Giotto and his publics: three paradigms of patronage 9780674050808, 9780674060975

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Giotto and His Publics

The Bernard Berenson Lectures on the Italian Renaissance SPONSORED BY VILLA I TATTI HARVARD UNIVERSITY CENTER FOR ITALIAN RENAISSANCE STUDIES FLORENCE, ITALY

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Giotto and. His Publics Three‘Paradigms of Patronage

JULIAN GARDNER

Copyright © 2o1 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Gardner, Julian. Giotto and his publics: three paradigms of patronage / Julian Gardner. p. cm.—(Bernard Berenson lectures on the Italian Renaissance) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-674-05080-8 (alk. paper) 1. Giotto, 1266?—1337—Criticism and interpretation. 2. Art patronage—Italy— History—To 1500. 3. Francis, of Assisi, Saint, 1182—1226—Art.

I. Giotto, 12662-1337. IL. Title. II. Series. ND623.G6G28 2o11

759.5—dc22 2010038494

Contents

i ee reface vii

Introduction 1 1. Ghlotto at Pisa:

The Stigmatization for San Francesco 17 2. Giotto among the Money-Changers:

The Bardi Chapel in Santa Croce 47 > The Lull before the Storm: The Vele in the Lower Church at Assisi 81

Conclusion 113 Appendix: Inscriptions of the Vele 129

Chronology 133

Notes 139

Index 227

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Preface

The decision to hold the 2009 exhibition devoted—though

only in part—to the works of Grotto di Bondone in the bowels of the Vittoriano (the monument to Vittorio Emmanuele dominating the Piazza Venezia in Rome) was from several points of view symbolic. The first major exhibition of his works, the “Mostra Giottesca’’—all exhibitions concerning Giotto are necessarily torsos, for they cannot include his

major achievements in fresco—was also political. It took place in 1937, the fifteenth year of the Era Fascista, and coin-

cided with, and was indeed perhaps overshadowed by, the “Mostra Augustea della Romanita,’ which was personally opened by the Duce on the bi-millenntum of the emperor's birth.’ The Giotto exhibition of 1937 was a major event commemorated in a still enormously useful catalogue compiled Vil

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by Giulia Brunetti and Luisa Marcucci. It was held in Florence. Giotto was self-evidently, undiscussedly a Florentine painter. By 2008 Giotto had become pan-Italian. He was still indubitably the painter of the Legend of the Life of Saint Francis

in the Upper Church at Assisi, but the Roman experience of the early part of his career was now regarded as crucial and formative. The Roman exhibition of 2009 was sandwiched between the exhibitions of Pablo Picasso and Surrealism and Dada. It was, in contrast to the 1937 exhibition, a profoundly

trivial event, unworthy of the painter whose name it bore. The monument in which it was housed, whose construction saw the demolition of the cloister where Edward Gibbon, on hearing the barefooted friars of Aracoeli singing Vespers, was prompted in 1764 to contemplate writing the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, was wholly unfitted for such an exhibi-

tion. The author of another Decline and Fall would have proved an apt reviewer. Giotto survived the subsequent armed conflict—yust. The

ill-judged attempt to remove the Arena Chapel frescoes was thankfully halted, but Andrea Mantegna’s brilliantly precocious frescoes in the Eremitani—a church whose clergy had complained bitterly in 1305 that Enrico Scrovegnis palatine chapel was too close to be permitted a campanile with bells —were shattered by bombs.* In 1997 an earthquake struck

Umbria, and the crossing-vault murals by Cimabue in the Upper Church at Assisi were irretrievably damaged. The fres-

coes in the Upper and Lower churches at Assisi have been several times conserved and cleaned. The chapels in the FranV111

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ciscan church of Santa Croce are under investigation at the moment of writing. Indeed it has been possible in my lifetime for the moderately energetic scholar to study virtually all the works by or attributed to Giotto from the scaffold. The work done there by recent generations of restorers and conservators has transformed our view of Italian Duecento

and Irecento painting, Partly for that reason I chose to devote this book in large part to Giotto’s mural painting, and also because, 1n the case of the frescoes, it was easier to dis-

cuss patronage in context. Another consideration was the richly informative work done on the Franciscan Order and on the ideal of poverty by scholars such as John Moorman, Théophile Desbonnets, Cesare Cenci, Rosalind Brooke, Luigi Pellegrini, Chiara Frugoni, Jacques Dalarun, and many oth-

ers. Perspectives from within and without the Franciscan Order were essential.

My longtime friend Joe Connors had, as a young graduate

student, heard me deliver—as a barely older colleague— a public lecture at the Bibliotheca Hertziana on Giotto and the Stefaneschi triptych in 1972. The lively arguments and friendly discussion which followed on that occasion lasted for several hours. After forty years the altar painting for Saint

Peter's remains one of the great enigmas of Giotto scholarship. At times, it has to be confessed, I have felt a little like the Ancient Mariner with the albatross around my neck for having early nailed my colors to the mast so presumptuously,

More recently some of what I said then appears to have gained wider currency, although consensus 1s, 1t must be said, 1X

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still remote. When nearly forty years later, as director of the Harvard University Center for Italian Renaissance Studies, Joe invited me to deliver the fourth series of Berenson Lectures, the subject was self-evidently to be a Giottesque one. Giotto had been dear to Bernard Berenson’s own heart, and the venue of the lectures was his Florentine villa. The hospitable warmth and generosity which Joe and his wife, Francoise, provided for the lecture series will remain an indelible memory.

I accepted the director's invitation very gladly: it was both a signal honor and a privilege. Berenson was an indefatigable student of Giotto, even if, as he once confided to his journal,

he found “the Giotto nut... hard to crack.’ For Berenson, Giotto was to remain an insoluble problem. But my acceptance was twinned with trepidation, for I stood after all on the shoulders of three giants who had spoken before me: Edward Muir, Charles Dempsey, and Dale Kent. It is not easy to frame lectures appealing to the multifaceted polyglot

and polymath audience that attends lectures at I Tatti. My chosen subject was earlier chronologically than those of any of my predecessors, medieval even, and acceptable at I Tatti only, perhaps, because of the intellectually generous and inclusive view of the Renaissance which Joe Connors, characteristically, adopted. The preparation of the lectures was immensely helped by the possibility of being a visiting professor at I Jatt, together with my wife, Christa Gardner von Teuffel, for the academic

year 2005-6, among the sylvan joys of the Villino and the Xx

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boundless hospitality of Francoise. During the year of our stay we made a memorable group trip with the Fellows to Assisi over two days. My own early experiences of Assisi had

been warmed by the unstinting generosity of two friars, the late Fra Giuseppe Palumbo and the late Fra Gerhard Ruf. At I Tatti the library was always an unrivaled resource under the benevolent aegis of Michael Rocke, and Angela Dressen achieved marvels in finding rare items for me. Gianni Trambusti, Gianni Mirtill, and Giovanni Pagliarulo were unfailingly helpful in the preparation of my lectures. Among Fellows who helped me in innumerable ways I thank especially Agata Pincelli and Patrick Nold. In my own field I am very grateful to Serena Romano for reading and commenting on several drafts, and the nearness of Chiara Frugoni was a constant pleasure. Among the many kindnesses I received from museums, I remember with deep gratitude assistance given by Erich Schleier at Berlin, David Steel at Raleigh, and more recently Dominique Thiébaut at the Louvre. That inexhaustible fount of enthusiasm and wise advice Fabrizio Mancinelli of the Muset Vaticani was snatched from us far

too early. Bruno Zanardi on the scaffolds at Assisi and in Rome at the Sancta Sanctorum was an alert, knowledgeable, enthusiastic, and appropriately skeptical colleague. Cecilia Frosinin, Roberto Bellucci, and Marco Ciatti made my many visits to the Opificio di Pietre Dure consistently enlightening

and enjoyable. John White, whose creative contribution to Trecento studies is unrivaled, might not recognize the Giotto who appears in these pages, although my debt to his incisive X1

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thinking is enormous. Io be able to try out arguments and defend hypotheses with my wife, Christa, has always been an inestimable benefit. In that these lectures were delivered in the last year of Joe's outstanding directorship, they can serve in some small measure as a sincere tribute.

XU

Giotto and His Publics

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Introduction

Bowled over by a pig being driven from the monastery of Sant Antonio to the market beside San Lorenzo in the Via Cocomero (the present-day Via Ricasoh, which runs between the Piazza San Marco and the right flank of the cathedral of

Florence), Giotto is recorded as picking himself up and remarking, “They are right of course: I've made thousands using their bristles for my brushes and they never got as much as a bowl of soup from me.’ The literary legend of Giotto di Bondone is of a man of rapierlike repartee, humorous, notably unprepossessing, but widely esteemed.’ Respect, indeed, was universal, [he contemporary chronicler Giovanni Villani famously praised him at his death 1n 1337 as the most majestic

painter of the age. At the end of his life, when he was chief architect of the gigantic new cathedral project in Florence, sought after by the rulers of Naples and Milan, such eulogies I

Introduction

were evidently well deserved.” The Florentine authorities stated what they knew to be true: that they would not find a more expert and famous man anywhere in the world.’ For Giotto’s earlier career, however, the archival record is relatively

sparse and disappointingly uninformative. In 1973 a document was found—the most significant new find on Giotto for many years—which demonstrated that he had been present at Assisi in 1309. Io those scholars for whom it was an article of faith that Giotto had painted the Legend of the Life of

Saint Francis in the Upper Church of San Francesco, the discovery was of limited solace only, since it was certainly later than the fresco cycle in the Upper Church.* Nevertheless it proved the painters presence there. The surviving documentary record, which encompasses the Necrology of Saint Peters in Rome, local chronicles, Dante’s Divine Comedy, and Petrarch’s will, as well as the more conventional archival entries, establishes with varying degrees of certainty the peripa-

tetic nature of Gtotto’s career, which included sojourns at Rome, Pisa, Padua, Naples, Bologna, and Milan. But the record nonetheless remains strikingly fragmentary for an artist almost uniquely famous for four decades, and its significance needs to be winkled out by specialists. It does not provide a satisfactory answer to two fundamental questions: Why was Giotto so overwhelmingly important for European art, and why should we continue to seek—as the following chapters will attempt—to understand more about his works? Apart from being recognized as a genius in his own lifetime, Giotto was a revolutionary artist from the beginning of 2

Introduction

his career. Monumental mosaics, painted crucifixes, altarpiece design, chapel decoration, and portraiture were all indelibly marked by his individual contributions. His largely lost mosaic the Navicella, a symbolic representation of the apostles in their boat on the storm-tossed lake, was the most celebrated artistic work of the age, created for the atrium of Saint Peter’s, where it confronted countless multitudes of worshippers and pilgrims leaving the Early Christian basilica.© At the end of the fourteenth century it appeared to Saint Catherine of Siena in a terrifying vision which left her paralyzed for the remainder of her life.” Equally, it was the only pictorial composition which Leon Battista Alberti singled out for praise in Della Pittura, for the sharply characterized emotions and gestures of the apostles in their stormthreatened craft. For the humanist critic it was a triumph of affect. It showed “eleven disciples all moved by fear at seeing one of their companions passing over the water. Each one expresses with his face and gesture a clear indication of a disturbed soul in such a way that there are different movements and positions in each one.”* This single-handed transformation of the contemporary visual landscape 1s an exceptional achievement.

That an awareness of Giotto’s accomplishment had become part of the mental furniture of the Renaissance ts illustrated by an aside in a letter of October 1431 written by Cosimo de’ Medici and aimed at stiffening the resolve of his cousin Averardo when the war with Lucca was going badly: “Although we do not possess the experience in warfare of 3

Introduction

those who engage in it continually, that is no reason why, hay-

ing seen what others have done, we are unable to judge who is acting more appropriately. I believe that although you are not a great painter, nevertheless you would judge the figures of Giotto to be better than those of Balzanello.’? A hundred and twenty years earlier, in an epideictic trope on vainglory, Dante had described him as the dernier cri, surpassing C1mabue in popular acclaim. More concretely, the jurist Francesco da Barberino, a younger contemporary of both Dante and Giotto, in making the same comparison adapted a phrase, familiar to him from the Institutes of Justinian, on the division of property, substituting the modern painters Cimabue

and Giotto for Parrhasius and Apelles of the Roman legal text. Later Francesco vividly described Giotto’s startling personification of Envy in the Arena Chapel at Padua burning both outwardly and inwardly."

