Girls and Media-Dreams and Realities
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Girls and Media

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Girls and Media Dreams and Realities Kara CHAN

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The images used in this book were taken by the interviewees from the media, including newspapers, magazines, TV programs, web pages, or outdoor posters for the educational and research purposes supported by a faculty research grant from the Hong Kong Baptist University as well as research funding from the Centre of Mass Communication Research of the School of Communication, Hong Kong Baptist University. If there have been unintentional omissions or failure to trace copyright holders, we apologise and will, if informed, endeavor to make corrections in any future edition.

©2014 City University of Hong Kong All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, internet or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the City University of Hong Kong Press. First published 2014 ISBN: 978-962-937-226-2 Published by City University of Hong Kong Press Tat Chee Avenue Kowloon, Hong Kong Website: www.cityu.edu.hk/upress E-mail: [email protected] Printed in Hong Kong

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Contents Series Foreword

xi

Foreword

xiii

Preface

xv

About the Author

xxi

List of Illustrations

xxiii

1. Gender Roles and Media Images

1



Introduction

2



The Tween Market Segment

4



Gender and Gender Equality

5



Theoretical Framework

7



Tween Girls‘ Gender Roles and Media Images

9



What Girls Should or Should Not Be

10



What Girls Should or Should Not Do

16



Conclusion

25



Appendix: Details of Methodology for Chapters 1 to 4

26



Autovideography

28

2. Sexuality and a Media Scandal

29



Introduction

30



Sex Education in Hong Kong

32

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Sexuality in Hong Kong

33



A Qualitative Study on Tween Girls’ Sexuality and Media

34



Conclusion

45

3.

Social Learning from Celebrities

47



Introduction

48



Young People and Celebrities

48



A Study on Tween Girls’ Social Learning from Celebrities

51



Conclusion

63

4.

Evaluations of Female Images in Media

65



Introduction

66



Gender Representations in Media

66



Effects of Media Representations

67



Media Education as an Intervention

69



A Qualitative Study on Tween Girls’ Evaluations of Female Images in Media

70



Conclusion

81

5.

Social Learning of Gender Roles from Media Images

83



Introduction

84



Adolescents

84

vi

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Contents



Gender Polarized Society

85



Portrayal of Females in Advertisements

86



Adolescent Girls’ Gender Roles and Media Images

88



What Girls or Women Should or Should Not Be

88



What Girls or Women Should or Should Not Do

96



Comparing Tween Girls and Adolescent Girls on Gender Roles and Media Images

109



Comparing Tween Girls’ and Adolescent Girls’ Views on What Girls or Women Should or Should Not Do

112



Conclusion

112



Appendix: Details of methodology for Chapters 5 to 7

114

6. Interpretations of Sexuality in Media Images

117



Chapter Overview

118



Female Adolescent Sexuality

119



Sexualized Media

120



Culture and sexuality

121



Public Attitudes toward Sexual Female Media Images

124



A Qualitative Study on Adolescent Girls’ Interpretations of Sexuality in Media Images

125



Comparing Tween Girls and Adolescent Girls in terms of Sexuality

139



Conclusion

141

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7. Social Learning of Gender Roles and Beauty Norms from Celebrities

143



Overview

144



The Value of Media Celebrities

144



A Qualitative Study on Adolescent Girls’ Learning about Gender Roles from Celebrities

147



Conclusion

163

8. Adolescents and Advertisements Using Celebrity Endorsement

165



Introduction

166



Celebrity Endorsement

167



Adolescents and Celebrity Endorsement

169



Celebrity Endorsement in Hong Kong

170



A Qualitative Study on Adolescent Girls and Advertisements Using Celebrity Endorsement

171



Conclusion

183

9.

Psychographic Segmentation based on Gender Roles

185



Introduction

186



The Importance of the Female Market

187



Adolescent Girls in Hong Kong

188



The Psychographic Segmentation of Chinese Females

189

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Contents



A Quantitative Study on Adolescent Girls’ Psychographic Segmentation Based on Gender Roles

191



Comparison of Psychographic Studies

203



Conclusion

205

10.

Conclusions and Implications

207



Summary of Research Findings

208



A Theoretical Model for Future Study

213



Appendix: Zaltman Metaphor Elicitation Technique: Responding to the Collage (McGladrey, 2011)

216

References

217

Index

239

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Series Foreword Youth is a time of life for the search of self-identity and personal values, and for the development of potential and social responsibility and commitment. The lives of youth are in constant interaction with various institutional systems that make up their world. Family, school, peers, employment and telecommunication system all shape the young people with technological advancement making a greater impact on modern life and youth development than ever before. The Youth Studies Net (YSNet) at City University of Hong Kong was founded in 2000 by a group of scholars and professionals who are interested in promoting the wellbeing of young people and conducting research in different areas of youth studies. Being an inter-institutional and inter-disciplinary research network, YSNet serves to consolidate the interests and potentials of youth studies scholars and professionals who come from various disciplines, including psychology, sociology, criminology, social work, education and media studies. Maximizing the use of limited academic resources through coordinated and collaborated efforts, YSNet aims to foster a profound understanding of the psychological, social, cultural, technological and political issues confronting young people in the cyber era by conducting comparative youth research and organizing periodic conferences, seminars and workshops on youth-related issues. To facilitate youth development in this region, YSNet also provides comprehensive information, professional advice and consultancy

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on youth policy and youth services to local and overseas governments and organizations. In 2005, YSNet collaborated with City University of Hong Kong Press to launch the Caring for Youth Series, with the objective to incorporate several core areas of research within a holistic and systems perspective and to share its scholarly research output with the professional and academic community. Since then, 13 books on various research topics, such as juvenile delinquency and youth services in Asia, psycho-social and cultural analysis of idol worship by young people, positive psychology among youth, social work intervention programmes targeting youth at-risk, restorative justice and social withdrawal youth in Hong Kong, have been published by local and overseas youth study scholars or youth work professionals. The continued publication in this Series signifies the advancement of applied youth research in Hong Kong. It provides a platform for valuable exchange of youth issues among scholars, government officials, politicians, social workers, teachers, journalists, parents and young people. Their enthusiasm and contribution will add to our understanding of the challenges and difficulties faced by young people in Hong Kong.

Series Editor Professor T. Wing LO

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Foreword It is my pleasure to write this foreword to Girls and Media: Dreams and Realities written by an academic whom I know and respect from a country where I worked and researched as a young man many years ago and a place and people which I still have a great affection for. Professor Chan is a prolific writer and researcher in the field of consumption practices, children and youth and has an enviable track record in this field. It is also a mark of the maturity of this area that we are now seeing research and theory emerging that is genuinely cross-cultural and that is based on different experiences of young people across the world rather than accepting the dominance of one set of cultural narratives which characterized the latter years of last century. And the emergence of Asia as the new center of gravity is recognized now as an important development with China occupying a key position. ara Chan’s book deals with media and the extent to which media K representations influence girls in Hong Kong and how they are affected by this ubiquitous presence. The role of media in any society is vital and is intimately related to brands and consumption especially in a vibrant 21st century Asian city. As an agent of socialization it is now up there with parents and peers as a powerful force and one that can cause a conflict of values with these other influencers. We have come a long way since George Gerbner used the useful metaphor of cultivation to describe the continual ever-present influence of media and we now talk of the “mediatization” of society to do justice to the blurring of the boundaries between media

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representations and the other realities that they represent. Mediatization and consumption are intimately related through promotional images and brands and Hong Kong with its free-market economy and urban bustle is a perfect place to observe this in action. But Hong Kong is also deeply conservative in many ways especially with regard to family values and the presence of overtly sexualized images in advertising sits uncomfortably with the values of modesty and traditional sexual mores that exist there. Young girls are also discovering their identities like any other groups of girls in the world and often this journey will not be easy. There are many features of this book that struck me as exciting and valuable and I have chosen two to close this Foreword. One is the methodology used and especially the use of videography as a qualitative technique. This provides the researcher with a unique tool to dig down and establish deeper meanings. In addition there are more quantitative methods that are used and these provide an opportunity to triangulate findings in order to enhance the validity of the project. The other feature is the genuine concern and involvement that is shown by the author toward her society and her participants; both those that gathered and provide information and those that assisted with the analysis and results. This is not a dry academic tome that will sit on the shelves of a library. It is very much a commentary on the lives of young people and what they feel and experience here and now. But most importantly it is also driven by a genuine concern and deep love for her community and people and that shines through.

Brian M. YOUNG PhD Editor, Young Consumers

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Preface Chinese society has been for centuries a male-dominated society. Girls and women are expected to carry out their domestic roles dutifully. When a female is young, she is subject to the authority of her father. When she gets married, she is expected to listen to her husband. When her husband dies or when she reaches her senior years, she needs to yield to the will of her eldest son. Not getting married indicates that she is not good enough for anybody. Not producing a male offspring means that she is a failure. The extended family will take action to find another female to replace her. But the world is changing. Chinese girls in Hong Kong luckily have an opportunity to grow up in a former British colony. Under British governance, legislation that protects the rights of girls and women was established and implemented. Girls are able to receive education and enjoy more or less the same rights as boys. An ordinance was passed in 1981 to enable female civil servants to receive the same salary as their male counterparts. With the introduction of full-time domestic helpers from overseas, Hong Kong women had the option of pursuing their career goals. The female labor participation rate in Hong Kong had reached 53% in 2011 (Census and Statistics Department, 2012). There were 284,901 domestic helpers working in Hong Kong in 2010 (Wan, 2010). Assuming each domestic helper is working with one family, a rough estimation indicates that about one in every eight households has the choice of allowing the female householder (very likely a wife or a mother) to stay in the workforce.

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Marketers fully understand the power of female consumers. Cosmetics and skin care is the number two advertising product category in Hong Kong (admanGo, 2012). Females also make purchase decisions for the households. As a result, females are the target audience of the product categories that they consume as well as the product categories that they purchase for their families. Research studies indicate that most of the advertisements aimed at the female target group employ female images that are classical (Chan and Cheng, 2012), using female models that are usually mature in age, gentle, elegant, and sophisticated in taste. Female images using a classical beauty type tell girls and women what to wear, what to eat, where to go shopping or have fun, when to use the product, and how to win the hearts of the opposite sex. The marketers are eager to play a part in the girls’ process of constructing their own gender identities. Hong Kong has a media-saturated environment. Televised messages can be found at home, in public transportation, inside lifts and lift lobbies, and around shopping malls. A rich diversity of print-based media outlets such as newspapers and magazines can be found in Hong Kong. Printed advertisements are commonplace, from roadside billboards to single sheets in train stations and from inside train carriages to the sides of double-deck buses. In addition, the Internet provides a wealth of sources and imagedriven content. Images of females in advertising are abundant. On an average day walking across a subway station, you will come across dozens of posters featuring beautiful, sexy, and most often non-Chinese female images. They are the dominant players in constructing what facial and body beauty is about among the target audience. These advertisements tell females that they need to have a pretty face, v-shape face contour, white and spotless skin, full breast, narrow waist, and a slim body. Many advertisers believe that sex sells. Sexy advertisements of watches, jewelry, cars, or electrical

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Preface

appliances dominate the media scene. Newspapers and magazines often feature “female models of the day” that are young and seductive. The female images and the sexuality displaced are in sharp contrast with the values endorsed by parents, schools, and educators. Some primary and secondary schools in Hong Kong place strict rules about courtship and intimate relationship during childhood and adolescence. Parents often encourage daughters to refrain from sexual activities until adulthood. Chinese families are in general conservative about sex. Sexuality of girls is considered as dangerous and undesirable. Facing with the discrepancy between what is told by parents and teachers, and what is seen in the media, how do girls respond? How do they establish their own gender roles and identities among the confusing and conflicting messages? How do pre-adolescent girls and adolescent girls respond to the tremendous amount of messages that tell them how they should be, what they should do, who they should idolize and how they can limit their aspirations? Content analysis of advertisements in Hong Kong shows that advertising is filled with gender-based stereotypes and role definitions that may not encourage the development of the woman or girl according to her potential (Moon and Chan, 2002). Gender stereotyped images of females are prevalent in the mainstream media (Fung and Yao, 2012). Research literature indicates that the gender representation in the media has an effect on the individual’s sense of self and behavior. Throughout the book, we put the emphasis on tweens and adolescent girls. Tween girls are defined as 8–12 years olds who are not quite teens but have different interests than younger children. Adolescent girls in this book refer to the youth population aged 13 to 19. This book aims to explore how tween girls and teen girls in Hong Kong learn, interpret and evaluate gender roles and sexuality from media images

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and celebrities. Specifically, we ask the following questions: What type of female images do they pay attention to? What kind of female images that they like or dislike? Who are their role models? What do they learn from the media images about appropriate or inappropriate female gender roles and female gender identities? How do younger girls differ from older girls in the interpretation of female images in the media? From the studies we conducted and reported in the book, we observed that tween girls and teen girls demonstrate different levels of attention toward physical appearance, media celebrities, sexuality, media literacy and health messages delivered in media content. These observations are valuable to parents, educators, and communication scholars to better understand the influence of media on the value orientations of girls and to promote the wellbeing of girls. About this Book The book is based on three qualitative studies and one quantitative study we conducted since 2009. We adopted an innovative methodology of asking interviewees to take photos of female images from the media they consume every day and discuss their interpretation of these images. Chapters 1 to 4 examine tween girls’ perception and interpretation of gender roles and gender identities from media images (Chapter 1), perception of and attitudes toward sexuality (Chapter 2), social learning of gender roles from celebrities (Chapter 3), and evaluation of and satisfaction with female images in media (Chapter 4). These chapters are based on a qualitative study conducted in 2009. Seeing the fruitful results, we extend our line of research to cover adolescent girls. A study of adolescent girls was conducted in 2010. Chapters 5 to 7 investigate how adolescent girls learn about gender roles from media images (Chapter 5), how they interpret sexuality found in media images (Chapter 6), and how they learn about

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Preface

gender roles from celebrities (Chapter 7). Famous persons, including media celebrities, are an important factor in self-concept development during adolescence. Understanding and evaluation of advertisements using celebrity endorsement among adolescent girls is therefore an important issue and is explored in Chapter 8. As qualitative studies often have the limitation of small sample size and lack of representativeness, we conducted a quantitative survey of adolescent girls. Statements about perception of female gender roles generated from the qualitative studies reported in Chapters 1 to 8 are examined in a quantitative sample survey among adolescent girls. Chapter 9 reports the results of the sample survey. We focus on the psychographic segmentation of adolescent girls according to their gender role perceptions. The last chapter concludes the research results and discusses how the results can be used by advertisers, marketers, parents, educators and public policy makers. We propose a theoretical model on the interplay of girls and female images for future study. The idea for the study was conceived in a coffee shop next to Copenhagen Business School in 2007, where Professor Birgitte Tufte shared with me her passion in researching the tween market segment. I learned the idea of keeping a visual journal from my former colleague Dr. Russell B. Williams. We pooled ideas and came up with the innovative design of this project. It was intended to be a cross-cultural study of tween girls in Denmark, Hong Kong, and Italy. Our research journey did not have a smooth sailing. Professor Tufte was sick and the laptop computer of Gianna Cappello with the data was stolen. Only data collected in Hong Kong got published. Different research methodologies have been adopted, including autovideography approach and qualitative interviews (Chapters 1 to 7), focus group study (Chapter 8), and sample survey (Chapter 9). These studies were supported by a faculty research grant from the Hong Kong Baptist University

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(project no. FRG2/0910/059) as well as research funding from the Centre of Mass Communication Research of the School of Communication, Hong Kong Baptist University. Some of the empirical findings have previously been published in peer-reviewed journals such as Journal of Intercultural Communication Studies, Journal of Children and Media, Journal of Consumer Marketing, Journalism and Mass Communication, and Young Consumers: Insight and Ideas for Responsible Marketers. We are grateful for the permission from the publishers to update and rewrite them into book chapters. Co-authors of these journal articles include Birgitte Tufte, Gianna Cappello, Russell B. Williams, Edwin Luk. Mr. Yu Leung Ng and Ms. Anqi Huang, our research assistants, helped tremendously in the preparation of the book manuscripts. We would like to thank our interviewees for their participation in the study. They have honored us by trusting us and sharing their views with us. We are also in debt to Professor T. Wing Lo, Edmund Chan, and Chris Chan of City University of Hong Kong Press for their continued support. This book aims at benefiting advertisers, marketers, parents, educators, non-government organizations, and public policy makers as they attempt to understand how adolescent girls interact with media contents and how girls intercept what they see in the media. We hope that responsible marketers and educators can use these research findings to communicate with girls in such a way as to improve their well-being.

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About the Author Kara CHAN is Professor of Communication Studies at the Hong Kong Baptist University. Her research specializations include mass communication, advertising, and consumer behavior in Hong Kong and China. She is the co-author of Advertising to Children in China (Chinese University Press, 2004) and edited Advertising and Hong Kong Society (Chinese University Press, 2006). She also co-edited New Vision in Advertising and Public Relations (City University of Hong Kong Press, 2006) and Advertising and Chinese Society: Impacts and Issues (Copenhagen Business Press, 2009). Her journal articles had won four Emerald Literati Network Awards for Excellence. She is married with one child and, when not pondering advertising and its implications, she is an enthusiastic amateur kayaker.

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List of Illustrations Tables Table 1.1

Summary of results for “What girls or women should be or should not be?” (tween girls)

10

Summary of results for “What girls or women should do or should not do?” (tween girls)

17

Age, race, and profile of celebrities and media characters reported by the interviewees (tween girls)

52

Table 3.2

Reasons for negative role model celebrities (tween girls)

56

Table 3.3

Reasons for admiration

58

Table 3.4

Reasons for being a positive role model

59

Table 5.1

Summary of results for “What girls or women should be or should not be” (adolescent girls)

89

Summary of results for “What girls or women should do or should not do” (adolescent girls)

97

Table 1.2 Table 3.1

Table 5.2 Table 7.1

Age, race, and profile of celebrities reported by the interviewees (adolescent girls)

148

Table 7.2

Reasons for admiration or for positive role model

152

Table 7.3

Reasons for negative role model celebrities (adolescent girls)

158

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Table 8.1

Reasons for memorable endorsers

175

Table 8.2

Factors that marketers would consider in selecting celebrity endorsers

177

Table 8.3

Perceived impacts of celebrity endorsement

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Table 9.1

Summary of factor analysis results

194

Table 9.2

Demographic characteristics of the four clusters

201

Table 9.3

Liking of global brands among four clusters

202

Table 9.4

A comparison of the results of studies segmenting Chinese females

203

Figure 8.1

A proposed theoretical model

183

Figure 9.1

Mean scores of the four clusters on the gender identity factors

196

Figures

Figure 10.1 A theoretical model on girls and female images

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In Memory of Professor Flemming Hansen and Professor Birgitte Tufte, Copenhagen Business School

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Gender roles and media images

Girls and Media_ch01.indd 1

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Introduction When a baby is born, the first question people ask is, “A boy or a girl?” Sex plays a central role in the formation of our identity. For young children, the colors of their clothing and toys are usually the first means of socializing them into boys and girls. When they grow up, parents, teachers, church leaders, and peers teach them specific personality traits that are desirable for males or for females. “Boys never cry,” or “Girls should be kind and gentle,” are examples of the personality traits assigned to a particular sex. Socialization takes place in the school setting. Boys take courses about use of tools while girls take home economics courses. In modern society, the media plays a significant part in the construction of appropriate or inappropriate gender roles. For example, a strong male character is eager to provide physical protection for his girlfriend when she is being harassed. A single mother shows great persistence in raising a family. Through observing the rewards and punishments demonstrated in media content, young people are able to rehearse mentally what will happen to them if they are put in a similar situation. The media images we consume carry abundant information about gender roles. Hong Kong has a media saturated environment. Television is an obvious source of commercial, social and entertainment messages. In Hong Kong televised messages can be found at home, in various forms of public transportation, inside lifts and lift lobbies, in large public areas such as shopping centers, and on the Internet. Hong Kong is a city with a rich diversity of print-based media outlets with newspapers and magazines being the traditional sources of editorial and advertising content. Posters and other forms of discrete printed advertisements are nearly ubiquitous in Hong Kong from billboards alongside the road to posters and screens in nearly all modes of public transportation. Finally, the Internet has become a staple of life and provides a wealth of text and image driven content from

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1

Gender Roles and Media Images

traditionally formulated and produced commercial messages to usergenerated content of every imaginable type and configuration. People in Hong Kong are exposed to images, ideas and stereotypes and the sources go well beyond the perceived singular dominance of television that is found in media effects and content analysis research. Young people, and particularly young women, adolescent girls and tween girls (10–12 years olds who are not quite teens but have different interests than younger children), are exposed to messages that tell them how they should act, how they should look and who they should idolize. Primary among these messages are advertising, and content analysis research tells us that advertising is filled with gender-based stereotypes and role definitions that may or may not be consistent with social or cultural norms and the development of the woman or girl according to her potential (Moon and Chan, 2002). Three main types of female stereotypes were found in Hong Kong’s media (Fung and Yao, 2012). First, there was the prevalent emphasis of having a slim body figure as the ideal beauty standard (Lee and Fung, 2009). Second, females were portrayed as less knowledgeable as well as less logical than males (Bond, 1991). Third, the ideal modernized female was portrayed as someone who was achieving in work but at the same time caring and loving in the family context. These females were perfect workers and leaders, as well as perfect mothers and wives (Fung and Yao, 2012; Lee, 2004). Media learning research, including Bandura’s social learning theory (1986), Gerbner and his colleagues’ cultivation theory (1994), as well as Hirschman and Thompson’s media image interpretation strategies (1997) tell us that these messages have an effect on the individual’s sense of self and behavior. What is missing is an understanding of the process from the message to cognition and behavior through the individual’s exposure, attention and perception. This is particularly true in the multi-channel media environment that currently exists globally and is expressed fully in Hong Kong.

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Consumers and advertisers are growing-up in a visual age, and are accustomed to using the computer as a portal into the worlds of information, entertainment, buying, selling, working, and communicating. Images play an important role in each of these spheres of activity (Belk and Kozinets, 2005). This introductory chapter reports a study that asks girls aged 10 to 12 to collect images and discuss their interpretation of these images. Using a visual qualitative approach, the study reveals how processes such as social learning occur in the real world.

The Tween Market Segment Tween is a sub-teen consumer segment (Lindstrom and Seybold, 2003; Siegel et al., 2004). The segment is defined by age and the concept is based on the idea that these children are “in-between” childhood and teen-hood (Cook and Kaiser, 2004; Siegel et al., 2004). Most commonly tweens are defined as 8–12-year-olds (Siegel et al., 2004). In the present chapter, we focus on the 10–12year-olds, which we consider to be the older part of the tween segment. This phase of life is of particular interest because of the salience of sexuality during this phase, not just for the young people themselves, but for the adults who impose all sorts of disciplinary practices on them (Ho and Tsang, 2002). Tweens are also considered to be powerful influencers of their parents’ consumption as well as consumers with a considerable direct consumption of their own (Andersen et al., 2008). Lindstrom (2004) proposed that the global direct- and indirect-tweens’ consumption was no less than 1.18 trillion US dollars in 2003. Although some scholars considered the tweens a global market segment, recent empirical studies found that tween consumption and responses to marketing communication were motivated differently in cultures of individualism and collectivism (Andersen et al., 2008).

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Gender Roles and Media Images

Gender and Gender Equality While sex is a biological phenomenon, gender is a psychological and social phenomenon that describes the cultural associations and expectations relating to one’s biological sex (Rice and Dolgin, 2005). Sex differentiation takes place as children gradually learn to be masculine or feminine according to culturally established gender identification expectations (Trepanier-Street et al., 1990). Gender roles refer to the behaviors that men and women are expected to engage (Rice and Dolgin, 2005). According to the social learning theory, a child learns sex-appropriate behaviors through a combination of reward, punishment, direct instruction, and modeling (Bandura, 1986). Media offer many behavioral models for their audience and therefore have the potential to play a part in gender role socialization (Wong and Chan, 2006). Geen (1994) suggested that children might not imitate the behaviors shown in media immediately, but would store the information in memory and retrieve it later in real life situations. Children are more likely to imitate behaviors performed by the same-sex, which are defined as “gender appropriate” for them (Bandura et al., 1961), rather than those by the opposite-sex individuals (Bussey and Perry, 1982). As a former British colony, Hong Kong has laws protecting women from gender bias in terms of education, employment and pay package (Chan, 2000). Hong Kong provides nine-year free education to all children, both males and females. In 2011, the proportion of females with tertiary education stood at 26%, close to that of males at 29% (Census and Statistics Department, 2012). Because of improvements in education, economic development, and the influence of the Western feminist movement, the status of women in Hong Kong has achieved significant improvements in the last two decades (Lee and Collins, 2008). In terms of social economical development and availability of education for women, Hong Kong is compatible with many western societies. The female labor participation rate for Hong Kong is 53% (Census and Statistics

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Department, 2012), which is lower than 58% in the United States (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2013). The Hong Kong Government takes an active role in promoting gender equality. The Equal Opportunities Commission was established in 1996 and introduced the Sex Discrimination Ordinance. The Women’s Commission was set up in 2001 to promote the well-being and interest of women in Hong Kong (Lee and Collins, 2008). As a Chinese society, Hong Kong is paternal-oriented. The Confucian Chinese tradition favors males as they are responsible for passing down their family names. Chinese culture accords greater esteem, privileges, and status to males and there are more restrictive prescriptions for the role of women. Women are expected to submerge their individuality to the family, following the orders of their fathers when young, their husbands when married, and their sons when widowed. The virtues for a woman are defined narrowly in her role as a wife and a mother (Cheung, 1996). The first female elected member of the Legislative Council in Hong Kong occupied a seat on the body in 1991. In 2012, women occupied 29% of the elected member seats on the Legislative Council (Legislative Council, 2012). Females make up over half of the work force in the region but have difficulties in securing leadership positions. There was a sharp falloff in women at higher levels in business in 2006 (The Women’s Foundation, 2006). At low income level jobs, female workers earn 15–25% less money than their male counterparts (Census and Statistics Department, 2012). A survey found that 50% of both male and female respondents agreed with the statement that women should focus more on the family than work, and 39% agreed that men performed better at political leadership than women (Women’s Commission, 2010). Some scholars attributed the gender stereotypical attitudes to the deep-seated mindset that had been inherited from families, the education system, and the society (Fung and Ma, 2000). In another survey, only 28% of respondents considered that women could “fully realize their potential” (Women’s Commission, 2003).

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A recent review of the status of girls and women in Hong Kong by Choi and Cheung (2014) concluded both good and not so good news. On the one hand, there have been achievements in gender parity in terms of opportunities in receiving higher education, enrolment of females in science and engineering programmes at universities, economic gains in employment, general maternal health of mothers, as well as improved control in family issues such as decision to work and have children. However, Hong Kong females still have ways to go for advancement in politics and public life, leadership in employment, and an even distribution of domestic responsibilities. Furthermore, there are more females suffering from poverty than males. Women are often victims of physical abuse by their intimate partners. Migrants and ethnic minority females often suffer from social discrimination (Choi and Cheung, 2012).

Theoretical Framework This section reviews briefly theories about the relationship between gender representations and subsequent influence of the representations on the adolescents. Social learning theory (Bandura, 1986) and the cultivation theory (Gerbner et al., 1994) form the bases for a great deal of media effects research from the empirical social scientific perspective. These theories focus primarily on television effects, with little or no consideration of the matrix of media inputs that people encounter in everyday life. Williams’ and Williams’ (2000) studies of media consumption and effects in Southern Africa considered media consumption as a complex integration of multiple inputs that reached far beyond television alone. This recognition of multiple media inputs is becoming increasingly important in the Internet age as people around the globe are decreasing their use of television while increasing their use of the Internet and diversifying their sources of information and entertainment.

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Gidden’s theory of structuration (1991) proposes that the social structure, represented by traditions, institutions, moral codes, and norms of doing things, is the outcome of the repetition of the decisions of individual choices. However, when people opt to ignore the social structure, or replace them by alternative ways of doing things, the social structure will change (Gauntlett, 2008). The Equal Opportunity Commission advocates more gender-sensitive policy making, promoting gender equality at work and encouraging females to speak out against inequality (Lam, 2011). With the recent improvement in education of females, and the social environment toward a more gender equal society, male dominance and female submission may be changing in Hong Kong and across greaterChina. Compared to other socialization agents such as parents, teachers, and religious leaders, adolescents have more control over their media socialization. They can select media information that best suits their interest (Arnett, 1995). How do adolescent audiences respond to media images? Hirschman and Thompson (1997) proposed three interpretive strategies to create user-media relationships. Media users may aspire, reject, or personalize media images. The first strategy is aspiring: a media image is perceived as an ideal self-image that media users can aspire to. It contributes to the development of a desired and ideal self-concept, value, belief, and characteristic similar to the ideal image. The second strategy is rejecting: media users criticize the media image. It emphasizes the separation of the self-concept and the undesired media images. As a result, the media users do not want to be the person in the media. The third strategy is identifying: media users relate their self-concept to the ideal images found in the media. They reflect and personalize their own values and beliefs, and conceive them to be united with the person portrayed in the media (Hirschman and Thompson, 1997). What will be the consequences of the media users exposing to stereotypical female media images? Smith and Granados (2009) proposed three possible effects. First, as females are less often

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portrayed as central figures in the media, media users may think that women are less valuable than men in the society. Second, the portrayal of gendered occupations in the media will lead to a strong belief that certain jobs are appropriate for females while other jobs are appropriate for males (Herrett-Skjellum and Allen, 1996). This view may affect the choice of education and career for the females. Third, the perfect beauty standards and body images for females may lead to female dissatisfaction of their own body (Grabe et al., 2008). It may create the belief among boys and men that females are to be valued for their physical beauty. Males may have unrealistic expectation about the beauty standards of their female partners (Fung and Yao, 2012).

Tween Girls’ Gender Roles and Media Images A study was conducted in March 2009 in Hong Kong. Altogether 16 girls aged 10 to 12 participated in the study. Prior to a face-toface interview, each interviewee was asked to take 7 to 10 digital photographs each day for a week. The instruction was “please take images from any media that are about what girls or women should be or should not be, and what girls or women should do or should not do. These images can come from all sorts of media, including newspapers, magazines, outdoor posters, television programmes, MTR posters, web sites, books and so on. The media should be the one you will expose to or sometimes use in your daily lives. The media can be aiming at people like you or aiming at people who are different from you.” The image collection week was followed by an interview. The interview involves a review of the photos and the interviewees’ interpretation of these images. Results of the study have been published in three journal articles and a book chapter. They have been rewritten and updated to form Chapters 1 to 4 of this book. Further details of the study and the published works can be found in the Appendix.

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What Girls Should or Should Not Be Interviewees were asked what girls or women should be or should not be, with reference to the digital images that they had taken. Table 1.1 summarizes the results. Altogether 62 responses were reported and were classified into five major themes. The themes were:

(1) Personality;



(2) Skills and vocation;



(3) Appearance;



(4) Manner and relationships;



(5) Healthy and natural Table 1.1 Summary of results for “What girls or women should be or should not be?” Theme (total frequency) Appearance (12)

Healthy and natural (7)

Manner and relationships (8)

Personality (22)

Skills and vocation (13)

Frequency graceful and presentable

3

tidy appearance

3

hair not messy or too short

2

not too skinny

2

white teeth

2

have a healthy and vital image

4

strong physically and mentally

3

courteous and patient

4

not promiscuous

3

not out-of-sense in idol worship

1

be yourself, be what she want to be, not artificial

7

brave

6

caring

4

gentle

3

cheerful

2

knowledgeable and sensible

6

hardworking and organized

4

engage in profession

2

be a good housekeeper

1

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Theme 1: Personality The theme that received the largest number of responses was about personality, i.e., what kind of person the interviewee should be. Interviewees mentioned eleven different personality traits for girls and women. The personality traits that appeared the most frequently in the interviews were: be yourself, be brave, and be gentle. Seven out of sixteen interviewees mentioned that girls should be themselves. Here is how they think about “being yourself”: “They should be what they want to be. Like in the past, girls could not go to school, and they couldn’t play sports. But now they can play sports and they can go to school. People think girls are dumb. If they could go to school, girls can show that they are smart. If you play sports, you can be strong. If boys bully you, you can beat them up.” (age 10, an international school student) “She seems to be confident. It is about sometimes you have to be yourself and you don’t need to pretend. If girls do not be themselves, they will look artificial. Sometimes they will twist their voices and pretend to be nice but this is not the way they usually talk. For example, when they are having a job interview, they pretend to be very, very nice so that people will hire her. Or when they are talking to the customers, they pretend to be very nice and try to please the customers.” (age 10, a local school student)

In the first quote, being oneself means the right to choose her path. Education and physical well-being are the basis for girls to pursue their dreams. In the second quote, being oneself means not trying to pretend to be somebody else in order to please others. Both quotes emphasize autonomy and independence. Six interviewees reported that girls should be brave. An interviewee showed a picture of a female air traffic control officer 11

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from a newspaper and commented that she is brave. She also showed the picture of a female actor and commented that she was brave. “The air traffic control officer is always a job for boys. She doesn’t mind being teased by others and takes the job. She works day and night and is very hard working. I think girls can take up all kinds of job. There should be no problem if she can do it” (age 10, a local school student).

In this quote, the interviewee perceived that a girl should show no fear in facing difficulties and adversity, including criticism and mistreatment. Another interviewee commented that girls should not be frightened in any situation and should do what is right. Three interviewees reported that girls should be gentle and not rude. An interviewee mentioned that girls should not use violence to solve problems. Other personality traits brought up by interviewees indicated that girls should be caring and cheerful.

Theme 2: Skills and vocation The theme that received the second largest number of responses was about skills and vocation. This category covers what kind of job she should take and what kind of skill set she should have. Six interviewees mentioned that women should be knowledgeable and sensible. Being knowledgeable and sensible refers to possessing the knowledge, having good judgment, and creative. Four mentioned that women should be hard working. One interviewee said that a woman should be a good housekeeper as “boys have absolutely no talent in housekeeping.” Here are two typical quotes: “I think girls should be knowledgeable. Being knowledgeable makes it easier to gain recognition in society” (age 12, a local school student). “I think women should have good judgment because there are many big and small things in life that require

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women to make decisions. [What are examples of big and small things?] Big things, such as teaching children; small things, such as buying clothes and shoes” (age 12, a local school student).

