans, Muslims, etc. White nationalism is the result of the adoption of white supremacy by nationalist movements (e.g. the mobilization of the KKK, the use of the confederate flag as a symbol of white pride around the world, 28

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Strands of Nationalism

even though its origins are specific to the U.S., etc.). The official use of the confederate flag by U.S. states and/or organizations has reached a boiling point in the reconstituted Black Lives Matter movements surrounding the death of George Floyd in 2020. The flag, long understood as a symbol of not just the Confederate States of America (a treasonous nation who fought against the Stars and Stripes) but one of support of the slave system, thus a contemporary reading as harboring racist tendencies or at least sympathies. States such as Mississippi and major organizations (formal and informal) from NASCAR to the United States Marine Corps have banned use of the flag due to its status as a symbol of hate. General David Berger, Commandant of the Marine Corps noted, “Current events are a stark reminder that it is not enough for use to remove symbols that cause division – rather, we must also strive to eliminate division itself” while announcing the elimination of public displays of the flag on Marine Corps installations (Gross, 2020). The Alt-Right follows a “racial naturalism” theory (Nelson, 2015) that is race is a self-evident concept, as Jared Taylor has stated, “Race is real; race is fundamental; race matters”. It is Taylor’s 2010 publication White Identity that has become the Alt-Right’s ideological foundation on race, in which he insists there should be a security wall between the races, and that mixed race people are a problematic element should they become part of the Alt-Right as they are in the “colorblind march beyond racial identity” (Taylor, 2010, P. 124). Taylor’s sentiment seems to come from the long derided theory of eugenics, or the belief (and/or study) that qualities of human beings can be improved through various means of discouraging reproduction in some, while encouraging it in others, those with positive eugenics, or quality characteristics (Norrgard, 2008). Taylor goes on to pontificate on the plight of the mixed raced, noting that because they lack any proper racial category, mixed raced individuals are “outcasts” and become alienated in societies that are increasingly segregated by race (Taylor, 2010, P. 125; Driscoll, 2016). Taylor and his most publicly ardent follower, Richard Spencer, adhere to this ideology that advocates for clear separation of the racial groups in a nation built upon diversity of the population. Groups such as The Base (a neo-Nazi, white supremacist and “accelerationist paramilitary hate group” (ADL, 2020) that is active in the U.S., Canada, Australia, and South Africa) are proactively attempting to usher in a race war in the societies in which their members live. The group, which was formed in 2018, “believes society should be pushed to collapse so that a white ethnostate can arise out of the ruins” (SPLC, 2020). Unlike other neo-Nazi groups, The Base is not attempting to become a mainstream ideology or organization instead they are indoctrinating

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

29

Strands of Nationalism

individuals and small cells of sympathizers to carry out their ethnic dreams. In the words of founder Rinaldo Nazzaro (2018),

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

“There’s nothing for whites to be proud of anymore – All of our greatest achievements are in the distant past – Society today is a culmination of everything wrong with Whites & indicative of how much we’ve degenerated – We need a hard reset via a cleansing fire of revolution to start anew.” This particular brand of Alt-Right advocacy is intense at times with the spread of #whitegenocide, which has become a popular hashtag among its ranks to discuss all the manners in which the blacks and browns are reprehensible and how these groups are systematically eliminating the purity of America (and increasingly Western civilization). This hashtag, though not associated directly with Taylor does coincide with his assertion that white culture is being displaced as the sociopolitical center of America, and is an outlet for believers to espouse theories and communicate. The ‘they will not replace us’ mentality has bled into policy actions in 2020, with President Trump announcing at the height of the COVID-19 summer that international college students would be stripped of the F-1 visa (or foreign student visas) if coursework for their university was provided solely online for the fall semester. The move has been perceived as one to strong-arm colleges and universities around the country to re-open campuses amidst a second wave of the pandemic occurring in southern and western states (Jordan, Kanno-Youngs, & Levin, 2020). The (theoretically) unintended consequence of the Trump order on international students is that it is likely to cause enrollment by those foreign students to drop in American universities, where they are typically paying full tuition. This loss will be devastating to the higher education economy and for state economies beyond that, as many international students remain in their host countries and/or states and contribute to the economic environment long after graduation. This move comes after Trump signed an executive order in June 2020 that suspends entry into the United States for foreign workers through nonimmigrant work visa programs, including the very popular H-1B for skilled workers (Redden, 2020). This executive order remains in effect until December 31, 2020 and has been justified by the massive unemployment wave spawned by the pandemic and subsequent quarantine and/or lockdown measures across the country. Stenner suggests that there is a threat to “the integrity of the moral order” (as it is perceived) from immigration and/or globalism, 30

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Strands of Nationalism

The experience or perception of disobedience to group authorities or authorities unworthy of respect, nonconformity to group norms or norms proving questionable, lack of consensus in group values and beliefs and, in general, diversity and freedom ‘run amok’ should activate the predisposition and increase the manifestation of these characteristic attitudes and behaviors (2005, P. 17). Citrin et al. (1990, P. 6) notes that the “foundations of the American identity, however, are fundamentally different. Not ethnicity, but a commitment to liberal political principles…held out by the founding elite as the leaven of American identity. Whatever one’s ancestry or background, to be an American one had only to adhere to a set of ideals: liberty, individualism, popular sovereignty, and egalitarianism defined as equality of opportunity and respect.” Citrin’s definition of American nationalism runs contrary to the new wave of nationalism disseminated by the Alt-Right, who fall back to race (and other cultural factors, such as religion) as an indicator of American-ness, which can lead to identity politics if one or more racial groups attempt to repress others in an otherwise egalitarian society, thus ethnonationalism (as well as diaspora politics, see Stacey, 2019) results. Ethnic or ethnonationalism (as defined by this author) falls more into line with the argument offered by prominent nationalism theorist Walker Connor (1973, P. 3), who notes, “a nation is a self-conscious ethnic group”. Much like the classical nationalism espoused by the Alt-Right and conservative groups worldwide, “Ethnic consciousness presupposes an awareness of other groups. The sense of being unique or different requires a referent, that is, the concept of us requires them (Connor, 1973, P. 3). This sentiment has the power to fuel protest and resistance movements because it places priority over minority and national identities, while simultaneously fostering a kinship or that psychological awareness of collectivity with fellow indigenous citizens. Arzheimer (2017) argues that the most distinctive characteristic of extreme right wing parties is their desire to restrict immigration to their country, and analyzing more specifically the rhetoric and messaging that attracts right wing voters (using Donald Trump as a prime modern example), there is a correlation between immigration and crime (whether real or imaginary) that has played a crucial role in the decision to adhere to nationalist ideologies, which again promote the purity of the national identity over the Other. At the center of the Trump’s agenda is economics, which has focused largely on a protectionist mentality that promotes American products and “America First”, these policies “go hand-in-hand with an ethnonationalist agenda that is about protecting white jobs and white people” (Covert, 2017). David and

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

31

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Strands of Nationalism

Bar-Tal argue that constructing one’s social identity is a two-fold process, “first is cognitive and includes the categorization of individuals in to groups, the categorization of the self into a group or groups, and the characterization of external groups. The second is motivational, that is, the desire to differentiate between one’s own group and other groups” (2009, P. 355). Nationalism as an ideology and practice is rooted in ethnic identities which are defined mainly by a shared name, ancestry, and history, and this shared identity often attempts to explain why the nation(al identity) is unique or exceptional, the connection to territory, and common means of communication (Smith, 2000; David & Bar-Tal, 2009). Collective identity (or the accepted national identity) moves beyond the individual members’ emotional processes to consider and characterize the entirety of the nation. This means that the collective identity must be differentiated from the individual identity (Hermann, 1977), and according to Turner et al. (1987), individuals have an instinctive tendency to categorize people, including themselves, particularly by similar or shared features. Ethnonationalism is the result of such categorization via characterization of humanity. It is the natural idea and assumption that the national identity is shaped by ethnicity, and that the adopted national identity is superior to all others (both within and outside of the national boundaries). Muller (2008) notes that ethnonationalism has played a “more profound and lasting role in modern history than is commonly understood…Increased urbanization, literacy, and political mobilization; differences in the fertility rates and economic performance of various ethnic groups; and immigration will challenge the internal structure of states as well as their borders” (P. 19-20). The root definition of ethnonationalism argues that the nation is defined by shared heritage, common language, and often a shared or dominant religion. According to Muller (2008, P. 20), “Ethnonationalism draws much of its emotive power from the notion that the members of a nation are part of an extended family, ultimately united by ties of blood”, making it easier to justify us over them. Welzel argues that “…persistent existential pressures keep people’s minds closed, in which case they emphasize the opposite priorities … the existentially relived state of mind is the source of tolerance and solidarity beyond one’s in-group; the existentially stressed state of mind is the source of discrimination and hostility against out-groups” (2013; quoted in Haidt, 2016). As with much political thought and ideologies, nationalism and ethnonationalism presuppose a psychological and affective connection to the perceived nation, whether or not that nation has an existing state (e.g., the Kurds). In terms of nation-state relations, the rise of ethnonationalism 32

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Strands of Nationalism

created a modified relationship between citizens and their government, which diminished (or altered) the traditional networks for individuals in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, such as the family structure, their work, and the church. Without creating an entirely different thesis for this work, it must be reiterated that ethnonationalism is a consequence of modernization since the Treaty of Westphalia and the creation of nation-states as a political entity with legitimacy and autonomy. As states began to draw territorial boundaries often without consideration for ethnic identities, ethnonationalism was subsequently the obvious next step in maintaining and solidifying national identities as the state (government structures) began to attempt to meld and mold the nation in its image. This intrinsic need to bolster the national identity and culture became more urgent due to globalization and the rapid spread of Western values and culture via new technologies, starting with the proliferation of satellite and cable television, and of course largely exacerbated by the introduction of internet infrastructure. Panayi argues, “Political ethnicity becomes possible with an ethnic media and the stereotypes which it perpetuates…Such groups can also develop a national myth through their media even though they do not have their own nation states” (2001, P. 15). Thus, as the national identity grows stronger, ethnic (or identity) politics become a catalyst for mobilization and change in the sociopolitical environment in which natives and minorities occupy similarly. Lord Acton (1862) argued, “By making the state and the nation commensurate with each other in theory, [nationalism] reduces practically to a subject condition all other nationalities that may be within the boundary” (P. 333). The rise of the internet which was accompanied by globalization, transnationalization, and glocalization has nullified Acton’s argument, the boundaries have been largely erased or at least blurred between states as well as nations, which is the argument of the neo-nationalist factions who are using the same medium to foster anti-globalist sentiment. As will be discussed in the following section, the media, and particularly the digital media environment has facilitated the establishment and proliferation of national as well as ethnic mediums that reinforce social, political, and cultural standards. Dahan and Sheffer (2001, P. 85-107) conclude, While a considerable share of all communications and resources that ethnic groups exchange with other actors inside and outside the states in which they dwell is harmless, the existence of ethnic networks and the various communications that are placed through them also cause or contribute to conflicts involving ethnic groups on the one side, and state agencies on the

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

33

Strands of Nationalism

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

other. Some of these conflicts have wider regional and global ramifications; they threaten state sovereignty and exacerbate inter-state relations. They further note, “While…states are weakening, ethnic intrastate and trans-state ethnic groups prosper” (2001, P. 85-107), again, this is due to the ubiquitous nature of the internet and digital communication platforms, and its ability to foster national and ethnic identity. Croucher (2004, P. 135-36) summarizes the complex relationship between the nation, technology, and ethnicity, Globalization and ethnicity are closely connected. What is essential to keep in mind, however, is that whereas international migration brings people together from different cultural and historical backgrounds in close proximity, the stratification of these people into various ethnic groups and the nature of ethnic group identities, does not necessarily or automatically reflect preexisting identities, interests or attachments, either on the part of immigrants or established residents. Ethnic identity formation and differentiation emerge from complex processes of interaction, reaction, self-identification, and institutional categorization – all of which play into specific economic, political, and sociocultural contexts. Many theorists assumed that nations would become more dispersed and disparate due to globalization and the rapid proliferation of the internet, and “…social commentators were concerned that the non-territorial character of the internet would lead to fragmentation and unprecedented cultural differentiation, making it difficult to uphold a collective sense of national identity based on shared images, representations, myths’” (Eriksen, 2007, P. 1). This statement is somewhat true but somewhat false, in the fact that actors (including individuals and nation-states) harness the power and potential of the internet for their own agendas, making it just as susceptible to cooption to advance the states’ needs as much as an ethnic minority. A more intriguing angle is commercial nationalism (Turner, 2016), in which the digital realm has become a new environment where national communities or identities are vying for recognition, and this often includes peddling ethnic wares, including art, writing, and cultural valuables such as jewelry and clothing. The internet has become an indispensable tool for exporting culture and national identity as much as it is a hindrance to insulating the same national identity and values. Aronczyk (2017) argues, “Global discourse can cause national motivations to descend beneath the surface of our consciousness…the mythology of the internet as a post-national realm, for instance, persists despite the realities of ongoing internet governance debates” (P. 245). The internet and digital 34

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Strands of Nationalism

communicative platforms make it easy for national identities to bond with non-national entities and change the “narratives of legitimacy” (Price, 2015, P. 13), one citizen at a time via dialogue and online experiences with various nationalities and cultures. According to Price, narratives of legitimacy are the “collection of ideas and narratives employed by a dominant group or coalition to maintain power” (2015, P. 13), these narratives are blurred in the constant news and information machine known as the internet, and the ability for the ‘counter national identity’ to bring awareness about their plight and ideologies to the forefront as much as the nationally accepted ideals. The internet and digital communicative platforms have reinvented the spread of nationalism as an ideology and in practice (participating in elections, campaigns, or groups advocating one national identity over another), which will be discussed further in the following section.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Internet as a Nationalist Tool The shift in the media landscape as has been argued repeatedly for the last twenty years, has resulted in a rebalancing in the ability to communicate messages for marginalized and diaspora communities. As has been the focus of political communication and media scholars since the 20th century, the development and proliferation of various technologies throughout the century and into the 21st have evolved citizens’ ability to receive news and information as well as react and respond to that information. These same technologies (notably, the radio, television, and internet) have been used by the state for different reasons through history, including to rally the nation in times of war, promulgate approved national customs and standards, and galvanize a sense of national unity typically based (at least in part) around the ideals of a government and civil society. In the traditional media structure, news and information flowed in a top-down manner, meaning that corporate-backed journalists were distinguishing what was salient to report to the masses at designated times of the day. The unilateral (broadcast) era was characterized by mass reproduction and distribution of content for mass consumption, which reached its peak in the 20th century with the rise of the newspaper industry, advent of radio, film and notably, television. However, the build-up to this era was quite drawn out compared to the innovations that continue to be unveiled each year/quarter in the digital age. The world wide web went public on August 6, 1991 after Berners-Lee publicized its release via newsgroups and message boards online, which

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

35

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Strands of Nationalism

emphasizes the root of Berners-Lee’s vision of the web being “a social medium, first, rather than a technical one” (Greenemeier, 2009). The explosion of the modern web into the mainstream is a testament to the ability for even unskilled technological users to build and participate in the online community. From March 1993 to March 1995, internet traffic devoted to the web increased from 0.5 percent to 23.9 percent, this massive increase was assisted by the first graphic web browser, Mosaic. When Netscape Navigator was released in December 1994 followed by Microsoft’s (now defunct) Internet Explorer in 1995, the public was officially networked (Coffman & Odlyzko, 2001). By August 1995, 18,957 websites were online; by August 1996, there were 342,081; by August 2000, nearly 20 million; by August 2006, 92.6 million, and finally, in September 2011, Netcraft reported 485 million websites (Merrin, 2013). By June 2012, 2.4 billion people out of a global population of 7 billion were online, emphasizing not only the speed of proliferation but also just how widespread the penetration has become. The modern computer fulfills Turing’s 1936 hypothesized description of a general purpose, symbol-processing, ‘universal computing machine’, a machine that could be instructed to perform different and numerous functions using microprocessors to breakdown and translate digital code made up of binary numbers, using controlled coordination of electricity through transistors. This occurs in one of two states, conducting or non-conducting that register as a 1 or 0, which enables the passage of electric signals to represent numbers in binary form (Merrin, 2013). Binary numbers are the basic programming language. Thus, binary code are the foundation of all software and used in the process of digitization, where text, sound, and images can be turned into digital code and exchanged through technological devices. The development of the internet and World Wide Web opened up technological innovation to foster increased communication and relationships that transcend time and space. This new information medium required the mass media to merge with technological innovation in order to adapt to the new environment. The merger of the broadcast (top-down) model of communication with the new abilities for global citizens to make, comment on and direct the flow of communication ushered in a new epoch in which the masses are able to experience their lives, politics and the lives of the Other directly. The intense connections that are fostered by online relationships and certainly by the consumption of a variety of news sources via social media, arguably the catalyst for much communication has aided in the mobilization of glocal pockets of dissent, which has been assisted by the fine-tuning of the 36

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Strands of Nationalism

mobile phone and development of the smartphone that is fueled by internet, wireless and audio/video capabilities. The internet allows duality for citizens to be not only consumers of the news and information, but also producers and drivers of such content. The internet and 21st century platforms such as Twitter, Facebook, and 4Chan enable users to influence and direct the information in a manner that has never been possible before. This duality creates advocates and opposition, those that advocate for digital tools will argue that the interconnectedness is weakening national ties to strengthen globalism or international relationships; while others see the internet as a tool to strengthen the nation-state alone, and bring all citizens living within the nation together, regardless of ethnic, religious, or other differences. Saunders (2011, P. 4) argues, “National minorities are not only the beneficiaries of [the digital] transformation. The current era of media globalization and greater mobility enables sustained, dependable, and diverse connections between diaspora communities on multiple continents and their ethnic homelands in such a way that has never been possible in the past”. He asserts that the internet is being used by minorities to affect three processes: activation (or an attempt to construct a new nation or encourage others to join their pre-established nation); maintenance (literally maintaining the nation and citizens); and re-articulation (using digital tools to reimagine the nation in a different manner, not unlike revisionist history) (Saunders, 2011, P. 8). This rebalancing has put the nation-state as an entity of power and legitimacy at risk, particularly because of the vulnerability of digital platforms to be penetrated resulting in leaked documents and an increased transparency that most politicians are not prepared to handle. The unease that the establishment feels regarding digital tools is attributed to actions taken by entities such as WikiLeaks, Anonymous, and now actors backed by unfriendly and/or rogue states. Nation-states are now more able to expand communication, national economies, and information yet are vulnerable to ever more sophisticated cyber attacks that can and will eventually be used to cripple national infrastructure. The information age and the effect of technology on the stated aspects of life are entirely contingent upon the rational application and use by citizens, governments and nation-states. This shift toward a more ‘bottom-up’ flow of information and power raises various existential questions about the role of society, the state, and citizen relations. According to Castells, there is no longer a “hierarchical” structure that dictates sociopolitical and economic norms. Rather, this new “informational society” is leveling the accessibility for state and citizen actors due to the universal ability for networking (1996).

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

37

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Strands of Nationalism

Existing societal and historical norms as well as dominant processes of governance and communication in the information age are increasingly organized around networks instead of hierarchies of authority. An epoch of communication itself has emerged within the information age. As Foucault argued in The Order of Things, there is a continuous evolution of language and communication through sequences of epochs that are each ruled by an episteme “that define the conditions of possibility of all knowledge, whether expressed in a theory or silently invested in a practice” (Foucault, 1994, P. 168). While Kittler would argue that “the historical adventures of speaking do not form a continuum and so do not constitute a history of ideas” (1994, P. 177), it is evident that patterns of not only language but social, political and cultural expression move in accordance to the era. The information epoch is ruled by a technological episteme that emphasizes the connection of citizens to tools to networks to other citizens. It is knowledge of the global community that is awakening in the masses and this enlightenment is governed by the ability to transmit information and ideology via digital technologies. Connor (1973) argues that spreading awareness of the national identity and juxtaposing it with other cultures is crucial, arguing that this “awareness of the existence of other cultures can be acquired by way of the spoken or written word, or the telecommunications media” and the “…revolutionary strides in communications have rapidly dissipated the possibility of cultural isolation, and correspondingly, have rapidly propagated national consciousness” (P. 4). Twitter has become a main medium in the era of digital communication, particularly for real-time updates on social and political movements from participants on the ground. Although Connor was referring mainly to the television and radio mediums, his statement holds true when considering the proliferation of the internet, development and succession of digital technologies, and introduction of communicative platforms that allowed for individualization (social media). Saunders (2011, P. 61) argues that the “imaging of national identity is certainly affected deeply by the new conceptual universe of bits and bytes, but it is important to contrast this with real world behavior…the absence of real world interaction is a serious impediment for the building of true, nation-based communities”. So while the internet and social media platforms have become hubs of communication, emergence, and mobilization of many contemporary sociopolitical movements, as political scientists, international relations and comparative political theorists have argued for decades, this communication must be met with real world action, or as this author phrases it, the movement must actualize in the public sphere from the digital. The internet does not 38

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Strands of Nationalism

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

replace reality, particularly when the issues being communicated are political or social in nature. The internet facilitates conversation and awareness, but it necessitates actors coordinating and mobilizing together to transcend the digital realm and create change. The internet was used to pull together a strong coalition of nationalists and moderate Republican voters in 2016 during the U.S. presidential election by pitting the perceived globalism that would be practiced by a President Clinton versus the stated civic and traditional nationalism that was espoused by Trump. Social media platforms and communicative websites (including meme generators) were used to disseminate a message of weakness, uncertainty, disloyalty, and continuation of Obama-era policies under Clinton, which was abhorrent to many Trump voters. The ubiquity of social media cannot be understated in regard to the 2016 campaign, with 1.13 billion Facebook users and 313 million monthly active users on Twitter in June 2016, nearly 45 percent of Americans told Pew that they received information about the campaign via social media (Del Vecho, 2016). This means, for better or worse, social media will only grow increasingly intertwined to political decisions and electoral politics going forward, as millennials begin to outnumber the older generations in terms of the voting populace. This is not to equate social media use with informed voters, often quite the opposite in the era of ‘fake news’, but as The Economist (2016) notes Trump and his final campaign architect Steve Bannon understood, “whether a piece of news spreads online does not depend on whether it is true or coherent, but whether it is surprising, shocking and confirms prejudices”. This will be discussed further in Chapter 3. Lovink (2007, P. 7) argues, …globalization of the internet has been mostly invisible for the dominant Anglo-American internet culture due to organized willful ignorance and a deficit of foreign language skills. It is hard for some to realize what it means that English content on the Web has dropped well below the 30 percent mark… growth has also led to further nationalization of cyberspace, mainly through the use of national languages, in contrast to the presumed borderless Net that perhaps never existed. Much of the internet went through a dark period, which Lovink argues is between 2003-2006 where internet culture began to adopt less of the globalized, borderless mantra and began insulating national languages, cultures, and values. In a post-September 11, 2001 period, the U.S. who owns and operated much of the internet infrastructure and websites at the time increased surveillance

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

39

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Strands of Nationalism

and access to user data in attempt to predict the next threat to the nation. It was around that time that the international community, mainly governments realized how dependent their citizens were on cyberspace that was dominated by American companies and innovation, which could be used to exert a political agenda on the world through internet dominance (Morozov, 2011). Morozov (2011, P. 67) notes, “…the governments of China, Iran, Russia, and many other countries have suddenly realized the degree to which their own citizens are dependent on internet services offered by U.S. companies”, leading international governments to “bolster their domestic internet enterprises at the expense of foreign competitors”. Nations began to turn inward as it pertained to internet infrastructure and applications available to their citizens, which did not always coincide with national values (political, religious, civil). Turkey was the first to establish a national search engine that was geared toward the Turkish culture and people, it was followed with a national email system, allowing the Turkish government more control over their slice of the internet, instead of relying on American platforms such as Yahoo and Google Mail (Morozov, 2011). Nations such as Iran and Russia took Turkey’s first steps and followed suit, turning again the internet infrastructure inward, or practicing digital nationalism, or providing an internet that is operated and controlled within the country of use, and that promotes national values and culture over the culture of America, who led the world as the architect of the internet, thus de facto owner, at least for awhile. Morozov (2011, P. 67) notes, “It would not be surprising to see the Chinese, Russian, and other governments declare that internet-search services are a strategic industry like energy and transport and move to block foreign companies…if the impression that Twitter and Facebook can facilitate political revolutions continues to gain currency, social networking and microblogging services may end up in the strategic category as well”. This is where we have seen China for example, create a national equivalent for Twitter in Sina Weibo or more colloquially known, Weibo, a microblogging platform owned and operated within the country and is heavily surveilled by the Chinese government. Search engines such as China’s Baidu and Russia’s Yandex grow in popularity, particularly as these countries ban American search engines such as Google, meaning that international citizens are receiving the information that their governments have an interest in them consuming, not necessarily the truth. American companies have also had to face another reality in the digital age, that their services and cultural values are not the guiding force when attempting to establish a business relationship with other nations. In fact, these American companies such as Google have learned the hard way 40

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Strands of Nationalism

that they must comply with the rules and laws of country that the corporation is in, not simply abiding by the laws of the nation in which the platform was created. Google was sued in Germany for violation of copyright by publishing select pieces of VG media’s releases on its search engine, which VG media alleged violated a 2013 German law that requires compensation for using even small portions of text (Dwyer, 2017). In China, the Great Firewall is much more difficult for American companies to infiltrate, in fact Facebook has long yearned to break into one of the world’s largest online populations. Facebook has been banned in China for years, yet a new application known as ‘Colorful Balloons’ (which has been confirmed as a Facebook application, though it is recognized as created by Youge LLC) made its way into Chinese application stores in August 2017 (Wang et al., 2017). The application, which is described as a way that users can “group users’ phone pictures and videos based on time, locations, and characters…to create albums and share with family and friends” (ibid., 2017). Although Facebook seems to have made its way into the Chinese digital market, it does not indicate a loosening of the government’s strict control of the internet infrastructure. Or as Goldsmith (2000) argues, “…Technology is developing to allow information providers to control the transmission of information quite tightly, and hence to refrain from sending information into a jurisdiction where sending this information would subject them to liability” (cited in Benkler, 2000, P. 173). To conclude, internet governance is as much a national issue today as immigration, if not more so, as it dictates what citizens are able to consume and the ideologies they may adopt that are counter to the national values. This adoption of arguably more Western values in nations such as Iran or Russia has led to digital nationalism, which again necessitates an inward or inclusivity in terms of applications, search engines, and communication on the internet. This adds to the insulation of nationalism, just as much as it is a rebuke of Western dominance online. The following chapter explores the nationalism involved in navigating the global COVID-19 pandemic and the change in international world order related to the adoption of strict nationalist ideologies and policies by leaders across the world. The pandemic has made the international community question the post-globalization, neo-liberal order and standards, which has accelerated the move by many countries (including, and importantly the United States) towards nationalism.

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

41

Strands of Nationalism

REFERENCES Anderson, B. (1991). Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. Verso. Anti-Defamation League. (2020). The Base. Available from: https://www. adl.org/resources/backgrounders/the-base Aronczyk, M. (2017). Narratives of Legitimacy: Making Nationalism Banal. In M. Skey & M. Antonsich (Eds.), Everyday Nationhood (pp. 241–258). doi:10.1057/978-1-137-57098-7_12 Arzheimer, K. (2017). Explaining the electoral support of the radical right. In J. Rydgren (Ed.), The Oxford Handbook of the Radical Right. Oxford University Press. Barone, M. (1993). The Triumph of American Nationalism. National Affairs. Available from: https://www.nationalaffairs.com/public_interest/detail/thetriumph-of-american-nationalism Beckett, L. (2020). Armed protesters demonstrate against Covid-19 lockdown at Michigan capitol. The Guardian. Available from: https://www.theguardian. com/us-news/2020/apr/30/michigan-protests-coronavirus-lockdown-armedcapitol Behr, R. (2020). Nationalism is winning – on both sides of the Scottish border. The Guardian. Available from: https://www.theguardian.com/ commentisfree/2020/feb/12/nationalism-scottish-border-tory-boris-johnsonnicola-sturgeon Benkler, Y. (2000). From Consumers to Users: Shifting the Deeper Structures of Regulation Toward Sustainable Commons and User Access. Federal Communications Law Journal, 52(3).

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Castells, M. (1996). The rise of the network society, the information age: Economy, society and culture (Vol. I). Blackwell. Citrin, J., Reingold, B., & Green, D. (1990). American identity and the politics of ethnic change. The Journal of Politics, 52(4), 1124–1154. doi:10.2307/2131685 Coffman, K. G., & Odlyzko, A. M. (2001). Internet Growth: Is There a ‘Moore’s Law’ for Data Traffic? AT&T Research Labs. Available from: http://www.dtc.umn.edu/~odlyzko/doc/internet.moore.pdf 42

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Strands of Nationalism

Collado, J. (2016). Marine Le Pen se prend-elle pour Trump? Slate France. Available from: http://www.slate.fr/story/123595/marine-le-pen-donaldtrump Connor, W. (1973). The Politics of Ethnonationalism. Journal of International Affairs, 27(1), 1–21. Cooper, A. (2017). France’s Marine Le Pen says she’s not waging a religious war. CBS News. Available from: https://www.cbsnews.com/news/francesmarine-le-pen-says-shes-not-waging-a-religious-war/ Covert, B. (2017). Trump’s White Supremacist Economic Agenda. The New Republic. Available from: https://newrepublic.com/article/144390/trumpswhite-supremacist-economic-agenda Croucher, S. (2004). Globalization and Belonging: The Politics of Identity in a Changing World. Rowman & Littlefield. Dahan, M., & Sheffer, G. (2001). Ethnic Groups and Distance Shrinking Communication Technologies. Nationalism & Ethnic Politics, 7(1), 85–107. doi:10.1080/13537110108428622 Dalay, G. (2017). After the Kurdish Independence Referendum: How to Prevent a Crisis in Iraq. Foreign Affairs, 2(October). https://www.foreignaffairs.com/ articles/middle-east/2017-10-02/after-kurdish-independence-referendum David, O., & Bar-Tal, D. (2009). A Sociopsychological Conception of Collective Identity: The Case of National Identity as an Example. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 13(4), 354–379. doi:10.1177/1088868309344412 PMID:19700736

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

De Cleen, B. (2017). Populism and Nationalism. In C. Rovira Kaltwasser, P. Taggart, P. Ostiguy, & P. Ochoa Espejo (Eds.), Handbook of populism. Oxford University Press. Del Vecho, G. (2016). The Role of Social Media in the 2016 Election. In The Chronicle. Duke University. Available from: https://www.dukechronicle. com/article/2016/08/social-media-election-role Driscoll, M. (2016). The Kids Aren’t Alt-Right (but the Alt-Right grown-ups are White supremacists). CTheory.net, University of Victoria. Available from: https://journals.uvic.ca/index.php/ctheory/article/view/16710/7082

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

43

Strands of Nationalism

Dwyer, C. (2017). German Publishers’ Lawsuit Against Google Threatens to Backfire. NPR. Available from: https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwoway/2017/05/10/527800498/german-publishers-lawsuit-against-googlethreatens-to-backfire Eriksen, T. (2007). Nationalism and the Internet. Nations and Nationalism, 13(1), 1–17. doi:10.1111/j.1469-8129.2007.00273.x Feldman, S. (2003). Enforcing Social Conformity: A Theory of Authoritarianism. Political Psychology, 24(1), 41–74. doi:10.1111/0162895X.00316 Foucault, M. (1970). The Order of Things: An Archeology of the Human Sciences. Pantheon Books. (Original work published 1966) Greenemeier, L. (2009). Remembering the Day the World Wide Web was Born. Scientific American, 12(March). https://www.scientificamerican.com/ article/day-the-web-was-born/ Gross, J. (2020). U.S. Marine Corps Issues Ban on Confederate Battle Flags. The New York Times. Available from: https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/06/ us/marines-confederate-flag-ban.html Haidt, J. (2016). When and Why Nationalism Beats Globalism. The American Interest, 10(July). https://www.the-american-interest.com/2016/07/10/whenand-why-nationalism-beats-globalism/ Halikiopoulou, D., & Vasilopoulou, S. (2016). Breaching the Social Contract: Crises of Democratic Representation and Patterns of Extreme Right Party Support. Government and Opposition, 25, 1–25.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Hassan, C. (2016). The Dark Side of the Internet. International Journal of Psychoanalysis and Education., 8(2). Herald, S. (2020). Photograph credited to Herald and Reuters. In Beckett, L. (2020). Armed protesters demonstrate against Covid-19 lockdown at Michigan capitol. The Guardian. Available from: https://www.theguardian.com/usnews/2020/apr/30/michigan-protests-coronavirus-lockdown-armed-capitol Jordan, M., Kanno-Youngs, Z., & Levin, D. (2020). Trump Visa Rules Seen as a Way to Pressure Colleges on Reopening. New York Times. Available from: https://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/07/us/student-visas-coronavirus.html

44

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Strands of Nationalism

Kaplan, M., & Mardini, R. (2017). The Kurdish Region of Iraq is Going to Vote on Independence. Here’s what you need to know. The Washington Post. Available from: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/ wp/2017/06/21/what-you-need-to-know-about-the-kurdish-referendum-onindependence/?utm_term=.e412e92516ad Kittler, F. (1992). Discourse Networks 1800/1900. Stanford University Press. Kroet, C. (2016). Geert Wilders Guilt of Incitement. Politico. Available from: https://www.politico.eu/article/geert-wilders-guilty-of-incitementencouraging-discrimination-no-penalty/ Lewis, H. (2019). Why Nationalists Fail. Atlantic (Boston, Mass.), 11(December). https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2019/12/ uk-election-wales-scotland-independence/603283/ Lord Acton. (1862). Nationality. The Home and Foreign Review. Available from: https://www.panarchy.org/acton/nationality.html Lovink, G. (2007). Zero Comments: Blogging and Critical Internet Culture. Routledge. Merrin, W. (2014). Media Studies 2.0. Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780203083581 Morozov, E. (2011). Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom. Perseus Books Group. Mudde, C., & Kaltwasser, C. (2012). Populism in Europe and the Americas: Threat or Corrective Democracy. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/ CBO9781139152365 Mueller, J. (2016). What is Populism? University of Pennsylvania Press. doi:10.9783/9780812293784

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Muller, J. (2008). Us and Them: The Enduring Power of Ethnic Nationalism. Foreign Policy. Available at: https://www.fulbright.ca/uploads/Us-and-Them. pdf Nazzaro, R. (2018). The Base organizer tweets. Excerpts found on: https:// www.splcenter.org/fighting-hate/extremist-files/group/base Palmer, E. (2016). Nigel Farage Resigns: Most Infamous Quotes from Outgoing UKIP Leader. International Business Times. Available from: https://www. ibtimes.co.uk/nigel-farage-resigns-most-infamous-quotes-outgoing-ukipleader-1568802

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

45

Strands of Nationalism

Panayi, P. (2001). An Ethnic History of Europe Since 1945: Nations, States, and Minorities. Longman Publishing Group. Pognon, O. (2008). Marine Le Pen reprend ses distances avec son pere. Le Figaro. Available from: https://www.lefigaro.fr/politique/2008/04/28/0100220080428ARTFIG00356-marine-le-pen-reprend-ses-distances-avec-sonpere.php Price, M. E. (2015). Free Expression, Globalism, and the New Strategic Communication. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/ CBO9781139680486 Quinn, A. (2017). The UK Should Expect No Favors From the New President: Trump will look out for Trump. London School of Economics, American Politics and Policy Blog. Available from: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/69361/1/ blogs.lse.ac.uk-The%20UK%20should%20expect%20no%20favors%20 from%20the%20new%20president%20Trump%20will%20look%20out%20 for%20Trump.pdf Redden, E. Trump Expands Immigration Restrictions. Inside Higher Education. Available from: https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2020/06/23/ immigration-restrictions-target-h-1bs-certain-j-visas Said, E. (1979). Orientalism. Random House. Saunders, R. (2011). Ethnopolitics in Cyberspace: The Internet, Minority Nationalism, and the Web. Lexington Books. Southern Poverty Law Center. (2020). The Base. Available from: https:// www.splcenter.org/fighting-hate/extremist-files/group/base Sutherland, C. (2005). Nation-Building through Discourse Theory. Nations and Nationalism, 11(2), 185–202. doi:10.1111/j.1354-5078.2005.00199.x

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Taylor, J. (2010). White Identity: Racial Consciousness in the 21st Century. New Century. The role of technology in the presidential election. (2016). The Economist. Available from: https://www.economist.com/news/united-states/21710614fake-news-big-data-post-mortem-under-way-role-technology The Week. (2020). Brexit timeline: all the key dates in the UK’s exit from the EU. Available from: https://www.theweek.co.uk/100284/brexit-timelinekey-dates-in-the-uk-s-break-up-with-the-eu 46

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Strands of Nationalism

Turner, G. (2016). Commercial Nationalism: Selling the Nation and Nationalizing the Sell. Palgrave. Viefhues-Bailey, L. (2017). Looking Forward to a New Heaven and a New Earth Where American Greatness Dwells: Trump’s Political Theology. Political Theology., 18(3), 194–200. doi:10.1080/1462317X.2017.1314086 Wang, S., Wattles, J., & Kelly, H. (2017). Facebook finds a way into China. CNN Technology. Available from: https://money.cnn.com/2017/08/12/ technology/facebook-balloon-app-china/index.html Weber, M. (1978). Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology. University of California Press.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Who are the Kurds? (2016). BBC News. Available from: https://www.bbc. com/news/world-middle-east-29702440

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

47

48

Chapter 3

The Politics of Pandemics: Nationalism vs. Public Health

ABSTRACT

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The COVID-19 pandemic has colored the politics of 2020 from international to domestic, and the responses by countries have been politicized and limited by various actors. Regimes, both democratic and not, are using the chaotic pandemic environment to consolidate power under the executive, control the masses through decree, and shifting towards national and power bloc supply chains from the international supply chain that has been for all nations in the era of globalization and immediately after. This chapter will provide insight into how various nation-states are using nationalism to combat the pandemic, including the United States, United Kingdom, Chile, Russia, and Hungary. The chapter highlights the availability of the internet and social media platforms to spread mis- and dis-information that can hinder the work of a legitimate government attempting to respond earnestly and efectively to the pandemic.

We are at war with a virus that threatens to tear us apart – WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus There are events that define a generation, whether they are political, economic, religious, social, and/or cultural, these are moments that occur that DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-7343-3.ch003 Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Politics of Pandemics

mark a transition from ‘the way things were’ to ‘the way things are now’, and each generation has their own unique foundational events. The time before when we did not have to wear masks in civil society; or before the enhanced screening procedures for airports brought about by the adoption of the Patriot Act as a result of the 9/11 terror attacks; or diligently rehearsing the fastest maneuver to get underneath your desk at school to shelter in the event of a bomb during the Cold War period. Each generation bears the onus for defining the foundational events and suffering the consequences (or reaping the benefits) in their own way. For the Boomer generation, World War II, the Cold War, Vietnam, and the aggressively changing global order; for Generation X, the tumult of the 1980s and the fall of the U.S.S.R., the era of globalization, and the rise of the personal computer culture; for Millennials (the generation to which this author belongs), we have been defined by events such as September 11th, 2001, the War on Terror, the proliferation of social media and an interconnectedness amongst the international community (that seemingly no longer exists) as well as a global economic recession; and finally, for the newest generation, Generation Z (the students in our high schools, coming into our colleges currently) is now contending with a oncein-several-generations pandemic with the Coronavirus (COVID-19) and the severe economic downturn that has accompanied it. The aforementioned events are glaring examples but certainly not an exhaustive list of occurrences that shaped the previous (and current generations), however, these events do delineate clearly the before and after for effected actors (which in the globalized world is difficult to not be at least the major nation-states). The Coronavirus pandemic has accelerated an already quickly transitioning 21st century international community that began as unified, global partners and have entered into the new decade as questionable allies, possibly frenemies in some cases, but much less willing to cooperate on matters of shared importance, even among the best of partners. The origins and spread of Coronavirus are still hotly debated, but what is known is that the first cases were reported out of Wuhan, China in December 2019, according to the World Health Organization, however these cases were reportedly thought to be pneumonia before researchers discovered the novel virus. On January 12, 2020, China had publicized the genetic sequencing of COVID-19 for the international medical research community, and two days later, the first case outside of China was reported in Thailand; the spread would be exponential after this, spreading to as far as Italy and Seattle, Washington by February

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

49

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Politics of Pandemics

2020. As of May 2020, the virus has reached 177 countries, killing more than 300,000 people (including at the time of writing, 89,000 deaths in the U.S. alone), and infecting over 4 million worldwide. On February 2, President Trump signed an executive order banning those who had traveled to China within the last 14 days went into effect, with exemptions for U.S. citizens, permanent residents, and their close family (Keith & Gharib, 2020). The move was calculated and costly, as it slowed world travel, representing a massive economic hit to airlines around the world, according to Cherkaoui (2020), the virus itself “represents an existential threat to many airlines” and notes that due to Trump’s 30-ban on most flights to America from Europe (taking effect March 14, 2020), “the 20 billion dollar lucrative transatlantic routes made in sales in 2019 will be erase[d]” (P. 2). While making these necessary and recommended changes to the American society and economy, President Trump was still eschewing the disease as a “hoax” and stating that it would simply “go away” (Keith & Gharib, 2020), before March 16, 2020 when he Trump would publicly announce that the nation should consider working and schooling from home when possible. By March 16, 2020, there was a pandemic spreading throughout the international community, the World Health Organization had declared a global health emergency, and numerous other countries lockdown their borders and restricted travel to-and-from the country, and in some places, between cities (certainly there are elements of federalism that are afoot in the governance of the Coronavirus pandemic that should be fleshed out as well, as the United States response was less than unified). On the other hand, countries such as Denmark who tout record low death tolls (around 250 total) due to COVID-19 are looking to their “once-in-a-generation and youngest prime minister ever” as a saving grace. Mette Frederiksen shutdown the Danish borders on March 13, 2020, and shortly after closed the schools (including universities), and banned gatherings of more than ten people, likely accounting for the low infection rate in the country (Phillips et al., 2020). The virus has caused varying reactions on the part of governments around the world; with some embracing the necessity to come together with global health leaders and attempt to find a cure for the enrichment of the whole international community; while others are turning inward, seeking solutions for their populations alone and seem to lack compassion for the overall damage this pandemic is wreaking amongst the global community. The pandemic has pit globalism versus nationalism in an ideological and policy prescription battle that will likely decide the future of politics for decades to come, particularly foreign policy and international diplomacy. This chapter will explore the 50

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

The Politics of Pandemics

current COVID-19 crisis upending the international governance structure and reshaping the post-globalization community. Regimes, both democratic and non are using the chaotic pandemic environment to consolidate power under the executive, control the masses through decree, and shifting towards national and power bloc supply chains (e.g.: a return of the hegemony) from the international supply chain that has been for all nations in the era of globalization and immediately after. This chapter will provide insight into how various nation-states are using nationalism to combat the pandemic, including the United States, United Kingdom, Chile, Russia, and Hungary.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Inverse Globalization: Rising Nationalism As previously mentioned, the era of post-globalization that defined the midto-late 2000s through 20-teens international community and was shaped by the proliferation of the internet as well as the accelerated pace of ever-smarter and evermore ubiquitous digital technologies is in grave danger due to the rise tide of global nationalist movements (and has been in jeopardy since at least 2015, while this author argues the splintering began much earlier in 2009-10 in the United States). The most generic definition of globalization is being used by this author to emphasize the unique and interdependent world order that emerged in 1980s; globalization most importantly represents the “increasing economic, cultural, and political interdependence and integration…fostered by liberalized international trade and innovations in information technology and communication, which has been promoted and managed to a greater or lesser degree by international institutions, multinational corporations, national governments (especially the United States), international nongovernmental organizations, and even individuals with access to the internet” (Atkinson, 2016, P. 1). The era of globalization has provided copious opportunities for the global community of actors to come together on a host of issues, including responding to terrorism, combatting climate change, quelling nuclear proliferation, and more to come (as this chapter focuses on the global Coronavirus pandemic), and has shaped a generation of citizens and political leaders who see mutual cooperation on shared concerns and actions that threaten the entirety of the community (e.g.: NATO’s Article 5 invocation in response to the terror attacks of September 11, 2001). The era of globalization and digital interconnectedness brought about numerous sociopolitical opportunities for citizens living in varied regime types around the world to make changes to their political, economic, and social circumstances. This author has focused

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

51

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Politics of Pandemics

much prior research on social movements in the digital age, and the ability for global citizens to communicate via social media platforms to mobilize and foment revolution. As has been argued (Stacey, 2016; 2017; 2018; 2019), networked social movements benefit from available technologies, including (and most importantly) social media and have been able to foment and mobilize dissent more expeditiously and to a greater level of inclusion (on the whole) due to the egalitarian nature of digital technologies. While networked social movements enjoy greater viability in terms of providing social/collective consciousness to the “problem” (Blumer, 1969) and have better enabled the near instantaneous fomentation of mobilized populations, who are often ready (and willing) to organize in the streets (actualizing movements in the offline world). It is arguable as to whether networked (contemporary) movements have led to lasting sociopolitical change. In fact, it is the opinion of this author that networked movements enable mass mobilization for the accomplishment of short-term goals, which leave the long-term demands of the mobilized to lie dormant and seep back into the collective consciousness once the tentative détente between citizen and government is breached. We are witnessing breaches across the international community with a resurgence of widespread and lingering protests in Hong Kong, Egypt, Iraq, across South America, including Peru, Bolivia, Brazil, and Venezuela. The underlying demands in the majority of the aforementioned cases goes back to democratization and providing for increased accountability and transparency between citizen and government. Democratization by its nature is a long-term goal and process, it is not easily accomplished nor is it ever perfect. Many scholars have discussed the role of communicative digital technologies in assisting in democratization and the ability for citizens to create opportunities for sociopolitical change via these technologies. The era of globalization is colored by sociopolitical movements and revolutions that were made possible through the spreading of ideology, tactics, communication, and new (or re-discovered) ideas via the internet – including nationalist ideologies and groups that work to advance a particular world order that has much less to do with diversity and multiculturalism. As the new decade crept closer, the international order increasingly became challenged by political leaders stirring up nationalist and populist sentiments, and highlighting what they see as injustices to national populations, including refugee requirements, illegal immigration, and diversity as a drain to the national/local economy. The clear demarcation line where nationalism became the de facto political ideology was the retreat from the European Union on 52