These early sources concerning Giotto sustain further reflection, Giovanni Villani and Dante Alighieri were his Florentine contemporaries, and the poet predeceased him. Dante's famous comparison makes no reference to the artistic

mastery of Giotto or to his training, but stresses the vanity of human endeavor and the fickleness of popular acclaim." Villani was for a time, like Giotto himself, an employee of the Peruzzi banking firm. Francesco da Barberino was the notary and testamentary executor of the bishop of Florence, Antonio dOrso di Biliotto; he was himself a designer of manuscript illuminations and wall paintings.’* Born a few 4

Introduction

years before Giotto, in 1264, Villani outlived him by a decade,

dying, like Francesco da Barberino, a victim of the plague." Giovanni Boccaccio more than other contemporaries commented on Giotto’s appearance and character, whether truthfully or with humorous exaggeration is not always clear."* Franco Sacchettt’s Giotto is the creation of a writer born a mere five years before the painters death. Whether based on

factual report or the comments of others, it is an invented character. There are undeniably strong similarities between the character sketches in the Decameron and Sacchetti’s Novelle.’° Yet these characterizations of Giotto, his humility as well as his humorousness, should also be treated with skepti-

cism as adopted topoi. [he painters modesty, however, in eschewing the appellation “Master, for which Boccaccio 1s our source, can be viewed from two angles. It has an element

of legality, which may depend on the date of his father's death. This sensibility can be documented in a famous public monument put up in the Duomo during the artist’s lifetime, the tomb of Bishop Antonio d’Orso di Biliotto (d. July 1321),

in which another of our sources, Francesco da Barberino, played a substantial role. Its sculptor, Tino di Camaino, states

in his inscription for the tomb that he would not term himself “Magister” since his father, Camaino, the capomaestro of the Duomo at Siena, was still living."* A comparable practice can, however, also be substantiated from another source:

Dominican legislation from the General Chapter held at Florence the year before. Friars, however distinguished, par5

Introduction

ticularly those in possession of university doctorates, were never to be termed “Master” by their confreres but simply “Brother. 1”

Time's scythe has been particularly unkind to Giotto, and we have lost virtually all his secular painting, particularly the important and influential late works for the Angevin court at Naples. It is surely wrong to see him as purely a religious painter, although such evidence as survives suggests that he was sufficiently impressed by the Franciscan ideal to name two of his children Francesco and Chiara. Yet if Franco Sac-

chetti is to be credited, Giotto was also capable of sardonic comment about religious painting, and a canzona traditionally ascribed to his pen is scathing about poverty. Responding to a companion who inquired why Joseph was so often represented as melancholy—and indeed the Joseph in the Arena Chapel Adoration of the Magi is, at the very least, notably reflective—Giotto immediately responded: “Non ha egli ragione che vede pregna la moglie enon sa di cui?” (Wouldn't you be if your

wife was pregnant and you didnt know who was responstble?)."*

Mullard Meiss ended his influential lecture on Giotto and Assisi with a trenchant apothegm: “If the Isaac Master is not

Giotto, then he and not Giotto is the founder of modern painting. '’ This judgment has not worn well, although a very

considerable number of scholars would still agree that the Isaac Master, a painter named after two scenes of the life of Isaac in the nave of the Upper Church of San Francesco at Assisi, is 1n all probability the young Giotto.” But one im6

Introduction

portance of Meiss'’s comment is its implicit disassociation of

Giotto's origin from the historiographical tradition which extends back to Vasari, and before him the sculptor and gold-

smith Lorenzo Ghibertt, linking him to the workshop of Cimabue.”' If the relationship with the Isaac Master carries weight, which it undeniably does—quite distinct from the problem of identity—it suggests a Roman origin for the Assisi painter, or at the very least an early and important Roman constituent in his artistic formation. Modern scholarship, like modern museology, has actually distanced Giotto from us. The unnecessarily elaborate entry procedures at Padua permit the ordinary spectator about ten

minutes inside Giotto’ chapel, the internal space of which has been brutally falsified by raising the original floor level and bathing the frescoes in a uniform, ahistorical light. Giotto's carefully calibrated facade entry and exit are now a thing of the remembered past.” This over-lighting, albeit in a more primitive fashion, still damages the visual accessibility of the chapel frescoes in Santa Croce at Florence. The Baroncelli polyptych, an altarpiece from the end of the painter's career, which still occupies its original altar block in the spacious Baroncelli Chapel opening off the south transept of Santa Croce, is the one painting which has resisted the even more radical decontextualization that has assailed his panel paintings, even though a surprising number of his surviving polyptychs are still essentially complete.” This decontextualization has also had a deleterious effect

on scholarship. While we have modern studies of Giotto's 7]

Introduction

space, his light, his color, and even his mnemotechnology, we

increasingly abjure discussions of the artist in the round. This book makes some attempt to remedy this, although it primarily approaches the painter through the prism of patronage. His patrons merit sustained attention to be sure. Exclusively male, they included a reigning monarch and important aristocratic rulers; many were clerical, celibate, and cultivated. The Franciscans for whom Giotto painted in Florence included learned men, often university graduates and as

such far removed from the austere ideals of the Order's founder, Francis of Assisi. For his mendicant patrons at both Pisa and Florence, he painted modern saints to enhance their new churches. Here too it should perhaps be borne in mind that it was the Franciscan Order, rather than individual friars,

for whom Giotto painted. It was a new figural culture— influenced by sculpture which we increasingly recognize as originally polychromed.”

Giorgio Vasart has been another major hindrance to a proper understanding of the painter. His account of Giotto's

life and work is more revealing of Vasari himself than of Giotto.” The eager courtier who traveled selectively to see the works—he almost certainly never visited the Arena Chapel—peopled Italy with eminent and appreciative patrons for whom he created imaginary works by Giotto, To a consider-

able extent the painter is still often characterized by the works Vasari claims he painted. His typically shaky medieval chronology made the Roman painter Pietro Cavallini and the

Sienese Duccio younger than Giotto, although they both e)

Introduction

were in fact the Florentine painters substantially older contemporaries. As Vasari traveled around Italy in the interval between the two editions of his Vite (1550 and 1568), so Giotto

became considerably busier. Vasari visited Assisi three times at least; it was relatively accessible from his native Arezzo.” But the anthropomorphic biographical model elaborated

by Vasari on the basis of earlier sources such as Ghiberti, who himself knew the chapters on ancient art from Pliny's Natural History, still does violence. Boccaccio had also drawn on Pliny for his figure of Giotto in the Decameron.”’ The in-

fluence of the model can be seen in the attempts to synthesize the diverse strands of Assist and Florence. The Isaac

Master's scenes demonstrate a profound understanding of classical painting—its space, its colorism, and its technique. Yet by their placement beside the windows, high on the nave wall of the Upper Church at Assisi, they must, for inescapable technical reasons, chronologically precede the Saint Francis Legend frescoed on the walls below them. There are similarities, undeniably, which include both figural repertory and spatial composition between the Isaac scenes and the Francis-

can cycle, but whether they are sufficient to demonstrate partial identity of hand—or simply later painters reacting to the striking innovations of a pioneer working nearby—is impossible to state with certainty. The frescoes of the Arena Chapel show a Giotto deeply familiar with other aspects of ancient painting—polished marble veneers and the exact placement of the spectator by visual cues—but also the fabric of medieval Rome, in the insistent use of Cosmati mosaic 9

Introduction

ornament for the fresco framework and for his representations of church furniture within the narratives themselves.”® It is the Paduan Giotto who, in his great Virgin and Child for the Umiliati at Ognissantt in Florence, demonstrates a familtarity with the strict symmetries of forms and colors which are so insistent in Cimabue’s Santa Trinita Madonna. It is the

attempt to homogenize this development, from the Isaac scenes through the Francis Legend, Padua, and Ognissanti which distorts a credible chronology and artistic development. Our explanatory models for medieval painters need to be more open and exploratory. Biography is not a helpful model for writing the history of medieval art, and the modern historian is rarely trained to write it. The preserved documentary record is quite simply not of the kind to provide information which might illumine Giotto's personality, and the anecdotal evidence which I have examined contributes more toward the literary construction of Giotto than anything else.” The shepherd boy sketching sheep is a myth, and we know nothing of the childhood of any medieval artist. [he sparse surviving documentation can provide only the most skeletal chronological organization for the paintings, which in many instances stylistic analysis 1S manifestly unable to validate. Conflicting chronologies and contested attributions still abound. Nevertheless, the internal

contradictions should be problematized rather than forced into reductive anthropomorphic synthesis. Only then will we be able more plausibly to approach the immensely difficult— 10

Introduction

and much more important—problem of constructing Giotto's artistic identity and visual culture. Too much has been read into the sparse documentary framework which has come down to us. Cimabue appears as a witness in the entourage of Cardinal Ottobuono Fieschi in Rome in June 1272. That episode 1s insufficient to reconstruct a Roman impact for him, and the recent cleaning of the frescoes of the papal oratory of the Sancta Sanctorum in the Old Lateran Palace serves to demonstrate his extraneity as protagonist or receptor of late-thirteenth-century Roman painting.” Analyses based on linear tics in drapery, or facial details of the few monumental paintings which happen to survive, to establish absolute chronologies of great painters are absurdly reductive and impossible to demonstrate. The influence of Vasari’s distorting ‘Tuscan, or more precisely Flo-

rentine, Renaissance lens continues to hamper our vision of Italian medieval painting. The Vasarian teleology still flourishes.

At Florence in his work in Santa Croce, Giotto was the employee of those families who were themselves creating the architectural environment with the great new reconstruction

of the Franciscan church. The Alberti, the patrons of the main choir chapel, and the Peruzzi were constructing streets

and familial enclaves in the vicinity of Santa Croce.’ The Bardi, a family of immense Buropean political and economic weight, were drawn across town from their Oltrarno establishment to the huge new building site, whether by genuine 11

Introduction

piety or the percetved opportunity for ostentatious artistic patronage we cannot now be sure. Their chosen painter, Giotto di Bondone, had earlier worked for a patron of much more elevated social status, the aristocratic Roman cardinal Giacomo Stefaneschi, and subsequently for the papal banker Enrico Scrovegni in his native Padua. Yet was Scrovegni the reason for Giotto's sojourn in Padua, or was it, as claimed in

the somewhat garbled account of a local civic chronicler, Riccobaldo of Ferrara, through the network of the Franciscan Order?*’ Enrico Scrovegni too was commemorated in his

chapel program not only by Giottos donor portrait in the Last Judgment on the entry wall but also by a life-sized polychrome sculpture. The painter's patrons were later to include a reigning monarch, Robert I of Anjou; Antonio d’Orso, the bishop of Florence; and the lord of Milan.

The only source which survives to document unequtvocally the painter's workshop comes from the last decade of Giotto's career, when as an older and prolific painter he traveled to Naples to work for Robert in May 1331.** It records the completion of the paintings in the great Chapel and finishing the secret chapel of the castle and also the painting of an altarpiece, together with the salary or wages of various masters, either painters or craftsmen and workmen working on a daily basis on these painting projects.’ Yet the cycle at Padua painted a generation earlier unmistakably reveals the presence of assistants. It 1s not here a question merely of the art historians perception of greater or lesser levels of artistic ability, but rather of simple mistakes: the initial misplacing 12

Introduction

of Christ's halo in the Last Supper or the legs of a falling figure in the Last Judgment grotesquely folded forward at the knees.*° Assistants were required to snap the cords to mark the guidelines of the stars on the chapel vault and the frames of the narrative fields.” Sacchetti, incidentally, in one of his Novelle mentions Giotto passing on a shield he has jokingly

designed for a presumptuous bumpkin would-be patron to an assistant to complete its painting.** Sacchetti's testimony has a certain intrinsic weight, for he had been himself the concepteur of the iconographic program of the vault of Orsanmichele, of whose confraternity he had been treasurer, operaio, and captain.”

For Vasari, as for Plutarch, character was revealed in ac-

tions. he moral dimensions of character are important, and as we shall see, it 1s the high moral seriousness with which Giotto, uniquely, invests his figures that makes him so compelling a painter for the modern spectator.” As 1n Sacchettt, of whom Vasari makes liberal use, it is off-duty moments that reveal character—another historiographical topos which goes back to Plutarch.”!