Theme 3: Appearance The theme that received the third largest number of responses was about physical appearance. This category describes how girls and women should look. Interviewees thought that girls should be goodlooking and presentable. They felt a girl should be neat and tidy, as well as not messy. From the adjectives they used, interviewees seem to emphasize the social aspects of physical appearance. They perceived that a girl or a woman’s appearance should be acceptable to others. An interviewee showed a model in a fashion magazine and commented, “Girls should not look horrible. Look at this picture. Her hair covers her eyes and her clothes are weird. She is really ugly.” (age 10, a local school student)

An interview paid a great deal of attention to the details of appearance. Here is the image and her comments: “Girls should have a presentable image. Their teeth should not be yellowish and should be white. The outlook should be tidy and not dirty. I think they should have vitality. Girls should not look sleepy. A sloppy outlook will have bad impression on others. The ladies in this picture look graceful and poised, with proper and

Figure 1.1 This trendy fashion model is considered ugly to some interviewees

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neat dresses.” (age 12, a local school student)

Most of the pictures considered as good appearance by interviewees demonstrated a classical type of beauty. The models were usually in the age range of 20 to 25, feminine-looking, wore soft and feminine apparel, and Figure 1.2 Women with feminine-looking are with some make-up. The considered beautiful by most interviewees photos and the transcripts showed that interviewees were conservative. Trendy fashion models were often considered as deviant from the norm, and therefore inappropriate. The ways Hong Kong tween girls’ perceived gender roles and gender identities are based on a mixture of traditional and contemporary role models. On the one hand, they believe that girls and women should pursue their dreams, be themselves, and enjoy life. They are looking for egalitarianism, independence, and liberation. On the other hand, they believe that girls and women should have a presentable appearance, good manners, and be nice to others. All of which fall within the traditional image of femininity. It reflects both a western individualistic culture that assesses the identity of self and others based on personality traits as well as a collectivistic culture that assesses the ability of maintaining harmonious relationships with others (de Mooij, 2010). Tween girls demonstrate an understanding of the social pressure exerted on females in society and the difficulties for females to excel. Good physical appearance is highly desirable and interviewees hold vivid and detailed definitions of it. Drastic body movement is considered rude and inappropriate along with dramatically colored

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hair, heavy makeup and intensely colored fingernail polish. In the western culture, the body is viewed as part of the identity and desirable appearance is related with greater self-esteem (de Mooij, 2010). Tween girls’ perception of desirable appearance is related mainly with social acceptance. It again reflects the influence of collectivistic culture that one’s identity is the group (de Mooij, 2010). The overwhelming acceptance of a classical definition of beauty may be related to prevalence of such images in the print media. A content analysis of advertisements in a popular Hong Kong weekly magazine found that two thirds of the advertisements with female characters portrayed them in classic/feminine type of beauty (Chan and Cheng, 2010). The social learning process was demonstrated by interviewees in this study through modeling and identification. The interviewees paid much attention to media celebrities, and often made reference to them in defining physical beauty and moral codes. The finding is consistent with previous observation on adult men that celebrities provide a reference point through which personal identity can be understood (Horsley, 2006). Further elaboration of the influence of media celebrities on tween girls can be found in Chapter 3.

Theme 4: Manners and relationships This theme describes what girls and women should be in the public sphere and when they interact with others. Interviewees reported that girls and women should be courteous, refrained, conservative in sexual relationships, and not out-of-control in the worship of celebrities, music stars and film stars. Here are two quotes: “This is a picture of two characters in the novel ‘Pride and Prejudice.’ They are shameless and they always do something annoying in the public. And they talk about everything without knowing right or wrong. Woman should not be like that.” (age 12, a local school student)

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“There was news several months ago about a girl who worshiped an idol. She counted down the days of her idol showing up in a function. Before the function started, the girl fainted. I don’t remember if she fainted or died. I think idol worshiping is OK, as long as they don’t go crazy about it.” (age 12, a local school student)

In the first quote, the interviewee suggested that girls and women should watch out for their manner in the public. In the second quote, the interviewee commented that girls should exercise self-control. In other transcripts not quoted, interviewees mentioned that girls should not be promiscuous and should not have too many sex partners.

Theme 5: Healthy and natural This theme describes the physical and mental well-being of girls and women. Interviewees reported that girls and women should be healthy, strong, drug-free, engaging in exercise, and energetic. They should not have an eating disorder. Some girls took images of public services health campaigns to support their viewpoints.

What Girls Should or Should Not Do Interviewees were asked what girls or women should do or should not do, with references to the digital images that they had captured. Table 1.2 summarizes the results. Altogether 168 responses were collected and classified into six major themes. Just the sheer number of appropriate and inappropriate behaviors reported gives us the impression that interviewees have strong and vivid pictures about “dos” and “don’ts” of being a girl or a woman. The themes were:

(1) Appearance;



(2) Health and safety;

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1



(3) Relationships;



(4) Activities, interest, and lifestyle



(5) Caring for people and environment;



(6) Work and others

Gender Roles and Media Images

Theme 1: Appearance The theme that received the largest number of responses was about appearance, i.e., what kind of clothes a girl should wear, whether a girl should use make-up, or how should a girl look. Interviewees demonstrated a strong rejection of sexy clothes, heavy make-up, and the alteration of body through cosmetic surgery. The definition of sexy clothing varied among interviewees. One considered clothing that exposed the belly and the shoulder sexy while another considered any clothes that were revealing in nature to be sexy. Regardless of their specific definitions of the concept, interviewees indicated that wearing sexy clothes was indecent, weird, or dangerous. This is a comment made on sexy clothes by an interviewee, Table 1.2 Summary of results for “What girls or women should do or should not do?” Theme (total frequency) Appearance (48)

Frequency

not wear heavy make-up

8

not wear sexy clothes

8

dress properly and tidily

6

natural hair (not messy / not dyeing / not too short)

5

not have cosmetic surgery

5

not make too big body movement

4

wear smile

4

have tidy nails

3

wear bright-color clothes

3

proper posture and eye contact

2 continued on next page

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Table 1.2—continued Activities, interest, and lifestyle (24)

enjoy life and have fun not fighting / not engage in contact sports /  not use violence

4

express feelings

3

read books Theme (total frequency) Care people and environment (23)

Health and safety (33)

Relationships (28)

Work (6)

Others (6)

14

3 Frequency

take care of the family members

8

help the needy

6

look after the environment

4

take care of animals

3

not use violence

2

not smoke / not drink / not take drug

13

stay healthy / do exercise

10

eat properly / not lose weight drastically / not take weight loss pills

5

hurt herself or commit suicide

3

not encounter with strangers

2

maintain good relationship with husbands and family members

7

not being taken in nude pictures

5

not have sexual relationship or pregnant before marriage

5

possess honesty in courtship

4

develop and maintain friendship

3

marry and have a family / children

3

have a religion

1

have achievement and integrity at work

4

focus on school work

2

not get into debts

4

not break the rules

2

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“They should not wear so few clothes. Exposing too much of the body for others to see is not right.” (age 10, a local school student)

The wearing of make-up was generally acceptable among the respondents. Heavy make-up and cosmetic surgery were not acceptable because it made a girl or woman look unnatural. They also considered fashion trends such as dying hair, wearing colorful nail polish and any exaggeration of particular features were not acceptable. Drastic body movement was considered as rude and not gentle. Here are two examples, “This girl spreads her legs apart. She should not do it.” (age 10, a local school student) “This model is walking with the hip swinging from side to side. The movement is too drastic and is not natural.” (age 12, a local school student)

Figure 1.3 Drastic body movement is considered as rude by some interviewees

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Despite attempts by parents, government and society to restrict access to sexually explicit materials, these materials are present and available to the tween girls in Hong Kong. Images showing a naked man and a naked woman embracing together were collected by the interviewees from newspapers and magazines. The interviewee who took the images described them as disgusting or ugly. The tween girls in Hong Kong demonstrated conservative attitudes toward sexuality. They rejected sexy clothes, heavy make-up, and cosmetic surgery. In spite of heavy bombardment of slimming advertisements in Hong Kong, tween girls rejected practices that claimed to reduce weight drastically. All these suggest that tween girls aspire to “natural” beauty. Interviewees’ definition of sexiness showed a wide range of standards. Sexy clothes were rejected because of potential danger or indecency. Images suggesting homosexuality were scorned by interviewees. These findings are consistent with the dominant discourses on parenting and education in Hong Kong that put emphasis on female chastity (Ho and Tsang, 2002). Adolescent sexual expression is constructed as “deviant” and is usually associated with danger, moral problems, crime and psychological disorder (Ng, 1998; Wong, 2000). A few interviewees took photos of explicit sexual materials that they came across. Even though they condemned the images for indecency, the taking of these photos indicated that tween girls had interest and curiosity to know more about their own sexual identity and sexual life-world. Several interviewees brought up that it was inappropriate for females to allow others to take nude pictures of them. This was probably triggered by a sex scandal involving Edison Chen, a popular Hong Kong singer. Nude and more than suggestive photos of his sexual partners were released through the Internet. The female popular singers involved in the scandal suffered immediate damage to their careers as companies pulled out product endorsements and performance contracts. At the time of the data collection,

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the scandal was revitalized with the press reports of the court testimony and the public apology of a female singer involved. The scandal appeared to be a real-life social learning experience for the tweens. Several interviewees reported that females should not allow others to take nude pictures of them and another interviewee said girls and women should never put 100% trust in their boyfriends. Interviewees seemed to perceive that females were vulnerable and suffered great loss in reputation in a sex scandal.

Theme 2: Health and safety The theme that received the second largest number of responses in terms of “dos” and “don’ts” was about health and safety issues. This category covers what kind of activities may enhance or threaten the well-being of females. Nearly all interviewees mentioned that girls and women should not engage in unhealthy behaviors including smoking, drinking, and taking drugs. Ten interviewees mentioned that women should do exercise to keep them healthy. Five interviewees commented that females should not adopt dramatic measures in losing weight.

Theme 3: Relationships The theme receiving the third largest number of responses was about relationships. This category describes how girls and women should interact with others. Family plays an important role among interviewees as seven of them mentioned that females should love their husbands and children. Interviewees were concerned about protecting themselves from hurts in courtship or sexual relationships. Several reported that they should never let their boyfriends take nude pictures of them. Five interviewees disapproved of pre-marital sex or pre-marital pregnancy. Kissing another girl in public was considered disgusting because it violated the social norms about marriage.

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Theme 4: Activities, interest, and lifestyle

Figure 1.4 Interviewees remark that girls should engage in leisure activities

I nter v ie we e s ment ione d this theme 24 times. They remarked that girls should engage in leisure activities, go out with friends and enjoy life. Having fun and enjoying life were mentioned 14 times. I nterviewees commented that girls deserve a life full of fun and excitement. Girls should travel, eat, read and try to be happy. Even when they were in bad mood or adversity, they should not hurt themselves but have a positive attitude toward life. Four interviewees disapproved of rough activities, including fighting and contact sports.

One typical quote for girls to enjoy life was: “She (Miley) is an actress. This is a beach vacation where you can do water sports or things that are fun to do. Another thing that’s really fun to do is writing or singing songs that have good meanings. These things are what girls should do.” (age 11, an international school student)

Theme 5: Caring for people and environment Twenty-three responses brought up by interviewees were about caring. The theme describes the love and concern for others and

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the willingness to make an effort for social causes. Interviewees reported that girls and women should take care of their loved ones. In-marriage pregnancy was considered as a demonstration of caring, while pre-marital pregnancy as too much uncertainty. One interviewee said, “If she’s gonna give birth to kids, they should be ready. They should be older than 18. Otherwise, the kid may need to be sent to the foster home and you don’t know what may happen to the kid.” (age 12, an international school student)

One interviewee reported that females should help the needy such as those who have suffered from earthquakes. Four interviewees mentioned that girls and women should take a part in protecting the environment. Tween girls in Hong Kong showed concern about global as well as domestic social agendas. Traditional stereotypes portray females as dependent, submissive, and primarily interested in her home life (Rice and Dolgin, 2005). The interest in non-domestic issues should be good news to educators and parents as less rigid gender roles may encourage tween girls to gain freedom to pursue their interests. Environmental awareness coupled with the awareness of undesirable consequences associated with taking drugs, drinking and driving, and smoking may point to the effectiveness of the Hong Kong government’s public health and safety publicity channeled through the schools and the mass media. Previous study indicated that adolescents and young adults in Hong Kong place a great deal of trust in public services advertisements. The government was perceived as a credible source for health and safety related advices (Chan, 2010). The government should therefore use their apparent influence to design age-specific communication messages for the tween segment to advocate a position on important social causes and advance global improvement for humanity and the environment.

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Theme 6: Work and others The last theme groups together how girls and women should approach their studies and work. Interviewees reported that girls and women should make every possible effort in their school work and excel in their occupation. Four interviewees commented that females should not spend lavishly while shopping and get stuck in credit-card debts. Tween girls in Hong Kong consume a variety of media, including cable TV, television, newspapers, magazines, books, subway posters, outdoor billboards, video games and the Internet. Interviewees showed tremendous interest in adult-oriented contents across media. Lack of print media specifically for the teenagers and tweens may account for the heavy use of media for adults. An interviewee reported that girls should not be caught up in debt. She cited a Cable TV programme about a female financial analyst helping a couple to face the family financial crisis. Some of them were also exposed to explicit sexual content and pornography. Parents and educators should be aware of the accessibility of these materials for tween girls and should take initiative to discuss with them the meaning of these images and contents. The social learning process was demonstrated by interviewees in this study through modeling and identification. There is empirical support of Hirschman and Thompson’s (1997) interpretive strategies. For example, a female interviewee showed aspiration of a female traffic control officer who survived a tough career choice. The interviewee wanted to be brave in finding her own dream. Interviewees criticizing the sexy female media images demonstrated the rejecting strategy. They thought that the values and behaviors of these females were undesirable. Interviewees’ appreciation of vital and presentable female images demonstrated the identification strategy. Interviewees perceived that the way these females in media dressed and behaved aligned with their own values and beliefs. The interviewees paid much attention to media celebrities, and often made references to them in defining physical beauty and moral

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codes. The finding is consistent with previous observation on adult men that celebrities provided a reference point through which personal identity could be understood (Horsley, 2006). Further elaboration of the influence of media celebrities on tween girls can be found in Chapter 3.

Conclusion To conclude, the analysis of interviews and images found that tween girls’ perceived gender roles for females reflected a mixture of traditional and contemporary beliefs and values. Interviewees were looking for liberation as well as presentable physical beauty in their consumption of media content. The desire to follow their dreams reflects the expression of individuality while the desire for social acceptance reflects the conformity to norms and expectations. The tween girls in Hong Kong demonstrated conservatism in sexuality. Sexy appearance and pre-marital sexual relations were considered inappropriate. Tween girls showed concern about global as well as domestic social agendas. They used a variety of media and showed interest in content primarily created for adults. In the next three chapters, we are going to elaborate the findings from the same study, putting emphasis on sexuality of girls, the role of celebrities in socialization, and interviewees’ evaluation of these images.

Acknowledgements Part of this chapter has been published in Chan, K., Tufte, B., Cappello, G., and Williams, R. B. (2011). “Tween girls’ perception of gender roles and gender identities: A qualitative study,” Young Consumers: Insight and Ideas for Responsible Marketers, 12(1), 66–81.

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Appendix: Details of Methodology for Chapters 1 to 4 Contents of Chapters 1 to 4 are generated from a study of 16 Hong Kong girls between the ages of 10 and 12. They were recruited through personal networks. Ten interviewees were studying at local Chinese medium schools and the other six were studying at international schools that use English as the language of instruction. Two interviewees were Caucasians and the remaining 14 were Chinese. Because of the high tuition fees charged, interviewees studying at the international schools mostly come from families with middle to high economic status. These girls were asked to take photographs of images from any media that shows what girls or women should be or should not be, and what girls or women should do or should not do. The interviews took place at public and private venues including sports centers, schools, and interviewees’ homes. The interviews were conducted by the author in a language that the interviewees feel most comfortable with. The interviews took 20 to 36 minutes. The list of questions asked is:

(1) From these pictures, what do you think about what girls or women should be or should not be?



(2) From these pictures, what behavior(s) do you think are appropriate or inappropriate for girls or women?



(3) Who create these images and why do they create them in this way?



(4) Are you satisfied with the way the images of girls or women are created now?



(5) If you were a media owner and/or a media producer, what would you do in constructing images of young girls or women?

All interviews were audio recorded and later transcribed or translated into English by a female graduate research assistant

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hired for the project. All the responses generated from the first two questions were listed out and input into an excel file. The author sorted the answers into what girls or women should be if it was a description of a person and likewise sort the answers into what girls or women should do if it involved a specific action or behavior. The findings from the photos and the interviews were compared across the sample. Marshall and Rossman’s (1999) comparison analysis method was used throughout the data analysis process to link data by constantly comparing and contrasting them (Strauss, 1987). The transcripts were analyzed question by question for dominant themes in the interview protocol. Results of the study have been published in the following publications. We have permissions from the publishers to rewrite them and incorporate them in this book. Chan, K. (2012). “Pre-pubescent girls’ evaluation of female images in media,” Journal of Children and Media, 6(3), 384–399. Chan, K. (2011). “What pre-teen girls learn about gender roles from celebrities,” Journalism and Mass Communication, 1(2), 79– 87. Chan, K., Tufte, B., Cappello, G., and Williams, R. B. (2011). “Tween girls’ perception of gender roles and gender identities: A qualitative study,” Young Consumers, 12(1), 66–81. Chan, K. (2011). “Tween girls’ sexuality and a media scandal in Hong Kong,” in Feilitzen, C., Carlsson, U. and Bucht, C. (Eds.) Yearbook 2011 New Questions, New Insights, New Approaches: Contributions to the Research Forum at the World Summit on Media for Children and Youth 2010 (pp. 109–122), Sweden: Nordicom, University of Gothenburg, ISBM 978-91-86523-21-3 We have made effort to recruit interviewees from a diversified background. Due to our limited social network, six out of the 16 interviewees had Christian background. They either studied in Christian schools or were raised by Christian parents. This may account for their sexual conservatism.

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Autovideography The method adopted in chapters 1 to 7 stemmed from the videographic method introduced by scholars Russell Belk and Robert Kozinets. Together they have hosted the Film Festivals at the Association for Consumer Research since 2002. Videographic data can be collected by videotaping group or individual interviews, by engaging in naturalistic observation, by using autovideography (where informants videotapes themselves and their lived experiences), by using concealed camera methods, and by taking advantage of opportunities to use interactive video and computermediated communications (Belk and Kozinets, 2005). The method used is a visual adaptation of the autovideography method. Auto-videography approach was adopted, followed by an individual interview (Belk and Kozinets, 2005). Videographic data were collected by asking interviewees to take photos from the media in their everyday experience. Taking photos is an integral part of contemporary life for today’s youth. The advantage of using this approach is that the videographers are more self-directive in their photo-taking, showing what is important to them and what they are interested in rather than what may be of interest to the researchers. It can lead us to see the world as the interviewees see it and to better understand what they want to tell us (Mizen, 2005). Visual elicitation can be conducted from the previous photos the interviewees took in the individual interviews (Belk and Kozinets, 2005).

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Introduction

1

Sex is a taboo in Chinese culture. More than 3,000 years of the Chinese history of sexual suppression has resulted in a conservative sexual culture (Zeng, 2004). Chinese culture emphasizes strict moral conduct and therefore restrained sexual activity is valued (Abraham, 1999). As a matter of fact, sex and aggression are found to be two areas in which parents most often exercise prohibitive training (Ho and Kang, 1984). Sexuality is viewed purely as serving the function of baby-making. Discussing sexuality issues outside marriage or family is also considered highly inappropriate (Khoo, 2009). Nevertheless, Chinese’s perception of and attitudes toward sex is now undergoing a change. With the development of birth control measures and the rise of the feminist movement, adolescents have moved from viewing sex as forbidden to viewing sex as acceptable and interesting, yet terrifying (Rice and Dolgin, 2005). Researchers have found that youths around the globe are more likely than before to have pre-marital intercourse, and the age of their initial sex experience has been declining (Michael et al., 1994). As society becomes more open to sexual topics, there are more opportunities for people to abuse that freedom. Children and youth are increasingly exposed to sexual images, with sexually explicit materials being available in newspapers, youth magazines, television, music videos, movies and the Internet. Scholars in the United States have expressed concerns about the sexualization of young girls, as demonstrated through the marketing of scantily clad dolls to 6-year-olds, or teens turning to heiress Paris Hilton and pop star Britney Spears as role models. The Task Force on the Sexualization of Girls of the American Psychological Association concluded that sexualization has negative effects on various aspects, including cognitive functioning, as well as physical and mental health. According to the Task Force, sexualization occurs when people value a woman or girl predominantly for her sexual appeal or behavior; hold her to a narrow standard of beauty; equate her physical beauty with sexiness; view her as an object

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for sexual use; or inappropriately impose sexuality on her. The Association called for the development of media literacy programmes in the current school curricula to promote healthy activities for girls, and of a more comprehensive sex education programme for boys and girls (American Psychological Association, 2007). Young Chinese are also increasingly exposed to sexual contents. As a society in which youths are equally exposed to both Western and Chinese cultures, Hong Kong may serve as an interesting example in understanding youth’s attitudes toward sex and sexuality (Woo and Twinn, 2004) in relation to media influence. Over 95% of the Hong Kong population is Chinese. In the traditional Chinese culture, premarital sexual activity is considered a deviation from the societal norm (Goodwin and Tang, 1996). However, there is evidence from higher rates of pregnancy termination that adolescent pregnancy in Hong Kong is increasing (The Family Planning Association Hong Kong, 2000). A survey also found that 80% of adolescents in Hong Kong have accessed sexually explicit online materials. Among them, 20% are motivated to do so for entertainment, 14% for obtaining sexual knowledge, and 11% for satisfying sexual needs (Chung et al., 2009). A different survey of secondary form one students (equivalent to grade seven in the U.S. education system) found that higher levels of positive youth development and better family functioning correlate to lower levels of consumption of pornographic materials (Shek and Ma, 2012). Mass mediated messages are considered important socializing agents with regard to values, beliefs and attitudes (Comstock, 1991; Strasburger and Wilson, 2002). Media and communications are a central element in our society, while gender and sexuality are at the core of how we construct our identities (Gauntlett, 2008). Specifically, this chapter focuses on how tween girls define sexiness and the evaluation of sexiness, how they see intimate relationship with the opposite sex, and their attitudes toward sex as well as sexual behaviors.

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Sex Education in Hong Kong Sex education has long been acknowledged as an important part of the personal and social development of children and youth in Hong Kong. The Education Department (now Education Bureau) published guidelines on sex education in secondary school in 1986 (Education Department, 1986). The guidelines aimed to equip students with values and skills in making decisions and communicating about sexual issues. New guidelines on sex education in schools were issued in 1997 (Education Department, 1997). It extended the coverage to kindergarten level of study and gave greater emphasis to gender equity, gender roles and human rights (Fok and Tung, 2000). The 1997 guidelines attempted to equip students with comprehensive knowledge about sexuality and the consequence of sexual activity; prepare students to explore their attitudes toward sex, marriage and family; establish decision-making and communication skills, and to develop responsible sexual behavior (Education Department, 1997). According to the website of the Education Bureau, it is expected that sex education will help students to develop healthy relations with the same and opposite sexes, and acquire life skills for handling personal and social issues relating to sex (Education Bureau, 2013). The website also provides learning materials on five topics, including (1) health and growth, (2) gender equality, (3) dating, relationship and love, (4) sexual harassment, sexual assault and sexual violence, and (5) sexually transmitted diseases and HIV/AIDS. Surveys found that schools in Hong Kong have become more positive in promoting sex education. However, survey findings indicated that secondary school students demonstrated a low level of sexual knowledge, especially in relation to adolescent marriage, the probability of pregnancy, and sexual activity (Ip et al., 2001). The shortage of trained teachers was perceived as a major obstacle for effective sex education (Fok, 2005). Survey results indicated that there were differences in perceived learning needs in adolescents’ sexuality among teachers involved in sex education and secondary school students. Teachers perceived that personal skills in dealing

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with sex were important learning needs while students perceived that sexual health topics were important learning needs (Tsui, 2009). A survey found that boys and girls in secondary form one to form seven (equivalent to U.S. education system grade seven to first year of university) ranked “dating and love” and “adolescent development” as the top two most desired sex education topics. Girls ranked “prevention and dealing with sexual harassment” as the third most desired sex education topic, while boys ranked “premarital sex” as the third most desired sex education topic (The Family Planning Association of Hong Kong, 2012).

Sexuality in Hong Kong Since 1981, The Family Planning Association of Hong Kong has been conducting a territory-wide survey entitled “Youth Sexuality Study” every five years in Hong Kong. The findings of the latest “Youth Sexuality Study” in 2011 showed that the percentage of students in secondary form three to form seven (equivalent to U.S. education system grade 9 to first year of university) who had sexual intercourse experience was 10% for boys and 7% for girls. Both percentages showed a decrease after a continuous rise over the previous four rounds of the survey. Among these sexually active respondents, the mean age for first sex intercourse was 15.3 years old for girls and 14.6 years old for boys. These sexually active boys and girls seldom practiced safe sex. The rate of contraceptive use was low. Less than 40% of the sexually active respondents who practiced contraception used male condoms or oral pills. The remaining 60% adopted unreliable measures such as safety period, extra-vaginal ejaculation, or washing after intercourse (The Family Planning Association of Hong Kong, 2012). Trend analysis revealed that “public intimacy between two sexes”, “premarital sex” and “cohabitation” were more acceptable among respondents. The acceptance of other people having “multiple dating partners”, “multiple sexual partners” and “induced abortion” demonstrated a

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decline. Similarly, “premarital sex” and “cohabitation” were also the most commonly accepted behaviors of other people among youths aged 18–27 (The Family Planning Association of Hong Kong, 2007). The spokesperson of The Family Planning Association of Hong Kong commented that Hong Kong youths’ attitudes toward sex and sexual intercourse behavior were still relatively conservative when compared to most developed Western countries. The Association expressed worries that the trend of increasing openness in sexual attitudes and activity among Hong Kong youths was not supported by an improvement in sexual knowledge (The Family Planning Association of Hong Kong, 2007). The Association pointed out that under-age sex is both illegal and would harm the physical and mental health of the adolescents. The consequences of unsafe sex can be destructive to the future well-being of young people. The Association urged parents, teachers, and youth workers to discuss the issue proactively with the young people (The Family Planning Association of Hong Kong, 2012). The cultural values of female pre-marital chastity and martial fidelity in Chinese Confucian traditions discourage sexual promiscuity among females (Tang et al., 2001). As seen in a survey of 178 secondary school students in Hong Kong, male respondents reported a higher level of acceptance of pre-marital intercourse and the use of pressure and force in sexual activity than female respondents did (Ip et al., 2001). With the recent improvement in education of females, and the social environment promoting a more gender-equal society, the youth’s, especially tween girls’ attitudes toward sex and sexual behaviors may be changing in Hong Kong and across greater-China.

A Qualitative Study on Tween Girls’ Sexuality and Media The research findings in this chapter come from the same qualitative study we described in Chapter 1. In the current study, sexuality is

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operationally defined as interviewing contents related to any of the following issues:

(1) Attitudes toward sexiness;



(2) The definition and meaning of sexiness;



(3) Attitudes toward sex and sexual behaviors;



(4) Perception of intimate relationships, heterosexuality and homosexuality;



(5) Pregnancy, birth, and birth control.

including

Although the interview questions do not mention sexuality explicitly, the issues related to sexuality and sexual behaviors were often brought up by the interviewees when they commented on what girls should be or should do. Marshall and Rossman’s (1999) comparison analysis method was used throughout the data analysis process to link data by constantly comparing and contrasting them (Strauss, 1987). The transcripts were analysed for dominant themes in the interview protocol. Three dominant themes on sexuality were generated:

(1) Attitudes toward sexy clothes;



(2) Attitudes toward pre-marital sex and pregnancy;



(3) Lessons learned from a media scandal.

Theme 1: Attitudes toward sexy clothes When the interviewees were asked what girls or women should do or should not do, eight out of 16 reported that girls or women should not wear sexy clothes. Among them, one interviewee said that girls or women should wear proper clothing and not something that resembles underwear. To the interviewed girls, sexy clothes are clothes that expose too much of a female’s body. When this issue was brought up, the researcher asked them to select pictures from their photo collections to illustrate “sexy” clothes. Results found great diversity in the categorization of sexy clothes. One interviewee showed the following image (Figure 2.1) and said,

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Figure 2.1 Some interviewees found the girls in this image expose too much of their bodies

“These girls expose the shoulders and the bellies. They should have worn a coat on top.” (age 12, a local school student)

Another interviewee remarked that a seductive outfit (Figure 2.2) was sexy. Here is her comment, “She does not wear the pants. She wears only some kind of clothes on the top. She is wearing far too little.” (age 12, a local school student)

In particular, clothes that reveal most of the breasts and the buttocks were classified as sexy clothes. The images of women wearing sexy clothes originated mainly from two sources: advertisements of slimming services or beauty products and entertainment news on fashion models or media celebrities.

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Sexy clothes were often described as inappropriate, not courteous, or simply not good. The tween girls in Hong Kong generally did not approve of sexy clothes. While most of the interviewees did not explain why sexy clothes are not acceptable, one interviewee provided a functional reason. She thought that sexy clothes do not adequately serve their purpose. Showing a girl in a bikini, she commented: “If she goes swimming, she should wear proper swimming suits. I mean those normal ones. I don’t think she can swim in this apparel. It’s very weird.” (age 12, an international school student)

Figure 2.2 Images of women wearing sexy clothes can be found in many advertisments of slimming services

Only one interviewee showed a slight approval of sexy clothes. She thought that sexy clothes can show the identities of females: “Some girls and women wear sexy clothes because they want to catch the attention of men. This is needed in some situations. If women wear high-neck or long sleeve clothes, their figures cannot be shown. They may not look that pretty. So photographers will take photos that allow others to see the full figures of women. Then their photos will be much more beautiful. I think the figure is important to women. For example, if a woman is flat-breasted, then she

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will look like a man. The figure shows the identity of females.” (age 12, a local school student)

The interviewees of similar age showed a wide range of standard regarding to the definition of sexiness. Some interviewees perceived that sexually seductive and revealing clothes were sexy, while others felt that clothes simply exposing the shoulder or the belly were sexy. According to Bandura’s (1986) social learning theory, girls learn about the standard of acceptable and unacceptable clothing from socializing agents. The wide range of standard in sexiness may reflect the differences in standards of sexiness among parents (especially mothers), school teachers and friends. Tween girls have access to a variety of sexy or even indecent images of females. A few interviewees took photos of explicit sexual materials that they had come across. For example, an interviewee took a picture of a magazine advertisement for a sex hotline that featured a topless female. Even though they condemned the images for their indecency, the fact that they took these photos with them indicated that they had an interest in and curiosity to know more about their own sexual identity and sexual life-world. Sexually explicit media, including magazines, books, DVD, and Internet websites are easily accessible in Hong Kong. Popular newspapers and magazines contain advertisements for commercial sex. The new Internet and media technology give plenty of opportunities for people, including children and youth, to get access to sexual materials (Janghorbani and Lam, 2003). Our study indicated that advertisements of slimming service providers and entertainment news are major sources of sexy images of females. The finding is consistent with American media critic Kilbourne’s accusation that “advertisers are the real pornographers of our time” (Kilbourne, 2000). It seems that the prevalence of these images may convey a controversial message to the tween girls in Hong Kong. If girls should not wear sexy clothes, why are all these media celebrities wearing them on glamorous occasions? Is it because females above a certain age have the privilege to dress themselves in

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a sexy way? Does society have a double standard on sexuality for media celebrities and for ordinary people? Scholars have expressed concern about the effects of sexy images and explicit sexual contexts on adolescents and young adults in many countries, including Hong Kong and other Chinese communities where sexual media are considered immoral (Janghorbani and Lam, 2003). Because of the easy access to explicitly sexual images among the tween girls found in our study, there is a need to empower parents and educators to discuss the consumption of sexy images or pornographic materials and its possible consequences for tween girls.

Theme 2: Attitudes toward intimate relationship with the opposite sex and premarital pregnancy The interviewees demonstrated conservative and cautious attitudes toward intimate relationships with the opposite sex. Sexual relationships at a young age and pre-marital sexual relationships were disapproved of. The girls showed a great deal of concern about pre-marital pregnancy. Three interviewees captured images with the caption “a 14-year old mother”. They thought that premarital pregnancy was bad both for the mothers and for the babies. The following quotes demonstrated the disapproval of underage pregnancy: “If she’s gonna give birth to kids, she should be ready. She should be older than 18. If you’re like 14, you are still in middle school and you cannot look after the kid. The kid is not going to have a good life. The kid may need to be sent to a foster home and you don’t know what may happen to the kid.” (age 12, an international school student) “This is a photo of a 14-year-old mom. I think girls should not get pregnant before marriage or have sex before marriage. The risk is too great. Nowadays

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people don’t want to take responsibility and prefer to have an abortion. This will cause great harm to the girls.” (age 12, a local school student)

From these two quotes, we can see that the interviewees had negative attitudes toward pre-marital sexual behaviors and premarital pregnancy. Disapproval of pre-marital sex seems to originate from fear and disapproval of pre-marital pregnancy. The girls were concerned about the harmful effect of pre-marital pregnancy on the mothers and the babies. They felt that the mother shoulders much responsibility in child care. Personal maturity is a prerequisite of motherhood. If a girl is not mature enough, she cannot handle it. The interviewees disapproved of pre-marital pregnancy to such a great extent that one of them even thought courtship at a young age was unacceptable. Despite the worry about pre-marital pregnancy, the interviewees generally supported the notion that girls should marry and have babies. Establishing a family was considered fulfilling and meaningful. Here is one quote: “Girls should get married and have babies. It will bring her life to a new stage and it is meaningful. She can have her next generation. When she takes care of the baby, she can develop intimacy with the baby. The relationship with the children will leave her with many happy or unhappy memories.” (age 12, a local school student)

Intimate relationships with the opposite sex were perceived to be risky because of the possible bad consequences, such as date-rape and violence. Here is a representative quote: “Girls should take care of themselves and protect themselves from strangers. If she is going to break up in relation, the boyfriend may hurt her. Girls should be careful in making friends with the opposite sex.” (age 12, a local school student)

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Other than pre-martial pregnancy, the interviewees showed disapproval of all forms of commercial sex, including compensated dating and engagement of prostitutions. The following is an illustrative quote: “This is a photo of a group of prostitutes. I think it is bad for a woman to become a prostitute. Why do they work as prostitutes when they could do some proper work?” (age 12, a local school student)

One interviewee took two pornographic photos of female prostitutes in indecent postures from the newspapers. She commented that these photos are disgusting because the prostitutes are engaged in an improper business. She thought that these girls should be arrested by the police. The interviewees did not specifically mention whether they supported heterosexuality or homosexuality. Heterosexuality was probably assumed to be normal, as they often mentioned not having sex with a guy. One interviewee took a photo of two female singers kissing on the stage. She commented that they should not do this. This indicates that homosexuality was not quite acceptable among the interviewees. Engagement in intimate relationships with the opposite sex was perceived to be risky by the interviewees because of the possible bad consequences, including pre-marital pregnancy, abortion, and the leaking out of intimate images. Regarding pre-marital pregnancy, the girls were concerned about the well-being of both the mothers and the babies. They discussed the responsibility of mothers, and not fathers, in shouldering the care of babies. Through a media scandal exposed in the news, the interviewees “learned” that they should not put unreserved trust in their sex partners and should protect their reputation. Tween girls’ fear of pre-marital pregnancy is understandable. A study of Chinese pregnant adolescents in Hong Kong found that their reaction to unplanned pregnancy ranged from shock

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and fear to avoidance and guilt. All of them described how they had tried to deny the existence of their pregnancy through various means, including faking their menstrual periods. Some of them also attempted to harm the fetus and trigger a natural abortion (Woo and Twinn, 2004). This indicates that adolescence pregnancy is not acceptable in the Chinese society.