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Politics of Pandemics

the part of the United Kingdom coupled with the election of Donald Trump (wall-touting, silent majority flouting, race-baiting, and populism-spouting) in the United States that clinched it as a political wave that could (and by all rights, has) overtaken the global community. Robert Kaplan argues that Phase 1 of globalization is now over; this phase was characterized by “freetrade agreements, building global supply chains, creating and enlarging middle classes while alleviating extreme poverty, expanding democracy… etc.” (2020). As stated, Phase 1 coincided with the proliferation of the internet and accompanying platforms that aided in the flattening of the global community and providing for easier access into the fold for underdeveloped (formerly known as second world) countries. Phase 1 also encouraged if not outright mandated adherence to postmodern principles, including the spread of democracy, loyalty to free market capitalism, and an interdependence (economic, political, social, civil) that in many ways has backfired and led to the isolationism and retreat from the world stage that is occurring in the 21st century with Western democracies at the forefront of the shrinking. This, for Kaplan, is explained by the transition from the first phase of globalization into the second, which has been largely characterized by a retreat inward for the nation-state in all aspects (economic, social, but particularly, political). The second phase of globalization is “about…social and class divides that have engendered nativism and populism, coupled with middle-class angst in Western democracies”, the emerging world order is less cooperative and features “new and re-emerging global divisions” (Kaplan, 2020). The politics of this particular pandemic and the response by governments around the world has varied incredibly and highlights not only the increase in nationalist policies and rhetoric, but also the influence that a so-called populist regime (one that claims it is for and understands the everyday folks, the silent majority) can have on the behavior of those same peoples (including whether or not it is useful to wear protective equipment, consumption of particular pharmaceuticals to combat the disease, and if it is indeed okay to re-open and maintain normal functions in large metropolitan areas amid a summer resurgence of the Coronavirus. A long-term crisis during this nationalistic transition (such as COVID-19) will profoundly alter countries and their governance; “a collection of massive domestic crises will collide, as health systems collapse or come close to it and governments struggle with double-digit unemployment, a severe recession or depression, plummeting revenue, increased expenditure, and mounting debt” (Wright, 2020). According to Kaplan (2020), that the coronavirus pandemic helped to complete the transition of phase from first to second, after a period of overlapping, “it [the

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

53

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Politics of Pandemics

pandemic] is deepening the processes of separation that mark this second phase of globalization – from jet travel reductions to international conference cancellations to global business stoppages to nativist reactions”. Gerard Araud, formerly France’s ambassador to the United States, noted that there is an “assault on globalization” and the coronavirus pandemic only compounds this assault, countries will be wary of outsourcing crucial medical supplies and pharmaceuticals to other countries; supply chains will more generally will be disrupted and will be hard to repair; and governments will play a much larger role in the economy and will use that role to rebuild a national economy instead of a global one (Wright, 2020). In short, the pandemic has accelerated the turn inward towards domestic politics, policy problems, and most importantly, the national economy. The volatility in politics, the market, and Coronavirus was first on display in mid-March between OPEC+ member Russia and Saudi Arabia over oil prices in relation to the slowing of international travel due to the burgeoning pandemic. Russia and Saudi Arabia disagreed about slowing the production of oil in order to stabilize global prices, which led to an all-out price war, which resulted in a 65 percent fall in the price of oil, and Russia leaving the OPEC+ alliance (Raval et al., 2020). The price war will have subsequent consequences for countries such as Iran, Venezuela, and Iraq, countries that rely on oil price stability for civil and political legitimacy and order. Yet another tense situation in the international community is also playing out amid the COVID-19 pandemic: China vs. the United States. The reemergence of anti-American and anti-Chinese sentiments in both countries, which was largely facilitated by the Trump administration’s fervent attacks on imports and exports to China, starting a trade war that has yet to materialize anything of substance (or provide a better situation) for the United States. Quite the opposite, as China has started to outsource much of their goods that were once purchased from the U.S., the soybean industry is a great example of what is to come. China purchases nearly 60 percent of all soybeans produced in the world – until 2018, the United States was China’s largest trading partner for soybeans, to the tune of $17.2 billion (Tabeling, 2020). However, because of the tense trading environment between the two countries, China has started buying from Brazil, bringing in $33.2 billion in 2018 (Tabeling, 2020). As Kaplan noted, the second phase of globalization is going to usher in a new world order that is characterized by global power blocs – and it is this author’s opinion that the era of the Hegemon 2.0, the post-globalization hegemony is going to define the next phase in the international community, and China versus the United States will be a key rivalry in the future economic health 54

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Politics of Pandemics

of the world. The pandemic has ushered in, along with an increased visibility of a more emphatic brand of nationalism, a mounting pressure for economies to look after number 1, or to engage in protectionism. While the European Union is taking the pandemic as an opportunity to build new alliances, and signed new trade agreements with Canada, Japan, Brazil, and Argentina (Bown, 2020), other countries, including the United States and even E.U. member nations are eschewing the stability and loyalty to entities outside of their borders. Bown notes that in March 2020, France and Germany “banned sales of vital hospital equipment outside of national borders, including to virus-ravaged Italy”, a move that could have exacerbated the spread of the disease throughout the Union (Bown, 2020). This is known as export protectionism and tends to have a domino effect; when one country (particularly global leaders) stop the export of certain goods outside of their borders, it can be expected that others will follow suit, this seems especially true regarding medical and pharmaceutical supplies that are desperately needed in countries to take care of citizens. Robert Lighthizer, U.S. Trade Representative stated, “Unfortunately, like others, we are [the United States] learning in this crisis that over-dependence on other countries as a source of cheap medical products and supplies has created a strategic vulnerability to our economy” (Bown, 2020). Protectionism has been a looming threat in the 21st century, specifically after the 2007-08 global recession in the G-20 (an international alliance of the top 20 industrialized and major emerging economies) reaffirmed its members’ commitment to encourage cooperation, pledging, “We underscore the critical importance of rejecting protectionism and not turning inward in times of financial uncertainty. In this regard, within the next 12 months, we will refrain from raising new barriers to investment or to trade in goods and services, imposing new export restrictions, or implementing World Trade Organization (WTO) inconsistent measures to stimulate exports” (Bown, 2020). The origins of the pandemic are certainly contested and has brought focus onto the postmodern globalized community that has been characterized by a seeming borderlessness and transnationalism, which is now being portrayed as problematic at best, (looking to Brexit) and untenable at worst, (looking to current crises). The spread of COVID-19 has mirrored the likely now defunct globalized community in its transmission: the first case in South Africa was a native return home from a ski trip in Italy; Panama’s first recorded case was brought back from Spain; Nigeria and Jordan first cases both hailed from Italy as well; the argument that open borders and reasonably priced international flights (both products of globalization) contributed to (if not exacerbated) the

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

55

The Politics of Pandemics

spread of the disease can certainly be made. In fact The Intercept analyzed news accounts of coronavirus cases as they arose around the world and found, Travel from and within Europe preceded the first coronavirus cases in at least 93 countries across all five continents, accounting for more than half of the world’s index cases. Travel from Italy alone preceded cases in at least 46 countries, compared to 27 countries associated with travel from China (2020). The responses by each country has been strategic and with an eye on the health of their people and economic situation alone, leaving much of the world’s most vulnerable populations to twist in the proverbial wind of COVID-19 (and even some of the seemingly least vulnerable populations as well, e.g.: the United States). Gerard Araud pointed to the World Health Organization in 2019 the organization published a response plan to a pandemic, according to Araud, “Not a single major country followed the guidance. All did what they thought was necessary to protect their interests. Major powers will likely have less capacity – in terms of both materials and time – to cooperate on the geopolitical shocks that will surely occur during this crisis” (Wright, 2020). To reiterate, at a time of critical importance to the international community where time is of the essence to reduce transmission rates (particularly as they reach the Middle East and its vast population), find a viable vaccination, and stabilize the global market economy, Western nations, and most crucially the United States are forgoing cooperation with allies to climb to the top of the proverbial mountain alone. Dr. Clare Standley, a researcher from Georgetown University’s Department of International Health poignantly stated,

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

I do not think that it is helpful at this point in time to use the pandemic to advance nationalistic discourses, or to point fingers and assign blame [such as renaming the disease the China Flu, see Trump, 2020 – author added for context]. But I think that there are opportunities to hold our systems and our governance accountable in terms of how they could have responded better. The role of politics, particularly democratic politics is to do just that, hold our systems of governance, which include the health care apparatus, accountable for the job that has been accomplished thus far in battling the coronavirus pandemic. The following section analyzes coronavirus responses by countries’ regimes comparatively and discusses the ways in which nationalist rhetoric and/or policy actions have hampered effective pandemic responses in many countries, and made it possible to politicize health issues 56

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

The Politics of Pandemics

(such as wearing a mask) when the facts that have been presented to global citizens by organizations such as the Centers for Disease Control, World Health Organization, and United Nations all point to these requirements as life-saving rather than rights/liberties-challenging. Various countries with extremely different approaches and philosophies to governance have responded in stratified manners, the following section does not wish to say that one is better than the other, rather simply emphasize those that adhere to and espouse more liberal/multicultural/globalist ideology versus nationalist and address their varied policy actions comparatively.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Comparative Pandemic Politics: Nationalism and Health Policies in the Era of ‘Rona The international community is seemingly being stretched to a breaking point, as has been argued, there is a subsequent transition that is occurring which will color the world order to come. As stated in the previous section, the coronavirus outbreak and subsequent global pandemic has exacerbated already strained and shifting ties among the world’s leaders, nation-states, and within nation-states down to local governance as well. Global citizens have watched with bated (and sometimes diseased) breath as their governments attempted to quell the spread of a virus using recommendations and encouraging best practices initially, then quickly turning to more draconian measures such as closing borders, restricting travel to and from specific places, and various requirement for facial and body coverings. Francis Fukuyama explains that “state capacity, social trust, and leadership” have been crucial components for successful pandemic responses, going further he notes that “countries with dysfunctional states, polarized societies, or poor leadership have done badly, leaving their citizens and economies exposed and vulnerable” (Fukuyama, 2020). Then there is Sweden. Sweden took a hard left in the initial phases of the COVID-19 pandemic and instead of locking down their society as other European countries had done, Sweden encouraged folks to carry on as usual, in order to build herd immunity. Unfortunately, as of July 2020, Sweden has one of the world’s highest rates of infection that continues to grow daily, with over 77,000 confirmed cases and nearly 5,500 deaths, and this was due to its soft approach to the pandemic in March-April 2020. According to CBS News, Sweden’s “mortality rate from the coronavirus is currently 30 percent higher than that of the United States, when adjusted for population size”; a terrifying and visceral reminder of how politics (governance) and life are intertwined.

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

57

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Politics of Pandemics

As of July 17, 2020, there are 14 million cases of coronavirus worldwide, with roughly 7.8 million recoveries, and an unfathomable 601,000 people dead from the disease; it is important to note that these numbers are obviously ever-changing and in no way reflect an equality of disease transmission and/ or response by countries to the evolving conditions of the pandemic. The focus of this section is to highlight how the ideology and policy actions of nationalist leaders versus others has created a division amongst even Western countries in the response to the pandemic and obligations to keep citizens protected while maintaining economic and political functions of a legitimate government. Comparatively speaking, waking up in the United States is typically a much desired and coveted position to be in. However, in the age of COVID-19 and the accompanying response (and preparedness) of the Trump Administration, the U.S. leaves room for great improvement; with a total of 3.7 million cases of coronavirus confirmed and a whopping 141,000 deaths, the U.S. sits at the top (or in the top five) of national statistics on rate of transmission, rate of hospitalization, and rate of death per capita, and shows little signs of slowing in the heat of Summer 2020. According to Brookings, the U.S.’s numbers account for one-quarter of the cases worldwide with only four percent of the total global population, a staggering number when considered comparatively, “poor management of the pandemic in the U.S. correlates with the country’s declining governance over the years as compared with many European countries – as well as with Japan and others in Asia” (Kaufmann, 2020). The Trump pandemic response has brought many questions into focus for the longest-functioning democracy in the world, namely, does federalism serve the people in a collective crisis where we must rely on one another to stabilize and maintain our precious civil society. Contemporary U.S. citizens are witnessing a rift between numerous more ideologically liberal city mayors (and city councils) and state governors and the White House regarding precaution mandates, supplies of personal protective equipment, and particularly during the last few weeks of May when the majority of the country was under lockdown, the deployment of National Guard units in various cities (that happened to have liberal mayors, e.g. Washington D.C.’s Muriel Bowser) to enforce federal requirements. The United States, as Fukuyama (2020) notes has massive state capacity potential to deal with crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic, “but its current highly polarized society and incompetent leader blocked the state from functioning effectively…the president stoked division rather than promoting unity…pushed responsibility onto governors for making key decisions while encouraging protests against 58

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

The Politics of Pandemics

them…” (Fukuyama, 2020). Kaufmann (2020) notes that there is a “pandemicinduced socio-economic shock [that is] afflicting countries all around the globe...Depending on the extent to which vested economic interests influence policymaking, countries are differently navigating a perceived tradeoff between opting for health-induced lockdowns (and strict distancing with gradual re-openings), on the one side, or economics-driven rapid reopening and macro-economic rescue packages”. He goes onto argue (as has been witnessed throughout the summer) that this was a false dichotomy – the states or communities that did not implement mask or social distancing requirements (or did so very late, say in May rather than March/April) and/or rushed to re-open the economy are now being ravaged by the virus (including my home state of Oklahoma, on more than one traveler’s advisory for quarantining after returning from this state list) (Kaufmann, 2020). As argued, the fate of the world order and structure of the international community is in question in the era of COVID-19 and particularly in the post-COVID (or at least a vaccinated COVID) environment. The present is a test for countries and their commitment to the globalized international community that is characterized by unprecedented post-modern cooperation on a variety of shared issues. If, however, the breakdown of international cooperation leads to better national outcomes, the era after COVID-19 could witness the end of the globalized order and a digression back to the hegemonic, national-oriented world order instead of countries working multilaterally to solve common problems.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

European Dis-Union and Beyond The European Union beyond the United States is quite vulnerable due to the pandemic; Brexit and the aftermath of creeping nationalism has put many strong alliances in jeopardy but the pandemic (as previously stated) is exacerbating and accelerating pre-established tensions and pushing leaders and nations to the breaking point. In the early days of the pandemic the Bloc remained fairly cohesive, but as disease continued across oceans and borders, the already fractured union has become more so with implementation of viruscontrolling policies such as imposing travel restrictions, border checkpoints, and the outright closure of airports and borders to non-natives (Kirschbaum et al., 2020). As a point of contention in the future, nationalists including British nationalists are taking note that the European Union is justifying the rapid closure of borders that under the alliance treaty were viewed as open and free-flowing. Laura Huhtasaari, a member of the European Parliament

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

59

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Politics of Pandemics

noted, “the need for borders is being vindicated by the pandemic…globalism is collapsing” (Kirschbaum et al., 2020). Member-states of the European Union agreed to close borders to all nonessential travel from outside the bloc in March 2020 and extended the restriction until June 15, 2020 (European Commission, 2020). While pro forma for the Union to announce the closure of member-nations’ borders, the supranational entity was late in making this designation as individual member-states had declared border closures unilaterally, in what can now be described as an obvious step to insulating nationalism amidst the pandemic. Before the European Parliament voted to restrict nonessential travel on March 16, at least 15 of the countries that constitute the “so-called Schengen Area, a passport-free zone, had already reintroduced border controls of some kind” (Kirschbaum et al., 2020). Many of the countries that preemptively instituted their own border controls before the E.U. are the same that are hardline anti-immigration/refugee countries, such as Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic. The haphazard response to the coronavirus pandemic (which in some ways mirrors the United States’) has caused much chaos and allowed for the virus to spread from the European continent outward rapidly (mainly to the African continent which has yet to be ravaged by the disease in the same way that the West has been). Political scientist Thomas Jaeger argues, “The longer the crisis lasts, the more nationalism will return” (Kirschbaum et al., 2020); it does seem likely, particularly with the battles over border control and entry of non-natives, that the European Union has much to muddle through before the COVID-19 pandemic is resolved. It seems likely that once the spread of the disease has been controlled that the European Union members who lean more right-wing will have a credible argument for national border control, a measure that puts an end to the free-wheeling, passport-free European Union of the post-modern era. The United Kingdom and the United States had very similar reactions and policy responses to the coronavirus. Both Prime Minister Johnson and President Trump attempted to downplay the severity of the disease and both also attempted to obscure the virus as if it were some problem external to their countries, Trump doing so more crudely by repeatedly referring to the illness as the ‘China Flu’ or ‘Chinese Virus’ (Chiu, 2020). The turning point for Johnson and the U.K. was the Prime Minister’s own diagnosis and time spent in the intensive care unit with COVID-19. After this incident, Johnson instituted (though short-lived) shelter-in-place measures. Trump, on the other hand, responded more erratically to the situation; this is in part due to the nature of American federalism and the bifurcation of authority between 60

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Politics of Pandemics

the states and the national government. Shelter-in-place, lockdown and PPE requirements in the United States are in the jurisdiction of state governments (who in many cases allowed things to go to the municipal ordinance level). Although the states took the lead on coronavirus response in the United States, the citizenry still looks to the presidency for leadership, and during the earliest parts of the pandemic, President Trump was contradicting NIH and CDC experts by encouraging the American people to “inject disinfectants” and in states that had instituted stringent shutdown orders (think Michigan and California), Trump inserted himself into the politics by calling for the liberation of those liberal bastions. Trump’s inconsistent leadership has led the United States down a path of uncertainty, which is likely to harm the national economy and political environment much more than if the country had closed its borders (including states) and followed the European model. Although Trump’s response in some cases has been viewed as stoking nationalist tensions, particularly among those who already belong to his base or adhere to fairly strict libertarian values, however the advantageous use of a time of crisis has been better spent passing policies that will outlive the pandemic in true authoritarian regimes such as Poland and Hungary. This pair of countries are no strangers to fascism disguised as a populist movement, and are experiencing a massive surge in right-wing populist political parties churning out evermore authoritarian leaders, such as Prime Ministers Viktor Orban of Hungary and Mateusz Morawiecki of Poland. The response to COVID-19 for leaders with an authoritarian bent has been to consolidate power under the executive branch and justify those decisions based on poor public healthcare systems. Landwehr and Schafer (2020) note that the limited number of intensive care units resulted in Prime Minister Orban adopting strict lockdown policies in order to slow the spread of the virus. On March 30, 2020, the Hungarian Parliament passed a law that allows Prime Minister Orban (a Trumpian figure) much more control over the country. The March 30th law gives unlimited power to the executive branch and establishes: a state of emergency with undefined time limits; rule by decree; the legislative branch (parliament) action suspended; elections postponed; punishment for spreading fake news and/or rumors, up to five years in prison; and leaving quarantine is punishable by up to eight years in prison (NY Times, 2020). It is obvious that Orban is consolidating power underneath his office, and using these emergency rules to control civil society as well as the political order. The prison sentence for publishing false news is a tool that can easily be used against political opponents and those who seek to challenge Orban’s authority.

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

61

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Politics of Pandemics

The governing party of Poland (PiS, or Law and Justice) has strengthened nationalist ideology and altered laws in order to entrench the government. The party, which is characterized as a national-conservative and right-wing populist, and is a member of the European Conservatives and Reformists Party. The party holds 198 seats in the lower chamber of parliament and 48 in the Senate, making it the largest political party in the Polish parliament and making them extremely influential in policy-making. The PiS used their parliamentary majority to amend electoral laws before the 2020 election; the goal of PiS was to rush the presidential election due to the lack of wellorganized opposition candidates during a global pandemic (Landwehr & Schafer, 2020). Although President Duda did in fact face a viable challenger, the opposition parties had no traction and struggled to get messages out during the pandemic coverage that focused on executive branch actions. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu shuttered the national courts in mid-March, which halted the corruption trial against him, and established a bold invasive surveillance program of citizens in order to contact trace individuals who have been exposed to or have contracted the coronavirus. The country’s domestic security agency has been authorized to track citizens using a secret trove of cellphone data that was developed for counterterrorism measures but has been coopted to trace the free movement of citizens for the sake of public health (for now). Netanyahu’s government is enforcing isolation/quarantine orders and those who violate the orders can be punished by up to six months in prison. Although Israel is not commonly regarded as an authoritarian state, the regime under Netanyahu has slide closer toward autocracy, and he has been willing to abuse the institutions under his authority to keep legitimacy. The ‘Shield of Israel’ plan was unveiled on July 28 and moves Israel into a new phase of COVID-19 response; the plan is being called a “new contract between the public and those managing the crisis” and calls on the IDF, Israeli Defense Forces to take control over the administration of testing and contract tracing, as well as the data being “consolidated and presented in a unified manner” (Jaffe-Hoffman, 2020). Again, in Israel there is an obvious consolidation of power and more importantly, data and information regarding citizens, their well-being (health) and their movements around the country. Netanyahu also faces a grave economic crisis in Israel where unemployment before the pandemic hovered around 4 percent, after the first wave and lockdown of the economy, skyrocketed to 24 percent (Murray, 2020). One of the more interesting aspects to Israel’s reopening was the decision to open schools without limitations or requirements, this move led to the “infecting [of] more than 1300 students and 600 staff members” (Schwartz & Lieber, 62

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Politics of Pandemics

2020). The year began questionably for Israeli politics, and particularly for Netanyahu, who was unable to build a majority coalition to remain in power through a strong decree, after two elections in 2019. Netanyahu had to build a coalition and compromise with the Blue and White opposition party leader, Benny Gantz; the two agreed to form an emergency coalition after weeks of negotiations and was finalized in April 2020. Gantz and Netanyahu agreed to rotate serving as prime minister, “with Netanyahu starting off and Gantz taking over after 18 months” (Murray, 2020). It seems clear to the outside international observer that Netanyahu took advantage of the confusion and fear brought about by a global pandemic and the uncertainty about the future of the country’s politics. Zilber noted that the “Coronavirus, for all its faults, exposes each country’s dysfunction…For the person who’s been leading the country for 11 straight years, politics often times comes first, and there’s no real urgency on the part of the political class to actually put the public’s interest first” (Murray, 2020). Nationalism has become part-and-parcel of the COVID-19 era where countries are looking to provide the necessities for their vulnerable populations, borders must be controlled or at least monitored more closely, and where global supply chains are being broken and reconstituted in power blocs that will quickly render the post-globalization world order dysfunctional and obsolete. This brand of nationalism has caused major disruptions in the import of critical supplies, including face masks, other personal protective equipment, “Overall, more than 70 countries plus the European Union imposed export controls on local supplies of personal protective equipment, ventilators, or medicines during the first four months of the pandemic. That group includes most of the countries where potential COVID-19 vaccines are being manufactured” (Bollyky & Bown, 2020). Most recently, the conversation has shifted to the possibility of “vaccine nationalism” (Bollyky & Bown, 2020). The Trump administration has characterized the disruptions and hoarding of supplies as an emergency situation, equating the scenario to oxygen masks releasing on a descending and depressurizing plane. He noted, “You put on your own mask first, and then we want to help others as quickly as possible”, but as Bollyky and Bown point out there is an egalitarian nature about masks dropping in airplanes – there is no technical or structural support that allows those in first-class to receive their masks before those in economy. However, when we put this analogy to use in a vaccine scenario it becomes obvious that those countries that have proprietary ownership of the vaccine and are producing it, then leaders can decide who gets what supplies, when, and how much. According to the World Health Organization, there were 160 candidate

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

63

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Politics of Pandemics

vaccines and 21 in clinical trials by July 2020, and while it will take months (possibly years) to test and certify that the vaccines are both safe and effective at stopping the spread of and likelihood of death from the coronavirus – the countries (not all of whom are wealthy or industrialized) that are competing to be the vaccination provider in the COVID crisis are “already competing to lock in early access” (Bollyky & Bown, 2020). Without an international organization or an obvious international effort to distribute whatever vaccine comes from these trials in an equitable manner, it is clear that the vaccination leaders will prioritize taking care of their own populations before those in more vulnerable and densely populated environments – which could exacerbate the pandemic further. The competition for a vaccine could cause the price of any medication to rise due to an imminent price war that would occur with countries competing monetarily to cure their citizens. Bollyky and Bown note, “The result will be not only needless economic and humanitarian hardship but also intense resentment against vaccine-hoarding countries, which will imperil the kind of international cooperation that will be necessary to tackle future outbreaks” (2020). The world is witnessing intense ‘vaccine nationalism’ as individual countries (rather than a collective effort) are incentivizing the private sector to compete and quickly develop candidates for clinical trials. Although there has been an outpouring of philanthropists and over a dozen countries pledge roughly $8 billion to the Access to COVID-19 Tools Accelerator, which is dedicated to the rapid development and proliferation of a vaccine among other things relating to coronavirus. The United States, however, has not shown interest in the collective approach and instead President Trump allocated almost $10 billion to his Operation Warp Speed, an administration-driven initiative to provide hundreds of millions of coronavirus vaccines by January 2021, but only to American citizens (Kupferschmidt, 2020). Similarly, in Modi’s India (that has become increasingly nationalist as well as xenophobic), the chief executive of the Serum Institute of India has assured that “at least initially any vaccine the company produces will go to India’s 1.3 billion people” (Bollyky & Bown, 2020). The United Kingdom announced a deal in late July to “secure advanced supplies of potential COVID-19 vaccines from GlaxoSmithKline and Sanofi” (Kelland & Steenhuysen, 2020). Medecins Sans Frontiers, an international health charity emphasized that actions such as the U.K.’s exclusive partnership with those pharmaceutical companies will exacerbate “the global scramble to hoard vaccines by rich countries and feed a dangerous trend of vaccine nationalism” (Kelland & Steenhuysen, 2020). All varieties of nationalism (whether economic, ethnonationalism, white 64

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

The Politics of Pandemics

nationalism, etc.) have benefitted in the contemporary era by the ubiquity and ease of access to the internet and social media platforms that allow for the unfettered dissemination of content (whether factual or not). This widespread availability and popularity of digital communicative tools has accelerated the movement of global nationalism and made mobilizing citizens into collective action that much easier.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

‘Rona Policy Responses: Pandemic, Politics, and Technology The Social Media Age has been perceived in a polarized manner. There are idealists or utopians who view digital technologies and accompanying communicative platforms as a force for social and political good (almost unconditionally), while technopessimists will point to the endless stream of mis-and-disinformation that flows via platforms such as Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, and the like that insulates preconceived notions and disseminates (sometimes) dangerous information without consideration to fact or fiction. The digital age and social media creating fertile ground for the spread of conspiracy theories in the coronavirus pandemic, many of these conspiracy theories, as will be discussed, have a libertarian bent that advocate the virus as a government hoax, wearing a mask activates the coronavirus in your own body, and the media and liberals are using the COVID-19 pandemic to harm President Trump and his re-election campaign. The dissemination of various conspiracy theories has led to very real citizen advocacy, including campaigns that argue the use of personal protective equipment mandates are a violation of rights, which has led to the rejection of local and state government responses across the United States. According to Fukuyama, conspiracy theories that used to thrive in more authoritarian places where citizens lacked power are “[today] spread widely throughout rich countries, thanks in part to a fractured media environment caused by the internet and social media…” and become ripe for “populist demagogues” to use against their people (Fukuyama, 2020). Das and Ahmed (2020) argue that the traditional (broadcast) media focuses on the negative aspects of social media and the potential for noise and non-truths to drown out factual information; the World Health Organization declared an “infodemic, or an outbreak of misinformation causing mass anxiety and uncertainty” relating to the pandemic (Das & Ahmed, 2020). This eruption of disinformation (at best) and conspiracy theories leading to folklore (at worst) has led to action and participation by political actors across the world,

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

65

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Politics of Pandemics

including citizens in the United Kingdom dismantling and/or setting fire to 5G towers due to a conspiracy theory that the Chinese-pioneered technology was causing coronavirus. The theory was so prominent that it trended on Twitter under the hashtag, #5GCoronavirus (Das & Ahmed, 2020). It is because social media platforms are actively disseminating information and content at an exponential rate that there are opportunities for vast exaggeration, Othering, and the creation of alternative realities. The world witnesses the dysfunction and near instantaneous mass hysteria caused by use of social media during a crisis situation; think about any recent public mass shooting in the United States and the waves of communication that follow the event. All-too-often does a photograph or the name of a completely unrelated person get posted and (mis)identified as the shooter; while, of course, these things come out in the wash (or the truth will come out once the actual shooter is revealed and law enforcement are able to conduct investigations), however, the role of the social media has to fill the void of knowledge or information, by attempting to discover it on one’s own. This digital vigilantism bleeds into (or perhaps created) the current ‘cancel culture’ where one recorded mistake goes viral on a platform, and the crowd is coming to find you, where you work, are admitted to college, who you are married to, etc., nothing has been off limits in the 2020 cancel culture. Fukuyama (2020) argues, “The democratization of authority spurred by the digital revolution has flattened cognitive hierarchies along with other hierarchies, and political decisionmaking is now driven by often weaponized babble”, otherwise known as social media sites that proliferate the dissemination of individual conspiracy theories as well as massive organizations that are dedicated to some of the same debunked stories (e.g.: Pizzagate). The documentary Plandemic has claimed the minds and subsequently the social media feeds (and/or timelines) of citizens around the world since May 4, 2020 when the less than 30-minute video was posted on Facebook, YouTube, Vimeo, and its own separate website (Frenkel et al., 2020). According to the New York Times, one week after the Plandemic video was posted, it had been consumed more than eight million times between YouTube, Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram, though research showed that much of the video’s virality, or the tendency of a piece of digital content to be disseminated widely and quickly from one networked user to another, was due to its popularity among Facebook groups that reposted the YouTube link (Frenkel et al., 2020). The video, which featured a now discredited scientist, Judy Mikovits who alleged that her personal research on the virus and potential harm from vaccines had been silenced; the video started as slow trickle being spread on Facebook and YouTube conspiracy 66

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Politics of Pandemics

theory and anti-vaccine movement pages but leaked into the mainstream in mid-May, when it reached eight million views (Frenkel et al., 2020). Plandemic is a slick and well-produced public service announcement (used loosely) that touts dangerous mistruths such as “wearing masks can make the wearer sick; that sand from the beach can build up coronavirus immunity, and that as-yet-uninvented vaccines for the virus are dangerous” (Lytvynenko, 2020). The popularity of the debunked and discredited video was assisted by Dr. Christiane Northrup, a celebrity physician who had appeared on “Oprah” and had developed a decent-sized network of followers, “after Dr. Northrup shared the video, more than 1000 people also shared it, many of them to groups that oppose mandatory vaccinations” (Frenkel et al., 2020). The Plandemic video is just a piece of a wider network of conspiracy theories that have spread since the beginning of the pandemic in mid-February; “Its popularity shows how vital it is to keep reporting on false and misleading information and take online events as seriously as offline ones”, according to BuzzFeed reporter Jane Lytvynenko (Frenkel et al., 2020). While the sites that Plandemic was posted to have individually come out and stated their opposition to the contents of the video and vowed to remove it from their platforms, yet the digital footprint is there, and the content will be found. YouTube claimed, “We quickly remove flagged content that violates our Community Guidelines, including content that includes medically unsubstantiated diagnostic advice for COVID-19”; Vimeo stated that the company “stands firm in keeping our platform safe from content that spreads hateful and misleading health information…We are constantly monitoring and will continue to remove any similar videos uploaded”; and finally, Facebook’s meager response noted, “Suggesting that wearing a mask can make you sick could lead to imminent harm, so we’re removing the video” (Lytvynenko, 2020). While the aforementioned scenarios of digital dissemination of misinformation are concerning at best, researchers such as Das and Ahmed (2020) emphasize the critical role that social media platforms are playing in not only communicating awareness and information regarding the coronavirus, but providing an avenue for sociality in a pandemic that has meant quarantining alone or in small groups (e.g., as a family unit). They note, “COVID-19 also reveals the positive social role of social media and the way it has become increasingly central to the public dissemination and discussion of vital information about the pandemic” (Das &Ahmed, 2020). Social media does play an important role in the modern communications landscape, and often has vital public health/safety information before the traditional media and are better able to spread that information in a much wider swath than the

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

67

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Politics of Pandemics

traditional media (thanks to the networked society). The multimodal structure of social media also lends itself to disaster or emergency management communications, in the traditional mass media apparatus, citizen waited on the publishers or broadcasters of the news to first, determine what information was fit to print, and then to spread that information without much context or interactive information as seen on social media sites. These platforms offer peer-to-peer communications and exchanges with one’s network or outside of one’s network, which allows the impacted community to mobilize and come out to support one another immediately, instead of having a lag in community/ social action (Das & Ahmed, 2020). This includes organizing food banks, donations, various hashtag awareness campaigns, and more. A final thought on social media and its importance in the COVID-19 pandemic environment is its role in maintaining (or providing for) government accountability. Since its inception and widespread adoption, social media has become a bullhorn for critiquing the government that serves you and regimes worldwide. This has been particularly true in the Age of Coronavirus where global citizens have taken to their favorite SMS to criticize, question, and in some cases ridicule and/or troll leaders regarding their inconsistent response to the pandemic. During the height of the spread of the virus in March and April 2020, #IWantFreedomOfSpeech was trending in China – this is due to the government’s fight to keep the disease under control and quiet (of course, it is also important to remember that the pandemic originated in China during a violent continuation of protests in Hong Kong); #WhereIsBoris trended in the United Kingdom (before Prime Minister Johnson was diagnosed with the virus himself) due to Johnson’s lack of response to the growing pandemic, more recently the mask debate has ignited in Great Britain and #NoMasks and #WearADamnMask were both trending as of July 14, 2020; and in the United States, there have been numerous hashtags related to President Trump and his administration’s handling of the virus, #TrumpLiesAboutCoronavirus was most popular in April and May 2020 when Trump assured the United States that the pandemic would essentially go away with the summer heat, “Maybe this goes away with heat and light. It seems like that is the case…I think a lot of people are going to go outside all of a sudden” (Trump, 2020). These and so many other hashtags (that are often fleeting) have been used to bring attention to the administration of health and safety by regimes around the world during a pandemic. While the hashtags are not themselves holding politicians accountable, they are communicating the ineptitudes widely during a history-changing election year. 68

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

The Politics of Pandemics

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Concluding Remarks The future of the international community, and more importantly of the world order is at stake due to the careening crises of COVID-19 and the prominent status of nationalism in the policy actions of the most powerful leaders. While some comparative theorists and international relations scholars would argue that the aforementioned developments will have less impact on the global stage, and the United States will ultimately remain ahead in the balance of power game due to its advanced military, technological innovation, and “dynamism” (Ruger, 2020); others (including this author) see the shifting tides of global governance and realize that while the United States has only been eschewing its leadership role in a globalized world since 2017, the consequences of unilateral and isolationist foreign policy decisions by the Trump Administration will be felt for years (possibly decades) to come. As Kaplan argues, the shift in epochs is occurring and has largely been fueled by populist and nationalist rancor that threatens to upend the global order as many of us have known it since the end of World War II. The COVID-19 pandemic places the world order in a precarious position – one in which major powers are attempting to ‘go it alone’ more frequently and cause power struggles to (for example) find a vaccine and be the one to dole it out to the community. This shift from global cooperation to national interest protection will have dire consequences, not just in the battle against coronavirus and re-stabilizing societies around the world, but in other issues of shared interest such as combatting terrorism, finding solutions for climate change, and reengaging in the global spread of democratic values. As elucidated throughout this chapter, the coronavirus has become the dominant threat to the international community to-date, and it has required governments worldwide to adopt policies that at once, keep their citizens and borders as safe as possible, while simultaneously accelerating the influx of nationalist leaders and policies that are necessary during this unprecedented time. The virus has led to mass hysteria in many ways, and the politicization of medical recommendations that would have been regarded as just facts a decade ago. The pandemic has created a trial for regimes to adopt the right policies and to elicit popular support for those policies (insulating legitimacy). However, as stated, the pandemic also creates the perfect opportunity for demagogues and nationalist politicians abuse authority, institute policies that infringe upon civil liberties, and erode democratic legitimacy (attacking state institutions, e.g. the Centers for Disease Control or National Institutes of

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

69

The Politics of Pandemics

Health; politicizing facts, etc.). The rise of nationalism in the United States followed a political trajectory that saw the first Black man elected to the presidency and was a direct result of the ‘soft conservatism’ of George W. Bush; a call to the middle, the silent majority that had long been forgotten in American politics, according to the leaders who utilize this line of ideology to win support. The following chapter discusses the rise of the Tea Party and Alt-Right as a nationalist movement in the United States, and their proliferation in just years from a fringe movement to an electoral change agent, by utilizing the internet and digital tools. While the previous section discussed global protection of national culture and customs online, so too has the American Alt-Right used the internet in order to promulgate its prescribed cultural, racial, and political nationalist ideology that has, arguably influenced a generation of voters, most of whom are millennial or younger. The American-ness and nationalist voice of the Alt-Right has permeated mainstream media as well as social media, which makes it a formidable force in shaping American politics in the future.

REFERENCES Atkinson, D. (2016). Globalization. Oxford University Press. Blumer, H. (1969). Symbolic Interactionism: Perspective and Method. Prentice-Hall.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Bollyky, T., & Bown, C. (2020). The Tragedy of Vaccine Nationalism: Only Cooperation Can End the Pandemic. Foreign Affairs. Available from: https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/united-states/2020-07-27/vaccinenationalism-pandemic Bown, C. (2020). EU limits on medical gear exports put poor countries and Europeans at risk. Peterson Institute for International Economics. Available from: https://www.piie.com/blogs/trade-and-investment-policy-watch/eulimits-medical-gear-exports-put-poor-countries-and Cherkaoui, M. (2020). The Shifting Geopolitics of Coronavirus and the Demise of Neoliberalism – Part 1. Al Jazeera Centre for Studies. Available from: https://studies.aljazeera.net/en/reports/shifting-geopolitics-coronavirusand-demise-neoliberalism-%E2%80%93-part-1

70

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

The Politics of Pandemics

Chiu, A. (2020). Trump has no qualms about calling coronavirus the ‘China Virus.’ That’s a dangerous attitude, experts say. The Washington Post. Available from: https://www.washingtonpost.com/nation/2020/03/20/coronavirustrump-chinese-virus/ Das, R., & Ahmed, W. (2020). Despite concerns, COVID-19 shows how social media has become an essential tool in the democratisation of knowledge. London School of Economics, LSE Blog. Available from: https://blogs.lse. ac.uk/impactofsocialsciences/2020/06/05/despite-concerns-covid-19-showshow-social-media-has-become-an-essential-tool-in-the-democratisation-ofknowledge/ Frenkel, S., Decker, B., & Alba, D. (2020). How the ‘Plandemic’ Movie and Its Falsehoods Spread Widely Online. New York Times. Available from: https://www.nytimes.com/2020/05/20/technology/plandemic-movie-youtubefacebook-coronavirus.html Fukuyama, F. (2020). The Pandemic and Political Order: It Takes a State. Foreign Affairs. Available from: https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/ world/2020-06-09/pandemic-and-political-order Gebrekidan, S. (2020). For Autocrats, and Others, Coronavirus is a Chance to Grab Even More Power. New York Times. Available from: https://www. nytimes.com/2020/03/30/world/europe/coronavirus-governments-power.html Jaffe-Hoffman, M. (2020). What is Israel’s new ‘Shield of Israel’ coronavirus plan? The Jerusalem Post. Available from: https://www.jpost.com/healthscience/what-is-israels-new-defend-israel-coronavirus-plan-636658

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Kaplan, R. (2020). Coronavirus Ushers in the Globalization We Were Afraid Of. Bloomberg Opinion. Available from: https://www.bloomberg.com/ opinion/articles/2020-03-20/coronavirus-ushers-in-the-globalization-wewere-afraid-of Kaufmann, D. (2020). What the pandemic reveals about governance, state capture, and natural resources. Brookings Institute, blog. Available from: https://www.brookings.edu/blog/future-development/2020/07/10/what-thepandemic-reveals-about-governance-state-capture-and-natural-resources/ Keith, T., & Gharib, M. (2020). A Timeline of Coronavirus Comments From President Trump and WHO. NPR. Available from: https://www.npr.org/ sections/goatsandsoda/2020/04/15/835011346/a-timeline-of-coronaviruscomments-from-president-trump-and-who

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

71

The Politics of Pandemics

Kelland, K., & Steenhuysen, J. (2020). ‘Vaccine nationalism’: Is it every country for itself? Reuters. Available from: https://uk.reuters.com/article/ uk-health-coronavirus-vaccines-access-an/vaccine-nationalism-is-it-everycountry-for-itself-idUKKCN24U2DJ Kirschbaum, E., King, L., & Bernhard, M. (2020). Nationalism rears its head as Europe battles coronavirus with border controls. Los Angeles Times. Available from: https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2020-03-19/ nationalism-could-rear-its-head-as-europe-battles-coronavirus Kupferschmidt, K. (2020). ‘I would not recommend this.’ A scientist’s hydroxychloroquine trial – and his advice to Trump. Science Magazine. Available from: https://www.sciencemag.org/news/2020/06/i-would-notrecommend-scientist-s-hydroxychloroquine-trial-and-his-advice-trump Landwehr, C., & Schafer, A. (2020). Populist, Technocratic, and Authoritarian Responses to Covid-1. Items. Social Science Research Council. Available from: https://items.ssrc.org/covid-19-and-the-social-sciences/democracy-andpandemics/populist-technocratic-and-authoritarian-responses-to-covid-19/ Lytvynenko, J. (2020). The “Plandemic” Video Has Exploded Online – And It Is Filled With Falsehoods. Buzzfeed News. Available from: https://www. buzzfeednews.com/article/janelytvynenko/coronavirus-plandemic-viralharmful-fauci-mikovits Murray, C. (2020). Israel’s second coronavirus wave is threatening Netanyahu’s hold on power. Vox. Available from: https://www.vox. com/2020/7/15/21326028/israel-netanyahu-coronavirus-covid-19

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Penney, J. (2020). Coronavirus Started in China, But Europe Became the Hub for Its Global Spread. The Intercept. Available from: https://theintercept. com/2020/04/02/coronavirus-europe-travel/ Phillips, T., Orange, R., Smith, D., Graham-Harrison, E., & Ainge Roy, E. (2020). Covid-19: how world leaders responded to the crisis. The Guardian. Available from: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/apr/12/covid-19how-world-leaders-responded-to-the-crisis Raval, A., Sheppard, D., & Brower, D. (2020). Saudi Arabia launches oil price war after Russia deal collapse. Financial Times. Available from: https:// www.ft.com/content/d700b71a-6122-11ea-b3f3-fe4680ea68b5

72

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

The Politics of Pandemics

Ruger, W. (2020). Participant in: Twardowski, A. (2020). Watch: Debating COVID-19’s impacts on the international system. Brookings Institute. Available from: https://www.brookings.edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2020/07/10/watchdebating-covid-19s-impacts-on-the-international-system/ Schwartz, F., & Lieber, D. (2020). Israelis Fear Schools Reopened Too Soon as Covid-19 Cases Climb. Wall Street Journal. Available from: https://www. wsj.com/articles/israelis-fear-schools-reopened-too-soon-as-covid-19-casesclimb-11594760001 Tabeling, K. (2020). Soybean farmers face growing concern with Chinese market. Delaware Business Times. Available from: https:// delawarebusinesstimes.com/news/soybean-farmers-concerned-china/ Twardowski, A. (2020). Watch: Debating COVID-19’s impacts on the international system. Brookings Institute. Available from: https://www. brookings.edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2020/07/10/watch-debating-covid19s-impacts-on-the-international-system/

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Wright, T. (2020). Stretching the international order to its breaking point. Brookings Institute: Order from Chaos. Available from: https://www.brookings. edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2020/04/06/stretching-the-international-order-toits-breaking-point/

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

73

74

Chapter 4

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement ABSTRACT

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

This chapter explores the rise of the Tea Party, parts of which transitioned into the recently established Alt-Right movement. It is crucial to understanding the Alt-Right and their principles to evaluate the original iteration, the Tea Party, and its devolution into its current form. The chapter analyzes the perceived racist or xenophobic tone of the Alt-Right movement, and how that translates into political action for their participants, including the most recent event in Charlottesville, North Carolina. The chapter examines the use of internet culture, including an adept use of memes to solidify not only support for their chosen presidential candidate in 2016, but the movement in contemporary American political society. The concept of fake news is considered in the chapter, and the demonstrated efect that not knowing what to believe is having on American society, including the Pizzagate episode from 2016.