Besides those of Giacomo Stefaneschi and Enrico Scrovegni, there is some evidence of other portraits of patrons in the works by Giotto and his atelier: the kneeling Orsini clan who flank the standing Christ on the reverse facade of the Saint Nicholas Chapel at Assisi, the ghostly heads of the Peruzzi punctuating the framing band between the narratives of their family chapel in Santa Croce, the shad-

owy presence in the Ricorbolt Madonna. We do not need 13

Introduction

to invent patrons, as did Vasari, or indeed the great critic Friedrich Rintelen, who momentarily mistook the Jacob and Isaac of the Baroncelli polyptych for donor figures.” Giotto's patrons were real people, with personal and religious agendas which had their effect on the paintings they commissioned. Yet despite this, the documentary record yields no legal con-

tract—such as exists for both Cimabue at Pisa in 1302 and earlier for Duccio di Buoninsegna at Florence in 1285—which

links the painter and his patrons. Both these contracts tell us much about patronal wishes, the saints a patron might wish

to have included, the cost of materials and labor, the expected time between commission and completion, how the painting was to be set on its altar.** None of this information

exists for any painting by Giotto, The documentary record for the Sienese painter Duccio is considerably richer and more nuanced than that which has survived for Giotto. In his will of April 1370 Francesco Petrarca bequeathed a panel painting by Giotto, which had been sent to him from Florence by his friend Michele di Vanni degh Albizzi, to the lord of Padua, Francesco il Vecchio da Carrara.** This 1s

more concrete than the legacy of Ricuccio for the perpetual maintenance of votive lights in front of not only Duccio's Rucellai Madonna but also “the Crucifix painted by the excellent painter Giotto di Bondone who 1s from the neighborhood of Santa Maria Novella.”* Petrarch’s bequest also came with a critical appreciation: “my panel of the Virgin Mary ... whose beauty cannot be comprehended by the ignorant, but which stupefies the masters of art.’*° This gift came with 14

Introduction

an apotropaic coda, but the critical judgment coincides with the insistent implication of contemporary sources that Giotto was to be judged by the standards of the liberal arts and not as a mere mechanical.*’

After Giotto, Italian art was changed forever. Not only did the subsequent generation of painters, several of whom were his direct pupils, disseminate his compositions and his style throughout all Italy and beyond, but the greatest Florentine artists of the High Renaissance held him in palpable regard as well. While Leonardo da Vinc1 revealed his respect in a private if rather conventional comment in his notebook, early drawings by Michelangelo demonstrate an analytic interest in the frescoes of the Peruzzi Chapel in Santa Croce.*

»)

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Giotto at ‘Pisa: The Stigmatization for San “Francesco

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ernard of Besse, secretary to the Franciscan munistergeneral Bonaventure, devoted a whole chapter of his Mirror of

Discipline, intended for novices in the Franciscan Order, to presumption. I have read it attentively, and it strikes home.! When the subject of this book, first delivered as lectures in memory of Bernard Berenson in the idyllic surrounding which he created at Villa I Tatti, concerns three episodes in the career of Giotto di Bondone involving Franciscan themes, the scale of my presumption becomes truly daunting, Discussion of Saint Francis is unending, and on Giotto di Bondone, the greatest of Florentine painters, almost equally limitless. Both are great rivers which continue to flow in spate. The Franciscan Order has long experience of explaining— and of defending itself. (One 1s hesitant to claim topicality 19

Giotto and His Publics

for ones theme, but as will appear more clearly in my third chapter, that in the very month of the eight hundredth anntversary of Francis Order, a pope who himself as a young chaplain at Cologne cathedral wrote a book of enduring authority on the historical theology of Bonaventure should, in his anniversary message to the Order, firmly emphasize that obedience was central to the modern Franciscan charis is not

without irony.)” Something of the representations of Saint Francis of Assist will become clearer as we progress, but it may be of some use if initially I outline my point of departure for Giotto’s works and career.

Italian and non-Italian scholarship still remains divided, 1f less categorically than heretofore, about Giotto’s authorship of the Legend of the Life of Saint Francis in the Upper Church at

Assisi. In recent years the restorer of the Assisi Legend, Bruno

Zanardi, and the distinguished Italian critic Federico Zert have breached Italian unanimity by disavowing Giotto’s authorship of the Assisi cycle and proposing alternative attributions. This constituted an epochal shift. Scholarly opinion has hardened toward acceptance of an early dating for the Saint Francis Legend, ascribing it more frequently to the pon-

tificate of the Franciscan pope Nicholas [V (1288-1292). This supposition is far from new. As Robert Davidsohn noted over a century ago, Franciscans holding vehemently opposing views could agree in 1311 that Assisi had been decorated auctoritate sedis apostolice.” While a dating within Nicho-

las’s four-year pontificate 1s not inherently implausible, it overlooks the circumstance that one of Nicholas [V’s major 20

GIOTTO AT PISA Roman commissions was in fact completed several years after

his death by his faithful supporters, the Cardinals Giacomo and Pietro Colonna. The apse mosaic in Santa Maria Maggiore is dated, unambiguously, 1295.° To accept Giotto’s authorship of the Saint Francis Legend at such a precocious date undeniably also leaves a troublingly empty period in Giotto's early career. At most the young painter may have had a minor participatory role. The Saint Francis Legend can no longer be regarded as Giottos creation, but rather must be considered the product of several interlocking workshops.’ It must also be admitted, however, that Richard Offner’s memorable de-

molition of a monolithic painter of the Assisi Legend (his non-Giotto) is now sadly dated.’ Giotto di Bondone is, for all scholars, the artist responsible for the conception and the execution of the finest parts of the frescoes at the Arena Chapel in Padua, painted for the banker Enrico Scrovegni between 1303, after he purchased the site in the Roman Arena, and March 25, 1305, when the cha-

pel was consecrated and the canonically necessary consecration crosses were added on top of the completed frescoes of the basamento.’ Scholarly unanimity also prevails concerning Giotto’s responsibility for the Virgin and Child from Ognissanti, the Florentine church of the Umiuliati, which must be very close in date to the Paduan frescoes.'” Both these works,

neither of which is in the strictest sense documented, will here too be accepted as the touchstone of authenticity. Chapel and altarpiece are both earlyish commissions, while two of the three episodes with which I shall deal—the Bardi 21

Giotto and His Publics

Chapel cycle in Santa Croce, and the Vele or crossing-vault frescoes in the Lower Church of San Francesco at Assisi—

are from substantially later in the painters career. Three signed works by Giotto survive, the earliest of which, the Stigmatization now in the Louvre, is my theme in this chapter, while the two signed polyptychs, datable toward the end of his career—the Madonna and Four Saints in the Pinacoteca in Bologna and the Coronation of the Virgin for the Cappella

Baroncellt in Santa Croce—still continue to divide critical opinion.

I begin with two images of Francis of Assisi, the best loved and perhaps the best known of all medieval saints. He

was born about 181 and died during the night of October 3-4, 1226. The first panel is generally, and I believe correctly, attributed to Giunta Pisano; the second, the Stigmatization, 1s signed by Giotto.'’ They are perhaps the most accomplished

representations of Saint Francis in Italian medieval panel painting, Giunta was already a celebrated painter who had earlier been summoned by Fra Elia to paint the revolutionary new Crucifixion image with Francis kneeling at Christ's feet for the saint’s new burial church at Assisi.‘ Giunta’s Francis wears the cowl of his habit up, as friars were required by their

Rule to do when outside their convent, while Giotto shows the “Poverello” receiving the stigmata alone at La Verna."* In

the half-century or so which separates the two panel paintings, the pictorial world had moved. In trying to account for this seismic shift, and in the process beginning an examination of Giotto’s achievement and the roles of his patrons, I 22

GIOTTO AT PISA draw on visual and historical evidence which has too seldom

been taken into consideration in current debates concerning Giotto. Nevertheless, here too I am extremely conscious of the sixth admonition which Francis himself addressed to his friars: “It is to our great shame ... that 1t was the saints who achieved things, while we wish, in recalling their deeds, to receive honor and glory.” Astonishingly enough, both paintings originate from the same church, San Francesco at Pisa: Giunta Pisano’s panel is mentioned in San Francesco by Antonio Billi in the sixteenth century, although it 1s unlikely ever to have been an altarpiece.'° It represents Francis as a tall, bearded, gaunt ascetic in a narrow habit which hangs just above his heels; he is flanked by six posthumous miracles.'® Several aspects merit our atten-

tion. [he protagonists of three episodes, half the content of the panel, are women.'” A noblewoman afflicted by an unsightly goiter visits her local Franciscan church in search of a

cure and finds there a legendry of the saint, or perhaps Thomas of Celano’s Vita Prima. Convinced by what she reads about Francis, she presses the manuscript of his miracles to

her breast and is healed.'* This is a new scene in the repertory, and it occurs in the recently compiled Tractatus de Miraculis by Thomas of Celano, the latest of the hagiographical treatises concerning Francis which he composed circa 1253 at the request of the Order.” Giunta'’s narratives unwittingly reveal a central aspect of the cult of Francis: his direct miraculous cures were relatively few, and their geographical inci-

dence is surprisingly concentrated—in the Roman Campagna 23

Giotto and His Publics

and the region south of it, modern Campania.” None of Giuntas miracle scenes concerns Pisa. This rather meager diffusion contrasts astonishingly with the near universal popularity of his cult. Franciscan communities had already spread the length and breadth of Christendom, and the number of friars at the time when Giunta painted his Vita panel, shortly after 1250, approached seventeen thousand.” Francis was above all a moral exemplar, not a great thaumaturge. This basic discrepancy helps explain a shift in the iconography of Francis from generic wonder worker to a sanctity historically grounded in time and place. Giunta’s Francis documents the promotion of Francis’s cult by attesting his healing powers in action and its dissemination by texts in images.” In some measure this remarkable panel assuredly served as the model for the painting signed by Giotto which came from a family chapel in San Francesco. I turn now to the Stigmatization by Giotto which entered the Louvre under Napoleon.” This panel records only four episodes of the saint's earthly life, none of which may strictly be called miraculous. In an embryonic predella sequence, the Dream of Pope Innocent III, The Approval of the Franciscan Rule,

and the Sermon to the Birds provide a chronological prologue to

the transformative event of Francisss life, the reception of the stigmata at La Verna in September 1224, which fills the main picture field. All the episodes can be approximately dated, are

independently attested, and are intentionally biographical: they recount Francis's life and mission. How do we begin to account for the larger contours of this profound shift of ap24

GIOTTO AT PISA

proach to his sanctity, his place in the thirteenth-century church, and, very significantly, the Order's projection of his cult?

First, let us locate the painting 1n tts patronal milieu. Many years ago I drew attention to the heraldry on the frame of the Louvre panel and linked it to identical shields in two choir chapels in the north transept of San Francesco at Pisa.” My initial suggestion has subsequently been refined by oth-

ers. [he coats of arms are certainly identifiable as those of the Cinguina family.” The Cinquina were one of the arriviste group of new families who invaded the upper echelons of Pisan society during the last quarter of the Duecento.” By the end of the century the joint Cinquina-Bonconti bank had become one of the most successful and competitive in Italy, as Pisan bankers consolidated their position around Pope Boniface VIH. Not for nothing does there occur in a sermon preached in 1260 by the archbishop of Pisa, Federigo Visconti, the trope that Francis was a merchant who was canonized “in our own lifetime” (“fuit mercator et sanctificatus in tempore nostro”’).”’ The Cinquina-Bonconti partnership epito-

mizes a systemic change in the way Pisans conducted business: the shift from itinerant merchant venturer to sedentary merchant banker.* A similar transformation had already made great progress in Florence with the rise of the Spinelli, Bardi, and Peruzzi banking families—all, incidentally, later

to become patrons of Giotto. It is now time to investigate this Cinquina patronage further. Uhe proprietorial shields on the original frame of the Stigmatization locate the panel in a 25

Giotto and His Publics

profoundly significant way in specific temporal and social frameworks.