Theme 3: Lessons learned from a sex scandal in the media Altogether seven out of 16 interviewees commented on a sex scandal in the media that occurred in February 2008. They reported that girls should not allow their boyfriends to take nude pictures of them. The sex scandal involved Edison Chen, a popular Hong Kong singer, and at least six female singers. Among these female singers, one was very popular among children and young girls. Nude photos of Edison Chen’s sexual partners were released via the Internet after he took his computer for repair. The female popular singers involved in the scandal suffered immediate damage to their careers, as advertisers pulled out product endorsements and performance contracts. At the time of the data collection, the scandal had been revitalized with the news of the court testimony given by Edison Chen and the press conferences of the two female singers involved. Five interviewees took pictures of the female singers and one took pictures of the male singer. The scandal appeared to be a real-life social learning experience for the tweens. Several interviewees reported that females should not be involved in taking nude pictures and another interviewee said girls should never put 100% trust in their boyfriend. Three interviewees used strong emotional words such as regret, silly and stupid. Four interviewees blamed the female singers for being careless and too casual in their relationships with the opposite sex. One interviewee thought that a female singer was promiscuous. Here is an illustrative quote: “The girls should not have taken those kinds of photos with him. Originally they didn’t think others

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would see these photos and they took them just for fun. But in the end, a lot of people can see these photos. Because of this, Gillian Chung had to step down from show business. She admitted that she was stupid to have loved Edison Chen. She regretted a lot and she scolded him. I think she should have thought it through early on.” (age 12, a local school student)

Six out of the seven interviewees who commented on the scandal felt the female celebrities involved were victims of the incident. The interviewees commented that these girls suffered from damages to their reputation and career because they had made a bad decision. None of the interviewees saw Edison Chen, the male character, as a victim. The interviewees seemed to feel that the female characters in the media scandal suffered more damage and hurt than the male character. Previous studies have found that media figures play an important role in helping adolescents develop their identities by shifting away from identification with parents, and moving toward autonomy (Giles and Maltby, 2004). How media figures act and react provides adolescents with models for how to think and feel in different situations (Larson, 1995). Media figures also provide adolescents with cultural materials for developing gender role identity, values, and for learning about sexual and romantic encounters (Arnett, 1995; Brown et al., 1990). In this chapter, tween girls seemed to rehearse the threat of being betrayed by an intimate partner through a particular media scandal that had taken place in society. Several interviewees perceived the female media celebrities as victims of the event. The interviewees expressed fear and regret about the loss of reputation as well as professional career of the female celebrities involved in the media scandal. Our interviewees aged 10 to 12 adopted a conservative attitude toward sex. This can be seen from their disapproval of sexy images as well as pre-marital sex relationships. The conservative attitude toward sex is consistent with the dominant discourses on parenting and education in Hong Kong, which emphasize female chastity.

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Young women are not supposed to have sex before they get married (Ho and Tsang, 2002). Adolescent sexual expression is constructed as “deviant” and is usually associated with danger, moral problems, crime and psychological disorder (Ng, 1998; Wong, 2000). However, the finding was in sharp contrast to previous studies showing that youth in Hong Kong endorsed rather liberal attitudes toward sex. In 2001, 36% of youth aged 15 to 39 considered premarital sexual relations wrong. 50% of the respondents found abortions acceptable and 16% reported that having more than one sexual partner at the same time was acceptable (Hong Kong Federation of Youth Group, 2001). The evidence therefore suggests that attitudes toward sex and sexual relationship had a great difference between 10–12 years of age and those aged 15 and above. Tween girls demonstrate much more conservative in sex than adolescent girls. We believe that the sexual conservatism and normative desire for traditional Chinese value of chastity among the young tween girls are a result of the gender socialization mainly from parents. Parents have a lot of worries about bringing up girls. Parents want daughters to have a bright future through good education. They perceive that engaging in courtship and intimate relationship with the opposite sex will distract girls from their study. They want their daughters to have a good family life. The median age for brides and grooms in the first marriage in Hong Kong reaches 29.0 and 31.1 respectively in 2012. In other words, tween girls are 17 years away from their marriage lives. Parents think that the tween girls are not ready to enter an intimate relationship. Seeing that sexual attires may attract the wrong type of attention, parents are expected to discourage tween girls from a positive attitudes toward these sexy clothes. When girls grow up, do their attitudes toward sexiness change? We shall answer this question in Chapter 5 and Chapter 6. In this chapter, we found that tween girls were critical about the sexy female images in the media. They rejected these female images and found them undesirable. The tween girls’ rejection of pre-

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marital pregnancy and the aspiration for having a family life within the legitimacy of marriage reflect the traditional Chinese society’s expectations of women. The images captured by the interviewees showed that they paid considerable attention to media celebrities, and often made reference to them in defining moral standards. This will be further elaborated in Chapter 3.

Conclusion Our findings confirm the statement discussed at the beginning of this chapter that Chinese culture is conservative toward sex. Tween girls in the study condemned the wearing of sexy clothes as inappropriate. The definition of sexy attires varies from an outfit that exposes the shoulders to clothes that reveal most of the breasts. Tween girls disapproved of pre-marital sex and pre-marital pregnancy. They worried that the child born of a pre-martial pregnancy may end up in a foster home as the young mother is not ready to take care of the baby. Probably because of the worry of getting pregnant, tween girls considered intimate relationships with the other sex risky. They reflected on a media scandal and identified with the female celebrity victims. They thought that the female celebrities were too casual and careless.

Acknowledgements Part of this chapter has been published in Chan, K. (2011), “Tween girls’ sexuality and a media scandal in Hong Kong,” in Feilitzen, C., Carlsson, U. and Bucht, C. (Eds), Yearbook 2011 New Questions, New Insights, New Approaches: Contributions to the Research Forum at the World Summit on Media for Children and Youth 2010 (pp. 109–122), University of Gothenburg, Sweden, Nordicom, ISBM 978-91-86523-21-3.

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Introduction

1

Celebrities play a major role in young consumers’ development of self identity. Young people demonstrate empathy and interest in celebrities’ social lives. Due to the prominence and prevalence of celebrities in the media and the heavy use of media among young people, a study of young girls and celebrities enables us to understand how celebrities play a role in gender role formation. In the study of tween girls discussed in Chapter 1 and Chapter 2, interviewees spontaneously reported what girls or women should do or should not do, quoting media celebrities as illustration. This chapter will give a detailed account of the celebrities they mentioned, and how social learning of gender roles and identities from celebrities occurs in Hong Kong. Celebrities as key socializing agents for gender roles and identities are put to focus.

Young People and Celebrities Advertisers and retailers often employ media celebrities as spokespersons for products and services that target young people. This is because young people often form secondary attachments to media figures in addition to family and peers. These attachments facilitate adolescents’ transition to adulthood and the formation of a mature adult identity (Erikson, 1968). Caughey (1984; 1985) found that young admirers consider a celebrity idol as their idealized self-image. Admirers want to develop or refine personality traits that are similar to those of their idols. Young people reported that they wanted to change their physical appearance, abilities, values and attitudes in order to imitate those of their idols (Boon and Lomore, 2001). Caughey (1985) concluded that people’s “imaginary” relationships with media figures shape both their own self-identities and their subjective evaluation of self-worth. McCutcheon, Lange and Houran (2002) proposed that consumers’ relationship with media celebrities can be classified

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into three types, namely entertainment social, intense personal, and borderline pathological. Entertainment social celebrity worship refers to a normal interest in learning about the celebrity through the media as well as discussing the celebrity with friends. Intense personal celebrity worship refers to a feeling of strong and personal connection with the celebrity demonstrated, for example, by perceiving the celebrity as a faultless soul mate. Borderline pathological celebrity worship refers to an abnormal relationship demonstrated through empathy with the celebrity’s successes and failures, over-identification with the celebrity, compulsive behaviors related to the keeping of pictures and souvenirs, as well as obsession with details of the celebrity’s life (McCutcheon et al., 2002). Young people who claimed to share a bond with their idols (all of whom were media figures) were more likely to attribute a role to their idols in guiding their choice of identity and shaping their feelings of selfworth (Boon and Lomore, 2001). Idols here refer to a hero, a celebrity, or a role model (Maltby et al., 2004). Some empirical findings suggest that idol worship serves to compensate for the qualities and resources that the worshippers fail to possess (Cheung and Yue, 2013; Engle and Kasser, 2005). The compensation model has been successful in identifying factors influencing idol worship such as low self-esteem, weak social network, and monotonous life experience (Jenson, 1992). Deficiency in various cognitive and psychosocial aspects such as inadequate attachment to parents and lack of secure relationships, as well as resources related to social class, also contribute to idol worship (Argyle, 1994; Giles and Maltby, 2004; McCutcheon et al., 2003). A qualitative study of U.S. adolescent girls found that interviewees demonstrate intense interest in popular culture. They often discussed media contents of television, consumer magazines, and movies (Durham, 1999). These girls often use mass media to reconstruct the dominant ideology of femininity, such as emphasis of physical appearance, aspiration of getting married and childbearing, as well as rejection of homosexuality (Durham, 1999).

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In a study of 22 U.S. tween girls aged 9 to 11, participants were asked to construct a collage of any women and girls they saw in the media in whatever way they chose (McGladrey, 2011). Disney female celebrities including Selena Gomez, Miley Cyrus, and Demi Lovato were most frequently featured in the collages. Participants reported that they often compared their own appearance with the Disney starlets and aspired to look like them. Participants felt that they had been friends with Miley Cyrus since they had consumed her images on the Disney channel for a long time. McGladrey (2011) employed Zaltman Metaphor Elicitation Technique to gain further insight from the collages. Questions such as “Tell me a story about who you think these women and girls are and what their lives are like,” and “Besides what you see when you look at your collage, what are your feelings? Can you use taste, touch, smell, and color to describe your feelings?” were asked. Results showed that participants distinguished clearly between pictures that were casual and those in which the celebrities were posing for the cameras. They considered that the celebrities’ appearance would inspire them to purchase products promoted by the celebrities. In analysing participants’ perceptions of what it would be like to be their favorite celebrities, participants reported mixed feelings. They were attracted to the lifestyle of the rich and famous, but worried about surveillance and scrutiny by paparazzi and fans (McGladrey, 2011). Because of the booming pop music and film industries, Hong Kong enjoys an ever-changing list of popular singers and movie stars (Chan et al., 1998; Leung, 1999). Nearly every pop star has his or her fan club (Cheung and Yue, 2003; 2004). These popular idols are admired by young people for ostensibly being wealthy, beautiful, young and hedonistic. Most major newspapers in Hong Kong devote two to three pages to international and local celebrity gossips every day. Next Magazine, a weekly magazine with readership of 530,000, publishes a celebrity gossip supplement every week with over 100 pages of articles and advertisements. Television advertisements also

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feature numerous celebrity appearances. It is found that 40% of the television advertisements for products targeting at young consumers featured celebrities (Chan, 2010). Idol worship is common especially among young people in Hong Kong. A survey of 2,000 secondary school students found that close to 70% claimed to have at least one idol. Popular singers and movie stars were typical favorites (So and Chan, 1992). Listening to popular music is a major form of entertainment for young people, and pop music singers are often idolized (Wong and Ma, 1997). A survey of high school and university students in Hong Kong found that the respondents favor those celebrities who are talented, attractive-looking, powerful, and extraordinary (Yue and Cheung, 2000). According to Yue (2007), idol worship and model learning both involve admiration and identification. However, idol worship is characterized by person-focused admiration and idol mystification, while model learning is characterized by attributesfocused admiration and model identification. Idol worship leads to an idolization model demonstrated by romantic attachment, high monetary and time investment, feelings of low self efficacy, illusory romance, vainglory and confusion of self-identity. Model learning leads to an actualization model illustrated by identification, low monetary and time investment, feeling of self efficacy, self inspiration, personal growth and identity achievement (Yue, 2007).

A Study on Tween Girls’ Social Learning from Celebrities This chapter enables us to understand how celebrities play a role in tween girls’ gender role formation. The media socialization process is important for parents and educators to help young girls to adopt non-stereotypical gender roles and facilitate girls to explore their full potentials.

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Finding 1: Celebrities and media characters who captured the attention of tween girls were mainly adult female entertainers Interviewees were asked what girls or women should be or should not be, with reference to the digital images that they had taken. Altogether 32 celebrities and five media characters were reported by the interviewees 45 times. Table 3.1 summarizes the celebrities and media characters reported to be examples of what girls or women should do or should be in the interviews. Their profiles based on the public information were shown. Fourteen out of the 37 celebrities and media characters were non-Chinese females and the remaining 23 were Chinese females. Non-Chinese females’ celebrities reported included Selena Gomez, Miley Cyrus, Anne Frank, Princess Diana, and Madonna. Nearly all the Chinese celebrities mentioned were

Table 3.1 Age, race, and profile of celebrities and media characters reported by the interviewees Celebrity

Age*

Nationality

Profile

Reported by girls studying at international schools Anne Frank

12

Dutch

author

Bindi Sue Irwin

11

Australian

daughter of Steve Irwin (nicknamed The Crocodile Hunter)

Demi Lovato

17

American

actress

Gillian Chung

28

Chinese

pop singer

Heidi Klum

36

American

model and fashion designer

Janice Vidal

27

Chinese

pop singer

Madonna

51

American

pop singer

Miley Cyrus

17

American

actress and pop singer

Pak-chee Cheung

29

Chinese

actress involved in a media sex scandal

Rubina Ali (young Latika)

10

Indian

actress in the movie Slum dog Millionaire

Selena Gomez

17

American

actress and pop singer

Shin-ni Kwok

35

Chinese

actress

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Celebrity

Age*

Nationality

Social learning from celebrities

Profile

Reported by girls studying at local schools Angela Tong

34

Chinese

actress

Catherine Bennet

24

British

character in Pride and Prejudice

Charlie Yeung

35

Chinese

actress

Chiu-yee Ho

35

Chinese

actress

Elizebeth Bennet

35

British

character in Pride and Prejudice

Ella Koon

30

Chinese

actress

Fat-yung Chan

42

Chinese

actress

Gigi Lai

38

Chinese

actress

Gigi Leung

33

Chinese

actress

Gillian Chung

28

Chinese

pop singer

Girlne Ya

28

Chinese

author

Ha-wai Wong

76

Chinese

actress

Hoi-mei Chau

43

Chinese

actress

J.K. Rowling

44

British

author

Jane Bennet

30

British

character in Pride and Prejudice

Janice Vidal

27

Chinese

pop singer

Jill Vidal

27

Chinese

pop singer

Joey Yung

29

Chinese

pop singer

Ka-yan Chung

25

Chinese

actress

Kar-fan Chan

unknown

Chinese

medical doctor and author

Kary Ng

23

Chinese

pop singer

Kelly Chan

35

Chinese

pop singer

Kelvin Kwan

26

Chinese

pop singer

Mrs. Bennet

63

British

character in Pride and Prejudice

Princess Diana

36

British

a royal family member (deceased)

Sheung Yan

45

Chinese

chief editor of a magazine in a TV drama

Sze-kei Yeung

31

Chinese

actress

Yuen-man Tse

35

Chinese

medical doctor who died in SARS

*age as at 2009

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local actresses and pop singers. Five of the celebrities discussed were professionals such as authors (e.g., J. K. Rowling) and medical doctors. According to public records, the ages of the celebrities and media characters mentioned ranged from ten years old to 76 years old. Nine of the celebrities and media characters were aged below 20 while the remaining 28 characters were aged 20 or above. The mean age of the celebrities and media characters reported was 30. Two of them (i.e., Princess Diana and Anne Frank) were deceased. One interviewee discussed four characters from the book Pride and Prejudice. Another interviewee brought up a character from a popular television drama. Among the 12 celebrities and media characters mentioned by interviewees studying at international schools, eight were nonChinese. Among the 25 celebrities and media characters mentioned by interviewees studying at local schools, six were non-Chinese. Four of these six non-Chinese are media characters in the book Pride and Prejudice. The remaining two (i.e., Princess Diana and J. K. Rowling) are world-famous celebrities. None of the interviewees studying at local schools mentioned non-Chinese entertainers. Surprisingly, no media characters from cartoons were reported as examples of what girls or women should do or should be. Participants often select female adult media celebrities as models for gender roles and gender identities. The selection of media celebrities was focused on certain admirable attributes. Some interviewees reported explicitly that they adopted the celebrities as positive role models. Interviewees also identified with the celebrities because they liked the way they behave, or their specific personality, or their specific talents. In all the interviews, there is an absence of idol worship. No interviewees reported strong emotional attachment with the media celebrities or demonstrated confusion of self-identity. None of the interviewees perceived the celebrities and media characters as perfect. In fact, interviewees sometimes reported inappropriate gender roles from these celebrities. Celebrities engaged

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in socially unacceptable behaviors such as drinking and taking drugs were disapproved of by the interviewees. The findings support that interviewees demonstrated entertainment social relationship with the celebrities. The findings do not show evidence of intense personal nor borderline pathological relationship with the celebrities (McCutcheon et al., 2002). Instead, the findings demonstrate that interviewees were able to evaluate the behaviors of the media celebrities according to their moral standards. The celebrities and media characters are highly visible for others to observe and to obtain information for role modeling. There is so much written about the celebrities and media characters on the television, newspapers, and magazines that these girls found them familiar and accessible (Singh et al., 2006). Girls studying at local schools were more likely to adopt Chinese local popular singers and actresses as role models for gender identities. Girls studying at international schools were more likely to adopt non-Chinese popular singers and actresses as role models. This can be attributed to the different media interviewees used. It is observed that girls studying at local schools most often took pictures from Chinese newspapers and Chinese gossip-type weekly magazines.

Finding 2: Celebrities and media characters serve as negative role models Interviewees most frequently reported how these celebrities and media characters demonstrated to them what girls or women should not do. This theme was brought up 18 times. Table 3.2 summarizes the reasons for considering celebrities negative role models. The reasons for considering celebrities negative role models included alcoholic abuse, having a plastic surgery, gossiping, being promiscuous, performing hot dances, taking drugs, and being superstitious. Here are three illustrative quotes: “One of the pictures I took is Miley Cyrus. In some ways, in life, she made bad decisions so when people

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Table 3.2 Reasons for negative role model celebrities Reason

Frequency

being promiscuous or indecent

5

drug abuse

4

telling lies or gossiping

3

drink-driving

2

showing ignorance

2

being superstitious

1

undergoing plastic surgery

1

want her to be their role models, they should think clearly. She has done stuffs that the media and lots of people disagreed with. For example, she goes out at night and does stuffs she is not supposed to do, such as drinking. I think she is really bad as a role model.” (age 11, an international school student)

In this quote, the girl identified drug abuse and underage drinking as the kind of inappropriate behaviors of Miley Cyrus. At the same time, she perceived that her poor decisions in life would have negative impact on those who follow her as role models. “Jill Vidal and Kelvin Kwan took drugs and were arrested. They should not take drugs.” (age 10, a local school student) “The photo I took is Gillian Chung (a local pop singer). Her nude pictures were released on the internet. She should not take such photos with Edison. Originally they didn’t think others would look at the photos and they took them just for fun. But in the end, others could see those photos. Gillian Chung had to step down from show business after this incident. She admitted that she was stupid to had loved Edison

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Chen. She admitted that she regretted it. I think she should have thought it through in the first place.” (age 12, a local school student)

In this quote, the girl reported a media scandal and identified with the financial loss of the female celebrity involved. She demonstrated identification with the celebrity in her strong emotions of regret.

Finding 3: Admiration of specific talents, competency, or personality of the celebrities and media characters shown This theme was brought up 16 times. Table 3.3 summarizes the reasons for admiration of celebrities and media characters. The list of virtues that interviewees admired include being clever and smart, enjoying work and having fun, having self-confidence, engaging in charity work, being gentle and well-educated, pursuing personal goals, showing persistence and bravery, being strong, expressing her own feelings, achieving in career work, and comforting others. Here are two illustrative quotes: “The woman in the picture is J. K. Rowling. I think women should pursue their dreams. She was originally a badly off single mother. Because she was poor, people around her didn’t support her to write. In the end, she became successful. So I think even though the situation is bad, if a woman pursues her dream, her dream will eventually come true.” (age 12, a local school student) “Yan Sheung is the chief editor of a fashion magazine in a television drama. Each issue of the magazine has to obtain her approval before printing. She has achievements and I admire her.” (age 12, a local school student)

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Table 3.3 Reasons for admiration Celebrity

Reasons for admiration

Demi Lovato

Admire her lifestyle of work and fun

Elizebeth Bennet

Admire her gentleness and education

Fat-yung Chan

Admire her bravery

Gigi Lai

Admire her marriage

Girlne Ya

Admire her writing talent

J.K. Rowling

Admire her talents and persistency

Kar-fan Chan

Admire her talent and detective mind

Kary Ng

Admire her singing talent

Miley Cyrus

Admire her lifestyle of work and fun

Pak-chee Cheung

Admire her personality of standing up for her family in the sex scandal

Princess Diana

Admire her charity work

Rubina Ali (young Latika)

Admire her self-expression

Selena Gomez

Admire her lifestyle of work and fun

Selena Gomez

Admire her personality of self-confidence

Shin-ni Kwok

Admire her personality of caring of others

Yan Sheung

Admire her talent

The first quote showed that the interviewee perceived that it was important for a female to pursue her dream despite the lack of emotional support. The second quote showed that the interviewee was aspired to celebrities with a successful career. Tween girls are inspired by the celebrities and media characters to pursue an identity that is intelligent, achieving, independent, selfconfident, and expressive. The result is similar to the study of young working females in Hong Kong who generally consume women magazines in order to construct an idealized image of modernity and outstanding beauty (Fung, 2002). The difference between the 10–12-year-old girls in this study and the young working females

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Table 3.4 Reasons for being a positive role model Celebrity

Reasons for positive role model

Anne Frank

Role model for facing adversity and being truthful

Bindi Sue Irwin

Role model for saving the planet

Charlie Yeung

Role model for trusting friends

Gigi Leung

Role model for trusting friends

Heidi Klum

Role model for charity

Ka-yan Chung

Role model for courtesy

Yuen-man Tse

Role model for self-sacrifice

lies in the aspiration of achieving outstanding beauty. Interviewees seem to put more emphasis on the talents and the competency of the celebrities and media characters, whereas in Fung’s (2002) study, interviewees (female magazine readers) put much emphasis on the outfits of the celebrities and models featured in the magazines. Tannen (1990) argued that men are socialized to be aggressive, assertive, ambitious, and independent in order to survive in a hierarchical world, while women are socialized to be submissive and cooperative. Fung (2002) suggested that Hong Kong females’ pursuit of beauty was a socially acceptable way to express their desire to be outstanding. In this chapter, the 10–12-year-old girls expressed their admiration of the achievements of the celebrities. Interviewees also admired the gentleness and the caring acts of the celebrities and media characters. It shows that interviewees are inspired by both masculine and feminine personality traits of the celebrities and media characters.

Finding 4: Some celebrities and media characters were perceived as positive role models The theme was brought up seven times. This theme is similar to the previous one discussed above. The difference denotes the fact that the interviewees specifically mentioned that the celebrities and

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media characters serve as their role models in this theme. Table 3.4 summarizes the reasons for adopting celebrities and media characters as their positive role models. Interviewees reported what they learned from these celebrities and media characters about facing adversity, saving the planet, helping others, being brave, being courteous, and building friendship. Here are two illustrative quotes: “This is a picture of Heidi Klum. She is rich and famous, and she is contributing to different charities. She helped others to relive their dreams. She hosted the show Project Runaway that comes up with really nice clothing design. She is my role model.” (age 12, an international school student) “Here are Charlie Yeung and Gigi Leung. They wrote a book titled My Grow-up Journal. They shared the secrets of growing up and they built mutual trust and friendship. They are my role models in building up friendship.” (age 12, a local school student)

The interviewees paid much attention to the sexual lives of the media celebrities. They often made reference to them in defining standards for societal acceptance and moral decisions. Discussing sex outside marriage and family is a taboo in the Chinese society. Although pre-marital sex seems to have become more prevalent in the last two decades, evidence suggests that Hong Kong youth retain traditional views on love, courtship, and marriage (The Women’s Foundation, 2006). Interviewees in the current study demonstrated conservative attitudes toward sex. They disapproved of pre-marital sex of female celebrities involved in the media scandal. A majority of interviewees perceived celebrities and media characters as either positive or negative role models. Only one interviewee reported the ambiguity and ambivalence of a celebrity (i.e., Madonna). It suggests that the evaluation of celebrities and media characters by the interviewees is based on a narrowly defined set of criteria.

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Finding 5: Interviewees gave detailed accounts of the social and private lives of the celebrities Girls were interested in the private lives of the celebrities. In particular, they were observant of the family lives as well as sexual lives of the celebrities. One interviewee discussed the bright side and the dark side of Madonna’s adoption of children. This is what she said. “This is Madonna. She has adopted several children and she wants to adopt one more child. But it is not allowed because she has already adopted too many children and has not been staying in a country long enough. People should stay in a country for at least 7 months before they are allowed to adopt a child. I think Madonna is not fully right. She adopts these children in order to help them. But since she has already adopted so many, she may not have time to take good care of them.” (age 10, a local school student)

One girl discussed the sexual molestation of a female actress. Another interviewee discussed the spreading of a rumor by a popular singer. Let’s look at the following quote. “This is Ella Koon. She started a rumor that a male actor had molested an actress. After investigation, there is no such case. She attended a function and sang songs, and suddenly the music stopped while she was singing. Audiences saw that she was unhappy. The TV producer asked her to go backstage to avoid embarrassment. When she returned backstage, the music came up again. Then she cried backstage. The TV station said that she had made a bad impact on the image of the company and that they would not continue hiring her. She should find out the truth before telling people about it.” (age 12, a local school student)

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In this quote, the girl gave an almost eye-witnessed account of a trivial incidence that happened to a celebrity. The quote portrayed the flow of the event, as well as the responses and the feelings of the celebrity involved. She was also aware of the consequence of the event from the employer’s perspective. The media sex scandal involving popular singer Edison Chen drew much attention of the tween girls. Nude photos of Edison Chen and his female sexual partners were leaked out. Among these female partners, Gillian Chung is a popular singer among children and young girls. Interviewees altogether took six pictures of the female celebrities involved in the scandal. While four interviewees perceived Gillian Chung a negative role model, one interviewee perceived that she was strong. She moved on with her life.

Finding 6: Interviewees that were critical of the outfits of the celebrities This theme was brought up three times. Girls commented that they disliked some of the clothes the celebrities wore. They criticized the outfits being too sexy, or too darkly colored. Based on McCutcheon, Lange and Houran (2002)’s proposed consumers’ relationship with media celebrities, there is evidence that tween girl interviewees in the study mainly engaged in entertainment social celebrity worship with the media icons. We did not find evidence of intense personal celebrity worship nor borderline pathological relationship. Our interviewees did not see the celebrities as faultless persons. Very often they mentioned the undesirable social behaviors of the celebrities. Taking drugs and engaging in casual sex relationship was scorned of by the interviewees. Based on the findings, we propose the following hypotheses that can be tested in a future quantitative study.

H1: Girls aged 10 to 12 are more likely to learn about gender roles and identities from adult females than girls of similar ages.

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H2: Female celebrities and media characters play a significant role in shaping gender roles and identities among girls aged 10 to 12.



H3: Girls aged 10 to 12 are more likely to engage in entertainment social celebrity relationship than intense personal or borderline pathological relationship with celebrities.



H4: Girls aged 10 to 12 admire selected media celebrities for their talents, achievements, or contribution to the well being of humanity.



H5: Girls aged 10 to 12 often assess the behaviors of the media celebrities according to their moral standards.



H6: Most of the girls aged 10 to 12 perceive celebrities and media characters as either positive, or negative. They seldom perceive celebrities and media characters as “real” persons with both positive and negative attributes.



H7: Girls aged 10 to 12 show interest in the private lives of celebrities.

Conclusion To conclude, the analysis of interviews and images found that celebrities and media characters play an important role in shaping tween girls’ perceived gender roles and identities for females. A majority of the media celebrities they paid attention to were popular icons in the entertainment industry. Interviewees often refer to adult celebrities for positive and negative gender roles. Interviewees learned from celebrities and media characters that certain behaviors were not acceptable in the social arena. These girls showed admiration of specific talents and personalities of the celebrities and media characters. Successes in career as well as charity work of celebrities are most frequently mentioned as reasons of admiration. Interviewees paid much attention to the social and private lives of the celebrities.

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Acknowledgements Part of this chapter has been published in Chan, K. (2011), “What pre-teen girls learn about gender roles from celebrities,” Journalism and Mass Communication, 1(2), 79–87.

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Evaluations of female images in media

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Introduction

1

In the previous three chapters, we understand what female images tween girls pay attention to and what they learn from the media celebrities about gender roles. In this chapter, we put emphasis on tween girls’ media literacy. Specifically, we explore how tween girls evaluate the female images in Hong Kong media. We examine how much they understand about the process and personnel involved in the production of such images. This chapter adopts an innovative visual method which involved asking interviewees to collect images and discuss in what way they felt satisfied or dissatisfied with them. If tween girls are allowed to participate in the production process, what kind of female images will they create? Recent research on youth and the media has focused on how media content is used in daily life and how messages are decoded and understood by a young audience (Tufte, 2007). Youth nowadays are media-savvy. A survey of 405 Chinese persons aged 15 to 24 in Hong Kong found that the Internet plays a prominent role in their lives. A majority of respondents spent one to three hours per day on the Internet and identified it as their preferred medium for information-driven activities. Magazines retained importance for entertainment and shopping, while the television retained importance for news and current affairs (Chan and Fang, 2007).

Gender Representations in Media Gender stereotypes in the media have been studied extensively in recent decades. For example, gender inequality and gender stereotypes were found in a sample of 2,367 hours of children’s television programs in a recent content analysis study covering 24 countries. Voice-overs were found on average to be male twice as often as female. Heroes were mostly boys and men. The proportions of male and female characters were 68% and 32% respectively. Girls appeared significantly more often in groups. Overweight girls

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or elderly women were seldom portrayed in children’s television programs (Götz et al., 2008). A meta-analysis has found evidence of the stereotyped portrayal of the two genders in advertising (Wolin, 2003). Females are consistently associated with domestic products. Gender roles for females are narrow and restricted to domestic settings. Women are often portrayed as sex objects, and rarely participate in sports in commercials. Men are more likely to be portrayed as product authorities and women as product users (Sexton and Haberman, 1974; Shani et al., 1992; Siu, 1996; Venkatesan and Losco, 1975). Other and more recent studies, however, suggest that gender role stereotyping is decreasing (e.g., Allan and Coltrane, 1996; Bartsch et al., 2000; Sullivan and O’ Connor, 1988). Research about learning from media, including diverse approaches such as Bandura’s social learning theory (1986) and the cultivation theory of Gerbner and his colleagues (1994), among others, suggests that advertising messages can affect an individual’s sense of self and behavior. Consumers and advertisers in this visual age are accustomed to using the computer as a portal into the worlds of information, entertainment, buying and selling, working, and communicating. Images play an important role in each of these spheres of activity (Belk and Kozinets, 2005).

Effects of Media Representations Media offer many role models for their audience members, and therefore are in a position to play a critical part in gender role socialization (Durham, 1999; Wong and Chan, 2006). A qualitative study, for example, found that the use of mass media was woven into girls’ constructions of their gender identities. The themes of the media messages that attracted most attention from girls included working on the body, an aspiration to be a bride and mother, homophobia and sexual confusion, as well as iconic femininity. The same study also found that the peer context was important as one in

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which gender identity was consolidated through reference to media messages that defined femininity and sexuality (Durham, 1999). In a study in which nine tween girls aged 9 to 11 were asked to construct a collage using female images found in the media, a few participants expressed dissatisfaction with the female media images. For example, one participant constructed a collage with females of different ages, races, and body shapes. She commented that the media only show girls who are pretty and do not show girls who are different or who are ugly (McGladrey, 2011). Another participant gained more acceptance of her larger-than-average body size after the collaging task. Through her critical and creative analysis of mediated female imagery, she became aware of the narrow conception of beauty among girl celebrities in the media. McGladrey (2011) suggested that engaging girls in media criticism would provide them an opportunity to explore the interaction between body and images in the media production process. Many studies have looked at the possible relationships between media images and teenagers’ body image dissatisfaction. It has been suggested that by consistently portraying thin and attractive bodies, the media cultivates low self-esteem and body dissatisfaction among females (Groesz et al., 2002). An experiment involving 219 adolescent girls in the United States found that vulnerable respondents who initially perceived pressure to be thin and who had deficient social support were adversely affected by exposure to thin models in fashion magazines (Stice et al., 2001). A study by Ogden and Mundray (1996) observed that exposure to such images increased the body image dissatisfaction of adult subjects. A study attempting to investigate this effect in adolescent girls, however, failed to reach similar conclusions (Champion and Furnham, 1999). A focus group study of 67 Australian girls about 16 years of age found that the media exerted strong pressure on them to be thin. However girls’ awareness and sophisticated understanding of media pressure may serve to moderate these forces (Tiggemann et al., 2000). A study of 128 Australian girls aged 5 to 8 found that

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by 6 years of age a majority of them desired a thinner ideal figure. Both peer and media influences emerged as significant predictors of body image and dieting awareness. Watching music television shows and reading appearance-focused magazines correlated with dieting awareness. Girls who looked at magazines aimed at adult women had greater dissatisfaction with their appearance. The study concluded that girls aged 5 to 8 are already living in an appearance culture (Dohnt and Tiggemann, 2006). With the media portraying so many stereotypical images of girls and women, as well as restrictive gender roles, it is unlikely that these ideas would have no impact on a recipient’s self-image (Gauntlett, 2008). Excessive media consumption by young people, and particularly the consumption of sexy or violent content, has been seen by some as a threat to society (Cheung, 2009). Audience analysis in United States found that girls are confronted with media representations that are restrictive or unrealistic, as well as with those that over-emphasize physical beauty. Girls were shown to be ill-equipped to critically analyze these messages or to resist them (Durham, 1999).

Media Education as an Intervention Media educators have suggested that there is a need to equip young people with the skills and abilities required to critically analyze and evaluate media content (Cheung, 2009). Several American educators have introduced after-school programs to promote girls’ active involvement in popular culture and media discourse through media analysis as well as media production (Kearney, 2006). The intention is that media production may promote a more active and playful relationship with popular culture (Buckingham and SeftonGreen, 1994). An experiment conducted among 127 British girls aged 10 to 13 examined how exposure to a brief video showing the artificial process of image construction (Dove’s “Evolution”, 1 minute 15 seconds, available online) affects body dissatisfaction

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(Halliwell et al., 2011). The girls were then asked to view thin idealized models or control images. After viewing the idealized models, girls without exposure to the video were associated with higher body dissatisfaction than girls exposed to control images. However, girls exposed to the video immediately before viewing the idealized models did not demonstrate higher body dissatisfaction than girls exposed to control images. The results demonstrate that media literacy intervention can be useful in protecting young girls from body dissatisfaction (Halliwell et al., 2011). Media education was introduced in Hong Kong’s secondary school curriculum in the late 1990s, and since 2009 “Liberal Studies” has been a core subject in that curriculum. Topic on “Mass Media in Hong Kong” is also covered (Cheung, 2009) as it attempts to encourage students to develop critical and discerning minds in decoding media messages (Cheung, 2009). Media education is not part of the official primary school curriculum in Hong Kong, but some elementary schools have taken the initiative by setting up campus radio or TV activities, or introducing formal media education lessons (Cheung, 2005). In a case study of one such initiative, elementary school students reported that they considered media education lessons interesting and meaningful. They were more conscious of media messages and better able to understand the influence of advertisements. For example, a student said she now thought that the many slimming advertisements exaggerated the magical results and were not scientific (Cheung, 2005).

A Qualitative Study on Tween Girls’ Evaluations of Female Images in Media In Chapter 1, we found that Hong Kong tween girls’ perceptions of female roles are presumably based on a mixture of traditional and contemporary role models. A sexy appearance and pre-marital sex are still considered inappropriate by girls in that age group. Tween girls show concern about global as well as domestic social issues.

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They use a variety of media and show interest in media content intended primarily for adults. Research on youth and the media has tended to focus on media consumption and body image dissatisfaction. There has been a lack of scholarly attention to young girls’ impressions and evaluation of female images in the media. This study was designed to alleviate that deficiency. The objectives of the study are:

(1) To examine Hong Kong tween girls’ understanding of the process by which female images are created in the media as well as the intentions of the media creators.



(2) To investigate if tween girls are satisfied with the current portrayal of women in the media.