You know, they have a word – it sort of became old-fashioned – its called, ‘a nationalist.’ And I say, ‘Really, we’re not supposed to use that word’ […] You know what I am? I’m a nationalist, OK? I’m a nationalist. Nationalist: nothing wrong with it. Use that word! – Trump (2018) DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-7343-3.ch004 Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement

There are numerous stories, almost fables at this point, regarding the creation and hostile takeover of American politics by the Tea Party. This author vividly recalls the build-up of the Tea Party as a reaction to the “compassionate conservatism” espoused by Republican President George W. Bush who practiced a foreign policy of interventionism and war, which became a rallying point for self-proclaimed true fiscal conservatives. Yet the official birth of the Tea Party did not occur until February 2009 in protest of President Obama’s economic stimulus package that infused a flailing American economy with $787 billion. The stimulus was signed into law on February 19, and occurred just a day after a $75 billion direct aid package was announced that was intended to rescue homeowners who were caught in the housing bubble, and unable to refinance the risky mortgages (see Meckler, 2009; Stolberg & Andrews, 2009; Timiraos, 2011). While the Tea Party had ample motivation for protesting against what was perceived as frivolous government spending on institutional bailouts over the overwhelming need of the citizens, the collection of indignant people still needed organization and a voice. Enter CNBC television personality (now editor), Rick Santelli, who orated an onair soapbox rant that became known as “the rant heard round the world” and a clarion call for what would become the Tea Party movement (Meckler, 2009). In this off-the-teleprompter speech, Santelli accused the government of “promoting bad behavior [by] subsidizing the losers’ mortgages” rather than assisting or incentivizing “the people that could carry the water instead of drink the water” (Santelli, 2009). As Santelli ranted on, some very Trump-ian rhetoric was unleashed, he argued, “This is America…the silent majority” as Wall Street traders gathered around Santelli, cheering him on, he announced, “We are thinking of having a Chicago Tea Party” (2009). The collection of traditional, fiscal conservatives – the Reagan Republicans – re-emerged from the ashes of the George W. Bush era to re-claim their nation, and thus, the Tea Party movement was born. It is worth noting that during Santelli’s speech, he made no mention of the government bailouts of the financial sector, including what Prins estimated to be nearly 7 trillion dollars of support from the government to Wall Street banks and firms (Prins & Ugrin, 2009). Instead Santelli framed the argument as one of losers and have-nots attempting to leach off of the system by applying and being approved for mortgages they could not afford to pay off, rather than blaming a financial system that would even offer the mortgages to high risk buyers in the first place. Santelli and his rant were

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

75

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement

popular with right-wing purveyors of news, including Drudge Report, and was disseminated via radio by the controversial Rush Limbaugh, as well as more mainstream figures like Sean Hannity, giving Santelli and his Tea Party instant platforms from which to coalesce and mobilize angry, tax-paying citizens from New York to Florida to South Dakota and Alaska. The call for mobilization was met with widespread conservative approval, and even more crucially, funding. An early backer (both ideologically and financially) of the Tea Party movement was former U.S. House Majority Leader Dick Armey, a fiery Texan who founded FreedomWorks, a nonprofit, conservative organization that is still quite influential in American elections and legislative politics. Armey helped organize tea party events on a website that instructed citizens on how to hold rallies of their own and populated a Google map of events occurring around the United States. According to Zernike (2010), as people found the map they contacted FreedomWorks with information regarding local events, which “ultimately allow[ed] the group to compile a list of thousands of Tea Party contacts across the country”. The fluidity of the movement from an utterance by a television commentator to full-fledged events across the U.S. in a matter of months is a testament to the digital age, and use of the internet to coordinate and disseminate information regarding public sphere activism. The Tea Party movement, while being covertly funded by some of the largest conservative political action committees and political organizations in the U.S., began as a truly grassroots movement, a reaction by large swathes of citizens groups or coalitions to political action (or inaction). Yet the Tea Party’s funding by groups such as Americans for Prosperity means that while these citizens are mobilizing for their own interests, they are being used as agents for the larger umbrella organizations that fund their activism. For example, the Koch brothers who operate numerous political organizations (including Americans for Prosperity) that are linked to the Tea Party movement seeking to influence that mass of voters to support political actions such as deregulation of labor and environmental standards, as well as a complete denouncement of climate change regardless of scientific evidence, all for the benefit of the various Koch industries including Georgia Pacific and oil refineries. Greenpeace reported that Americans for Prosperity launched a ‘Hot Air Tour’ opposing climate change legislation in 2008 (Greenpeace, 2011). Although the Tea Party movement had become popular through grassroots conservative media, it did not receive mainstream endorsement from Fox News until the second iteration of rallies and protests scheduled for April 15, 2009 (of course, most Americans know this as Tax Day). The Tax Day Tea 76

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement

Party events became a part of American discourse due to the endorsement and sustained promotion by Fox News, a conservative media bastion that reaches Republicans, young and old, rich and poor, and has widespread influence over their base audience. On Tax Day 2009 there were 750 unique Tea Party protests around the U.S., while this number was reported by The New York Times, CBS, and other mainstream media outlets (Klein & Barrett, 2009; Montopoli, 2009; Robins, 2009), and prominent statistician Nate Silver reported that 112,000 people attended a rally from reports of just 126 protests, not even a third of the individual protests reported by the mainstream media (Silver, 2009). Although the Tea Party was visible, it was not until the midterm elections of 2010 that the movement was able to capitalize on its political acumen. As a reaction to Obama’s election in 2008 and the fiscal policies that began under George W. Bush in effort to stabilize a turbulent economy, 2010 became a mandate regarding many issues, but none so public as the replacing of the status quo, and for the Tea Party that meant challenging traditional conservative candidates. For Democrats it was an obvious rebuke of policies and ideology, most prominently ObamaCare, with the party losing six coveted seats in the Senate, 63 in the House of Representatives, six governorships and the flipping of a majority of state legislatures (see Stacey, 2010). Moroney and Dopp (2010) noted that of the House of Representatives seats that Republicans were able to flip the “Tea Party-endorsed candidates accounted for 28 of those pick-ups”. An even more telling (and in hindsight, foreshadowing) number after the 2010 midterms, 41 percent of voters self-identified as Tea Party supporters (Srikrishnan et al., 2010), as opposed to Republicans. Yet what was still uncertain at this point was whether or not the Tea Party and traditional Republican Party could co-exist without annihilating each other, fast forward seven years, and it seems unlikely. There are many that argue that the Tea Party/Alt-Right is the latest iteration of populist politics. Laclau (2005) argues that populism is a “political logic that begins with social demands”, arguably this is Santelli’s speech, which combined with the mainstreaming of Tea Party politics and legitimized the demands of the citizens. Laclau argues that a new identity is constructed throughout the coalescence and mobilization periods, known as “the people” who can be known only in relation to the Other, or the enemy (see Chapter 1). He states that the government or “regime, the oligarchy, the dominant groups are on one side, while the other is the oppressed underdog – the people, the nation, the silent majority” (Laclau, 2005, P. 87-115). Populism, Laclau (2005, P. 44) notes,

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

77

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

…Can start from any place in the socio-institutional structure: clientistic political organizations, established political parties, trade unions, the army, revolutionary movements, etc. Populism does not define the actual politics of these organizations but is a way of articulating their themes – whatever those themes may be. Without dwelling on conspiracy theories, the Tea Party organizers (at the top) capitalized on the election of Obama and began to paint him and the administration as the Other. A foreign-born, Muslim, brown man just ascended to the pinnacle of power, one that no minority had ever held before, and the Tea Party seized on the opportunity to label him as the Other as early as 2007. But of course, were better able to manipulate opinion once Obama became president in 2008. The populist nature of the Tea Party movement was coupled with the Othering of nationalism, which propelled the movement that is comprised demographically by a majority of young to middle aged white men into a contemporary nationalist movement that aims to Make America Great Again, which begs the question, when was it not great for that particular demographic (including currently)? The threats of the minority, foreign-born, and differing ideologies, religions, etc. have become a dominant rallying cry for neo-nationalism and the creation of the Alt-Right, which splintered from the Tea Party in 2015. The rise of prejudice and hate speech, which unfortunately at this point in 2017 has become synonymous with nationalist in the U.S. began long before the rise of the Alt-Right, yet it was a dormant, often private predilection that was not supported in the mainstream public, much less by the government. Yet the press has been quietly exploring and documenting the presence and rise of hate groups, including Hate Rising (2016), a documentary that focuses on white supremacist groups in the Southern U.S. to organizations like the Southern Poverty Law Center, which has made it the mission of the organization to publicize and define as many hate groups for citizens to be aware that the problem still exists in 2017. Yet it took the media during the 2016 campaign a very long time, even after the election was over to call out these nationalist groups as espousers of hate. Duncan (2017, P. 1) argues, …the fact that an emotion-term like hate is being mobilized across these texts [referring to the mainstream media] as a metonym for the alt-right is no oratorical curio. Rather, it perpetuates a pervasive way of thinking about the relationship between the alt-right (a political phenomenon) and hate (an emotional phenomenon) that should give pause to those of us committed to 78

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

mining that vein of cultural symptomatology now consigned, across the social sciences and critical humanities, to affect theory. It is important that not only theorists and academics, but also more importantly the mainstream media continue to call out instances like Charlottesville, the desecration of Jewish cemeteries, and more systemic actions of injustice for exactly what they are. Attribution of hate is common on both sides of the political spectrum of American politics, as much as the Alt-Right troll and harass those who disagree with their ideology, so too do leftist Democrats aiming to drown out the voices of dissidents. Though not the topic of this work, it is worth noting that a democracy can only exist through consensus and deliberation, neither of which is occurring in the contemporary American democracy. A major issue that the American body politic is experiencing is a degradation of the media platforms that citizens have trusted for centuries to provide them with news and information. The rise of the Alt-Right centers not only on communicative social media platforms to spread ideology and troll, but also on the proliferation of fake news and the existence of uncertainty among the American electorate, to which platforms such as Facebook have contributed. In October 2017, the vulnerability of social media platforms was highlighted when Facebook reported to the U.S. Congress regarding the existence of 3,000 political advertisements posted to the website by fake Russian accounts during and after the 2016 presidential campaign. Facebook has noted that more than ten million Americans viewed at least one of the advertisements (Grigonis, 2017). Swire et al. (2017, P. 2) articulate immediately that “individuals have limited time and cognitive resources to comprehend complex topics such as policy or current affairs, and may therefore use the perceived credibility of political figures as a heuristic to guide their evaluation of what is true or false”, and that belief differs among members of the major parties in the U.S. based upon whether the statement comes from a politician they favor, or accept. The phenomenon of fake news and alternative facts has always existed in the American media, thus outlets such as National Enquirer, Star, and InfoWars have been able to thrive in a culture that celebrates the humiliation of their fellow man, particularly if that man is wealthy, whether or not the story about that person is true or not. Once it is in the public dialogue, and is even so pervasive to go viral, it becomes an article of popular culture, no matter if it is true or false. This was understood in mainstream culture as a type of nonsensical journalism that was designed to bring attention to the newsstands and be consumed widely, but was never viewed as a legitimate

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

79

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement

genre of journalism. Until the concept of fake news, which was promulgated by candidate Trump beginning in 2015, caught fire. While it is true that a majority of Tea Party or libertarian conservatives have their doubts about most of the mainstream media (with the exception of Fox News), the news and information from trusted sources such as CBS News, The New York Times, and Washington Post had not been challenged by so much of the mainstream public, until it became an echo of a presidential candidate. The trend is disturbing to those of us who remain grounded in reality and able to decipher what is verifiable and what is not, particularly because as Swire et al. (2017, P. 2) argue, “Once an individual feels personally connected to information, their ideology and values influence how that information is processed; this is known as motivated reasoning or motivated cognition”. In more general terms, once information about a certain policy action or inaction is disseminated (depending on the source and bias of the news source) that individual’s ideology helps determine how information is processed, thus how the individual feels about the politician, policy action, or inaction. When the information regarding the policy action/inaction are inaccurate it becomes very difficult to change the minds of individuals who have been influenced, the example of “Pizzagate” comes to the forefront. The phenomenon of Pizzagate began during the 2016 campaign and surrounded accusations that Hillary Clinton and her then campaign manager John Podesta were supervising a child sex operation out of a Washington D.C. area pizza parlor’s basement. The conspiracy theory, which was based around Podesta’s hacked and leaked emails, speculated that Podesta’s talk about pizza throughout the communications was a code for “sexually exploitable young girls, or maybe for young boys, or infants trafficked from Haiti and killed for their organs, which are then trafficked further” (Sorkin, 2016). Those who initially spread the theory noted that ‘getting pizza’ or ‘bringing a pizza home’ was really a cover for high-ranking Democratic officials meeting at this particular restaurant and participating in the alleged illegal activities, and was disseminated widely via social media, fake news media and digital communication sites, such as Reddit and 4Chan. The belief in the wildly fabricated news story was deeply believed by some on the far right, who connected to anything promulgated to discredit and undermine Clinton. So much so that one man, Edgar Welch, took it upon himself to investigate the allegations in December 2016, long after the election had ended, and Clinton had conceded. Welch located and went to Comet Ping Pong, the pizza parlor at the center of the alleged sexual crimes, and fired multiple shots. According to Bendix (2017), after the police investigated and found no evidence to support his theory, Welch surrendered 80

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement

to police without a fight. Although there was much counterfactual evidence (including the fact that the restaurant did not have a basement, see BBC 2016) and conversation surrounding the Pizzagate story, Welch and others (who did not act upon their beliefs) refuse[d] to believe the truth. Welch was formally sentenced to four years in prison for his actions taken in the pizza parlor in attempt to “self-investigate” (Sorkin, 2016) and firing a weapon on civilians. Former National Security Advisor Michael Flynn’s son, who briefly worked in the Trump White House during the transition said after Welch opened fire on innocent people, “Until #Pizzagate proven to be false, It’ll remain a story. The left seems to forget #PodestaEmails and the many ‘coincidence’ tied to it” (Sorkin, 2016). Even after police investigated the alleged hub of a child sex ring, after a man assaulted citizens with an automatic weapon over a story largely circulated within Alt-Right circles as the unequivocal truth, the son of a man who at the time was among the closet to the President of the United States questioned the veracity of reality. Swire et al. highlight the point demonstrated above, “specifically [that] if a correction runs counter to a person’s beliefs and worldview, they may be more likely to ignore it, and cling to the original misinformation” (2017, P. 2). In the digital terrain of journalism, particularly clickbait journalism, producers of stories are not encouraged to get information correct, but make it as salacious as possible in order to garner as many clicks as possible for profits. Thus, the birth of fake news, which exists on both sides of the aisle, but has arguably been more effective at reaching conservative voters with stories based on Hillary Clinton’s body count, the hidden influence of the Illuminati (which include Jay-Z and Beyonce), and speculative ‘inside stories’ of the missing 33,000 emails. Later in the Trump Administration a right-wing conspiracy theory known as QAnon materialized out of the 4Chan universe in October 2017. According to Wong (2018), in a thread called “Calm Before the Storm” and posts that came after, “Q established his legend as a government insider with top security clearance who knew the truth about a secret struggle for power involving Donald Trump, the “deep state”, Robert Mueller, the Clintons, pedophile rings, and other stuff”. Ever since the rise of Q, a dedicated community of followers attempt to decipher the messages and gain a deeper understanding of truth. Wong notes that QAnon conspiracy theories are typically pro-Trump and condemn the deep state (whatever that is), but is “not exactly coherent and is flexible enough to adapt to any new developments that might disprove it” (Wong, 2018). The once fringe QAnon following has become mainstream in modern nationalist politics, McIntire and Roose note numerous stories

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

81

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement

where supporters have espoused their beliefs in public, including a city council member in California who quoted a QAnon conspiracy theory about the deep state “plotting against the president, concluding her remarks, ‘God bless Q’”, a gathering in a Tampa, Florida park of QAnon-ers who came to listen to speakers and spread ideology and literature, to the reaches of the United Kingdom, where Brexit advocate Nigel Farage waved a “ ‘Q’ flag over a Cornish castle” (2020). QAnon’s calling card hashtag is #WWG1WGA, or “Where we go one, we go all” and is used on social media platforms to identify loyalists and sympathizers (Sottile, 2020). In February 2020, a German man opened fire in a popular hookah bar in Hanau, where most of its patrons were of Turkish descent, he then went to a second bar in a neighboring town and attacked another bar. A total of nine people were killed before the killer returned home to slaughter his mother before killing himself. The man identified as the killer, Tobias Rathjen, had been radicalized by ideology disseminated over the internet, including QAnon theories regarding sex cults and trafficking of small children (Bunch, 2020). The mainstreaming of conspiracy theories, fake news, and misinformation into modern politics via digital platforms, notably social media has had a major influence on politics offline and the behavior of political actors in the real world, including voting changes and willingness to participate (in rallies, demonstrations, campaigns, or something more violent, etc.). The existence of fake news and citizens who are not discerning in their consumption of information breeds divisiveness and distrust within a society and government, particularly within the United States and its two-party system (a political party system that encourages as us vs. them mentality, with emphasis in presidential election years). This becomes a major concern (and impediment to democracy) when the most vocal advocate of the trusted American news outlets (ABC, NBC, CBS, CNN, The New York Times, Washington Post, etc.) as purveyors of fake news is the President. This indictment of the mainstream media began in August 2015 when candidate Trump initiated his curated attack by throwing prominent Univision journalist and anchor of its flagship evening news show, Jorge Ramos out of a press conference. This incident was a defining moment for candidate Trump, who had just announced an immigration reform plan that included his infamous wall between the U.S. and Mexico (with the latter footing the bill), as well as deporting all immigrants within U.S. borders immediately and eliminating the birth right citizenship privilege for children of immigrants born on U.S. soil (Schleifer, 2015). Since that fateful moment in American electoral history, Trump made attacking and discrediting the mainstream press a cornerstone of the 2016 campaign, to 82

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement

the extent of calling out individual journalists he found particularly unsavory at campaign rallies, which in turn led to hordes of his followers to harass and intimidate them (see MSNBC’s Katie Tur). The fake news has come to mean any press that a person does not like or is contradictory to what fits into their reality (whether moral, social, religious, or political). To reiterate, it is a phenomenon occurring on both sides of the political spectrum, but given the intensity of belief, fake news seems to be resonating more with conservative party members as Swire et al. (2017) suggest. It is almost a badge of pride or signifier of both the Tea Party initially, and the Alt-Right currently to denigrate journalism that they do not like instead of consuming a multitude of outlets and deciding their opinions on their own, choosing to believe in what Alt-celebrity figures such as Alex Jones, Sean Hannity, and Richard Spencer are spreading. Swire et al. (2017) note (borrowing from Jost et al., 2003) that “psychological variables such as dogmatism (that is, intolerance of ambiguity, avoidance of complexity and a need for closure) are predictive of conservatism and increase the likelihood that an individual engages in ‘black-or-white’ assessments of information” and that “this could lead to greater rejection of factual information for those on the political right relative to moderate and liberal segments of the population” (first argued by Nam et al., 2013); Swire et al., 2017, P. 3). In the case of Trump, Swire et al. (2017, P. 4) explain that Trump’s popularity despite the large amount of disinformation that he disseminated as a candidate can be attributed to,

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

either the notion that people believe that his assertions are true (partially because they see Donald Trump as a trustworthy source of information) and they avoid or resist the many corrections available in the public sphere (partially based on motivated cognition), or alternatively the public is aware that Donald Trump is spreading misinformation, but does not insist on veracity as a prerequisite for their support of a candidate. Both assertions are troubling, but the latter implies that the Trump base voter does not look for honesty in a presidential candidate as an important quality, which could explain the double (and sometimes triple) talk (or corrections) coming from the Trump Administration. This affinity for personality over character in modern presidential candidates in 2016 could possibly be explained by simple demographics, according to Pollard and Mendelsohn (2016, P. 7) note that Trump voters are “most conservative, more isolationist, and more likely to have lower socioeconomic status” as well as education levels which

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

83

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement

was discussed throughout the general election, those with a lower level of education tended to be attracted to Trump (see Silver, 2016). Silver (2016) summarizes that “Trump’s approach to the campaign – relying on emotional appeals while glossing over policy details – may have resonated more among people with lower education levels…”. These same voters were as Swire et al. (2017) noted more likely to buy into the misinformation that is being spread by the White House and President over the mainstream media, whom they (now more than ever) believe are anti-populist and cater to the liberal elites.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Memes and Alt-Right Propaganda As has been noted, the Alt-Right developed predominately online out of the Tea Party faction who now had a functional media apparatus with not only Fox News, but traditional outlets such as One America News Network, the Blaze radio network operated by Glenn Beck, and digital platforms like Breitbart, Drudge Report, and InfoWars (featuring the extremely conspiratorial Alex Jones) that fanned the flames of extreme conservatism as well as provided a hub for the embedded Alt-Right, those who participated on 4Chan and Reddit to spread propaganda and memes to the mainstream public. Using political cartoons and imagery is not a new tactic but in the digital age, memes have the potential to influence and make various political statements with one image. Political cartoons date back to the 18th and 19th centuries when they were used to covey a political message regarding a politician or major political event. The difference is again, the digital age where political cartoons are largely promulgated by a news outlet (NY Times, Washington Post, etc.), memes are user-generated and able to evolve. The term originated by biologist Richard Dawkins to reflect a unit of imitation or learning of culture (as cited in Wisniewski, 2011, P. 169), and in the field of communication, a meme is understood as a “collection of texts that are circulated, imitated, and/ or transformed via the internet and social media by many users” (Shifman, 2014, P. 56). This makes memes an ever-dynamic mode of communicating ideology, messages, and especially political rhetoric, which have the potential to be disseminated well beyond a user’s personal network. Pepe the Frog is probably the most famous meme to come out of the 2016 campaign, and stands as a symbol (de facto mascot) of the Alt-Right. Pepe began his life as an innocent character in the comic book “Boy’s Club” by Matt Furie. According to Roy (2016), in 2008 fans of Furie’s comic began uploading it online and from there Pepe took off, many iterations of Furie’s original illustration were 84

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement

created and spread over 4Chan, Reddit, Tumblr, etc. As innocently as Pepe began, his image was co-opted by Alt-Right groups who began to draw Hitler moustaches on him, Pepe in front of the burning wreckage of the World Trade Center, and in Nazi and KKK garb. These images of the frog went viral, even appearing on various celebrities social media feeds (Roy, 2016) leading the Anti-Defamation League to label Pepe a hate symbol by September 2016. Craig Silverman, a fake news expert who works for Buzzfeed noted in an interview with National Public Radio (NPR) that memes shared during the 2016 election expressed “a very partisan opinion” and he found that sharing misinformation via memes was highly effective due to share count and site traffic where the meme is shared (mainly Facebook and Twitter). There are images of Pepe in a white power shirt standing in front of nooses (implements that were used to lynch African-Americans during various points of American history), as well as very blatant images of the once innocent frog in full Nazi garb, complete with a swastika armband. These are some of the less disturbing images of Pepe the Frog in existence, but serve as an indicator as to how memes can be used to influence political ideology with just a glance. Trump and his family (namely his sons, Eric and Donald Jr.) widely distributed Pepe and other memes throughout the campaign, some of which got them into turmoil. President Trump himself famously retweeted a meme of Hillary Clinton that featured a Star of David (synonymous with the Jewish religion) with text inside that designated her the “most corrupt candidate ever” with a background of cash. The image was deemed anti-Semitic by many groups and condemned in the media, so much so that candidate Trump attempted to walk back the tweet, insisting that it was not the religious symbol that people thought it was, but instead “a Sheriff’s badge” (Diamond, 2016). Trump insisted, “These false attacks by Hillary Clinton trying to link the Star of David with a basic star, often used by sheriffs who deal with criminals and criminal behavior, showing an inscription that says ‘Crooked Hillary is the most corrupt candidate ever’ with anti-Semitism is ridiculous” (Diamond, 2016). These memes, even if updated or the controversial imagery is removed, have a lasting impact on the audience, one that is instantaneous. Political cartoons are often high-brow, meaning the audience must have a base level of understanding the political circumstances in which they live. But a cartoon frog in Nazi gear with a ‘Make America Great Again’ caption is easily digestible (at least from a comprehension standpoint). Beyond Pepe the Frog, the Alt-Right has a litany of symbols and jargon they use to convey their opinions and signal to one another. Notopoulos and Broderick (2017) put together a handy pictoral explanation of the most popular

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

85

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement

and frequently used symbols, including: the “Feelsman meme, [who] is a black-and-white cartoon man who is the victim of Pepe the Frog’s pranks. Feelsman is a sad loser…”; to be ‘redpilled’ is a reference to the much-loved Matrix film series in which Neo chooses to see the truth by taking the “red pill” from Morpheus, it alludes to one’s enlightenment about society; and the “Trash Dove”, which is a sticker of a purple pigeon that is popular on Facebook, “trolls on 8Chan decided to spread a rumor that the pigeon sticker is actually a pro-Nazi symbol”. In May 2020, it is fair to say that memes have become an influential vehicle for contemporary politics, particularly for reaching younger populations as well as those who may not be the most engaged consumer of their political environment. Memes have become a political vehicle in the digital era, and in 2016 were used by both sides to create buzz around statements, policies, and the personality of the opposition. Chmielewski (2016) notes, “Both camps have embraced certain memes as a shorthand way to share inside jokes with supporters, spread campaign messages or deliver rhetorical gut punches to their opponent, while distancing themselves from the most hateful”. The focus on memes is intentional, while social media has existed in the last two presidential campaigns in America, there has been no candidate who has so openly embraced the meme culture before Donald Trump. Trump himself is a goldmine for meme generators with his off-the-cuff statements and overthe-top personality providing a surplus of content that was used in 2016 (labeling opponents ‘Lyin’ Ted’ and ‘Crooked Hillary’ was an ingenuously simple way to provide such content to the masses), and to-date. From the perspective of the 2016 campaign, pro-Trump and anti-Clinton memes fared better and tended to be more effective at reaching the target audience. This was assisted by the fact that Trump (being a popular culture icon long before the campaign) had far more followers on Twitter (around 17.4 million at the time) compared to Clinton’s 11.6 million followers. This six million-follower deficit is important, as many network theorists argue the larger the network, the more broadly a message will be disseminated – and more likely to reach individuals outside of the target audience (or in this case, well beyond the conservative twitter users to mainstream and liberal users). Shifman (2014) notes that the participatory nature of memes, e.g. creating original content by individual users with an agenda is enticing. He argues, “By creating original memes or remixing existing ones, they are able to both express themselves, fulfilling their self-expression needs, and belong to the larger community of meme consumers; in this way, they display a “networked individualism”, being “themselves, together” (ibid., P. 34). Meme culture has 86

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement

become part of the American political culture in 2016, really the first social media-driven presidential campaign. While memes may not necessarily alter an individual’s political beliefs, they can be polarizing in reinforcing political ideologies, as much as sound bytes and rhetorical devices. The internet and social media have facilitated a culture of divisive and easily understood images regarding complicated political actions and policies, which does not create an informed citizenry, a requirement of a proper democracy. Citizens must be accurately informed in order to make electoral and political decisions that enrich their lives, as opposed to those who would hold power. The influx of Americans to spaces like Reddit’s r/politics/ board to discuss politics is great as a political scientist to witness, it is always good to see an increase in political participation, but when that participation is centered around promulgating conspiracy theories and nontruths, it becomes difficult to discern what is real and what is not for the average American consumer (voter). According to Barthel (2016), only 4 percent of Americans are Reddit users but 7-in-10 of Reddit users note that they receive their news from the website that hails itself “the front page of the internet”. Although, as stated, the internet is not responsible for the conclusion to the 2016 presidential campaign, it was certainly an influential factor for some American voters who take information gleaned online as the absolute truth without any independent research. This will have an impact on the future of American elections for generations.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Tea Party/Alt-Right Divisive Nationalism Santelli’s rant that distinguished between those who drink the water and those who carry it has links to tenets of Trump nationalism (which obviously descends from the Tea Party-ism), and a sociological concept known as producerism as well as links to political ideologies that invoke us vs. them mentalities. Producerism, according to Berlet and Lyons (2000/2011), divides society into produce (hard workers, creators of wealth and capital) against the unproductive classes (often associated with financial industry, e.g. bankers, investors, etc. from above, and minorities and leaches to the system from below). Trump had a great advantage in selling his brand of producerism, not only was the immigration reform (as a dog whistle that illegal minorities are simply taking from the American system instead of contributing), but the Drain the Swamp mantra also placed Washington D.C. establishment Republicans in a precarious position. Trump painted not only Obama and

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

87

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement

Clinton as elites who rely on Goldman Sachs funding their campaigns and foundations, but attacked many of his fellow Republican primary challengers as far too out of touch with the average American. Trump capitalized on the average American’s animosity at both the obstructionist GOP-led Congress, and Obama generally. As an outsider businessman, Trump was able to play the part of change agent (because he had never legislated or governed before) and insist that the players that Obama chose to run his administration, and the Clinton potentials would not produce policies (namely tax reform) that would be beneficial to the base Trump voter. There was much uncertainty on the side of business and industry, most notably, the Koch brothers (Charles and David) who as financial and organizational leaders of the modern Republican Party refused to endorse Trump or provide him with funding (Choma, 2016). As Silver (2016) noted, it was education levels and not income levels that drove the 2016 election; Trump was successful in convincing the steel workers, coal miners, and what were considered the blue-collar Democrats just eight years ago flipped the electoral map for Trump. Beyond the classist theory of producerism, there is also the layer of dividing citizens into those that are strong and those that are weak, Trump did this via attacking the political correctness culture that provides safe spaces for minority populations in society (think LGBTQ, liberal voices, and traditional minorities). Terms such as snowflake and cuck became entangled in the 2016 campaign to describe the weak non-Trump voting population who believed that not all speech should be free (emphasis on hate speech). Hess (2017) succinctly explains that the term snowflake is “simultaneously emasculating and infantilizing, suggesting fragility but also an inflated sense of a person’s own specialness and a naïve embrace of difference”, and has become the taunt of choice for red-meat conservatives to level at anyone (but seems particularly designed for men) who challenges their policies, actions, or rhetoric. Trump found with his base the perfect argument, that their America has gone by the wayside only to be ruled by a bunch of soft-hearted, weak-willed, P.C. warriors who have chosen to recognize the multiculturalism within America in exchange for traditional American values. Take the ‘War on Christmas’ that occurs each year, the war began in 2005 when John Gibson, a radio personality published a book that accused liberals in the American society of attempting to re-brand the holiday out of antagonism (Stack, 2016). Gibson predominately attributed this to public schools and local elected officials who began recognizing differences within cultures and the celebration of various holidays during the winter months in the 1990s. Schools refusing to put up symbols associated only with the Christian holiday (trees, Santa Claus, 88

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement

reindeer, etc.). The book provided fresh fodder for then Fox News icon Bill O’Reilly, who made the book, which would have remained relegated to fringe portions of the population, a talking point each year since its publication, noting the colloquial change in season’s greetings from ‘Merry Christmas’ to ‘Happy Holidays’, which is now a political indicator. The ‘War on Christmas’ has become a political mainstay and President Trump used it wisely, touting in December 2016, “When I started 18 months ago, I told my first crowd in Wisconsin that we are going to come back here some day and we are going to say ‘Merry Christmas’ again…Merry Christmas everyone. Happy New Year, but Merry Christmas” (Stack, 2016). Driscoll (2016) reported on a post-election open-microphone session that was organized by the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill Student Association to allow students to express their shock and emotions over Trump’s unpredicted victory. As students spoke their minds regarding the election, Driscoll noted a group of white male students harassing students of color “chanting “You are really going to need a safe space now!”” (2016). The battle for free speech has only intensified since Trump’s election, with universities such as UC-Berkley becoming epicenters of protest over cancelling speeches from personalities on both sides of the ideological spectrum, such as Ann Coulter and Bill Maher (2017). The over-reaction by some entities only solidifies Trump’s argument that political correctness governs over free speech, and if some are going to be outraged then it is justifiable to not hear all sides of an argument, which is certainly not what the Founding Fathers intended. Yet the obvious rise in public hate speech is concerning. As has been mentioned previously, the events surrounding Charlottesville, VA and the murder of a young protester have placed racial politics and nationalism at the forefront of American politics. Magu et al. (2017) argue the convenience of social media has contributed to the rise of hate speech and its ability to influence the public. Magu et al. (2017) collected over a million tweets starting on September 23 through October 18, 2016 and analyzed the content for key terms associated with hate and the Alt-Right movement. The top ten most correlated terms in the data set are: 1) #MAGA (or Make America Great Again); #ALTRIGHT; “gas”; ((())); “white”; “war”; “hate”; #MAWA (Make America White Again); “destroy”; and “goy”. They found that the Jewish community is a specific target as evidenced by the prevalence of the term “gas” to refer to the gassing of the Jewish community by the Nazis, as well as a large number of tweets included many code words together, which “reflected the fact that aggressors displayed blanket hate towards multiple communities, as opposed to targeted preferences” (Magu et al., 2017, P. 2).

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

89

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement

The 2020 campaign has begun in earnest by the time of writing this text (May 2020), there is a democratic candidate and the Trump campaign has already started spending hundreds of millions of dollars to influence the way voters perceive democratic politics, and Joe Biden, in particular. As previously stated, the Trump campaign has been particularly effective at utilizing digital media tools, especially social media to shape political information to their liking and to one man’s agenda. Haberman and Karni (2020) report that the President’ re-election campaign and the Republican National Committee spent over $6 million on the digital campaign (advertising) and the T-MAGA committee spent another $3.2 million in the last three months of 2019. Trump understands the urgency and affective response that social media is capable of provoking with the right words and/or images, and has turned his campaign’s sights back to the internet as a crucial vote-getting machine through microtargeted advertisements and discursive movements that solidify his base of voters (Coppins, 2020). For example, Trump’s 2016 campaign “ran 5.9 million advertisements on Facebook from June to November 2016, while the Clinton campaign ran just 66,000” (Coppins, 2020). These advertisements were niche and unique to the voters consuming the messages, also known as micro-targeting, it is the “process of slicing up the electorate into distinct niches and then appealing to them with precisely tailored digital messages” and it is the cornerstone of the Trump-Pascale digital campaign (and all contemporary campaigns in the future that want to reach millennials and younger generations). This micro-targeting extends to the use of mis-anddisinformation campaigns to manipulate the vote as well as memes that are used to deliver bite-sized nuggets of information (whether true or not) about a political candidate, their ideology, or their politics. The Cambridge Analytica (C.A.) debacle of 2016 shined a light on how digital campaigns and social media platforms such as Facebook are working together or (to be fair) how social media platform’s troves of user data can be used (purchased or accessed) by modern political campaigns for their manipulation and advantage. The story of Cambridge Analytica is a modern cautionary tale of the ease in which people allow their data and information to be made public, shared, and accessed by third party providers (if they familiarized themselves with the terms of service and privacy policies well enough to comprehend that trade-off). The story began in 2014 when Cambridge Analytica employees “acquired the private Facebook data of tens of millions of users (it was originally reported that over 50 million users were impacted, in the end it was as many as 87 million, most of them in the United States) – the largest known leak in Facebook history” in an effort to “sell 90

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement

psychological profiles of American voters to campaigns” in an effort to better advertise candidates (Confessore, 2018). The Cambridge Analytica moment and the vast amount of qualitative information that was gleaned from those billions of data points provided by Facebook user data included many memes and visual attempts to sow discontent among the American voting populace in 2016. In a later released trove of memes that were connected to the C.A. campaign of American electoral disruption, again in an effort to sow ill-will amongst the electorate, specifically civil conflict by featuring nationalist memes, white supremacist memes, memes that were anti-Blue Lives Matter (anti-law enforcement), etc. The Trump campaign, of course, was intertwined with Cambridge Analytica in foundational ways; Trump’s former campaign advisor and short-lived White House senior advisor Steve Bannon along with Republican super donors Rebekah and Robert Mercer founded a political consulting firm (Cambridge Analytica). Bannon was instrumental in the lifecycle of Cambridge Analytica, notably the organization’s founding and the convincing of the Mercers to fund C.A., and identifying the SCL Group, which is the British firm doing the work for the various political clientele that C.A. pulls on-board (Chang, 2018). This recapping of the Cambridge Analytica saga is brief and incomplete, the critical point to be made is that post-2016, digital tools and particularly social media that is used so ubiquitously can and are being used to spread nationalist and populist-leaning misinformation and have a well-connected actors who are invested in political outcomes who are manipulating the game (the game being electoral politics). The following chapter explores the contemporary electoral environment around the world in which nationalist ideologies and politicians are currently thriving. The chapter will focus on elections occurring in 2020 that could tip the scale of democracy versus authoritarianism; nationalism versus globalism. Elections in the United States, United Kingdom, and continental Europe will be of focus.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

REFERENCES Americans for Prosperity Foundation – Koch Industries Climate Denial Front Group. (2011). Greenpeace USA. Available from: http://www.greenpeace.org/ usa/global-warming/climate-deniers/front-groups/americans-for-prosperityfoundation-afp/

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

91

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement

Barthel, M. (2016). How the 2016 presidential campaign is being discussed on Reddit. Pew Research Centers. Available from: https://www.pewresearch. org/fact-tank/2016/05/26/how-the-2016-presidential-campaign-is-beingdiscussed-on-reddit/ BBC News. (2016). The saga of ‘Pizzagate’: The fake story that shows how conspiracy theories spread. Available from: https://www.bbc.com/news/ blogs-trending-38156985 Bendix, A. (2017, June). D.C.‘s ’Pizzagate’ shooter sentenced to 4 years in jail. Atlantic (Boston, Mass.), 22(June). Retrieved July 5, 2017, from https://www.theatlantic.com/news/archive/2017/06/dcs-pizzagate-shootersentenced-to-4-years-in-jail/531381/ Berlet, C., & Lyons, M. (2000). Right-Wing Populism in America. Guilford. Bunch, W. (2020). Can we talk about the Trump-loving, QAnon-type who Online]. 23 February. Available from: https://www.inquirer.com/opinion/ commentary/germany-mass-killing-right-wing-trump-child-abuse-20200223. html Chang, A. (2018). The Facebook and Cambridge Analytica scandal, explained with a simple diagram. Vox. Available from: https://www.vox.com/policy-andpolitics/2018/3/23/17151916/facebook-cambridge-analytica-trump-diagram Chmielewski, D. (2016). Internet memes emerge as 2016 election’s political dog whistle. USA Today. Available from: https://www.usatoday.com/story/tech/ news/2016/09/30/internet-memes-white-house-election-president/91272490/ Choma, R. (2016). Not All the Koch Brothers Have Sworn Off Donald Trump. Mother Jones. Available from: https://www.motherjones.com/ politics/2016/08/one-koch-brother-is-supporting-donald-trump/

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Confessore, N. (2018). Cambridge Analytica and Facebook: The Scandal and the Fallout So Far. The New York Times. Available from: https://www.nytimes. com/2018/04/04/us/politics/cambridge-analytica-scandal-fallout.html Coppins, M. (2020). The Billion-Dollar Disinformation Campaign to Reelect the President. The Atlantic. Available from: https://www.theatlantic.com/ magazine/archive/2020/03/the-2020-disinformation-war/605530/ Diamond, J. (2016). Donald Trump’s ‘Star of David’ tweet controversy, explained. CNN Politics. Available from: https://www.cnn.com/2016/07/04/ politics/donald-trump-star-of-david-tweet-explained/index.html 92

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement

Driscoll, M. (2016). The Kids Aren’t Alt-Right (but the Alt-Right grown-ups are White supremacists). CTheory.net, University of Victoria. Available from: https://journals.uvic.ca/index.php/ctheory/article/view/16710/7082 Duncan, P. (2017). The Uses of Hate: On Hate as a Political Category. M/C Journal, 20(1). Grigonis, H. (2017). Facebook to apply new authenticity tools, more manual review after election. Digital Trends. Available from: https://www. digitaltrends.com/social-media/facebook-political-ads-russia-whats-next/ Haberman, M., & Karni, A. (2020). Trump Campaign and R.N.C. Spent $9 Million in 4th Quarter, Mostly on Digital Ads. The New York Times. Available from: https://www.nytimes.com/2020/02/01/us/politics/trump-campaignspending.html Hess, A. (2017) How ‘Snowflake’ Became America’s Inescapable Tough-Guy Taunt. The New York Times Magazine. Available from: https://www.nytimes. com/2017/06/13/magazine/how-snowflake-became-americas-inescapabletough-guy-taunt.html Jost, J., Glaser, J., Kruglanski, A., & Sulloway, F. (2003). Political Conservatism as Motivated Social Cognition. Psychological Bulletin, 129(3), 339–375. Klein, R., & Barrett, K. (2009). Anti-Tax ‘Tea Parties’ Protest President Obama’s Tax and Spending Policies. Available from: abcnews.go.com/ Politics/story?id=7337117&page=1 Laclau, E. (2005). On Populist Reason. Verso Books.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Magu, R., Kshitij, J., & Luo, J. (2017). Detecting the hate code on social media. Proceedings of the Eleventh International Conference on Web and Social Media, 608–612. McIntire, M., & Roose, K. (2020). What Happens When QAnon Seeps From the Web to the Offline World. The New York Times. Available from: https:// www.nytimes.com/2020/02/09/us/politics/qanon-trump-conspiracy-theory. html Meckler, L. (2009). Obama Signs Stimulus Into Law. The Wall Street Journal. Available from: online.wsj.com/article/SB123487951033799545.html Montopoli, B. (2009). Tax Day Brings Out ‘Tea Party’ Protestors. Available from: www.cbsnews.com/stories/2009/04/15/politics/main4946264.shtml

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

93

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement

Moroney, T., & Dopp, T. (2010). Tea Party Election Results Diluted in Highly Populated States. Business Week. Available from: www.businessweek.com/ news/2010-11-05/tea-party-election-results-diluted-in-highly-populatedstates.html Notopoulos, K., & Broderick, R. (2017). The Far Right’s Most Common Memes Explained for Normal People. Buzzfeed News. Available from: https:// www.buzzfeednews.com/article/katienotopoulos/a-normal-persons-guide-tohow-far-right-trolls-talk-to-each NPR. (n.d.). Fake News Expert on How False Stories Spread and Why People Believe Them: NPR Report. Available from: https://www.npr. org/2016/12/14/505547295/fake-news-expert-on-how-false-stories-spreadand-why-people-believe-them Pollard, M., & Mendelsohn, J. (2016). RAND kicks off 2016 presidential election panel survey. RAND. Available from: https://www.rand.org/ blog/2016/01/rand-kicks-off-2016-presidential-election-panel-survey.html Prins, N., & Ugrin, K. (2009). Bailout Tally Report. Available from: nomiprins. squarespace.com/storage/reports/bailouttally063009-1.pdf Robins, L. (2009). Tax Day Is Met With Tea Parties. The New York Times. Available from: www.nytimes.com/2009/04/16/us/politics/16taxday.html Roy, J. (2016). ‘Cuck,’ ‘snowflake,’ ‘masculinist’: A guide to the language of the ‘alt-right’. Los Angeles Times. Available from: https://www.latimes. com/nation/la-na-pol-alt-right-terminology-20161115-story.html Santelli, R. (2009). The Rant Heard ‘Round the World.’ Available from: streetinsider.com/Insiders+Blog/Rick+Santelli+-+The+Rant+Heard+Ro und+the+World/4419854.html

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Schleifer, T. (2015). Trump ejects Univision anchor from press conference. CNN Politics. Available from: https://www.cnn.com/2015/08/25/politics/ donald-trump-megyn-kelly-iowa-rally/index.html Shifman, L. (2014). Memes in Digital Culture. MIT Press. Silver, N. (2009). “Tea Party” Protests Appear to Draw At Least 250,000. FiveThirtyEight. Available from: https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/teaparties-appear-to-draw-at-least/

94

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

The Rise of the Alt-Right, Trump, and the Global Nationalist Movement

Silver, N. (2016). Where Trump Got His Edge. FiveThirtyEight. Available from: https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/where-trump-got-his-edge/ Sorkin, A. (2016, Dec.) The Age of Donald Trump and Pizzagate. The New Yorker. Available from: https://www.newyorker.com/news/amy-davidson/ the-age-of-donald-trump-and-pizzagate Sottile, L. (2020). The Chaos Agents. The New York Times. Available from: https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/08/19/magazine/boogaloo.html Srikrishnan, M., Pliner, J., Schlesinger, J., Goldstein, J., & Kahn, H. (2010). Which Tea Party candidates won? ABC News. Available from: http://abcnews. go.com/Politics/2010_Elections/vote-2010-elections-tea-party- winnerslosers/story?id=12023076#.UJLEk2l259Q Stack, L. (2016). How the ‘War on Christmas’ Controversy was Created. The New York Times. Available from: https://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/19/us/ war-on-christmas-controversy.html Stolberg, S., & Andrews, E. (2009). $275 Billion Plan Seeks to Address Housing Crisis. The New York Times. Available from: nytimes.com/2009/02/19/ business/19housing.html Swire, B., Berinsky, A., Lewandowsky, S., & Ecker, U. (2017, March). Processing Political Misinformation: Comprehending the Trump Phenomenon. Royal Society Open Science. Timiraos, N. (2011). Views of Life After Fannie, Freddie. The Wall Street Journal. Available from: online.wsj.com/article/SB1000142405274870378 6804576137942242796306.html

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Wisniewski, K. (2011). It’s All About Memes: The Insatiable Ego of the Colbert Bump. In The Stewart/Colbert Effect: Essays on the Real Impacts of Fake News. McFarland. Wong, J. (2018). What is QAnon? Explaining the bizarre rightwing conspiracy theory. The Guardian. Available from: https://www.theguardian. com/technology/2018/jul/30/qanon-4chan-rightwing-conspiracy-theoryexplained-trump Zernike, K. (2010). Boiling Mad: Inside Tea Party America. St. Martin’s Press.

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

95

96

Chapter 5

Black Lives Still Matter (2020): Ethnonationalism in the 21st Century

ABSTRACT This chapter explains the fomentation of the Black Lives Matter movement, which began as a hashtag in 2013. The chapter explores the ideology and goals of the movement, as well as past and current tactics that the movement participants are utilizing to bring awareness to their cause. The chapter highlights numerous high-profle incidents that propelled Black Lives Matter onto the national stage and that have kept it in the public eye, including the most recent catalyst, George Floyd (2020).