In 1270 Guiscardo Cinquina was already co-partner with Banduccio Bonconti in a great mercantile company. A “Iacobus Cinguinus ... elvis et mercator pisanus” is documented trad-

ing at the Provins fair in 1273.” Like other Pisan merchants, Guiscardo was insistent on achieving a peace with the papalbacked invader Charles I d’Anjou, realizing the necessity of such an alliance if Pisa were to break into the lucrative markets of southern Italy.*° Early on the Cinquina had prudently hedged their bets, for they are also documented as the fiduciary bankers of Corradino, the last of the doomed Hohenstaufen claimants, who was crushed by Charles d’Anjou on the battlefield at Tagliacozzo in 1268 and executed shortly afterwards.*’ In Pisa itself, by 1300 the Cinquina-Bonconti bank was the principal financier of the regime. Despite a publicly

pro-Angevin stance, the Cinquina family appear privately, however, to have been intransigently Ghibelline, and threw in their lot with Emperor Henry VII of Luxembourg during his

disastrous Italian expedition.’ This stubborn Ghibellinism ensured that the family had lost almost all political influence in Pisa by the second decade of the Trecento, and this social ostracism and consequent financial decline provides a powerful corroborative argument for an early dating of their paint-

ing commission to Giotto.’ The joint Cinquina-Bonconti bank is last certainly attested in 1304, although a June 1307 document from Clement V requires Guiscardo Cinquina and 26

GIOTTO AT PISA

Banduccio Bonconti to transfer cash deposits to Cardinal Pietro Colonna.

That a family member—possibly Guiscardo Cinquina or his brothers Benenato and Pericctolo—was the patron of the chapel in San Francesco is very likely. The family's intimate links with papal banking circles may also provide the clue to their patronage of Grotto: a similar link lay behind

the painter's subsequent move to the service of Enrico Scrovegni at Padua. Family chapels themselves were a rather new phenomenon in thirteenth-century Europe, and in Italy they are related to the adoption by the friars of a characteristic church ground plan, and very probably a linked funding

strategy, which enabled the mendicant orders—ostensibly prizing poverty and architectural austerity—to build huge new churches.* They also helped cement that evident but insufficiently observed alliance between the mendicants and the

ruling echelons of the Italian communes. In Florence between 1311 and 1345, of eleven morti eccellenti mentioned by the

chronicler Giovanni Villani, nine were buried in Franciscan

churches.*° The friars could guarantee dignified tombs and the suffrages of a religious community. In April 1278 the Florentine citizen Severino del fu Jacopo made his nuncupative testament in the infirmary of San Francesco at Pisa: he left money to provide service books for Santa Croce in Florence and also endowed an altar and its decoration ( ornamentis altaris), presumably with a painted panel.*’ At Santa Maria in

Aracoeli, the Franciscan church in Rome on the Capitoline 27

Giotto and His Publics

Hill, Aduardo di Pietro Sassone left one hundred gold florins in 1296 for the foundation of a sepulchral chapel.** That it was built we know from the fact that his inscribed tomb slab

still survives in the church.” In November 1292 Donato di Arnaldo Peruzzi had left money for the establishment of a family chapel at Santa Croce within the next decade. Again at Pisa, Giucco del fu Lotto Cuochi left 150 lire in May 1302 for a chapel to be built in San Francesco.*” Giucco himself lived in the rapidly developing Kinzica quarter, the same neighborhood where the Cinquina lived, and he was also involved in business dealings with them. Nearby dwelt the Bonconti and

the Gambacorta, the latter family already the patrons of the main choir chapel of San Francesco.*! The pictorial decoration of such family chapels of the late thirteenth century in central Italy can be partly reconstructed by considering the altar wall decoration recently rediscovered at Santa Maria in Aracoeli, the Franciscan Order's headquarters in Rome. Some of the great Roman aristocratic families deeply entwined with the papacy, such as the Savelli and the Colonna, owned chapels at Aracoel1.” These recently uncovered murals, and a mosaic altar dossal for one of the

Colonna chapels, suggest surprising links with the much more elaborate and ostentatious family chapels added by Cardinal Napoleone Orsini to the Lower Church at Assisi, where the original decoration is more completely preserved. It is within a context resembling the private chapels at Aracoeli that we should probably locate Giotto's Stigmatization. At Pisa, San Francesco was actively being rebuilt throughout 26

GIOTTO AT PISA the last third of the thirteenth century, and a new operaio had been appointed in 1286.* Like other second-generation Tuscan mendicant churches, it has a flat east end, chapels grouped on either side of the main choir, and a single wooden-roofed nave.** Each of the Cinquina chapels is a little over five meters wide, and they open off a raised podium, itself one step

above the floor of the transept. The Stigmatization panel, which measures 314 by 163.5 centimeters, fits comfortably within this chapel space. Giotto's Stigmatization was not the first piece of private patronage within the new Franciscan church. Another emergent Pisan family, the Gambacorta, were earlier very likely responsible for commissioning another

Florentine, Cimabue, to paint the monumental Virgin and Child with Six Angels, which is now also in the Louvre.** There

is some slight evidence that the Cinquina themselves were active elsewhere in Pisa as patrons: a crucifix commissioned by Benenatus Cinquina and dated 1309 was once in the church of San Lorenzo a Ruivolta.*°

The frescoed altarpieces which occupy the altar walls at Aracoeli and the Orsini transept chapels at Assisi are triptychs with bust-length figures of saints, hieratic and gazing fixedly outward. he old-fashioned format of the mural triptychs in the Orsini chapels may have been prompted by a requirement to conform to mural triptychs which had already been painted in the nave of the Lower Church. Be that as it may, their difference from Giottos Pisan altarpiece composition 1s total.” The Louvre panel’s sens de lecture is unusual, beginning at 29

Giotto and His Publics

the bottom left and proceeding chronologically across the base of the composition, culminating above in the prodigious apparition to Saint Francis. In contrast to the thirteenthcentury Vita panels, there are no posthumous miracles—and indeed the miraculous content of the Stigmatization altarpiece

is sparse. The episodes are historical and biographical, attested by witnesses or surviving documents, and almost exclusively drawn from the now standard Franciscan text. The General Chapter of the Order meeting at Narbonne in 1260 had apparently commissioned a new synthetic life of Francis from the recently elected minister-general, Bonaventura da Bagnoregio. His Legenda Maior was adopted by the successive

chapter at Pisa in 1263. The subsequent General Chapter, held at Paris in 1266, ordered, with an almost totalitarian ruthlessness, that all earlier biographies were to be destroyed.”

Posthumous miracles, it should also be remembered, normally tell us nothing about the biography or historicity of the holy person. There is now a large consensus that the Louvre Stigmatization 1s an autograph work, although there is some discussion as to its chronological position in Giotto's

career. Thus far I have simply accepted the attribution and assumed an early date, although supporting arguments for its autograph status and early dating in the painter's career will be argued later on and in the course of the next two chapters.

Several important iconographical issues must now be ad-

dressed. Quite apart from the biographical and historical nature of the scenes on the Pisan panel, there 1s the problem 30

GIOTTO AT PISA

of editorial choice: four scenes out of a potential thirty or more current in hagiographical cycles of the saint. What reasons might be posited for the choice of these four episodes?

First, the institutional thrust of Giotto’s painting should be remarked. Iwo scenes out of four exemplify papal encouragement and approval of the Franciscan Order. In a general way

this emphasis may partially reflect the Pisan commune's somewhat checkered relations with Rome in the previous thirty years: Pisa had had a record of interdict unapproached

by any other central Italian city in the late Duecento.” By circa 13300 a new modus vivendi had been achieved, and the papacy, even more vigorously than had been the case elsewhere in central Italy, had intervened directly in the choice

of archbishop. Boniface VIII nominated his trusted ally, the Orvietan cardinal Theodoric, as Pisa’s archbishop-elect, shortly thereafter replacing him with Giovanni Conti, an aristocratic Roman Dominican, who initiated an extraordinary tenure by the Dominican Order of the archbishopric which lasted for almost half a century.”! It 1s well known that the Dream of Innocent III, and the popes subsequent verbal approval, was a crucial moment, enabling the Franciscan Order to develop its own rule of life

rather than being compelled, by a decision of the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215, to adopt the rule of an existing reli-

gious order—as indeed the Dominicans were forced to do. Our ultimate source of knowledge of Innocent’s dream can only be the Conti pontiff himself.’ What is remarkable, however, in the first predella scene of the Louvre Stigmatiza31

Giotto and His Publics

tion 1s both its topographical accuracy and the ahistorical, yet

wholly explicable, intrusion of Saint Peter. The representation of the Lateran basilica to the side of the papal palace— its correct topographical relationship, incidentally—is uncommonly detailed and accurate. The fagade mosaic of the standing Christ, in actuality little larger than a postage stamp,

is recorded in the late twelfth century. It was remade by the Franciscan pope Nicholas IV, and a fragment of this thirteenth-century version, very likely from the workshop of the papal mosaicist Jacopo Torriti, is still incongruously incorporated in Galilei’s facade.’ The spolia columns of the Constantinian nave, later to be encased by Borromints reconstruction, are also clearly shown.” As a view of a standing building it compares with Cimabue’'s celebrated vignette of Rome in the Saint Mark severy of the Upper Church crossing.° Giotto's familiarity with Rome at a very early stage in his career can be elsewhere demonstrated unequivocally by the adoption of motifs such as the groom holding the camel's bridle in the Adoration of the Magi at Padua, taken from the

Horse Tamers on the Quirinal, one of the most prominent classical groups standing throughout the Middle Ages.” Perhaps more remarkable still is the presence of Peter, indicating to the dreaming pontiff Francis averting the collapse of the Roman church. As Michael Schwarz has also noted,

this has a specific significance for Pisa, in that a few miles outside the city is San Piero a Grado, where Saint Peter is claimed first to have alighted on Italian soil when journeying to Rome.* This remarkable basilica still survives, and its 32

GIOTTO AT PISA

decoration, by Deodato di Orlando, remains the most reliable surviving version we have of the lost nave cycles in Old Saint Peter's.” Archbishop Federigo Visconti preached several sermons at San Piero, which had become a popular place of pilgrimage in the later Duecento.” Pope Boniface VIII made

vigorous attempts to install a Caetani from the eponymous —but apparently unrelated—Pisan family to the lucrative priorate of San Piero a Grado; their coat of arms appears in the fresco cycle."!

It was the Legend of the Three Companions, composed circa

1246, which first included the episode of Innocent III's dream.” That Giotto deliberately included Saint Peter in his version of the papal dream is important proof that there was

a tangible and demonstrable Pisan patronal input into the Stigmatization altarpiece, an insertion that would have made full sense only to a Pisan clientele, and must have been specifically stipulated of the painter. It is highly likely, however, that it was a Franciscan input. In Gregory [X's canonization bull of July 19, 1228, Mira circa Nos, Saint Francis is compared

to Simon, the high priest in Ecclesiasticus “who in his life propped up the house and in his days fortified the temple.’ It is an image only a Franciscan friar is likely to have been familiar with. Simon was surnamed Peter, and the homonymy forges an unequivocal link between the apostle, Innocent, and Francis.“

Dreams played a substantial role in Innocent HI's encoun-

ters with prospective saints or their promoters. In 1202 he dreamt before meeting the English delegation promoting the 33

Giotto and His Publics

cause of Gilbert of Sempringham, and earlier again in the case of Omobono da Cremona (d. 1197). The first scene of the Pisan predella thus grounds the Order historically and gives Innocent II's approval an unmistakable local nuance. Furthermore, the intrusion of Saint Peter into a historically attested episode clearly demonstrates that the Pisan Dream of Innocent III is a later verston of the Franciscan scene also present in the nave of the Upper Church at Assisi, and serves thus, 1n some measure, as a terminus ante quem for the Assisi cycle, Giotto’s longtime pupil Taddeo Gaddi, who worked at the Campo Santo in Pisa and also for the Gambacorta family, reiterated the presence of Peter in the Dream of Innocent IL, which forms part of his cycle of small-scale quatrefoils deco-

rating the sacristy cupboard of Santa Croce in Florence.” (Parenthetically it should perhaps be stated here that the badly damaged and probably cut-down version of the Stigma-

tization now in the Fogg Art Museum is not a replica as is sometimes claimed.)°’ Bonaventure in his Commentary on the

Sentences of Peter Lombard, composed before he became minister-general in 1257, admitted that dreams could at times

tell the truth, and, as had Thomas of Celano before him, he always uses the words “in somnis” (dreaming ) for Francis’s ap-

pearance to Pope Innocent.® But the Pisa panel shows both papal dream and Francis’s own vision at La Verna, although by the end of the thirteenth century, the epistemological interrelationship between the two phenomena had substantially changed. Bonaventure was to emphasize the wakefulness of

Francis at La Verna and assert that the apparition of the 34

GIOTTO AT PISA seraphim at the Stigmatization was a divine vision.” It would

become increasingly difficult in the fourteenth century to support a canonization process by the authority of papal dreams.