(3) To examine what kind of media images tween girls would construct if they were given the opportunity to do so. The specific questions asked were:



(1) Who creates these images and why do they create them in this way?



(2) Are you satisfied with the way the images of girls or women are created now?



(3) If you were a media owner and/or a media producer, what would you do in constructing images of young girls or women?

Who creates these images and why do they create them in this way? Interviewees were asked what girls or women should or should not be with reference to the digital images they had taken. After a discussion of perceived gender roles and gender identities, the interviewees were asked about their understanding of the process of creating female images in the media. All of the interviewees except one were able to identify a participant in the media production process who contributes to the

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Figure 4.1

creation of female images. This is somewhat to be expected given their age. The players cited included newspaper and magazine journalists, image designers, photographers, advertisers, reporters, editors, bloggers, and artists’ managers. Two inter viewees identified the female presenters themselves as influential in the production of female images. As to why female images are created in the way they are, the interviewees attributed four types of intentions to the image creators: generating sales/promoting a product, beautification, a reflective Magazine cover showing a popular female singer intention, and a malevolent intention. Artists’ managers and advertisers were identified as parties who use female images to sell products. One girl showed a magazine cover (Figure 4.1) of a female popular singer and said, “Some artists’ managers signed contracts with models and movie stars and arranged some functions for them to attend. They helped them to dress up. Sometimes artists’ managers ask them to wear sexy clothes because if the artist dresses in sexy clothes, more people will pay attention to her and she will have more advertising or movie jobs. Then she will have more money.” (age 12, a local school student)

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Another interviewee put it this way, “The artists’ managers create trendy images for female models and singers in order to gain profits. If people like the images, they worship those models. The models can then charge more for advertising jobs and concert tickets. These artists’ managers can get more money from the models.” (age 12, a local school student)

Some girls perceived that those who produce newspapers and magazines, as well as photographers, use female images to sell products too. The products referred to were media products such as music albums, as well as products related to beauty such as slimming services, cosmetics and clothing. Image designers and photographers were identified as parties who beautify women. Interviewees reported that image designers and photographers use their knowledge to help girls and women appear more beautiful. For example, one girl took a picture of a beauty column in a magazine and commented that the magazine teaches people how to do a good make-up job. Reports, editors, bloggers and the presenters themselves were identified as parties who present both good and bad images of females, which the interviewees recognized as reflecting reality. One girl reported that “God gives people imagination and creativity to create visual images. These people can be photographers or artists themselves.” “Girls themselves” and “bad” guys were identified as parties that show female images with questionable intentions. One girl reported that the presenters themselves wanted to attract men’s attention by wearing sexy clothes. Another girl mentioned pornography as an example of images used to promote “inappropriate” business interests. Two girls from an international school gave elaborate explanations of how magazines create images of how girls should look. One said,

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“I have watched the Dove real beauty campaign thing. And I saw how the magazines use computers to generate and go over things, like the eyes are bigger or some of them probably have a lot of make-up and lighting and different techniques to make them look better. So I think these images are not completely truthful”.

This quote suggests that the interviewee was aware of digital editing and other image enhancing techniques used by magazines to create prettier-than-real images for girls to aspire to. In response to a question about the purposes of making these images look better, the same interviewee said, “If it looks better, it’s more eye-catching. It is probably showing like you should look like this. Or you should do what they are doing, such as wear that kind of clothing, use that kind of make-up, or something like that. Some of these pictures are actually selling people things.” (age 11, an international school student)

In this quote the interviewee points out that the prettier-thanreal images are used to encourage girls to match up those images through consumption. However, none of the interviewees studying in Chinese schools expressed any dissatisfaction with female images for being unrealistic or too perfect. Some of the interviewees were able to identify some of the individuals and the institutions involved in the creation of various types of female images in the media. Some girls demonstrated an understanding of the process of creating trendy images of media celebrities by the artists’ mangers in order to encourage idol worship that leads to consumption and profit. However, the media production process is very complex with a lot of individuals and institutions involved, all being part of bigger systems like markets, industries, and politics. None of the quotes

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showed any deep structural insight into the complexity of the media production process itself. Interviewees were able to identify the different intentions of the image producers. Their awareness of the dual perspectives of themselves and the media producers in the creation of media images was consistent with what developmental psychologists predict for girls aged 7 to 11 (children at the analytical stage) (John, 1999). Sales and promotion intentions were most often brought up by the interviewees as the reason for creating female images as they are. Although John’s (1999) model of consumer socialization emphasizes understanding advertising and product/brand knowledge, the evidence from these interviews suggests that the understanding of these tween girls went beyond advertising and brands. They were able to identify media producers as sources that create female images to sell products in an indirect way. Images of female celebrities were perceived by some interviewees as sales agents for the products. The result was consistent with the results of a previous study that children aged 9 and 10 were able to understand that celebrities in advertisements were used to grab attention or to influence people to buy the products (Young, 2007). Both studies found that children aged about 10 were aware of media images being presented with commercial intent. The four different intentions reported by these tween girls indicate that they had different views about whether female images in the media reflect reality. Interviewees who reported sales or promotion intentions and those who reported beautifying intentions perceived that female images in the media are prettier than the reality. The interviewees who reported a reflection intention perceived the images as being close to reality. The two interviewees who reported questionable intentions perceived the images in the media look worse than reality. Overall, interviewees most often identified the promotion intentions of female images in the media. This is consistent with the observation that the female body is often used as a selling-point in magazines and newspapers (Lee and Fung, 2009).

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Are you satisfied with the way the images of girls or women are created now? Interviewees were asked whether they are satisfied with the images of girls or women based on the snapshots they collected. Only one of 16 interviewees reported that she was satisfied with the images of girls and women in the media, and that, she said, was because both good and bad images are presented. Nine interviewees expressed partial satisfaction with the female images in the media. Overall, they were satisfied with female images that are active, natural, healthy, gentle, and caring. They were not satisfied with female images that are unnatural, too sexy, rude, inactive, taking drugs, or pornographic. Here are three typical quotes: “I am satisfied with those images of girls that are healthy and active, such as this picture from the newspaper. I do not like the images of girls just sitting or dressing up. It is boring.” (age 11, an international school student) “Some I like and some I don’t like. I like those that are natural, poised, and graceful. But I don’t like

Figure 4.2 Healthy and active girls shown in newspaper

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those images that have no vitality. Look at this woman. Her eyes are lack of vitality. But her look is ok. The only things I am not satisfied with are the eyes. They look sleepy and dull.” (age 12, a local school student) “Some only. I am sati sfied with the images of women who sacrificed themselves to Figure 4.3 Female image lacking vitality is save others’ lives. But disliked by the interviewees I am not satisfied with the images of women who incurred debts such as this woman featured in a television program about marriage rescue. I think she should not owe such a huge sum of money.” (age 11, a local school student)

Six interviewees reported dissatisfaction with images of girls and women in the media. One found the female images in ads for slimming services misleading. One found the female images too negative, and one found them unnatural. One did not give any reason for her dissatisfaction. The two girls who discussed the manipulation of images expressed dissatisfaction because the resulting images are unrealistic and too perfect. One of them said, “I am not satisfied with the images of girls in the media. Because sometimes when photographers and people make posters for magazines, they usually computerize people to make them look better than they actually do in real life, which is not showing the real person. … Everybody wants to be like a model, but it’s not always possible. Some media lied to the

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public about what other people look like. And then people who read those magazines and see those kinds of posters think they should look like that person when they actually can’t be like them because they don’t actually look like that. The posters create this vision in the person’s mind of how they should look. If people want to be like those images in the magazines, they always fail. Because nobody can be perfect, as I said before, it’s a matter of liking how you look. If you don’t like how you look, you will never be satisfied with who you are.” (age 11, an international school student)

In this quote the interviewee expresses dissatisfaction with the female images in magazines because those images lie to the audience. The quote shows that the interviewee does not believe in media images and instead has a sense of acceptance of her own physical appearance. The data reveal similarities in dissatisfaction with female media images among the interviewees. One interviewee exposed to the Dove “real beauty” campaign was dissatisfied with the female images used. The Dove Campaign for Real Beauty was a global corporate marketing program launched by Dove (a skin care brand) in 2004 that intended to challenge the stereotypical view of beauty portrayed in the media and to encourage a wider definition of beauty (Froehlich, 2009). Judging from the content reported by the interviewee, she may have seen an ad titled “Evolution” (1 minute 15 seconds, available online) that was launched by Dove in 2006. It featured an average looking girl being transformed into a stunning model in a billboard advertisement through a series of digital image editing processes. The campaign was produced to win a wider female audience for a new product line and was not intended to be used as material for media education. Two interviewees discussed the manipulative efforts of magazines in creating perfect female body images. Both of them criticized them as unrealistic and too perfect. One of them mentioned the Dove “real beauty” campaign

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explicitly, while the other alluded to its content “computerizing people to make them look better”. They both criticized the use of digital editing techniques and magazines’ efforts to make girls emulate media images through consumption. They expressed the perception that the media lies about the physical beauty of females, and the opinion that girls need to be self-confident about their physical appearance. It seems that their critical approach to female images helps them establish positive attitudes toward their own body images. The results echo an experimental study of British girls that exposure to the Dove video immediately before viewing of extrathin female images protects them from body dissatisfaction (Halliwell et al., 2011). The results suggest that knowledge about how images are manipulated has the potential to better prepare adolescent girls for living in a world of powerful images, words and sounds. Further study is needed examining whether or not media education materials especially designed to raise sensitivity to gender stereotypes might better equip youngsters with knowledge of the complexities of media organization and the aims behind the media production process. The interviewees were, in general, dissatisfied with female images that they feel are exaggerated, inactive, too sexy, or rude. If they were in charge they would construct more images of females who are sporty, natural, healthy, and brave. This suggests that interviewees do not endorse (or are unwilling to be seen endorsing) traditional femininity involving passivity, reticence, and readiness to accept the authority of males (Gauntlett, 2008). Instead, they profess to embrace bravery, assertiveness, and active lifestyles in images of females. However, interviewees did not challenge the female images of beauty and of being stylish and fashionable in the media. It is possible that tween girls’ dissatisfaction with female images may be because the content they are exposed to is often targeted at adults. Certainly, many of the images the interviewees collected were sourced from magazines, television programs, advertisements and newspapers for adults. A recent content analysis of a lifestyle magazine in Hong Kong found that over half of the advertisements with female characters portrayed them in decorative roles and

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two thirds of the advertisements exploited classic feminine beauty stereotypes (Chan and Cheng, 2010). So tweens’ dissatisfaction with the media images may be because they cannot identify with the adult females portrayed. These tweens seem to have expressed the same dissatisfaction for very similar reasons, regardless of their educational background.

What images of girls or women would you construct? Interviewees were asked to imagine if they were a media owner or a media producer, what they would do in constructing images of girls or women. The answers to this question complement the answers previously reported. Ten out of sixteen girls expressed an intention to construct more images of girls that are sporty, active, natural, and healthy. They defined natural images as free from heavy makeup and computerized alteration. Here are three quotes: “I want to create more positive images of women, showing them fashionable, proactive, and independent. I want to show that girls are as good as boys, and are not less important than boys.” (age 12, a local school student) “I would create more trendy and healthy images of girls, such as girls playing sports.” (age 10, a local school student) “I would make sure they look like they usually do in normal life, maybe give them the make-up, they can put it on themselves and then they can show people what they usually want to look like, what they look like in real life and not make them look like something other people think they want to see. I would make posters and images that people look natural and not like they put make-up kind of things, lots of eyeshadow and made it perfect and made them look so

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really good, like they came out of a fairy tale.” (age 11, an international school student)

One girl wanted to see more images of brave girls. “I want to show girls doing things that normal people wouldn’t do, such as diving into the bottom of the ocean or swimming with sharks, instead of swimming with dolphins. I want to show brave girls, and they aren’t just sitting around at home cleaning the house. I want to show them helping others such as playing with refugee children.” (age 11, an international school student)

Two girls said that they would construct more stylish and trendy images of girls or women. One interviewee reported that she would construct more feminine and beautiful images. Interviewees expressed that if they were media producers, they would allow more diversity in female images. This indicates indirectly that they perceived the female images in the media as restrictive. This finding suggests that media educators could encourage young females to use their imaginative power to create their ideal female images in the media that are accessible to them such as YouTube and blogs. This recommendation is based on the assumption that girls receive basic training in media production and image creation.

Conclusion Most of these tween girls were able to identify some of the individuals and the institutions involved in the creation of female images. They identified promoting sales, beautifying, reflection, and questionable motives as the intentions behind creating the images as they were. The girls were dissatisfied with female images in the media. They found them too sexy, too passive, or too artificial and

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expressed a preference for images of girls or women that are active, natural, and healthy.

Acknowledgements Part of this chapter has been published in Chan, K. (2012), “Prepubescent girls’ evaluation of female images in media,” Journal of Children and Media, 6(3), 384–399. www.tandfonline.com

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Introduction

1

Chapter 1 to Chapter 4 examine how tween girls aged 10 to 12 interact with media images and develop their ideology about gender roles and identities. A logical question to ask is how the consumption and interpretation of female media images change with age. Do older girls find sexy images more acceptable? What are their dreams about the future, the family and the relationship? Who are the media icons that they pay attention to? To answer these questions, we conduct another study and the results are reported in Chapters 5, 6 and 7. Seeing that our innovative visual methodology generates in-depth insights, we extend our study to include adolescent or teenage girls aged 15 to 18. The methodology we use is the same as that described in Chapter 1, except that the questions we ask are slightly different. Details of research methodology are reported in the Appendix. Chapters 5 to 7 are similar in structure to the previous chapters. The only difference is that we are now examining a sample of adolescent girls, rather than tween girls. Chapter 5 will review adolescent girls who took photos of female images that illustrate appropriate or inappropriate gender roles from the media, and discuss what those images mean to them. Chapter 6 examines how they interpret sexuality found in media images. Chapter 7 reports how they learn about gender roles from celebrities. Chapter 5 is the same in structure of content as Chapter 1, Chapter 6 is the same in structure of content as Chapter 2, and Chapter 7 is the same in structure of content as Chapter 4.

Adolescents Adolescence is an important transitional stage when boys and girls learn gender role attitudes and behaviors (Erikson, 1968). Erikson has argued that it is crucial for adolescents to establish a traditional gender role—masculinity for adolescent boys and femininity for

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adolescent girls—because a gender role is one of the personal identities that adolescents must establish to avoid identity confusion and role diffusion problems (Erikson, 1963, 1968). Adolescents are socialized into socially acceptable gender roles through socializing agents such as parents, schools, peers and the mass media (Ruble and Martin, 1998). Indeed, the omnipresence of mass media is making them an important socializing agent for children as well as adolescents.

Gender Polarized Society Society nowadays is characterized by male centeredness and androcentrism, and is gender polarized (Bem, 1993). According to Bem, gender polarization means being a male or a female are considered mutually exclusive. Any behavior regarded by religion, society or culture as diverging from the mutually exclusive script is perceived as problematic. Individuals in gender-polarizing societies learn to reject behaviors that are inappropriate to their biological sex (Bem, 1993). In most western societies, males are supposed to be assertive, dominant, forceful, aggressive and independent, whereas females are supposed to be sympathetic, compassionate, affectionate, gentle and tender (Bem, 1974). Hong Kong is a Chinese society influenced by Confucian tradition. A survey has confirmed that Hong Kong respondents have strong gender stereotypes. Less than one-third of the Hong Kong respondents agree that women can realize their full potential (Women’s Commission, 2003). Male centeredness and androcentrism in Chinese culture confer great status and privileges on males (Cheung, 1996). Females in Hong Kong were often being defined in terms of domestic functions and reproduction. There is room for improvement in gender equality at home as well as at the societal level (Women’s Commission, 2010).

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Portrayal of Females in Advertisements Advertising, as a form of persuasive communication, is a powerful socializing agent for gender roles and gender identities. Advertisements reflect a society’s gender-related beliefs because advertisers must make various message strategy decisions in order to address targeted market segments (Luther, 2009). Previous content analysis has shown that advertisements often portray both males and females using gender-based stereotypes. A synthesis of 76 gender-related advertising studies has shown that although gender-based stereotyping of females is decreasing, females are still mainly portrayed as sex objects in order to draw attention of males (Wolin, 2003). Furnham and Mak (1999) reviewed fourteen content analyses from eleven countries that examined gender role portrayals in television advertisements between 1975 and 1999. Most of the analyses revealed gender stereotypes, such as (1) where males were mostly presented as the authoritative central figures while females were mostly presented as product users; (2) males were shown as breadwinners, whereas females were shown as homemakers; or (3) males presenters were used to sell sports and hi-tech products, whereas females were used to sell home and body products (Furnham and Mak, 1999). Furnham and Paltzer (2010) later conducted an updated meta-analysis of thirty content analyses of television ads in twenty-four countries from 2000 to 2008. A majority of the analyses again showed that males played autonomous or professional roles while females played dependent customer roles (Furnham and Paltzer, 2010). Although more than half of the women in Hong Kong are in the workface, less than 5% of females in magazine advertisements are shown in professional roles. More than 50% of the ads show females in what could be termed “decorative” roles (Chan and Cheng, 2012). Wu and Chung (2011) compared award-winning television commercials from China as well as Hong Kong and found that advertisements from Hong

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Kong were less likely to manifest modern representations of women than advertisements from Mainland China. Females in Hong Kong advertisements were more likely to be in family roles, as well as using indirect functions of speech (Wu and Chung, 2011). During adolescence, males and females experience increased gender role differentiation due at least in part to changes in physical appearance (Hill and Lynch, 1983). At the time when adolescent girls are concerned about body image and appearance, advertisements exclusively provide images of skinny females with gorgeous hair, flawless skin and perfect figures (Labre and Walsh-Childers, 2003). A content analysis of U.S. magazine advertisements has confirmed that nearly half of the advertisements use classic, trendy or exotic types of feminine beauty (Englis et al., 1994). A content analysis of Hong Kong magazine advertisements similarly found that over 60% of the advertisements employed classic feminine beauty, followed by casual and sex kitten beauty types (Chan and Cheng, 2012). Body image is an important factor in adolescent girls’ selfevaluations (Thompson et al., 1999). Numerous studies have shown that media images of skinny female models negatively influence females’ perceptions of their bodies and their eating behavior (e.g., Clay et al., 2005; Harrison et al., 2006; Sabiston and Chandler, 2009; Stice and Shaw, 1994). An experimental study has shown that females perceive a greater difference between their ideal body size and their actual body size after watching sexist advertisements (Lavine et al., 1999). Exposing women to typical advertising images has been shown to encourage thinness and dieting (Fay and Price, 1994). Females in Hong Kong who are interested in dieting and fitness topics on television and in magazines are more likely to show eating disorder symptoms (Prendergast et al., 2002). Those findings indicated that adolescent girls exposed constantly to ideal female body images in the media are encouraged to emphasize physical beauty.

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Adolescent Girls’ Gender Roles and Media Images Adolescents’ processing of gender images in the media is an understudied topic in the research on youth and the media. How do adolescent girls select, assimilate, and evaluate advertising images of females in today’s gender-polarized societies? What types of female media images in advertisements attract their attention? How do they interpret these images? A qualitative study by autovideography was designed to examine adolescent girls’ perceptions of gender roles in media images.

What Girls or Women Should or Should Not Be Based on the digital images that interviewees had taken, they were asked what girls or women should be or should not be. Table 5.1 summarizes the results. Altogether 188 responses were reported. Analysis of the interviews generates four major themes. These themes include:

(1) Appearance,



(2) Personality,



(3) Skills and vocation, and



(4) Healthy and natural.

Theme 1: Appearance The theme that received the largest number of responses was about physical appearance. Interviewees mentioned 93 times about how girls or women should look. Interviewees reported 41 times that girls or women should not be skinny. Most of the skinny female images were western models occurred in fashion magazines. Interviewees commented that these girls or women were unrealistic, ridiculous, weird, or unnatural.

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Table 5.1 Summary of results for “What girls or women should be or should not be” Theme (total frequency)

Frequency

Appearance (93) not skinny

41

natural looking

30

not sexy and wild

5

clean and tidy

4

have own style

4

sexy

4

not flawless skin

3

acne free and white skin

1

cute

1

Personality (59) be yourself

15

gentle and patient

11

brave, strong and have self-confident

10

caring and kind-hearted

7

cheerful

5

not materialistic

5

well-mannered

4

elegant

2

Skills and vocation (29) knowledgeable and talented

8

engage in a profession

7

hardworking

7

successful

4

dedicated to job

3

Healthy and natural (7) healthy

4

not fat

2

natural

1

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Two interviewees mentioned two western actresses who had anorexia. One interviewee said, “Keira Knightly is classic skinniest person on earth. She is so thin that she disturbs me.” Another interviewee said, “Nichole Ritchie is seen everywhere and she is so thin. It’s just not really a good idea for her to go around. It becomes the cool thing to do and going out and everything. She’s really not stunning and mature.” An interviewee showed a photo of an anorexic girl and gave the following comment. “I think it’s really sad and it’s getting more and more common because it’s been shared everywhere. Many people are affected by it.” (age 15, an international school student)

One interviewee showed a print ad (Figure 5.1) for a beauty and slimming treatment and said, “I think they are advertising either some pills or diet program. I think she looked fine before using the

Figure 5.1 A print ad for a beauty and slimming treatment

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product. She now looks nearly anorexic.” (age 15, an international school student)

Another student showed a print ad for shoes and noticed that the model’s legs were abnormal. Here is her quote: “Her legs are way too thin. She is just completely fake. I’ve never seen anyone with legs that thin. If I saw someone with legs that thin, I would think she needs to eat a meal and get some help because that’s not normal.” (age 17, an international school student)

Another interviewee showed photo of a TV ad for a nongovernment organization in Sweden that provides treatment for eating disorders. She made the following comment. “In the mirror she looks at herself as fat, but in reality she is actually quite thin. To me, that’s pretty scary that girls think themselves into this type of thing. To be honest you should never ever starve your body and make it suffer just to make you think that if you lost this much weight then you’ll be accepted into society.” (age 15, an international school student)

Interviewees mentioned 30 times that girls or women shou ld look natural. They thought

Figure 5.2 Swedish government organization’s ad on treatment for eating disorder

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girls or women who look natural are those who wear light makeup and wear normal outfit. They should not wear heavy makeup and wear slutty clothing. Also, they should not look unnatural or weird. One interviewee chose an advertisement in a magazine (Figure 5.3) and said the woman in the ad looked natural and not artificial. She thought that was cool because it was usually straight noses and big eyes models in the ad. Other interviewees reported that girls or women should Figure 5.3 An interviewee was impressed that the woman in look clean, neat, and tidy. the ad looked natural They should not be sexy, wild, or messy. Girls or women’s appearance should not be perfect as it is unrealistic. They felt women should not wear heavy makeup or “slutty” clothing. Neither should they be skinny or look strange. An interviewee showed a print ad and said the Caucasian model was not wearing too much lipstick, so she looks normal. The same respondent showed another print ad for clothing to illustrate how a natural looking girl should be. “She looks dorky, but that’s cute. You don’t have to be blond and wear slutty clothing. I don’t think they even look that attractive to be honest. Their faces look strange. They don’t look like they are actually real. They just look like they have been made like that.” (age 17, an international school student)

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Theme 2: Personality The theme that received the second largest number of responses was about personality. Interviewees mentioned 59 times about what kind of girls or women the interviewee should be. The personality trait that appeared the most frequently in the interviews was ‘be yourself’. Interviewees mentioned 15 times that girls or women should be true to themselves, accepting their body image, and not trying to imitate others. They perceived that there was beauty in each girl. Females should not imitate celebrities that are known as attractive. One interviewee mentioned a celebrity in Hong Kong and said, “Look at her white skin. It is emphasized in Hong Kong and generally people in Hong Kong want to be like her but I think you could be different in the society. You don’t have to be like that.” (age 18, an international school student)

Interviewees emphasized that they should have their own styles regarding physical appearance. Here is another quote: “It’s okay to be your kind of thing. I don’t like everyone think that what is beautiful are high cheekbones, high nose, big eyes, and clear skin. Everyone is just beautiful in their own special way.” (age 17, an international school student)

Interviewees also mentioned that females should be gentle and patient (11 times), caring (7 times), and cheerful (5 times). Interviewees mentioned 10 times that girls or women should be brave and have self-confidence. Interviewees mentioned five times that females should not be materialistic. One interviewee used the term “princess sickness” to describe a materialistic girl. Here is her quote: “We sometimes think that [the] princess is the ideal role model for Hong Kong girls now. We have a buzzword that Chinese girls always have the princess

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sickness. Girls [are] growing up with 100% attention from their parents. They have everything they want. They always want brand-name things. I think it is a negative statement.” (age 17, a local school student)

The personality traits perceived as appropriate for females were gentle, caring and well-mannered. Some did mention masculine traits of bravery. However, none of the masculine personality traits such as ambitious or with leadership ability were mentioned. This indicates that gender stereotyping prevailed among the sample. This is consistent with a survey finding that Hong Kong adolescents were gender stereotyped. Adolescent girls have been found to perceive feminine personality traits such as being sympathetic and shy as more feminine than adolescent boys do (Equal Opportunities Commission, 2000). Contradicting to a study of boys and girls aged 17 to 20 (Ku and Watt, 2009), the current study did not find that girls were less susceptible to conforming to socially desirable gender roles.

Theme 3: Skills and vocation Interviewees mentioned 29 times about what kind of job she should take and what kind of skill she should have. Interviewees mentioned that girls or women should be knowledgeable and talented. One of them thought, “Knowledge can change a woman’s life. If you get knowledge, you can do as good as man, not only stay in house to be a housewife.” Interviewees reported seven times that female should engage in a job. Furthermore, interviewees reported seven times that girls or women should work hard and be serious at their jobs. One interviewee mentioned four times that girls or women should be successful. A successful woman should be elegant and very mature. Here is a quote to illustrate her successful role model: “I really admire her because she is beautiful and she has a good job. She is a CEO of a company and she works as a host in television. She has a master or doctorate degree in the University of Hong Kong.

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Figure 5.4 A watch ad showing an elegant lady

She is a successful role model to me.” (age 18, an international school student)

An interviewee showed a watch ad (Figure 5.4) and said she considered the celebrity endorser to be successful. Here is her comment: “I think she portrays what the society thinks a successful lady or woman should be. She is elegant and mature. I hope I could be like her.” (age 18, an international school student)

Theme 4: Healthy and natural Interviewees mentioned 7 times about physical and mental wellbeing of girls or women. Interviewees reported that girls or women

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should be healthy, sporty, and natural. An interviewee showed the cover of a magazine titled ‘Fitness’ and said, “There is always fitness. I think it is good that they portray the need to be fit. But this shouldn’t be to look pretty. It should be to be healthy.” (age 15, an international school student)

What Girls or Women Should or Should Not Do Interviewees were asked what girls or women should do or should not do, with reference to the digital images that they had taken. Table 5.2 summarizes the results. Altogether 358 responses were reported. Analysis of the interviews generates seven dominant themes. These themes include:

(1) Appearance,



(2) Activities, interest, and lifestyle,



(3) Health and safety,



(4) Family,



(5) Relationships,



(6) Work and others, and



(7) Care people and environment.

Theme 1: Appearance The theme that received the largest number of responses was also about physical appearance. Interviewees mentioned 94 times about how girls or women should look, what kind of clothes a girl should wear, and their attitudes toward wearing makeup. Interviewees mentioned 38 times that girls or women should not wear sexy clothes. Instead, females should wear decent clothes and accessories. Descriptions of decent clothes include dresses, normal

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Table 5.2 Summary of results for “What girls or women should do or should not do” Theme (total frequency)

Frequency

Appearance (94) not wear sexy clothes; wear decent clothes and accessories

38

not have cosmetic surgery

18

not wear heavy makeup

8

wear light make up

7

nice/white skin and nails

6

proper posture and smile

6

not follow the slim trend

5

natural hair

4

have cosmetic surgery

1

not edit own photos to look prettier

1

Activities, interest, and lifestyle (76) do sports, travel, music or leisure activities

38

cooking, domestic work

17

enjoy life and have fun

11

not obsess in material goods

8

pursue her dream

2

Health and safety (62) not smoke

14

do exercise

13

eat healthily

11

not take drug

9

not drink

7

have body check/preventive treatment

5

travel safely

2 continued on next page

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Table 5.2—continued have sex education Theme (total frequency)

1 Frequency

Family (42) have a marriage/a family

16

have a baby/be a mother

9

take care of children

9

good relation with parents

3

not have baby at a young age

3

(for wife) massage her husband

1

stay single

1

Relationships (36) develop and maintain friendship

13

not have casual or commercial sex with men

8

maintain good communication

5

express her emotions

3

not depend on men

3

have a religion

1

Work and others (30) study hard and excel in study

8

excel in work

8

not aggressive in work

6

not prostitutes

3

obey laws

3

not treat female as inferior

1

strike for own right and freedom

1

Care people and environment (18) help the needy and elderly

11

care about the environment

5

love animals

2

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clothes, nice clothes and pretty clothes. One interviewee commented that underage girls should not wear sexy clothes. She said, “I just thought it was pretty short for a dress. Even if you’re older you need to respect your image.” (age 15, an international school student)

Interviewees reported that it is wrong to show body in a sexy way. One interviewee said, “It just shows people that you want attention for the wrong reasons.” Another interviewee said girls should not dress older than her age and gave the following comment. “This is kind of making young girls older than they should. I know it’s part of teen culture but I think it is kind of putting those adult elements in a bit too early. I can see the ages of the girls. I would think that they are fifteen years old and I think that’s not how you should look because you are only 15. You shouldn’t be dressed in that way.” (age 16, an international school student)

Interviewees reported 18 times that girls or women should not have cosmetic surgery. Two typical quotes are as follows: “That is just so ridiculous. How can you not be thinking ‘oh yeah she’s had an eye widening surgery’. I just hate it.” (age 17, an international school student) “I think she’s doing Botox and it’s bad for you in general because you need to accept the way you look. You don’t have to be so insecure because there are people that will accept you for what you look like. For people who won’t, you just have to find the one who will.” (age 15, an international school student)

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Plastic surgery is considered ridiculous and unnecessary as injecting chemicals into their bodies will hurt their bodies. One participant thought females look weird after having cosmetic surgery. It was considered bad for women to change their face or body shape through surgery because when a female changes her body shape, the body is not natural anymore. Here is a typical quote: “To me plastic surgery is not good. I don’t like plastic surgery. I don’t think you should change the way you look and I can’t get over the fact that you are putting plastic in your body.” (age 15, an international school student)

Another respondent showed an outdoor ad for beauty and slimming surgery and gave the following comment. “This artist had Botox. She gets a thinner face and becomes skinny. I don’t think it is a good way to get thin. If you want to be healthy and beautiful, you should do exercise rather than having this.” (age 17, a local school student)

However, one interviewee mentioned that girls or women should have freedom to change their appearance. She gave the following comment. “If I have something too ugly, I will do it but I think now I am OK, so then I will not do. Some people’s appearances affect their lives seriously. I think they should have the right to do the plastic surgery.” (age 17, a local school student)

Six interviewees mentioned eight times that girls or women should not wear makeup or heavy makeup. Interviewees reported that girls or women do not need the makeup. It completely changes their look and color using foundation. Here are two typical quotes:

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“How old is she? She’s not young and I just dislike how much makeup she had on. I think she should just learn to embrace that she’s not as young as she used to be and that doesn’t matter anymore. It’s not what you look like that should make you happy.” (age 15, an international school student) “A lot of my friends wear makeup and personally I don’t wear makeup. It’s probably because of my mom. When I was young, she never let me wear makeup. ‘You are going to get old and you are going to get wrinkles soon.’ That was her theory. But for me now when I look back at it, I am glad she did it because now my friends don’t want to leave their house without their makeup. They feel like it’s a necessity now. They have to have it even if it’s just a little bit.” (age 15, an international school student)

On the other hand, interviewees mentioned seven times that girls or women should wear makeup or light makeup. Interviewees thought females look good with a bit of mascara and eye shadow. Girls or women should have some make up in a natural way. They should have makeup when they go out to socialize or to attend an important party. Having make-up will improve her confidence. A participant showed a print ad and said she would wear makeup if it is not too “over the top”. Interviewees mentioned six times that females should have nice skin and nails. Among them, one interviewee mentioned that girls or women should not have flawless skin. She perceived females with flawless skin as weird and looking like mannequins. Here is her remark, “Her skin looks fake. She looks absolutely flawless and it’s just not normal. No one has perfect skin like that.” (age 17, an international school student)

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Figure 5.5 An interviewee think it is impossible for female to have flawless skin

Regarding appearance, some participants thought females should adopt proper posture, and not following the trend. The findings demonstrate that adolescent girls pay attention to advertisements advocating a slim body, flawless skin and a perfect face. Adolescent girls take a critical viewpoint in attending to such images. Many commented that the skinny and perfect female images in advertisements are unnatural, unrealistic and even ridiculous. They professed to reject the idea that such images represent what girls or women should be or should do. They also scorned female images with heavy make-up, or models that seem

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to have undergone cosmetic surgery, as well as those they described as too sexy. Although the adolescent girls in the present study professed to reject the portrayal of skinny female images in the media, the high proportion of media images with skinny females captured by the interviewees demonstrated that these images were influential and powerful. Obviously, it is quite a challenge finding media images with females who are not Photoshop-edited. Instead, they showed admiration for females in media that were natural and wearing clothes appropriate for their age and lifestyle, though they considered light make-up acceptable. The interviews demonstrated that these girls were fully aware of the marketers’ intention to encourage girls to emphasize appearance in defining themselves. Interviewees often reported the importance of body image, skin, clothing, and make-up in females’ self-evaluations. This is consistent with the findings of previous studies that body image is an important factor in adolescent girls’ evaluations of themselves and others (Thompson et al., 1999). It is inconsistent, however, with the findings of previous studies that exposure of females in advertising image is associated with negative self-evaluations of body image (e.g., Irving, 1990; Stive & Shaw, 1994). Some participants used beauty and slimming ads to illustrate what they perceived as inappropriate or undesirable gender roles. The critical reading and dissatisfaction with female images that are too thin or too near perfection are similar to the findings previously reported among tween girls reported in Chapter 1. Similar to what was reported in Chapter 1, the adolescent girls in this study showed approval of female images that they considered natural looking and wearing clothes that were not too sexy. A majority of the female images chosen were of Caucasians and the remaining female images were Asian. This can be accounted for by the fact that adolescent girls in Hong Kong are active users of both local and global media. In addition, a recent content analysis of Hong Kong magazine ads has shown that most beauty product ads

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employ Caucasian models (Chan and Cheng, 2012). The prevalent use of Caucasian female models in the social construction of beauty in an Asian society with more than 95% Chinese population is problematic and needs further research.