Hold my hands, we gon’ pray together Lay down, face down in the gravel

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

We wearin’ all attire white to the funeral Black love, we gon’ stay together - Lyrics from Beyonce’s “Black Parade” (Juneteenth 2020) The Summer of 2020 has been both devastatingly similar to that of 2014 in and around events in Ferguson, Missouri and simultaneously one of the DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-7343-3.ch005 Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

most uplifting in terms of the spirit of the various communities of color and their allies. There has been much coverage of protests and events that are highly emotionally charged, advocating defunding of state and local police departments and allegations of corruption and abuse of power against (mainly) people of color. Ongoing Black Lives Matter events that bled into a hodgepodge of protest organizations, including Antifa in Portland, Oregon led Trump to send federal law enforcement officers into the city to maintain order (Vladeck, 2020). To use another reference from Black popular culture, this summer has felt like an actual reenactment of an episode of the cult cartoon, The Boondocks. This episode (Season 1, Episode 14), entitled “The Block is Hot” follows the main characters through a heat wave that is causing people in town to be, for a lack of better word, crazed. The episode is a lesson in capitalism featuring a lemonade stand and a little girl, but the undertone of the episode is that heat and the irrationality of all people. The episode ends with the heat wave being snapped by a sudden snowfall – this author wants so badly the fresh start of snow. The summer has seen police officers in major cities appearing in photographs with protestors, kneeling with them in support, and then as soon as their shift begins putting those same protestors under arrest, or worse. But as stated, the bitter has been met with some of the sweetest gifts to Black popular culture and spirit, including the incomparable Beyonce’s Black is King visual album to accompany her Lion King-inspired album “The Gift” (Sisario, 2020). The song referenced above, ‘Black Parade’ was released on the traditionally Black-recognized holiday, Juneteenth (a reference to the date, June 19, 1865), when federal troops took control of Texas to ensure that all slaves were freed; this was two and a half years after the Emancipation Proclamation was signed. The holiday is celebrated as the effective end of the practice of slavery in the U.S. (Nix, 2020). The song, and subsequent visual album are a love letter to Black folks in the American diaspora, featuring her daughter and reminding mainly Black women to persevere, while uplifting the race as a whole at the same time. Books such as How To Be An Antiracist by Ibram X. Kendi have dominated the cultural gaze and provided much needed dialogue on what it is to not just be nonprejudiced in American society, but to actively work against the powers that continue to oppress certain communities. According to Kendi (2019), “An antiracist idea is any idea that suggests the racial groups are equals in all their apparent differences – that there is nothing right or

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

97

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

wrong with any racial group. Antiracist ideas argue that racist policies are the cause of racial inequities” (P. 20). The United States, where both the Tea Party turned Alt-Right movement as well as the Black Lives Matter movement were born, is regarded as the world’s oldest sustaining democracy, and as such has achieved a Freedom House rating of 1 (most free) since 1999 when Freedom House began releasing its reports annually. It is curious to note that the Black Lives Matter movement has yet to achieve any major gains in terms of changing society and/or the politics that hold its membership down within the system, while also analyzing a more successful (in terms of immediate goals, such as regime change) movement in the same country. The fervor created initially by the Tea Party as a reaction to the globalist interventionist style of George W. Bush and the subsequent election of liberal globalist Barack Obama was arguably more than enough to begin a public outrage that resulted in the shifting of not just an electorate but a political establishment. Where the reaction on the part of both state and national government to protestors in Baltimore or Ferguson in association with Black Lives Matter was heavily militarized, and arguably something expected from a more repressive government, the Alt-Right was able to hone the unmitigated outrage over the status quo into electoral and subsequently, legislative victories. The concept of democracy is easy to understand philosophically but much harder to apply in a regime completely, sustainably, and equally. The American constitutional, federalist democracy began as an experiment in governing and continues to be an imperfect model yet is the world’s longest functioning democracy. The system of governance is influenced by the ideological leanings of the party in power, which has the potential to empower certain citizens at the expense of others. The Black Lives Matter movement was born of democratic principles including freedom of assembly and speech, yet as it developed from an online expression of support and pressure for equality, the movement was met with the type of militarized resistance and militant rhetoric via the mainstream media expected in authoritarian regimes (Ferguson, Baltimore). The United States has been on a steady democratic decline since the protests and riots of the 1960s, according to the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), which publishes a democracy index annually. The report examines 200 countries around the world and categorizes them as “full democracy”, “flawed democracy”, “hybrid regime”, and “authoritarian regime” (Shen, 2017). In early 2017, the U.S. was officially downgraded from a “full democracy” to a “flawed democracy” by the EIU, which argued that it was not a direct 98

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

result of Donald Trump’s election. Yet did attribute aspects of the downgrade to a rise in nationalist fervor and hostile rhetoric in both the U.S. presidential election and the decline in public trust in the government (Shen, 2017). As the Trump Administration begins to take power, the democracy and constitutional adherence are seemingly in question, which puts what would be classified “identity” or “special interest” politics such as Black Lives Matter at a disadvantage, as more citizens are fighting for the basic principles of democracy. The initial reaction and dispersal of numerous BLM rallies has been, as detailed throughout this work, violent and perceived by many American citizens to be violating basic civil liberties, these reactions occurred under the first African-American President (Obama) and in a full democracy. While the reaction of law enforcement and cities in the U.S. to BLM tactics has been, at times, over-reactionary, it has not dissuaded increased political participation in emerging social movements. The response of the Trump administration remains was a bit of a mystery in the early days of 2017; as early as days post-inauguration Trump signed an executive order that targeted non-citizens (and some with certain visas) of the Muslim faith, but it was not clear how Trump would treat Americans in the various diasporas within our borders. The first indication that Trump would be moving race relations in the democracy in a deteriorative manner. The Black Lives Matter movement began as an intensely reactionary call for mobilization after the latest round of perceived excessive force used against a predominately African-American community in the United States. The movement resembles civil rights/social justice movements before in the U.S., echoing ideas first espoused in the 1960s Civil Rights Movement. Blumer, as early as 1955, observed the shifting dynamics of race relations in the United States, and noted that social thought had been overly concerned with “the establishment and maintenance of a hierarchical racial order within a given society” and wanted to shift sociological inquiry to the impending order (1955, P. 14). Blumer foreshadowed the “perpetuation of memories stemming from the racial order, areas of exclusiveness from which they [racial minorities] will be barred, and clannish tendencies which will perpetuate some separateness of racial groups” (ibid., P. 18). Black Lives Matter addresses recent controversies such as the Million Hoodie March and #IamTrayvon in reaction to the killing of teenager Trayvon Martin in Florida by a civilian security officer who was off-duty at the time of the killing, and #ICantBreathe mobilized support for the negligent death of Eric Garner by New York City Police who had repeatedly stopped him for selling loose cigarettes (Capelouto, 2014) and one day, Garner resisted, was

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

99

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

thrown to the concrete and held in a chokehold position, which was outlawed by the State of New York, slowly killing him all the while, Garner is yelling, “I can’t breathe” (Eversley, 2014). As Freelon (2016, P. 2) argues, “Power [within a social movement] is also closely associated with perceptions of legitimacy, in that movements perceived as legitimate will generally be in a stronger position to achieve their goals … activists must also argue that their goals and methods deserve the broader public’s sympathy and support”. Within the contemporary digital context, it is again crucial to reiterate that movements that seek to achieve their goals will need broad support from the mainstream population and must execute a tactical social media/internet strategy as much as an organizational strategy for the movement in the public sphere (e.g. protests, rallies, and advocacy for legislative/institutional change). This implies that the social movement must be salient and addressing issues that are occurring presently and impact the mainstream public. Social movements utilizing social media platforms occupy the same space as others who are interested in expressing their own opinions, according to Freelon, “every party to a conversation within a social media space is involved in power negotiations, whether they are aware of it or not…the simple act of sharing one party’s message rather than another’s contributes to this process” (2016, P. 3). It is worth noting that social media as a catalyst for the solidification of the Alt-Right could very well have been the adept hashtag activism of Black Lives Matter, and the attempt for a counternarrative in #AllLivesMatter represented predominately white voices (Gallagher et al., 2016). The All Lives Matter movement emerged soon after Black Lives Matter and countered the idea that emphasis on only blacks in American society was wrong, that indeed all lives mattered, especially that of law enforcement (in watching many of these conversations unfold on Twitter personally, it did not seem to matter if the black citizen had the right to life or a fair trial, it was assumed that the force used by law enforcement was always justified). Another iteration, #BlueLivesMatter also emerged out of the All Lives Matter conversations, which represented support for law enforcement. Both hashtags (in this author’s opinion) were foundational to the creation of the disgruntled Alt-Right that is so prevalent in modern American politics, if one considers their immense fear of minorities taking their position in society. Gallagher et al. (2016, P. 12) report, “The word shifts and topic networks reveal that the only other lives that are significantly discussed within #AllLivesMatter are the lives of law enforcement officers, particularly during times in which there is heavy protesting…[and] there is a lack of evidence that the counter-protest 100

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

#AllLivesMatter significantly discusses all lives, despite the sentiment of the hashtag’s framing”. Arguably, #AllLivesMatter offered an echo chamber to those who were concerned about Black Lives Matter as well as provided a springboard for the current nationalist movement to coalesce and take the temperature for public support. The Black Lives Matter Movement emerged at a time in the U.S. when numerous social and political injustices, including the economic inequalities that surrounded the Occupy movement ideology, intersected with contentious and perceivably egregious violations by the very entities that exist to protect American citizens (e.g.: law enforcement, representative government, and the rule of law). The movement itself is a tangled network of African-American, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer movement (LGBTQ), white and various other activist movements, and though it has a name that may mislead or be used to confuse the goals or ideology of the movement, Black Lives Matter has an all-inclusive (unless you are the establishment) tone that has allowed it to sustain and thrive in the current political climate in America. Where the Occupy Wall Street Movement failed in the United States, the Black Lives Matter is advancing and has mobilized as an effective political movement because of its inclusiveness of the message and the goals of the movement. Freelon (2016) notes Black Lives Matter was able to achieve national awareness through “use of online and offline organizing, obtaining extensive news media coverage and glowing references in music and entertainment television” (P. 3). The American Occupy movement was symbolically important yet as a movement it failed to provide adequate digital stimulus to participants to join and maintain the demonstrations, particularly in the face of greater threats of force to disperse multiple protest camps across the U.S. The Occupy movement focused on economic inequalities in the U.S., the growing gap between rich and poor (Hardt & Negri, 2011), but where it failed was that it neglected the most glaringly affected portion of the low income communities in America, the African-American community. The lack of inclusion and failure to incorporate systemic and institutionalized poverty in pockets nationwide into their message led the Occupy movement to not be taken seriously by activists and the public-at-large. It was perceived and reported on as a mass demonstration of yuppies, young white urban workers, who had just graduated college and were entitled to a well-paying job. The videos of hordes of primarily Caucasian 20-somethings dancing around Wall Street and disrupting the mainstream became a festival-esque attraction more so than an actual movement with goals (Kreiss & Tufekci, 2013). Neither the public nor the activists viewed the Occupy Movement in

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

101

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

the U.S. as a life or death situation, thus it was perceived as entitled children demanding something from a system that did not have it to give (arguably). The Black Lives Matter Movement, on the other hand, is defined by the life or death urgency of addressing the social and political problems that stem from the economic inequalities that have long plagued the American system and prejudices that have yet to be eradicated. The Black Lives Matter Movement as a social response to a political system that has declared itself ‘post-racial’ and yet promulgates policy that disproportionally affects the black community in the U.S., a system that justifies the killing of black men in the streets due to perceived threats (Bouie, 2013), a system that allows portions of historic American cities (Chicago, New York City, Baltimore, St. Louis) to treat minorities like criminals before due process. But it is also a response to a political system that allows all citizens to be discriminated against by the powers that be, for an end to excessive force as a response to criminal activities that do not warrant such force for all, for ending a prolonged period of misappropriation of funds and the coddling of the ‘right side of town’ over the ‘wrong’, and points out the broken system that allows for basic civil rights, such as universal suffrage to be contingent upon proper identification (in many states a hunting license will do). Black Lives Matter shines a light on the divisions that exist in American society that are perpetuated by a system that thrives off of societal chaos to mask the economic pillaging of all citizens, black and white. BLM is one of the most important American movements since the emergence of the LGBTQ rights movement in the late 1960s, and hinges itself on the voices of the past while updating the message to modern American politics and social life. The sustainability of Black Lives Matter and its message has been a testament to the power of hashtag activism, and dedication of citizen activists touched by the inequity that exists in the United States. This chapter will explain the Black Lives Matter movement, its ideology, mobilization and demographics of participants, and the use of social media platforms, namely Twitter (Bonilla & Rosa, 2015), to establish a nationwide call for social, political and economic equality for all citizens.

#ICantBreathe. Hashtags for a Cause: The Emergence of BLM Analysis of the Black Lives Matter movement is partially ambiguous due to the indefinite nature of the U.S. Civil Rights movement, meaning that 102

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

it would be remiss for any theorist attempting to explain the events that catalyzed the BLM movement into American social and political culture, to define its creation through the deaths of specific young citizens or by the cities that were affected in the aftermath. The Black Lives Matter movement is yet another extension of the Civil Rights movement in the United States that seeks to bring awareness to the remaining inequalities and differential treatment of minorities in the current sociopolitical system. Much of what the Black Lives Matter movement advocates for is an incorporation of civil rights calls for humanity and equality within the political system yet BLM has found a way to incorporate not only the color of one’s skin, but who the person chooses to love, who they are, where they were born, and economic factors into the conversation as well. The BLM movement has been under the surface of the American body politik for decades, existing in small circles of the country, where the gains for the disenfranchised attained during the 1960s and 1970s (e.g. the Voting Rights Act, Civil Rights Act) never truly seeped into the social fabric. Even in larger cities such as New York and Chicago, there have been egregious violations directed largely at those who look different in society, and these policies, such as Stop and Frisk existed for years without the coalescence of a wider protest movement. The Black Lives Matter movement mobilized at the most opportune time in the American political conversation and incorporated the broken, and often daftly prejudice message of income inequality of Occupy Wall Street (U.S.) into a dialogue that has long been missing in the United States. Garza notes, “Progressive movements in the United States have made some unfortunate errors when they push for unity at the expense of really understanding the concrete differences in context, experience and oppression. In other words, some want unity without struggle” (2014, P. 3). This statement simply highlights the lack of understanding on the part of the Occupy movement in the United States to fully comprehend the systemic and institutional injustices that lead to economic inequality and the seeming collapse of the American workforce after the 2007-08 recession. While this feeling of economic uncertainty was new for many of the white participants who grew up living in the middle class and obtaining college degrees with the promise of jobs on the other end, this was the struggle of the African-American community throughout its existence in American society. Deetz (2015) poignantly notes that even in the 21st century, which brought America its first Black president and a sense of racial progress, “America was never post-racial…the modern Civil Rights Movement gave way to the popularization of Liberal cultural norms. Political correctness (as discussed

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

103

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

previously) became the standard”. Yet to buy into the concept of post-racial one must intrinsically acknowledge race and that all should be equal, or simply choosing not to recognize the diverse cultures that exist in America. Deetz bluntly argues that “color-blindness is a privilege of whiteness, and one that carries little to no residence or respect in communities of color” (2015, P. 32). According to Bailey and Leonard, “Black Lives Matter is an act of collective imagination, one that both envisions and tries to bring about conditions that will guarantee that the voices, humanity, and lives of African-Americans are protected, valued, and embraced” (2015, P. 68). Social media has been incorporated into the contemporary civil rights and social justice campaigns of African-Americans in the U.S., most notably the realm of “Black Twitter” on which public discourse continued to be centered around the inequities felt in the American black community (Florini, 2014; Sharma, 2013). Communication theorist Andre Brock notes, “it is [Black Twitter] Twitter’s mediation of Black cultural discourse” (2012), and Freelon et al. (2016) add that Black Twitter is “the ongoing production of Black culture as refracted through Twitter” (P. 25). Bonilla and Rosa (2015, P. 6) note, “Whereas in most mainstream media contexts the experiences of racialized populations are overdetermined, stereotyped, or tokenized, social media platforms such as Twitter offer sites for collectively constructing counternarratives and reimagining group identities”. Cullors stated in a 2015 CNN interview, “Because of social media we reach people in the smallest corners of America. We are plucking at a cord that has not been plucked forever. There is a network and a hashtag to gather around. It is powerful to be in alignment with our own people” (CNN, 2015). McKesson solidified his social media support of Black Lives Matter advocacy, noting “The tools that we have to organize and to resist are fundamentally different than anything that’s existed before in black struggle” (Stephen, 2015). Choudhury et al. report, “social media reflects the evolution of the BLM movement – the movement has kept on gaining newcomer attention in large volumes as different events unfolded between 2014 and 2015” (2016, P. 2). The use of namely Twitter as a communication and tactical tool by Black Lives Matter has allowed the movement to be both decentralized yet highly coordinated without a formalized hierarchical structure, which allowed local leaders to emerge in many geographically diverse regions of the U.S. As Choudhury et al. (2016) conclude their study of BLM and Twitter users, “Our observations suggest how face-to-face and online forms of activism work in interrelated and aggregative ways towards helping drive social and political change” (P. 9). 104

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

While the digital divide still exists in the U.S., African-American users of Twitter still remains higher than that of Caucasian Americans, 21 percent to African-Americans 24 percent (Perrin & Anderson, 2019). In addition to social media, it is important to note the widespread use of smartphones by American minorities. A Pew Research study conducted in 2013 reported that 53 percent of Caucasian Americans, 64 percent of African-Americans, and 60 percent of Latinos in the U.S. own a smartphone. In 2015, Pew reported that 12 percent of African-Americans and 13 percent of Hispanics in the U.S. are smartphone dependent – meaning they rely on their mobile device to provide them with internet access – compared to just 4 percent of Caucasians (Smith, 2015). Thus, American minorities possess the mobile technological advantage to record audio, video and photographic footage anywhere, at any time. This overwhelming statistic helps to explain the recent wave of citizen journalism and the rise of reporting on excessive tactics used by law enforcement to subdue alleged criminals and/or suspects, and how the public is able to consume this evidence and discern for them what the next move is, both socially and politically. The use of mobile technologies have also led to a push in the American society for law enforcement use of not only dashboard (automobile) cameras but also body cameras to provide further documentation of events that end in controversy. The first highly publicized shooting of an unarmed African-American minor came in February 2012, when news of Trayvon Martin, a seventeen year old from Florida was gunned down after leaving a convenience store by community watch member George Zimmerman, who watched Martin as he passed through a neighborhood that had been victimized by robberies. Zimmerman called the local police to report the suspicious person in the area but while waiting, confronted Martin and an altercation between the two occurred, in which Zimmerman shot Martin in the chest and left Zimmerman with visible injuries. The local police did not arrest Zimmerman for the shooting of Martin upon arriving on the scene due to Florida’s Stand Your Ground laws that allow the shooting death of someone that is perceived to be a threat to your property or life (Strauss & Alcindor, 2012). After the media scrutinized Florida’s laws, the Sandford police department and Zimmerman’s past offenses, Zimmerman was finally charged with the death of Martin but was acquitted in July 2013. This instance catapulted racial profiling, the sanctity of all life, and the threat of skin color into the national discourse. From an average American standpoint, the death of a young black man is, sadly, a daily occurrence, so for it to be so highly publicized and criticized, and able to mobilize an entire

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

105

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

community was surprising. The outpouring from black celebrities helped to push the conversation forward with notable figures like Kobe Bryant changing their social media profile photos to mirror the infamous picture of Trayvon Martin in a grey hoodie to show their support. The Million Hoodie March took place in New York City’s Union Square on March 21, 2012, and an estimated 5,000 participants showed up to protest the unjust processes of racial profiling (Lennard, 2012). The 2012 presidential candidates were asked questions about the racial divisions in America, again, placing the sociopolitical status of minorities in the U.S. at the forefront. When Obama won the re-election in 2012, there was a mild expectation from the disenfranchised communities (low income, elderly, blacks, LGBTQ) for him to use the bully pulpit in his last term to alleviate and address some of the inequities. Yet what followed was an intensification of the events surrounding Martin and extremely public killings of young African-Americans by American law enforcement. But this time, the activist community was not going to hold a march and then move on. This time a national movement would come to speak on behalf of those who lost or never had a voice in their society. As Bailey and Leonard argue, “Black Lives Matter represents an active engagement, not with the future, but with our present moment…The future seems almost an afterthought. Black lives matter in the here and now; this is the urgency that propels the movement forward” (2015, P. 68). Over the next three years, there would be numerous examples of excessive force used by law enforcement to maintain peace, recorded murders of American citizens on the streets, and a call for greater social justice. While the Trayvon Martin case did not immediately cause the mobilization of the Black Lives Matter movement, it certainly aided in its coalescence period that arguably lasted for a year or more. Beginning on November 24, 2014 when police officer Darren Wilson, the man who shot Michael Brown received no indictment for his use of excessive force, which was immediately followed by a non-indictment of officer Daniel Pantaleo in the death of Eric Garner on December 3, a frenzy of activism surrounded the Black Lives Matter movement, particularly on social media outlets such as Twitter. Freelon et al. (2016) argue that the instances of violence and publicized police brutality against African-Americans in late November and early December 2014 elevated #blacklivesmatter from a rallying cry known to those in the protest/ activist culture to a global movement. According to Freelon et al. (2016, P. 34), #blacklivesmatter was used in a “median of 725 tweets per day between June and December 2014, a figure that rose to 10,112 for January through May 2015”. As has been noted hashtag activism is a main mechanism for 106

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

coordinating contemporary protest, and denotes the use of social media to unite and coalesce conversation regarding an event or actor via the use of a hashtag. The Black Lives Matter movement began in earnest in July 2013 after the acquittal of George Zimmerman in the Martin case. The outrage of the lack of justice in that case helped to solidify public opinion about the American justice system, if a young black man could be shot in the streets with a package of candy and a soda, then many wondered, why could it not be my son? Opal Tometi, a cofounder of Black Lives Matter explains: When we founded #BlackLivesMatter in 2013, we wanted to create a political space within and amongst our communities for activism that could stand firmly on the shoulders of movements that have come before us, such as the civil rights movement, while innovating on its strategies, practices and approaches to finally centralize the leadership of those existing at the margins of our economy and our society. In a matter of weeks, the movement shattered what remained of the notion of a ‘post-racial’ America and reoriented the entire national conversation on anti-Black racism (Tometi et al., 2015). Garza (2015), co-founder of the BLM movement, noted on the mission statement found on the Black Lives Matter website that the movement is:

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

A space for the celebration and humanization of Black lives…[it] affirms the lives of Black queer and trans folks, disabled folks, Black-undocumented folks, folks with records, women and all Black lives along the gender spectrum. It centers those that have been marginalized within Black liberation movements. It is a tactic to (re)build the Black liberation movement. The Black Lives Matter movement, while beginning as a response to the unjust and inhumane treatment of African-Americans, especially young men who tend to be disproportionately at risk, it has grown into a broader social and political justice movement that centers around the ideals that all lives do matter: those that are homosexual, those that are Hispanic, those that are young and black, those that are elderly, and so on. The Black Lives Matter rallying cry coined by Garza, Cullors, and Tometi is “first and foremost a challenge to the affront of racial violence and prejudiced policing; it is a challenge to white privilege and supremacy, and it seeks to disrupt the status quo by forcing America to unflinchingly examine the ways in which state-sponsored agents treat black Americans as, at best, second-class citizens” (Bailey & Leonard,

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

107

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

2015, P. 68). The next incident crystallized the nation’s outrage, the plight of the American black community, and unleashed a firestorm of activism that has yet to cease to the present day. The public shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri on August 9, 2014 acted as the digital jumping off point for the Black Lives Matter movement and its mobilization. The death of Brown is fairly reminiscent of the Trayvon Martin case, except in that official law enforcement instead of a civilian with gun rights was the perpetrator of the murder. Brown, an 18year old unarmed black man was killed after running from law enforcement but it was the final moments of his life, in which multiple sources from the scene note that Brown was holding his hands up, a societally recognized gesture of surrender and begging for the officer not to shoot him, when the officer fired a multitude of shots that killed Brown (Bonilla & Rosa, 2015, P. 1). Immediately, the surrounding community of Ferguson, a suburb of St. Louis, gathered in the street to demand an explanation of the death of Brown and a sustained protest movement was beginning to develop, which consisted of daily demonstrations and confrontations with local police so intense that the Governor was willing and did call in the National Guard to protect the community (this move increased the violence, not decreased). The Hands Up, Don’t Shoot cry became a call for activism that was heard around the world (see Hong Kong case study, Stacey, 2016) and the events in Ferguson were documented across social media platforms including Twitter, Instagram and YouTube as well as on mainstream broadcast television, the entire world was watching Ferguson and the response of the American government. Bonilla and Rosa (2015, P. 4) note, “During the initial week of protests, over 3.6 million posts appeared on Twitter documenting and reflecting on the emerging details surrounding Michael Brown’s death, by the end of the month #Ferguson had appeared more than 8 million times on the Twitter platform”. According to Freelon et al. (2016, P. 33) note in the Emergence stage of Black Lives Matter, #blacklivesmatter was just one of numerous hashtags to be mobilized to encourage discourse, including #HandsUpDontShoot, #IfTheyGunnedMeDown (which featured many compelling photos of individual users, incorporating visceral visuals with the dialogue), and #NoJusticeNoPeace. The death of Michael Brown in Ferguson occurred just weeks after another very public death of an unarmed black man, this time in New York City. The story of Eric Garner is another example of excessive force and even outlawed maneuvers to take a suspect into custody. The death of Garner was a systematic failure to treat not only a black man but a person accused or 108

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

suspected of committing a crime with basic human dignity. Garner, a repeat offender, father and business owner, was accused of selling loose cigarettes outside a shop in NYC repeatedly, and on July 17, 2014, he questioned the authority of the officers and alleged that they were harassing him, resisted arrest and this resulted in the treatment that led to his death. The officers on duty, Daniel Pantaleo and Justin Damico, subdued Garner and wrestled him to the ground after he resisted arrest, once on the ground the officers held him on his stomach in what has been classified as a ‘chokehold’ for 15 seconds, while Garner told the officers he could not breathe eleven times according to video footage, he loses consciousness and is pronounced dead upon arriving at the hospital an hour after the incident (Queally, 2014). The medical examiner concluded that Garner died due to compression of the neck and chest, and positioning during physical restraint by NYPD, also noting that the cause of death was homicide (Pearson, 2014). In both the Garner and Brown cases, the officers were not indicted and were not punished by law in the deaths of these citizens. This blatant display of the levels of justice that exist in the American system placed an increased focus on the Black Lives Matter movement and its message, it became an indispensable part of the conversation. It is worth highlighting the digital mobilization that occurred between the death of Michael Brown and Eric Garner. According to the analysis presented in “Beyond The Hashtags”, between the weeks of July 17-August 8, 2014 there were 226,675 tweets regarding the death of Eric Garner made by 128,831 unique users with the victim’s name being the top hashtag behind “retweet”; compared to the 12,589,097 tweets from 1,734,541 unique users in the three week period following Michael Brown’s death (Freelon et al. 2016, Pgs. 37-42). While it would be a lengthy endeavor to include a full list of detailed accounts of other prominent cases that have come into the Black Lives discourse, the cases mentioned at great length above highlight the growing trend of police brutality and continued injustices in the African-American community. Sufficed to say, the number of cases has grown in which a black person is treated more harshly because of the perceived threat of their skin color, and the American public has much more evidence to consume than in the past due to the increased use of namely smartphones among all Americans, but particularly among African-American youth, and the instantaneous nature of social media platforms and content-sharing sites, such as YouTube. Freelon et al. conclude that while not all black people identify with the Black Lives Matter movement, the “young black Twitter communities are consistently among the most insular in terms of their ties to other communities, including

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

109

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

Black Lives Matter” (2016, P. 77). To reiterate a commonality among networked sociopolitical movements, these instances of collective action are demographically youthful, which begets technological savvy but not necessarily organizational or ideological stability (short term goals without solid tactics to create change, splintering of participants into factions, inability to control all participants – increasing the likelihood of violence). Yet in terms of framing the movement’s message in order to maximize awareness of the issues and mobilizing citizens to action, Black Lives Matter has used largely Twitter to its advantage.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Rise of #BlackLivesMatter As previously argued, in the digital age and through the use of social media platforms awareness and mobilization are becoming intertwined in the process of solidifying a social movement in public discourse. The Black Lives Matter movement was able to achieve widespread mobilization due to the pre-mobilization of local protest movements and demonstrations in the individual cities/communities affected by the multiple high profile deaths at the hands of American law enforcement. Black Lives Matter through its adept hashtag activism was able to provide an umbrella under which the entirety of the outraged American society could coalesce, deliberate, plan action and coordinate dissent (#IamTrayvon, #Ferguson, #HandsUpDontShoot, #ICantBreathe, #TamirRice, #SayHerName, #BaltimoreUprising). Freelon (2016, P. 4) argues using Tilly’s WUNC concept of social movements, that Black Lives Matter has used hashtag activism to create unity among its participants, noting “creating hashtags based on victims’ names after police killings is a common practice, so much so that participants sometimes speak of their “fear of becoming a hashtag” (Moodie-Mills, 2015 cited in Freelon 2016). As has been noted, the most prevalent and mainstream of the BLM hashtags is #blacklivesmatter, under which much communication as well as coordination occurs, as well as perpetuation of celebration black identity. Olteanu et al. (2016) report the findings of a demographic analysis of #blacklivesmatter and 6000 Twitter users that “African-Americans are both more numerous and active than other demographic groups … young females are more likely to actively engage in the debate than men, yet the proportions of white and African-American females are similar” (P. 2). Through the use of Twitter as the main mechanism of real-time engagement, users may experience “heightened temporality that characterizes all social 110

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Figure 1. Princeton ‘Die-In’, Photo by Ryan Maguire, December 4, 2014 (Eisgruber)

movements: the way days marked by protest become “eventful”, distinguishing them from quotidian life” (Bonilla & Rosa 2015, P. 7). This temporality that is shared among members of a social movement helps to solidify the participants and mobilization of the movement in its own revolutionary schedule that is updated and shared using social media. This temporality expands as the movement itself distributes and collects members around the world, and again, social media provides for a place to feel directly connected to the movement or event even when there is a geographic disconnection. One can examine the simultaneous marches in New York City and Ferguson or in the aftermath coordinated displays of protest such as the increasingly popular ‘die-in’, where on December 1, 2014 to protest the failure to indict Michael Brown’s killer, college students around the United States gathered in student unions and in university squares, lying down and acting as if they were dead. Students from Washington University in St. Louis spreading to Harvard and Princeton (see photo below) acted out in civil disobedience on the same day at the same time in response to the increased use of violent force against American citizens (Kingkade, 2014).

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

111

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

The Black Lives Matter movement has incorporated the tactics of civil disobedience and attempted peaceful, nonviolent demonstrations that disrupt the status quo, sometimes blocking intersections (Libor & Smith, 2015), staging the die-ins previously mentioned, professional athletes showing their support for protestors and the message of the movement (St. Louis Rams players notably came out onto the field to play on live television showing the ‘hands up, don’t shoot’ stance to the world in 2014; CBS Interactive Inc., 2014). The Black Lives Matter movement had a message that permeated throughout the American culture and was able to proliferate beyond just the African-American community, in part thanks to the assistance of popular figures and celebrities and their social media networks. According to Rao (2015, P. 40), “Technologies of mass production and a counter-public sphere enabled the circulation of images of oppression and exploitation, as much as they fed a pornographic White gaze”. The swift and widespread mobilization of the BLM movement set off a countermovement of white activism that acted as opposition to the message, often blaming the black victims and painting them as criminals, inconvenient, or extremists (see O’Connor, 2015; Feldman, 2015). Yet the BLM movement, though widely disparaged in the conservative media community, has maintained its ability to disseminate its message, and through their attempts to discredit the movement as illegitimate and not following in the memory of Martin Luther King Jr. (see FoxNews.com, 2015) have only made the movement stronger. Mobilization, at this point, becomes simpler for BLM because the same establishment that represses them is now delegitimizing their effort to find equality, thus providing explicit evidence for mass consumption. The summer of 2014 will live on in modern America as one of the most volatile and publicly humiliating for race (and beyond that, societal) relations. The mobilization of the BLM movement stemmed from the reaction of the black community across the U.S. to the death of Michael Brown and the questions surrounding it, including whether or not the witnesses (who happened to be mainly black) were credible when stating that Brown had his hands up. The reaction by the African-American community and sympathizers was not only about Michael Brown but was a personal one, and came to encompass their personal experiences with law enforcement and differential treatment (Smith, 2015). In the wake of Michael Brown’s death in August 2014 and through the grand jury process that made the decision not to indict Officer Darren Wilson for his death in November, there were multiple public demonstrations that led to violence on the part of law enforcement as well as protestors. 112

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

The movement was intensified when the mobilization for Eric Garner began in New York City. The ‘Millions March NYC’ was an outpouring of tens of thousands of citizens that stretched for an estimated mile through Manhattan, shouting “I can’t breathe”, the final words of Garner before dying of injuries sustained during takedown by NYPD. The NYC march in December 3, 2014 prominently displayed signs that noted “Black Lives Matter” and became clear that the umbrella movement had been effective in its framing and communication of the message. On December 5, protestors in New York City, Boston and Washington D.C. simultaneously marched in reaction to the failure to indict the officer who conducted the chokehold that eventually was to blame for Garner’s death (The Guardian, 2014). More recently, in Summer 2020 there were two extremely high profile and questionable murders of Black Americans at the hands of law enforcement that refocused the BLM network in a new decade: Breonna Taylor and George Floyd. These two deaths were vastly different; one extremely public and recorded, the other happening under the cloak of darkness and tucked away from public consciousness until after the death of Floyd; one occurring on the streets (public), the other in Ms. Taylor’s bedroom (private); yet both involve Black Americans who were not given the benefit of the doubt when approached by law enforcement, and both lives were ended at the hands of said law enforcement (Glover et al., 2020). Breonna Taylor has captivated the public’s attention throughout the summer of 2020; her story is terrifying and seemingly impossible to digest. Taylor, a 26-year old emergency room technician in the time of COVID-19, was subject to a no-knock warrant in the state of Kentucky (where this is now illegal) or the lawful entrance of law enforcement into a private home without warning, but with a search warrant. Taylor and her boyfriend were in bed, as the police did not execute the search warrant until after midnight, the boyfriend believed that the apartment was being burglarized (partially due to the lack of official announcement of law enforcement entry) and shot at the officers (Glover et al., 2020). After shots were exchanged, Taylor was alive for at least five minutes before she succumbed to her injuries (Oppel Jr. & Bryson Taylor, 2020). The police were attempting to find two men they believed were selling drugs out of a house that was not Breonna Taylor’s, yet they suspected that one of the men used Ms. Taylor’s residence to receive packages (Oppel Jr. & Bryson Taylor, 2020). As of August 2020, only one officer has been officially terminated from the Louisville Police Department over the now extremely high profile death of Taylor (Costello & Duvall, 2020). Taylor’s case has catapulted to the top of the American consciousness at a time when most citizens are living

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

113

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

some version of a quarantined or locked down lifestyle, and are concerned about many varying issues. Breonna’s name is being said daily by NBA players who are using the restart of their pandemic-paused season to call for justice (Abcarian, 2020); Oprah Winfrey used her platform and very popular O Magazine cover to honor Taylor on what would have been her 27th birthday, and called for attention on the case (September 2020) (Tracy, 2020). #SayHerName has been utilized to highlight Taylor’s death and life, and the ongoing protests throughout the summer of 2020 has shone a light on the tactics of Louisville police department. The case that crystallized May-Present (August) 2020 as the Black Lives Matter Pandemic Summer is that of George Floyd. Floyd’s situation is eerily similar to that of Eric Garner, in that Floyd had been accused of a crime (using an alleged counterfeit twenty dollar bill to purchase items from a convenience store), when law enforcement shows up on scene it is a three-onone situation. According to body camera footage that has been both released and leaked out through the course of the investigation, Floyd immediately begins to inform officers that he is claustrophobic and that he is having a hard time breathing (Li, 2020). When officers attempt to get Floyd into the back of the cruiser, it is then that Floyd begins emphatically stating that he cannot breathe and officers initially seem to empathize, pulling him out of the back of the car and instead laying him face down on the street. This is when Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin puts his knee in the back of Floyd’s neck and pins him to the ground for 8 minutes and 46 seconds, resulting in Floyd’s untimely demise (Hill et al., 2020; State of Minnesota, 2020). Floyd’s death reverberated through a pandemic-ravaged community, many people of color are employed in low income professions that are considered ‘essential’ or have been hit hardest by the economic downturn due to state and local economic shutdowns in effort to stop the spread of COVID-19. In the United States essential workforce, “Black people are particularly overrepresented in the transportation, warehouse, and delivery sectors as well as among emergency service workers” (McNicholas & Poydock, 2020). The unemployment rate alone for African-Americans increased 10 percent from March to April 2020 (from 6.7 percent to 16.7 percent) (FRED, 2020). 2020 has been a perfect storm for political revolution and the Black Lives Matter movement has (whether intentionally or not) utilized the wave of disaffection, disgust, and underemployment in the community to mobilize (and empower) a population who feel helpless. The first protest came on May 26 (the day after Floyd’s death) and spread throughout the United States rapidly thanks to the instantaneous communicative power of social media and 114

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

mobile digital technologies. By June 16, 2020, over 281 cities in the country had active Black Lives Matter protests, a majority lasting over three days, and over one-third attended by more than 1000 people (Dave et al., 2020). The Minneapolis Police Department has an unfortunate track record when it comes to racial profiling and some high profile deaths at the hands of what are perceived to be civil servants, including the 2016 shooting of Philando Castile, who was shot in his girlfriend’s car while reaching for his firearms license in front of a child. These two cases highlights the notion that when a person of color follows the law and direction of law enforcement that they should be fine in situations where they are pulled over or simply approached by law enforcement, and reignited discussions involving perceived threats based solely on the color of one’s skin (Smith, 2017). The fact that digital tools, more specifically, Facebook’s live-streaming capabilities (in the Castile case) were used to capture the moment is crucial as well. This was the first time that a police shooting involved citizens in real-time consuming and reacting to the incident, galvanizing a protest immediately via the internet. The death of Ahmaud Arbery in February 2020 highlights the shift in society towards open racism and a widening rift between communities of color and Caucasian Americans. Arbery, a black man, was jogging through a residential neighborhood in Georgia when he was pursued in a pick-up truck and a second vehicle that trapped him by three white men who shoot and kill Arbery in the street while recording the incident as a sort of memento and snuff film that would make its way around certain circles online (Burke & Blaine, 2020). The three men involved were not arrested in connection with the death of Arbery until the video went viral in May 2020 (Winsor et al., 2020; Bynum & Brumback, 2020), including the third man who trapped Arbery and recorded his death. Again, digital tools and communicative platforms (that include video-sharing websites) played a critical role in bringing justice to an otherwise unjust act of hate. The Black Lives Matter movement has had a social media presence (Twitter & Facebook) since July 2013, yet did not break into the mainstream consciousness and into public discourse until the high profile, evidenced deaths of a collection of African-American youth (2012-present). As noted previously, identification or public awareness of a social problem does not necessarily translate into effective mobilization for social movements attempting to address the issue. Often in American culture a movement will fester under the radar of the mainstream public, and only reveal itself when necessary to achieve success or accomplishing a goal. One could take the LGBTQ movement in America as an example, the movement itself began in

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

115

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

the late 1960s as a counterculture, something taboo and to be hidden spread their message of love and equality and through a decade and a half of steady public awareness and assistance by the entertainment industry, made LGBTQ the norm in American society. The Black Lives Matter movement was able to come into mainstream conversations through the combination of these tragic circumstances that were caught on audio or video, and create a sociopolitical issue network and movement that enjoys sustained mobilization across the United States. In Fall 2015, BLM redesigned their website (blacklivesmatter.com) and has included a feature to find local chapters of the movement that spans from Kalamazoo, Michigan to Austin, Texas and even into Toronto, as well as a place to submit and search BLM events around the nation (blacklivesmatter.com, 2015). As Deetz (2015, P. 30) notes the Black Lives Matter movement comes from a narrative reminiscent of the Civil Rights movement but modernized. Deetz argues,

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The familiar [narrative] is the consistent abuse of Black bodies and spirits by white authority figures, and the routine excusing of such acts. It is the ebb and flow of cognitive dissonance and civil unrest, manifested in protests, marches, chants, radical iconography…and a series of high-profile incidents that keep gaining international attention. America is catching fire, again. This fire is not new - it never went out. This is the same fire that burned in the souls of enslaved African folk throughout the Diaspora, inspired resistance, revolts, and revolutions. The movement has become a cornerstone in American public discourse, and has a renewed focus on race relations and the status of minorities in the society. Construction of a narrative that used ideals from the Civil Rights movement, yet modernized assisted in the rapid and widespread support for Black Lives Matter in 2014 and 2015. Carr (1986, P. 117) notes, “Narrative is not merely a possibly successful way of describing events; its structure inheres the events themselves”. BLM has maintained its mobilization and provided its stratified membership with new ways of communicating, exploring avenues to activism, and deliberating on pathways for the future, Campbell (2005, P. 3) defines rhetorical agency as, “the capacity to act, that is, to have the competence to speak or write in a way that will be recognized or heeded by others in one’s community”, thus hashtag activism and use of predominately #blacklivesmatter (or #BlackLivesMatter, #BLM) has been an important building block of the BLM community because digital 116

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

agency provided by social media platforms allows for individualization, and a direct (and personal) connection with the movement. Social media platforms allowed both BLM and the Alt-Right to blossom through digital agency via clever uses of memes and hashtag activism to create their own stories, narratives, and promulgate their extremely stratified ideologies. #IfTheyGunnedMeDown is another example of a narrative hashtag used by members of Black Lives Matter to tell personal stories of struggle and fear living in modern America. Bailey and Leonard note, “Black Americans took to social media with #IfTheyGunnedMeDown, placing photographs of themselves next to each other. One of the photographs would mirror dominant stereotypes of black men and women; the other would defy those stereotypes and the expectations they engender” (2015, P. 74). For example, one photo would depict the stereotypical black girl getting ready to go to the club in a revealing dress, and the other photo would be of her in her cap and gown, graduating from college. The point is that what the media portrays of and as blackness is what the public perceives but that is quite typically not reality. Though it is important to note that not allow hashtags will lead to such public activism nor are they intended to, everyday hashtags or weekly hashtags have become part of regular digital life of a social media user, #MSM (or Man Crush Monday); #TuesdayMotivation (or any other day of the week), and events specific to a particular date (#July4th; #Maythe4thBeWithYou; #GameofThrones, etc.) are common parts online communication that do not cause people to back a particular candidate or take a movement into the streets. Yet Black Lives Matter, in particular, has done so without centralized leadership as a movement, as well as without its message being willingly co-opted by government officials (whether it was from the Obama administration or 2016 or 2020 presidential candidates). BLM has refused to allow the movement, its membership or the message be tainted by outsiders, particularly those who are part of the system that continues to legislate and govern to the detriment of the African-American community. The movement made its choice to operate outside the lines of polite civil society and political organization until the movement message is so prevalent that political leaders must adhere. The lack of bureaucratization nor incorporation of traditional/establishment politics into the movement has aided BLM in providing its members with a sense of accountability and that the movement, unlike so many other attempts, will prevail in broadening the discourse and eventually the actions of political and social leaders. Yet it does put the movement in a precarious position regarding its likelihood of success, in terms of creating the social and political change sought by

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

117

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

BLM. As Kelley writes in Freedom Dreams: The Black Radical Imagination, “Without new visions, we don’t know what to build, only what to knock down. We not only end up confused, rudderless, and cynical, but we forget that making a revolution is not a series of clever maneuvers and tactics, but a process that can and must transform us” (2002, P. xxi). Black Lives Matter must decide if it simply wants to be a movement on the defensive, ready to mobilize when tragedy has already occurred, or if it wants to be a major player in American politics like the Alt-Right. But to do so, it must at a certain level have organizational goals that are achievable through the American legislative process - the only way to solidify victory is to codify victory. The challenge that BLM is having as a movement (not an ideology) is that prominent Americans are using the movement (which has had incidents that have involved violence against them as well as perpetrated by them) to highlight the inherent prejudice in the name, to show the impending race war is being fought in the streets by BLM, and to discount their message of social justice by insisting that the movement is born out of “hate-filled anger” (Carson, 2015). The message of hope and BLM doing good is being countered by a narrative that is all too familiar in American politics, one that again places one race atop another, proclaiming that their calls for justice and political equality are to be dismissed because the tactics used are not civilized enough. Hillary Clinton initially began as critical of the movement for this reason, stating at town hall lecture in New Hampshire, “You can keep the movement going, and through it, you may change actually some hearts, but if that’s all that happens, we’ll be back in 10 years having the same conversation because we will not have all of the changes that you deserve to have because of your willingness to talk about this” (Singleton, 2015). The Black Lives Matter movement has already succeeded in bringing a discourse about racial injustice, economic inequalities and militarization of law enforcement into American society. The movement, however, has not allowed its message to be carried beyond the movement itself, in terms of allowing political officials or candidates for office assist in making the greater public aware. While the movement remains more pure without the bureaucratization of the message and members, it does risk ultimately losing its legitimacy with its own members (much less the American electorate that does identify with the movement) due to an inability to negotiate with the powers that be, in order to change policy and attitudes. The goals of the movement are so universal and broad that defining success or failure of the movement will be difficult for future theorists. The decline of the movement will be best characterized and analyzed through the lasting 118

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

contribution that BLM has on the American society in terms of dialogue. In the American system, deliberation and dialogue have long been replaced with stagnation and infighting that places importance on issues that involve the corporate economy as opposed to ensuring citizens on the ground are thriving. Black Lives Matter does itself a favor by not aligning itself with the political system that has kept the majority of its members and their families in an inferior role in American society. However, the potential decline of BLM as a movement due to establishment with the mainstream is questionable at a time, where on one hand the movement is distanced or distances itself from the mainstream, and on the other, where society is all too quick to take on the cause of BLM and incorporate their message too readily, which usually leads to further inaction in American politics. The BLM movement continues to juxtapose itself within a system of social movements that have preceded it, while choosing to adhere to tactics and a message that places it just outside of the reach of many American observers, and certainly outside of the reach of the political system. The decline of Black Lives Matter will be most effectively accomplished by the incorporation of the message and ideology into the mainstream discourse of the American public, and the movement being able to expand their message beyond the identity politics that many in the news media are attempting to label the movement. The message of Black Lives Matter reaches all ethnicities, religions, genders, sexualities and people living in the modern American society who should be vigilant and concerned with gross overreaches by the political system. The majority of Americans are in a similar situation to the members, participants and the families represented in the BLM movement, living paycheck to paycheck, in debt, with or without a college education finding it increasingly difficult to land steady employment, and whose faith in the capitalist system is fading that is evidenced by the rise of a “self-proclaimed socialist” (Dreier, 2015). The Black Lives Matter movement came along at a politically advantageous moment in American politics, and remains able to propel its message and influence into the black community, making it a viable political player. To delegitimize the movement is to undermine the struggle of the African-American community as well as the working-to-middle class, whether black or white. The problem in the United States, much like other industrialized, Western nations is that the economic turmoil that highlights the social and political injustices in a society, and tend to ultimately bring down great empires, has been disguised as a fight against global terrorism for the past ten years that has been costly. The global ‘War on Terror’ has taken resources away from America and coupled with a domestic economic

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

119

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

recession has greatly increased the protestations on American soil by those who are most affected. The 20th anniversary of the Million Man March took place on October 10, 2015, and according to the Washington Post, “Thousands of black men, women and children” in Washington D.C. to demand social justice, a continuation of the initial message of the march as well as the BLM movement. The family of Sandra Bland and Trayvon Martin spoke to the crowd, and noted that the greater movement is “about human rights” and that the black community would no longer “continue to stand by” as the system misappropriates blame, provides inadequate and inequitable justice, and the political leaders strip minorities of civil rights (Nakamura & Harris, 2015). The Black Lives Matter movement has made it possible once again for the African-American community and their supporters to hope for change, the movement is not being ignored and more importantly is being expanded upon in the wider American public. The success or failure of Black Lives Matter is a question at the time of writing the first iteration (August 2017), the movement will need to continue to galvanize across the nation but also recognize that tactics that fight against the machine (political, economic) must at some point be put aside (after maximized mobilization efforts) and focus placed in legitimizing the movement into the American discourse, so much so, that the message cannot be ignored. The cases examined in this work are similar, in that they began predominately as digital collectives of individuals to express dissent, but were able to morph into coordinated demonstrations for political, social, and economic firestorms in their respective member populations. The movements differ, however, in that they all defied the traditional conceptions of social movements bureaucratizing and achieved varied success. The following chapter will unwrap the cases analytically and provide an insight into the necessity of formal association with a pre-existing organization (e.g., a political party) in contemporary social movements, whose use of digital technologies, including social media platforms and the internet may render bureaucratization into more formal institutions in order to achieve movement goals or proliferate the message into the mainstream discourse, a requirement of movements with more stringent goals such as regime change or electoral success.