The second, central scene of papal approval, like the Dream of Innocent LL, moves from oneiric Rome to the ter-

restrial city, indicating the shift in Franciss personal and spiritual trajectory from intuition to institution. It once more reveals a close knowledge of Roman and specifically papal settings. [he Rule is approved in formal consistory, and the pope is clad in tiara and cappa rubea, appropriate for such a public ceremonial.” He is flanked by cardinals and advisers, while Francis and his companions kneel before him on an elaborate Anatolian carpet.” Comparable carpets are docu-

mented in papal possession by the great inventory of the Holy See of 1295.” Despite the miniature scale of the predella scene, Francis’s band consists of twelve friars, a number

inserted by Bonaventure in the Legenda Maior, evidently to emphasize the Christlike aspect of the Franciscan mission.” His faithful secretary Bernard of Besse in his De Laudibus Sancti Francisci later specifically stated that the founder “gave

nearly the same commands as Christ did to the Apostles,” and it was the degree of similarity claumed between the apos-

tles and Franciscan friars that was to inflame subsequent controversy.”

The final predella scene attests the Franciscan apostolate

of preaching, when in 1213 Francis preached to the birds at the wayside near Bevagna, an episode first recorded by 35

Giotto and His Publics

Thomas of Celano.” Much could be said of this scene—the implicit acceptance by Francis of all divine creation as wor-

thy of understanding and solicitude, and its integration in his apostolate.’° It has been regarded as defining Francis’s re-

lationship to nature, a symbolic restoration of original harmony and Adam's dominion over nature.” The encounter has also been interpreted as a coded polemic—a defense of the layman Francis’ right to preach.’* Here some other, more painterly aspects need comment. Late-thirteenth-century advances in the exact representation of birds, first discernible in English illuminated manuscripts, have specific links with Franciscan circles. The magnificent birds which inhabit the acanthus scrolls in Nicholas IV's apse mosaic in Santa Maria Maggiore reveal a novel vivacity and verisimilitude, but there it is a naturalism which Jacopo Torriti evidently assimilated from classical floor mosaics.” Giotto's predella shows a dozen different kinds of birds, all testifying to careful observation and recording.*’ They are more varied and precisely rendered than those in the Assisi fresco, irresistibly suggesting the use of model books.” Yet birds of prey and tiny passerines would never congregate on the ground together. In short, the individual birds are remarkably accurate, but their group behavior is ornithologically implausible—brought about only by the pacificatory miracle of Francis’s discourse. The Pisan birds are painted by the artist who later presents an accurate sparrow hawk beside Francis at La Verna in the Bardi fresco.** Here, once again the scene develops imaginatively beyond its model, the fresco on the reverse fagade, to the right of 36

GIOTTO AT PISA

the entrance to the Upper Church.** When the Pisan friars

and their Cinquina patron required Giotto to provide a painted epitome of the Assisi cycle, they may only have wanted something recognizably similar to the canonical version in Francis burial church, but they recetved a subtle and sophisticated topographical, epistemological, and naturalistic updating. As I have elsewhere argued, the Pisan altarpiece certainly does not provide a demonstration that Giotto was the artist of both fresco cycle and altarpiece. Reflections of the Assisi cycle of varying degrees of completeness and accomplish-

ment are widespread in Italian Franciscan churches.* The profound conceptual differences, in addition to the early chronology of the Assisi Legend, would appear to preclude an

identity of artists. Giotto’s modifications at Pisa also predicate a particularized theological input from the local Franciscans themselves. Only they would have been conscious of the increasingly perceived differentiation between truthful dreams and divine visions, while it is surely unlikely that the lay patrons were. But as Federigo Visconti pointed out in a vivid simile, the Cinquina could perfectly well understand how Francis bore the wounds of Christ as a knight bore a coat of arms.” Both parties could doubtless have pressed for the allusion to San Piero a Grado as a theme of local pride, while accurate heraldry was surely a familial concern. Such requirements would have been impressed on the painter, who most likely executed the panel in Florence and subsequently transported it to Pisa.°’ Whether the friars sent representa37

Giotto and His Publics

tives to Florence to specify the detailed program or, like Sassetta visiting Sansepolcro in 1437, Giotto traveled personally

to Pisa to consult his patrons and inspect the chapel site must remain uncertain.”

By the time of the painting of Giottoss Pisa altarpiece, Francis’ Stigmatization had lost some of the controversial charge it had possessed earlier on. In 1251 Fra Bonizo, a com-

panion of the saint, and the cardinal protector of the Order, Rinaldo of Jenne, the future Alexander IV, both felt the need to declare in public that they personally had seen (“propriis oculis”) the wounds on Francis’s body.” By 1300 the veridicity

of the Stigmatization was no longer doubted, even among such traditional opponents as the Order of Preachers. Aldobrandino of Toscanella, a celebrated Dominican preacher, could assert that God lovingly painted the wounds of Christ on Francis’s body.” In the Order's development of the presentation of Francis’s life, the Stigmatization had come to be seen as the defining, indeed the terminal, moment.”! Unlike the Dream of Innocent ILL, however, it seems certain that the

representations of the apparition of the seraph to Francis derive in part from the eyewitness account of Brother Leo, and in the narrative cycle in the Upper Church, a Franciscan friar is present.” The book he holds is not indeed a simple distraction from the sacred event but a reference to the sortes Biblicae which Francis’s companion had just performed. Following a widespread and long-standing practice of the divinatory use of Scripture, he had thrice opened the Bible, each time to reveal a reference to Christ’s Passion.”* 36

GIOTTO AT PISA Bonaventure while composing the Legenda Maior had both visited La Verna himself and taken care to consult the surviv-

ing companions of Francis, those whose role in the earliest accounts was distinguished by the revealing phrase nos qui cum

ei fuimus: “those of us who were with him.’** Not all the companions were satisfied by Thomas of Celano’s stylized account. An English source, Thomas of Eccleston, writing in the late 1250s, records Brother Leo's strongly felt opinion that

Celano could have said more concerning Francis’s ecstatic contemplation, and we know from Bonaventure himself that he personally consulted Leo.” For a panel painted by Giotto in the very first years of the fourteenth century, circa 1303— 1305, these would have been the Franciscan written sources communicated to him. But buttressing the texts of Celano, Bonaventure, and others must also be reckoned the massive authority of subsequent papal pronouncement. Nicholas H's bull Exiit qui seminat of August 1279 proclaimed that Francis and his Rule were incontrovertibly divinely inspired, and that Christ had confirmed his own Passion in Francis’s Stigmatization.” One should add here that there has been perhaps too great a tendency among historians of art to derive the pictorial iconography from too restricted a group of texts, the writings of Thomas of Celano and Bonaventure. Oral traditions cannot be excluded.” Not only were there suffcient other variants to make exact derivations improbable, but also this approach undervalues the contribution of great artists.

The Stigmatization forms the irreducible core of Francis’s 39

Giotto and His Publics

witness and of his iconography. Thomas of Celano gradually modified his initial description in the Vita Prima by placing

the seraph on the cross and specifying its six wings.” Bonaventure's Legenda Maior gave a specific time and place to the

apparition, thus providing a spatial and temporal frame for the miraculous. Giotto’s version of the Assisi scene adds a further psychological dimension. Whereas at Assisi the seraph is largely covered by the wings, at Pisa the seraph has clearly assumed the physiognomy of Christ, and the naked torso makes the fifth wound, in his side, utterly unambiguous.” This somatic sensitivity is an element which the Louvre panel shares with the early Crucifix from Santa Maria No-

vella, although it is notably absent from the fresco in the Saint Francis Legend. The onrush of the divine apparition is far

more pronounced, and the pregnant exchange of gazes fixes the dramatic core of the encounter. [he rays from the “Christified” seraph are tripled as they lacerate Francis’s body. The encounter 1s now solitary, unmediated by any witness. It 1s a silent confrontation: Giotto has no place for the verba efficacissima which Thomas of Celano introduced in the Legenda Chori, composed some fifteen years after the Vita Prima." The

physicality of the Stigmatization is palpable and emphatic. Francis becomes the spectator of his own metamorphosis into a living tcon."”’ The open portal of the chapel at the right, which reveals the sorrowing Virgin in the left terminal

of a painted crucifix, underlines this transformation.” Whether in fact the Stigmatization at La Verna can be regarded as the point where Francis accepted the Order's diver40

GIOTTO AT PISA gence from his initial inspiration and rejected the temptation to disobey the Roman Church, as Giovanni Miccoli thought,

is for others to judge." What is certain is that in the first years of the fourteenth century, Giotto had given the Stigmatization iconography an undeniably new direction. It was to form the basis for his later Florentine reflection on the event: the frontispiece fresco of the Bardi Chapel.

What has been less often realized is that 1t was senior members of the Order—Bonaventure himself, but also Mat-

teo d’Aquasparta, minister-general between 1287 and 1289 and later cardinal, and Cardinal Gentile da Montefiore, the

later patron of Simone Martini at Assisi—who developed their own personal conceptions of the Stigmatization as the divine seal placed by God on Francis, Dante’s ultimo sigillo, and that they themselves commissioned remarkable seal ma-

trices.'"* Both Bonaventure and his successor as ministergeneral, Girolamo d'Ascoli, had employed the image of Pentecost as their official seal.""° As an episode encapsulating capitular consensus and divine mandate to proselytize, it was uncommonly expressive. The ancient topos of sealing, employing the biblical theme of man conceived in God's image developed by Bonaventure, reinforced the Franciscan percep-

tion of the Order’s founder, Francis, as alter Christus. Bonaventure stressed the intense ardor with which Francis received the stigmata from the seraph, flaming and splendid, and it was of course warmth which transformed the wax

into the perfect receptor of the seal matrix.'°° For Matteo d’Aquasparta, Francis saw corporeally the divine image and 4l

Giotto and His Publics

received the divine signacula on his body.'®’ Sealing for Pranciscan cardinals also possessed an essentially apocalyptic dy-

namic. [he seal metaphor was adopted by Spiritual Franciscans such as Angelo Clareno, and Ubertino da Casale himself possessed a seal matrix depicting the Stigmatization.'” In the remarkably sophisticated seal images of the Franciscan cardinals Matteo d’Aquasparta and Gentile da Montefiore the seal metaphor had come full circle."” They sealed with the Word, just as the Word had been reincarnated in Francis.

On a less exalted theological level, it also should be recalled that the merchant class for which the Pisan altarpiece was created was increasingly likely to use seals in business transactions.''°

More emphatically than any earlier altarpiece which has survived, Giotto’s Louvre Stigmatization 1s a narrative scene, in

which the recording of a specific temporal incident is portrayed. Its daring precocity becomes all the more apparent when we compare it with the other early narrative altarpiece themes such as the Annunciation or the Dormition."! These

Marian scenes, intimately linked to the Dodekartion, the Great Feast Cycle of Byzantine painting, have a grounding in liturgical and tconographical precedent which the Stigmatization conspicuously lacked."'” It was an unprecedented miraculous episode in the life of a modern saint. Like it, though,

the Marian scenes were excerpted from a longer cycle, and their very separateness accorded them an autonomy and power which their cyclical versions lacked. The Stigmatization 1s now given a monumental scale, and it is located in a 42

GIOTTO AT PISA

genuine, recognizable landscape setting rather than the generic staffage which accompanied the small-scale representations of the early Vita panels." This increase in scale also provided Giotto with the opportunity to make the analogy between Francis Stigmatization and Christ's Agony in the Garden more formally explicit."* Yet as in the Agony in the Garden, the protagonists are seen obliquely and do not directly engage with the viewer.'!> It seems likely, too, that the shift toward the seraphic Christ may in some part be due to the effectiveness of the campaign to destroy Celano’s accounts and promote the Legenda Maior as the canonical and indisputable life of Francis.""° This was, after all, a decision taken by the General Chapter meeting at Paris in 1266,” The shift from the public sphere of papal Rome and the daily apostolate of the predella to Francis’s last private communion with the Deity is unforgettably conveyed by the radical change of figure scale between predella and main field. I hope you will agree that the Stigmatization has richly repaid careful scrutiny. There can, I think, be no doubt about its attribution. It may well be the earliest signed work by Giotto di Bondone. The Stefaneschi altarpiece, which apparently once bore the cardinal’s coat of arms—presumably ona lost element of the original predella—is of more controversial date."'® The Stigmatization is complete, save perhaps for a

simple outer frame element.!’? Thus, not only is the name on

the frame, but also the painter is undeniably in the picture. Remarkably, it is the one inscription in an otherwise textless painting. Yet by its sheer dramatic power this single panel 43

Giotto and His Publics

articulated the space of a private chapel. It is also a major painting commission which was certainly created for a site outside Florence. Its place among Giotto’s early paintings thus needs some consideration as this chapter draws to a conclusion.