Theme 2: Activities, interest, and lifestyle Interviewees mentioned 76 times about what kind of activities, interest and lifestyle girls or women should have. Interviewees reported 38 times that female should engage in travel, sports, music or other cultural and leisure activities such as going to the beach, playing the piano, jogging, shopping and having a hobby. Interviewees mentioned 17 times that girls or women should do cooking or other domestic work. Interviewees thought cooking is essential of making her a good wife. When women get married, they have to cook food for their family members. One interviewee said it is a talent of women and cooking is a woman’s job. However, an interviewee thought it is a stereotypical female role. Interviewees reported that girls or women should enjoy their life and have fun. They should not be obsessed in material goods. One girl showed two website ads for movie DVDs and said girls or women should pursue her dreams. Here are her comments: “This woman could drive a plane. I think she’s very tough and very strong. She fulfilled her dream about flying.” (age 17, a local school student) “She loves to cook and she cooks a lot. Although everyone thinks she’s not good, she still persists on her dream, so I think we should seek after our dream too.” (age 17, a local school student)

Theme 3: Health and safety The theme that received the third largest number of responses was about health and safety issues. Interviewees mentioned 62 times

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about the kinds of activities that enhance or threaten the well-being of females. Interviewees commented that girls or women should not smoke, drink, or take drugs. Interviewees reported 14 times that girls or women should not smoke. Interviewees knew smoking damages health. They perceived that girls or women who smoke have a bad image. Here is a typical quote: “This woman is smoking. Her face looks very happy but the results after she smokes for a long time are serious. She may feel bad breath. Her fingers will turn yellow and her face will not be beautiful again.” (age 17, a local school student)

Interviewees mentioned 13 times that girls or women should do all kinds of exercise. They said exercise make them healthy and help maintaining body shape. Exercise can also relieve the pressure and develop good sportsmanship. Here is a typical quote: “Doing some exercise can make us healthy. She has a good character if she plays sports. Playing sports can reduce pressure too.” (age 17, a local school student)

Interviewees said 11 times that girls or women should eat more, eat healthily, and should not eat junk food. Interviewees reported nine times that girls or women should not take drug. They perceived that it is not a good behavior and not good to health. Interviewees mentioned seven times that girls or women should not drink as it damages the kidney. They may make bad decision after binge drinking. Here is a typical quote: “It’s a picture of her and she looks a little hung over and I think she has been drinking. I don’t think girls should be binge drinking. Actually she looks quite young but they shouldn’t be doing it at a young age. It’s not good for their bodies. Harming it and it’s not healthy if they keep doing it.” (age 15, an international school student)

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Other interviewees reported that females should have regular body check or take injection for preventing disease.

Theme 4: Family Interviewees mentioned 42 times about marriage, pregnancy, and be a mother. Six Interviewees mentioned 16 times that girls or women should have a marriage and have a family. They perceived that marriage is important to a woman. One interviewee considered that every girl deserves to have a good family. Getting married is part of their life. Interviewees reported nine times that girls or women should be a mother to have a baby. One interviewee considered that a woman bearing a baby is part of her life. Here is a typical quote: “Many women like to take photos when they are pregnant and they think this is the most beautiful time of their life. I just think mothers are great.” (age 17, a local school student)

Another interviewee reported this: “Women is something special because they can be pregnant. Their body structure is unique to be able to get pregnant. It is very special to women, as men cannot do it. Only we have this ability.” (age 17, a local school student)

Interviewees mentioned that women should take care of their own children. Girls should not get pregnant at a young age or get pregnant before marriage. They should also maintain good relation with parents.

Theme 5: Relationship Interviewees reported 36 times about how girls or women should interact with others. Interviewees mentioned that girls or women should develop and maintain friendship. Here is a typical quote:

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“Girls should be happy with their friends. They don’t always need to be around like a hundred people to feel happy. Even if you have a small group of friends and you know them well, I’d much rather has that than knowing a hundred people but we don’t know each other well.” (age 15, an international school student)

Interviewees thought girls or women can have a good job and manage own life. In this way, they do not need to depend on men. One interviewee mentioned that girls or women should not isolate others. They should accept each other, regardless of their body size and nationality. Here is the quote to illustrate why girls or women should not isolate others. “Sometimes girls can be quite mean toward each other simply because they are not similar to them. It’s wrong and it’s not nice to isolate people who you think are different because there’s always going to be one thing about them that you are going to find really great.” (age 15, an international school student).

The same interviewee showed a photo of five women with different body size holding each other’s hands and said, “Different women have different body sizes. They are all happy, as they are accepting each other. Not one of them was excluded. I think women should be close with each other. I think that’s how we make them happy.” (age 15, an international school student).

She also showed a photo of five girls with different nationality smiling together and commented, “You can actually see that there are a lot of nationalities here and it’s good to do that because I think the future should be more accepting toward everyone that even if you are a different color,

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you should still be treated the same.” (age 15, an international school student).

Theme 6: Work and others Interviewees reported 30 times about how girls or women should approach their studies and work. Interviewees reported that girls should study hard and go to university. They commented that women should have a career and have achievement. An interviewee thought girls should learn more things and gave the following comment. “This is a local Chinese girl and I think she represents nowadays women that we should learn more things and should be well equipped. Women shouldn’t be controlled by men. In Chinese society, it is always the man that is the boss and the situation is changing now.” (age 18, an international school student)

One interviewee displayed a political party campaign poster with the slogan “Women like men, only cheaper: If you don’t like it, help us right now” and said we should not treat females as inferior. Here is an illustrative quote: “If you look at it negatively, it’s really insulting. But it’s true. Women treat themselves lower than men sometimes and that’s not the right thing to do.” (age 15, an international school student)

Very few participants reported strong career and achievement aspirations based on the female images in the media. Only a few participants took female media images in professional roles and expressed their wish to have a successful career and be able to pursue their dreams. This is probably because of a lack of females portrayed in professional roles in Hong Kong’s advertising (Chan and Cheng, 2012). It may also be attributed to the worry that

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career-minded women are perceived as aggressive and non-nurturing (Tang and Tang, 2001). The result echoes that of a survey of female secondary school students in which few respondents aspired to be their family’s main breadwinner. They wanted to have a job, but at the same time they wanted themselves and their children to be provided for (Equal Opportunities Commission, 2000).

Theme 7: Care people and environment A total of 18 responses bought up by interviewees were about how girls or women love and concern for others and the willingness to make an effort for social causes. Interviewees mentioned 11 times that girls or women should help the needy. An interviewee remarked, “It’s good for girls to help other people. When you help people, people will always give back to you.” Interviewees considered that they should care about the environment and love animals. The good news for public health and environmental advertisers is that some of the participants reported concern about health and the environment. Several participants reported that females should take action to prevent female-specific illnesses. This indicates that some of Hong Kong’s public health messages have successfully registered with the target segment.

Comparing Tween Girls and Adolescent Girls on Gender Roles and Media Images We have the following observations based on interviewees’ reports on what girls or women should or should not be:

1. Adolescent girls put more emphasis on appearance than tween girls The theme appearance received the third largest number of responses among tween girls, but the largest number of responses among

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adolescent girls. Tween girls perceived that girls or women should be presentable and tidy. Adolescents’ concern about appearance involved a wider range of issues, including body size, use of make-up and choice of cosmetic surgery. Among these issues, images of extremely skinny females caught their attention and were viewed critically. Adolescent girls reported that they aspire to look natural and normal. Adolescent girls showed disapproval of media images of extra-thin females that are prevalent in the market. Most of these images are sourced from advertisements for fashion, cosmetics, and skin care products. Adolescent girls showed a clear distinction between outstanding but unreal beauty and natural beauty. They were aware of the negative influence on girls of images of skinny females. They were worried that the narrow way of defining beauty would encourage some girls to adopt unhealthy methods of losing weight even though they are of acceptable body size. It is good to learn that both tween girls and adolescent girls are not buying into “slim is beauty” concept. There is a clear discrepancy between the beauty standard endorsed by the media and the beauty standard endorsed by the interviewees. This may suggest that the influence of the media is being overestimated. In other words, the power of the girls in selecting their own ideal female roles and identities should not be underestimated.

2. Both tween girls and adolescent girls aspire to be true to themselves Both tween girls and adolescent girls reported that girls and women should be kind and gentle. This result reflects the endorsement of both traditional as well as contemporary feminine roles. The endorsement of the “be yourself” personality reflects the adoption of individualistic values such as being unique, self-reliant, and independent. The endorsement of kindness and gentleness reflects

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the importance of maintaining social harmony. The result is consistent with the education system in Hong Kong that encourages individualism while maintaining traditional gender relationships (Cheung and Leung, 1998). It also reflects the high value attached to maintaining harmony in relationships in Chinese culture (Chan, 2004). The embrace of both individuality as well as social harmony echoes a survey finding of a similar dilemma. A study of 685 adolescents and young adults found that 65% of them disagree to buy only products and brands that their friends would approve of. However, 45% of them agreed that it is important that their friends like the products and brands they buy (Chan, 2010). It illustrates that young people are seeking autonomy in the purchase decision as well as social approval after the purchase decision is made.

3. Both tween girls and adolescent girls aspire to be knowledgeable Interviewees in both studies reported the importance of knowledge. They perceived that knowledge opens up the door of opportunity. Without knowledge, females cannot pursue a career and are restricted to being housewives. Adolescent girls had concrete ideas about a successful career for women. They mentioned job and academic titles such as CEO, TV host, the professions, and holding a master’s degree.

4. Adolescent girls not emphasize manner and relationships The theme of manners and relationships was not emphasized among adolescent girls. Displaying proper manners of courtesy and refinement was emphasized only by tween girls. This may indicate that adolescent girls have developed a sense of normative behavior in the public sphere and do not consider it an important issue in defining the female role.

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Comparing Tween Girls’ and Adolescent Girls’ Views on What Girls or Women Should or Should Not Do Comparing tween girls’ and adolescent girls’ views on what girls or women should or should not do, we have the following observations:

1. Adolescent girls aspire to get married and have children The theme of family was reported by adolescent girls but not reported by tween girls. A majority of the adolescent girls reported their aspirations to get married and have children. Courtship and setting up of a family is probably too far in the future for tween girls to consider.

2. Adolescent girls pay attention to the development of same-sex and opposite sex friendships For the theme of relationship reported by adolescent girls, much attention was paid to the development of same-sex and opposite sex friendships. Being a member of an in-group was perceived to be important among adolescent girls. Same-sex friendship was not emphasized among tween girls.

3. Adolescent girls aware of the domestic roles of female The theme of activities, interest, and lifestyles was reported by adolescent girls, but not by tween girls. Besides enjoying life and having fun, adolescent girls were aware of the importance of good cooking skills in their domestic roles.

Conclusion The media and in particular advertisements provide abundant female images from which adolescents learn about appropriate and acceptable gender roles and identities. The findings indicate that

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adolescent girls infer both desirable and undesirable gender roles from female images in the media. They criticized the overuse of thin females and images with perfect faces and bodies. The extent to which these “perfect” images were scrutinized suggests these images were powerful and fascinating to the adolescent girls. They aspired to resemble female images in the media that they considered natural and conventional. They endorsed traditional female images of gentleness, and being domestic and caring. Campaigns about female health were able to trigger their concern. It shows how media images influence young consumers and how teenagers interpret these images.

Acknowledgements Part of this chapter has been published in Chan, K., Ng, Y. L. and Williams, R. B. (2012), “What do adolescent girls learn about gender roles from advertising images?”, Young Consumers, 13(4), 357–66; and Chan, K. and Williams, R. B. (2012), “Adolescent girls’ perception of gender roles and gender identities: A qualitative study,” Working Paper Series Paper No. 129, David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies, Hong Kong Baptist University.

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Appendix: Details of methodology for Chapters 5 to 7 In Chapters 5 to 7, the participants were 20 adolescent girls aged 15 to 18 studying in Hong Kong. All were recruited through personal networks. Ten of the interviewees were studying at a local Chinese medium school. The school has a Buddhist religious background and is located at a low to medium income district. Ten interviewees were studying at an international school that uses English as the medium of instruction. Because of the high tuition fees charged by international schools, interviewees are mainly from medium to high income social classes. Sixteen interviewees were Chinese and four were Caucasians. A non-probability of snowball sampling was adopted to recruit interviewees (Berg and Lune, 2012). This approach was employed because it is a good sampling strategy to recruit respondents with certain interests and characteristics necessary in the study. It involves identifying adolescent girls in Hong Kong and they were then told to find other potential participants to participate in the present study. The limitation of snowballing is that it ignores the voices of other adolescent girls who were not contacted (May, 1997). Data for the study (Chapters 5 to 7) were collected from June to December 2010. The research method used in this study involved interviewees in the collection of data. Before a face-to-face interview, each interviewee was instructed follows: “Please take 7 to 10 digital photographs each day for a week from any medium that are about what girls or women should be or should not be, or what girls or women should do or should not do. The images can come from all sorts of media, including newspapers, magazines, outdoor posters, television programs, Mass Transit Railway posters, web sites, books and so on. The media should be the one you are exposed to or sometimes use in your daily life. The media can be

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aimed at people like you or aimed at people who are different from you.”

Written permissions from interviewees’ parents were received before the interviews commenced. The interviews took place at the interviewees’ schools. The interview involved a review of the photos and a discussion of how the images in the photos may help to elaborate the interviewee’s perspective on gender roles and identities. The questions asked were:

(1) From these pictures, what do you think about what girls or women should be or should not be?



(2) From these pictures, what behavior(s) do you think are appropriate or inappropriate for girls or women?



(3) When you think about what you see everyday about what girls and women should be or should do, are they mostly positive images or mostly negative image?*

The photos taken by each interviewee were saved to the researcher’s computers. The interviews were conducted in English together with a graduate female research assistant hired for the project who speaks both English and Cantonese. The interviews took 18 to 61 minutes. All interviews were audio recorded and later transcribed by a research assistant. * Questions 3 to 5 we asked in the study of tween girls aged 10 to 12 described in Chapter 1 were replaced by this question in the study of adolescent girls aged 15 to 18.

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Chapter Overview

1

A television commercial for a Japanese restaurant featured a boy ordering a kid’s meal, and a female waitress wearing a low-cut blouse set the meal before him. There were close-up shots of the waitress’s breast cleavage. The boy became joyful at the sight of the waitress (Youtube, 2009). The commercial received 185 complaints of indecency, bad taste, and unsuitability for children. The advertising authority condemned the ad as inappropriate because it created an association between the joyful mood of the child and the woman’s body (Hong Kong Broadcasting Authority, 2009). Complaints such as these are common in Hong Kong as parents and the public are concerned about the depiction of sexual images in advertising and its impact on children. A survey in Hong Kong revealed that respondents found advertisements offensive because the advertisements were sexist, contained nudity, or contained sexual connotations. Chat-line services, condoms, dating services, and female contraceptives were perceived as most offensive products and services (Prendergast and Ho, 2006). The evidence indicates that depiction of sexuality is a major concern in Hong Kong society. Youths in Hong Kong, however, are becoming more open to sexual topics. Sexually explicit materials are displayed in newspapers, outdoor poster ads, magazines, television programs, music videos, and movies. Sexual images of youth icons such as Lady Gaga and Britney Spears are easily accessible by children and youth in the media. Gender and sexuality is at the core of how we construct our identities (Gauntlett, 2008). Lee and Fung (2009) suggested that media play a powerful role in constructing ideologies and discourses about gender roles and identities. As adolescents seek to establish their own values and attitudes about sexuality, it is important to examine how they consume and interact with visual images that communicate sexuality to them. What visual images about sexuality are the most interesting to them? How do they define sexiness? How do they perceive an

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intimate relationship, marriage, and pregnancy? Adolescent girls were asked to take photos of female images from the media that were about appropriate gender roles and identities, and discuss how they relate to these images. The results will help us to better understand the current attitudes toward sexuality among adolescent girls in Hong Kong.

Female Adolescent Sexuality Sexuality is defined as sexual attitudes, arousal, behaviors, communication, desires, and responses (Harvey et al., 2004; Mckinney and Sprecher, 1991). Sexuality can be defined by a biological approach including sexual anatomy, maturation, and hormones, or by a psychological approach including gender identity and sexual self-perceptions, and also by a social approach including partner, family, and peers influences (DeLamater and Hyde, 2004). DeLamater and Hyde (2004) argued that a model integrating the three approaches is needed to capture the different dimensions of sexuality. While some scholars are concerned about the physical health condition of female adolescents with regard to pregnancy and STD prevention, other scholars are concerned about the empowerment of adolescent girls in their sexuality. Lamb (2010) asserted that healthy sexuality for girls should put emphasis on sexual desire, subjectivity, and pleasure. Lamb (2010) advocated that girls and boys should have the same right in wanting sex. Girls should have their own sexual desire and they should not be objectified sexually. They should have the right to seek pleasure in sex. Sexual empowerment should be considered in a broader cultural context (Gavey, 2012). Contextual factors such as safe spaces and social resources such as sex education should be considered in constituting adolescent female sexuality (Bay Cheng, 2012). Lamb and Peterson (2012) argued that many adolescent girls experienced confusion about their sexual desires. Mainstream media are highly sexualized and often treat

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females as sexual objects (Lamb and Peterson, 2012). The authors therefore suggested that comprehensive sexuality education is needed to encourage sexual communication of adolescent girls.

Sexualized Media Sexual content has been common in the media including advertisements, magazines, video games, music videos, etc. Females are often portrayed as sex objects in advertisements (e.g., Ferguson et al., 1990; Soley and Kurzbard, 1986; Venkatesan and Losco, 1975). Baker (2005) found that women are more sexually objectified in men’s magazines than in women’s magazines. Female characters in video games are more likely to be depicted wearing sexy clothing or even nude (Downs and Smith, 2010). Sexual objectification and sexual content are commonplace in music videos (Aubrey and Frisby, 2011; Turner, 2011). Media messages are pervaded by sexual content, but less than 1% of media including television, music, movies, and magazines contain information about sexual health (Hust et al., 2008). In Hong Kong, sexual appeal is mostly used in print advertisements (Tai, 1999). Buss (1989) investigated 37 cultures and found that males and females have evolved universal mate preferences. Males select females who are physically attractive and females select males who are financially attractive (Buss, 1989; Gallup and Frederick, 2010). The differential mating strategies of males and females is the rationale of using females as sex objects in media (Saad, 2004). Research revealed statistically significant positive correlation between adolescents’ sexual behavior and consumption of sexy media (Pardun et al., 2005). Longitudinal studies found that exposure to sexual contents in media predict adolescents’ initiation of sexual behavior (Brown et al., 2006; Collins et al., 2004) and pregnancy (Chandra et al., 2008). Several studies addressed girls’ interpretations of sexuality in media from a qualitative framework. Buckingham and Bragg (2004)

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asked pre-adolescents and adolescents aged 9 to 17 in England to keep a diary for a half-month period writing things they saw in the media. Respondents in the study perceived media as a key source of ideas and information about sex, relationship, and love. They learnt about sex and relationship as an independent agency. Vares et al. (2011) interviewed pre-adolescent girls aged 10–13 in New Zealand about their media consumption. Their responses to media varied greatly. All of them evaluated the sexualized media critically, showing that they were aware of social and parental concerns in the consumption of sexualized media contents. Other than media influence, interpersonal influence such as parent and peer communication are strong predictors of adolescents’ sexual behavior (Brown et al., 2006). Peer communication about the content of sexualized media consolidated gender identity (Durham, 1999). Scholars have introduced media literacy programs to reduce negative media influence. A study found that respondents had a better understanding of the media influence on their sexual behavior and were more critical toward the sexualized media after receiving media literacy training (Pinkleton et al., 2012).

Culture and Sexuality Individuals hold different meanings of sex and sexuality because of their differences in gender expectations (McCabe et al., 2010). As a former British colony, Hong Kong has laws encouraging gender equality in terms of education and employment (Chan, 2000). All boys and girls between the ages of 6 and 16 enjoy free education. Owing to the improvements in education, economic development, and the influence of the Western feminist movement, the status of women in Hong Kong has improved significantly in the last twenty years (Lee and Collins, 2008). Hong Kong is a society where adolescents are influenced by both western and Chinese cultures. Chinese culture has denounced premarital or extramarital sex, and has placed high value on

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women’s virginity and sexual fidelity (Liu et al., 2006; Tang et al., 2001). There is a tension between the individualistic values in western cultures that advocates sex as a personal pleasure and the collective values in Chinese culture that restricts sex to the context of marriage and child-bearing. Values in both cultures are expected to affect young people’s attitudes toward sexuality (Woo and Twinn, 2004). A qualitative interview study reported in Chapter 2 revealed that tween girls aged 10 to 12 in Hong Kong were very conservative in sexual attitudes. Interviewees asserted that girls should not wear sexy clothes, should not engage in pre-marital sexual relationships, and should get married and have babies. In response to a sex scandal in the media, they perceived that girls should not take intimate photos with their boyfriends and should not put unreserved trust in their sex partners. In Hong Kong, the tabloidization of media content generated a new stereotype of females called lang-mo (Chu, 2014). The term lang-mo literally means young models. It refers to teen models that are immature and considered not fit for high-end professional jobs. They are often portrayed as bad girls with sexy body and empty brains by the news media. A survey of 920 secondary school students in Hong Kong found that respondents showed agreement to the general meanings of lang-mo portrayed in the media. However, respondents did not condemn them for low morality. Indeed, respondents considered them using their bodies to earn quick money (Chu, 2014). A case study of 2,205 erotic photographs of teenage female models in Hong Kong and six producers of these images was conducted (Chu, 2013). It was found that these erotic pictures shared three distinctive characteristics. First, the female images appeared to be innocent, pure, fragile, and delicate. Second, the teenage girls were often presented as if they were unaware of their sexiness, rather than being sexy and desirable. The implication was that their sexiness was unintentional. Third, a sense of intimacy

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was constructed between the models and the audience by adopting a direct gaze and presenting models as ordinary girls next door. Chu (2013) commented that the presentation of underage female erotic images was to fulfill the emphasis on female chastity in Chinese culture. By law in Hong Kong, adolescents aged 16 or above can legitimately engage in sexual behavior (Hong Kong Legal Information Institute, 2012). Results from the Youth Sexuality Study conducted every five years by The Family Planning Association of Hong Kong (2012) indicated that adolescents and young adults are increasingly open to sexual intercourse. The percentage of respondents in secondary forms three to seven (equivalent to U.S. education system grade nine to first year of university) who had sexual experience was 10% for boys and 7% for girls (The Family Planning Association of Hong Kong, 2012). About 3% of adolescent girls and 4% of adolescent boys had sexual behavior below age 15. The Association indicated that underage sex damaged adolescents’ psychological and physical health and also had legal implications (The Family Planning Association of Hong Kong, 2012). The acceptance of cohabitation before marriage also registered an increase among young adults. A spokesperson for The Family Planning Association of Hong Kong remarked that youths’ attitudes toward sex were relatively conservative when compared to most western developed countries. The Association worried that the youths were not well-prepared in terms of sexual knowledge to cope with the increased openness in sexual attitude and activity (The Family Planning Association of Hong Kong, 2007). Use of contraceptive practice was low among sexually active boys and girls. The Family Planning Association (2007) reported that a majority of the youths aged 18 to 27 who had sexual intercourse in the past half year had not sought advice on the adoption of contraceptive measures.

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Public Attitudes toward Sexual Female Media Images A comprehensive study was conducted on public perception of sexual female images portrayed in the media by the Social Science Research Center of the University of Hong Kong. A random sampling of household members using face-to-face interviews and a focus-group study of stakeholders were conducted in 2007 and 2008 (Equal Opportunity Commission, 2009). A sample of three advertisements objectifying women, three advertisements related to sexuality (i.e., advertisements using sexual appeal), and three news pictures related to sexuality were examined. Among the 1,031 adults from randomly selected households, 80% reported discomfort with news picture specimen 1 (a magazine cover with the headline “a 16-year-old satyr obsessed with legs was caught”) and 76% reported discomfort with news picture specimen 3 (a news article about a 10-year-old girl as sex slave of her classmates). Respondents showed higher tolerance of sexual female images in print advertisements than of sexual female images in the news context. The percentages of respondents reporting discomfort toward the three advertisements that objectify women ranged from 11% to 60%. The percentages of respondents reporting discomfort toward the three advertisements related to sexuality ranged from 7% to 50%. None of the advertisements registered a higher level of discomfort among respondents than those of the news pictures. The advertisement objectifying women that received the highest discomfort rating (60%) was a watch advertisement that featured the back of a nude Caucasian female with the fins of a stingray. The advertisement related to sexuality that received the highest discomfort rating (50%) was an advertisement for a slimming service company. The advertisement featured three Chinese female models in bikinis. The headline was “A full and rich breasts begins at (company name)”. Surprisingly, a similar clothing advertisement with a Caucasian model revealing her breasts received a much lower discomfort rating (28%). This indicated that respondents were more

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receptive toward the use of Caucasian models than Chinese models in relation to sexuality. A focus-group study was conducted to gain in-depth responses to these sexual female images among eight target groups, including professionals, social workers, teachers, parents, media practitioners, students, concern groups, and the general public. Here we summarize the findings from the student groups. Among the student groups, nearly all participants reported that they were affected by the sexual female images in the print media materials. The impacts included being conscious of personal appearance, changing behavior to achieve certain beauty standards, higher expectation of female appearance, the pressure of trying to conform to a defined perfect beauty standard, and distorted attitudes and values toward sex and appearance. Some participants perceived that young people would engage in social comparison of their physical appearance and body figures with the portrayed female models. The social comparison would result in low selfesteem and intention to try extreme ways of reducing body weight at a young age (Equal Opportunity Commission, 2009). The Commission called for measures to enhance critical reading of the sexual female images in the media. The Commission encouraged discussions at schools as well as at community level of the impact of the extreme portrayal of females by media in society (Equal Opportunity Commission, 2009).

A Qualitative Study on Adolescent Girls’ Interpretations of Sexuality in Media Images The research findings of this chapter come from the same qualitative study we described in Chapter 5. Similar to Chapter 2, sexuality is operationalized as content related to:

(1) Attitudes toward sexiness;

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(2) Defining or evaluating sexiness;



(3) Attitudes toward courtship, sex, and sexual behaviors;



(4) Perception of intimate relationships heterosexuality and homosexuality;



(5) Pregnancy, birth, and birth control.

including

The questions do not explicitly mention sexuality. When the interviewees commented on what girls should be or should do, the issues related to sexuality were frequently brought up. For example, interviewees took a certain picture and reported that the girl in the picture was too sexy and girls should not dress like that. Altogether 146 pictures collected by interviewees were about sexuality defined operationally in the previous section. All except two interviewees captured at least one image about sexuality. The number of images about sexuality collected by individual interviewees varied from one to 17. Analysis of the interviews generated six dominant themes on sexuality. These themes include:

(1) Defining and evaluating sexiness;



(2) Intimate relationship;



(3) Marriage;



(4) Pregnancy;



(5) Deviant sexual relationship;



(6) Health concerns for women.

Theme 1: Defining and evaluating sexiness When interviewees were asked to show images of what girls or women should do or should not do, interviewees reported 60 times about how they define sexiness and their evaluation of sexiness. Most of the participants commented that girls or women should not dress too sexily, expose too much of their bodies, or assume poses that are too sexy. Results found consensus in the categorization of sexy clothes or sexy poses. The images considered too sexy included

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outfits revealing most of the breasts or hips, bikinis, very short trousers, or nudity. Poses that focused on the breasts were considered as sexy. Interviewees used expressions such as “not right”, “not good”, “offensive”, “ridiculous”, and “want attention for the wrong reason” to describe the female images that were perceived to be sexy. A typical quote is as follows: “That’s a two page and the choice of words “Naked Ambition”. She is a beautiful woman but she doesn’t have to be offensive this way.” (age 16, an international school student)

Besides general description such as “not right”, or “not appropriate”, five interviewees explained explicitly why girls and women should not express themselves in sexy ways. Three interviewees disapproved of sexiness because the sexy images did not match the depicted contexts. For example, an interviewee showed

Figure 6.1 An interviewee perceived the female image in this 2-page article too sexy

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Figure 6.2 Miley Cyrus in sexy clothing

a picture of a woman cooking in a television program called Beauty’s Kitchen. She wore a low-cut dress. When she bent down, she exposed her breasts. The interviewee considered that the sexy clothes did not match the context and was therefore considered inappropriate. One interviewee opined that sexy clothes cheapen the talents that women have. Another interviewee considered that girls need to respect their image and therefore should not wear short dresses. She also emphasized that age is an important factor in evaluating sexiness. She showed a photo of Miley Cyrus (Figure 6.2) in sexy clothing and gave the following comment.

“She is under age and I don’t think it is right to do that because it’s just wrong showing your body like that. And this was placed all over the Internet. She wanted attention and she got the wrong kind.” (age 15, an international school student)

Five interviewees took pictures of lang-mos and demonstrated disapproval of their sexy images because of their bad intentions. Here are two typical quotes: “This is a lang-mo. A lang-mo is a name in Hong Kong given to the young female models. They wear these kinds of sexy clothes in order to catch media

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attention. This lang-mo is holding a human-figure like cushion using her image. I think the image on the cushion is too seductive. She should not do that. It will be bad for her.” (age 17, a local school student) “She is a lang-mo. It’s just about breasts. You see her in advertisements everywhere. I know girls compare themselves a lot to these lang-mos. These girls are getting a lot of wrong attention.” (age 15, an international school student)

Four out of 20 interviewees showed approval of girls and women wearing sexy clothes. One interviewee took an image of a woman wearing a lowcut dress. The interviewee considered her elegant and glamorous. Another interviewee took an image of a fashion ad (Figure 6.4) with two young girls in sexy and trendy wear. The interviewee said she liked the image a lot and considered them sexy but healthy. One interviewee took the image of Penélope Cruz and admired her sexiness and beauty. One interviewee took the image of a girl wearing a tight T-shirt and underwear. The interviewee commented that she looked good. She was sexually suggestive, but not too offensive.

Figure 6.3 A photo with a lang-mo holding a human figure like cushion

Figure 6.4 A fashion ad considered by the interviewee as sexy but healthy

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Three interviewees perceived that there were differences between Chinese and western ways of expressing sexiness. They observed that western sexiness appears to be wild and aggressive, while Chinese sexiness appears to be cute, innocent, and submissive. One interviewee showed us a photo of a Chinese girl biting a ring and looking mysterious (Figure 6.5) and said,

Figure 6.5 Difference in sexiness between Chinese and foreigners?

“I think the sexiness in foreigners’ eyes and in Chinese eyes is different because sexy in Chinese people is more like hidden but for foreigners it is more like wild and outgoing. I think this is likely for Chinese people to think she is sexy in this picture. She doesn’t have to wear little clothes or something.” (age 18, an international school student)

Another interviewee showed an ad (Figure 6.6) and said, “This woman is sexy, expressed by her facial expression. May be it is acceptable in the western culture, but not in our Chinese culture. It is a bit over.” (age 17, a local school student)

Figure 6.6 An ad not accepted by Chinese audience?

In this quote, the interviewee identified the difference in sexuality

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expressed by a western model and a Chinese model. She also expected that the western way of sexiness may not be readily accepted by Chinese audience. One interviewee mentioned the difference in how she interacted with international media versus local media. In her words: “The girls portrayed in Hong Kong media are completely dif fe re nt from that in the western magazines. This girl in the local media (Figure 6.7) looks quite innocent and she’s not very revealing… Chanel is meant to be a Figure 6.7 A girl portrayed as sweet and innocent in local magazine very sexy brand but then she looks really sweet and innocent. It is some sort of cultural thing to Hong Kong where the girls have to look pure and innocent.” (age 16, an international school student)

Images of women wearing sexy clothes originated mainly from two sources. The first source was advertisements of fashion, beauty products, as well as slimming services. The second source was entertainment news of models and media celebrities. Sexy images seldom originated from ordinary consumers. In terms of media, sexy female images mainly come from magazines and the Internet. Interviewees hold a conservative attitude toward sex. They disapproved of sexy images, the use of the female body to attract the opposite sex, as well as pre-marital sexual relationships. A majority of the interviewees see sexual images as inappropriate and a diminishment of women’s talents or reputation. In the current study,

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adolescent girls were able to articulate their disapproval of sexy clothes based on intention. In the case of lang-mos, interviewees demonstrated scorn for dressing up in sexy clothes in order to catch media attention or to sell certain products. The conservative attitude toward sex is consistent with previous survey findings (e.g. Ip et al., 2001) and the observation of the Family Planning Association of Hong Kong. The result was also consistent with a previous study that adolescent girls criticized sexualized media instead of passively affected by it (Vares et al., 2001). It may probably be attributed to the dominant discourses on parenting and education in Hong Kong that place a strong focus on female chastity (Ho and Tsang, 2002). Adolescent sexual expression is constructed as “deviant” and is often associated with danger, low moral standards, crime or even psychological disorder (Ng, 1998; Wong, 2000). Interviewees’ differentiation between Chinese and Western definitions of sexiness indicated that interviewees realized that Chinese culture plays a role in down-playing the expression of female sexuality. Adolescent girls reported their perceived differences in the portrayal of females among the global and local media. They commented that females in the local media were often portrayed as pure and innocent, while females in the global media were often portrayed as sexy and wild. To our knowledge, no previous studies have documented such difference. Further research is needed in this area.

Theme 2: Intimate relationship Interviewees altogether mentioned 33 times about how girls or women should relate to their boyfriends. Seven out of twenty interviewees demonstrated admiration for intimate relationships with boyfriends. They took pictures showing women and men holding hands, French kissing, or in intimate poses. Some of the images were taking in exotic contexts such as a beach at sunset. Interviewees expressed admiration of the closeness of people in courtship. They appreciated the romantic environment and the nice feeling of being

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loved. Seven interviewees expressed disproval of imbalances in relationships, such as girls controlling their boyfriends, or girls doing everything to please the boyfriends. They felt strongly against magazine editorials that give advice on ways to manipulate the relationship. An interviewee showed an article of advising girls how to dump their boyfriends. She commented that the magazine should not tell girls that they always have to be in control in the relationship as “Being on the top of things doesn’t mean you are in a good relationship”. An interviewee showed a magazine article titled ‘list of five things guys want’ and said that girls do not have to provide everything the guy wants. An interviewee showed three photos and commented that women do not always have to be under the control of men in relationship. Two interviewees took images from a Korean movie My wild girlfriend and commented that the female character in the movie was very rude to her boyfriend. It was bad for her to be rude. Another interviewee said the character in the Korean movie was mean and aggressive. However, she thought that nowadays girls need not be gentle and submissive to boyfriends. Depending on the personalities of the boyfriends, aggressiveness could be acceptable. One interviewee reported that girls should not be abused physically by her boyfriend. Two interviewees expressed dissatisfaction toward focusing too much on physical beauty in courtship. Interviewees found it stereotypical and unreal. For example, an interviewee showed a photo and said, “It’s like a model. I want a boyfriend that is good looking. A good relationship has to be attractive people together. You know, but the reality is not true.” (age 17, an international school student)

On the whole, adolescent girls in this study showed appreciation of romance relationship with boyfriends. Interviewees in general disapproved control and manipulation in relationships. Instead, they were aspired to egalitarian relationship with boyfriends. They did not express that physical attractiveness should play an important

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role in relationship. Interviewees seemed to assume heterosexuality in romantic relationships. Only one interviewee mentioned homosexual relationships by commenting that all the pictures were typical shots of a boy and a girl and there were no same sex couples.

Theme 3: Marriage Interviewees altogether mentioned 20 times about how girls or women should behave in marriages. Ten out of twenty interviewees expressed that a woman should marry a man and set up a family. They considered marriage as an important part of a woman’s life. One interviewee reported that she wants to get married and have a family someday. The images that they took to illustrate their views were mostly images of a bride and a groom or just the bride alone. Here is a typical quote, “They are going to get married. Marriage is important to a woman because it gives her a family.” (age 17, a local school student)

Two interviewees stated that they prefer to stay single. Among them, one perceived that a single woman can be as happy as a married woman. The other one reported that she can manage her life and did not want to depend on another person. Although interviewees thought highly of the importance of marriage, only two interviewees reported the benefits of marriage. One of them captured an image of a couple and remarked that “they seem to understand each other in every aspect and they are very happy”. One interviewee commended that girls deserve a marriage that would bring them happiness. Interviewees did not express the values of marriage and family to them in a deeper sense. They on the other hand rolled out various responsibilities of married women. These include supporting the husbands, massaging the husbands who came back from work, not arguing with the husbands, organizing family activities, and doing house work. A photo of Michelle Obama promoting government policy was showed by an interviewee as an

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illustration of supporting the husband. Here is a typical quote: “A man after work must be very tired. His wife should share his burden from work. As a woman, she should massage her husband to release his pressure after work.” (age 17, a local school student)

On the whole, adolescent girls in our sample supported marriage. Images of brides and wedding ceremonies were appealing to them. Two interviewees expressed a preference for being single because of an aspiration for independence. Adolescent girls’ perception of domestic roles of women provides evidence that the female audience’s cultural perceptions of females and their sexuality are being socialized by the mass media. A study of gender roles in children’s television advertising in Hong Kong found that the female roles were family-oriented and belonged to the private rather than the public realm (Moon and Chan, 2002).