120

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

REFERENCES Abcarian, R. (2020). NBA players are demanding justice for Breonna Taylor’s death. We should join them. Los Angeles Times. Available from: https://www. latimes.com/opinion/story/2020-07-28/nba-players-demand-justice-breonnataylor-we-should-join-them Ahmed, A. (2014). Missouri police actions slammed as threat to press freedom. Al Jazeera America. Available from: http://america.aljazeera.com/ articles/2014/8/14/ferguson-press-arrests.html Alcindor, Y. (2016). DeRay Mckesson Arrested While Protesting in Baton Rogue, Is Released. The New York Times. Available from: https://www.nytimes. com/2016/07/11/us/deray-mckesson-arrested-in-baton-rouge-protest.html American Nutrition Association. (2015). Defining food deserts. Available from: https://americannutritionassociation.org/newsletter/usda-defines-food-deserts Bailey, J., & Leonard, D. (2015). Black Lives Matter: Post-Nihilistic Freedom Dreams. Journal of Contemporary Rhetoric, 5(3/4), 67–77. Blumer, H. (1955). Reflections on Theory of Race Relations. In A. W. Lind (Ed.), Race Relations in World Perspective (pp. 3–21). University of Hawaii Press. Bonilla, Y., & Rosa, J. (2015). #Ferguson: Digital protest, hashtag ethnography, and the racial politics of social media in the United States. American Ethnologist, 42(January), 4–17. Bouie, J. (2013). The Trayvon Martin Killing and the Myth of Black-onBlack Crime. The Daily Beast. Available from: https://www.thedailybeast. com/articles/2013/07/15/the-trayvon-martin-killing-and-the-myth-of-blackon-black-crime.html

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Brock, A. (2012). From the Blackhand Side: Twitter as a Cultural Conversation. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 56(4), 529–549. Burke, M., & Alexander, B. (2020). Neighbor of suspects in Ahmaud Arbery killing who recorded video is receiving threats, lawyer says. NBC News. Available from: https://www.nbcnews.com/news/nbcblk/neighbor-suspectsahmaud-arbery-killing-who-recorded-video-just-witness-n1203706

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

121

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

Bynum, R., & Brumback, K. (2020). White father, son charged with murder in Ahmaud Arbery case. ABC News. Available from: https://abcnews.go.com/US/ wireStory/father-son-charged-killing-black-man-ahmaud-arbery-70575513 Calvin, A., & Schuppe, J. (2015). Sandra Bland’s Family’s Lawyer Details Dashcam Video of Traffic Stop. NBC News. Available from: https://www. nbcnews.com/news/us-news/sandra-bland-familys-lawyer-details-dashcamfootage-her-arrest-n395126 Campbell, K. M. (2005). Agency: Promiscuous and protean. Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies, 2(1), 1–19. Capelouto, S. 2014. Eric Garner’s haunting last words. CNN. Available from: https://www.cnn.com/2014/12/04/us/garner-last-words/ Carr, D. (1986). Narrative and the Real World: An Argument for Continuity. History and Theory, 25(2), 117–131. Carson, B. (2015). #BlackLivesMatter misfire. USA Today. Available from: https://www.usatoday.com/story/opinion/2015/08/24/blacklivesmattersanders-clinton-anger-column/32055507/ CBS Interactive Inc. (2014) Did Rams apologize to police for hands-up gesture? CBS News/Associated Press. Available from: https://www.cbsnews.com/news/ st-louis-rams-apologize-for-players-ferguson-hands-up-dont-shoot/ Choudhury, M., Jhaver, S., Sugar, B., & Weber, I. (2016). Social Media Participation in an Activist Movement for Racial Equality. Proceedings of the Tenth International AAAI Conference on Web and Social Media (ICWSM 2016).

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Christiansen, J. (2009). Framing Theory. Theories of Social Movements. Sociology Reference Guide. Clinton, H. (2015). Interview with Rev. Al Sharpton. PoliticsNation. MSNBC. Available from: http://www.msnbc.com/politicsnation/watch/clinton--i-willbuild-on-obamas-successes-538217539760 Dave, D., Friedson, A., Matsuzawa, K., Sabia, J., & Safford, S. (2020). Black Lives Matter Protests, Social Distancing, and COVID-19. IZA, Institute of Labor Economics. Available from: http://ftp.iza.org/dp13388.pdf

122

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

Deetz, K. (2015). The Thread: Reflections on #Blacklivesmatter and 21st Century Racial Dynamics. African Diaspora Archaeology Newsletter, 15(1). Available at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/adan/vol15/iss1/6 Derschowitz, J. (2014). Chris Rock, Rihanna and other stars react after Ferguson grand jury decision. CBS News. Available from: https://www. cbsnews.com/news/celebrities-react-ferguson-decision-grand-jury-michaelbrown-darren-wilson/ Downgraded from a ‘Full’ to ‘Flawed Democracy’: Report. Fortune. Available from: https://fortune.com/2017/01/25/us-democracy-downgrade/ Dreier, P. (2015). The rise of the “self-proclaimed socialist”: Why reporters shouldn’t be so surprised that Bernie Sanders’ appeal is growing. Salon. Available from: https://www.salon.com/2015/08/19/the_rise_of_the_self_ proclaimed_socialist_why_reporters_shouldnt_be_so_surprised_that_ bernie_sanders_appeal_is_growing/ Duggan, M. (2015). The Demographics of Social Media Users. Pew Research Center. Available from: https://www.pewinternet.org/2015/08/19/thedemographics-of-social-media-users/ Duvall, T., & Costello, D. (2020). Breonna Taylor was briefly alive after police shot her. But no one tried to treat her. Louisville Courier Journal. Available from: https://www.courier-journal.com/story/news/crime/2020/07/17/breonnataylor-lay-untouched-20-minutes-after-being-shot-records/5389881002/ Eversley, M. (2014). Lawyer: Cop in chokehold case won’t be charged. USA Today. Available from: https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/ nation/2014/12/03/chokehold-grand-jury/19804577/

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Feldman, J. (2015). O’Reilly scolds Black Lives Matter for ‘Gestapo Tactics,’ Condemning White Society. Media-ite. Available from: https://www.mediaite. com/tv/oreilly-scolds-black-lives-matter-for-gestapo-tactics-condemningwhite-society/ Finley, J. (2015). #ReclaimHDT. The Concord Saunterer: A Journal of Thoreau Studies, 23, 112-123. Florini, S. (2014). Tweets, Tweeps, and Signifyin’: Communication and Cultural Performance on “Black Twitter. Television & New Media, 15(3), 223–237.

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

123

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

FoxNews.com. (2015) Activist blasts violent protests becoming ‘new civil rights movement. Fox News Network, LLC/CQ-Roll Call, Inc. Available from: https://www.foxnews.com/transcript/2015/04/28/activist-blasts-violentprotests-becoming-new-civil-rights-movement/ FRED. (n.d.). U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Unemployment Rate – Black or African American. Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. Available from: https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/LNS14000006 Freelon, D. (2016, March). Measure of a Movement: Quantifying Black Lives Matter’s Social Media Power (draft paper). Available from: https://www. scribd.com/document/320223723/Freelon-Measure-of-a-Movement Freelon, D., McIlwain, C., & Clark, M. (2016). Beyond the Hashtags. Center for Media and Social Impact. Available from: https://cmsimpact.org/wpcontent/uploads/2016/03/beyond_the_hashtags_2016.pdf Friedersdorf, C. (2015). A Conversation about Bernie Sanders and Black Lives Matter. Atlantic (Boston, Mass.), 21(August). Retrieved October 15, 2015, from https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2015/08/a-dialogueabout-black-lives-matter-and-bernie-sanders/401960/ Gallagher, R. J., Reagan, A., Danforth, C., & Dodds, P. (2016). Divergent discourse between protest and counter-protests: #BlackLivesMatter and AllLivesMatter. University of Vermont. Available from: https://arxiv.org/ pdf/1606.06820.pdf Gambino, S. (2015). Black Lives Matter network disavows political ties after DNC backs movement. The Guardian. Available from: https://www. theguardian.com/us-news/2015/aug/31/black-lives-matter-democraticnational-committee

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Garza, A. (2014). A Herstory of the #BlackLivesMatter Movement. The Feminist Wire. Available from: https://www.thefeministwire.com/2014/10/ blacklivesmatter-2/ Garza, A. (2015a). No, we don’t manage the movement. And believe me when I say the movement is REALLY clear on that. Available from: https://twitter. com/aliciagarza?lang=en Garza, A. (2015b). How presidential politics impacts Black Lives Matter. MSNBC. Available from: http://www.msnbc.com/melissa-harris-perry/watch/ how-presidential-politics-impacts-blm-551568451614 124

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

Glover, S., Richards, C., Devine, C., & Griffin, D. (2020). A key miscalculation by officers contributed to the tragic death of Breonna Taylor. CNN. Available from: https://www.cnn.com/2020/07/23/us/breonna-taylor-police-shootinginvs/index.html Graham, D. (2016). Philando Castile, Alton Sterling, and Why Blacks Are the Second Amendment’s Second-Class Citizens. Atlantic (Boston, Mass.), 7(July). https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/07/alton-sterlingphilando-castile-2nd-amendment-guns/490301/ Guardian. (2014). We Can’t Breathe: Eric Garner’s last words become protestors’ rallying cry. The Guardian. Available from: https://www. theguardian.com/us-news/2014/dec/04/we-cant-breathe-eric-garnerprotesters-chant-last-words Hardt, M., & Negri, A. (2011). The Fight for ‘Real Democracy’ at the Heart of Occupy Wall Street. Foreign Affairs, 11(October). Retrieved August 20, 2015, from https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/north-america/2011-10-11/ fight-real-democracy-heart-occupy-wall-street Hartmann, M. (2014). National Guard Called After More Ferguson Chaos. New York Magazine. Available from: https://nymag.com/daily/ intelligencer/2014/08/national-guard-called-after-more-ferguson-chaos.html Hennessy-Fiske, M. (2015a). What happened to Sandra Bland in cell 95? Debate continues with video release. The Los Angeles Times. Available from: http://www.latimes.com/nation/la-na-officials-release-video-in-texas-jailhanging-case-20150720-story.html#page=1

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Hennessy-Fiske, M. (2015b). A sign for Sandra Bland: ‘Signal lane change or sheriff may kill you. The Los Angeles Times. Available from: https://www. latimes.com/nation/la-na-sandra-bland-sign-20150724-story.html Hill, E., Tiefenthaler, A., Triebert, C., Jordan, D., Willis, H., & Stein, R. (2020). How George Floyd Was Killed in Police Custody. The New York Times. Available from: https://www.nytimes.com/2020/05/31/us/georgefloyd-investigation.html Holland, J. (2015). AP Interview: Black Lives Matter skipping 2016 endorsement. Associated Press. Available from: http://bigstory.ap.org/artic le/954d522f3299444ea5054e4bf451385e/ap-interview-black-lives-matterskipping-2016-endorsement

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

125

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

Kelley, R. (2002). Freedom Dreams: The Black Radical Imagination. Beacon Press. Kendi, I. (2019). How to Be an Antiracist. One World. Kingkade, T. (2014). College students stage ‘die-in’ over Ferguson decision at several campuses. Huffington Post. Available from: https://www.huffingtonpost. com/2014/12/02/college-students-die-in-ferguson_n_6257134.html Knowles, B., Dixie, D., King, A., Coney, B., Andrews, D., Krysiuk, K., Tice, R., & Carter, S. (2020). Black Parade. Parkwood. Kreiss, D., & Tufekci, Z. (2013). Occupying the Political: Occupy Wall Street, Collective Action, and the Rediscovery of Pragmatic Politics. Cultural Studies, Critical Methodologies, 13(3), 163–167. Lennard, N. (2012). Occupiers march for Trayvon Martin at ‘Million Hoodie March’. Salon. Available from: https://www.salon.com/2012/03/22/ occupiers_march_for_trayvon_martin_at_million_hoodie_march/ Li, D. (2020). George Floyd told police he was struggling to breathe before an officer put a knee on his neck. NBC News. Available from: https://www. nbcnews.com/news/us-news/george-floyd-told-police-he-was-strugglingbreathe-officer-put-n1218556 Libor, J., & Smith, M. (2015). Black Lives Matter protest diverts light-rail traffic to buses. Minneapolis Star Tribune. Available from: https://www. startribune.com/light-rail-riders-brace-for-delays-as-black-lives-mattergroup-vows-to-shut-down-station-before-vikings-home-opener/328388321/

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

McCausland, P. (2017). On Anniversary of Alton Sterling Killing, Protesters Arrested, Pepper Sprayed. NBC News. Available from: https://www.nbcnews. com/news/nbcblk/anniversary-alton-sterling-killing-protesters-arrestedpepper-sprayed-n779911 Mcclain, D. (2017). Can Black Lives Matter Win in the Age of Trump? Nation (New York, N.Y.), 19(September). https://www.thenation.com/article/ can-black-lives-matter-win-in-the-age-of-trump/ McNicholas, C., & Poydock, M. (2020). Who are Essential Workers? A comprehensive look at their wages, demographics, and unionization rates. Economic Policy Institute, Working Economics Blog. Available from: https:// www.epi.org/blog/who-are-essential-workers-a-comprehensive-look-at-theirwages-demographics-and-unionization-rates/ 126

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

Miller, F. D. (1999). The end of SDS and the emergence of weatherman: Demise through success. In J. Freeman & V. Johnson (Eds.), Waves of protest: Social movements since the Sixties (pp. 303–324). Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Nakamura, D., & Harris, H. (2015). 20 years after the Million Man March, a fresh call for justice on the Mall. Washington Post. Available from: https:// www.washingtonpost.com/politics/20-years-after-the-million-man-marcha-fresh-call-for-justice-on-the-mall/2015/10/10/b3d8ffca-6f66-11e5-b31cd80d62b53e28_story.html Nam, H., Jost, J., & Bavel, J. (2013). Not for all the tea in China! Political ideology and the avoidance of dissonance-arousing situations. PLoS One. Nix, E. (2020). What is Juneteenth? History (London), 18(June). https://www. history.com/news/what-is-juneteenth O’Connor, L. (2015). Fox News guest host calls Black Lives Matter a ‘criminal organization’. Huffington Post. Available from: https://www. huffingtonpost.com/entry/fox-news-guest-host-black-lives-matter_55e4d9 b7e4b0aec9f3545272 Olteanu, A., Weber, I., & Gatica-Perez, D. (2016). Characterizing the Demographics Behind the #BlackLivesMatter Movement. Available from: http://crisislex.org/papers/sss16-camera-ready.pdf Oppel, R., Jr., & Bryson Taylor, D. (2020). Here’s What You Need to Know About Breonna Taylor’s Death. The New York Times. Available from: https:// www.nytimes.com/article/breonna-taylor-police.html Papacharissi, Z. (2015). Affective Publics: Sentiment, Technology, and Politics. Oxford University Press.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Park, H. (2015). The disputed accounts of the arrest and death of Sandra Bland. The New York Times. Available from: https://www.nytimes.com/ interactive/2015/07/20/us/sandra-bland-arrest-death-videos-maps.html Pearson, J. (2014). Official: Police chokehold caused NYC man’s death. Associated Press. Available from: https://news.yahoo.com/official-policechokehold-caused-nyc-mans-death-191945327.html

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

127

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

Perrin, A., & Anderson, M. (2019). Share of U.S. adults using social media, including Facebook, is mostly unchanged since 2018. Pew Research Center. Available from: https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/04/10/shareof-u-s-adults-using-social-media-including-facebook-is-mostly-unchangedsince-2018/ Queally, J. (2014). Man’s death after apparent chokehold by NYPD officer to be probed. The Los Angeles Times. Available from: https://www.latimes. com/nation/nationnow/la-na-nn-nypd-choking-death-20140718-story.html Rao, A. (2015). Value, Visibility and the Demand for Justice. Economic and Political Weekly, 1(36), 37–42. Reynolds, B. (2015). Why our ‘60s crowd is wary of Black Lives Matter. Minneapolis Star Tribune. Available from: https://www.startribune.com/ why-our-60s-crowd-is-wary-of-black-lives-matter/323280121/ Rogers, K. (2015). The death of Sandra Bland: Questions and Answers. The New York Times. Available from: https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2015/07/23/ us/23blandlisty.html Sakuma, A. (2015). The time has come to ‘Say Her Name’. MSNBC. Available from: http://www.msnbc.com/msnbc/the-time-has-come-say-her-name Sharma, S. (2013). Black Twitter? Racial Hashtags, Networks and Contagion. New Formations, 78, 46–64. Shen, L. (2017). U.S. Downgraded from a ‘Full’ to ‘Flawed Democracy’: Report. Fortune. Available from: https://fortune.com/2017/01/25/usdemocracy-downgrade/

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Shifman, L. (2014). Memes in Digital Culture. MIT Press. Singleton, S. (2015). Black Lives Matter movement: Bad for Democrats, good for Republicans. The Hill. Available from: https://thehill.com/blogs/ congress-blog/presidential-campaign/251599-black-lives-matter-movementbad-for-democrats-good Sisario, B. (2020). Beyonce’s ‘Black is King’ Is No Secret, but Still Comes With Mystery. The New York Times. Available from: https://www.nytimes. com/2020/07/30/arts/music/beyonce-black-is-king.html

128

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

Smith, A. (2015). U.S. Smartphone Use in 2015. Pew Research Center. Available from: https://www.pewinternet.org/2015/04/01/us-smartphoneuse-in-2015/ Smith, K. (2015). Black Lives Matter: A New Movement Takes Shape. International Socialist Review. Available from: https://isreview.org/issue/96/ black-lives-matter Smith, M. (2017). Minnesota Officer Acquitted in Killing of Philando Castile. The New York Times. Available from: https://www.nytimes.com/2017/06/16/ us/police-shooting-trial-philando-castile.html Stacey, E. (2017). Combatting Internet-Enabled Terrorism. IGI Publications. Stephen, B. (2015). How Black Lives Matter Uses Social Media to Fight the Power. Wired. Available from: https://www.wired.com/2015/10/how-blacklives-matter-uses-social-media-to-fight-the-power/ Strauss, G., & Alcindor, Y. (2012). George Zimmerman’s wife charged with perjury. USA Today. Available from: http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/ nation/story/2012-06-12/martin-zimmerman-wife/55553380/1 Swire, B., Berinsky, A., Lewandowsky, S., & Ecker, U. (2017, March). Processing Political Misinformation: Comprehending the Trump Phenomenon. Royal Society Open Science. Tometi, O., Garza, A., & Cullors, P. (2015). Celebrating MLK Day: Reclaiming Our Movement Legacy. Huffington Post. Available from: https://www. huffingtonpost.com/opal-tometi/reclaiming-our-movement-l_b_6498400. html Tracy, M. (2020). Oprah Magazine Features Breonna Taylor on the Cover. The New York Times. Available from: https://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/30/ business/media/oprah-magazine-breonna-taylor-cover.html

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

van Gennep, A. (1960). The Rites of Passage. University of Chicago. Vladeck, S. (2020). Are the Trump administration’s actions in Portland legal? Are they constitutional? The Washington Post. Available from: https://www. washingtonpost.com/politics/2020/07/25/are-trump-administrations-actionsportland-legal-are-they-constitutional/

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

129

Black Lives Still Matter (2020)

Winsor, M., Carrega, C., & Ghebremedhin, S. (2020). Father and son charged with murder of unarmed black man Ahmaud Arbery in Georgia. Good Morning America. Available from: https://www.goodmorningamerica.com/news/story/ mother-unarmed-black-man-killed-georgia-speaks-ahmaud-70552216

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Wisniewski, J. (2011, October/November). Mobile Usability. Bulletin of the Association for Information Science and Technology, 38(1), 30–32.

130

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

131

Chapter 6

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements ABSTRACT

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

This chapter analyzes the viability of the selected case studies in legitimizing or mainstreaming their goals and ideology, as well as paths to success and/ or failure. The chapter provides prescriptions for both movements, and highlights obstacles that may impede each from achieving stated goals or solidifying political victories (electoral, legislative, or ideologically within the wider society). The phases of social movement theory frst promulgated by Herbert Blumer is explained in this chapter as a method of considering future movements. The success of American social movements is traditionally marked by legislative victories, or codifcation of change (which is what Black Lives Matter is seeking), while contemporary movements have been successful at achieving electoral victories (that of Donald Trump), this chapter explores that dichotomy as well.

As has been demonstrated throughout this work, the American nationalist movements are stratified (the Tea Party turned Alt-Right on one end of the spectrum and Black Lives Matter at the other) yet both have been able to use digital tools and strategies to coalesce and mobilize robust movements in the public sphere. However, mobilization is not always enough to achieve the goals of a social movement, nationalist or otherwise, within the American DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-7343-3.ch006 Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

political environment, these movements must have a cohesive ideology that resonates with portions of the mainstream population. The Tea Party turned Alt-Right emerged as a reaction to both George W. Bush’s interventionist foreign policy as well as the election (and fear of socialist policy) of Barack Obama. The internet provided a breeding ground for the nationalism that has been described throughout this work to be disseminated and candidate Trump provided a perfect conduit for such rhetoric to become mainstream. The same can be said of Black Lives Matter, the skillful use of hashtag activism, which spread from the regular public to upper echelons of American celebrity assisted the movement in legitimization, for better or for worse. Yet, the movements have achieved varying degrees of success as will be discussed in the following section. It is undeniable in analyzing modern American movements that the internet and digital communicative platforms are an integral part of the emergence and solidification of mobilized participants, both online (who are constantly spreading the movement ideology, goals, and stories of the individual members) and offline (those same folks who are committed to the movement goals enough to move beyond the digital into the public sphere). While it is not the intention of this author to argue that American nationalist movements in the 21st century cannot emerge without the internet, it would be foolish to not acknowledge the crucial role that digital tools play in spreading awareness and recruiting participants (as other groups are using the same tools for similar ends, e.g. the Islamic State, see Stacey, 2017), as well as encouraging political action (or inaction as was the case of BLM in the non-endorsement of a 2016 presidential candidate). This chapter will offer an explanation of the success and sustainability of the selected American nationalist movements, and offer prescriptions for future action in both movements in order to accomplish the stated goals of each movement.

Trumpism, the Alt-Right, and the Future of the Republican Party The rise of neo-nationalism in America was increasing long before the ascension of Donald Trump to the leader of the Republican Party. As previously stated, the history of the Tea Party is rooted in a classism and inherent differences between the races is a cornerstone of the Alt-Right ideology 132

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements

that is displayed in events such as Charlottesville or the police officer who informed a white American in August 2017 after she had been pulled over in Georgia, not to be concerned that “we only kill black people” (Grinberg & Jones, 2017). The public displays of white nationalism have increased as well, with Tiki torch-lit marches by the modern-day Ku Klux Klan and other nationalist groups. In a haunting 22 minute episode of Vice News Tonight, one of the white nationalists who has since gained international attention, Christopher Cantwell details his hatred for blacks and other minorities from the ‘Unite the Right’ event that occurred in Virginia. He also noted his disdain and uncertainty for President Trump because he is willingly “giv[ing] his daughter to a Jew” (Vice News Tonight, 2017). Cantwell has become a sort of de facto symbol of white nationalism, calling the murderer of Heather Heyer (the young woman who was viciously run over by a vehicle and died) a “hero” in a since deleted blog post after Charlottesville (Neyfakh, 2017). It is people like Cantwell who are so open about their hatred that define this new American white nationalist movement, and it stems from the concept of the silent majority, or the shrinking white male dominant society. Stark (2016) argues, “Trump’s rise is the consequence of an ongoing crisis in the United States over the last two decades – one American elites long ignored. They had no answers for Americans who live in states like Kentucky or Oregon, and who no longer understand what is happening on Wall Street, in the White House and the rest of the country”. The answer to this uncertainty among predominately white male Americans was candidate Trump who promised to restore America to its natural order, using dog whistles involving immigration, attacks on his female challenger as unfit, and of course, what catapulted him into the political realm in the modern era, birtherism (or the questioning of the first Black president’s citizenship, a campaign that was largely accepted by most as a racist attempt to delegitimize Obama’s presidency). Stark argues, “The core of Trump’s policy is to react to fear by establishing an identity through marginalization and isolation…Trump, like Europe’s right-wing populists, is betting on aggressive nationalism as a response to this sense of victimhood and the complexities of globalization” (2016). The Alt-Right has been able to harness the internet and popular culture icons such as Alex Jones, Steve Bannon (and his outlet Breitbart News), and lesser known heroes of the movement who did much of the dissemination of ideology and trolling via social media and communicative platforms. In early October 2017, documents were obtained by Buzzfeed that highlight the relationship between the Alt-Right and Breitbart (and then CEO Steve Bannon)

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

133

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements

as well as Milo Yiannopoulos who has become a leader of the Alt-Light faction of the movement. Yiannopoulos with the consent of Bannon published what has become an influential manifesto for members of the Alt-Right, the article entitled “An Establishment Conservative’s Guide to the Alt-Right” was posted on Breitbart on March 27, 2016, and included an image of Pepe the Frog as the conductor of the Trump Train (Bernstein, 2017). #War became a common sentiment shared between the two men during their shared duration at Breitbart, meant as a reminder that they were collectively waging war not only on Hillary Clinton or the Democrats, but the entirety of America who did not agree with them. Breitbart gained through Yiannopoulos, a gateway into the savvy, young Alt-Right faction, which allowed the movement to spread much quicker than it would have otherwise. Dylan Roof, the young man who shot up the Emanuel A.M.E. Church in Charleston, South Carolina in 2015, was not only a self-proclaimed white supremacist but he understood that his radicalization began online. In a blog post entitled, “The Last Rhodesian”, documents Roof’s involvement in the white nationalist environment beginning at least three years before Roof unleashed mass murder in a historically black church. The Southern Poverty Law Center analyzed the contents of Roof’s manifesto on white nationalism and revealed the soul of the boy next door who happened to be harboring an unfathomable amount of hate. Roof stated, “…More importantly, this [the killing of Trayvon Martin and the public outrage] prompted me to type the words “black on White crime” into Google, and I have never been the same since that day” (SPLC Hatewatch, 2015). According to Roof, the first website to come up is the Council of Conservative Citizens (CCC), a group that has dedicated itself to “educating whites on what it sees as an epidemic of black on white crime in the United States” (SPLC Hatewatch, 2015). The “miseducation of Dylan Roof” (SPLC Hatewatch, 2015) is a path that others have easily followed, which all begins with a simple Google search that offers up results like the CCC, Stormfront, and InfoWars (which does promulgate nationalism but mainly deals in political conspiracy theories). Stormfront and another white supremacist website, the DailyStormer were shut down by their domain provider (Network Solutions) in August 2017. Stormfront was the oldest white nationalist website on the internet, and its shutdown signifies a move by the hosts and providers of digital platforms to take responsibility for the ideology that websites using their technology espouse. Stormfront founder Don Black told Fox News that he could not “access the website” nor could he “transfer the domain to another provider”, which means that any new version of Stormfront would have to be constructed 134

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements

from nothing. SPLC has noted that Stormfront was a catalyst in multiple murders since its founding, reporting in 2014 that over 100 murders had been attributed to affiliation with the website, including Norwegian Anders Breivik who used a van bomb to kill 8 people, then shot 69 more people who were attending a Workers’ Youth League summer camp in 2011. The move by digital providers to cleanse the internet of websites that are contributing to the white nationalist/supremacist ideology is very recent, and the likely outcome is that these websites that deal in hate will re-form under different names. In a related situation, Google has expelled ‘Gab’ from its application store. Gab is known as a digital playground for neo-Nazis and white supremacist groups and is branded with the face of Pepe the Frog. Glazer (2017) argues that Gab is a “safe space” for the kinds of people the rest of us want to feel safe from”. After the events at Charlottesville various internet platforms and content hosts have started purging applications and websites that could be contributing to the spread of the white nationalist ideology. Glazer (2017) also reports companies such as Airbnb and Facebook have removed the organizers of the ‘Unite the Right’ event from their platforms, which could lead to a backlash among the white nationalist community. The phenomenon of white nationalist discourse and mobilization of its supporters to action via social media platforms has become so dangerously ubiquitous that the platforms (against their better legal judgment) have started to monitor and purge hateful discourse and false information when possible. With just months before the 2020 election, popular platforms such as YouTube, Reddit, and Twitter have started a campaign to attempt to sanitize digital discourse; Reddit banned “r/ The_Donald” a popular forum that supported President Trump due to hate speech violations; while YouTube banned Richard Spencer (mentioned in previous chapters) as well as former Grand Wizard of the KKK, David Duke (Arbel, 2020). The platforms have been put in a socioeconomically precarious situation, where they certainly do not want to be the arbiters of the First Amendment but risk losing advertisers and ripping the fabric of civil society simultaneously if the speech is left unchecked. Many major corporate brands such as Ford Motor Company have started to pull advertising from all social media platforms because of the unmonitored commentary that can be loosely associated with those advertising with social media site. Facebook allows pages that are obviously meant to stoke the fears of white nationalist and supremacist groups such as ‘Fight White Genocide’ to populate, disseminate ideology, and mobilize supporters with little supervision, even though the content on the page clearly violates many terms of service. Tech Transparency analyzed various groups designated as hate groups by the Southern Poverty

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

135

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements

Law Center and Anti-Defamation League in May 2020 and found that “of the 221 designated white supremacist organizations, more than half – 51 percent, or 113 groups had a presence on Facebook ... and found white supremacist organizations that Facebook had explicitly banned in the past – one known as “Right Wing Death Squad” had at least three Pages on Facebook, all created prior to Facebook’s ban” (TTP, 2020). The emergence and mobilization of the neo-nationalist and white supremacist groups in modern America have relied on the anonymity that the internet provides, particularly those who lead otherwise ‘normal’ lives and do not wish to have their ideologies affect those lives. Yet if platforms and hosts such as Reddit and YouTube who have publicly disavowed these groups begin to refuse to provide a place for the ideology to spread, the movement may find it difficult to grow. Particularly as more mainstream content hosts refuse to provide a safe space for white nationalist propaganda, the organizers of the movement are going to turn to more technologically savvy tools such as the Dark Web, which a limited number of users know how to (or are willing to access). However, that is not to say that it is impossible for this group to grow, particularly as more segments of the nationalist movement are showing themselves to also be (mainly male) members of the GamerGate movement that makes it a point to attack females and other minorities within the technology and gaming industry. The Google Manifesto, a 10-page document that was released by James Damore on internal message boards at Google (where he was an employee) is reminiscent not just of the white nationalist entitled mentality but also that encompassed in GamerGate. Damore argues that there are inherent differences between men and women, and those “biological differences” are why the technology industry is dominated by men (Newcomb & Kent, 2017). One passage from the viral manifesto entitled “Google’s Ideological Echo Chamber” sounds a lot like selected passages used in Chapter 2 from Jared Taylor on the inherent differences between the races, except Damore again was highlighting differences between men and women that keep women from receiving executive or leadership positions in technology. He argues, “On average, men and women biologically differ in many ways. These differences are not just socially constructed because: They’re universal across human cultures, they often have clear biological causes and links to prenatal testosterone, biological males that were castrated at birth and raised as female often still identify and act as males” (Damore, 2017; cited in Newcomb & Kent, 2017). Damore also goes on to chide Google executives for manufacturing racial equality and fostering a false sense of diversity within its 136

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements

corporate culture through “lowering the bar” for diversity candidates, which leads to a weakened or insufficient staff. This type of ideological language has been pervasive throughout the digital age, where tools like the internet and platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, etc., are able to provide those with anything to say, a place to do so and impact their networks and beyond. The internet did not create the Alt-Right or neo-nationalist movement but it provided a breeding ground to reach mainstream populations, and coalesce those members around a shared ideology. More importantly, the internet and platforms like 4Chan and Reddit provided a rallying point for a presidential candidate in 2016 who promised to return the normalcy of white superiority after the first black president attempted to wave a political correctness wand and save the nation. The Alt-Right was able to capitalize on a political and cultural malaise that has plagued the American society for decades (in particular, the white male population) by honing in on the issues that irritate them most (immigrants taking their jobs; women ‘leaning in’; and the lack of racial purity), and spread an ideology that promulgated a return to the days where the white man was the center of the American society (politically, socially, and economically). Phillips, Beyer, and Coleman (2017) note that demographic shifts within the online communicative platform communities both added to and provided variability within the populations being exposed to Alt-Right or neo-nationalist propaganda. They argue, “That white supremacists from Stormfront decided to recruit on 4Chan’s /pol/ board” which brought new members into the 4Chan community but also describe the change in the 4chan make-up after its creator Chris Poole banned conversations and harassment on the platform following GamerGate, which led to a mass exodus of 4Chan’s foundational community to 8Chan (Phillips et al., 2017). So to reiterate, the internet did not create the Alt-Right movement but helped facilitate conversation and solidify support for the mainstreaming of the neo-nationalist ideology in the form of candidate Trump (not to be confused with attributing these online trolls with the success of Trump). Yet in social movement theory, particularly that of Herbert Blumer, a movement must be legitimized by the mainstream before it can coalesce in the public sphere, it is undeniable that the internet and its various communicative platforms were not helpful in this venture. Blumer noted in 1971, the emergence of social problems (definition extended for this work to encompass social movements including protests, revolutions, etc.) and the lifecycle of these problems within a society. The five stages that social problems progress through are “emergence… legitimization or coalescence…mobilization…bureaucratization [and]…decline” (Blumer,

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

137

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements

1971, Pgs. 302-3). As Phillips, Beyer, and Coleman note, “…the act of flooding social media with memes and commentary designed to bolster their “God Emperor” Trump raised the public visibility of the Alt-Right… and it is also true that this uptick in public visibility forced people to focus on Trump more than they would have otherwise” (2017). This visibility is again, not an indicator or predictor of the successful campaign and election of Trump, but the increased and distributed nature of these conversations and memes certainly impacted mainstream thinking (combining the emergence, coalescence and mobilization phases into one) about Trump as much as it did about Clinton. The stages of social movements as described by Blumer (1971) have been adapted by many sociologists and political scientists who study movement theory. This extends to new social movement theorists who have based explanations on Blumer’s framework. Yet these new accounts tend to associate movements with long-term mobilization that is aided by a centralized network of leadership. New social movements tend to be identity-driven, short-term, goal-oriented mobilizations that rely on participants’ ability to use digital technologies to facilitate the spread of awareness and content. This produces questions with the traditional processes of social movements, which need to be reexamined to account for the digital tools that have become intermeshed with contemporary movements and their ability to mobilize support. Arguably, new technologies encourage less hierarchical communication of ideology and goals than previously understood in traditional sociopolitical (including nationalist) movements. Karatzogianni (2015) argues that “digital activism” has complicated the understanding of “collective agency”, noting that “evolving forms of agency available to individual actors negotiating such identities are directly afforded by networked communications technologies and social media, but they are not (and cannot be) solely technological” (P. 97). Blumer (1955, P. 61) argues that the “human act is not a release of an alreadyorganized tendency; it is a construction built up by the actor. Instead of a direct translation of the tendency into the act there is an intervening process which is responsible for the form and direction taken by the developing act”. The digital allows society to be both who we are individually while simultaneously communicating, sharing and networking with others. Karatzogianni succinctly notes, “Individuals are recruited online to participate in events and their tactics and goals are influenced by digitality” (2015, P. 98), whether that is audio, video, photography, or communicative discourse, the digital is influencing the actions taken by previously unorganized, immobilized masses. This is what is most influential in modern American social movements – the digital 138

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements

is providing marginalized groups (which white nationalists are in American society) the ability to reach the mainstream through adept use of technological tools to not only make individuals aware that they are being marginalized in society, but giving them a space in which to mobilize and coordinate their efforts both on-and offline. The demographically younger organizers of the Alt-Right, like 39-year old Richard Spencer, are better equipped to manipulate technology to their advantage and gain attention to the cause of white nationalism via digital tools, using Blumer’s symbolic interactionism as a guiding force without realizing. Blumer argued effectively in the 1930s, stating The symbolic interactionists view social interaction as primarily a communicative process in which…a person responds not to what another individual says or does, but to the meaning of what he says or does. Their view, consequently, might be regarded as inserting a middle term of interpretation into the stimulus-response couplet so that it becomes stimulus-interpretationresponse (1937, P. 171).

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The interpretation of various memes, ideological arguments, and manifestos of the Alt-Right and white nationalist movements elicits a certain reaction among those consuming the content, while some will find it repugnant, others will interpret the meaning and act according to the basic tenets of what people like Spencer, Taylor, and Jones are saying, and produces political actors such as Cantwell and Roof. While the mainstream online realm may be shrinking for the white nationalist movement, it will not be displaced entirely. The ideology is now pervasive and has had a home in the White House until August 2017, with personalities such as Steve Bannon holding court in the president’s ear, shaping policies such as the so-called Muslim ban and the to be decided continuation or revocation of policies that help illegal immigrants such as DACA (Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals).

The Success of the Alt-Right, Nationalist Movement: Donald Trump In terms of categorizing an American social movement successful, the goals of the movement must either be mainstreamed (become acceptable to a portion of the population), codified (via law), or galvanized via electoral victories. Thus, it is clear that of the selected case studies, the Alt-Right has had much

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

139

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements

more visible success than Black Lives Matter, in that they were able to foster a movement (that was once marginal and certainly not public) and make electoral change (this author would consider Trump’s election part of the mainstreaming of white nationalism). One of the most poignant statements made by Roof in his manifesto actually foreshadows the rise and successful campaign of Donald Trump, Roof clearly stated that garnering support from a majority of whites was unnecessary, stating, “I believe that even if we made up only 30 percent of the population we could take it back completely. But by no means should we wait any longer to take drastic action” (SPLC Hatewatch, 2015). Donald Trump throughout the Republican primary into the general election, and even now has the support of roughly 35 percent of the population, which has remained unwavering. Roof’s statement combined with the roughly 35 percent of Americans who continue to support Trump through the rough patches is a nod to Riker’s “minimal winning coalition” argument, which notes that a rational politician should only amass enough support to win and no more than that to avoid competing interests (Riker, 1962). This theory has not been seen as plausible in political science nor in application of politics over the course of decades until the rise of Trump in a winner-take-all democratic system that features only two (plausible) choices on a general ballot. While third parties do exist within American politics, these parties have done little more than provide a spoiler vote in modern elections, most recently in 2016, where an analysis of the voter turnout in the states that won Trump the election saw both Stein and Johnson taking votes away from the two mainstream candidates, but most notably, Clinton. Trump represents the bureaucratization or mainstreaming of the white nationalist movement and ideology in American politics. The movement has always been part of the dialectic within American political society but has not been a mainstream ideology since the 1960s, and certainly have not been as publicly active in modern America until they had a mainstream politician through which to spread the message of making the nation “great again”. Candidate Trump and his bombastic, unapologetic style of rhetorical politics allowed for and fostered the disenfranchised white population to not only speak their minds and spread nationalist ideology that centered around them, but to have a significant mouthpiece in modern politics. While others within the white nationalist movement have attempted to garner mainstream attention, such as David Duke and his numerous runs for political office (including being a candidate in the Democratic presidential primary in 1988 and Republican presidential primary in 1992), none have ascended to the heights of Donald Trump (who is not a self-proclaimed member or 140

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements

subscriber of white nationalist ideology but his rhetoric certainly lends itself to the movement). Although Trump has made statements that seem to be grounded in white nationalist ideology, most famously in his official statement of candidacy in 2015, when he referred to Mexican immigrants as “rapists and criminals” and the promulgation of memes and content created via white nationalist groups, he has not garnered support from the movement as a man but as an idea. This racially motivated rhetoric has infiltrated the 2020 campaign in a much more insidious manner; Trump is using dog whistles from past presidential campaigns such as George Wallace to galvanize his most concerned nationalist base (Baker, 2020). Trump tweeted just months before the presidential elections that “people living their Suburban Lifestyle Dream will no longer be bothered or financially hurt by having low income housing built in your neighborhood” (Karni et al., 2020; Trump, 2020). Obviously the subtext of the aforementioned tweet is that low-income housing (that is predominately people of color demographically) are a drain on an otherwise thriving community environment (socially and economically). Trump made this statement as he unraveled Obama-era revisions to policies that intended to “combat racial segregation in suburban housing” (Karni et al., 2020). White nationalist groups celebrate the fact that America was able to replace a black man as president with another white man as opposed to a woman, yet Trump as a mouthpiece for white nationalism is an imperfect vessel. His policies and policy statements are geared toward supporting the silent majority, which has been equated to the marginalized white man, but as a man himself, Trump has embraced globalism in his various business ventures around the world; has supported foreign business over American (mainly due to the costs of maintaining an all-American workforce); and the inclusion of minorities within his cabinet (including members of the Jewish faith, like Gary Cohen and Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner). Trump’s approval ratings since taking office have consistently decreased and tend to hover around the mid-30s (with his approval ratings at the time of writing, September 2017 at 34 percent according to Gallup), his highest approval rating since taking office occurred the week of March 11, where he crested at 45 percent approval to 49 percent disapproval (Gallup, 2017). Since 2017, Trump has gone through major events such as a government shutdown, uphill battles on both of his Supreme Court nominees, and presently an ongoing pandemic that has killed over 150,000 Americans (and counting as of August 2020). Trump hit his highest approval rating since becoming chief executive in January 2020 (months before he would hit a

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

141

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements

low), according to Jones (2020), Trump reached 49 percent approval rating and 50 percent disapproval, with 1 percent expressing ‘no opinion’ on the president’s accomplishments. By July 2020, Trump’s approval rating dipped back down to 42 percent, with 58 percent disapproving of the president’s job handling the pandemic among other issues (Schulte, 2020). Going back to the Roof statement regarding the 30 percent needed to ‘take back the nation’ that seemingly benign statement by a young future domestic terrorist has turned prophetic in describing the solid Trump base. While this is not a suggestion that all of the thirty percenters subscribe to nationalist ideologies, some of Trump’s supporters are ardent, hard-working, decent Americans, but one would be remiss not to acknowledge the demographics of Trump voters and the possible correlation to nationalist sentiment. Silver (2016) breaks down the Trump voters post-election and in the category of race, Trump not only won the “whitest counties…in counties where the white population share was above 75 percent, Trump did 13 percentage points better than [Mitt] Romney, and in counties where whites are more than 90 percent of the population, Trump outperformed Romney by an astounding 17 points”. Overall, according to exit polling conducted by CNN, Trump won white voters by 20 percent over Clinton (2016). Combine these statistics with the decline in black voters by 7 percentage points, marking the first decline among African-Americans in a presidential election in 20 years (Krogstad & Lopez, 2017) made Trump’s electoral victory a near enthusiastic declaration and reinsertion of white male tropes into the American political dialogue. Richeson and Craig (2016) conducted a study based around a 2008 U.S. Census Bureau report that predicted by 2050, the majority of the population (over 50 percent) would be minorities. The psychologists wondered if this news would be concerning to white people, enough to cause a reaction within society (or a changing of thinking or behavior regarding diversity or solidifying bonds among their own race). The experiment they conducted was relatively simple, they had a group of white participants read a summary of the census report, and then the secondary group of white participants read current (2011) statistics. The results showed a preference for members of their own racial group from the participants who had been informed of the minority-majority shift. Richeson and Craig argue, “…the changing demographic [as perceived by white people] may inspire white Americans to acknowledge that they do indeed have a racial group membership and that they should work on behalf of it” (2011, P. 173). Cox, Lienesch, and Jones (2017) demonstrate,

142

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements

…Besides partisanship, fears about immigrants and cultural displacement were more powerful factors than economic concerns in predicting support for Trump among white working-class voters”. They note, “white workingclass voters who say they often feel like a stranger in their own land and who believe the U.S. needs to protect against foreign influence were 3.5 times more likely to favor Trump than those who did not share those concerns. The social sciences would be remiss not to now consider the potential (and demonstrated) correlation between white voters and the nationalist movements that began innocently enough during a campaign but have now infiltrated our civil society. Although some will argue that the uprising of these groups in public is a direct response to the Black Lives Matter movement, it is the opinion of this author that the nationalist movements have festered under the surface of polite American society for decades, and have finally been able to express themselves in a mainstream manner because of (though not endorsed nor condemned by) President Donald Trump. Where Black Lives Matter exists as an expression that stands as a reminder that black citizens should not be treated as second-class citizens, the white nationalist movements are a declaration of ‘heritage’ and dominance, the chant that has been crystallized from Charlottesville “Jews will not replace us” serves as a clear distinction between the movements. The other clear distinction is the obvious success of the white nationalist movement to date, as no time in modern history have they received such international attention, credence, and legitimization at the highest levels in American society. Where Black Lives Matter has been relegated and equated to the resistance (and in the near future Antifa), which live on the fringes of American politics as minority politics, the white nationalist movement has capitalized on its majority in current society, in other words white problems are everyone’s problems. This is a trend that does not seem likely to fade in the near future, which means that BLM politics will remain on the sidelines as identity, or ethnonationalist politics.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Black Lives Matter and Undefined Success The Black Lives Matter organization and movement network has intensified the discussion of racial politics, justice, and access to the democratic system in the United States. The hashtag activism that solidified support for the physical occupations, demonstrations and continued media awareness (which in turn leads to mainstream public consciousness) has assisted the grassroots network in not only expanding the ideology and goals of the movement