Our conception of Giotto’s early panel painting has been transformed by the cleaning and structural examination of the Crucifix from Santa Maria Novella, whose ascription to Giotto is documented as early as June 1312, when Ricuccio

del fu Puccio del Magnaio makes a gift of oil for votive lamps, one of which must burn before the Crucifix (“pulera tabula’’) of the excellent painter Giotto di Bondone.’” Richard Offner’s other construct, a discrete “Master of the Santa Maria Novella Cross,’ has become the roadkill of historical progress.’ Surprisingly, this huge early Crucifix appears also

to end Giotto’ association with the Order of Preachers, which in Florence apparently predated his link with the Franciscan Order, which was to endure, as we shall see in the next

two chapters, throughout the painters career. The Louvre Stigmatization also is a very early occurrence of a predella—a predula had very recently been specified at Pisa, in November

1301, for Cimabue's lost high altarpiece for the Franciscan hospital church of Santa Chiara—and its presence is a powerful confirmation that the Stigmatization was designed as an altarpiece.'*” A predella served two principal functions: as a structural device, it was intended to help fix the altarpiece firmly on the stone altar block (the Cimabue document specifies “fixam et firmam’”), while serving the further function of 44

GIOTTO AT PISA

raising the main tmage above the head of the celebrant and making it more visible to the worshipper.’”* But given the set-

ting and the scale of its pictorial imagery, a predella was inevitably less accessible. Its subject matter served both to concentrate the priest's mind on the divine service he celebrated and, quite possibly, to act as a mnemonic device as well.’ It provided information about the family responsible for the

upkeep of the altar and chapel. It is no accident that the Cinquina shields on the frame flank the predella scenes.

Another important aspect is the panel’s early date. Minister-General Gonsalvo raised the liturgical grading of the Feast of the Stigmatization to a duplex or major feast within the Order immediately after his election in 1304, and this circumstance may well be of significance in dating the Pisa panel.'*? As we shall see, the relationship between the iconography of the Stigmatization scenes at Assisi and Pisa is later radically transformed for the Bardi Chapel. Clearly important iconographic innovations point once again to the Franciscan patrons, but they were equally in contact with an extraordinarily perceptive painter. They, and their Cinquina financiers, were responsible for the Stigmatization altarpiece,

but Giotto was the painter who transformed verbal instruction and theological conviction into a pathbreaking image.

45

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Giotto among the Money(Changers: The Bardi (Chapel in Santa (‘roce

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n preparation for the Council of the Church at Vienne, Pope Clement V called together the leaders of the self-styled

“Community” of the Franciscan Order and the dissident friars for discussions which he hoped might resolve the internecine debate on the interpretation and proper observance of the Rule.'! One assertion, made in August 1311 by Fra Uber-

tino da Casale, a spokesman for the spiritual Franciscans, who had himself been a lector at Santa Croce between 1287 and 1289, was uncontested. “No | Franciscan] building,’ he claimed, “could be put up without the agreement of the provincial minister.’ It was thus common ground that Franciscan churches and their decoration were the responsibility of the

provincials. Ubertino continued, “and there exists no province in the Order in which grave excesses have not been per49

Giotto and His Publics

petrated and yet, not a single minister has been properly punished. Implacably he named the guilty, among them Fra Jacopo de’ Tondi, Fra Manfredo Bonfi, Fra Andrea Tolometi, and Fra Illuminato. We know a good deal about several of these friars, most of whom were at Santa Croce—a building which was certainly in Ubertino’s gun sights.’ Hluminato Ca-

ponsacchi of the prominent Florentine lineage was one of the convent’s most assiduous bookcollectors.* But what particularly shocked Ubertino was that Jacopo de’ Tondi, after his extravagance at Santa Croce, had been promoted in 1310

to be provincial minister for Umbria, where his main seat would have been San Francesco at Assisi.” He remained provincial of the province of Saint Francis, as Umbria was offcially known, until 1314, when he was replaced by Fra Francesco Damiani of Montefalco.® We therefore have a clear and uncontested nexus between the friars responsible for the construction and decoration at both Santa Croce and Assisi. Other Santa Croce friars had links with the Bardi banking family.’ In 1296 Domina Tingua, widow of Lapo di Bonagu-

ida Bardi, one of the principal founders of the company's fortunes, who was buried in her parish church of Santa Maria sopr Arno, bequeathed ten soldi to her Franciscan confessor Fra Giuseppe di San Donato in Poggio and left another

sixty soldi for masses to be sung at the high altar of Santa Croce.* Iwo family members, Matteo and Benedetto Bard, are recorded as Santa Croce friars in the early fourteenth cen-

tury, and Federigo di Bartolo Bardi was from 1300 onward an ambitiously assertive canon of Florence's cathedral.’ The 50

GIOTTO AMONG THE MONEY~CHANGERS

Cerchi had a chapel in Santa Croce by 1306, and also an ostentatious tomb tn the Lower Church at Assisi." Cardinal Jacques de Vitry had anatomized the early Franciscan recruits. Traveling through Italy in October 1216, he

was consoled to find “many rich and worldly people, both men and women, giving up everything to flee the world for Christ. These people are called Fratres Muinores [Lesser Brothers |—already by God’s grace they have had great success." Jacques put his finger on a crux of the Franciscan movement: from the Order's inception, its new adepts were former proprietors. Voluntary poverty was attainable only by the well-off, and Franciscan spirituality was conditioned by, and a determining factor in, the new urban society which had developed rapidly throughout the Italian peninsula. The speed with which huge new churches breached the urban skyline perhaps speaks more eloquently of the economic strength

of Francis primary constituency than its embrace of his imitatio Christi.’ Not for nothing did Archbishop Federigo Visconti and Cardinal Eudes de Chateauroux in the 1260s term Francis a mercator who sold spiritual cloth.'® This mes-

sage resonated with bankers like the Cinquina at Pisa and textile importers like the Bardi and the Peruzzi in Santa Croce. [hey themselves were to pioneer testamentary restitution of ill-gotten profit (male ablata) with the same perspicuity they brought to their prototypical capitalism. In the Vienne debates other, bitter truths were enunciated.

In a withering summary of the shortcomings of the Order and its current leaders, Ubertino wrote: “There are many 51

Giotto and His Publics

buildings of our order which are... gross distortions of our perfection—they are not dwelling places of the poor but look like the palaces of kings ... For no good reason do we go and destroy one beautiful and large church so that we can make a bigger and more beautiful one.’'* Ubertino’s broadside against the monstrous churches of Assisi and Padua—to both of which he explicitly referred—was only partially deflected by the Order's leadership, who claimed that the contributions of the papacy, or civic authorities and other seculars, were responsible.’ Ubertino also inveighed against the prominent collection boxes: “It was for this that Christ drove the money changers from the Temple.’'® Throughout Italy in the later Duecento, communal regimes were making annual subventions to the enormous mendicant churches rising within their walls.!’? This was true in Florence of both Santa Croce and Santa Maria Novella. Ubertino’s mordant analysis left an unmistakable mark on Clement V's conciliatory bull Exivi de Paradiso, promulgated at Vienne on May 6, 1312."

The present church of Santa Croce is one of the largest mendicant churches ever constructed. Never a major site of pilgrimage like Assisi or Padua, it had a widespread reputation as a learned house with a notable library.” Its dedication

to the Holy Cross meant that a cycle dedicated to Francis was necessarily located elsewhere than in the main choir chapel. Painted decoration followed surprisingly soon after con-

struction, and the dominant mode became hagiographical cycles in the family chapels which flanked the main choir.” The Bardi Chapel dedicated to Saint Francis is the first to 52

GIOTTO AMONG THE MONEY~CHANGERS

the right (south) side of the main choir. As the main choir chapel iS considerably narrower than the nave, the Bardi Cha-

pel forms a triptych with the Tolosini Chapel to the north. One should bear in mind that today’s vista was not originally intended. A lofty and deep choir screen, fronted by altars and embellished with relief sculpture, obscured the choir facade for the lay congregation.”' The visual effect of the screen's demolition in the mid-sixteenth century is well summarized in a groveling letter written by the Operai to the grand duke in 1566: “When the said screen is totally removed, the church should appear most beautiful and magnificent, and the whole nave incomparably more handsome and pleasing to the eye:

this is the unanimous opinion of all eyewitnesses, particularly the architects and experts, and we are deeply content.”” This profoundly misleading long view down the nave remains with us to this day.

Ubertino condemned the Community's avid pursuit of wealthy donors, tombs, and private masses, and for all three Santa Croce was exemplary. [he Alberti, a prominent banking family, had acquired the ius patronatus of the main chapel,

where their coat of arms gleams ostentatiously on the choir arch and is carved on the high altar piscina; they also financed inlaid wooden choir stalls which projected into the nave behind the choir screen.” The other choir chapels quickly passed into the ownership of other leading families, among them the Bardi, Tolosini, and Peruzzi. Differences of status—the Bardi were magnati, the Peruzzi popolani—appear to have been

immaterial in this takeover. The Bardi were the most impor53

Giotto and His Publics

tant and influential banking family to emerge in the 1260s, entering the papal Camera records in the later 1290s under Boniface VHI. Declared magnates in the Ordinamenti di Giustizia of 1293, they were debarred from communal office,” They lent heavily to Charles II of Anjou, Boniface’s principal political ally, and their power and wealth grew swiftly as the credit lines they opened up to the Angevin monarchy became ever more capacious and their southern Italian business more lucrative.” The registered turnover of the Bardi company in 1318 exceeded 870,000 gold florins.” The Bardi Chapel frescoes appear to have been commissioned by Ridolfo de Messer Jacopo de Ricco Bardi, who

had worked in both Naples and London. Director of the company together with his uncle Lapo after the death of his father in 1309, he became sole head of the company at Lapo's death in 1322.7’ The Bardi coat of arms, “Or seven fusils in bend gules,’ now very damaged, appears twice on the left window splay of the chapel. Discordant opinions still exist over the relative priority of the Bardi and Peruzzi Chapel programs, and it will be as well here to review briefly the historical evidence for the chapels’ construction and decoration. Donato di Arnaldo Peruzzi, on

November 21, 1292, assigned the Franciscans a substantial sum of money contingent on their constructing “una cappella in decta ecclesia””* he phrase is proleptic, pending a decision to expand or rebuild, and neither the placement of this chapel nor its dedication is specified. On May 3, 1295, the Feast of the Invention of the Cross, the foundation stone was laid. 54

GIOTTO AMONG THE MONEY~CHANGERS

Villani remarked that construction began at the east end, “prima dalla parte di dietro.”? In 1297 a hundred florins was left

to found a chapel, and two years later Domina Lapa Russi left a legacy of one hundred libri toward the construction or completion of a chapel in the new church.*’ The transept was

swiftly roofed by Betto di Ranuccio Cart from Lucca and Ruota di Guidoccio of Montelupo, who were paid five hundred florins on September 10, 1310, by the procurator of the church opera, Richupero Caccini.*' This, incidentally, must provide a terminus post quem for the fresco of the Stigmatiza-

tion. In November 1318 the patriarch of Aquileia, Gastone della Torre, died during his visit to Florence and was buried in a tomb set high on the right aisle wall, near its junction with the transept.’ [hus the first nave bay must certainly have been standing by 1310. Fra [[luminato de Caponsacchi, one of Ubertino’s guilty men, was involved in many of these transactions. To these fixed dates certain slightly less precise information may be added. Shortly after 1295 the Venetian goldsmith Magister Bertuccitus mounted the fragment of the True Cross, the most important relic of the new church, in a rock-crystal cross.’ After September 1310 the Compagnia de Santa Maria delle Laude, the oldest Florentine Laudesi confraternity—it is already documented in 1255—-was meeting in a corner of the left transept before a large panel, the Virgin Enthroned with Angels, which it had very likely commissioned, and which still

survives in the National Gallery in London. Severino del fu

Jacopo, whom we met dictating his will at Pisa, had left DD)