Theme 4: Pregnancy Interviewees altogether mentioned fifteen times about girls or women in pregnancy. The images that went with the conversation were often images of a mother holding an infant or images of a pregnant woman. Six interviewees thought that married women should have babies. Among them, one perceived that women have the duty to continue the family name of the husband. Two perceived that women should be mothers because it is great to be a mother. The others did not give a reason. Here is a quote to illustrate why women should be mothers. “A woman should have babies. It is very special to women as men cannot do it. Only we have this ability. Also, it is good to be a mom. A good mom should understand their children and should prepare the foods for the husband and children.” (age 17, a local school student)

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One interviewee reported that a female should get married and have plans for babies. Two interviewees considered that images of mother with baby would influence women to have babies. Three interviewees reported that girls should not have premarital pregnancy. The movie posters of Juno and 2 Young, as well as a web-page of the organization Mother’s Choice triggered a conversation about pre-marital pregnancy. They considered premarital pregnancy unacceptable in society, and saw it as negative to the well-being of the mothers and the families. Here is an illustrative quote: “This is a Hong Kong movie about a girl aged below 18. She has sex with her boyfriend and gets pregnant. It has a negative impact on all the people around them. The young couple doesn’t know how to take care of the baby and they don’t have money. They face a lot of difficulty because of the unexpected pregnancy.” (age 17, a local school student)

On the whole, most of the interviewees shared positive perceptions about pregnancy within the confines of a traditional family. Interviewees revealed aspirations for having intimate relationships with the other sex, getting married, and having babies. An overall impression is that they are looking forward to heterosexual intimacy with affection, commitment, and responsibility. The result is consistent with previous findings that girls are affected by social norms stating that they should have romantic attraction of someone of the opposite sex (Simon et al., 1992). Similar to the results of a previous study, the media representation of brides often triggered their aspiration for marriage (Durham, 1999). This can be seen as their mental preparation for family lives. However, interviewees were more likely to embrace responsibilities than enjoyment from marriage. The satisfaction of emotional support and personal growth in marriage were rarely

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brought up. Interviewees’ attitudes toward the importance of the family were consistent with previous survey findings (Ip et al., 2001). Interviewees also perceived the importance of fertility in marriage. Most of them thought that it would be great to be a mom. Being single or being child-free was established by a few of the interviewees as options for them. Interviewees aspire to natural and balanced intimate relationships with the opposite sex. Although a few interviewees demonstrated some level of submissiveness by emphasis on assisting husbands and the need to show gentleness to boyfriends, in general interviewees showed disapproval of manipulation, control and imbalance in intimate relationships. Some of them expressed dissatisfaction with editorial advice about girls controlling relationships. It showed that adolescent girls did not endorse traditional patriarchal order. Our data provided evidence that adolescent girls are keen to seek gender equality in intimate relations, despite the prevalent entertainment media and advertising content that promote gender inequality and sexual stereotypes (Lee and Fung, 2009; Wu, 1995). It suggests that at least some adolescent girls in Hong Kong are seeking a pure relationship of equals, where everything has to be negotiated (Gauntlett, 2008).

Theme 5: Deviant sexual relationship Interviewees altogether mentioned 12 times their disapproval of various deviant sexual relationships including compensated dating, prostitution, casual sex, blackmailing a man after sex, sex with an animated character, sex addiction, and using the female body to advance personal material interests. An interviewee showed an item from entertainment news and said, “An artist in Japan failed in her study. She becomes a prostitute in order to get into the entertainment business. This is not a good way to get what she wants.” (age 17, a local school student)

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Here is another quote: “She is a property agent. She had sex with a man, and later she blackmailed him. She was arrested and put to jail. She should not use her body to do business.” (age 17, a local school student).

Interviewees condemned these behaviors on ethical grounds. They perceived that a sexual relationship should not be used as a payment or a bribe.

Theme 6: Health concerns for women Four interviewees mentioned health concerns six times. One girl took two different print advertisements advocating cervical tests and a webpage of artist Chow Wai Man advocating breast examination. Two interviewees took the same image of a print advertisement with a celebrity advocating cervical examination. One of them expressed liking the advertisement because the celebrity is promoting something woman should do. Here is a typical quote: “This poster asks women to have a cervical test to prevent cancer. It is important for a woman to have a body check regularly because in recent years there are many diseases, especially for women.” (age 17, a local school student)

In general, interviewees perceived that women should have check-ups and tests to protect them from female specific health hazards. Interviewees were receptive to health messages specifically about cervical cancer and breast cancer. It shows that health educators are doing a good job in priming young girls to be sensitive to health issues concerning women.

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Comparing Tween Girls and Adolescent Girls in terms of Sexuality Comparing perceptions of sexuality between tween girls reported in Chapter 1 and adolescent girls in this chapter, we have the following observations:

1. Adolescent girls shared more of a consensus about the standards of sexiness than tween girls In Chapter 1, interviewees showed a wide range of standards toward the definition of sexiness. For examples, some interviewees perceived that clothes simply exposing the shoulder or the belly were sexy. In this chapter, adolescent girls’ definitions of sexiness showed more similarities than differences. They were also more receptive to sexy images. In the study of tween girls, none of the interviewees approved of sexy images. Sexiness was perceived as a negative attribute. In the current study, four interviewees showed appreciation of sexiness when female bodies are presented in an elegant or trendy manner. It indicates that self-expression of sexuality becomes more acceptable among adolescent girls when it is done in a “proper” manner.

2. Awareness of the difference between the western and the Chinese social norms on sexuality Some adolescent girls in our sample were able to identify the difference between the western and the Chinese social norms on sexuality. This awareness was absent in the tween girls sample reported in Chapter 2. The interpretation of female sexuality by adolescents in Hong Kong depends on the ethnicity of the model. This finding is consistent with the survey on adults that sexuality of Caucasian models was more receptive than sexuality of Chinese models. (Equal Opportunity Commission, 2009). In other words, adolescent girls are more likely to perceive the impact of culture on sexuality than tween girls. A content analysis study of female images

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in magazine advertisements found that western models were more likely to appear as sexy beauty type while Asian models were more likely to appear as classical beauty type (Frith, Cheng, and Shaw, 2004). The more frequent occurrence of western sexy females in the media may account for its higher level of acceptance among our interviewees.

3. Adolescent girls are more aware of the social expectations The theme of Marriage was reported by adolescent girls but not tween girls. In the discussion of what girls or women should do or should be, tween girls in general supported the notion that girls should marry and have babies. However, the theme of Marriage was not accounted for in detail. Among adolescent girls, the theme of Marriage made the top three list. Domestic responsibilities as well as playing a supportive and instrumental role in the family were frequently mentioned. The findings indicate that adolescent girls are more aware of the social expectations placed on a woman as a wife or as a mother than tween girls are.

4. Adolescent girls aspire to having intimate relationships with the opposite sex The theme of Intimate Relationship was reported positively by adolescent girls but in a negative light among tween girls. Among the interviewed tween girls, the sex scandal involving Edison Chen overshadowed their discussion of Intimate Relationship, which was considered risky and at times destructive. Among the interviewed adolescent girls, Intimate Relationship was reported in a positive manner. Adolescent girls aspire to having intimate relationships with the opposite sex in a romantic setting. Courtship becomes close and reachable to them. Their interest in courtship can be triggered by physical or psychological needs, or by observing such a relationship among their peers.

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Conclusion To conclude, this chapter examines adolescent girls’ media consumption and perception of sexuality. Analysis of interviews and images captured found that adolescent girls’ interpretation of sexuality focuses on six dominant themes, including defining and evaluating sexiness, intimate relationship, marriage, pregnancy, deviant sexual relationship, and health concerns for women. Interviewees adopted a conservative attitude toward overt display of sexiness. Interviewees showed clear and vivid definitions of “good” and “bad” sexiness. Glamorous presentation of female bodies was glorified while revealing the female body solely to attract male attention or in the wrong context was scorned. Most of the interviewees showed aspiration for romantic heterosexual relationships, and demonstrated the desire to be wives and mothers. Being single and child-free was not registered as a dominant way of defining them as females. Interviewees aspired to equality in intimate relationships disapproved of control, manipulation or yielding. Adolescent girls’ interpretation of sexuality seems to be based on a mixture of both traditional values as well as modern values. This chapter provides us with a better understanding of how female adolescents in Hong Kong consume and interpret media images about sexuality. Based on the images collected, we are able to ask contextually relevant questions as perceived by the interviewees. Previous quantitative studies have shown that exposure to sexualized media enhances adolescents’ sexual behavior. The current qualitative study gives evidences that adolescent girls are not passively affected by the media. Instead, they are active and critical media consumers. The research process enables us to gather a rich and diverse body of information about media consumption and the understanding of its content.

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Acknowledgements Part of this chapter has been published in Chan, K., Ng, Y. L., and Williams, R. B. (2012). “Adolescent girls’ interpretation of sexuality found in media image,” Intercultural Communication Studies, 21(3), 63–81.

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Overview

1

Celebrities have become a core part of today’s popular culture. The news media report in detail on their performances as well as their social and private lives. Entertainment magazines and TV programs devote extensive space and time to describing movies or TV programs that they are working on, who they are alone with, their engagements, their weddings, and their divorces, as well as their endorsements of different brands. They are public figures and icons. In Chapter 3, we report the types of celebrities that tween girls are interested in, as well as specific gender roles they learn from the celebrities. In this chapter, we expand our understanding of girls and celebrities by investigating adolescent girls. The emphasis will be on the profiles of the celebrities that catch the attention of adolescent girls, and specific attributes of celebrities that adolescent girls admire or scorn.

The Value of Media Celebrities Stars and media celebrities play a central part in the media that we consume. They have a dominating presence in movies, books, popular music, and television dramas (Croteau and Hoyes, 2002). A large celebrity-producing system promotes stars and media celebrities, making them seem popular and almost omnipresent with the media audience. Croteau and Hoyes (2002) argued that the production of hit media products is the major economic goal of mass media organizations. These organizations identify, acquire, or manufacture a star or a media celebrity in order to attract an audience for hit products. Some stars and media celebrities have a long career as a hit producer, generating huge and steady income for media organizations. For example, The Walt Disney Company produced adolescent celebrities such as Selena Gomez and Miley Cyrus. Cyrus ranked 13th in Forbes magazine’s list of the world’s most powerful celebrities in 2010, earning 48 million U.S. dollars

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(Pomerantz and Rose, 2010). Tween girls aged 9 to 11 expressed strong emotional links with these celebrities and learned from them how teenage girls should look and act to gain social popularity (McGladrey, 2011). In Hong Kong, the Emperor Entertainment Group created Twins, a Cantopop duo comprising the female popular singers Charlene Cheuk-yin Choi and Gillian Yan-tung Chung, in 2001. Their music was a hit among children, tweens, and teenagers. Altogether they won 101 music awards and received the Asia Pacific Most Popular Female Artist Award from Jade Solid Gold Top 10 Awards (Jade Solid Gold, 2007). Stars and media celebrities are essential to the process of profitable hit production. These celebrities are able to draw in advertising revenue for TV stations, sponsorship incomes for filmmakers, and other income streams through the marketing of merchandising products (Croteau and Hoyes, 2002). Celebrities are created and supported by a team of talents ranging from songwriters, image designers, choreographers, and stage designers to professional make-up artists and artist managers. Promotional activities and campaigns are needed to market these celebrities to the target audience. In the following section, we elaborate on how the pop singer Joey Yung becomes a hit. Yung (born 1980) is a Hong Kong Cantopop singer and actress. She is a record-breaker in terms of music awards. Altogether, she won the prestigious JSG “Most Popular Female Singer” and “Ultimate Best Female Singer—Gold” awards eight times. She is now one of the most famous Cantonese singers in Hong Kong. She ranked 52nd on the Forbes 2013 Chinese Celebrity List, making approximately $35 million Hong Kong dollars in 2012 (Forbes, 2013). However, her road to success was never easy. Yung participated in many singing contests from the age of 15. After her performance in the Big Echo Karaoke Singing Contest she signed with Go East Entertainment. However, not being endowed with a charming appearance, she did not gain recognition. When her contract with Go East Entertainment ended she made no progress

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in her singing career. She resorted to work as a clerk and helped her mother manage a fashion boutique. Her ex-colleague in Go East introduced her to Japanese company Pony Canyon, but shortly after Yung joined the company it closed its business in Hong Kong. Once again, her singing career came to a halt. A few years later, she took singing lessons with Roman Tam and Teresa Carpio, two renowned Hong Kong Cantopop singers at the peaks of their careers. Tam appreciated Yung’s singing and invited her to sing a few tunes at his concert. Following this, people started to notice her (Jade Solid Gold, 2013). In an interview with Yung and her manager, Mani Fok of Emperor Entertainment Group, Fok recalled that Yung was not appealing to her the first time they met. She looked ordinary and her singing was not that wonderful. However, for reasons unknown to us, the senior management of the company decided to make her a superstar. Fok responded to her boss that she firmly believed that Yung would be a pop queen in the future. Almost like a self-fulfilling prophecy, a team of music production professionals and marketing promotion personnel set the wheel turning. The best talents of the company aligned together to design her make-up and outfits, write songs that fitted her style and pitch, and prepare persuasive publicity literature to launch her as an icon. When the host asked Yung why she became popular, she replied that it was because teenagers liked her songs such as “Painful Love” and “Who Will Love Me” (Jade Solid Gold, 2013). During the interview, Yung also attributed her success to the expertise and dedication of her team. The marketing promotion was very successful. It was based on one fact: every day Fok told Yung and everyone in the team that she was a superstar. The only goal for the team was to create a reality that Joey Yung was the chosen one. She was an instant hit, bringing much fame and success to her and her team. Her success was also attributed to her hardworking attitude, her striving for excellent performance, and her willingness to listen to the guidance and recommendations of her manager and

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team members (Jade Solid Gold, 2013). In this short description, we have observed the big machine behind the making of a star.

A Qualitative Study on Adolescent Girls’ Learning about Gender Roles from Celebrities The research findings of this chapter come from the same qualitative study we described in Chapter 5. During the interviews, we did not ask questions about specific celebrities. However, when interviewees responded to the questions about what girls or women should or should not be, and what girls or women should or should not do, they showed us images of celebrities they took from the media and elaborated on desirable gender roles and identities. The results are reported here. Only images of celebrities mentioned and discussed by the interviewees were analyzed. Some interviewees took pictures of celebrities without specifically mentioning what they learned from her as a person. For example, one interviewee took a picture of a famous cyclist and said that we should do more exercise. Since the learning was not derived from the celebrity’s personality or identity, it was not included in the data analysis. This chapter focuses on how adolescent girls learn about gender roles from celebrities, because celebrities may influence adolescents in a different way than other media. Altogether, 15 out of 20 interviewees showed images of a celebrity or a media character and illustrated their interpretation of appropriate or inappropriate female roles and identities. Forty-one female celebrities were mentioned by the adolescent girls 58 times. Table 7.1 shows the celebrities and media characters mentioned, alongside their public profiles. According to public records, the ages of the celebrities and media characters mentioned ranged from 17 years old to 71 years old at the time of the interviews in 2010. Seventeen of the celebrities and media

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Table 7.1 Age, race, and profile of celebrities reported by the interviewees Celebrity

Age*

Nationality

Profile

Reported by girls studying at international schools Ana Ivanovic

23

Serbian

tennis player

Angelababy

21

Chinese

actress, model, and singer

Angelina Jolie

35

American

actress and film director

Britney Spears

29

American

singer and entertainer

Cheryl Cole

27

British

singer, dancer, and model

Elizabeth Hurley

45

British

actress and model

Gwen Stefani

41

American

singer and fashion designer

Jackie Kennedy

65

American

First Lady (deceased)

Katy Perry

26

American

singer and actress

Keira Knightley

25

British

actress and model

Kesha

23

American

singer and rapper

Lady Gaga

24

American

singer, activist, actress, and philanthropist

Madonna

52

American

singer and actress

Maria Sharapova

23

Russian

tennis player

Megan Fox

24

American

actress and model

Miley Cyrus

18

American

actress and singer

Natalie Portman

29

American and Israeli

actress and model

Nichole Richie

29

American

actress, singer, and presenter

Oprah Winfrey

56

American

talk-show host, actress, producer, and philanthropist

Penelope Cruz

36

Spanish

actress

Rachel McAdams

32

Canadian

actress

Sara Carbonero

26

Spanish

TV presenter

Sarah Palin

46

American

politician, commentator, and author

Taylor Momsen

17

American

actress, singer, and model

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Age*

Nationality

Profile

Reported by girls studying at local schools Chrissie Chau

26

Chinese

model and actress

Chu Yu (Kwan-yu Ng)

45

Chinese

character in the TV drama All’s Well, Ends Well 2009

Chui-wan Yuen (Kuk-ying Kwan)

53

Chinese

character in the TV drama Beyond the Realm of Conscience

Din-ha Shum

62

Chinese

comedienne and actress (deceased)

Gigi Leung

35

Chinese

actress

Gillian Chung

30

Chinese

pop singer

Hua Mulan (Vicki Zhao)

35

Chinese

character in the movie Hua Mulan

Julia Child (Meryl Streep)

61

American

character in the movie Julie & Julia

Lady Gaga

24

American

singer, activist, actress, and philanthropist

Michelle Obama

47

American

First Lady

Nancy Sit

61

Chinese

actress

On-sang Chan Fang

71

Chinese

member of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong

Pak-chi Cheung

30

Chinese

actress

Sau-lan Ho

56

Chinese

member of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong

Shui-man Tang

45

Chinese

actress

Suet-ha Chung (Michelle Yim)

55

Chinese

character in the TV drama Beyond the Realm of Conscience

Wai-lam Chan

38

Chinese

pop singer

Yi-man Lam

28

Chinese

pop singer

*age as at 2010

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characters were aged below 30 while the remaining 24 characters were aged 30 or above. The mean age of the celebrities and media characters reported was 38. Most of the celebrities (73.7%) were entertainers (e.g., actress, comedienne, dancer, model, or singer). Five of them (8.8%) were characters in TV programs or films. Two of them (3.5%) were athletes and two (3.5%) were members of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong. Other celebrities mentioned included an author, the First Lady, and a politician. Among the 41 celebrities and media characters mentioned, two of them (Jackie Kennedy and Din-ha Shum) were deceased. Among the 24 celebrities mentioned by interviewees studying at international schools, only one was Chinese. Among the 18 celebrities and media characters mentioned by interviewees studying at local schools, three were non-Chinese. One of these three nonChinese was a media character in the movie Julie & Julia. The other two were Lady Gaga and Michelle Obama. Interviewees often selected female adult media celebrities as models for gender roles and gender identities. The selection of media celebrities was focused on certain admirable attributes. Some interviewees reported explicitly that they adopted the celebrities as positive role models. Interviewees also identified with the celebrities because they liked the way they behave, or their specific personality, or their specific talents. In all the interviews, there is no evidence of idol worship. As with our findings among tween girls in Chapter 3, no interviewees reported strong emotional attachment with the media celebrities or demonstrated confusion of self-identity. None of the interviewees perceived the celebrities and media characters to be perfect. Interviewees were able to discuss the celebrities as real persons in a matter-of-fact manner. Three major themes in interviewees’ discussions of celebrities were identified. They were:

(1) Admiration and positive role model;



(2) Appearance; and



(3) Negative role model and materialism.

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Interview transcripts were subsequently coded for discussion of Admiration and positive role model (i.e., the interviewees’ admiration of competency, personality, and talents of female celebrities for what girls and women should be or should do), Appearance (i.e., the interviewees’ comments on female celebrities’ body images, outfits, skin, and make-up), and Negative role model and materialism (i.e., the interviewees’ criticisms of inappropriate behavior of female celebrities for what girls and women should not be or should not do). The following section elaborates on each of the themes.

Theme 1: Admiration and positive role model The interviewees’ most frequent comments (24 times) were related to admiration and positive role models. Table 7.2 summarizes the reasons for admiration of celebrities and media characters. The interviewees admired the competency, confidence, personality, style, success, and talents of female celebrities for what girls and women should be or should do. Lady Gaga was the only celebrity admired by interviewees from both international school and local school. One girl showed two photos of Lady Gaga, a singer, songwriter, record producer, businesswoman, and philanthropist, and said, “I just like the picture. These photos make me want to be like her. To have her sense of style. (Interviewer: It gives you a sense of her strength?) And how more women nowadays are not afraid to express themselves in natural ways.” (age 15, an international school student)

This interviewee admired Lady Gaga for expressing herself in different and unique ways. She then got the idea that females nowadays have the freedom to express their views. She admired the celebrity who is brave enough to express her own opinions. Another girl took a photo of Lady Gaga and said, “This woman is famous, powerful and has many fans. It is sometimes important to be powerful and to

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Table 7.2

Reasons for admiration or for positive role model

Celebrity

Reasons for admiration and positive role model

Din-ha Shum (deceased)

Admire her confidence

Din-ha Shum (deceased)

Admire her for being a caring mother

Gigi Leung

Admire her charity works

Jackie Kennedy

Admire her ideal figure

Julia Child (Meryl Streep)

Admire her persistence of a dream

Lady Gaga

Admire her achievement

Lady Gaga

Admire her style

Lady Gaga

Admire her uniqueness

Megan Fox

Admire her personality

Michelle Obama

Admire her support of the husband

Nancy Sit

Admire her bravery

Nancy Sit

Admire her for being a caring mother

Natalie Portman

Admire her talents

On-sang Chan Fang

Admire her talents

Pak-chi Cheung

Admire her for being a caring mother

Penelope Cruz

Admire her talents

Rachel McAdams

Admire her talents

Sara Carbonero

Admire her competency

Sau-lan Ho

Admire her kind-heartedness

Shui-man Tang

Admire her charity works

Wai-lam Chan

Admire her beauty

Yi-man Lam

Admire her independent personality

Ana Ivanovic

Positive role model for her gorgeous and passionate personality

Hua Mulan (Vicki Zhao)

Positive role model for filial piety

Oprah Winfrey

Positive role model for her charity works

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attract people. She has a good achievement as a singer. It is important to have achievement.” (age 17, a local school student)

This interviewee put emphasis on Lady Gaga’s successful career and admired her influencing power. Another interviewee mentioned Julia Child, a character in the film Julie & Julia and stated that girls and women should pursuit their dreams. In her words: “She loves to cook and she cooks a lot. I know everyone (in the film) think she’s not good, (but) she still persists with her dream. So I think we should persist with our dream too.” (age 17, a local school student)

One interviewee admired female celebrities who have both outer beauty and inner beauty. Moreover, she appreciated celebrities who attain their goals and become popular because of their talent rather than their appearance. Here is an illustrative quote: “Natalie Portman, just love her. I just love her. I think she is gorgeous, but more about her acting, more especially when I saw her in V for Vendetta. She had to shave her head and everything like that. I like it when people don’t act toward their looks, they act even if they are good looking. She doesn’t like the fact that people just look at her for her look.” (age 17, an international school student)

Another two girls admired female celebrities who have inner beauty rather than outer beauty. An interviewee mentioned Dinha Shum, a deceased comedienne, and said that despite Shum being fat—a liability in the entertainment industry—she still had confidence in herself: “She is fat, very fat, but she still can stand very strong on top of the entertainment business. I think

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she always helps the young artists and she does her work best, she’s strong. Although she’s fat she still has confidence. You know, being fat in the entertainment business is not a good thing.” (age 17, a local school student)

Another interviewee had admiration for the independent personality of a singer-songwriter in not following the skinny trend. The following quote illustrates this: “She is a Hong Kong artist. She published a book and said that fat is OK. I think it is interesting. I love that fact because it is quite healthy. It is a little bit against Hong Kong’s trend.” (age 17, a local school student)

Three celebrities were admired by an interviewee because they appeared to be caring mothers. Here are the illustrative quotes: “She (Pak-chi Cheung) treats her son well, full of motherly love. She wears the same style of clothes as her son and makes her son look very handsome. That is what a mother should do if she can.” (age 17, a local school student) “This is an artist (Nancy Sit) and she’s a mother, too... I think she is very happy and she has good character. She also gives a lot of love to her daughters and sons.” (age 17, a local school student)

Two interviewees admired female celebrities who do charity work, are kind hearted, and help people in need: “This is Shui-man Tang. She visited the Sichuan Earthquake zone and she volunteered to help the victims. Be a volunteer is a good thing.” (age 17, a local school student)

Three celebrities served as interviewees’ positive role models. This is reflected in the following words:

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“Oprah Winfrey, she gives so much. I think girls should look up to her because she’s a good role model. I don’t think she sets any bad example at all.” (age 15, an international school student)

A character in a film (Hua Mulan) was perceived by one interviewee as a positive role model because of her filial piety. She remarked: “She’s very tough and she wanted to help her father to go to war, so I think she was an idol that showed respect to her parents, her dad and mum.” (age 17, a local school student)

An athlete won the heart of one interviewee, who said: “She (Ana Ivanovic) is my favorite tennis player. I’ve got that photo on my wall. She’s really gorgeous and everything but she’s also quite passionate. I like that. Like a role model.” (age 17, a local school student)

Theme 2: Appearance The theme of appearance summarizes interviewees’ comments on the physical appearance of the celebrities, including outfits, body images, skin quality, and make-up. The theme was brought up 18 times. Four girls made the criticism that some celebrities were too skinny. Two of them reported that a celebrity suffered from an eating disorder. They commented that girls or women should not be skinny and should have a positive attitude toward their body image. An interviewee showed a body-slimming advertisement endorsed by Gillian Chung and said, “This is an artist and she has Botox. She gets a thinner face and skinny. Just I don’t think it is a good way to be thin or to get thin. If you want to be healthy, you should do exercise rather than this.” (age 17, a local school student)

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Two interviewees reported that many of their friends want to look like these celebrities. In their words: “Keira Knightly is the classic skinniest person on earth. She is so thin. She disturbs me. They call her Keira Nightmare on set apparently but I just think the same thing.” (age 17, an international school student) “This one (Keira Knightly) seems to be almost anorexia because of what everyone was saying in the media and it was everywhere. I’ve seen the image well before and I had a couple of friends who wanted to look like this at the prom. I thought that was really significant for me. I didn’t think it was an attractive look but a lot of people just thought that it was the new trend.” (age 15, an international school student)

In these two quotes, the interviewees not only criticized the skinny body of the celebrity, they also worried about the negative impact of her skinny image on other adolescent girls. They were fully aware that through social comparison of body size, the adolescent girls were vulnerable to the unhealthy beauty trend. Interviewees stated that they like normal sized celebrities rather than thin celebrities. According to one interviewee: “There was something like more normal, like Penelope Cruz. She’s got curves and stuff. She doesn’t look like she is size zero. I think it is just better. Models just look really fake.” (age 17, an international school student)

Wearing sexy outfits was perceived as inappropriate for young celebrities. The following quote illustrates this: “Miley Cyrus, this actually gave her a lot of controversy because she is underage and I don’t think it’s right to do that, because it’s just wrong showing your body like that.

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And this was placed all over the Internet. She was so exposed and I didn’t think that was right. She wanted attention and she got the wrong kind.” (age 15, an international school student)

Interviewees believed that many people were influenced greatly by female celebrities in that girls or women desire to look like them, and at the same time men think women should look like them. As they put it: “This is how people want to look like celebrities. That is someone who has tried to look like her. Either way people always do ‘I want the Angelina Jolie lips’ or ‘I want the whatever.’ ” (age 15, an international school student) “Like traditional models are like cool and tall and skinny. But lang-mos have to have more like big boobs and white skin. And you don’t have to be tall. They are wild. (Interviewer: Now do you think that is a good thing or a bad thing? Is that something you would look at her and say, I wish I was more like her?) No I don’t wish I could be more like her, but I think this is always how people think, like how more men or males think women should be.” (age 18, an international school student)

Theme 3: Negative role model and materialism Table 7.3 summarizes the reasons for the perception of celebrities and media characters as negative role models. This theme was brought up 14 times. Adolescent girls criticized the inappropriate as well as negative attitudes and behaviors of female celebrities in relation to what girls and women should not be or should not do. Learning from the female celebrities, one interviewee said girls and women should not be furious, mean, and bad-tempered. The reasons for perceiving them as negative role models included wearing sexy

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Table 7.3 Reasons for negative role model celebrities Celebrity

Reasons for negative role model

Britney Spears

Manipulating her life

Britney Spears

Screwing up her life

Chrissie Chau

Too sexy

Chrissie Chau

Using her body to earn money

Chu Yu (Kwan-yu Ng)

Bad tempered

Chui-wan Yuen (Kuk-ying Kwan)

Wickedness and use of harsh words

Gillian Chung

Posting of sexually explicit photos

Kesha

Wasting life

Miley Cyrus

Outfits too sexy

Suet-ha Chung (Michelle Yim)

Wickedness and use of harsh words

Taylor Momsen

Outfits too sexy and smokes

Cheryl Cole

Materialistic

Katy Perry

Materialistic

outfits, smoking, and drinking. An interviewee mentioned how Taylor Momsen disgusted her with her smoking and bad behavior. She emphasized the age of Taylor and reflected, “Do you know Taylor Momsen? She is an 18-year-old rock star. She wears stripper heels. The shoe even has a hole that says ‘Tips’. And she is only 17. And young girls, they will look up to her, which is a problem because she smokes and she does all the bad things. And it’s all over the TV and magazines so girls can see it.” (age 15, an international school student)

The same interviewee also felt sad for Britney Spears’ terrible life. She perceived Spears as a negative role model that would have a bad influence on many girls. According to her: “Britney again. It’s like she’s a role model for younger girls, you know. None of the actresses respect that. They don’t think about the fact that millions of girls

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are watching and you are showing millions of girls how to screw up like you.” (age 17, an international school student)

Another interviewee reflected that a model, Chrissie Chau, who attempted to promote a cushion showing an image of her in a bikini is a negative role model. In her words: “I think the cushion is a way for her to earn money. I don’t think that a woman should earn money by using her body. It is something that I should not do.” (age 17, a local school student)

Analysis of the interview materials revealed that interviewees emphasized the materialistic values endorsed by the celebrities. An interviewee condemned the materialistic messages from two celebrities. The following quotes illustrate this: “This is Katy Perry. She made songs to become famous. Fame and the shoes (by author: Katy’s shoe collection is thought to be worth U.S.$2.8 million). It is just so materialistic in general, just go with the flow.” (age 15, an international school student) “I hate Cheryl Cole. If she’s wearing something then everyone wants to pick every single bit of what she’s wearing. I’m not saying I don’t like what she’s wearing, but pressuring women into. It’s the whole materialistic thing again.” (age 17, an international school student)

One interviewee reported that females should not be wicked in the process of gaining power. She learned this from a fictitious character in a television drama. In her words: “This is a drama on TVB again. It’s about women in the Tang dynasty and some women are servants and some are not. Some are the wives of the emperor. This

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drama describes how these women gain their power and get the things they wanted. The things they do may not be good; they kill some people or say some harsh words to them.” (age 17, a local school student)

Comparing the findings among adolescent girls with the findings among tween girls reported in Chapter 3, we have four observations.

Finding 1: Celebrities and media characters who captured the attention of the adolescent girls were mainly adult female entertainers This finding is similar to that among the tween girls. Only two celebrities aged under 20 were reported by the interviewees. They were Miley Cyrus and Taylor Momsen. Among the girls studying in local schools, none of them reported a celebrity under 20. This indicates that adolescent girls look up to adult females as references for appropriate gender roles. It was interesting to find that girls studying in local schools resorted to media characters in television dramas and movies in the social learning of gender roles. Social learning from media characters was not reported by students studying in international schools. Moreover, the media characters adolescent girls looked up to are older than the average age of the celebrities reported. This suggests that they are greatly involved in the consumption of media content. They identified with the characters in the media programs and expressed willingness to learn from these fictitious persons. Similar to the findings among tween girls, adolescent girls studying at local schools more often engaged in social learning of gender roles from Chinese popular singers and actresses. Adolescent girls studying at international schools more often engaged in social learning of gender roles from non-Chinese popular singers and actresses. This again can be attributed to the media they consumed in their everyday life. In terms of occupational profiles, adolescent girls reported political leaders such as members of the Legislative Council as

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their focus of admiration. This was not found among tween girls. It indicates that adolescent girls have a wider scope of interest in terms of the profile of the public figures. They not only observe the behavior of entertainment celebrities and athletes, but also prominent figures in the political arena.

Finding 2: Adolescent girls placed much emphasis on the physical appearance, body size, and outfits of the celebrities In Chapter 3, we found that tween girls most often admired the personality traits of the celebrities such as bravery, talent, or selfconfidence. However, among the adolescent girls we interviewed, physical beauty, the right body size, and trendy outfits became a prominent center of attraction. Adolescent girls expressed disapproval of the extra-thin body sizes achieved by some of the celebrities. Even though some of the interviewees were able to demonstrate critical reading of the media-portrayed thin-ideal images, most of the interviewees were aware of the prevalent standards of beauty socially constructed by the media. For example, the deceased celebrity Din-ha Shum was admired because of her achievements despite her fat body size. In the quotes reported in the section on appearance, adolescent girls were aware of socially constructed standards of beauty. The emphasis on physical appearance as the icon of ideal beauty echoes the findings among tween girls by McGladrey (2011). A study among tween girls in the United States using collage construction found that the “Disney girls” including Selena Gomez, Miley Cyrus, and Demi Lovato dominated the relationships with media culture of tween girls in the study (McGladrey, 2011). Lady Gaga caught the admiration of two interviewees for her style and her achievements. Interviewees claimed that Lady Gaga was weird and different from others. This illustrates again that the girls are aware of socially constructed standards of beauty and are able to use Lady Gaga to illustrate a contrast with normative beauty ideals.

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Finding 3: Adolescent girls showed interest in social and private lives of the celebrities Similar to what we found among tween girls reported in Chapter 3, adolescent girls showed interest in social and private lives as well as the charity works of the celebrities. Three celebrities were identified as focus of admiration because of their being caring mothers. Desirable motherhood was demonstrated through caring the child, wearing same style of clothing, and maintaining good relationship with the child.

Finding 4: Adolescent girls assessed celebrities with their own moral standards Similar to our findings among tween girls reported in Chapter 3, adolescent girls assessed the behavior of media celebrities according to their own moral standards. Adolescent girls disapproved of celebrities dressing in sexy apparel, making poor choices in life, and being materialistic. Interestingly, disapproval of the materialistic value orientation of celebrities was brought up among adolescent girls, but not reported among tween girls. When the materialism topic was raised, adolescent girls were not condemning the celebrities for being materialistic. Instead, they condemned them for making others materialistic. They perceived that the celebrities were influential in setting fashion trends. They envisioned that the public would become frantic in chasing after the brands that the celebrities use. This illustrates that adolescent girls are aware of the economic effect of celebrity endorsements in brands and the influence of the celebrities on the purchase decisions of their followers. In Chapter 8 that follows, the perceived effect of celebrity endorsement in the advertising context will be explored further using a focus-group study. Based on the findings, we propose the following hypotheses that can be tested in a future quantitative study.

H1: Adolescent girls are more likely to learn about gender roles and identities from adult females than girls of similar ages.