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

143

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements

across the U.S. as well as internationally, but also has put immense pressure on American officials (including the first African-American president) to acknowledge and respond to the legitimized calls for sociopolitical change. Former President Barack Obama came to the defense of the movement in October 2015, noting that the “African-American community is not just making this [police brutality/excessive force/racial profiling] up. It is real, and there is a history behind it and we have to take it seriously” (Fabian, 2015). The movement is still very much in development, growing and toddling along in the last few years with the establishment of a full-fledged network of activists that span the nation to go along with the coordinated calls for action that began with simply hashtag activism and viral videos. Although Black Lives Matter as an organization (Garza, Tomei, Cullers) has refused to be involved with the hierarchical and systemic political environment, and in particular the 2016 presidential campaign, the network of activists on the ground have been approached and accepted the Democratic National Committee’s invitation to hold a forum centering around issues in minority communities. This conciliatory move comes after Black Lives Matter petitioned the DNC (Patterson, 2015), who has been criticized by many due to the minimal number of scheduled debates for their candidates, to not only add more debates to the rotation but also to have a debate “targeted at specifically addressing #BlackLivesMatter” (Lockhart, 2015). The petition released by Black Lives Matter activists Elle Hearns, Robbie Clark, and Anita Moore argues that because the African-American community overwhelmingly supports the Democratic Party, that the least the party can do is acknowledge the issues within the community and attempt solutions through deliberation (http://iam.colorofchange.org). In an interview on an MSNBC weekend news show hosted by AfricanAmerican professor and reporter, Melissa Harris-Perry, Alicia Garza from Black Lives Matter and DeRay McKesson, leader of Campaign Zero, a police reform group associated with BLM as well as 2016 candidate for mayor of Baltimore, discussed the relegation of movement issues to a forum rather than a more formalized, serious style of deliberation as witnessed in the American debate process. Garza is of the opinion the town hall or forum style is an “insufficient response to the Black Lives Matter movement issues”, and that the BLM network wants the Democratic Party to “take more seriously the issues impacting our communities, such as economic justice, gender justice, access to democracy” (Garza, 2015). The concern of the Black Lives Matter organization as represented by Garza (not to be confused with the movement on the ground) is that the 144

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements

party is noncommittal when it comes to speaking about and offering real solutions, and the party’s acquiescence to hold a forum rather than a debate to show voters the differences between candidates does not meet their demands. Garza’s reluctance to accept the DNC’s offer is another show of unwillingness to conform to the bureaucracy or the establishment procedures regarding democracy. The BLM organization is not easily swayed by party politics, and although most will eventually vote with the Democratic Party, it is the questioning of the status quo and refusal to allow the message to be incorporated and lost in a broader message of candidacy that sets BLM apart from other modern American protest movements (LGBTQ). The Black Lives Matter movement has been festering under the surface of American political and social life since the victories attained in the 1960s Civil Rights Movement. The issues that have continued to adversely affect the minority community in the U.S. have been largely ignored for more pressing matters of national security (September 11, 2001, Iraq War, War on Terror) as well as (inter)national development (the resurgence of Silicon Valley, post-globalization, the global market economy). Most of the frustration stems from systematic and procedural economic inequality, which as we have seen in numerous examples of sociopolitical dissent is a main catalyst but runs deeper to the inherent differences in the political system that tends to define those differences by aesthetics. The relegation of most minority life in particular African-American life to the sidelines of the political and social process has impacted the very institutions that normatively make democracy work for all citizens. Once political institutions (including the government, bureaucracy or law enforcement, military) lose the faith of the people they serve, it renders the system illegitimate in the minds of citizens, and makes their grievances, as in the case of BLM increasingly unavoidable. In the case of Black Lives Matter, bureaucratizing would mean selling out to the entities that systematically repress their own and other minority communities (as well as the low-income community) and hoping that these institutions make the changes necessary to provide social and political justice, which has yet to happen with nearly twenty years of this wait-and-see activism (The 20th anniversary of the Million Man March occurred in October 2015, which was the last en masse protest demonstration by an overwhelming number of African-Americans until the galvanization of BLM). For the purposes of maintaining a truly grassroots and bottom-up movement, Black Lives Matter has (with minor exceptions) refused to offer up its ideology, its members or its message to the established powers, which

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

145

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements

legitimizes the movement among its followers and leaves the message and coordinated action to its participants to decide, not a political party. It remains to be seen how BLM will continue to remain relevant beyond police shootings and reactionary politics, which does not fit the message of sustainable social justice for which they are fighting. Arguably, with the national attention that Black Lives Matter had garnered by 2016, the lack of an endorsement in the presidential election could help explain the low voter turnout among black Americans, as well as the lack of enthusiasm many in the black community feel about the Clintons, particularly Hillary. Apathy is another large factor, in this author’s opinion, of the lower turnout among black Americans. Polls conducted to the day of election projected a solid Clinton electoral victory, yet as Taylor (2016) notes black millennial (ages 18-35) support for Clinton peaked at 60 percent in August 2016 compared to the 92 percent that Obama garnered among the same group. The black community as expressed via some of the BLM organizers has felt like a token population for the Democratic Party and chose 2016 as an official declaration of their grievances. But as a consequence, lack of participation among the traditionally democratic-voting bloc (again, a 7 percent decline among African-Americans) meant that every vote did count, and in the end white voters showing up for Trump made the difference in states like Michigan and Wisconsin that had turned blue for Obama. Since the inauguration of Donald Trump in January 2017, Black Lives Matter has been less visible as a movement, though Patterson (2017) reported that the movement was “broadly expanding” their mission in February 2017, the movement has been largely overshadowed by or intertwined with more general resistance movements or other identity-based movements such as the Women’s marches (which Garza helped in mobilizing). The Women’s Marches were a critical expression of collective feminism as well as support for equality for women in early 2017. Over one million people gathered in Washington D.C., in cities around the U.S. and around the world in January to protest Trump’s election. The protests were held the weekend after Trump’s inauguration and drew more attendees than the inaugural ceremony itself. Stein, Hendrix, and Hauslohner (2017) reported, “organizers of the Women’s March on Washington, who had originally sought a permit for a gathering of 200,000, said Saturday that as many as half a million participated”. This was a strong rebuke of Trump’s brand of feminism, which included implying a female primary challenger was unpleasing to the eye, and the infamous Access Hollywood video that features the future President’s voice noting that as a celebrity he could do whatever he wanted to women, even touch them 146

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements

inappropriately. Patterson notes, “In the wake of Trump’s immigration order [the so-called Muslim Ban], BLM organizers mobilized their networks to turn out at airports to protest” and has turned to more state and local legislative battles in order to work towards collective social justice. Yet in terms of the Black Lives Matter organization that rallied together in a Million Hoodie March, and simultaneous protests against police use of excessive force, including murder against black citizens, this 2017 version is much tamer. Perhaps, as has been argued, the movement organizers realized at some point that they would have to conform or bureaucratize, at least to achieve legislative gains, which are most important in a constitutional democracy. Garza reports in 2017 after the non-indictment of police officer who shot unarmed Alton Sterling in front of a Baton Rouge convenience store that BLM is less focused on demonstrations and “people are channeling their energy into organizing locally, recognizing that in Trump’s America, our communities are under direct attack” (Ross & Lowery, 2017). Yet at a time when the American society is witnessing a rise in public hate, demonstrations that include swastikas, and a harassment of the Other, a more visible display by BLM might be advantageous for the movement as well as for citizens to remember the ideology and goals of social justice reform. Black Lives Matter as a sustainable movement is much more stable than that of the white nationalist movement (although as stated, it is the belief of this author that both will remain for the foreseeable future) because Black Lives Matter encompasses more than just one type of person, and although the name has been viewed as exclusive, the membership which ranges from black to white, Christian to Muslim, and gender fluid to cisgender. Black Lives Matter is an inclusive movement organization with broad goals, which if accomplished will enrich the lives of a majority of Americans beyond their movement participants or supporters. Yet it is important for the movement to remain distinct from the Trump resistance and Antifa movements in order to continue its legitimacy among the mainstream. The mainstreaming of Black Lives Matter ideology, the widespread acceptance and advocacy for many of its stated goals beyond the black community has been a strong point of the movement, and will be necessary not to allow its movement ideology to be consumed by the Alt-Left or more violent opposition movements that are beginning to emerge within the American political environment. It is already easy enough for polite society to accuse BLM of aggressive tactics for simply protesting for accountability within their community’s police forces. For example, the president of a Pennsylvania police union referred to Black Lives Matter members who came to protest the killing of another black man

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

147

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements

(in the back as he fled the scene) as a “pack of rabid animals” (Murdock, 2017). Although BLM has consolidated power with 50 other social justice groups under the umbrella, The Majority, a progressive coalition group who works on common cause issues such as Islamaphobia and anti-immigrant sentiment (Ross & Lowery, 2017), the focus on the police community and its strategy for de-escalating situations remains for BLM. McKesson made a run for mayor of Baltimore in 2016, which garnered much public attention, thus attention to the movement as well as extensions of the movement such as his Campaign Zero. Mcclain (2017) reports that BLM is “taking time to reflect on and develop new strategies for moving forward given the changed political terrain”. Since Trump’s election, Black Lives Matter is taking a more strategic method toward activism and honing the outrage over unjustified police killings into state and local action, which is more likely to keep a crucial segment of the voting population active (the youth), particularly as the 2018 midterm elections drew nearer and with the 2020 pending. Black Lives Matter organizers are establishing two new initiatives that are aimed at addressing alienation that is sometimes felt in the black community with regards to the electoral process, which often leaves American minorities feeling like token voters as opposed to an integral piece of the process. The intentions behind the Electoral Justice Project and the Black Futures Lab are to engage and “transform the ways that black communities participate in the 2018 elections and beyond” (Mcclain, 2017). It will also be of the utmost importance to BLM and other resistance movements to engage participants in off-election years for the midterms in which younger voters rarely turnout to participate. It will be difficult to combat the Trump coalition otherwise. Black Lives Matter is evolving as a movement that began as a reactionary force to policing and has incorporated and mainstreamed its ideology and goals to reflect that of a larger portion of the American populace. Yet its long-term successes remain to be seen.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

REFERENCES Arbel, T. (2020). Reddit, Twitch Clamp Down On Hate Speech, Including Trump Forums. Associated Press. Available from: https://www.insider.com/ reddit-twitch-clamp-down-trumpist-forums-for-hate-speech-2020-6

148

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements

Baker, P. (2020). A Half-Century After Wallace, Trump Echoes the Politics of Division. The New York Times. Available from: https://www.nytimes. com/2020/07/30/us/politics/trump-wallace.html Bernstein, J. (2017). Here’s How Breitbart and Milo Smuggled Nazi and White Nationalist Ideas Into the Mainstream. Buzzfeed. Available from: https://www.buzzfeed.com/josephbernstein/heres-how-breitbart-and-milosmuggled-white-nationalism?utm_term=.alDl38xZ8j#.ta43rxP7xw Blumer, H. (1937). Social Psychology. In E. P. Schmidt (Ed.), Man and Society: A Substantive Introduction to the Social Science. Prentice Hall. Blumer, H. (1969). Symbolic Interactionism: Perspective and Method. Prentice-Hall. Blumer, H. (1971). Social Problems as Collective Behavior. Social Problems, 18(Winter), 298–306. Cox, D., Lienesch, R., & Jones, R. (2017). Beyond Economics: Fears of Cultural Displacement Pushed the White Working Class to Trump. The Atlantic. Available from: https://www.prri.org/research/white-working-classattitudes-economy-trade-immigration-election-donald-trump/ Fabian, J. (2015). Obama defends Black Lives Matter. The Hill. Available from: https://thehill.com/homenews/administration/257811-obama-defendsblack-lives-matter Garza, A. (2015b). How presidential politics impacts Black Lives Matter. MSNBC. Available from: http://www.msnbc.com/melissa-harris-perry/watch/ how-presidential-politics-impacts-blm-551568451614

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Glazer, A. (2017). The alt-right wants to build its own internet. Slate. Available from: https://slate.com/technology/2017/08/the-alt-right-wants-to-build-itsown-internet.html Grinberg, E., & Jones, S. (2017). Georgia officer who said ‘We only kill black people’ to retire. CNN. Available from: https://www.cnn.com/2017/08/31/us/ georgia-cobb-county-officer-racial-comment-trnd/index.html Hatewatch, S. P. L. C. (n.d.). Dylann Roof’s Manifesto is Fluent in White Nationalist Ideology. Southern Poverty Law Center. Available from: https:// www.splcenter.org/hatewatch/2015/06/21/dylann-roofs-manifesto-fluentwhite-nationalist-ideology

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

149

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements

Jones, J. (2020). Trump Job Approval at Personal Best 49%. Gallup Institute. Available from: https://news.gallup.com/poll/284156/trump-job-approvalpersonal-best.aspx Karatzogianni, A. (Ed.). (2009). Cyber-Conflict and Global Politics. Routledge. Karatzogianni, A. (2015). Firebrand Waves of Digital Activism 1994-2014: The Rise and Spread of Hacktivism and Cyberconflict. Palgrave MacMillan. Karni, A., Haberman, M., & Embry, S. (2020). Trump Plays on Racist Fears of Terrorized Suburbs to Court White Voters. The New York Times. Available from: https://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/29/us/politics/trump-suburbshousing-white-voters.html Krogstad, J., & Lopez, M. (2017). Black voter turnout fell in 2016 U.S. election. Pew Research Center. Available from: https://www.pewresearch. org/fact-tank/2017/05/12/black-voter-turnout-fell-in-2016-even-as-a-recordnumber-of-americans-cast-ballots/ Lockhart, P. R. (2015). Black Lives Matter calls for additional Democratic debates. The American Prospect, 20(October). Retrieved October 20, 2015, from https://prospect.org/blog/tapped/black-lives-matter-calls-additionaldemocratic-debates Mcclain, D. (2017). Can Black Lives Matter Win in the Age of Trump? Nation (New York, N.Y.), 19(September). https://www.thenation.com/article/ can-black-lives-matter-win-in-the-age-of-trump/

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Murdock, S. (2017). Philly Police Union Calls Black Lives Matter Activists ‘A Pack of Rabid Animals’. Huffington Post. Available from: https://www. huffingtonpost.com/entry/philly-police-union-president-calls-black-livesmatter-activists-a-pack-of-rabid-animals_us_59aacc02e4b0dfaafcf0bc55 Newcomb, A., & Kent, J. (2017). ‘Google Manifesto’ Firing Highlights What You Can and Can’t Say at Work. NBC News. Available from: https://www. nbcnews.com/tech/tech-news/google-manifesto-highlights-what-you-cancan-t-say-work-n790981 Neyfakh, L. (2017) The viral Vice documentary was the perfect rebuke to Trump’s Charlottesville remarks. Slate. Available from: http://www.slate. com/blogs/browbeat/2017/08/17/the_viral_vice_documentary_was_the_ perfect_rebuke_to_trump_s_charlottesville.html

150

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements

Patterson, B. (2015). Black Lives Matter just officially became part of the Democratic primary. [Online]. Mother Jones, 21(October). Retrieved September 15, 2015, from https://www.motherjones.com/mojo/2015/10/ democratic-national-committee-asks-black-lives-matter-activists-organizeracial-jusitce Patterson, B. (2017). How the Black Lives Matter Movement is Mobilizing Against Trump. Mother Jones. Available from: https://www.motherjones. com/politics/2017/02/black-lives-matter-versus-trump/ Phillips, W., Beyer, J., & Coleman, G. (2017). Trolling Scholars Debunk the Idea that the Alt-Right’s Shitposters Have Magic Powers. Motherboard, Vice News. Available from: https://motherboard.vice.com/en_us/article/ z4k549/trolling-scholars-debunk-the-idea-that-the-alt-rights-trolls-havemagic-powers Richeson, J. and Craig, M. (2011). Intra-Minority Intergroup Relations in the Twenty-First Century. Daedalus, the Journal of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 140(2), 166-175. Richeson, J., & Craig, M. (2016). Stigma-Based Solidarity: Understanding the Psychological Foundations of Conflict and Coalition Among Members of Different Stigmatized Groups. Association for Psychological Science, 25(1), 21–27. Riker, W. (1962). The Theory of Political Coalitions. Yale University Press.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Ross, J., & Lowery, W. (2017). Turning away from street protests, Black Lives Matter tries a new tactic in the age of Trump. The Washington Post. Available from: https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/in-trumps-america-blacklives-matter-shifts-from-protests-to-policy/2017/05/04/a2acf37a-28fe-11e7b605-33413c691853_story.html?utm_term=.19a027504c6f Schulte, G. (2020). Poll: Trump approval rating dips amid surging COVID-19 cases, deaths. The Hill. Available from: https://thehill.com/hilltv/whatamericas-thinking/509626-poll-trump-approval-dips-amid-rising-covid-19cases-and-deaths Silver, N. (2016). Where Trump Got His Edge. FiveThirtyEight. Available from: https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/where-trump-got-his-edge/ Stacey, E. (2017). Combatting Internet-Enabled Terrorism. IGI Publications.

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

151

The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements

Stark, H. (2016). Donald Trump and the New American Nationalism. Spiegel Online. Available from: https://www.spiegel.de/international/world/essaydonald-trump-and-the-new-american-nationalism-a-1092548.html Stein, P., Hendrix, S., & Hauslohner, A. (2017). Women’s marches: More than one million protesters vow to resist President Trump. The Washington Post. Available from: https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/womensmarch-on-washington-a-sea-of-pink-hatted-protesters-vow-to-resistdonald-trump/2017/01/21/ae4def62-dfdf-11e6-acdf-14da832ae861_story. html?utm_term=.44e9eff6a586 Taylor, K. (2016). Why should we trust you? Clinton’s big problem with young black Americans. The Guardian. Available from: https://www.theguardian. com/us-news/2016/oct/21/hillary-clinton-black-millennial-voters Tech Transparency Project. (2020). White Supremacist Groups are Thriving on Facebook. Available from: https://www.techtransparencyproject.org/ articles/white-supremacist-groups-are-thriving-on-facebook

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Vice News Tonight. (2017). Charlottesville: Race and Terror. Available from: https://news.vice.com/story/vice-news-tonight-full-episode-charlottesvillerace-and-terror

152

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

153

Chapter 7

The Future of the American Nationalist Movements ABSTRACT

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

This chapter succinctly summarizes the contemporary American nationalist movement and examines the potential for future movements and implications of current movements, both domestically and internationally. The chapter unwraps the policy and political consequences that the global community (particularly the U.S.) faces as a result of a sharp turn inward to nationalist ideologies and political fgures. The divisive nature of nationalism (whether it is its purest form in regards to the nation-state, or ethnically/racially motivated) is dangerous to the globalized order in which we reside. This chapter highlights these dangers and leaves the reader to determine the future of the American nationalist movement.

As has been demonstrated there are varying strands of nationalist movements some of which emphasis ethnicity, as well as other identities along with white nationalist or traditional nationalist movements have been on the rise in the Trump era. This inward-focusing, isolationist, and nativist position has been not only a trend in America but has been documented globally in the Brexit vote, and other electoral politics discussed throughout this work. However, there has been a varying degree of success among these nationalist movements worldwide, the most effective campaigns appear to have occurred in the U.K., and of course, within the movements selected for this work. As the masses of majority white voters are realizing the near future is going to be dominated DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-7343-3.ch007 Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Future of the American Nationalist Movements

by minorities, the world is witnessing a declaration of white dominance as more movements emerge that focus on the lives of the Other (whether Black, Muslims, gay, Hispanic, etc.). These movements seek equality and justice for a marginalized section of the population, while the white nationalist movement seeks to galvanize the status quo, where whites dominate political, cultural, social, and economic life. According to the Southern Law Poverty Center, there have been a documented 125 rallies, marches, and protests held across the nation that were “organized and attended by far-right extremists, including white nationalists, neo-Nazis, Klansmen, the “alt-right”, and rightwing reactionaries” during the first three years of the Trump presidency; 74 of the 125 events were held in 2017 alone (Miller & Graves, 2020). After the events of Charlottesville, Thrush and Haberman (2017) slammed President Trump for giving white nationalist movements in the U.S. credence by equating opposition movements (protesting against racism) and neo-Nazis who turned violent on the crowd. Trump noted that there was violence and bad behavior “from many sides”, which led to immediate condemnation from numerous groups and lauding from prominent white nationalist figures. David Duke tweeted, “Thank you President Trump for your honesty & courage to tell the truth”, while Richard Spencer noted that the president’s statement was “fair and down to earth”, legitimizing violence and the harassment of minorities in the streets of America at the hands of neo-Nazis. The danger here is, to reiterate, opposition movements are largely dominated by marginalized voices within the American political community, while the Alt-Right and white nationalist movements seek to continue the systematic oppression of those groups. The president’s statement, which did not outright condemn white nationalism or the violence by the associated groups was in a word, unprecedented (Thrush & Haberman, 2017). Trump stated of the crowd laced with anti-Semitic signs, chanting racist slogans, “You had a lot of people in that group that were there to innocently protest and very legally protest” (Thrush & Haberman, 2017). Although Trump did eventually release a statement that would call out neo-Nazis and the KKK by name, it is reported that privately he fumed about having to condemn the groups for “defending their heritage”, and the next day undid much of that condemnation by once again stating that the “alt-Left groups were also very, very violent” (Thrush & Haberman, 2017). Newer groups such as the Boogaloo Boys are seeking to create and increase political tensions within the civil society and usher in the end of the neo-liberal democracy (Miller, 2020). Another possibly more dangerous group that has dominated American politics in the Trump era, and become increasingly more potent as the pandemic has forced citizens into their 154

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Future of the American Nationalist Movements

homes and in some cases to fight against governments pushing mandates at them (such as mask requirements), is QAnon loyalists. This group deals in conspiracy theories and disinformation to instigate violence and perpetuate racism. The supporters of “Q”, an anonymous personality, believe that “a pedophiliac global elite – referred to as the Deep State or the Cabal – control world governments, the banking system, the Catholic Church, the agricultural and pharmaceutical industries, the media and entertainment industry in order keep people poor, ignorant and enslaved” (ADL, 2020). QAnon traffic their message via Facebook, where it is estimated to have millions of followers (ADL, 2020), and has mobilized large swathes of citizens across the United States to violence. According to the Anti-Defamation League, “QAnon followers have been linked to multiple instances of real-world criminality in the name of the conspiracy, including murder, vandalism, arson, kidnapping, terrorism, and assault with dangerous weapons” (2020). The QAnon theory advocates President Donald Trump as the person who will “bring about justice by ousting the global elite” (ADL, 2020). Trump, for his part, refuses to distance himself from QAnon or disavow the conspiracy theory, instead has promulgated a number of conspiracies and retweeted a number of influencers within the QAnon network (Brewster, 2020). This demonstrates a chilling turn from former presidents, including and perhaps especially from Republican presidents who have worked very hard to distance themselves from groups that would seek to divide the American population (particularly along unwinnable electoral lines). As stated previously, the white nationalist movement, as long as it has an ambivalent critic in the president is here to stay for the foreseeable future. It will be telling if the neo-nationalist movement that has relied so much on the internet and digital infrastructure will be able to sustain itself now that mainstream platform and content providers are shunning these groups, citing violations of terms of service against bigotry and harassment clauses. There are other growth issues that mainly have to do with the demographic makeup of the American nationalist movement, which has a distinctly anti-female ideology. George Hawley wrote Making Sense of the Alt-Right in which he estimates around 20 percent of Alt-Right supporters are female, but the demographics who show up to public demonstrations remains low but that should not be understood to mean that women do not make-up a portion of Alt-Right ideological subscribers (Kitchner, 2017). Glenna Gordon writes, “It is a universal truth that women’s work is seldom recognized. But failing to acknowledge women’s part in sustaining white supremacy is not just sexist; it’s a dangerous mistake. For every media report about a white male terrorist

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

155

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Future of the American Nationalist Movements

who is portrayed as a “lone wolf” or a “madman,” there are untold stories about the women who provide support for, nurture, and connect these groups and individuals” (Gordon, 2018). The Alt-Right has blurred the lines for women and the role they play in the movement, with organizations such as Men Going Their Own Way (MGTOW), which is a gender separatist group that bars women from its membership (and argues against their inclusion in the broader movement), while other white nationalists encourage women to speak out in the same way that men are (Kitchner, 2017). This confusion over the role that women play in the greater Alt-Right/neo-nationalist movement will likely stagnate itself growth among the mainstream population. According to Kitchner, “To fit into the movement, alt-right women must visible in the right. They have to prove they are not threatening traditional gender roles: both through what they say, and how they look. The majority of well-known, female alt-right personalities are young, attractive women” (2017). Mattheis (2018, P. 138) argues that the “negotiation of gender roles in Far/Alt-Right communities is difficult, especially for women who have grown up relating to post “second wave” culture where feminist ideas of women’s empowerment have dominated the mainstream”; effectively the movement perceives of them in one manner (and/or role) and the women themselves have a radically different idea of what they are contributing. Mattheis elaborates on the character of Alt-Right women further, “…They seek to be understood as “modern” women who have overcome what they see as the “false consciousness” of leftist movements such as feminism, multiculturalism, and anti-racism. They see themselves as women who are “wounded by the lie of equality, but not broken by it” (2018, P. 138). Yet the movement itself quite often shuns and even shames its female participants into these prescriptive gender roles and norms that are not often conducive with a societal revolution. This type of thinking on inclusivity is eventually going to cause the nationalist resurgence to peak and decline as its ideology cannot infect the majority of the mainstream population, unlike Black Lives Matter who have been open to any participants willing to advocate for the stated goals of social justice reform. The stated goals of the white nationalist movement are another sticking point in their success; while it has been argued that they have been successful in capturing a willing capitulator-in-chief, the goals of the movement, to make American society purely white or maintain white dominance is one that cannot be achieved without policy shifts and unthinkable violence. The Black Lives Matter Movement has not just reignited the calls for social and political justice, and reform to the criminal justice system that views and treats Americans differently based on aesthetic and economic 156

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Future of the American Nationalist Movements

factors, in August of 2020 the movement has unleashed a tidal wave of politics into a tightly wound pandemic environment. The August 2020 shooting of Jacob Blake amid the ongoing protests for Breonna Taylor, George Floyd, and Ahmaud Arbury took the movement into high gear, with high profile individuals and an entire major league organization putting police actions on full display and calling attention to the lack of justice for persons of color unduly assaulted (in some cases, killed) by law enforcement. The Jacob Blake shooting, much like the shooting of Philando Castile, is seemingly senseless and unjustified. Blake, a Black man, was shot seven times in the back as he “opened the driver’s side door and leaned forward”, according to the Wisconsin Department of Justice Division of Criminal Investigation (Chavez et al., 2020). Police were called to the scene of a domestic incident, where Blake was and reportedly should not have been (Chavez et al., 2020), as Blake was seemingly attempting to leave the scene, Kenosha Officer Rusten Sheskey fired all seven shots directly into Blake’s back while his three children watched from the vehicle (Raice, 2020). According to Beaumont (2020), “The Blake shooting prompted members of the National Basketball Association, led by Milwaukee Bucks, to strike against racial injustice during the playoffs. Other players in Major League Baseball, Major League Soccer and the Women’s National Basketball Association have also followed with their own wildcat strikes” (Beaumont, 2020). The protests on the streets of Kenosha have led to the deployment of 500 members of the National Guard to the city by Governor Tony Evers (August 27), which doubled the number of troops in the city (Beaumont, 2020). The NBA particularly have much influence within the American civil society and it is telling that unlike the kneeling protests that occurred within the National Football League starting in 2016, the NBA hierarchy (including and especially the coaches) are supporting the players’ protest (as many of their players are Black bodies being used for their economic labor). A glaring example of the injustice and systemic issues in American law enforcement has been unveiled over the course of the Jacob Blake protests in Wisconsin; the arrest and charge of a 17-year-old white male with murder in the shooting of three people attending the protest, two of whom died (Cineas, 2020). The shooter (Rittenhouse) crossed state lines from Illinois to get to the protests in Kenosha with an AR-15-style rifle, during a pursuit where protestors attempt to disarm Rittenhouse, he trips and falls, shooting at people who are following him (Cineas, 2020). According to Vox, “After the shooting, he gets up and walks toward law enforcement officials, who do not detain him” (Cineas, 2020). Rittenhouse was able to

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

157

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Future of the American Nationalist Movements

leave the state and remains in custody in Illinois “after a judge agreed to delay a hearing on his extradition to Wisconsin” (Miller et al., 2020). As the American democracy evolves so too has the demographic makeup, and it is only natural (as nationalists would argue) that the percentage of white Americans would decline at some point. The rise of the modern neonationalist movement is seemingly a direct reaction to the Census report noting the decline within the traditional Caucasian community numbers. In 2016, an additional report was released by the U.S. Census Bureau that noted in July 2015, “The population of racial or ethnic minority babies was 50.2 percent”, making minority children the majority of those born in the U.S. (Yoshinaga, 2016). Couple this news with declining numbers of Baby Boomers (majority white generation) and the rise of the millennial generation as a voting bloc, and political scientists could attempt to explain the correlation between the potentiality of being ‘outnumbered’ and the rise of groups that focus solely on the galvanization of whiteness and white culture within America. As Richeson and Craig demonstrated through their multiple experiments on the white psyche over the years, it is a natural tendency to insulate oneself and their community once that group is threatened (even if the threat is numerical – by no means does the fact that minorities will comprise a larger portion of the population by 2050, or minority children now lead to a hostile takeover of American culture or worse). In 2014, The Economist (Rachman, 2014) penned an article that announced the return of the global community to nationalism, even though it was counterintuitive (as it remains today) as more businesses and economic conditions are intertwined due to the global market economy and the internet; the existence of global warming and challenges to the security of many (or all nations); and the rise of more adept terrorist organizations who subscribe to their own violent brand of nationalism and have been attempting to piece together a caliphate from land of other nations. It seemed unlikely that the world, and certainly not the global leaders (the U.S., U.K., attempts in France, and Germany) was turning inward at a time when our shared problems outweighed those domestically. Yet Rachman (2014) eerily predicted the rise of nationalism by 2015 based largely electoral politics as projected in 2014, noting the election of President Modi in India (a Hindu nationalist who has been an ardent supporter of Donald Trump), and by foreshadowing the 2015 U.K. parliamentary elections as well as 2015 elections in France (discussed more in Chapter 2). Rachman (2014) seems like a prophet sent to warn us after reading the analysis in 2017. The most crucial nationalism that the world must by wary 158

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Future of the American Nationalist Movements

of, he argues, will be Russian nationalism, this warning by Rachman could only be a guess based on intensified Russian aggression in Ukraine, which has been viewed as an attempt by Putin to reorganize the U.S.S.R. And yet, the world witnessed (and is still witnessing) just how involved Russia became in the American election of 2016, as well as the fight against the Islamic State, which positions Russia as a military leader and at the same time allows Putin to develop and expand influence within the Middle East region via Syria and Iraq. Nationalism is not just a problem for the American political system but a global issue that can turn partners into enemies over the simplest of issues, such as Trump pulling American support for the Paris Climate Accord in 2017. Increasingly questions of nationalism will turn toward national and global security, as North Korea carried out its sixth and most powerful nuclear test over the Labor Day weekend (2017), one must wonder how many of America’s allies are willing to go to war or get into even a brief conflict with North Korea as it seems increasingly likely that is where the U.S. is headed. The escalating political and economic conflict between Trump’s United States and Xi Jinping’s China (2018-present) has all but shattered the neo-liberal world order and returned the international community to the days of hegemonic competition. This is all to say that nationalism is not just a domestic issue, although it becomes much easier for states like Russia, North Korea, and China to engage in bad behavior when the U.S. (in particular) is looking inward and some groups attempt to stoke racial, ethnic, or religious fears among the population. As has been stated, white nationalism is an ideology that is based on segregating the American population along racial, ethnic, and in some cases, religious and gender lines, which is difficult to grow within the mainstream American population. The movement is likely to peak at around the thirty percent designation of Roof and mirrored within the most ardent Trump supporter base. Yet the likelihood of the movement becoming a mainstream ideology that inspires a dedicated political party (as we see in Europe), for example, is nil. This is predominately based around the very ideas that white nationalists are fighting, most importantly the fact that an increasingly larger portion of the American population descend from ethnic or racial minority groups, groups that will outnumber the white population in the near future, and in some demographics, already do. The white nationalist and neo-Nazi movement are enjoying a moment in the sun with the election of Donald Trump, but does their movement succeed long-term, it is highly improbable. America, by its very nature is a diverse nation, and the majority of even white America descended from immigrants, the nationalism that is spreading is

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

159

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Future of the American Nationalist Movements

counterintuitive to the nation that most Americans know as a ‘melting pot’. So while these public displays of whiteness, of swastikas and Nazi flags, and the violence against the Other will continue for the foreseeable future, the movement itself will eventually be stifled by the very nation they seek to keep exclusive to whites. To use Blumer’s language, the American white nationalist movement lacks legitimacy among the mainstream population, whether or not the president comments or not on the nature and history of these movements, they lack widespread legitimacy among the population, something that is crucial to Blumer and social movement theorists. Legitimization or Coalescence, according to Blumer (1955, 1969) notes that if a social problem is going to progress on its path, it must acquire social legitimacy. The social problem must garner enough attention and respectability to be discussed in the public sphere in order to facilitate mobilization and foster participation in the movement. Simply because a social problem is identified as serious and attracts attention does not mean that the issue will break into the public discourse. Here the example of HIV/AIDS in the U.S. can be highlighted. For nearly a decade the government and scientific medical community knew of the disease but did not recognize it as a public health issue until the late 1980s, when prominent celebrities and citizens beyond the stigmatized homosexual community began contracting and dying from the illness. Thus, suggesting that social problems, though recognized in society, can be blocked from mainstream discourse (made taboo) by entities that wield more power than the people, for instance, the government or the broadcast media. This censorship (or blatant neglect) of social problems is much harder for governments and other major entities to commit in the digital age, which is contributing to the increased knowledge across the world and the subsequent reaction (including mobilization) by many groups. Or in the case of white nationalism, a mainstream population refuses to accept that the social problem being advocated (white discrimination; white cultural decline; white supremacy over other groups), which stifles the movement’s ability to become legitimate and achieve long-term gains. The statement that we live (and therefore, protest) in a digital world is not enough to clearly articulate the manner in which new technologies and the internet have transformed the landscape of social and political reform. The modern wave of political protest arising spontaneously in reaction to most often, what are perceived as undemocratic decisions or actions taken by the government, have increasingly included if not depended on the availability of digital technologies with and without internet capabilities. The nature of political protest has become more egalitarian with the proliferation of 160

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Future of the American Nationalist Movements

technologies that enable citizens to communicate and mobilize dissent on demand when grievances are shared and discontent is widespread. Black Lives Matter, as has been stated, is a more sustainable movement and is likely to achieve widespread reform through slow, methodical changes to its initial demonstrations of outrage to the excessive force within the law enforcement community toward black Americans. The movement is still active within Trump’s America but has taken a lessened role nationally in order to make advances within local communities, which is more likely to accomplish the stated goals of elevating issues within the black community and bringing awareness that these issues are institutional, systemic, reversible, and reach well beyond the black community itself. The inclusive nature of Black Lives Matter in comparison to the exclusive nature of the white nationalist movement also bodes well for the mainstreaming of BLM goals and ideology, thus all but ensuring the viability of the movement overall. For example, in August 2020 prominent Ferguson activist Cori Bush, who assisted the movement during protests over the shooting death of Michael Brown as a triage nurse and organizer, defeated ten-term incumbent Lacy Clay in the Democratic primary for Congressional District 1 in Missouri (Fandos, 2020). BLM organizers understood the impact of Trump’s election in 2016, and immediately called a meeting of leaders post-election to discuss the future of the movement in a nation that had seemingly emphatically declared a more nationalist candidate the winner. Sands (2017) writes that the leaders met in Tennessee to “devise a plan to address the new president, the shock of his election, the law and order he had promised (including threats to send the National Guard into cities like Chicago, and actual deployment of federal law enforcement officers to Portland in 2020 responding to BLM protestors), and the devastating blow it all had delivered to generational movements about race and criminal justice policy in the United States.” Yet the meeting did not go as planned, and only revealed dissension within the wider BLM movement and its local chapters with problems of funding reaching the grassroots level, and lacking a targeted end goal, it became clear that BLM was fracturing – thus, resulting in an increased level of state and local action over the national movement organization itself. The leader of the Million Hoodies Movement for Justice stated, “[Black Lives Matter] is seeking to clarify our direction and focus as an organization” (Sands, 2017). Black Lives Matter is at risk, as suggested, of being swallowed into the wider network of resistance movements and having their specific ideology that focuses on issues within racial and ethnic minority communities overshadowed by the constitutional crisis that is occurring within the U.S. and the Trump Administration.

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

161

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

The Future of the American Nationalist Movements

Although Black Lives Matter is going through growing pains and a readjustment in a much different American political reality than it began in, the movement is attempting to navigate and continue to inject themselves into politics at every level. Directly following the events of Charlottesville, Black Lives Matter organizers around the nation planned anti-hate rallies, which occurred the weekend of August 27 (one weekend after the death of Heather Heyer in Charlottesville and the display of hatred), some of the more public demonstrations included at Berkeley and in Chicago, bringing thousands out to negate the hate (see CBS News, 2017; Elias & Gecker, 2017; CBS Chicago, 2017). Black Lives Matter has a much larger issue than that of the white nationalist movement (which is not a viable movement long-term), because it has been successful in not only emerging (bringing public awareness), coalescing its movement participants and turning them from hashtag users to actualization in the public sphere via demonstrations and rallies, Black Lives Matter is now at a point of legitimization and continuation of the movement. A place that the white nationalist movement will likely never see. BLM is at a crucial point in its development and must (and seems to be) adapt[ing] to the current political environment through sustained (albeit lessened) national visibility, but increased participation in state and local government decisionmaking, which will have a greater impact on the lives of minorities within those local communities. This is the moment where Black Lives Matter as a movement will thrive or decline in the American political culture, and it is the belief of this author that the movement should it choose to focus more locally can activate and encourage participation in both state and national politics, which could prove to be a defining blow to the white nationalist movement in electoral politics in 2020 (particularly with the selection of Kamala Harris, the first Black women to be a vice-presidential candidate alongside Joe Biden, the vice-president for the first Black male president), and beyond. Black Lives Matter and the umbrella organization has an amazing stronghold on millennial and the younger generation, and has the ability to shape American elections for an extended period, but they must harness both their popularity and ability to educate this younger demographic on the importance of participation in their democracy, if change is going to actualize. The American nationalist movements (whether white or ethnically-based) are going to remain on public display, but as demonstrated the viability of these movements varies due to ideology, goals, and the ability of these movements to infiltrate the mainstream populace. It is safe to assume that white nationalists will remain empowered as long as there is a public figure (e.g. the president) who is not outwardly vocal about condemnation of these 162

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

The Future of the American Nationalist Movements

groups and the hatred that is associated with them. It is also safe to assume that as long as the hateful ideology of white nationalists continues to be on full display, resistance movements and Black Lives Matter have a greater likelihood of mainstreaming their ideologies that support equality and inclusivity over a separation of the American populace along certain lines. Most American politicians (whether they adhere to any nationalist ideologies) will realize that carving up the population puts their re-election at risk, and will seek to unite the nation (as has been witnessed in the aftermath of Charlottesville by both Democrats, but more importantly Republicans who want to disassociate the Party from white nationalist groups). 2020 is almost over, and while white nationalist movements have become more visible (garnering international attention), the opposition movements, including Black Lives Matter are in full effect to counter their ideology. Participation in the public sphere will continue but will only be marginally influential for white nationalists whose ideology of separation will not become mainstream, and crucial for BLM as policies rolling back Obama-era actions (such as criminal justice reform) will only feed the movement and place focus squarely on the stated goals of community police reform and equalizing the disparities among the black (and minority) and white communities. American movements in the future will learn lessons from both white nationalist and opposition movements, such as Black Lives Matter. The role that the internet will play will be crucial in upcoming movements in order to coalesce and mobilize participants in the public sphere, as has been displayed in both movements. Yet the successful achievement of stated goals will vary depending on whether that movement gains legitimacy within the mainstream population, and if those movements are able to move beyond the protest politics and into legislative and electoral politics, which truly govern winners and losers in a constitutional democracy.

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

REFERENCES Beaumont, P. (2020). Kenosha police officer who shot Jacob Blake named as Rusten Sheskey. The Guardian. Available from: https://www.theguardian. com/us-news/2020/aug/27/kenosha-police-officer-who-shot-jacob-blakenamed-as-rusten-sheskey

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

163

The Future of the American Nationalist Movements

Black-clad anarchists storm large Berkeley anti-hate rally. (2017). CBS News. Available from: https://www.cbsnews.com/news/black-clad-anarchists-stormlarge-berkeley-anti-hate-rally/ Blumer, H. (1955). Reflections on Theory of Race Relations. In A. W. Lind (Ed.), Race Relations in World Perspective (pp. 3–21). University of Hawaii Press. Blumer, H. (1969). Symbolic Interactionism: Perspective and Method. Prentice-Hall. Brewster, J. (2020). Trump Won’t Disavow QAnon Conspiracy Theory. Forbes, 14(August). https://www.forbes.com/sites/jackbrewster/2020/08/14/ trump-wont-disavow-qanon-conspiracy-theory/#dc56a9d35a02 Chavez, N., Maxouris, C., & Levenson, E. (2020). Jacob Blake is handcuffed to his hospital bed, family says. CNN. Available from: https://www.cnn. com/2020/08/27/us/jacob-blake-wisconsin-thursday/index.html Cineas, F. (2020). 17-year-old charged with murder in Kenosha, Wisconsin, shootings. Vox. Available from: https://www.vox.com/2020/8/26/21402951/ kyle-rittenhouse-jacob-blake-kenosha Elias, P., & Gecker, J. (2017). Berkeley: Anarchists Storm Anti-Hate Rally, Attacking 5. Time, 27(August). https://time.com/4917948/berkeley-anti-haterally-anarchists-attack/ Fandos, N. (2020). Cori Bush Defeats William Lacy Clay in a Show of Progressive Might. The New York Times. Available from: https://www.nytimes. com/2020/08/05/us/politics/cori-bush-missouri-william-lacy-clay.html

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Gordon, G. (2020). American Women of the Far Right. The New York Review of Books, 13(December). https://www.nybooks.com/daily/2018/12/13/ american-women-of-the-far-right/ Kitchner, C. (2017). Why Few of the Women of the White Nationalist Movement Were in Charlottesville. Atlantic (Boston, Mass.), 18(August). https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2017/08/the-women-behindthe-alt-right/537168/ Mattheis, A. (2018). Shieldmaidens of Whiteness: (Alt) Maternalism and Women Recruiting for the Far/Alt-Right. Journal for Deradicalization, 17.

164

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

The Future of the American Nationalist Movements

Miller, C. (2020). The ‘Boogaloo’ Started as a Meme. Southern Poverty Law Center. Available from: https://www.splcenter.org/hatewatch/2020/06/05/ boogaloo-started-racist-meme Miller, C., & Graves, H. (2020). When the ‘Alt-Right’ Hit the Streets: Far-Right Political Rallies in the Trump Era. Southern Poverty Law Center. Available from: https://www.splcenter.org/20200810/when-alt-right-hit-streets-farright-political-rallies-trump-era Miller, R., Luthern, A., & Volpenhein, S. (2020). Kenosha shooting, DC protest: Kyle Rittenhouse to remain in Illinois as thousands descend on Washington. USA Today. Available from: https://www.usatoday.com/story/ news/nation/2020/08/28/kenosha-kyle-rittenhouse-jacob-blake-protestshooting/5653931002/ QAnon. (2020). Anti-Defamation League. Available from: https://www.adl. org/qanon Rachman, G. (2014). Nationalism is Back. The Economist. Available from: https://www.economist.com/news/21631966-bad-news-international-cooperation-nationalism-back Raice, S. (2020). Jacob Blake Shooting: What Happened in Kenosha, Wis? Wall Street Journal. Available from: https://www.wsj.com/articles/jacobblake-shooting-what-happened-in-kenosha-wisconsin-11598368824 Rally, A.-H. (2017). March Held in Solidarity in Chicago. CBS Chicago. Available from: https://chicago.cbslocal.com/2017/08/27/anti-hate-rallymarch-held-in-solidarity-in-chicago/

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Sands, D. (2017). What Happened to Black Lives Matter? Buzzfeed. Available from: https://www.buzzfeed.com/darrensands/what-happened-to-black-livesmatter?utm_term=.yvwpj0610O#.jxnDQ18G1r Thrush, G., & Haberman, M. (2017) Trump Gives White Supremacists an Unequivocal Boost. The New York Times. Available from: https://www.nytimes. com/2017/08/15/us/politics/trump-charlottesville-white-nationalists.html Yoshinaga, K. (2016). Babies of Color are now the Majority, Census Says. NPR. Available from: https://www.npr.org/sections/ed/2016/07/01/484325664/ babies-of-color-are-now-the-majority-census-says

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

165

The Future of the American Nationalist Movements

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Zeleny, J., Merica, D., Saenz, A., Reston, M., & Bradner, E. (2020). Joe Biden picks Kamala Harris as his running mate. CNN Politics. Available from: https://www.cnn.com/2020/08/11/politics/biden-vp-pick/index.html

166

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

167

Related Readings

To continue IGI Global’s long-standing tradition of advancing innovation through emerging research, please find below a compiled list of recommended IGI Global book chapters and journal articles in the areas of nationalism and nationalist ideologies that have permeated throughout America and the international community. These related readings will provide additional information and guidance to further enrich your knowledge and assist you with your own research.