Giotto and His Publics

money for this confraternity in 1278, and the roofing of the transept also provides a terminus post quem for the London panel.’ About a decade later Ugolino di Nerio completed the great buttressed polyptych for the high altar. His father, Nero Ugolini of Radicofant, may have been one of the syndics of Santa Croce appointed by the custos Fra Bonanno in January 1317.°° Santa Croce, like San Francesco at Bologna later, had a great polyptych on its high altar; the tomb church of Saint Francis at Assisi did not. The presence in Ugolino’s high altarpiece of Saint Louis of Toulouse, who was canonized by Pope John XXII on April 7, 1317, almost certainly provides its terminus post quem—as it also does for the Bardi Chapel frescoes.” The pope, a former confidant of Louis, was still reigning when Giotto and Ugolino depicted the new Angevin saint in Santa Croce. Occasional exceptions are of course known, but Franciscan provincial ministers had been called sharply to order on precisely this point by MinisterGeneral Gonsalvo in 1307, and only properly canonized saints

could be represented. When the Beato Gherardo da Villamagna was later frescoed 1n the choir, he recetved the correct, rayed halo.*

Stull weighty, it seems to me, remains the argument that the Bardi Chapel occupies the place of honor on the right of the main choir and proclaims Santa Croce’s Franciscan affiliation. The Stigmatization frontispiece surmounting the chapel entrance confers a prestige which the Peruzzi Chapel could never match. [he Bardi Chapel, like the Tolosini Chapel 1mmediately to the left of the choir, stands within the width of 56

GIOTTO AMONG THE MONEY~CHANGERS

the nave and is further distinguished by the presence above of a stained-glass window which portrays the three male Franciscan saints, Francis, Anthony of Padua, and Louis, together with three popes.” It seems highly improbable that this chapel was left undecorated and the Francis cycle painted after the Peruzzi cycle, in a narrower chapel farther to the right. Another, thus far unobserved element would seem to support this hypothesis. A small cupboard-like space survives behind the altar block within the thickness of the east wall of the Bardi Chapel. Ninety centimeters deep and closed by a wooden door, it has a small pietra serena niche in its right wall. At the time of the chapel’s construction, when the new sacristy had yet to be built, this tiny room must have served as a private sacristy. Comparable arrangements for the safekeeping of the sacred vessels for family chapels are known elsewhere—in the Orsini Chapel at Assisi, for instance—and similar, fictive arrangements were frescoed in the basamento of

the Cappella Baroncelli.*‘ Taken as a whole, the arguments of

chapel titulus—a matter which concerned Community and Order rather than the Bardi family itself{—the prominence of Louis of Toulouse, internal cult arrangements, and the fact that it contained the principal cycle of the Order's founder point overwhelmingly to its precedence. The Bardi Chapel decoration is earlier than the Peruzzi program, and both mural technique and style in my view confirm this.” Other arguments bearing on the completion date emerge from examination of the sequence of chapel painting in the south transept. [he Velluti Chapel was completed by Monna 57

Giotto and His Publics

Gemma Velluti after the death of her son Alessandro in De-

cember 1321. Gemmass grandson, Messer Donato di Berto Velluti, noted in his Cronaca Domestica that their family chapel had been “comminciata per altrui” (begun by others), and that she had had it completed and decorated with the Velluti arms.** Donato himself later paid for an iron cancello for the chapel entrance.* The undistinguished quality of the painting in the Velluti Chapel frescoes—in which Alessandro is specifically commemorated—consistently misled scholars into assuming an early date for their execution. They should in fact be dated after the Bardi Chapel, since their painter copied several motifs from Giotto’ Francis cycle, although he nowhere reflects the Peruzzi scenes. A group of heads among the crowd in the Miracle of Monte Gargano imitates the knot of friars in the Apparition to Bishop Guido, the lowest, and

latest, level of the Bardi cycle.* The Velluti painter is retardataire as well as second rate.*° Yet his frescoes yield a terminus

ante quem for Giotto's cycle of circa 1321, further restricting the period within which the Bardi cycle was painted. These dates will prove to be important subsequently for the Véle at Assisi. Precise relationships to the Posthumous Miracles of Saint

Francis in the Lower Church at Assisi, which | explore in my final chapter, confirm this dating. Giotto’s Saint Francis cycle in the Bardi Chapel has been

severely damaged and is now incomplete.” The original stained-glass window in the altar wall, which almost certainly

formed part of the original decorative program, is missing, the busts of Evangelists and Church Fathers on the entry 56

GIOTTO AMONG THE MONEY~CHANGERS

arch intrados are now barely legible, and only three of the Franciscan Virtues in the vault severies survive.** Poverty occu-

pies the entrance web, flanked on the north by Obedience and on the south by Chastity. If, as seems very probable, the lost allegory above the altar was the Triumph of Francis, then the disposition would have been identical to that in the Vele, and as in the Vele, these personifications have faceted haloes.

In contrast to the comprehensive cycle of twenty-eight scenes in the Upper Church at Assisi, the Bardi Chapel posSesses only six, with the Stigmatization excerpted from its chronological place in the narrative and separately set over the entrance. Giotto begins with Francis Renouncing His Inheri-

tance, the fifth scene of the Assisi cycle, and the narrative implies that the viewer follows the story from left to right in the Iunettes, moves downward to the Trial by Fire, retraverses the chapel for the Apparition of Francis at Arles, down to the

death scene beneath it, and finally returns to the right wall for the Vision of Agostino. This direction of reading approximates to a boustrophedon, crossing the interior space of the

chapel.” Below the Stigmatization are two haloed busts of anonymous youthful saints, which must have been painted from the same scaffold. Within the chapel both side walls end with death and afterlife. The same was to recur 1n the neighboring Peruzzi Chapel. It can hardly be a coincidence that such terminal scenes occur in sepulchral chapels. The Franciscan scenes are framed by a painted giant order, set on a high fictive marble base, which appears to support the ribs of the Gothic vault.° These painted columns are

J9

Giotto and His Publics

wrapped around the corners of the chapel, and they enclose the paired Gothic niches framing the standing saints of the window wall. The overall effect is of a stilted baldachin through which the side scenes and the two registers of standing saints are perceived. [here is a sustained attempt to mini-

mize the built architectural articulation and privilege this fictive armature. [he architectonic organization of the altar wall has suffered greatly. Saint Clare’s niche has solid Cosmati spandrels, while that of Saint Louis is lighter, with a crocketed gable pierced by a sexfoil rose. This tracery is, how-

ever, doubly fictive, for the rose above Saint Louts is inlaid with porphyry and serpentine.” The architectural base of the saints’ niches 1s set at the same level as the original windowsill; its rounded front edge sits just above a giornata, and there are many surviving traces

of snapped cords and compass incisions which reveal the design process. The basement and the fictive wooden podia reduce the discrepancy in figure size between the altar wall saints and the narrative scenes, and also occupy exactly the height of the sloping windowsill. The decoration thus lined up with the original sill level of the east window. After the catastrophic flood of 1333, the height of the windowsill was raised substantially.” Like the narratives, the fictive frames are primarily calculated from the viewpoint of an observer standing just outside the cancello which originally barred the chapel's entrance, as can rapidly be appreciated by comparing the capitals and their astragals on either side of Saint Clare.

The choice of scenes in the Bardi Chapel 1S thought60

GIOTTO AMONG THE MONEY~CHANGERS

provoking, and their narrative sequence differs instructively from that of the Assisi Legend. It is a question of not merely a more restricted space being available for the narrative, but also the operation of conscious preference. This discrimination 1s more likely that of the Franciscans themselves, not the

Bardi family—nor indeed their painter.’ This supposition will be confirmed by similarities in the Lower Church decoration at Assisi, where the recent provincial minister had been

a Santa Croce friar. In the Bardi Chapel, Francis’s early visions and experiments with the ascetic life, which formed a prologue at Assisi, are excised, and poverty 1s reduced to an emblematic status. [he friars’ habits are amply cut, with wide sleeves. They overlap the cord at the waist and reach to the floor, all elements which had been criticized by Bernard of Besse in the late thirteenth century and by Ubertino da Casale thereafter.’ Uhere ts little of minoritas to be seen here. The narrative sequence begins with Francis’s primal disobedience, the revolutionary renunciation of his paternal inheritance. It omits the Dream of Innocent ILL, which separates the Renunciation from the Approval of the Rule in Assisi, an eli-

sion of some importance. For still cogent historical reasons, it was impossible to omit the Approval of the Rule, confirmed by Pope Honorius III's so-called Regula Bullata in 1223.° Both the Saint Francis Legend at Assisi and the Bardi Approval

scenes clearly intend to represent the Regula Bullata in the scroll text which the pope hands to the kneeling Francis. This is written not oral approval, yet witness to papal approbation of the Order was central to any painted biography of the 61

Giotto and His Publics

founder.** Apart from this essential episode, all other papal scenes are omitted. This could be mere coincidence but may be symptomatic of growing tensions in the relationship between the reigning pontiff, John XXII, and the Franciscan Order. It certainly suggests a politico-religious subtext, covert as well as overt, in the chapel program. The succeeding scenes, the Trial by Fire and the Apparition of Saint Francis at Arles, stress Prancis’s desire for martyrdom and evangelizing zeal, as well as his power—the miraculous ability to be simultaneously present in both Provence and Umbria. The f1nal scene on the left side ts a conflation of two scenes from the Assisi cycle, the Death of Francis and the Proof of the Stig-

mata. Opposite is a representation of contemporaneous apparitions in two different locations, the Vision of Bishop Guido

IT of Assisi during a pilgrimage to Monte Gargano—Michael was a favorite saint of Francis's—and the deathbed Vision of Fra Agostino, then provincial minister of the Terra di Lavoro.” There 1s, once again, an absence of the truly miraculous in the scenes of the Bardi Chapel, a circumstance which did not

escape the acute eye of Friedrich Rintelen.* Equally, those revolutionary affective episodes in Francis's ministry which most impressed contemporaries, the Miracle at Greccio and the Preaching to the Birds, are omitted. With the exception of the Stigmatization, that quintessential Franciscan miracle,

for which a landscape setting was essential, Giotto constructed an elliptic urban narrative cycle, interlinked by compositional resonances and color symmetries. Town replaces 62

GIOTTO AMONG THE MONEY~CHANGERS

countryside, the city the hermitage. Francis, standing before the sultan in Cairo or appearing at Arles, bears scant resemblance to the historic Poverello—bomo dispectus. This is heroic

sainthood. The debt of the Bardi cycle to the Saint Francis Legend at

Assisi (and the limit of that indebtedness) is perhaps nowhere clearer than in the opening scene of the Renunciation of the Inberitance.” In Assisi the Renunciation formed the center of

a triptych filling the whole second bay from the crossing on the north nave wall. The preceding scene, Francis Praying in San Damiano, and the successive Dream of Innocent LIL both

slant inward to the moment of renunciation in the central episode. he compositional caesura stressing the rift between Pietro Bernardone and his son thus gains an agonizing intensity.” This brilliant triple composition was created for and by the Gothic bay system in San Francesco, and its impact is demonstrated by repetition in several dependent Franciscan cycles. Giotto’s Bardi Renunciation produces a remarkable reinterpretation. With surely conscious irony, Francis’s defiance is placed beneath the vault roundel of Obedience. It is also the

only narrative in which women are present. The Gothic lunette setting prompted a radical architectural solution. The episcopal palace at Assisi becomes the only building in the scene, and it both focuses attention on the recalcitrant Francis and provides a backdrop which allows Giotto to develop the narrative time frame by careful attention to the texts."!

The topographical dimension of the renunciation in the main piazza at Assisi, attested by both Thomas of Celano 63

Giotto and His Publics

and Bonaventure, 1s minimized. Yet despite the fact that the scene has been sundered from its original triadic context at Assisi, its dramatic and psychological range is far wider. Nowhere tn the Franciscan sources is the location in Rome of the Approval of the Rule specified.” It is allustvely identi-

fied in the Bardi fresco by a monochrome roundel of Saint Peter in the gable of the basilica where Francis and his companions kneel before the pope. The encounter lacks the opulence of the curial setting at Assisi. The pope occupies a gabled Gothic throne, but his entourage is smaller and the number of attendant cardinals fewer; the bird-patterned carpet present in the Pisan predella is absent. In Florence the narrow chapel, and the physical proximity of the scenes, allowed Giotto to contrast pointedly the rift between father and son with the solicitous papal acceptance of Francis’s petition. It intensifies the compositional trope of formal symmetry and contentual difference, unforgettably initiated by the Betrayal and the Visitation on either side of the triumphal arch at Padua.