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H2: Female celebrities and media characters play a significant role in shaping gender roles and identities among adolescent girls.



H3: Adolescent girls are more likely to engage in relationships with celebrities as social entertainers than intense personal or borderline pathological relationships with celebrities.



H4: Adolescent girls pay much attention to the physical attractiveness of female celebrities.



H5: Adolescent girls admire selected media celebrities for their talents, achievements, contribution to the well being of humanity, and their parenting.



H6: Adolescent girls assess the behavior of media celebrities according to their own moral standards.



H7: Adolescent girls show interest in the private lives of celebrities.

Conclusion To conclude, the analysis of interviews and images found that celebrities and media characters play an important role in shaping adolescent girls’ female roles and identities. Interviewees often cited adult celebrities as worthy of admiration or as negative gender role models. Interviewees learned from celebrities and media characters about social norms of beauty as well as undesirable behavior in the social arena. These girls showed admiration for the successes, talents and personalities of the celebrities and media characters. Caring for children as well as charity work by celebrities were also frequently mentioned as reasons for their admiration. Interviewees believed that celebrities contribute to the thin-as-ideal-beauty trend and have great impact on the purchase decisions of consumers.

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Introduction

1

“Joey Yung was very busy these days. After winning the one of Top Ten Local Artistes awards she was hired to endorse Sensa Cools herbal drink. Inside sources report that her advertising contract was worth one million US dollars. What’s more, the advertisement was shot at an extravagant hotel in Phuket, Thailand” (Enesis Group, 2011). News such as this about celebrity involvement in product endorsements appears frequently in the Hong Kong entertainment news. Newspapers obviously perceive that their audience is interested in the commercial activities of media celebrities. Celebrity endorsement is a common marketing communication strategy for building brand image. Advertisers believe that the use of a celebrity affects advertising effectiveness, brand recall and recognition, as well as purchase intentions and follow-through (Spry et al., 2011). There have been many studies of celebrity endorsement in recent years (e.g., Hakimi et al., 2011; Hung et al., 2011; Spry et al., 2011). These studies have examined the influence of celebrity endorsement on young adults (Hakimi et al., 2011), celebrity worship on purchase intentions (Hung et al., 2011), and the celebrity’s credibility on the brand’s consumer-based equity (Spry et al., 2011). However, none of these studies has focused only on adolescents, although many advertisements targeting adolescents employ celebrity appeal (Chan, 2010). Most of the empirical studies about celebrity endorsement have been quantitative in nature. Only few studies applied qualitative method to explore impact of celebrity endorsement in advertising (e.g., Tantiseneepong et al., 2012). Use of qualitative method uncovers factors that may be overlooked in quantitative surveys. For example, the role of personal liking was found a critical factor in celebrity endorsement (Tantiseneepong et al., 2012). How do adolescents interact with advertisements using celebrity endorsement? Are they better able to identify the brands endorsed by celebrities? What are the attributes of celebrities that they find

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most appealing? Do they perceive advertisements using a celebrity effective? This chapter answers these questions and seeks to fill a gap in the literature by focusing on adolescent consumers using qualitative methodology. Understanding adolescent consumers’ perception of celebrity endorsement appeals in advertising helps marketers and non-profit organizations to develop effective communication with adolescents.

Celebrity Endorsement Scholars have proposed several theories attempting to explain how celebrity endorsement in advertising works. McCracken (1989) has proposed a three-stage meaning transfer model. It proposes that an endorser’s credibility and expertise first transfer meaning to his or her public image; the endorser then transfers the meaning to the brand being endorsed. Finally, the meaning is transferred to consumers. Celebrity endorsement enhances the perceived quality of the brand and is correlated with intention-to-use (e.g., Kamins et al., 1989; Ohanian, 1991). Yoo and Donthu (2001) defined consumerbased brand equity as a combination of brand loyalty, brand awareness, perceived quality of a brand, and meaningful memories linked to a brand. Celebrity endorsers who are credible improve brand credibility, and greater credibility increases consumer-based brand equity. The positive correlation between the endorser’s credibility and consumer-based brand equity is mediated by the brand credibility (Spry et al., 2011). According to McCutcheon, Lange and Houran (2002), consumers’ relationships with celebrities can be classified into two types. Entertainment-oriented individuals enjoy learning about celebrities and discussing the information with others casually, while intense-attachment based individuals think continuously and associate parasocially with the celebrities. Hung et al. (2011) found that entertainment-oriented consumers superficially evaluate the meaning transfer involved in a celebrity endorsement, while intense-

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attachment based consumers evaluate it carefully with detailed considerations. Another previous study delineated gender differences in attitudes toward celebrity endorsements. Female consumers responded more favorably to celebrity endorsements than males, and they preferred female celebrity endorsers to males (Klaus and Bailey, 2008). Celebrities can be an influential reference group and therefore a powerful asset for marketers. Celebrities can give testimonials about the benefits of using a product, endorse a product, or act as a spokesperson for a brand for an extended period (Blackwell et al., 2006). Marketers often choose celebrity endorsers who are attractive, credible, or who have expertise while at the same time matching up with the desired brand image (Hakimi et al., 2011). Physically attractive celebrity endorsers can improve a brand’s image and encourage consumers to purchase that brand (Hakimi et al., 2011). Celebrities who are credible can persuade consumers to believe claims about a brand if they have relevant knowledge, skills or experience and are perceived to be unbiased (Ohanian, 1990). Knowledgeable and skillful celebrity endorsers who are perceived to have expertise in a particular area can make consumers more willing to purchase the advertised brand (Ohanian, 1991). The trustworthiness of the celebrity is a supportive element underlying source credibility, but research has shown that it is not a factor in increasing consumers’ intention to try a brand (Hakimi et al., 2011; Ohanian, 1991). Research has shown that consumers expect congruity between a celebrity endorser’s image and the brand being endorsed (O’Mahony and Meenaghan, 1997). Categorically related endorsements (sports shoes endorsed by a sportsman) have greater brand meaning consistency than unrelated endorsements (sports shoes endorsed by a singer) (Chien et al., 2011). To conclude, the effectiveness of advertisements using celebrity appeals depends on four factors: attractiveness, expertise, trustworthiness of the celebrities, and congruity between image of brand and the celebrity.

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Adolescents and Celebrity Endorsement Adolescent consumers have significant potential purchasing power (Bush et al., 2004). They are known as Generation Y, which is an age group that differs from Generation X (their parents) in terms of values and conformity. Adolescence in this chapter refers to the age group of 12 to 19 (Rice and Dolgin, 2005). Erikson (1968) has argued that adolescents form primary attachments to family and friends and secondary attachments to famous persons including media celebrities. During adolescence, celebrity figures are an important factor in self-concept development (Adams-Price and Greene, 1990). Adolescents perceive a celebrity as their ideal selfimage and strive to develop personality traits, attitudes, values, and physical appearance similar to those of their idols (Boon and Lomore, 2001; Caughey, 1994). Consumer socialization research has investigated children and adolescents’ development as consumers (John, 1999). Adolescents at the reflective stage aged 11 to 16 understand persuasive intention of advertisements. They hold skeptical attitudes toward advertisements. They are aware of both adult-oriented and children-oriented brands as well as underlying cues of brands. They understand consumption symbolism for brands and product categories (John, 1999). Vicarious role models including favorite entertainers and athletes have conclusively been shown to influence American adolescents’ consumption intentions and behavior (Martin and Bush, 2000). Sports celebrities have also been shown to generate positive word-ofmouth recommendations for brands, leading to purchase intention and follow-through among “Generation Y” consumers in Australia (Buksa and Mitsis, 2011; Dix et al., 2010). A similar positive relationship between celebrity endorsement and purchase intention has also been demonstrated among Botswana teenagers in South Africa (Makgosa, 2010). Most of the empirical studies of celebrity endorsement are quantitative in nature. In the celebrity endorsement literature,

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existing studies show lack of consensus in empirical findings and partial support of the existing main theoretical framework (Tantiseneepong et al., 2012). To contribute to the literature, this chapter uses qualitative approach to generate insights of this target groups that are grounded empirically.

Celebrity Endorsement in Hong Kong Hong Kong’s strong film, television and music industries provide a constant supply of popular singers and actors. A survey has found that teenagers in Hong Kong are likely to choose famous singers and movie stars as their idols (So and Chan, 1992). For example, popular Hong Kong singer Sammi Cheng has over 400,000 Facebook fans (Famecount, 2011). The use of celebrities in advertising is prevalent in Hong Kong. Advertisers and marketers in Hong Kong often employ celebrities such as popular singers, movie actors and actresses, as well as famous athletes as spokespersons for products and services that target adolescents (Chan, 2010). Content analyses have found that celebrity endorsement was the most frequently used appeal in television commercials for youth products and was the second most frequently used appeal in youth magazine advertisements. Nearly half of the government’s publicity campaigns employ celebrity endorsers as well (Chan, 2010). A qualitative study found that the endorser was the most frequently mentioned reason for liking or disliking a television commercial among Hong Kong teenagers (Chan, 2010). The findings showed that adolescents recalled and liked celebrity endorsers who were singers, actors or football players because of their dancing skills, soccer skills or ostensibly good personality. Interviewees disliked celebrity endorsers whom they perceived as old or oldfashioned (Chan, 2010). In Chapter 3, we found that girls aged 10 to 12 paid much attention to the private lives of media celebrities. They showed admiration for their specific talents and perceived personalities. A survey of Hong Kong adolescents found that

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the respondents expressed moderate levels of social comparison with media celebrities but low levels of imitation. The survey also found that imitation of celebrity and social comparison with media celebrities were positive correlates of the endorsements of materialistic values (Chan and Prendergast, 2008). Hofstede (1984) argued that individualism is mostly valued in Western cultures such as United States and European countries, while collectivism is often valued in Asian cultures such as Japan, Korea and Hong Kong. The differences between individualism and collectivism have been shown in advertisements. Collectivism values including sense of belonging and family are more likely to be reflected in Korea celebrity advertisements than in United States (Choi et al., 2005). Consumers in Asians tend to follow mainstream. Because celebrity equals to the meaning of popularity, the meaning would transfer to consumers and encourage them to purchase the endorsed brands (Choi et al., 2005). As Hong Kong is an Asian city that values collectivism and is group-oriented to a certain extent, consumers in Hong Kong are expected to be more readily affected by advertisements using celebrity appeal. Despite of the frequent use of celebrities in Hong Kong’s advertising and the adolescents’ strong interest in the celebrities, there is no study that investigates specific elements of celebrities in advertising that appeal the most to the adolescents. There is also no study from the point of view of adolescents on the impact of advertisements using celebrities. This chapter attempts to fill the gap.

A Qualitative Study on Adolescent Girls and Advertisements Using Celebrity Endorsement In order to target adolescent consumers successfully, advertisers and social marketers need to understand how adolescents respond to advertising using celebrity endorsement. A qualitative study was designed with the following research objectives:

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(1) To identify attributes of the celebrity endorsers in advertisements as well as attributes of these advertisements that the adolescents found most memorable;



(2) To investigate factors that adolescents think marketers would consider in selecting celebrity endorsers; and



(3) To explore adolescents’ perceptions about advertisements using celebrity endorsement work.

how

The study employed an interpretivist approach (Neuman, 2003) using a qualitative methodology. A focus group format was adopted as it can best reconcile different interviewees’ perspectives and often generate insights that might not be generated in individual interviews (Silverman, 2005). The objective was to create a context in which meanings and perceptions associated with celebrity endorsements could be negotiated or shared. Seventy-six Chinese female and male adolescents aged 13 to 19 were divided into 16 focus groups using quota sampling based on school grade and sex. The interviewees were recruited through personal networks. Interviewees of the same sex and same grade were grouped together to encourage free expression of perceptions about advertisements using celebrity endorsement. Thirty-eight interviewees were males and 38 were females. All of them were studying in secondary form three to form six (equivalent to the U.S. education system of grades nine to twelve) in Hong Kong local schools. As this book focuses on girls, we report the findings from the focus groups involving female participants only. There were five participants on average per group. A research methodology textbook suggested that the group size should be six to twelve participants (Wimmer and Dominick, 2006). However, there is also suggestion that an optimal group should consist of five respondents because they can provide greater depth of response in smaller group sessions (Debus, 1988). Senior university students taking the course “Consumer Behavior” served as moderators of the focus groups. They were

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trained by the instructors on the moderating techniques. Two moderators administered each interview. The average duration of the focus group sessions was 33.6 minutes. The focus groups were conducted at secondary school campuses and public places such as fast food restaurants. The study was conducted in Cantonese in October and November 2011. The session started by showing a board displaying four fullcolor snapshots extracted from then-current TV commercials using celebrity endorsers. All four commercials had been broadcasted repeatedly in evening prime time within the previous six months. All these commercials featured popular local celebrities endorsing product categories that interviewees were familiar with, for example, confectionary. However, no brand identifications were displayed in the snapshots. As a warm-up, the interviewees were asked to identify the endorsers shown and to recall the brands they were endorsing in those advertisements. It is not intended to be a quantitative measure of recognition and brand name recall. The participants can give multiples responses for all questions. After showing participants the visual prompt, a warm-up question and three carefully worded open-ended questions were used to guide the sessions. English translation of the questions asked: Warm-up question: What are the names of the four celebrities and the brands they endorsed in those commercials? The other three open-ended questions were:

(1) Who is your most memorable celebrity endorser? What is the name of the brand he or she endorsed? Why is it memorable?



(2) What are the important factors for marketers to consider when selecting a celebrity endorser?



(3) What are the impacts of employing a celebrity endorser on the brand?

In response to the warm-up question, most groups were able to identify all the celebrities featured in the commercials as well as the

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brand names of the products they endorsed. Because the participants can give multiples responses, the responses to the following three questions are not equal to the numbers of participants or the number of focus groups.

Most memorable celebrity endorser among adolescent girls The interviewees were requested to discuss their most memorable celebrity endorsers and the attributes of the celebrity that created such a deep impression. Altogether, participants cited 15 males and 7 females as their most memorable celebrity endorsers. They are more likely to recall male celebrity than female celebrity endorsers. Among the products involved in those memorable endorsements, the most frequently reported was Broadway, a consumer electronics retail chain. The second most mentioned brand was PCCW, a local telecommunications provider. The others were mainly food and beverage brands. Nearly all interviewees were able to recall the brand names in the commercials with the most memorable celebrity endorser. A local female singer, Joey Yung, was the one endorser most frequently mentioned, and that was in connection with her endorsement of Broadway. The interviewees found her the most memorable because she had been endorsing Broadway for six years. Two interviewees pointed out that she sang a new song for each commercial, which made the advertisements impressive. She said, “Teenagers enjoy listening to music. They can remember the song after hearing it a few times. The songs just slip off their tongues. It helps to promote the brand.” (a secondary form 3 student)

The second most memorable endorser was a local male television actor, Moses Chan. Interviewees commented that he had a good appearance and acting skills. In fact he is known as Hong Kong’s “ratings king” because of the top audience rating of the drama series in which he plays a leading role. One interviewee reported

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that because of his good presentation in the PCCW advertisements, consumers perceived the quality of the service to be high. Another female interviewee thought the script of the ad was interesting, “Moses Chan’s Saint Honore Snowy Mooncake advertisement is funny. He said he knows how to be a ‘cool’ guy, but Saint Honore Snowy Mooncake is really ‘cool’.” (a secondary form 3 student)

The third most memorable endorser was a local male singer, Eason Chan. Interviewees reported that they liked his songs and found him funny. His endorsements of Sugus Chewy Candy and Dequadin lozenges were considered memorable because of the funny scripts. In all three cases, interviewees demonstrated that they could recall details of the advertisements, including their appeal, the music, and even the phrases or words used by the endorsers. It went far beyond just recalling the name of the brand being endorsed. Table 8.1 summarizes the reasons the interviewees reported for finding the endorsements memorable. Female interviewees most frequently mentioned the endorsers’ attractive appearance, funny apparel or expressions, and good acting. They also enjoyed any Table 8.1 Reasons for memorable endorsers Reason

Frequency

Attractive appearance; funny apparel or expressions; good acting skills

6

Enjoy the singing or the dancing of the endorser in the commercial

6

The celebrity has been the endorser for a particular brand for a long period of time

5

Funny dialogue/animation; the ad was innovative/persuasive

5

The jingle was memorable

1

The celebrity is famous

1

Congruence between the image of the celebrity and the brand

1

Note: Participants can give multiples responses.

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singing or dancing by the endorsers in the commercials. That the celebrity had been endorsing a particular brand for a lengthy period of time was the third most mentioned reason for an endorsement being memorable. It tied with the reason that the dialogue or animation was funny, the ad was creative, or it was persuasive. Other reasons included that the jingle was memorable or the celebrity was famous. The results revealed that adolescent girls value highly the entertainment skills of media celebrities. Their most memorable celebrities were attractive, funny and expressive. In essence, the celebrities were able to transfer their entertainment value to the brand they were endorsing. This finding is consistent with that of a previous study that the most liked attribute of television commercials in Hong Kong was “entertaining” (Fam, 2008). The importance of entertainment value echoes the finding that Hong Kong adolescents (males and females) recall best and like best celebrity endorsers who are singers or actors because of their perceived good personality, singing and dancing skills (Chan, 2010). The findings are consistent with previous findings about “Generation Y” consumers in mainland China who were found to enjoy reading about and watching entertainment celebrities, as well as discussing news about their lives with their friends (Hung et al., 2011). In other words, celebrities in advertising are perceived as a form of entertainment and material for social conversations. Unlike other age groups, the current study shows that adolescents are predominantly attracted by celebrity endorsers that are entertaining and attractive (Hakimi et al., 2011; Kahle and Homer, 1985; Till and Busler, 1998) rather than those who are expertise (Ohanian, 1990; 1991) or trustworthy (Hakimi et al., 2011; Ohanian, 1991).

Factors that marketers should consider in selecting celebrity endorsers The interviewees were asked to suggest what factors marketers should consider in selecting celebrity endorsers. The answers are

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Table 8.2 Factors that marketers would consider in selecting celebrity endorsers Factor

Frequency

Popularity

7

Image

6

Congruence between the image of the celebrity and the brand

3

Physical appearance and talents

3

Cost

2

Congruence between the age of the celebrity and target consumers

2

Note: Participants can give multiples responses.

summarized in Table 8.2. Interviewees most frequently reported popularity, positive image, and the match between the celebrity and the brand as important factors. Popularity was felt to be very important. The interviewees perceived that famous celebrities would attract their supporters and other consumers to buy the endorsed product or service. An interviewee said it was vital to use a celebrity at the peak of his or her career, for example when he or she had just received a music award. An interviewee stated: “You know, Eason Chan is very famous, so consumers may think the advertisement is convincing. And, they may think what he says is believable and trustworthy. If the advertisers find someone that people don’t know who he or she is, people would not have a deep impression and would wonder if he or she is trustworthy.” (a secondary form 6 student)

A positive image was the second most frequently mentioned factor in selecting a celebrity endorser. Interviewees perceived that a celebrity should have a positive image, which a female student defined as a healthy image not involved in any scandal. An interviewee remarked: “Moses Chan has a healthy image ... and he is ‘man’, so a lot of people like him.” (a secondary form 3 student)

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Congruence between the images of the celebrity and the brand was the third most frequently mentioned factor. One interviewee reported that marketers would choose a mature man for endorsing beer, but a female celebrity known to love kids for endorsing a baby formula milk brand. Interviewees perceived that the age of the celebrity endorser and the target consumers should also be congruent. Here is an illustrative quote: “I think the marketer should consider whether the endorser is suitable for the brand. For example, a slimming service ad features a fat celebrity becoming thin after using the product. But if she doesn’t become thin in real life, it is not appropriate.” (a secondary form 6 student)

Physical appearance and talent tied with congruence between the images of the celebrity and the brand as the third most important factor. Interviewees put special emphasis on the acting, singing and dancing talents of the celebrities. The participants less frequently brought up cost as a factor in selecting celebrity endorsers. The results illustrate that adolescent girls demonstrated a high level of knowledge about the commercial operation of celebrity endorsement. They had no difficulty identifying correctly factors that marketers would consider in selecting celebrity endorsers. The importance of the celebrity’s popularity and physical attractiveness seem to suggest that familiarity and source attractiveness are what make celebrities effective endorsers (Hakimi et al., 2011). Positive images and congruence between image of celebrity and brand are important to adolescents. It supports Thwaites et al.’s (2012) finding that negative publicity affects attractiveness and credibility of celebrity endorsers negatively. Factors such as quantitative estimates of followers, price, whether the endorsement deal would be exclusive or not can be more important to the marketers than those mentioned by the interviewees. Comparison of interviewees’ transcripts found that they focus more on possible communication effects of celebrity endorsement and less on financial consideration in endorsement

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Table 8.3 Perceived impacts of celebrity endorsement Impact

Frequency

Attract fans to try the brand

7

Increase brand awareness

5

Enhance brand image / purchase confidence

5

Encourage trial

4

Enlarge the youth market

1

Attract people to watch the ad

1

Note: Participants can give multiples responses.

deals. There was sufficient evidence that interviewees were able to understand the commercial practices of celebrity endorsement. The adolescents’ sophisticated knowledge of celebrity endorsement as an advertising appeal was in line with John’s (1999) model of consumer socialization. At the reflective stage (age 11–16), consumers are expected to have a fully developed understanding of the persuasive intent of advertisements, as well as of special advertising appeals, including celebrity appeal. None of the interviewees mentioned product expertise as important. This suggests that celebrities are effective not because of their expertise but simply because of their familiarity.

The impact of using celebrity endorsers The interviewees were asked to suggest how employing celebrity endorsers in advertisements would work for the brand. This is another way of asking the perceived effect of celebrity endorsement on the brand. Table 8.3 summarizes the results. Interviewees reported that using a celebrity in an advertisement would attract fans to try the brand, increase brand awareness, enhance the brand’s image, and encourage trial. The most frequently reported effect was that celebrity endorsers attract their fans to try the brand. This response is similar to another response about encouraging trial, but it puts the emphasis on the

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group of consumers perceived to be most likely to be influenced by a celebrity—his or her fans. Here is a typical quote: “If I like the celebrity endorser and I am his or her fan, I may share the endorsed brand with my friends. In this way, I become an advocate for the brand.” (a secondary form 4 student)

Interviewees frequently suggested that celebrity endorsers would increase brand awareness. One interviewee said he would not pay any attention to a brand if the endorser was not a celebrity. In the words of two interviewees: “Some people may not pay attention to the brand at first. However, they would pay attention to the endorsed brand later because of the endorsers.” (a secondary form 4 student) “For the first time I did not watch the first half of an advertisement and I just watched the second half. Because the product is endorsed by a celebrity and because of his attractiveness, I paid more attention to the advertisement. I watched the ad a few more times. My deeper impression causes me to try the product. For example, when I need to buy a toothbrush, I remember the endorsed brand of the toothbrush.” (a secondary form 3 student)

Interviewees reported that using celebrity endorsers would enhance a brand’s image or buying confidence. This effect tied with the effect of increasing brand awareness as the second most frequently mentioned one. They perceived that only strong and profitable brands could afford to employ celebrities. They also believed that only reputable brands would be able to convince a top notch celebrity to serve as an endorser. Interviewees commented that consumers would feel confident to use brands endorsed by celebrity endorsers. An interviewee said,

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“Only big brands have enough money and are able to persuade to a famous celebrity to endorse their brands. If they can employ a famous celebrity endorser, it indicates that the brand is strong.” (a secondary form 3 student)

Interviewees also often mentioned that celebrity endorsers encourage trial. One interviewee pointed out that consumers are more likely to consider a brand if a renowned celebrity says good things about it. Here is an illustrative quote: “People know nothing about the product when a brand is launched. If the brand employs a popular celebrity to endorse the product, people may want to know more about it. They will also be more willing to try the brand.” (A secondary form 3 student)

This quote illustrates that the interviewees perceive brands as strangers and brands need familiar characters such as celebrities to serve as mediators to establish contact with the target consumers. To summarize, these adolescent girls perceived that advertisements using celebrity endorsement influence consumers’ intention to try the brand, and brand awareness, and brand perceptions. The emphasis on celebrity endorsement advertisements influencing fans suggests a third-person effect. That is, media effect is more profound on others than on me. These beliefs were presumably based primarily on personal experience and observation. Interviewees discussed about the use of celebrity endorsements to change the perceived target market. The finding was consistent with a study that interviewees acknowledge a celebrity’s role in repositioning a brand to fit a new target market (Tantiseneepong et al., 2012). It is interesting to note that celebrity appeal is perceived to enhance purchase confidence again not because of the expertise of the celebrity (Ohanian, 1990; 1991), but because of their attractiveness (Kahle and Homer, 1985; Till

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and Busler, 1998). Celebrity likeability and congruence between endorser and the endorsed brand influence predisposition toward the advertisements, which in turn affect attitude toward the brand and purchase intention (Fleck et al., 2012). The purchase confidence comes from the credibility and profitability attached to employing a celebrity as an endorser. Adolescents perceived that celebrities would be able to say no to an endorsement invitation if the brand did not match their (presumably) high standards. This result demonstrates that these adolescents were able to consider the whole celebrity endorsement issue from the marketer’s as well as the celebrity’s point of view. The finding was consistent with John’s (1999) model that adolescents at the reflective stage understand fully the persuasive intent of advertisements (John, 1999). None of the interviewees showed explicit skepticism about advertisements using celebrity endorsement. This may be because perceived truthfulness of advertisements using celebrities was not explicitly surveyed. Nevertheless, a few interviewees commented that celebrity appeals may not be as effective as other advertising appeals such as an informative appeal. Hong Kong adolescent consumers’ purchase intention can be influenced by favorite entertainers, which is similar to American adolescents (Martin and Bush, 2000). These findings suggest a theoretical framework for how celebrity endorsements affect adolescents. The same model may not be applicable to other age groups. The proposed theoretical model is shown in Figure 8.1. The celebrity endorser’s attributes, including physical appearance, expressions and talent, combine with attributes of the advertisement including the dialogue, the persuasiveness of the message and the jingle to help establish a favorable brand image among adolescents. The positive brand image will in turn play a role in increasing brand awareness, encouraging trial, and enhancing purchase confidence. According to the model, celebrity endorsement can help a brand with a vague image establish an image that is clear and likeable through combining an attractive media celebrity with creative ad content. Further study might profitably test this model using a quantitative methodology.

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Figure 8.1 A proposed theoretical model

Previous quantitative studies found that the effectiveness of the celebrity endorsement depends on three constructs of the source including expertise, attractiveness and trustworthiness. Our findings among adolescent girls found that attractiveness and entertainment value of the source play a critical role. The marketing implication is that marketers need to select celebrities that are most attractive and believed to be most entertaining to adolescents instead of finding celebrities that are credible and trustful.

Conclusion To conclude, this chapter examines impact of celebrity endorsement in advertising among Chinese adolescent girls by using qualitative methodology. Hong Kong adolescent girls were best able to recall celebrity endorsers whom they considered attractive, funny or particularly expressive. Our interviewees demonstrated a sophisticated knowledge of the commercial operation of celebrity endorsements. They believed in the effectiveness of celebrity

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advertising appeals in changing consumers’ brand awareness and purchase intentions. A theoretical model on how advertisements using celebrity endorsements work from the point of view of adolescents was constructed.

Acknowledgements Part of this chapter has been published in Chan, K., Ng, Y. L. and Luk, E. (2013), “Impact of celebrity endorsement in advertising on brand image among Chinese adolescents,” Young Consumers: Insight and Ideas for Responsible Marketers, 14(2), 167–79. The results reported in this chapter are generated from the responses of the adolescent girls only.

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Psychographic segmentation based on gender roles

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Introduction

1

A recent television commercial for the Canon EOS 600D camera shows an office lady, age about 25, rushing to get ready for work. The camera lying on the table triggers her to pretend to be sick and apply for leave from her boss. She admits that she sometimes just wants to indulge herself. She visits an exotic place in southern Taiwan and takes many pictures with the aboriginal inhabitants. She seems to enjoy traveling alone and exploring new experiences (Canon, 2011). Such active and adventurous females are being presented more often nowadays as purchase decision makers for consumer products, including technical products for which the ads used to target males. Commercials such as this one apparently aim to appeal to females who endorse modernity and aspire to a better quality of life. In Chapters 1 to 7, we reported two studies on perceived ideal gender roles based on qualitative methodology. Due to the small sample size, some may question to what extent the results can be generalized to the girls population. We therefore conduct a quantitative study to shed light on the topic. A review of previous studies on the psychographics of female Chinese consumers found that there was a continuum of values and lifestyles from conservative and traditional, to idealists and experiencers. It also found that segmentation based on values and lifestyle effectively predicted consumption choice and brand relations. However, none of the studies reviewed focused on young females. Also, none focused on females’ perceptions of gender roles and identity. Gender differentiation is a classic lens for the study of consumption, since “masculinity” and “femininity” are clearly inscribed in material culture (Benwell, 2003; Gill, 2003; Skeggs, 2004). Previous studies have found that gender perceptions are associated with interpretations of and responses to gendered advertisements and closely related with consumers’ decisionmaking (Hogg and Garrow, 2003) as well as brand name response

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(Grohmann, 2009; Klink, 2009). Females are sensitive to brand images and brand personality highly associated with their perception of self-identity (Lau and Phau, 2010). This has been the first study on the psychographics of Chinese adolescent girls. This chapter segments adolescent Chinese girls into meaningful groups according to their perceptions of gender roles and ideal female images. Gender roles were singled out as the basis of the segmentation because gender roles and identities play such an important part in adolescents’ lives (Martin, 1996). Also, a previous psychographic study of 36 activities, interests and opinions of Chinese females identified 12 significant factors, among which at least five were related with gender roles (Tam and Tai, 1998). This study was designed to help marketers and policy makers communicate better with young Chinese females about products, services and social concerns.

The Importance of the Female Market Females are an important market because they often buy for their families as well as for themselves. As women now are enjoying higher incomes and more women are participating in the labor force, they are of obvious importance to marketers (Feng and Karen, 2011). Marketing and advertising professionals strive to keep up-to-date about females’ changing values and roles in society (Tai and Tam, 1997). Consumer analysts are interested in monitoring women’s changing perceptions about the gender roles of females as individuals and as shopping decision makers for their families (Blackwell et al., 2006). “Gender role” in this context refers to what the typical occupant of a given position is expected to do in that position in a specific social context (Wilson, 1980). Female consumers undergo a socialization process in which they learn about consumer skills and values. Family, peers and schools all play a part as socializing agents (Chan and McNeal, 2004). Marketers who want to map how gender roles change with time are interested in examining how adolescents

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perceive gender roles and identities. Adolescents, after all, represent the next generation of consumers. The teenage market is growing in both size and consumption power. American teens have been found to spend 40% of their budget on fashion goods and also to influence their parents’ purchase decisions (Klinefelter and Tamminga, 2007).

Adolescent Girls in Hong Kong Studies have shown that adolescents in Hong Kong hold robust gender stereotypes. Surveys of school children aged 10, 13 and 16 found that the respondents perceived distinctly different desirable personality traits for girls and boys. Qualities important for girls included being kind and approachable, conforming to others’ needs, being generous, and being presentable. Qualities important for boys included being active, ambitious, brave, career-minded, and persevering (Keyes, 1979; 1984). A recent study of 109 secondary school students aged 17 to 20 found that personality traits socially desirable for males were strong personality, independence, having leadership abilities, and aggressiveness; personality traits socially desirable for females were understanding, sensitivity to the needs of others, being sympathetic, and showing tenderness (Ku and Watt, 2009). This study had the interesting finding that sex had no effect on how respondents rated their own perceived gender roles. The authors suggested that respondents were individualistic. They might be less susceptible to conforming to socially desirable gender roles and instead developed their own gender role ideology (Ku and Watt, 2009). A qualitative study of Hong Kong girls aged 8 to 12 reported in Chapter 1 found that the gender roles and identities they preferred for females were a combination of traditional and contemporary roles. An earlier qualitative study of adolescents in Hong Kong had shown that social comparisons with peers of material possessions were common. Adolescent girls were prone to compare handbags, wallets, clothing and accessories in order to construct a desirable

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social self-image and gain popularity among their peers. Teenage girls in Hong Kong pay attention to brand names and often read magazines for shopping purposes. A survey of 237 secondary school students found that most such adolescents were familiar with global fashion brands. Nearly 70 percent of the female respondents had heard of the Gucci and Louis Vuitton brands, and about half had heard of D&G and Prada. The same study found that Hong Kong teenage girls perceived a young person with a lot of branded products as happier and having more friends than a young person without branded products (Chan, 2010).

The Psychographic Segmentation of Chinese Females Tam and Tai (1998) were the first to report a psychographic segmentation of females in greater China (limited to Hong Kong, southern mainland China, and Taiwan). Before that study, two others had reported on Hong Kong females (Asian Advertising and Marketing, 1990) and Taiwan females (Asia’s Media and Marketing Weekly, 1991). In Tam and Tai’s study, a cluster analysis of a sample of 558 females aged 18 to 35 generated four groups. The Conventional females group (40.7%) constituted the largest segment. They adhered strongly to the traditional value of filial piety and valued their family life more than their career. Contemporary females (21.9%) attempted to balance family and career while gaining financial independence and higher employment status. The Searching singles (19.4%) were primarily career-oriented. They had more time to spend with their friends and on shopping. The Followers (18.1%) were the fourth group. They had no strong opinions about their family, their career or their surroundings. They were socially and culturally inactive (Tam and Tai, 1998). Sin and his colleagues later attempted to identify common beliefs about gender roles held by Hong Kong females influenced primarily by Chinese or by Western cultural values (Sin et al., 2001). Their sample of 977 females aged over 18 generated three clusters. The

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first group of Individualists (33.0%) cherished individual freedom and did not want to be bound by traditional Chinese values. For example, they did not want to obey to their fathers, husbands or sons unquestioningly. The second group of Traditionalists (28.2%) admitted unequal gender status and felt that males should have a higher social status than females. They listened to their husbands and accepted that bearing children was a great achievement and responsibility in life. The Pro-societalists (38.8% perceived themselves to be different from traditional Chinese females. They were economically independent and were willing to express their opinions about societal issues such as environmental protection and social justice (Sin et al., 2001). Another study was conducted among a large sample of 9,841 respondents (5,247 males and 4,594 females) aged 18 to 45 from 12 cities in China including Beijing, Guangzhou and Shanghai (Gao et al., 2009). The study generated five groups of consumers. The first group were termed Achievers (20.8 percent; females: 25.5%) and were mainly male. It was important for them to symbolize status, power and success using prestigious brand names. Their knowledge of and interest in fashion was limited. The second group of Conservatives (16.6%; females: 55.9%) perceived family as more important than career. They spent less on clothing than the other market segments. The third group of Experiencers (24.0%; females: 54.9%) were the most fashion-conscious segment. They participated in a variety of social and cultural activities. The fourth group of Followers (21.5%; females: 51.3%) less often attended social and cultural activities. They did not want challenge, novelty or change. They spent moderately on clothing but bought luxury fashion brands. The fifth group of Idealists (17.1%; females: 46.0%) were sophisticated, reflective, and open-minded. They perceived that taking responsibility for their families and society was more important than enjoying life. Idealists lagged behind only the Experiencers in clothing expenditure and the purchase of luxury fashion brands. Idealists were the least conscious of well-known brands (Gao et al., 2009).