Abdelbary, I., & Benhin, J. K. (2019). Political Governance and Sustainable Development. In P. W. Zgheib (Ed.), Impacts of Political Instability on Economics in the MENA Region (pp. 28–73). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-8247-2.ch002

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Abdelghaffar, H., & Hassan, L. (2019). Citizen-Government Collaborative Environment Using Social Networks. In E. C. Idemudia (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Technology Integration in the Global World (pp. 152–165). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-6367-9.ch008 Abu Warda, M. H. (2018). The Influence of a Program Based on Hidden Curriculum on the Concept of Citizenship for Students in Al Majmaah University. International Journal of Cyber Behavior, Psychology and Learning, 8(4), 42–66. doi:10.4018/IJCBPL.2018100103 Abusaada, H., & Elshater, A. (2019). From Chaos to Order. In U. G. Benna (Ed.), Industrial and Urban Growth Policies at the Sub-National, National, and Global Levels (pp. 41–64). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-76259.ch003

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Acar, E. (2020). New Public Administration Understanding and Reform Effects as Products of Neolibal Management Concept. In I. Akansel (Ed.), Comparative Approaches to Old and New Institutional Economics (pp. 133–156). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-0333-1.ch008 Adikpo, J. A. (2019). Fake Online News. In I. E. Chiluwa & S. A. Samoilenko (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Deception, Fake News, and Misinformation Online (pp. 152–166). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-8535-0.ch010 Adugu, E., & Broome, P. A. (2018). Exploring Factors Associated With Digital and Conventional Political Participation in the Caribbean. International Journal of E-Politics, 9(2), 35–52. doi:10.4018/IJEP.2018040103 Agbozo, G. E., Edward, M., & Inusah, F. (2019). “Onaapo” vs. “One Factory. In U. T. Onyebadi (Ed.), Music and Messaging in the African Political Arena (pp. 221–240). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7295-4.ch012 Ahmad, N. (2020). The Rise of Secular Nationalist and Islamic-Based Populist Communication Strategies. In S. Jamil (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalist Safety (pp. 124–146). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1298-2.ch008 Ahmad, N. (2020). What Determine Indonesian Commercial News TV Channels’ Political News Production and Publication in the Post-Soeharto Regime. In S. Karlidag & S. Bulut (Eds.), Handbook of Research on the Political Economy of Communications and Media (pp. 134–160). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-3270-6.ch008

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Airola, A. (2020). SNA as an Integrative Framework. In A. Balloni & R. Sette (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Trends and Issues in Crime Prevention, Rehabilitation, and Victim Support (pp. 187–210). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1286-9.ch011 Akansel, I. (2019). Polanyi and Schumpeter vs. Neoliberalism. In H. Dinçer & S. Yüksel (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Managerial Thinking in Global Business Economics (pp. 210–228). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-52257180-3.ch012 Akinro, N., Nwachukwu, E. O., & Duru, A. V. (2019). Corruption Sings Loudest. In U. T. Onyebadi (Ed.), Music and Messaging in the African Political Arena (pp. 131–148). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7295-4.ch007

168

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Akmese, Z. (2020). Media Literacy and Framing of Media Content. In N. O. Taskiran (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Multidisciplinary Approaches to Literacy in the Digital Age (pp. 73–87). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-17998-1534-1.ch005 Al Badri, H., & Al-Sheikh, H. (2019). Jordan’s Media Strategy and Its Role in Combating Terrorism. In F. Albadri & Y. A. Nasereddin (Eds.), Strategic Thinking, Planning, and Management Practice in the Arab World (pp. 46–74). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-8048-5.ch003 Al-Suqri, M. N., AlKindi, S. S., & Al-Kindi, A. K. (2017). An EvidenceBased Approach to the Use of Social Media to Promote Political Literacy among Youth in the Sultanate of Oman. International Journal of E-Politics, 8(2), 30–39. doi:10.4018/IJEP.2017040103 Alguliyev, R., Aliguliyev, R., & Yusifov, F. (2019). MCDM for Candidate Selection in E-Voting. International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age, 6(2), 35–48. doi:10.4018/IJPADA.2019040103 Alonso-Cañadas, J., Galán-Valdivieso, F., Saraite-Sariene, L., & Caba-Pérez, M. D. (2019). Spanish Museum Policies Through Social Media to Enhance Communication With the Stakeholders. In B. Önay Dogan & D. Gül Ünlü (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Examining Cultural Policies Through Digital Communication (pp. 182–204). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-52256998-5.ch009 Amadi, L. (2020). Issues in Global Food Politics and Options for Sustainable Food Consumption. In L. Amadi & F. Allen (Eds.), Global Food Politics and Approaches to Sustainable Consumption (pp. 1–29). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-0125-2.ch001

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Amadi, L. A., & Igwe, P. (2018). Open Government and Bureaucratic Secrecy in the Developing Democracies. In A. Kok (Ed.), Proliferation of Open Government Initiatives and Systems (pp. 1–28). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-4987-1.ch001 Amadi, L. A., & Igwe, P. I. (2018). Globalization and Rethinking of Environmental Consumption From a Sustainability Perspective. In S. Idris (Ed.), Promoting Global Environmental Sustainability and Cooperation (pp. 1–30). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-3990-2.ch001

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

169

Related Readings

Amador, J., & Piña-Garcia, C. A. (2017). Political Participation in Mexico Offline and Through Twitter. In S. Gordon (Ed.), Online Communities as Agents of Change and Social Movements (pp. 138–164). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2495-3.ch006 Amoakohene, M. I., Tietaah, G. K., Normeshie, F. E., & Sesenu, F. Y. (2019). Campaign Songs and Political Advertising in Ghana. In U. T. Onyebadi (Ed.), Music and Messaging in the African Political Arena (pp. 108–130). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7295-4.ch006 Antonites, A. R., & Nel, J. (2019). The Voortrekker Monument as Memory Institution. In P. Ngulube (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Advocacy, Promotion, and Public Programming for Memory Institutions (pp. 348–365). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7429-3.ch019 Antonova, A. (2019). Institutions on the Move and Revolutionary Shifts. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-6270-2.ch004 Antonova, A. (2019). Understanding Mechanics of Smooth Institutional Transformation. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-6270-2.ch003 Antonova, A. (2019). Why Institutions Matter. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-6270-2.ch002 Apryshchenko, V. (2019). Where Does Europe End? In V. Apryshchenko & O. Karnaukhova (Eds.), Memory, Identity, and Nationalism in European Regions (pp. 98–120). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-8392-9.ch005 Arık, E. (2019). Popular Culture and Media Intellectuals. In O. Ozgen (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Consumption, Media, and Popular Culture in the Global Age (pp. 1–10). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-8491-9.ch001

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Arkhipova, E. (2019). Border Commemoration in Contemporary Armenia. In V. Apryshchenko & O. Karnaukhova (Eds.), Memory, Identity, and Nationalism in European Regions (pp. 121–140). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-52258392-9.ch006 Arslantürk, G. (2017). The Reconstruction of the “Youth Ideal” in Narrative Advertising. In R. Yılmaz (Ed.), Narrative Advertising Models and Conceptualization in the Digital Age (pp. 247–268). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2373-4.ch014

170

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Aruofor, R. O., & Ogbeide, D. R. (2017). Evaluation of Impact of New Democracy on Consumption, Income and Growth of the Nigerian Economy. International Journal of Civic Engagement and Social Change, 4(3), 1–12. doi:10.4018/IJCESC.2017070101 Aslan, P. (2019). Popular Culture and Iconology. In O. Ozgen (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Consumption, Media, and Popular Culture in the Global Age (pp. 174–187). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-8491-9.ch011 Assay, B. E. (2019). Implications of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) on the Economy of African States. In H. C. Chandan & B. Christiansen (Eds.), International Firms’ Economic Nationalism and Trade Policies in the Globalization Era (pp. 116–139). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7561-0.ch007 Atağan, G. (2019). Corporate Governance and Accountability in the Age of Multilevel Governance in Turkey. In T. U. Uysal & C. Aldemir (Eds.), Multi-Level Governance in Developing Economies (pp. 117–139). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-5547-6.ch005 August, A. (2018). A Terrible Beauty is Born! In A. August (Ed.), Visual Imagery, Metadata, and Multimodal Literacies Across the Curriculum (pp. 100–109). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2808-1.ch006 Awad, T. A., & Farghaly, E. K. (2018). Social Media as Political Participation Tool Among Millennials. International Journal of Online Marketing, 8(4), 15–37. doi:10.4018/IJOM.2018100102 Aydin, D. G., & Ozer-Imer, I. (2020). Critical Theory. In I. Akansel (Ed.), Examining the Relationship Between Economics and Philosophy (pp. 65–82). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1037-7.ch004

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Aydin Halisoglu, T. (2020). Irregular Migration and Economic Nationalism in EU. In I. Akansel (Ed.), Examining the Relationship Between Economics and Philosophy (pp. 126–144). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1037-7.ch006 Ayuninjam, F. (2018). Beyond Curriculum Internationalization. In S. Dikli, B. Etheridge, & R. Rawls (Eds.), Curriculum Internationalization and the Future of Education (pp. 216–231). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-52252791-6.ch012

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

171

Related Readings

Ayyıldız, N. E. (2019). A Representation of British Gendered Imperial Politics in Fiction for Children. In Ö. Çakırtaş (Ed.), Language, Power, and Ideology in Political Writing (pp. 55–79). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-9444-4.ch003 Baisotti, P. A. (2019). Higher Education and Citizenship in Latin America. In J. Pineda-Alfonso, N. De Alba-Fernández, & E. Navarro-Medina (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Education for Participative Citizenship and Global Prosperity (pp. 218–244). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7110-0.ch010 Baisotti, P. A. (2019). The “Two Ways” of Citizenship Education in China. In J. Pineda-Alfonso, N. De Alba-Fernández, & E. Navarro-Medina (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Education for Participative Citizenship and Global Prosperity (pp. 152–171). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7110-0.ch007 Bajde, D., Nøjgaard, M., & Sommer, J. K. (2019). Consumer Culture Theory and the Socio-Cultural Investigation of Technology Consumption. In M. Spöhrer (Ed.), Analytical Frameworks, Applications, and Impacts of ICT and Actor-Network Theory (pp. 171–190). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-7027-1.ch008 Banerjee, A. K. (2017). Why Can’t I Have the Vote? In Ö. Çakırtaş (Ed.), Ideological Messaging and the Role of Political Literature (pp. 117–144). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2391-8.ch007 Baporikar, N. (2018). Policy Perspective of Tourism Sector. In D. Batabyal (Ed.), Managing Sustainable Tourism Resources (pp. 246–264). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-5772-2.ch013

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Barroso, P. M. (2020). Visual Literacy and Visual Rhetoric. In S. Kır (Ed.), New Media and Visual Communication in Social Networks (pp. 17–36). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1041-4.ch002 Bastida, F., Estrada, L., & Guillamón, M. (2020). Determinants of Financial E-Transparency in Honduran Municipalities. International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age, 7(2), 23–37. doi:10.4018/ IJPADA.2020040102 Behan, C. (2018). Prison Education in Europe. In I. Biao (Ed.), Strategic Learning Ideologies in Prison Education Programs (pp. 96–120). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2909-5.ch004

172

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Bekafigo, M., & Ellis, A. C. (2017). Do Campaigns “Go Negative” on Twitter? In Y. Ibrahim (Ed.), Politics, Protest, and Empowerment in Digital Spaces (pp. 178–191). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-1862-4.ch011 Bellavista, P., Corradi, A., Foschini, L., Gomes, E. H., Lamberti, E., Klein, G., De Rolt, C. R., & Torello, M. (2020). Virtual Environments as Enablers of Civic Awareness and Engagement. International Journal of Urban Planning and Smart Cities, 1(1), 22–34. doi:10.4018/IJUPSC.2020010102 Beneventi, P. (2018). When Technology Becomes Popular. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-3770-0.ch002 Berg, J. (2017). Political Participation in the Form of Online Petitions. International Journal of E-Politics, 8(1), 14–29. doi:10.4018/IJEP.2017010102 Bezirgan, M. (2020). Analysis of the Vision and Mission Statements in the Websites. In J. D. Santos & Ó. L. Silva (Eds.), Digital Marketing Strategies for Tourism, Hospitality, and Airline Industries (pp. 179–196). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9783-4.ch009 Bhattarai, U. K. (2018). New Media and Its Role in Stabilizing Nepal. In S. J. Bute (Ed.), Media Diplomacy and Its Evolving Role in the Current Geopolitical Climate (pp. 36–55). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-3859-2.ch003 Biancheri, D. (2018). Factoring the Agency of Patronage in the Production of Meaning. In O. I. Seel (Ed.), Redefining Translation and Interpretation in Cultural Evolution (pp. 179–199). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-52252832-6.ch010

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Bihl, T. J., & Bauer, K. W. Jr. (2017). Statistical Analysis of High-Level Features from State of the Union Addresses. International Journal of Information Systems and Social Change, 8(2), 50–73. doi:10.4018/IJISSC.2017040103 Biswas, A. (2019). Ecological Vision of Mahatma Gandhi in Contemporary World. In R. C. Das (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Economic and Political Implications of Green Trading and Energy Use (pp. 375–392). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-8547-3.ch021 Blanch, J. P., González, C. G., & Giraldo, M. C. (2019). Education for Citizenship in the Latin American Context. In J. Pineda-Alfonso, N. De Alba-Fernández, & E. Navarro-Medina (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Education for Participative Citizenship and Global Prosperity (pp. 195–217). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7110-0.ch009

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

173

Related Readings

Blanchard, N. K. (2018). Building Trust for Sample Voting. International Journal of Decision Support System Technology, 10(4), 50–64. doi:10.4018/ IJDSST.2018100104 Bozkurt, S. (2018). Exploring Agency in Translation. In O. I. Seel (Ed.), Redefining Translation and Interpretation in Cultural Evolution (pp. 200–218). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2832-6.ch011 Bravo, R. B., & Del Valle, M. E. (2017). Organization Still Matters. International Journal of E-Politics, 8(1), 30–49. doi:10.4018/IJEP.2017010103 Briziarelli, M., & Flores, J. (2018). Mediation Is the Message. In S. Chhabra (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Civic Engagement and Social Change in Contemporary Society (pp. 311–327). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-52254197-4.ch018 Brookfield, S. D. (2018). Repressive Tolerance and the “Management” of Diversity. In V. X. Wang (Ed.), Critical Theory and Transformative Learning (pp. 1–13). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-6086-9.ch001 Brown, S., & Bousalis, R. (2018). Best Practices in K-12 Social Studies Integration. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-4065-6.ch003 Brusca, I., Labrador, M., & Olmo, J. (2020). The impact of Financial Information on Voting Behaviour. In A. M. Cunha, A. Ferreira, M. J. Fernandes, & P. Gomes (Eds.), Financial Determinants in Local Re-Election Rates (pp. 1–26). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7820-8.ch001 Buhari-Gulmez, D. (2017). Rap Music in Turkey. In U. T. Onyebadi (Ed.), Music as a Platform for Political Communication (pp. 204–220). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-1986-7.ch011

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Bulut, S. (2020). The Political Economy of News Production. In S. Karlidag & S. Bulut (Eds.), Handbook of Research on the Political Economy of Communications and Media (pp. 98–114). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-17998-3270-6.ch006 Burton, T. R. (2020). Using Social Media to Organize a Marginalized Community. In M. L. Baran & J. E. Jones (Eds.), Applied Social Science Approaches to Mixed Methods Research (pp. 216–249). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1025-4.ch010

174

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Byram, M. (2019). Intercultural Language Teaching in an Era of Internationalization. In P. Romanowski & E. Bandura (Eds.), Intercultural Foreign Language Teaching and Learning in Higher Education Contexts (pp. 99–120). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-8128-4.ch005 Ceccobelli, D. (2019). The Popularization of Political Communication. International Journal of E-Politics, 10(1), 12–34. doi:10.4018/ IJEP.2019010102 Cengiz, Ö., & Cengiz, C. (2020). Political Economy of Anti-Refugee in Turkey and Cyber-Racism. In S. Karlidag & S. Bulut (Eds.), Handbook of Research on the Political Economy of Communications and Media (pp. 339–358). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-3270-6.ch019 Çetin, D., & Deveci, M. (2020). A Feminist Reading of an Oriental Tale. In G. Sarı (Ed.), Gender and Diversity Representation in Mass Media (pp. 77–89). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-0128-3.ch005 Chadha, A. (2018). Peer Interactions. International Journal of Online Pedagogy and Course Design, 8(3), 1–17. doi:10.4018/IJOPCD.2018070101 Chadha, A. (2019). Deepening Engagement. International Journal of Online Pedagogy and Course Design, 9(3), 32–47. doi:10.4018/IJOPCD.2019070103 Chadha, A. (2019). Engaging Learners. In P. H. Bull & J. Keengwe (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Innovative Digital Practices to Engage Learners (pp. 224–245). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9438-3.ch011

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Chadha, A. (2020). Adding Value. In J. Keengwe & G. Onchwari (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Literacy and Digital Technology Integration in Teacher Education (pp. 300–320). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-79981461-0.ch017 Chajdas, T. (2019). Misleading Media Portrayals in a Globalized World. In I. E. Chiluwa & S. A. Samoilenko (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Deception, Fake News, and Misinformation Online (pp. 45–64). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-8535-0.ch004 Chakravarty, R. (2018). Open Government Data (OGD) Initiative in India. In A. Kok (Ed.), Proliferation of Open Government Initiatives and Systems (pp. 68–90). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-4987-1.ch004

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

175

Related Readings

Chapman, C. (2018). Student Acceptance of a Civic Engagement Graduation Requirement in an Urban Community College. In S. Chhabra (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Civic Engagement and Social Change in Contemporary Society (pp. 40–62). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-4197-4.ch003 Charest, B. C. (2017). The Way It’s Going. In D. Loveless, P. Sullivan, K. Dredger, & J. Burns (Eds.), Deconstructing the Education-Industrial Complex in the Digital Age (pp. 1–23). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2101-3. ch001 Chernyshenko, V., Vertakova, Y., & Mkrttchian, V. (2020). Development and Implementation of Adaptive Trade Policy in the Era of Digital Globalization Based on Virtual Exchange of Intellectual Knowledge. In V. Mkrttchian, L. Gamidullaeva, & E. Aleshina (Eds.), Avatar-Based Models, Tools, and Innovation in the Digital Economy (pp. 131–140). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-7998-1104-6.ch008 Chiluwa, I. E. (2019). Deception in Online Terrorist Propaganda. In I. E. Chiluwa & S. A. Samoilenko (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Deception, Fake News, and Misinformation Online (pp. 520–537). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-8535-0.ch028 Chirisa, I., Maphosa, E., Mandaza-Tsoriyo, W. W., & Matamanda, A. R. (2019). Development and Distributive Politics. In J. Kurebwa & O. Dodo (Eds.), Participation of Young People in Governance Processes in Africa (pp. 100–126). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9388-1.ch006

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Chirisa, I., & Mavhima, B. (2019). Africa Under the Impact of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. In U. G. Benna (Ed.), Industrial and Urban Growth Policies at the Sub-National, National, and Global Levels (pp. 124–144). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7625-9.ch007 Christiansen, B. (2018). The Effects of Globalization on the CIS and Eurasia. In O. Karnaukhova, A. Udovikina, & B. Christiansen (Eds.), Economic and Geopolitical Perspectives of the Commonwealth of Independent States and Eurasia (pp. 19–47). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-3264-4.ch002 Chu, P., Tseng, H., & Chen, Y. (2019). Will Facebook Encourage Citizen Participation? International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age, 6(1), 1–14. doi:10.4018/IJPADA.2019010101

176

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Civelekoglu, I., & Ozoral, B. (2020). Re-Thinking the Role of Institutions in Neoliberalism From New Institutional Economics Perspective. In I. Akansel (Ed.), Comparative Approaches to Old and New Institutional Economics (pp. 25–40). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-0333-1.ch002 Clemons, A. C. (2019). Manifesto for Critical Andragogy. In D. P. Peltz & A. C. Clemons (Eds.), Multicultural Andragogy for Transformative Learning (pp. 73–90). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-3474-7.ch005 Cohen, A. C. (2019). Exercise of Citizenship in Network Society. In A. Melro & L. Oliveira (Eds.), Constitutional Knowledge and Its Impact on Citizenship Exercise in a Networked Society (pp. 170–187). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-8350-9.ch008 Collins, N., & Chen, J. Y. (2017). How Have Irish Parliamentarians Adapted to the Age of Web 2.0? International Journal of E-Politics, 8(4), 21–33. doi:10.4018/IJEP.2017100102 Cook, J. (2019). Understanding and Countering Misinformation About Climate Change. In I. E. Chiluwa & S. A. Samoilenko (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Deception, Fake News, and Misinformation Online (pp. 281–306). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-8535-0.ch016 Costa, J. (2020). Does It Pay Off for Mayors to Accurately Manage Finance on Municipalities? In A. M. Cunha, A. Ferreira, M. J. Fernandes, & P. Gomes (Eds.), Financial Determinants in Local Re-Election Rates (pp. 54–79). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7820-8.ch003 Criado, J. I., & Ruvalcaba-Gomez, E. A. (2018). Perceptions of City Managers About Open Government Policies. International Journal of Electronic Government Research, 14(1), 1–22. doi:10.4018/IJEGR.2018010101

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Crumb, L., Clark, M., & Long, S. M. (2020). Finding Strength in the Struggle. In H. C. Greene, B. S. Zugelder, & J. C. Manner (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Leadership and Advocacy for Children and Families in Rural Poverty (pp. 195–219). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-2787-0.ch009 da Rocha, J. (2018). Grounded Theory. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-52255118-8.ch001 da Rocha, J. (2018). The State of the Art in Mediation. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-5118-8.ch003

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

177

Related Readings

Dadwal, S. S. (2019). Developing Tourism Sector With Neoliberalism Orientated Strategies in Countries With Scarce Financial Resources. In V. Nadda, S. Bilan, M. Azam, & D. Mulindwa (Eds.), Neoliberalism in the Tourism and Hospitality Sector (pp. 1–13). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-6983-1.ch001 Dahdal, S. (2017). Flow as a Framework to Engage Youth in Participatory Politics on Social Media Platforms. International Journal of E-Politics, 8(4), 34–48. doi:10.4018/IJEP.2017100103 Damiani, V., & Losito, B. (2019). Civic and Citizenship Education in the European Context. In J. Pineda-Alfonso, N. De Alba-Fernández, & E. Navarro-Medina (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Education for Participative Citizenship and Global Prosperity (pp. 245–273). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-7110-0.ch011 Dascalu, D. I. (2018). Social Work Between Individualism and Collectivism. In A. Sandu & A. Frunza (Eds.), Ethical Issues in Social Work Practice (pp. 25–33). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-3090-9.ch003 Dau, L. A., Moore, E. M., Barreto, A. A., & Robson, M. A. (2019). Economic Nationalism and International Business. In H. C. Chandan & B. Christiansen (Eds.), International Firms’ Economic Nationalism and Trade Policies in the Globalization Era (pp. 1–15). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7561-0. ch001 Dede, D. (2019). A Theoretical Insight Into the Multi-Level Governance. In T. U. Uysal & C. Aldemir (Eds.), Multi-Level Governance in Developing Economies (pp. 1–22). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-5547-6.ch001

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Deghedi, G. A. (2018). Understanding Games Through Complexity Thinking Approach. International Journal of Gaming and Computer-Mediated Simulations, 10(3), 41–56. doi:10.4018/IJGCMS.2018070103 Demir, K. A. (2020). E-Participating Decision-Making Mechanism in the Public Administration System. In Ç. Doğru (Ed.), Leadership Styles, Innovation, and Social Entrepreneurship in the Era of Digitalization (pp. 345–372). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1108-4.ch014 Demirhan, K. (2017). Participation, Civil Society and the Facebook Use of NGOs in Turkey. In K. Demirhan & D. Çakır-Demirhan (Eds.), Political Scandal, Corruption, and Legitimacy in the Age of Social Media (pp. 223–246). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2019-1.ch010 178

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Di Martino, M. L. (2017). The “Development” Dilemma in the Literary Production of the 19th, 20th, and 21st Centuries. In Ö. Çakırtaş (Ed.), Ideological Messaging and the Role of Political Literature (pp. 60–82). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2391-8.ch004 Dias, M. G., & Teixeira, A. A. (2018). The Importance of Geopolitical Factors in International Location Decisions. In O. Karnaukhova, A. Udovikina, & B. Christiansen (Eds.), Economic and Geopolitical Perspectives of the Commonwealth of Independent States and Eurasia (pp. 48–90). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-3264-4.ch003 Dinçer, H., & Yüksel, S. (2020). Understanding the Role of Central Banks in the Financial System. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1643-0.ch003 Dodo, O. (2019). A Review of Political Participation between Youth and Elderly People in Zimbabwe. International Journal of Political Activism and Engagement, 6(4), 1–14. doi:10.4018/IJPAE.2019100101 Dodo, O., & Makoni, M. (2019). Youth Bulge and Broken Down Windows Theories in Youth Violence. In J. Kurebwa & O. Dodo (Eds.), Participation of Young People in Governance Processes in Africa (pp. 22–34). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9388-1.ch002 Doughty, H. A. (2018). From Critical Theory to Critical Practice. In V. X. Wang (Ed.), Critical Theory and Transformative Learning (pp. 97–119). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-6086-9.ch008 Doughty, H. A. (2019). Cybernetics, Cyberethics, and Technologically Enhanced Learning. In A. Blackburn, I. L. Chen, & R. Pfeffer (Eds.), Emerging Trends in Cyber Ethics and Education (pp. 215–233). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-5933-7.ch010

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Doughty, H. A. (2020). Administrative Ethics in the Corporate College. In V. Wang (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Ethical Challenges in Higher Education Leadership and Administration (pp. 131–155). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-7998-4141-8.ch008 Drenner, K. (2019). Social Jurisprudence. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-7961-8.ch001

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

179

Related Readings

Duarte de Sousa, V., Dias, N., & Almeida, M. H. (2019). Production and Transfer of Knowledge Between Citizens and Local Governments in Democratic Participatory Processes. In H. Almeida & B. Sequeira (Eds.), The Role of Knowledge Transfer in Open Innovation (pp. 300–318). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-5849-1.ch015 Duran, D. Ş. (2019). Reflections of the Multi-Level Governance Approach on the Turkish Metropolitan Municipality System. In T. U. Uysal & C. Aldemir (Eds.), Multi-Level Governance in Developing Economies (pp. 52–91). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-5547-6.ch003 Durotoye, T. (2020). Intermediality and Critical Engagement in Nigerian Twitter Memes. In A. M. Solo (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Politics in the Computer Age (pp. 291–314). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-0377-5. ch016 Ehrhard, T., Bambade, A., & Colin, S. (2020). Digital Campaigning in France, a Wide Wild Web? In A. M. Solo (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Politics in the Computer Age (pp. 113–126). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-7998-0377-5.ch007 Eilu, E. (2017). Embracing Biometric Voter Registration in Africa. In C. K. Ayo & V. Mbarika (Eds.), Sustainable ICT Adoption and Integration for Socio-Economic Development (pp. 86–106). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-2565-3.ch004 Endong, F. P., & Essoh, E. G. (2019). Representing Trump and Trumpism Through Caricature. In F. P. Endong (Ed.), Popular Representations of America in Non-American Media (pp. 188–219). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-9312-6.ch008

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Eneanya, A. (2020). Gender Inequality and Sustainable Development. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-0969-2.ch007 Eno, V. B. (2019). Improving Student Engagement in Political Science Courses Through Application of Active Learning and Digital Learning Technologies. In R. J. Blankenship & C. Baker (Eds.), Cases on Digital Learning and Teaching Transformations in Higher Education (pp. 113–134). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9331-7.ch007

180

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Erokhin, V., & Tianming, G. (2020). China and the Eurasian Economic Union. In A. C. Prabhakar, G. Kaur, & V. Erokhin (Eds.), Regional Trade and Development Strategies in the Era of Globalization (pp. 68–92). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1730-7.ch004 Ershov, B., Muhina, N., & Ashmarov, I. (2020). The Socio-Cultural Process in the USSR in 1950-1980. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9985-2.ch007 Essien, E. (2017). Navigating the Nexus between Social Media, Political Scandal, and Good Governance in Nigeria. In K. Demirhan & D. ÇakırDemirhan (Eds.), Political Scandal, Corruption, and Legitimacy in the Age of Social Media (pp. 157–184). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2019-1. ch007 Farmer, L. (2018). Pro-Active Digital Citizenship. In V. X. Wang (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Positive Scholarship for Global K-20 Education (pp. 62–79). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-5667-1.ch005 Feezell, J. T. (2017). It’s Not Only Rock and Roll. In U. T. Onyebadi (Ed.), Music as a Platform for Political Communication (pp. 167–186). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-1986-7.ch009 Fernández, A. S., & González-Monfort, N. (2019). Education for Citizenship and Identities. In J. Pineda-Alfonso, N. De Alba-Fernández, & E. NavarroMedina (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Education for Participative Citizenship and Global Prosperity (pp. 551–567). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-7110-0.ch025

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Ferreras-Listán, M., Pineda-Alfonso, J. A., & Hunt-Gómez, C. I. (2020). Heritage Education as a Tool for Creating Critical Citizens. In E. J. DelgadoAlgarra & J. M. Cuenca-López (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Citizenship and Heritage Education (pp. 199–218). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-79981978-3.ch010 Figueiredo, C. (2020). Working to Produce Consensus. In S. Karlidag & S. Bulut (Eds.), Handbook of Research on the Political Economy of Communications and Media (pp. 18–36). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-3270-6.ch002 Firat, M. K. (2019). From Conventional to Sophisticated. In A. Sari (Ed.), Applying Methods of Scientific Inquiry Into Intelligence, Security, and Counterterrorism (pp. 203–239). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-89761.ch009

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

181

Related Readings

Fisogni, P. (2019). Cyber Terrorism and Self-Radicalization - Emergent Phenomena of Onlife Age. International Journal of Cyber Warfare & Terrorism, 9(3), 21–35. doi:10.4018/IJCWT.2019070102 Fisogni, P. (2019). The New Front Line (Enhanced). In M. Sarfraz (Ed.), Developments in Information Security and Cybernetic Wars (pp. 178–196). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-8304-2.ch008 Flores, J. L. (2020). The Politics of Social Media. In V. Kumar & G. Malhotra (Eds.), Examining the Roles of IT and Social Media in Democratic Development and Social Change (pp. 22–54). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-7998-1791-8.ch002 Fowowe, M. A. (2019). Glocalisation and Sustainable Business Solutions. In V. Nadda, S. Bilan, M. Azam, & D. Mulindwa (Eds.), Neoliberalism in the Tourism and Hospitality Sector (pp. 53–82). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-6983-1.ch004 Fu, T., & Wang, X. (2017). Building a Music-Mediated Imagined Chinese Community. In U. T. Onyebadi (Ed.), Music as a Platform for Political Communication (pp. 70–88). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-1986-7. ch004 Gambarato, R. R., & Medvedev, S. (2020). ICT and Transmedia Storytelling for Democratic Development in the Russian Political Landscape. In V. Kumar & G. Malhotra (Eds.), Examining the Roles of IT and Social Media in Democratic Development and Social Change (pp. 55–91). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1791-8.ch003

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Gambarato, R. R., & Medvedev, S. A. (2017). Transmedia Storytelling Impact on Government Policy Change. In Y. Ibrahim (Ed.), Politics, Protest, and Empowerment in Digital Spaces (pp. 31–51). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-1862-4.ch003 Gantenberg, J., & Partetzke, M. (2020). Democratic Learning Environment Formats for the Empowerment of Youth. In E. J. Delgado-Algarra & J. M. Cuenca-López (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Citizenship and Heritage Education (pp. 408–429). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1978-3.ch019 Gil, O., Cortés-Cediel, M. E., & Cantador, I. (2019). Citizen Participation and the Rise of Digital Media Platforms in Smart Governance and Smart Cities. International Journal of E-Planning Research, 8(1), 19–34. doi:10.4018/ IJEPR.2019010102 182

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Gökalp, B., Karkın, N., & Calhan, H. S. (2020). The Political Use of Social Networking Sites in Turkey. In R. Boateng (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Managing Information Systems in Developing Economies (pp. 503–521). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-2610-1.ch025 Gopalan, V., Chan, E., & Ho, D. T. (2018). Deliberate Self-Harm and Suicide Ideology in Medical Students. In C. R. Smith (Ed.), Exploring the Pressures of Medical Education From a Mental Health and Wellness Perspective (pp. 122–143). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2811-1.ch005 Goswami, S. (2018). Proteomics in Personalized Medicine. In M. D. Lytras & P. Papadopoulou (Eds.), Applying Big Data Analytics in Bioinformatics and Medicine (pp. 80–98). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2607-0.ch004 Goulette, E. (2018). Words Were All We Had. In I. Tshabangu (Ed.), Global Ideologies Surrounding Children’s Rights and Social Justice (pp. 205–223). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2578-3.ch013 Greiman, V. (2019). The Winds of Change in World Politics and the Impact on Cyber Stability. International Journal of Cyber Warfare & Terrorism, 9(4), 27–43. doi:10.4018/IJCWT.2019100102 Gu, C. (2018). Towards a Re-Definition of Government Interpreters’ Agency Against a Backdrop of Sociopolitical and Cultural Evolution. In O. I. Seel (Ed.), Redefining Translation and Interpretation in Cultural Evolution (pp. 238–257). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2832-6.ch013 Gulen, E., & Aygoren, O. (2020). Understanding Political Consumerism, Political Participation, and Their Antecedents. In U. Akkucuk (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Creating Sustainable Value in the Global Economy (pp. 181–202). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1196-1.ch011

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Gürsoy Atar, Ö. (2020). Representation of Women in the Connecting of the Public Space Area/Special Area. In G. Sarı & D. Çetin (Eds.), International Perspectives on Feminism and Sexism in the Film Industry (pp. 116–129). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1774-1.ch008 Hall, E. E., & Sevim, N. (2020). The Role of Mosques in the Transformation From Transnational Spaces to Muslim Cultural and Consumption Spaces. In A. Bagasra & M. Mackinem (Eds.), Working With Muslim Clients in the Helping Professions (pp. 136–154). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-79980018-7.ch008

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

183

Related Readings

Hardy, M., & Totman, S. (2020). Teaching About Terrorism Through Simulations. In Y. Qian (Ed.), Teaching, Learning, and Leading With Computer Simulations (pp. 234–256). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-79980004-0.ch009 Haydel, S. M., & Roberts, S. D. (2018). Trump #Fakenews #Notmypresident. In J. Cubbage (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Media Literacy in Higher Education Environments (pp. 199–221). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-4059-5.ch012 Hernández-Santaolalla, V. (2019). Advertising Discourse and “New” Ideologies in Spain. In R. Yilmaz (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Narrative Advertising (pp. 96–107). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9790-2.ch009 Hernández-Santaolalla, V. (2020). The Social Media Politicians. In V. Hernández-Santaolalla & M. Barrientos-Bueno (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Transmedia Storytelling, Audience Engagement, and Business Strategies (pp. 272–286). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-3119-8.ch018 Herrera-Rocha, L. (2018). Hybrid Language Practices for English Language Learners. In G. Onchwari & J. Keengwe (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Pedagogies and Cultural Considerations for Young English Language Learners (pp. 69–89). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-3955-1.ch004 Hipsher, S. A. (2019). The Impact of Economic Nationalism on MNEs From Smaller Developing Economies. In H. C. Chandan & B. Christiansen (Eds.), International Firms’ Economic Nationalism and Trade Policies in the Globalization Era (pp. 16–34). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-52257561-0.ch002

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Holmes, J. W., & McNeal, R. S. (2018). Social Media Use and Political Mobilization. International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age, 5(4), 50–60. doi:10.4018/IJPADA.2018100104 Horne, J. (2018). Visualizing Big Data From a Philosophical Perspective. In R. S. Segall & J. S. Cook (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Big Data Storage and Visualization Techniques (pp. 809–852). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-3142-5.ch028 Hoskin, M. N., & Smith, M. D. (2020). Let’s Get Real. In L. O. Tripp & R. M. Collier (Eds.), Culturally Responsive Teaching and Learning in Higher Education (pp. 122–139). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9989-0.ch006

184

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Hughes Karnes, E., & Hansen-Thomas, H. (2020). Emergent Bilinguals in Rural Schools. In A. Slapac & S. A. Coppersmith (Eds.), Beyond Language Learning Instruction (pp. 332–361). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-79981962-2.ch014 Iacovoiu, V., Panait, M., & Enache, A. (2020). An Economic and Social Assessment of the Syrian Civil War. International Journal of Sustainable Economies Management, 9(1), 12–23. doi:10.4018/IJSEM.2020010102 Ibrahim, A. M. (2019). Theorizing the Journalism Model of Disinformation and Hate Speech Propagation in a Nigerian Democratic Context. International Journal of E-Politics, 10(2), 60–73. doi:10.4018/IJEP.2019070105 Ilosvay, K. (2020). Dynamics of Translanguaging Practices. In A. Slapac & S. A. Coppersmith (Eds.), Beyond Language Learning Instruction (pp. 262–280). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1962-2.ch011 Israel, U. E. (2020). Culture of Global Terrorism. In E. Essien (Ed.), Handbook of Research on the Impact of Culture in Conflict Prevention and Peacebuilding (pp. 234–248). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-2574-6.ch014 Ivanov, M., Vertakova, Y., & Mkrttchian, V. (2020). Development and Implementation of Digital Tools, Neural Networks, and Cyber Control Systems in Sliding Modes. In V. Mkrttchian, L. Gamidullaeva, & E. Aleshina (Eds.), Avatar-Based Models, Tools, and Innovation in the Digital Economy (pp. 141–151). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1104-6.ch009 Iwasaki, Y. (2020). Centrality of Youth Engagement in Media Involvement. In M. Adria (Ed.), Using New Media for Citizen Engagement and Participation (pp. 81–96). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1828-1.ch005

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Jha, R. K., Ganguly, S., & Mishra, S. (2020). Alignment of OER Platforms With SDGs. In A. Kaushik, A. Kumar, & P. Biswas (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Emerging Trends and Technologies in Library and Information Science (pp. 77–96). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9825-1.ch006 Jiménez Luque, A. (2018). Global and Intercultural Leadership. In A. H. Campbell (Ed.), Global Leadership Initiatives for Conflict Resolution and Peacebuilding (pp. 67–83). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-4993-2. ch004

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

185

Related Readings

Johannessen, M. R. (2020). A Research Design for the Examination of Political Empowerment Through Social Media. In A. M. Solo (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Politics in the Computer Age (pp. 45–63). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-0377-5.ch003 Jongore, M. (2019). Exploring the Concept of Youth Bulge From a Linguistic Perspective. In J. Kurebwa & O. Dodo (Eds.), Participation of Young People in Governance Processes in Africa (pp. 247–267). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-9388-1.ch012 Jongore, M., & Chirimuuta, C. (2019). An Exploration of Social Media as Forms of Social Control and Political Othering. International Journal of E-Politics, 10(1), 35–48. doi:10.4018/IJEP.2019010103 Jongore, M., Phaahla, P., & Masubelele, R. (2019). A Linguistic Exploration of Indigenous Languages Adverts. International Journal of Translation, Interpretation, and Applied Linguistics, 1(2), 54–64. doi:10.4018/ IJTIAL.2019070104 Jongore, M., Phaahla, P., & Masubelele, R. (2020). An Exploration of the Manipulative Use of Language and Visuals in Advertisements. International Journal of Semiotics and Visual Rhetoric, 4(1), 34–48. doi:10.4018/ IJSVR.2020010103 Joshi, G., & Sheorey, P. (2019). Whose Decision is it Anyways? The Changing Purchasing Patterns of Indian Families. International Journal of Asian Business and Information Management, 10(4), 21–30. doi:10.4018/ IJABIM.2019100102 Jowallah, R. J. (2020). A Multilayered Approach for Addressing Poverty and Education in African American Communities. In P. W. Jones (Ed.), Fostering Collaborations Between African American Communities and Educational Institutions (pp. 155–172). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1181-7.ch008

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Juárez Ramos, V. (2019). Jumping to Conclusions Bias. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2978-1.ch007 Juárez Ramos, V. (2019). Personality Traits and Cognitive Biases. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2978-1.ch005

186

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Kaïd, F., & Touhami, I. (2020). Developing the EFL Learners’ Interdisciplinary Thinking Through Teaching Literature. In V. Membrive & M. Armie (Eds.), Using Literature to Teach English as a Second Language (pp. 99–121). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-4670-3.ch006 Kalir, J. H., & Perez, F. (2019). The Marginal Syllabus. In A. J. Reid (Ed.), Marginalia in Modern Learning Contexts (pp. 17–58). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7183-4.ch002 Karami, A., Bennett, L. S., & He, X. (2018). Mining Public Opinion about Economic Issues. International Journal of Strategic Decision Sciences, 9(1), 18–28. doi:10.4018/IJSDS.2018010102 Karlidag, S. (2020). The Other Side of Public Relations. In S. Karlidag & S. Bulut (Eds.), Handbook of Research on the Political Economy of Communications and Media (pp. 256–274). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-7998-3270-6.ch014 Kasymova, J. T. (2018). Understanding the Relationship Between the State and Markets in Public Administration. In H. Levine & K. Moreno (Eds.), Positioning Markets and Governments in Public Management (pp. 11–25). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-4177-6.ch002 Kaya, O. (2017). Travel Politics Mirroring Anatolia, Asia Minor, and the Greek Islands. In Ö. Çakırtaş (Ed.), Ideological Messaging and the Role of Political Literature (pp. 235–287). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2391-8.ch013 Kelley, M. (2020). Blockchain Governance for Collaborative Manufacturing. In N. Prakash & D. Prakash (Eds.), Novel Approaches to Information Systems Design (pp. 193–225). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-2975-1.ch009

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Kerbizi, M. (2017). Communist Ideology and Its Impact on Albanian Literature. In Ö. Çakırtaş (Ed.), Ideological Messaging and the Role of Political Literature (pp. 200–221). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2391-8.ch011 Kerbizi, M., & Macaj, E. T. (2019). Negative Impact of Ideology in Albanian Literature. In Ö. Çakırtaş (Ed.), Language, Power, and Ideology in Political Writing (pp. 124–142). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9444-4.ch006 Khan, M. K., & Pratt, C. B. (2019). China’s Belt and Road Initiative. In A. Visvizi, M. Lytras, X. Zhang, & J. Zhao (Eds.), Foreign Business in China and Opportunities for Technological Innovation and Sustainable Economics (pp. 117–142). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-8980-8.ch006

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

187

Related Readings

Khumalo, K. (2019). Gender Sensitivity in Parliamentary Discourse an Appraisal Approach. In E. Jakaza (Ed.), Argumentation and Appraisal in Parliamentary Discourse (pp. 215–244). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-8094-2.ch009 Kisubi, A. T. (2018). I, Too, Am an Émigré. In B. E. Bizzell, R. C. Kahila, & P. A. Talbot (Eds.), Cases on Global Competencies for Educational Diplomacy in International Settings (pp. 197–222). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-3462-4.ch011 Kisusu, R. W., & Tongori, S. T. (2019). Civic Engagement on Voters Turnout in General Election. International Journal of Political Activism and Engagement, 6(4), 15–28. doi:10.4018/IJPAE.2019100102 Kitamura, K. (2019). A Conceptual Framework for Managerial Analysis Under Economic Nationalism and Globalization. In H. C. Chandan & B. Christiansen (Eds.), International Firms’ Economic Nationalism and Trade Policies in the Globalization Era (pp. 35–58). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-7561-0.ch003 Klotz, R. J. (2019). Deleveraging Creative Capital. International Journal of E-Politics, 10(1), 1–11. doi:10.4018/IJEP.2019010101 Klotz, R. J. (2020). Political Campaigning by Super PACs in the Computer Age. In A. M. Solo (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Politics in the Computer Age (pp. 64–79). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-0377-5.ch004 Korstanje, M. E. (2017). The Allegory of Holocaust. In Ö. Çakırtaş (Ed.), Ideological Messaging and the Role of Political Literature (pp. 177–199). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2391-8.ch010

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Kristensen, N. N. (2019). Learning for Democratic Citizenship. In J. PinedaAlfonso, N. De Alba-Fernández, & E. Navarro-Medina (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Education for Participative Citizenship and Global Prosperity (pp. 568–589). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7110-0.ch026 Kuchirko, Y., & Nayfeld, I. (2020). Language Gap. In C. Huertas-Abril & M. E. Gómez-Parra (Eds.), International Approaches to Bridging the Language Gap (pp. 32–53). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1219-7.ch003 Kurambayev, B. (2017). Social Media Users Collectively Speak Up. In S. Gordon (Ed.), Online Communities as Agents of Change and Social Movements (pp. 44–66). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2495-3.ch002 188

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Kurebwa, J. (2019). Young People-Sensitive and Participatory Governance Approaches. In J. Kurebwa & O. Dodo (Eds.), Participation of Young People in Governance Processes in Africa (pp. 80–99). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-9388-1.ch005 Kurebwa, J., & Yikoniko, S. (2019). Implications of the European Union (EU)-African, Caribbean, and Pacific Partnership Agreements on Economic Nationalism. In H. C. Chandan & B. Christiansen (Eds.), International Firms’ Economic Nationalism and Trade Policies in the Globalization Era (pp. 140–157). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7561-0.ch008 Lagutina, M. (2020). A Concept of Eurasia. In M. Lagutina (Ed.), Regional Integration and Future Cooperation Initiatives in the Eurasian Economic Union (pp. 1–15). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1950-9.ch001 Lea, Y., & Butterfield, C. L. (2019). Praxis of the Teaching Profession. In U. Thomas (Ed.), Navigating Micro-Aggressions Toward Women in Higher Education (pp. 202–217). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-5942-9.ch010 Lee, E. J. (2017). The Effects of Instagram Hashtags on Social Capital and Online Civic Engagement. International Journal of Interactive Communication Systems and Technologies, 7(1), 48–58. doi:10.4018/IJICST.2017010104 Lee, W. O., Hao, N., & Zhou, Q. (2020). Heritage Education in Central China. In E. J. Delgado-Algarra & J. M. Cuenca-López (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Citizenship and Heritage Education (pp. 219–238). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1978-3.ch011

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Lemeni, N. A. (2020). The Relevance of Science-Religion Courses in the Educational Field. In V. Trif (Ed.), Analyzing Paradigms Used in Education and Educational Psychology (pp. 306–328). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-7998-1427-6.ch015 Leocadia, D. R. (2018). The Use of Social Media by Local Governments. In S. Chhabra (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Civic Engagement and Social Change in Contemporary Society (pp. 294–310). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-4197-4.ch017 Lewin, E. (2019). A Swastika in the Temple. In N. Davidovitch, R. A. Cohen, & E. Lewin (Eds.), Post-Holocaust Studies in a Modern Context (pp. 200–216). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-6258-0.ch011

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

189

Related Readings

Lewkowicz, M. A., Gedamu, Y., Budryte, D., & Boykin, S. A. (2020). Open Educational Resources and Student Engagement. In M. Y. Zhou (Ed.), Open Educational Resources (OER) Pedagogy and Practices (pp. 187–209). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1200-5.ch009 Lewkowicz, M. A., Young, L. D., Budrytė, D., & Boykin, S. A. (2018). Bringing the Study of American Government to Life in a Diverse Classroom. In S. Dikli, B. Etheridge, & R. Rawls (Eds.), Curriculum Internationalization and the Future of Education (pp. 1–17). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-2791-6.ch001 Li, G., Bian, Y., & Martínez, J. M. (2019). Learning to Teach English Language Learners as “a Side Note”. In J. Keengwe & G. Onchwari (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Assessment Practices and Pedagogical Models for Immigrant Students (pp. 77–92). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9348-5.ch005 Liashuk, X. (2019). Reflection of Ideology and Politics in Travel Writing. In Ö. Çakırtaş (Ed.), Language, Power, and Ideology in Political Writing (pp. 80–104). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9444-4.ch004 Lindström, N. B., & Cordeiro, C. M. (2018). Framing of National Image in a Climate of Socio-Political Uncertainty. In O. Karnaukhova, A. Udovikina, & B. Christiansen (Eds.), Economic and Geopolitical Perspectives of the Commonwealth of Independent States and Eurasia (pp. 137–156). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-3264-4.ch006

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Liu, Y. (2019). Economic Nationalism and Foreign Domestic Investment (FDI). In H. C. Chandan & B. Christiansen (Eds.), International Firms’ Economic Nationalism and Trade Policies in the Globalization Era (pp. 201–216). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7561-0.ch011 Liu, Y., & Parenti, F. M. (2019). Economic Nationalism and Globalization, Evidence From China (Belt and Road Initiative). In H. C. Chandan & B. Christiansen (Eds.), International Firms’ Economic Nationalism and Trade Policies in the Globalization Era (pp. 59–73). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-7561-0.ch004 Loureiro, S. M. (2017). Consumption and Well-Being. In H. R. Kaufmann & M. F. Panni (Eds.), Socio-Economic Perspectives on Consumer Engagement and Buying Behavior (pp. 248–277). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-52252139-6.ch012

190

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Lugo-Ocando, J. A. (2017). Statistics in Journalism Practice and Higher Education. In M. Ramírez-Montoya (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Driving STEM Learning With Educational Technologies (pp. 471–484). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2026-9.ch023 Luk, C. Y. (2018). Moving Towards Universal Health Coverage. In B. Fong, A. Ng, & P. Yuen (Eds.), Sustainable Health and Long-Term Care Solutions for an Aging Population (pp. 19–45). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-52252633-9.ch002 Luk, S. C. (2018). Universal Health Insurance Reform in China. International Journal of Public and Private Perspectives on Healthcare, Culture, and the Environment, 2(2), 1–24. doi:10.4018/IJPPPHCE.2018070101 Lupton, N. C., Jiang, G. F., & Escobar, L. F. (2018). National Income Inequality, Society, and Multinational Enterprises. In A. Presenza & L. R. Sheehan (Eds.), Geopolitics and Strategic Management in the Global Economy (pp. 219–241). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2673-5.ch011 Lutmar, C. (2019). Resolving Intractable Conflicts. In S. Peleg (Ed.), Intercultural and Interfaith Dialogues for Global Peacebuilding and Stability (pp. 1–29). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7585-6.ch001 Machado, R., & Azevedo, A. (2020). Determinants and Consequences of Citizens’ E-Participation. International Journal of E-Planning Research, 9(1), 20–43. doi:10.4018/IJEPR.2020010102 Magala, S., & Zawadzki, M. (2017). Performing Academics. In P. Malizia, C. Cannavale, & F. Maimone (Eds.), Evolution of the Post-Bureaucratic Organization (pp. 88–104). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-1983-6. ch005

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Makwerere, D. (2019). African Youth’s Democratic Rights Awareness and Participation in Continental Governance. In J. Kurebwa & O. Dodo (Eds.), Participation of Young People in Governance Processes in Africa (pp. 176–197). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9388-1.ch009 Manrique, C. G. (2020). The Wisconsin Spring After Two Gubernatorial Elections. In A. M. Solo (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Politics in the Computer Age (pp. 80–88). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-0377-5.ch005

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

191

Related Readings

Maria van Huisseling, D. W. (2020). Nationalistic Independent Movements Within the European Union and Its Challenge to Create a Territorial Identity. In R. A. Castanho (Ed.), Cross-Border Cooperation (CBC) Strategies for Sustainable Development (pp. 283–301). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-17998-2513-5.ch015 Martínez-Ávila, D., Gomes de Mello, M. R., Borges, E. V., & Ottonicar, S. L. (2020). Behind the Post-Truth World. In K. Dalkir & R. Katz (Eds.), Navigating Fake News, Alternative Facts, and Misinformation in a Post-Truth World (pp. 139–161). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-2543-2.ch006 Maurya, L., Mahapatra, P. K., & Kumar, A. (2019). A Fusion of Cuckoo Search and Multiscale Adaptive Smoothing Based Unsharp Masking for Image Enhancement. International Journal of Applied Metaheuristic Computing, 10(3), 151–174. doi:10.4018/IJAMC.2019070108 McCarthy-Latimer, C. (2018). Higher Education Pedagogy Revisited. In S. Chhabra (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Civic Engagement and Social Change in Contemporary Society (pp. 63–81). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-4197-4.ch004 McMillan, S. J., & Ripley, C. D. (2017). Persistence Profiles and Institutional Initiatives. In L. Leavitt, S. Wisdom, & K. Leavitt (Eds.), Cultural Awareness and Competency Development in Higher Education (pp. 288–303). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2145-7.ch017 McNeal, R., Kunkle, S., & Schmeida, M. (2018). Explaining Policy Adoption. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-5285-7.ch005

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

McNeal, R. S., Schmeida, M., Bryan, L. D., & Kunkle, S. M. (2020). StateLevel Policy Response to Mass Shootings. In G. A. Crews (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Mass Shootings and Multiple Victim Violence (pp. 397–417). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-0113-9.ch022 McQueen, K. (2019). Solving the Wicked Problems of the Anthropocene. In V. Reyes, J. Charteris, A. Nye, & S. Mavropoulou (Eds.), Educational Research in the Age of Anthropocene (pp. 54–82). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-5317-5.ch004 Merkovity, N. (2019). A Possible Framework for Attention-Based Politics. International Journal of E-Politics, 10(2), 13–23. doi:10.4018/ IJEP.2019070102

192

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Merviö, M. (2017). Ideology, Artistic Impression, and Freedom of Expression. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2554-7.ch003 Merviö, M. (2017). The Changing Role of Art and Interpretations of Art in Contemporary Societies. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2554-7.ch001 Merviö, M. M. (2018). Ideological Construction of Environment and Its Relationship With Japanese Society, Culture, and Politics. International Journal of Public and Private Perspectives on Healthcare, Culture, and the Environment, 2(1), 59–68. doi:10.4018/IJPPPHCE.2018010104 Merviö, M. M. (2020). Interpretation and Reconstruction of Environment, Aesthetics, and Politics in Japan. In M. M. Merviö (Ed.), Recent Social, Environmental, and Cultural Issues in East Asian Societies (pp. 53–75). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1807-6.ch004 Mesbah, H. (2019). Collective Identity in National Anthems. In U. T. Onyebadi (Ed.), Music and Messaging in the African Political Arena (pp. 45–64). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7295-4.ch003 Molina Puche, S., & Riquelme Adán, M. D. (2020). Future Citizens. In E. J. Delgado-Algarra & J. M. Cuenca-López (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Citizenship and Heritage Education (pp. 352–376). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1978-3.ch017 Moore, J. D. (2019). Developing Critical Dispositions in Teacher Education Programs. In G. J. Mariano & F. J. Figliano (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Critical Thinking Strategies in Pre-Service Learning Environments (pp. 106–124). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7823-9.ch006

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Mukhopadhyay, P., Sinha, M., & Sengupta, P. P. (2018). Public Expenditure on Defense and Economic Development. In R. C. Das (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Military Expenditure on Economic and Political Resources (pp. 170–181). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-4778-5.ch009 Munn, C. (2020). Computational Thinking and Robotics. In J. A. Delello & R. R. McWhorter (Eds.), Disruptive and Emerging Technology Trends Across Education and the Workplace (pp. 90–115). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-7998-2914-0.ch004

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

193

Related Readings

Musaoğlu, N. (2018). “Sovereign Democracy” Discourse in the Russian Foreign Policy. In O. Karnaukhova, A. Udovikina, & B. Christiansen (Eds.), Economic and Geopolitical Perspectives of the Commonwealth of Independent States and Eurasia (pp. 178–200). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-52253264-4.ch008 Naito, Y. (2017). Factors Related to Readjustment to Daily Life. In B. Christiansen & H. C. Chandan (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Human Factors in Contemporary Workforce Development (pp. 403–424). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2568-4.ch018 Nam, T. (2019). Does E-Government Raise Effectiveness and Efficiency? Journal of Global Information Management, 27(3), 120–138. doi:10.4018/ JGIM.2019070107 Nastase, C., Alami, T. N., Taleb, Z. A., & El Farouki, M. (2019). Marketing of Peace of Demarketing of War? In A. Nedelea & M. Nedelea (Eds.), Marketing Peace for Social Transformation and Global Prosperity (pp. 109–120). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7464-4.ch006 Nasution, B. (2019). Jokowi’s Political Communication Especially Self-Image in 2014 Presidential Election. International Journal of Political Activism and Engagement, 6(3), 49–59. doi:10.4018/IJPAE.2019070104 Navarro-Medina, E., & De Alba-Fernández, N. (2019). The Construction of a Citizenship Model Through the Teaching of History. In J. Pineda-Alfonso, N. De Alba-Fernández, & E. Navarro-Medina (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Education for Participative Citizenship and Global Prosperity (pp. 500–516). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7110-0.ch022

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Nazlı, R. S. (2020). A Rebellion Against the Metallization of the Female Body. In G. Sarı (Ed.), Gender and Diversity Representation in Mass Media (pp. 121–139). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-0128-3.ch007 Neto, P. P., & Lamy, C. (2020). Anything New Under the Sun? In A. M. Solo (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Politics in the Computer Age (pp. 356–376). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-0377-5.ch019 Neto, P. P., & Santos, M. S. (2020). Context, Frame, Opportunity, and Resource. In A. M. Solo (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Politics in the Computer Age (pp. 338–355). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-0377-5.ch018

194

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Ng, S. W., & Wong, K. L. (2019). Education for Justice-Oriented and Participatory Citizenship in a Politicized Era in Hong Kong. In J. PinedaAlfonso, N. De Alba-Fernández, & E. Navarro-Medina (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Education for Participative Citizenship and Global Prosperity (pp. 133–151). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7110-0.ch006 Nguri, E. M. (2019). The Television Viewer and the Television News. International Journal of Semiotics and Visual Rhetoric, 3(1), 32–45. doi:10.4018/IJSVR.2019010103 Nordgren, R. D., & Persson, H. (2020). An Examination of Growth of Publicly-Funded Private Schools in the U.S. and Sweden. In P. D. Keough (Ed.), Overcoming Current Challenges in the P-12 Teaching Profession (pp. 247–267). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1177-0.ch011 Obi, P. (2020). Positionality and Commercialization of Political Content in US, UK Media Coverage of African Elections. In F. P. Endong (Ed.), Deconstructing Images of the Global South Through Media Representations and Communication (pp. 239–252). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-52259821-3.ch010 Ogata, T. (2020). Toward External and Internal Practices of Narrative Generation. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9943-2.ch004 Oladapo, O. A. (2017). Construction of the Political Other in Citizens’ Comments on Politicians’ Facebook Pages. International Journal of E-Politics, 8(2), 17–29. doi:10.4018/IJEP.2017040102

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Olivera, M. N., & Cogo, D. (2017). Transnational Activism of Young Spanish Emigrants and Uses of ICT. In R. Luppicini & R. Baarda (Eds.), Digital Media Integration for Participatory Democracy (pp. 155–187). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2463-2.ch008 Opati, T. Z. (2019). USA Economic Nationalism and the Second-Hand Clothes Industry in Sub-Saharan Africa. In H. C. Chandan & B. Christiansen (Eds.), International Firms’ Economic Nationalism and Trade Policies in the Globalization Era (pp. 182–200). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-52257561-0.ch010 Oral, I. O. (2020). The Effect of Democratization and Economic Freedom on Economic Growth. In I. Akansel (Ed.), Comparative Approaches to Old and New Institutional Economics (pp. 171–184). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-7998-0333-1.ch010

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

195

Related Readings

Orhan, D. D. (2019). The Redefinition of Arabism Through Satellite Channels. In O. Ozgen (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Consumption, Media, and Popular Culture in the Global Age (pp. 123–136). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-8491-9.ch008 Oskoz, A., Gimeno-Sanz, A., & Sevilla-Pavón, A. (2018). Examining L2 Learners’ Use of Engagement Strategies in Telecollaborative Written Interactions. In B. Mousten, S. Vandepitte, E. Arnó, & B. Maylath (Eds.), Multilingual Writing and Pedagogical Cooperation in Virtual Learning Environments (pp. 200–220). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-4154-7. ch008 Özdoyran, G. (2020). Media and Ideology. In S. Karlidag & S. Bulut (Eds.), Handbook of Research on the Political Economy of Communications and Media (pp. 37–56). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-3270-6.ch003 Ozgen, O., & Elmasoglu, K. (2019). A Film Analysis Related to Globalization and Capitalist Consumer Culture and Its Reflections on Advertising Industry. In O. Ozgen (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Consumption, Media, and Popular Culture in the Global Age (pp. 212–229). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-8491-9.ch013 Ozonur, D. (2020). A Dialectical Approach to Understanding the Critical Content of Alternative Media. In S. Karlidag & S. Bulut (Eds.), Handbook of Research on the Political Economy of Communications and Media (pp. 57–77). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-3270-6.ch004 Pan, F. (2018). Short Video Production for Language Learning and Assessment. In C. H. Xiang (Ed.), Cases on Audio-Visual Media in Language Education (pp. 194–217). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2724-4.ch008

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Parreira, A., Moura, R. D., & Lorga da Silva, A. (2019). Knowledge Society. In A. Melro & L. Oliveira (Eds.), Constitutional Knowledge and Its Impact on Citizenship Exercise in a Networked Society (pp. 27–54). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-8350-9.ch002 Paruthi, M., Mendiratta, P., & Gupta, G. (2020). Young Citizen’s Political Engagement in India. In V. Kumar & G. Malhotra (Eds.), Examining the Roles of IT and Social Media in Democratic Development and Social Change (pp. 115–132). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1791-8.ch005

196

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Pascal da Rocha, J. P., & Frazier, E. B. (2020). Conflict, Systems, and Approaches to Conflict Management. In S. Bhattacharyya (Ed.), Strategic Approaches for Conflict Resolution in Organizations (pp. 1–30). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1726-0.ch001 Pattnaik, P. N., & Shukla, M. K. (2020). Understanding Indian Political Parties Through the Lens of Marketing Management. In S. Kavoğlu & M. Salar (Eds.), Political Propaganda, Advertising, and Public Relations (pp. 170–190). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1734-5.ch008 Pendergrast, N., & McGrath, S. (2018). The Role of the Ideology of Animal Welfare in the Consumption and Marketing of Animal-Origin Products. In D. Bogueva, D. Marinova, & T. Raphaely (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Social Marketing and Its Influence on Animal Origin Food Product Consumption (pp. 219–235). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-4757-0.ch015 Petersen, A. J. (2017). Intersectionality and the Construction of Inclusive Schools. In C. M. Curran & A. J. Petersen (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Classroom Diversity and Inclusive Education Practice (pp. 1–26). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2520-2.ch001 Phiri, S. (2019). Youth Participation in Politics. In J. Kurebwa & O. Dodo (Eds.), Participation of Young People in Governance Processes in Africa (pp. 54–78). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9388-1.ch004 Phiri, S., & Mokorosi, L. (2020). Of Elephants and Men. In J. Kurebwa (Ed.), Understanding Gender in the African Context (pp. 105–125). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-2815-0.ch006

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Pinar, A. (2018). Learning Languages Abroad. In D. M. Velliaris (Ed.), Study Abroad Contexts for Enhanced Foreign Language Learning (pp. 23–43). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-3814-1.ch002 Pineda, A., & Sánchez-Gutiérrez, B. (2020). A Narrative of Impending Tyranny. In V. Hernández-Santaolalla & M. Barrientos-Bueno (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Transmedia Storytelling, Audience Engagement, and Business Strategies (pp. 255–271). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-3119-8.ch017 Pitchaipandi, P. (2020). Dissemination of Scholarly Information Among the Research Scholars Through Social Networks and Media in Madurai Kamaraj University and Manonmaniam Sun. In C. Baskaran (Ed.), Measuring and Implementing Altmetrics in Library and Information Science Research (pp. 132–144). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1309-5.ch012

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

197

Related Readings

Plante, J. D., Murray, L. I., Bowdon, M. A., & Wolcott, A. M. (2019). Perceptions of Service-Learning in the Sunshine State. In V. X. Wang (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Transdisciplinary Knowledge Generation (pp. 102–114). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9531-1.ch008 Ponzio, A. (2018). Rhetoric and Ideology in Communication Today. International Journal of Semiotics and Visual Rhetoric, 2(1), 107–119. doi:10.4018/IJSVR.2018010107 Preuß, A. K. (2020). The Impact of Personality and Motivation on Immersion in Simulation Games. International Journal of Game-Based Learning, 10(2), 1–20. doi:10.4018/IJGBL.2020040101 Quinones, C. (2018). Process of Transforming Regular Courses Into I-Courses. In S. Dikli, B. Etheridge, & R. Rawls (Eds.), Curriculum Internationalization and the Future of Education (pp. 18–35). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-2791-6.ch002 Rabhi, H. (2017). The Weblog Genre. International Journal of ActorNetwork Theory and Technological Innovation, 9(2), 1–21. doi:10.4018/ IJANTTI.2017040101 Raj, S. K., & De, K. (2020). Electronic Resource Management and Digitisation. In A. Kaushik, A. Kumar, & P. Biswas (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Emerging Trends and Technologies in Library and Information Science (pp. 231–265). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9825-1.ch017 Rascão, J. (2018). The Interdisciplinary Nature of Information Science. International Journal of Virtual Communities and Social Networking, 10(3), 34–63. doi:10.4018/IJVCSN.2018070103

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Razzante, R. J. (2018). Movement Intellectuals in Popular Music. In J. Cubbage (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Media Literacy in Higher Education Environments (pp. 286–304). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-4059-5. ch017 Ricci, G. R. (2018). The Political Use and Abuse of Science. In R. Luppicini (Ed.), The Changing Scope of Technoethics in Contemporary Society (pp. 40–59). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-5094-5.ch003

198

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Rodriguez, A., Smith, M. D., & Magill, K. R. (2020). Teacher, Mentor, and Teacher Education. In J. Keengwe (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Innovative Pedagogies and Best Practices in Teacher Education (pp. 291–309). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9232-7.ch017 Rodriguez-Mojica, C., Muñoz-Muñoz, E. R., & Briceño, A. (2020). Preparing Bilingual Teachers to Enact Culturally Sustaining Pedagogy. In J. Keengwe (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Diversity and Social Justice in Higher Education (pp. 202–221). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-5268-1.ch012 Rossatto, C. A., Soria, B. G., & Aguirre, J. (2019). The Transborderization of Neoliberalism. In J. Keengwe & G. Onchwari (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Assessment Practices and Pedagogical Models for Immigrant Students (pp. 355–366). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9348-5.ch019 Russell, F. R. (2019). Successful Women Leaders. In H. L. Schnackenberg & D. A. Simard (Eds.), Challenges and Opportunities for Women in Higher Education Leadership (pp. 199–218). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-52257056-1.ch012 Saidi, U. (2019). African Heritage Isn’t ‘Dead. In P. Ngulube (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Advocacy, Promotion, and Public Programming for Memory Institutions (pp. 314–333). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7429-3.ch017 Saidi, U. (2019). Hansard and the Problem of “The Nonverbal Code”. In E. Jakaza (Ed.), Argumentation and Appraisal in Parliamentary Discourse (pp. 156–188). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-8094-2.ch007

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Saltık, R. (2019). Consumption Ideology Constructed on Body and Sexualization in Kids Wear Advertisements. In G. Sarı (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Children’s Consumption of Digital Media (pp. 301–322). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-5733-3.ch021 Salvati, E. (2017). E-Government and E-Democracy in the Supranational Arena. In R. Luppicini & R. Baarda (Eds.), Digital Media Integration for Participatory Democracy (pp. 101–129). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-2463-2.ch006 Samarjeet, S. (2017). Hashtag Ideology. In K. Demirhan & D. Çakır-Demirhan (Eds.), Political Scandal, Corruption, and Legitimacy in the Age of Social Media (pp. 101–122). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2019-1.ch005

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

199

Related Readings

Samoilenko, S. A., & Miroshnichenko, A. (2019). Profiting From the “Trump Bump”. In I. E. Chiluwa & S. A. Samoilenko (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Deception, Fake News, and Misinformation Online (pp. 375–391). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-8535-0.ch020 Şan, S., & Gedikler, H. G. (2020). Social Perspective on Child Education. In B. Arslan-Cansever & P. Önder-Erol (Eds.), Sociological Perspectives on Educating Children in Contemporary Society (pp. 185–205). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1847-2.ch008 Sandoval-Almazan, R. (2020). Rise and Fall of Digital Activism in Mexico From 2000-2019. In A. M. Solo (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Politics in the Computer Age (pp. 264–290). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-79980377-5.ch015 Sandoval-Almazan, R., & Lopez, J. C. (2019). Citizen Engagement and Social Media. International Journal of E-Politics, 10(2), 24–43. doi:10.4018/ IJEP.2019070103 Sant, E., & Alvarez-Hevia, D. M. (2019). Policy and Research on Citizenship Education in the United Kingdom (1998–2018). In J. Pineda-Alfonso, N. De Alba-Fernández, & E. Navarro-Medina (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Education for Participative Citizenship and Global Prosperity (pp. 302–327). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7110-0.ch013 Santis, S., Citro, F., Cuadrado-Ballesteros, B., & Bisogno, M. (2020). Financial Indicators as Determinants of Mayoral Elections. In A. M. Cunha, A. Ferreira, M. J. Fernandes, & P. Gomes (Eds.), Financial Determinants in Local Re-Election Rates (pp. 27–53). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-52257820-8.ch002

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Sapeg, R. (2020). Underrepresentation of Latina Faculty in Academia. In G. A. Berg & L. Venis (Eds.), Accessibility and Diversity in the 21st Century University (pp. 115–139). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-2783-2.ch006 Sarkar, S., & Chakraborty, S. (2019). Stakeholder Fairness Under an Induced ‘Veil of Ignorance’. International Journal of Strategic Decision Sciences, 10(1), 65–81. doi:10.4018/IJSDS.2019010105 Sayan, A., Gorgulu, V., Erhart, I., & Aslanbay, Y. (2017). A Social Influence Perspective on Uses of Online Football Forums. In S. Gordon (Ed.), Online Communities as Agents of Change and Social Movements (pp. 271–292). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2495-3.ch011 200

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Schmeida, M., & McNeal, R. (2018). Medicaid Expansion. International Journal of Public and Private Perspectives on Healthcare, Culture, and the Environment, 2(2), 42–53. doi:10.4018/IJPPPHCE.2018070103 Schmeida, M., & McNeal, R. S. (2017). Internet Pharmacy Cybercrime. In M. Moore (Ed.), Cybersecurity Breaches and Issues Surrounding Online Threat Protection (pp. 54–73). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-1941-6.ch003 Schopf, J. C. (2018). Revising Sub-Systems Models to Analyze Economic Policy and the Question of Systemic Persistence. In F. Stowell (Ed.), Systems Research for Real-World Challenges (pp. 147–175). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-5996-2.ch005 Schulz, W. (2019). Civic Knowledge, Engagement, and Attitudes Among Lower-Secondary Students in 24 Countries. In J. Pineda-Alfonso, N. De Alba-Fernández, & E. Navarro-Medina (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Education for Participative Citizenship and Global Prosperity (pp. 1–44). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7110-0.ch001 Šedová, I., & Vandrovcová, T. (2018). The Psychology of Meat Consumption. In D. Bogueva, D. Marinova, & T. Raphaely (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Social Marketing and Its Influence on Animal Origin Food Product Consumption (pp. 1–16). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-4757-0.ch001 Seyfi, M. (2018). Identity and Social Peace in the Digital World. In B. L. Cook (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Examining Global Peacemaking in the Digital Age (pp. 116–126). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-3032-9.ch008

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Sezgin, M., & Bayoğlu, F. (2020). Comparison of Public Relations Education at Undergraduate and Graduate Levels in Turkey and EU Member States. In Y. Bayar (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Social and Economic Development in the European Union (pp. 510–541). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-79981188-6.ch030 Shahriar, S. (2019). Literature Survey on the “Belt and Road” Initiative. In A. Visvizi, M. Lytras, X. Zhang, & J. Zhao (Eds.), Foreign Business in China and Opportunities for Technological Innovation and Sustainable Economics (pp. 79–115). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-8980-8.ch005

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

201

Related Readings

Shihomeka, S. P., & Amadhila, H. N. (2020). Social Media Integration in Educational Administration as Information and Smart Systems. In M. Durnali (Ed.), Utilizing Technology, Knowledge, and Smart Systems in Educational Administration and Leadership (pp. 203–223). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-7998-1408-5.ch011 Skarbalienė, A. (2018). The Leadership Competencies of Teacher Mentors as a Factor of Education of Leadership Competencies in Students. In K. Dikilitas, E. Mede, & D. Atay (Eds.), Mentorship Strategies in Teacher Education (pp. 235–255). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-4050-2.ch014 Smith, E. C. (2019). Developing Cultural Competence. International Journal of Marketing and Sales Education, 2(2), 1–17. doi:10.4018/IJMSE.2019070101 Smith, J. M., & Bradshaw, E. A. (2020). Activating Activists. In D. V. McMay & R. D. Kimble (Eds.), Higher Education Accessibility Behind and Beyond Prison Walls (pp. 216–240). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-3056-6. ch009 Sohal, P. (2020). Shooting the Messenger, Slowly, but Surely. In S. Jamil (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalist Safety (pp. 23–37). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1298-2. ch002 Solo, A. M. (2020). The Interdisciplinary Fields of Political Engineering, Public Policy Engineering, Computational Politics, and Computational Public Policy. In A. M. Solo (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Politics in the Computer Age (pp. 1–16). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-0377-5.ch001

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Sowad, A. S. (2019). Is Gender a More Important Axis of Representation Than Race, Ethnicity or Class in Politics? International Journal of Social Ecology and Sustainable Development, 10(2), 29–36. doi:10.4018/IJSESD.2019040103 Spada, P., & Allegretti, G. (2020). When Democratic Innovations Integrate Multiple and Diverse Channels of Social Dialogue. In M. Adria (Ed.), Using New Media for Citizen Engagement and Participation (pp. 35–59). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1828-1.ch003 Stacey, E. (2017). Delayed Governance? IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-2190-7.ch003 Stacey, E. (2017). The Development of Internet-Enabled Terror. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2190-7.ch001 202

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Stacey, E. (2018). Steeping Tea and the Rise of the Alt-Right. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-5433-2.ch002 Stacey, E. (2018). Strands of Nationalism. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-5433-2.ch001 Stacey, E. (2018). The Case for Social Justice. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-5433-2.ch003 Stacey, E. (2018). The Future of the American Nationalist Movements. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-5433-2.ch005 Stacey, E. (2018). The Success and Sustainability of American Nationalist Movements. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-5433-2.ch004 Stacey, E. (2019). Citizenship and Diasporic Politics. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7757-7.ch001 Stacey, E. (2019). Connecting Diasporic Threads and Suggestions for Future Research. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7757-7.ch006 Stacey, E. (2019). Counterterrorism and the Western Response. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-8876-4.ch003 Stacey, E. (2019). Global Digital Terror. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-8876-4.ch002 Stacey, E. (2019). Methodological Considerations and Explanation of Case Studies. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7757-7.ch003 Stacey, E. (2019). New (and Networked) Social Movement Literature. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7757-7.ch002 Stacey, E. (2019). Territorial Diaspora Politics. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-7757-7.ch005

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Stacey, E. (2019). The Adoption and Progression of Media-Driven Jihad. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-8876-4.ch001 Starr-Glass, D. (2018). Capstone Experiences. In V. X. Wang (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Positive Scholarship for Global K-20 Education (pp. 21–31). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-5667-1.ch002 Steinfeld, N., & Lev-On, A. (2018). Writings on the City Wall. In C. Nunes Silva (Ed.), New Approaches, Methods, and Tools in Urban E-Planning (pp. 33–59). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-5999-3.ch002

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

203

Related Readings

Stetsko, E. (2020). Eurasian Integration and Problems of Civil Society. In M. Lagutina (Ed.), Regional Integration and Future Cooperation Initiatives in the Eurasian Economic Union (pp. 117–134). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-7998-1950-9.ch007 Strang, K. D. (2018). Socio-Political Risk-Contingency-Management Framework for Practitioners and Researchers. In K. D. Strang, M. E. Korstanje, & N. Vajjhala (Eds.), Research, Practices, and Innovations in Global Risk and Contingency Management (pp. 116–133). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-4754-9.ch007 Strang, K. D., & Sun, Z. (2019). Managerial Controversies in Artificial Intelligence and Big Data Analytics. In Z. Sun (Ed.), Managerial Perspectives on Intelligent Big Data Analytics (pp. 55–74). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-7277-0.ch004 Strehovec, J. (2020). After the End of Art. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-17998-3835-7.ch002 Strehovec, J. (2020). Living in the Art-Like Reality. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-3835-7.ch003 Strehovec, J. (2020). Remediating the Social: Impacts of Historical Fascism on Academic Fascism. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-3835-7.ch008 Strehovec, J. (2020). The Politics Through Arts and Culture: On Slovenian Literary Nationalism. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-3835-7.ch005 Strehovec, J. (2020). The Subversive Affirmation as a New Device of Art Activism Deployed in Post-Political Reality. IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-7998-3835-7.ch006

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Stumpf, P. B. (2020). Strategic Split-Ticket Voting in Mixed Electoral Systems. International Journal of Political Activism and Engagement, 7(2), 47–67. doi:10.4018/IJPAE.20200401.oa Sudan, F. K. (2019). Intangible Benefits of Self-Help Micro-Credit in Conflict Mitigation and Peace Building. In E. A. Nyam & F. Idoko (Eds.), Examining the Social and Economic Impacts of Conflict-Induced Migration (pp. 147–196). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7615-0.ch008

204

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Sudan, F. K. (2019). Social and Economic Consequences of Violent Armed Conflicts. In E. A. Nyam & F. Idoko (Eds.), Examining the Social and Economic Impacts of Conflict-Induced Migration (pp. 12–54). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7615-0.ch002 Sumi, M. J., & Bulan, R. (2019). Land Rights of Indigenous People. In M. R. Islam (Ed.), Social Research Methodology and New Techniques in Analysis, Interpretation, and Writing (pp. 190–215). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-7897-0.ch009 Sun, W. (2018). A Critical Discourse Analysis of “Minority Women for Trump” Campaigns on Social Media. In N. Bilge & M. I. Marino (Eds.), Reconceptualizing New Media and Intercultural Communication in a Networked Society (pp. 303–327). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-52253784-7.ch012 Syed, H., & Genç, S. Y. (2020). United States-China Trade War 2019. In R. A. Castanho (Ed.), Cross-Border Cooperation (CBC) Strategies for Sustainable Development (pp. 132–151). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-2513-5. ch008 Tahmasebi, A. (2019). The Necessity of the Study of Humanities in Analysis of Intangible Architectural Heritage of Europe in the 1930s. In C. Inglese & A. Ippolito (Eds.), Analysis, Conservation, and Restoration of Tangible and Intangible Cultural Heritage (pp. 212–241). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-6936-7.ch010

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Tajuddin, S. N., & Ali, R. (2020). The Risks and Challenges for Professional Journalism in the Digital Age. In S. Jamil (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Combating Threats to Media Freedom and Journalist Safety (pp. 106–123). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1298-2.ch007 Takamatsu, K. (2020). Socio-Cultural Barriers of Female Ex-Combatants’ Social Re-Integration in Sri Lanka. In M. M. Merviö (Ed.), Recent Social, Environmental, and Cultural Issues in East Asian Societies (pp. 213–223). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1807-6.ch013 Tarhini, A., Al-Gharbi, K., Al-Badi, A., & AlHinai, Y. S. (2018). An Analysis of the Factors Affecting the Adoption of Cloud Computing in Higher Educational Institutions. International Journal of Cloud Applications and Computing, 8(4), 49–71. doi:10.4018/IJCAC.2018100104

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

205

Related Readings

Tepe, F. F. (2020). The Politico-Poetic Representation of Turkish Women in Türk Kadını Magazine (1966–1974). In G. Sarı (Ed.), Gender and Diversity Representation in Mass Media (pp. 35–58). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-17998-0128-3.ch003 Tham, J. (2018). Persuasive-Pervasive Technology. International Journal of Semiotics and Visual Rhetoric, 2(1), 44–72. doi:10.4018/IJSVR.2018010104 Tshishonga, N. S. (2019). Youth Participation and Representation in Community Governance at Cato Manor Township, Durban. In J. Kurebwa & O. Dodo (Eds.), Participation of Young People in Governance Processes in Africa (pp. 268–295). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9388-1.ch013 Turgut, H. (2019). Chronotopes as a Component of Ideological Narrative in Political Advertisements. In R. Yilmaz (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Narrative Advertising (pp. 77–94). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-52259790-2.ch008 Turgut, H. (2019). The Story of Resistance. In R. Yılmaz, M. N. Erdem, & F. Resuloğlu (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Transmedia Storytelling and Narrative Strategies (pp. 509–527). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-52255357-1.ch026 Tüysüz, D. (2020). Mental Illness and Women in Cinema. In G. Sarı & D. Çetin (Eds.), International Perspectives on Feminism and Sexism in the Film Industry (pp. 41–58). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1774-1.ch003 Ukwueze, E. R., Urama, C. E., Asogwa, H. T., & Ogbonna, O. E. (2018). Political Economy of Growth Effects of Defense Expenditure in Nigeria. In R. C. Das (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Military Expenditure on Economic and Political Resources (pp. 403–426). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-52254778-5.ch021

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Ulusal, D. (2020). Feminist Discourse in Animated Films. In G. Sarı & D. Çetin (Eds.), International Perspectives on Feminism and Sexism in the Film Industry (pp. 172–187). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1774-1.ch012 Ulusal, D. (2020). Presentation of Female Character Subjectification in Iranian Cinema. In G. Sarı (Ed.), Gender and Diversity Representation in Mass Media (pp. 248–259). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-0128-3.ch014

206

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Vargas-Hernández, J. G. (2020). Urban Governance, Democratic Decentralization, and Natural Resources. In S. Patti & G. Trizzino (Eds.), Advanced Integrated Approaches to Environmental Economics and Policy (pp. 175–199). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9562-5.ch009 Villanueva-Mansilla, E. (2020). Salience, Self-Salience, and Discursive Opportunities. In M. Adria (Ed.), Using New Media for Citizen Engagement and Participation (pp. 240–255). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-18281.ch013 Vlăducu, A. M. (2017). Three Social Choice Rules. In R. Ianole (Ed.), Applied Behavioral Economics Research and Trends (pp. 54–71). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-1826-6.ch004 Wadawadagi, R. S., & Pagi, V. B. (2020). Sentiment Analysis on Social Media. In A. Solanki, S. Kumar, & A. Nayyar (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Emerging Trends and Applications of Machine Learning (pp. 508–527). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9643-1.ch024 Walther, F., Weber, P., & Kabst, R. (2018). Analyzing Influencing Factors on Citizens’ Trust and Satisfaction. International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age, 5(2), 40–51. doi:10.4018/IJPADA.2018040104 Wang, A. (2018). Issues of Cross-Cultural Communications in a Globalizing Era. In D. Tafazoli, M. E. Gomez Parra, & C. Huertas-Abril (Eds.), CrossCultural Perspectives on Technology-Enhanced Language Learning (pp. 100–116). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-5463-9.ch006 Wang, V. C., & Torrisi-Steele, G. (2018). Destabilizing the Activity System of Online Teaching Through Critical Theory. In V. X. Wang (Ed.), Critical Theory and Transformative Learning (pp. 31–41). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-6086-9.ch003

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Weng, S. (2018). Internet Political Participation and Public Agenda-Setting. International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age, 5(3), 60–75. doi:10.4018/IJPADA.2018070105 Wilson, J. G. (2019). Youth Consumer Practices and Social Alienation. In D. J. Burns (Ed.), Multifaceted Explorations of Consumer Culture and Its Impact on Individuals and Society (pp. 102–129). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-6120-0.ch006

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

207

Related Readings

Wimmer, H., Powell, L., Kilgus, L., & Force, C. (2017). Improving Course Assessment via Web-based Homework. International Journal of Online Pedagogy and Course Design, 7(2), 1–19. doi:10.4018/IJOPCD.2017040101 Windsor, D. (2018). Corruption in the CIS and Eurasia. In O. Karnaukhova, A. Udovikina, & B. Christiansen (Eds.), Economic and Geopolitical Perspectives of the Commonwealth of Independent States and Eurasia (pp. 91–120). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-3264-4.ch004 Windsor, D. (2019). Economic Nationalism and Corporate Social Responsibility. In H. C. Chandan & B. Christiansen (Eds.), International Firms’ Economic Nationalism and Trade Policies in the Globalization Era (pp. 217–243). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7561-0.ch012 Woolard, C. (2018). Media Literacy for Political Cognition in Higher Education. In J. Cubbage (Ed.), Handbook of Research on Media Literacy in Higher Education Environments (pp. 305–331). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/9781-5225-4059-5.ch018 Wudie, A. A. (2018). Knowledge Crises in Ethiopia. In N. Baporikar (Ed.), Global Practices in Knowledge Management for Societal and Organizational Development (pp. 1–18). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-3009-1.ch001 Wudie, A. A. (2018). Prophetic Discourses and Power Shift in Ethiopian History. International Journal of Systems and Society, 5(2), 30–43. doi:10.4018/IJSS.2018070103

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Wudie, A. A. (2018). Tourism and Hospitality in Ethiopia’s Development Agenda. In K. Teshager Alemu & M. Abebe Alebachew (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Sustainable Development and Governance Strategies for Economic Growth in Africa (pp. 398–415). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-3247-7.ch021 Wudie, A. A. (2020). Analysis of Speeches by the Former President of the US, Barack Hussein Obama, Regarding the Middle East and Northern Africa. International Journal of Translation, Interpretation, and Applied Linguistics, 2(1), 20–32. doi:10.4018/IJTIAL.2020010102 Wudie, A. A. (2020). Society and State in Ethiopia for Quality Education. In M. Sony, K. T. Karingada, & N. Baporikar (Eds.), Quality Management Implementation in Higher Education (pp. 240–255). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-9829-9.ch012

208

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Related Readings

Xue, Y., & Zhou, Y. (2019). SMAGA. International Journal of Social Media and Online Communities, 11(2), 12–34. doi:10.4018/IJSMOC.2019070102 Yang, K. C., & Kang, Y. (2020). Political Mobilization Strategies in Taiwan’s Sunflower Student Movement on March 18, 2014. In M. Adria (Ed.), Using New Media for Citizen Engagement and Participation (pp. 256–279). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1828-1.ch014 Yang, K. C., & Kang, Y. (2020). Will Microblogs Shape China’s Civil Society Under President’s Xi’s Surveillance State? In V. Kumar & G. Malhotra (Eds.), Examining the Roles of IT and Social Media in Democratic Development and Social Change (pp. 156–184). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1791-8. ch007 Yang, P., & Ogawa, M. (2018). Becoming Citizens in the Age of Online Social Networks. In N. Bilge & M. I. Marino (Eds.), Reconceptualizing New Media and Intercultural Communication in a Networked Society (pp. 280–302). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-3784-7.ch011 Yavuz, N., Karkın, N., Parlak, İ., & Subay, Ö. Ö. (2018). Political Discourse Strategies Used in Twitter during Gezi Park Protests. International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age, 5(1), 82–96. doi:10.4018/ IJPADA.2018010105 Yaylagül, L. (2020). Political Economy of Communication. In S. Karlidag & S. Bulut (Eds.), Handbook of Research on the Political Economy of Communications and Media (pp. 1–17). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-17998-3270-6.ch001

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Yeromin, M. B., & Charskykh, I. (2018). Universal and Specific Codes of Cultural Context in Audio-Visual Media. In D. Tafazoli, M. E. Gomez Parra, & C. Huertas-Abril (Eds.), Cross-Cultural Perspectives on TechnologyEnhanced Language Learning (pp. 68–82). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-15225-5463-9.ch004 Yilmaztürk, A. (2019). The Globalized World With Different Perceptions, Dimensions, and Problems. In D. Şahin Duran, Y. Temür, & D. Bozdoğan (Eds.), Global Challenges in Public Finance and International Relations (pp. 1–21). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-7564-1.ch001 Yin, Y., & Fung, A. (2017). Youth Online Cultural Participation and Bilibili. In R. Luppicini & R. Baarda (Eds.), Digital Media Integration for Participatory Democracy (pp. 130–154). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2463-2.ch007

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

209

Related Readings

Yolles, M. I. (2017). Understanding Bureaucracy. In P. Malizia, C. Cannavale, & F. Maimone (Eds.), Evolution of the Post-Bureaucratic Organization (pp. 61–87). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-1983-6.ch004 Younis, R. A. (2018). Against Method, Against Science? In J. Horne (Ed.), Philosophical Perceptions on Logic and Order (pp. 270–282). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-5225-2443-4.ch010 Yu, W., & Xu, C. (2018). Developing Smart Cities in China. International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age, 5(3), 76–91. doi:10.4018/ IJPADA.2018070106 Zafar, M. B., & Sulaiman, A. A. (2020). Islamic Banking in Pakistan. In A. Rafay (Ed.), Growth and Emerging Prospects of International Islamic Banking (pp. 61–77). IGI Global. doi:10.4018/978-1-7998-1611-9.ch004

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Zhu, Q., Skoric, M. M., & Peng, T. (2018). Citizens’ Use of the Internet and Public Service Delivery. International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age, 5(3), 32–42. doi:10.4018/IJPADA.2018070103

210

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

211

About the Author

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Emily Stacey is a Political Science professor. She successfully completed her viva in November 2016, and will formally graduate from Swansea University (Wales, UK) in Summer 2017. Emily’s dissertation research focuses on the necessity of bureaucratization in contemporary social movements, namely those using digital technologies to mobilize and sustain dissent. She has participated in the Digital Methods Initiative at the University of Amsterdam (2013) and the Oxford Internet Institute’s Summer Doctoral Program (2014). Emily has published a book, Combating Internet-Enabled Terrorism with IGI in 2017. Her future research will focus on the use of digital technologies and social media platforms to influence nationalist movements occurring around the world. You can follow Emily on Twitter: @politikphd.

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

212

Index

9 1-9, 11, 13-23, 25-28, 30-32, 35-38, 4165, 67-77, 84, 88, 90, 92-99, 102-105, 108-109, 113-114, 116, 121-129, 131, 135, 137-142, 145-146, 149-153, 160, 164-165

A alienation 1, 148 Alt-Right 2-3, 5-6, 9-13, 17-19, 21, 27-31, 43, 70, 74, 77-79, 81, 83-85, 87, 89, 93-94, 98, 100, 117-118, 131-134, 137-139, 149, 151, 154-156, 164-165 American social movements 5, 131, 138

B Black Lives Matter 9-10, 14, 18-19, 27, 29, 96-104, 106-110, 112-129, 131-132, 140, 143-151, 156, 161-163, 165 Boomer generation 49 borders 1, 32, 50, 55, 57, 59-61, 63, 69, 82, 99 Brexit 4, 17, 19, 21-24, 46, 55, 59, 82, 153

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

C Chile 48, 51 civil society 2, 10, 16-17, 23, 35, 49, 58, 61, 117, 135, 143, 154, 157 Cold War 49 COVID-19 6, 19, 30, 41-42, 44, 48-51, 5365, 67-69, 71-73, 113-114, 122, 151

D digital technologies 1, 6, 8, 10, 12-13, 38, 51-52, 65, 115, 120, 138, 160 Donald Trump 6, 12, 23, 26-28, 31, 53, 81, 83, 86, 92, 95, 99, 131-132, 139-140, 143, 146, 152, 155, 158-159

E electoral victories 131, 139

F fake news 8, 39, 61, 74, 79-83, 85, 94-95

G Geert Wilders 17, 23, 45 Generation X 49 Generation Z 49 George Floyd 9, 11, 29, 96, 113-114, 125126, 157 globalism 6-7, 13, 23-24, 27, 30, 37, 39, 44, 46, 50, 60, 91, 141

H Hungary 4, 48, 51, 60-61

I internet culture 39, 45, 74 Islamic State 3, 25, 132, 159

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

Index

J

R

Jared Taylor 17, 29, 136

K

Richard Spencer 17, 21, 29, 83, 135, 139, 154 Russia 40-41, 48, 51, 54, 72, 159

Kurdish confict 17

S

L legislative victories 98, 131

social movement theory 13, 131, 137 social networking platforms 1 strands of nationalism 2, 17

M

T

Marine Le Pen 17, 23-24, 43, 46 meme 39, 84-86, 165 millennials 39, 49, 90

Tea Party 6, 20, 70, 74-78, 80, 83-84, 87, 93-95, 98, 131-132

N nationalism 1-6, 8, 12-14, 16-19, 21-28, 31-35, 39-48, 50-52, 55, 57, 59-60, 63-65, 69-70, 72, 78, 87, 89, 91, 132134, 139-141, 152-154, 158-160, 165 nationalist movements 1, 6, 12-13, 17, 20, 28, 51, 131-132, 139, 143, 153-154, 162-163 nation-state 1, 3, 24, 27, 32, 37, 53, 153 neo-nationalism 1-3, 7, 78, 132

O otherness 1-2, 18-19

P

U United Kingdom 21-22, 48, 51, 53, 60, 64, 66, 68, 82, 91 United States 3-4, 6, 12, 19, 25, 29-30, 41, 48, 50-51, 53-61, 64-66, 68-70, 76, 81-82, 90-91, 98-99, 101-103, 111, 114, 116, 119, 121, 133-134, 143, 155, 159, 161

V Vietnam 49

W World War II 19, 24, 49, 69 Wuhan, China 49

Copyright © 2021. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

populism 2-3, 13-14, 26, 28, 43, 45, 53, 77-78, 92

Stacey, Emily. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism : Emerging Research and Opportunities, IGI Global, 2021. ProQuest

213