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A Quantitative Study on Adolescent Girls’ Psychographic Segmentation Based on Gender Roles To what degree are female values and roles in the family and society likely to change as a new cohort of young females emerges? In what ways are young Hong Kong females different from adult females in Hong Kong? Do young females focus on their appearance? Do they place great emphasis on their careers? Do they aspire to be wives and mothers? Are they keen to pursue their dreams? All are topics with potential marketing relevance. To answer those questions, a quantitative study was designed to develop a segmentation of adolescent girls according to their gender perceptions. It addressed the following three research objectives:

1. To define dimensions related to the gender and identity perceptions of adolescent girls in Hong Kong;



2. To develop a typology of female adolescent consumers based on their gender role and identity perceptions as related to female images; and



3. To examine if the typology of female adolescents is able to predict brand relationship variables such as liking of brands.

Respondents and Procedure The respondents were 355 Chinese females aged 12 to 19 residing in Hong Kong. The mean age of the sample was 15.8. All of them were studying in secondary school. One hundred and sixty-three of them (46%) were living in public housing, 97 (27%) in an apartment owned by their family, and 63 of them (18%) in a rented apartment. Nearly half of them (49%) reported a family monthly income between HK$20,000 and HK$50,000, with 40% earning less and the remaining 10% earning more. The median family income in Hong Kong was HK$18,000 in 2010 (Census and Statistics Department, 2012). In other words, the sample had, on average,

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higher household income than the Hong Kong population as a whole. A convenience sample was designed. Students of a public university taking a course on consumer behavior were asked to recruit female secondary school students from among their social networks to participate in the study. Participation in the study was voluntary and anonymous. The respondents were invited to fill in an online questionnaire. The respondents’ time to complete the questionnaire ranged from 2 to 19 minutes, with a mean of 5 minutes. The study was conducted during November 2011.

Measures The questionnaire was constructed in Chinese. It included 36 statements about gender roles and identities, six photos depicting female images, and references to eight global brands. The 36 statements about gender roles and identities were derived from a qualitative study of perceptions of gender roles among girls aged 15 to 18 reported in Chapter 5. A set of statements (in English) about females and their physical appearance, family and marriages, work, study, community service and the environment was extracted from that qualitative study. Examples of statements included “Females should pursue their dreams” and “Females should accept their body image”. The statements were translated into Chinese, and backtranslation was conducted by a second researcher to ensure the resulting instrument could be used in cross-cultural research in the future, as suggested by Brislin (1986). Participants were asked to respond to these statements on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). Six female images were selected from the Internet and the study reported in Chapter 1 to represent cute, sporty, homemaking, career-oriented, gorgeous, and sexy females. The participants were asked to indicate to what extent each image represented their ideal using a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (absolutely not my ideal image) to 5 (absolutely my ideal image).

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Eight brands—Coca Cola, Google, McDonald’s, Nokia, Disney, Louis Vuitton, Apple and Samsung—were selected from the 2011 list of the top 20 global brands (Interbrand, 2011) based on their assumed relevance and familiarity to adolescent girls in Hong Kong. The participants were asked how much they “liked” the brands on a scale of 1 (dislike a lot) to 10 (like a lot). Demographic data were also collected, including the participant’s age, year in school, type of housing, and the student’s estimate of the family’s monthly income.

Factor Analysis on Gender Roles and Identities Exploratory factor analysis was conducted to extract any underlying structure of the adolescent girls’ gender role and identity perceptions. After an exhaustive examination and interpretation of the factor loadings, the nine factors were labeled according to the content of the variables which contributed the most to those particular dimensions. Internal reliability was tested to assess the internal consistency among the items contributing to the nine factors. Cronbach’s alphas ranged from 0.54 to 0.84. The factor analysis results are summarized in Table 9.1.

Cluster Analysis The participants were segmented into homogeneous segments based on factor scores on the 36 gender identity items and the six ideal female images. Ward’s hierarchical clustering method was applied to obtain the cluster solution and centroid estimates, and K-means cluster analysis was also conducted (Gao et al., 2009; Hiu et al., 2001; Sin et al., 2001; Tam and Tai, 1998). A four cluster solution developed using Ward’s method was selected, as it was adjudged to have produced the most actionable, interpretable and stable results. The four psychographic segments were labeled as Middle of the roaders, Achievers, Conservatives, and Inactives. One-way ANOVA was performed to test whether the four segments differed

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Table 9.1 Summary of factor analysis results Items Factor 1: Active agency (10.8% of variance explained; α = 0.84)

Means

Factor loadings

4.1

Females should pursue their dreams

4.1

.80

Females should be truthful to themselves

4.1

.79

Females should have courage to express their views

4.0

.77

Females should appreciate their own strengths

4.2

.69

Females should have good manners

4.0

.47

Females should have their own interests and hobbies

4.0

.46

Factor 2: Caring (7.7% of variance explained; α = 0.70)

3.8

Females should be kind-hearted

3.9

.79

Females should be gentle

3.5

.59

Females should be knowledgeable in money management

3.8

.59

Females have a responsibility to protect the environment

3.8

.57

Females should not smoke, as it affects their image

3.8

.35

Factor 3: Professional (7.3% of variance explained; α = 0.70)

3.7

It is necessary for females to be knowledgeable

3.9

.68

Females should exercise often

3.7

.65

Females should attain higher academic qualifications

3.8

.58

Females should be skillful in housework as well as presentable

3.4

.54

Females should wear makeup on social occasions

3.8

.48

Females who wear sexy clothes are inviting trouble

3.4

.47

Factor 4: Housekeeping (7.2% of variance explained; α = 0.74)

2.6

Females should be responsible for housework

2.8

.80

“Men are breadwinners; women are homemakers” is appropriate

2.6

.78

Taking care of children is the sole responsibility of mothers

2.3

.64

Factor 5: Natural outlook (5.9% of variance explained; α = 0.63)

3.6

Females should not wear heavy makeup

3.4

.79

Females should not have cosmetic surgery

3.5

.75

Females should not pursue a slim body at all cost

3.8

.50

Females should accept their body image

3.8

.38

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Items

Means

Factor 6: Marriage and motherhood (5.5% of variance explained; α = 0.59)

3.3

Marriage gives a woman a home

3.4

Factor loadings

.75

Females should not have babies before marriage

3.6

.59

Females who bear children enjoy a complete life

3.0

.53

Factor 7: Perfect body and skin (5.4% of variance explained; α = 0.57)

3.4

Females should have flawless skin

3.1

.78

It is fashionable for females to have a slim body

3.4

.70

Females should wear presentable clothes

3.9

.47

Factor 8: Independent (5.3% of variance explained; α = 0.54)

3.7

Females can eat and drink extravagantly if they want to

3.7

.72

Females should earn their living and enjoy economic independence

3.9

.54

It is appropriate for females to stay single

3.4

.52

Women should have close female friends

3.9

.50

Factor 9: Career and community service (4.7% of variance explained; α = 0.56)

3.6

It is important for females to be successful in their careers

3.5

.70

Females should participate in voluntary work

3.6

.54

Note: 5-point scale (1 = strongly disagree; 5 = strongly agree).

significantly in gender identity and ideal female image. A post hoc Tukey-Kramer test for honestly significant differences was then conducted because the sizes of the four psychographic segments were unequal. Figure 9.1 shows the gender identities and ideal female images of the four clusters. Clusters significantly different in terms of mean scores on the gender identities statements or ideal female images are identified by the superscripts.

Middle of the roaders This was the largest segment, describing 40% of the respondents. Middle of the roaders cannot be described as either conventional or contemporary, but are active, caring, professional and independent.

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Figure 9.1 Mean scores of the four clusters on the gender identity factors

Middle of the roaders

5 4.5 4 3.5 3 2.5 2 1.5 1 Active agency

Caring

Professional Housekeeping

Natural outlook

Marriage and Perfect body Independent Career and motherhood and skin community service

Achievers

5 4.5 4 3.5 3 2.5 2 1.5 1 Active agency

Caring

Professional Housekeeping

Natural outlook

Marriage and Perfect body Independent Career and motherhood and skin community service

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Conservatives

5 4.5 4 3.5 3 2.5 2 1.5 1 Active agency

Caring

Professional Housekeeping Natural outlook

Marriage and Perfect body Independent Career and motherhood and skin community service

Inactives

5 4.5 4 3.5 3 2.5 2 1.5 1 Active agency

Caring

Professional Housekeeping

Natural outlook

Marriage and Perfect body Independent Career and motherhood and skin community service

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They do not think females should be solely responsible for housework, and at the same time do not think it is important to be successful in a career. Girls in this group do not care very much about their appearance. They do not agree that females need to have flawless skin and a slim body. They were the respondents least likely to choose a gorgeous or sexy female as their ideal image.

Conservatives This segment was the second largest (34.9% of the respondents). The adolescent girls in this cluster prefer to be a traditional female. They consider that marriage gives a woman a home. They perceive housekeeping and taking care of children to be a mother’s main responsibility. They do not accept getting pregnant before marriage. They consider family more important than career. These respondents were the most likely to choose the homemaking and cute images as depicting their ideal woman. The two clusters labeled Middle of the roaders and Conservatives constituted three quarters of the sample. Their gender role perceptions reflected those of the majority of the adolescent girls sampled. The two clusters shared much similarity on factors including active agency, professional, caring, natural outlook, and independent. Both clusters were keen on self-expression and achieving financial independence. Both clusters considered knowledge and academic qualifications important. Both clusters showed care about others and the environment. Both felt that women should accept their bodies and should have a natural outlook. The major differences in the gender role perceptions of the two clusters lies in their attitudes toward housekeeping, child-bearing, and having a perfect body and skin. Conservatives were more likely to endorse traditional housekeeping and childcare roles than Middle of the roaders. More Conservatives agree that child-bearing women enjoy a complete life while Middle of the roaders less often think so.

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A slim body and flawless skin were more important to Conservatives than to Middle of the roaders. The results suggest that this young female cohort do not focus inordinately on their physical appearance. They perceive knowledge and financial security as important, but they do not visualize themselves as aggressive in seeking career success. They appreciate the benefits of marriage but also accept the choice of staying single. Compared with the large cluster of conventional females in Tam and Tai’s (1998) study of adult Chinese women, young females in Hong Kong intend to be more active in pursuing their dreams and are more open toward staying single. Middle of the roaders and Conservatives appear to be important segments for marketers and also for policy makers who want to sell social messages, as these two groups were the largest. Cute female images can be used to appeal to both groups. The difference in ideal female images between these two segments lies in the use of sporty images. Middle of the roaders are more receptive to sporty females as ideal images than the Conservatives.

Inactives This cluster incorporated 13.5% of the respondents. Its members recorded the lowest scores on (i.e., disagreed the most with) most of the statements about the roles and identities of females. Inactives have neither strong opinions regarding their career development nor their marriage. These adolescent girls also were not enthusiastic about their appearance. Compared with the other segments, they were less interested in taking care of the environment or other people. They expressed no particular eagerness to develop their own interests or pursue their dreams. Overall, they simply wait for things to happen to them. These girls were the most likely to choose a cute, gorgeous or sexy image as representing their ideal woman and the least likely to choose the sporty or successful image.

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The Inactives do not hold strong views about gender roles and identities. Because of the segment’s relatively small size, youth and passivity, marketers might rely on marketing communication targeted at other clusters spilling over to them. The Inactives are the segment most receptive to gorgeous and sexy female presenters. They also like mature female brands such as Louis Vuitton, which suggests that marketers can communicate to them through their communication with older women.

Achievers This was the smallest of the segments (11.5%). They are active above all. They believe females should pursue their dreams, have courage to express their views, appreciate their own strengths, and should be truthful to themselves. Girls in this cluster care about others and the environment. They aspire to be successful in all they do. They think that females should attain an advanced academic qualification, be knowledgeable, be skillful in housework, as well as presentable in appearance. They do not (yet) perceive being single as a problem. They perceive that females can be successful in a career, enjoy economic independence, and be able to manage their wealth. They accept who they are in terms of physical appearance. Females in this group reject cosmetic surgery, wearing heavy makeup, and pursuing a slim body at all costs. Overall, they want to make a difference. They were the most likely to choose the successful and sporty images as depicting their ideal woman. They were the least likely to choose the sexy image as their ideal. Achievers are active, career-oriented, and care about the community, so marketers of overseas education, self-improvement courses and sports facilities should emphasize this segment. This is also a target that non-government organizations should aim at in recruiting volunteer workers. Because of their active lifestyles and willingness to express their views, marketers should target them as innovators or advocators for accepting new products and ideas. Marketers might identify members of this market segment through

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Table 9.2 Demographic characteristics of the four clusters

Variables

Middle of the roaders n = 142 (%)

Achievers n = 41 (%)

Conservatives Inactives n = 124 (%)

n = 48 (%)

Age

7.0

12–15

50.7

31.7

46.0

58.3

16–19

49.3

68.3

54.0

41.7

F1–F3

47.2

24.4

43.5

52.1

F4–F7

52.8

75.6

56.5

47.9

Public housing

47.2

31.7

47.6

50.0

Rented apartment

16.2

12.2

21.0

18.8

Owned apartment

25.4

48.8

25.0

20.8

Others

11.3

7.3

6.5

10.4

under $20,000

45.8

36.6

40.3

39.6

$20,001-$50,000

47.2

36.6

53.2

50.0

7.0

26.8

6.5

10.4

Grade

8.3*

Type of housing

13.8

Family monthly income (HK$)

over $50,001

χ² value

17.8**

Note: * p < 0.05. ** p < 0.01.

their personal web sites, Facebook pages, or membership of NGO groups. Marketers should involve them in generating consumerrelated content and positive word-of-mouth. This segment tends to endorse a natural and professional physical appearance. Cosmetics and skincare product marketers should communicate with them about the importance of a presentable appearance in achieving their career goals. This segment is most receptive to successful and sporty females as presenters.

Segment demographics Chi-square analysis was conducted to test for significant demographic differences among the four segments. The results are summarized in Table 9.2. Achievers were significantly more likely to come from (self-professed) high income families. Three quarters

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Table 9.3 Liking of global brands among four clusters

Coca Cola

Middle of the roaders

Achievers

Conservatives

Inactives

n = 142

n = 41

n = 124

n = 48

F value

6.0

6.0

6.3

6.4

0.8 1.9

Google

6.8

7.4

6.6

6.8

McDonald’s

6.0ab

5.6a

6.4ab

6.5b

2.6*

Nokia

5.2

5.3

5.3

5.7

0.9

Disney

6.5a

6.9

7.3c

6.9

Louis Vuitton

4.6

5.0

5.5

6.4

9.5***

Apple

7.0

7.4

7.6

7.4

1.8

Samsung

6.2ab

6.8b

5.9a

6.2ab

2.3

a

a

ab

b

3.0*

Notes: N = 355. 10-point scale (1 = strongly dislike; 10 = strongly like). Means in the same row that having the same superscripts do not differ at the p ≤ 0.05 level of confidence * p < 0.05. *** p < 0.001. a < b.

of the Achievers were in the last two years of secondary school, which are optional years in the Hong Kong system in preparation for college after students have already received their high school diploma. Middle of the roaders came disproportionately from low income families. Over half of the Inactives were in the early years of secondary school. The four clusters differed significantly in terms of school year and family income. The fact that the Achievers segment contained a higher proportion of girls in the upper forms and from higher income families indicates that adolescent girls with more resources are more likely to aspire to career success. This is of interest from a marketing perspective, but it also indicates a need for society to support adolescent girls from lower social classes to dare to dream.

Global brand perceptions The differences in liking global brands among the four clusters were explored using one-way ANOVA with a post hoc Tukey-Kramer test for honestly significant differences. Table 9.3 summarizes the results.

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Table 9.4 A comparison of the results of studies segmenting Chinese females Current study

Tam and Tai (1998)

Gao et al. (2009)

Conservatives (35%)

Conventional (40%)

Conservatives (17%*)

Inactives (14%)

Followers (18%)

Followers (21%*)

Achievers (12%)

Contemporary (22%)

Achievers (12%*)

Middle of the roaders (40%)

Idealists (17%*) Experiencers (24%*) Searching singles (19%) Note: * Include both males and females.

The table shows that global brand perceptions did not differ greatly among the four clusters, but there were significant differences in liking for three of the eight global brands. Conservatives liked the Disney brand the most. Inactives liked Louis Vuitton the most. Middle of the roaders liked these two brands least. Among the four clusters, the Inactives were the most likely to like McDonald’s, whereas the Achievers were least likely to like this global brand. Contradicting expectations, the four clusters did not differ significantly in their liking of global brands.

Comparison of Psychographic Studies These results share much similarity with previous psychographic studies of adult Chinese consumers (Gao et al., 2009; Tam and Tai, 1998). Table 9.4 presents a summary comparison of the segments those studies generated. All three studies reported some version of a Conservatives segment, though the definitions vary. This group was the largest in two of the studies. All three studies also reported some sort of “modern” segment less likely to endorse traditional values and gender roles. This segment is inspired to pursue a career, to be in control of their lives, and is out-spoken about environmental issues. But this group was a minority in all three studies. Why did only one-eighth of the sampled adolescent girls are aspire to be

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Achievers? This may be because of the stigmatization of successful career women as aggressive and non-nurturing (Tang and Tang, 2001). All three studies also reported some sort of Inactives or Followers segment. In each case, this segment expressed the least interest in the activities and attitudes surveyed. The segment was the least interested in getting married. The group of Middle of the roaders identified in this study was not identified in any of the others. This segment was neither as traditional as the Conservatives nor as contemporary as the Achievers. They had moderate views on nearly all the gender role items. This was also the largest segment identified. The similarity in gender role and ideal image segmentation between adolescent and adult females using psychographics suggests two important directions for future research directions. First, gender roles and identity seems to be a major determinant of females’ endorsement of values and lifestyles. The psychographics of activities, interests and opinions represent a person’s choices among all available alternatives. Gender roles and identities, on the other hand, represent a person’s perceptions about what males and females should do or should be. An adolescent girl may opt to participate in voluntary work because she thinks that females should care about, for example, society’s minorities. That represents an opinion and an activity, but on the other hand, it represents an underlying belief about gender roles. Further studies should continue to examine how gender roles are related to psychographics and lifestyles, and whether gender roles are core components of psychographics. Second, cross cultural comparison of segmentations based on gender roles might fruitfully be conducted across Asian consumer markets, as well as between Asian and Western markets. Thirdly, the similarity in segmentation among adolescent and adult females encourages us to examine the transfer of values and meanings across generations. Qualitative research methods can be used to collect the early life experiences of children and adolescent girls to examine the origin of their perceptions of gender roles

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and identities. The relative importance of peers, parents and the media in the formation of specific gender roles can be measured in quantitative terms. Cross-sectional comparison of female gender role perceptions across different generation cohorts can be conducted. Longitudinal studies of female gender role perceptions might also be carried out to map the changes over time.

Conclusion This chapter shows dimensions related to the gender role and identity perceptions of adolescent girls in Hong Kong. A typology based on the dimensions was developed and its ability to predict brand relationship variables was examined. Four distinct clusters of adolescent girls were identified and profiled. They were Middle of the roaders, Achievers, Conservatives, and Inactives. Understanding the unique characteristics of the clusters and the similarities and differences among them can enhance the targeting of marketing communication to adolescent girls, including the selection of celebrity presenters and visual images.

Acknowledgements Part of this chapter has been published in Chan, K. and Ng, Y. L. (2012), “Segmentation of Chinese adolescent girls using gender roles and ideal female images,” Journal of Consumer Marketing, 29(7), 521–31.

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This chapter is written for parents, educators, social workers, social marketers, advertisers, and adults who are interested in promoting the well-being of girls. After listening to the girls’ voices and their interpretation of the abundant female images around them, we come to the following conclusions.

Summary of Research Findings 1. Girls are active learners of appropriate and inappropriate gender roles from the media During the interviews, interviewees had no difficulties in sharing with us the pictures they took and what these images meant to them. They all took several pictures. None of the girls was unable to express what girls or women should or should not do, or should or should not be. They were eager to tell us what female images they like or dislike, and what they learned from these media images. Social learning from media was demonstrated to be a natural phenomenon for them. This reflects that girls even at the age of 10 are motivated to observe others’ behavior. According to Albert Bandura (1986), children learn through observing the behavior of others and by imitating their behavior patterns. In the qualitative studies of tween girls and adolescent girls, interviewees are greatly affected by observing others, including real persons as well as fictitious media characters. This finding encourages adults to pay attention to what we do in affecting the lives of girls whom we care about. Actions are louder than words. What we—parents and educators—do, and the role models we represent, are more influential than what we say.

2. Girls learn from adult female celebrities Among the persons they observe and learn from in the media, adult female celebrities play an important role. This is probably because of their visibility and the extensive coverage of their private lives.

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The Hong Kong entertainment media provides extremely detailed accounts of the activities of the celebrities, including how they pursue their life goals, how they treat family members, how they handle intimate relationships, how they engage in charity works, and whether they engage in unhealthy habits such as drinking and taking drugs. Findings in our studies indicate that adolescent girls have a pretty good understanding of the economic value of celebrities. Even tween girls are able to identify the sales and promotion intentions in the construction of images for female celebrities. They know that these female celebrities must look trendy and attractive in order to encourage consumers to buy products they endorse. Girls learning from celebrities demonstrate both positive and negative reinforcement. Girls learn from celebrities’ personalities and such good behavior as bravery, courage, altruism, and social conscience. Girls are aware of the poor choices some celebrities make. Celebrities are scorned for “screwing up” their lives with drugs and indecency. The Edison Chen sex scandal provides a vivid example of the negative consequences some of the female celebrities faced. The female celebrities involved suffered from shame, betrayal, and regret. Parents, educators, and social marketers should discuss with girls the behavior of celebrities, especially those celebrities girls pay a lot of attention to. They should tell girls that even famous persons or talented entertainers can make poor choices in life.

3. Girls long to have their strengths appreciated Girls long to be educated, authentic, able to pursue their dreams, and able to develop their potential, as seen from the quantitative study reported in Chapter 9 and the two qualitative studies reported in Chapters 1 to 7. Girls place high emphasis on active agency. They are motivated to achieve independence. They believe that a good education can help them succeed. Some of them, even at a young age, are aware of the challenges of growing up in a male-dominated society. They face restrictions in particular in career choices.

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Sometimes they are told that a particular job is not for girls. They long to express their views and have their strengths appreciated. As tween girls and adolescent girls aspire to enjoy the freedom to be who they want to be, social marketers should appeal to their motivation to be self-reliant and liberated. Parents and educators should consider enhancing girls’ aspirations by introducing them to various study and career opportunities. Parents and educators themselves should be open-minded and engage girls to try out professions or study programs that have traditionally fit the interests or activities of boys. School career counselors can invite women working in a male-dominated profession to share their working experience and how they got there. Girls should be supported to search for their dreams.

4. Girls consider physical beauty a major component of their identity Findings of our studies show how important girls consider physical beauty to be when defining themselves. Girls demand natural beauty. They show rejection of sexualized images, heavy make-up and drastic means of alteration in body image. Looking vital, energetic, and natural is considered desirable. They think that females should accept their body image. They should not sacrifice their health in chasing after a slim body. Skincare, beauty, and cosmetics marketers targeting tween and adolescent girls should emphasize the benefits of the products in bringing out the true beauty and vivacity of users. Media celebrities and models with classical beauty traits proved to be acceptable among tween and adolescent girls in Hong Kong as product endorsers. These models should be dressed neatly and modestly, and should avoid sexy clothing or decoration. Given the abundant extra-slim female models in the media, girls experience tremendous pressure to live up to the societal expectation in terms of physical beauty and body size. Girls often engage in social comparison of physical appearance with female media

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models. Previous research results indicate that social comparison with celebrity models can lead to dissatisfaction or low self-esteem. Parents and educators need to help them to be able to cope with such pressure. Girls should be told that they are treasured by who they are, not by how they look. We can discourage them from comparing their physical appearance with that of fashion models and celebrities. First, we can point out to the girls that the near-perfect images they see are very often manipulated. Several interviewees told us that the images are “photoshopped”. If the images are not real, there is no point in imitating them. Parents and educators can show girls the “Evolution” video produced by Dove, or the advertisements of Dove Campaign for Real Beauty (Piper, 2006). They can discuss with girls the commercial motives for manipulating female images so girls can realize that the “perfect” images they consume every day are edited images, and can represent unreachable standards. Second, they can encourage girls to reflect on the female media images they encounter and ask the question: “Why are female images constructed in this way?” In McGladrey’s (2011) study, girls aged 9 to 11 were asked to construct a collage using media female images and encouraged to talk about the collages. In doing so, they were able to develop a critical reading of these images. To encourage parents and educators to adopt this method, the questions McGladrey (2011) used are shown in Appendix 10.1.

5. Girls make sense of sexiness With increasing age, girls reach greater consensus in defining what is and is not sexy. Tween girls saw sexiness as something dangerous and totally unacceptable. Adolescent girls are more receptive to sexiness. Some of them try to use culture as a lens to describe Chinese sexiness as more subtle and more submissive. Girls define sexiness in terms of its moral characteristics. They define “good” sexiness as ways of expressing femininity in a glamorous manner. Girls long to wear presentable clothes. They also define “bad”

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sexiness as ways of using the female body to advance financial or social goals. In their own words, girls are attracting others’ attention, but attention of the wrong kind. Many times, parents and educators give girls a vague instruction of “no sexy clothes” without stating a clear guideline. Some don’t adjust the standard as the girl grows. Parents and educators need to discuss with girls what kinds of clothing are not acceptable and why. They also need to revisit standards of body exposure with older girls. To avoid conflicts, parents and educators need to negotiate the limits and make compromises. In a deeper sense, parents and educators need to discuss sexiness, whether sexiness is good or bad, and how a girl can express her femininity in a socially acceptable manner. Girls are surrounded by sexy female images in advertisements. Parents and educators need to discuss with them these images, and explore how these images may affect the girls.

6. Girls care about health Girls aspire to healthy eating. They are aware of various health hazards such as drinking and smoking. They know that certain diseases affect females only. They want to know how they can be protected from these diseases. Social marketers should continue to communicate to this youth segment about health and safety using age-appropriate messages as they are receptive to this content in the media environment.

7. Girls consume a lot of adult media content Tween girls use a variety of media in the same way as teenagers and adults; marketers do not need to worry about locating tween-specific media channels for message dissemination. Now, Hong Kong does not publish any magazines for tween girls. The tween sector can probably be welcomed as a spillover audience for current marketing communication campaigns, remembering that the tween girl is attracted and repulsed in very specific ways as she seeks her identity

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in increasingly complex social environments. The adolescent girls in our study are heavy consumers of TV dramas, magazines, and newspapers. Girls studying in international schools are attracted by international magazines titles while girls studying in local schools are more likely to be attracted by local gossip magazines and local newspapers.

8. A media literacy program that helps girls and boys to make sense of media content is needed Girls should be aware of the sexualization of the media and the objectification of women in the media. Boys should learn about what girls want in their career, family, and other personal goals. With this insight, boys will be more able to relate to contemporary females.

A Theoretical Model for Future Study Based on the results in Chapters 1 to 7, we construct a theoretical model for future study. The model is shown in Figure 10.1. The central part of the model consists of the female images. Female images include female images portrayed in media, images of real-life persons, and ideal female images. Very often, the media images are stereotypical, i.e., consisting of females of unreachable beauty standard, restrictive to domestic arena, or endorsing traditional femininity of gentleness and submissiveness. The images of real-life persons refer to the images of female persons that girls encounter with in their daily lives. These can be their family members, teachers, their friends, or celebrities. Through daily encounter or consumption of news and other contents, the tweens and adolescent girls form images of their personalities, skills, habits, possessions and ways of behaving. Ideal female images refer to the kind of images that is considered to be most desirable for females. From the research literature and our study of tween and adolescent girls, we found that perceived and desirable female images

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Figure 10.1 A theoretical model on girls and female images Individual factors Contexts

age

• physical appearance

ethnicity Female images social and economic status Socializing agents

peers

aspiration

• sexiness (stereotypical) media images

parents school and teachers

Interpretation and response

images of real-life persons

ideal female images

• relationship

identification

• family

imitation

• work and activity

rejection

• health choices

media

celebrities

are affected by individual factors, including age, ethnicity, and social/economic status. Socializing agents affecting the formation of female images include parents, schools and teachers, friends, media and celebrities. Female images are portrayed and interpreted in different contexts. The prevalent contexts relevant to tween and adolescent girls include physical appearance, sexiness, relationships, family, work and activities, as well as health choices. Girls pay much attention to the portrayal of female images in these contexts. Tween girls and adolescents’ processing of female images in various contexts can be classified into four categories, including aspiration, identification, imitation, and rejection. Aspiration refers to the admiration of a female who possesses a particular talent, a personality trait, or an achievement. For example, a girl

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n

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admired a female pilot in a movie for her bravery to pursue her flying dream. Identification refers to the endorsement of certain values or actions taken by a female. For example, a girl agreed with a female celebrity who wrote a book advocating against the slim trend. The girl commented that what the celebrity did was in line with her values. Imitation refers to a deliberate and motivated act of following the behavior of a female, who is perceived as a positive role model. Imitation is more than aspiration as the follower makes an effort to shape her own course of action to simulate that of the imitated female. For example, a girl found a female celebrity her role model for engaging in charity work. Finally, rejection refers to the disapproval of a female’s choice of action. The rejection can be based on principles, values, social expectation or personal taste. Scholars who are interested to explore a specific area of the interplay of girls and media can use this theoretical model to guide the research design, and develop hypotheses.

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Appendix Zaltman Metaphor Elicitation Technique: Responding to the Collage (McGladrey, 2011) Storytelling: Tell me a story about who you think these women are and what their lives are like. Missed images: Were there any feelings or thoughts about women’s bodies that you couldn’t find a picture to show or illustrate? What kind of picture would express that thought or feeling? Construct elicitation: Pick three pictures that “stick out” to you. What is the same about these three pictures, and what is different? How do the pictures fit together? Sensory images: Besides what you see when you look at your collage, what do you feel? Can you use taste, touch, smell, sound, and color to describe your feelings? The summary image: Choose a single picture or group of pictures that best illustrates your overall thoughts about women’s bodies in the media. How does this image represent your thoughts and feelings? Would you like to change the image if you could, and if so, how?

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Index A

B

active learner 208

“Be yourself” 10–11, 89, 93, 110

adolescent 3, 7–8, 20, 23, 30–34, 39, 41, 43–44, 48–49, 68, 79, 84–85, 87–88, 94, 102–103, 109–115, 118–121, 123, 125– 141, 144, 147–163, 166–167, 169–184, 187–189, 191–205, 208–211, 213–214

beauty stereotypes (see stereotype) body dissatisfaction 68–70, 79 image 9, 68–69, 71, 78–79, 87, 93, 103, 151, 155, 192, 194, 210 (see also image)

adult female entertainer 52–55, 160– 161 media content 212–213 analysis

cluster analysis 189, 193–203



factor analysis 193–195

C Canon camera 186 celebrity 15, 24–25, 36, 38–39, 43, 45, 49–63, 66, 68, 74–75, 84, 93, 131, 144–163, 166–171, 173, 176–183, 208–211, 213–214

anorexia 90, 156

and young people 48–50

attributes of celebrity endorsers 167–168, 170, 172–174, 176– 183

endorsement 162, 166–172, 178–179, 181–184

autovideography 28, 88

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producing system 144 cluster analysis (see analysis)

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comparison

images in media 65–82

psychographic studies 203–205

in advertisements 86–87

tween girls and adolescent girls on gender roles and media images 109–111

focus group study 68, 124–125, 162

tween girls’and adolescent girls’ views on what girls or women should or should not do 112

G gender equality 5–8, 32, 85, 121, 137

tween girls and adolescent girls in terms of sexuality 139– 140

identity factors 193–198 polarization 85

contemporary role models (see role model)

representation 7, 66–67 role differentiation 87

critical thinking 44, 62–63, 68, 121

role in Chinese society 2, 5–6, 9, 14, 23, 25, 32, 43, 48, 51, 54, 62–63, 66–67, 69, 71, 84–88, 94, 103, 109–113, 115, 118–119, 135, 144, 147–163, 186–189, 191–206

D deviant sexual relationship 126, 137–138, 141 Disney girls 161 Dove “real beauty” campaign 78

E Edison Chen 20, 42–43, 62, 140, 209 entertainment value 176, 183

stereotype (see stereotype) Generation Y 169, 176 girls’ dream 11, 14, 24–25, 57–58, 84, 97, 104, 108, 152–153, 191–192, 194, 199–200, 202, 209–210, 215 global brand perceptions 202–203

H

F factor analysis (see analysis) female adolescent sexuality 119–120 chinese 189–190 market 187–188

health concerns 126, 138, 141 information 16, 18, 21, 23, 30, 34, 104–106, 209–210, 212, 214 homosexuality 20, 35, 41, 49, 126

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Index

I

media celebrities value 144–147

ideal female image (see image)

characters 55–60

idol worship 10, 16, 49, 51, 54, 74, 150

education 69–70, 78–79 image 9

image body image (see body)

literacy 31, 66, 70, 121, 213

ideal female image 81, 187, 193, 195, 199, 205, 213–214

scandal 30–45

likeable brand image 182

representations effect 67–69

intimate relationship 31, 35, 39–42, 44–45, 119, 126, 132–134, 136– 137, 140–141, 209

sexualized 120–121 memorable endorsers 175 moral standard 45, 55, 63, 132, 162–163

J Joey Yung 53, 145–146, 166, 174

L

N negative role model (see role model)

Lady Gaga 118, 148–153, 161 Lang-mo 122, 128–129, 132, 157 likeable brand image (see image)

P perception of global brands 202–203

M make up 6, 14, 17, 19–20, 73–74, 80, 97, 101–103, 110, 145–146, 151, 155, 210 marriage 18, 21, 23, 30, 32, 39, 44–45, 58, 60, 77, 98, 106, 119, 122–123, 126, 134–137, 140– 141, 192, 195–199 materialism 150–151, 157–160, 162

of sexiness 20, 30–31, 35, 38, 44, 118, 122, 125–132, 139, 141 211–212, 214 personality traits 2, 11–12, 14, 48, 59, 94, 161, 169, 188 physical beauty 9, 15, 24–25, 30, 69, 79, 87, 133, 161, 210 plastic surgery 55–56, 100 positive role model (see role model)

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pregnancy 21, 23, 31–32, 35, 39–42, 45, 106, 119–120, 126, 135–137, 141 pre-marital pregnancy 21, 23, 39– 41, 45, 136

relationships 15, 18, 21, 39, 44, 122, 126, 131, 134, 137–138, 141 sexuality 4, 20, 25, 27, 30–45, 68, 84, 118–138, 139–141 sexually explicit media 38

R role model

sexy clothes 17, 20, 35–39, 44–45, 72–73, 96–97, 99, 122, 126, 128–129, 131–132, 194, 212

contemporary 14, 70

skinny body 156

negative 55–57, 60, 62, 150– 151, 157–160

study

positive 54, 59–60, 150–155, 215 traditional 14, 70

adolescent girls and advertisements using celebrity endorsement 171– 182 adolescent girls’ interpretations of sexuality in media images 125–138

S sex education 31–33, 98, 119 scandal 20, 21, 42–45, 52, 58, 62, 122, 140, 209 stereotype beauty stereotypes 80 gender stereotype 66, 79, 85– 86, 94, 188 sexual

adolescent girls’ learning about gender roles from celebrities 147–159 adolescent girls’ psychographic segmentation based on gender roles 191–203 tween girls’ evaluations of female images in media 70–81 tween girls’ sexuality and media 34–44

female image in advertisements 124–125

tween girls’ social learning from celebrities 51–62

objectification 120

youth sexuality 33,123

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Index

T traditional role models (see role model) tween 3–4, 7, 9, 14–15, 20–21, 23–26, 31, 33–45, 48, 51–63, 66, 68, 70–71, 75, 79–81, 84, 103, 109–112, 115, 122, 139, 140, 144–145, 150, 160–162, 208–214 market 4

Y Youth Sexuality Study (see study)

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