Parallelism between the episodes of Vision and Mission in the second register of the Bardi cycle had not been achievable at Assisi, even though the Trial by Fire and the Apparition at Arles occur exactly opposite each other in the nave. A family chapel afforded greater intimacy, and encouraged Giotto to

employ dramatic parallels and resonances with a concentrated intensity impossible for the Assisi painters. Francis's repeated attempts to reach the Holy Land punctuate the early biographies, although their chronology is uncertain: zeal for O4

GIOTTO AMONG THE MONEY~CHANGERS martyrdom is a constant theme in Bonaventure’s Legenda.” Yet

despite the fervent Franciscan gloss, it is difficult to regard the saint's encounter with the humane Ayyubid sultan as a success story. Bonaventure, who derived his information from Francis’ traveling companion Fra [luminato, developed the episode considerably.“ Francis offered to undergo a trial by fire to demonstrate his firmer faith. At Assisi the saint forms

the compositional pivot between the sultan and his fleeing mullahs. Giotto made a fundamental change by setting the sultan centrally. It is now the sultan, al-Malik al-Kamil, who judges between Francis and his own pusillanimous ‘alims. His lofty throne resembles late Roman tomb niches, such as that of the Prisciani in Sempeter in Slovenia.® At Assisi, by contrast, the throne was borne by gilded lions, an evidently Solomonic allusion for a judicial scene.°° More subtle 1s the echo of trial by ordeal. Clerical participation in ordeals had been outlawed in 1215 by the Fourth Lateran Council, but the

memory of such processes must still have lingered during Francis’s childhood in late-twelfth-century Assisi.” In Giotto's fresco the magnanimous sultan is clearly psychologically torn between his admiration for Francis, attested in the hagiographies, and his Muslim faith: in a complex pose, he looks in one direction while gesturing in another. The Apparition at Arles plays on a typical structure of a

chapter house set within its cloister. When Thomas of Celano described Francis’s appearance at the provincial chapter at Arles in his Vita Prima, the main protagonists were still alive: the preacher, Anthony of Padua, and Giovanni Bonelli 65

Giotto and His Publics

of Florence, the provincial minister of Provence. A third par-

ticipant, Fra Monaldo—himself a Florentine—had died only around 1224.° Once again, Giotto adopts the narrative substance of the Assisi scene and quite literally turns it inside out. He can thus emphasize Francis’s apparition—“non phantastica visione sed revelatione divina’—as a second Christ floating

before the frescoed Crucifix on the chapter house wall.” Giotto stresses the visionary aspect, for the saint is visible only to Fra Monaldo, while his confreres are absorbed in Anthony's sermon on Christ's Passion.” In a brilliantly complex image, discrete levels of perceived reality within the narrative, localized spatial ambiguity, and Franciscan belief in-

teract. The exfoliation of the frescoed Crucifixion, once clearly depicted on the chapter house altar wall behind the saints shoulder, renders this iteration of Francis’s imitatio Christi less obvious to the modern observer.” The certitude of the centrally placed Francis contrasts poignantly with the indecision of the sultan. Significantly enough, the friar who sits on the chapter house floor at Assisi, clearly performing a

penance prescribed for an infraction of the Rule, finds no place at Florence a generation later.” In the penultimate scene, Giotto conflates and transposes two episodes which had appeared as discrete compositions in the Legend. At Assisi the Proof of the Stigmata is set opposite the Approval of the Franciscan Rule, although there ap-

pears no particular reason for this juxtaposition. This conflation of death and verification was prompted partly by limitations of space, but also by the wish to underscore the 66

GIOTTO AMONG THE MONEY~CHANGERS

Christomimetic aspect, starkly exemplified above it in the Apparition at Arles.”* Paratactic juxtaposition was more dramatically effective than the linear narrative chronology at Assisi. [he wound in Francis’s side, passed over in silence in the canonization bull, had always been hotly contested by critics of the Stigmatization.” Pope Gregory IX harbored initial doubts but became a firm believer 1n its existence and composed a hymn about it.” Already by the 1230s the Franciscans at Assisi appear to have been collecting oral testimony from surviving eyewitnesses, among whom was a Girolamo d’Assisi who had personally touched the side wound.” In the Saint Francis Legend and subsequently, the scene became both a

rebuttal of the critics and a visual reminder of Thomas’s doubt and subsequent witness to Christ's resurrection. [he Bardi composition convincingly unites liturgical solemnity and communal grief with the solitary friar’s vision of Franciss soul ascending heavenward, which confers a universal dimension on the scene.” Giotto's total transformation of the spectator’s relationship to the imagined world is nowhere more penetratingly exemplified than in the posthumous miracle which concludes

the sequence on the south wall. Despite its mutilated state and the participation of several of the weaker workshop assistants, it is a truly revolutionary creation. Artists of the previous generation, like the hugely gifted painter of the Isaac scenes at Assisi, and Giotto himself in the Arena Chapel, made consistent efforts to create a plausible space faring inward from the picture plane. In the Vision of Fra Agostino, 67

Giotto and His Publics

Giotto employs the bewildered yet inquisitive friar, who draws back the curtain to confront the spectator’s own inward gaze, and thus constructs a wholly transparent spatial composition. [his 1s not mere fashionable interplay between

veiling and epiphany but the interaction of an tmagined spectator with the observer's actual world. Real and fictive

spectators lock glances across the deathbed from which Fra Agostino rises to bid Francis wait for him. It is rather as

if Giotto had taken a tomb composition, like that created by Arnolfo di Cambio for Cardinal Guillaume de Bray at Orvieto, or the Orsini tomb at Assisi, and retmagined it from inside.” The sense of medieval space as determinate and contained crumbles, and an extensive new continuum, homogeneous and vivid with human incident, is born. It is a conception of breathtaking novelty.” The placement of the Stigmatization above the Bardi Chapel entrance makes it difficult to establish whether it was the first or final scene to be painted. Certainly it is conceived as a discrete episode, and to that end Giotto significantly modified his earlier composition for San Francesco at Pisa, The frame is given added weight by a heavy billet molding which defines it as a separate picture.*' Certainly it was accessible to a much wider public than could ever have entered the Bardi Chapel, and as frontispiece to the chapel program it may be assumed to have engaged the detailed attention of the Franciscan community in its composition. The Stigmatization 1s lit

from the window to the right in the south transept, further distancing it from the interior scenes. In contrast to Assist, 68

GIOTTO AMONG THE MONEY~CHANGERS but as in the Pisa panel, Fra Leo, the witness and the miracle’s ultimate source, is absent. As at Pisa, Francis is alone on the

mountain, the visual reminiscence of Christ's Agony at Gethsemane even more accentuated.” Certain later elements such

as the friendly falcon (here an accurately observed sparrow hawk), which, Celano tells us, nested at La Verna, and the cave behind the saint have been added, but they do not detract from the awe-inspiring solemnity of the scene. The seraphic Christ of Bonaventure’s Legenda has become a fullfledged Christ on the cross, an aerial Crucifix.* Francis reels back at the divine assault, and the whole gestural relationship between divine apparition and submissive saint is transformed. The charged interchange of gazes, the incendium amoris, which had suffused the Pisan altarpiece gives place to an emphasis on other aspects of the miracle.* Francis’s body is now

twisted to an almost frontal pose, so much so that the ray which passes from the seraph's right hand to that of Francis passes behind the saint’s halo. As the single rays now race from right hand to right hand and left to left, Francis has become a perfect mirror of Christ.*° More clearly than ever this is the high theology of alter Christus.*’ Giotto has made the Bardi Chapel Saint Francis more Christlike. This specular-

ity must surely be the input of the Franciscans rather than their financier patrons.** Once again, the contribution of the painter, and his astonishing capacity to synthesize visual, textual, and perhaps oral sources, should not be underestimated.” 69

Giotto and His Publics

The cutting of the seraph’s upper wings by the frame conveys, for the first time, the speed (celerrimo volatu) with which it rushed on Francis, and the gold rays pin the saint against the rock face. The intense contemplative union of seraph and

saint at Pisa has become an agonizing assimilation to the Crucified. The light from the divine apparition again recalls the Celestial Hierarchy of Pseudo-Dionysius; Hugh of Saint Victor's commentary on this influential text was in the book cupboard at Santa Croce.” In essence the Stigmatization 1s a manifestation of a mystery of the cross, and thus particularly appropriate for Santa Croce. By excerpting the scene from its

narrative context and casting it as the chapel frontispiece, Giotto announces the titulus of the chapel (and Santa Croce’s Franciscan affiliation), dramatizing the quintessential Franciscan miracle 1n a new and heroic idiom. Again, there is little of minoritas here. Giotto’s modifications for this second version are instruc-

tive. Self-evidently it is Christ who appears on the cross, which has a suppedaneum, although it necessarily retains the

archaic four-nail iconography. This increases the incarnational corporeality of the scene. In place of the second chapel, present in the Pisan panel, there 1s now the jagged mouth of a cave.”' [he scene more closely reflects Bonaventure's con-

ceptualization of the Stigmatization as the seventh appearance of the cross to Francis: “Toward the end of your life you were shown at the same time the sublime vision of the seraph and the humble figure of the Crucified inwardly inflaming you and outwardly marking you.’” By emphasizing 70

Cinquina Gambacorta

Chapels Chapel

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GIOTTO AMONG THE MONEY~CHANGERS

that the miracle on La Verna manifested a devotion to the mysteries of the cross, the painter linked the scene unequivocally to the church’s titulus, Santa Croce. A Florentine topographical nuance here replaces a Pisan one.

By immemorial requirement of their Rule, reiterated in May 1312 by the bull Exivi de Paradiso, the Franciscans were

constrained to wear habits of coarse undyed cloth and uniform design.” This precept made the painting of Franciscan narratives something of a trial for artists, and in the Bardi Chapel, Giotto shows great ingenuity in variation and balance of color. Giotto’s color in the Bardi cycle differs substantially from that of the Arena Chapel, and also from the neighboring Peruzzi Chapel. The original stained glass is missing, but as the present glass, from the Velluti Chapel, 1S approximately contemporary, the visual environment of the frescoes cannot differ very much from that encountered by the Trecento spectator.”* The light source, both actual and fictive, is the lancet window in the east wall, with scenes on

the left (south) wall lit from the right, and those on the north wall illumined in the more conventional manner, from

left to right. Even the fire before the sultan is lit from the window. [he ample habits of softly falling cloth are appropriate to a textile magnate’s chapel. In the Vienne debates the former minister-general Raymond Geoffroy bitterly complained that those friars who wore mean and shabby habits, faithfully following their founder's practice, were now treated contemptuously by the community and scorned as fanatics.” At Santa Croce the friars were visibly unsympathetic to the 71

Giotto and His Publics

“ascetic use’ (usus pauper) championed by the spiritual Franciscans,

Both the Apparition at Arles and the Death of Francis are lit

from the right. The chapter house is conceived as a building of subdued rose and gray stone, although its facade has inappropriately expensive marble veneers.” In the row of friars nearest the viewer, the habits closest to the window are lighter than those near the chapel entrance, although this rule 1s not followed unvaryingly. In the second row of friars, who sit on the inner side of the cloister walk with their backs to Saint

Anthony, the habits are all of a considerably darker brown. Francis’s Death, too, is essentially an essay in monochrome.” The corpse of the saint is surrounded by friars, and the same convention of depicting those at the back in darker brown habits is maintained. But the color of the narrative is subtly vivified and dramatically accentuated in several ways. The celebrant at the head of the bier 1s vested in yellow, and he is flanked by two acolytes in white surplices.”* Against this subdued setting the kneeling Girolamo d’Assisi1, who inserts his fingers into the wound in Francis’s side, is clad in vivid red, a

strong central, blood-like accent which both emphasizes the verification of the stigmata and, by his pose, seen from the back, encourages the spectators to participate empathetically in the drama of discovery. The pope in consistory for the Approval of the Rule wears the cappa rubea and is flanked by two cardinals in white, a color parenthesis which matches the celebrant in Francis’s exequies. [he friars nearest the window again wear habits of 72

GIOTTO AMONG THE MONEY~CHANGERS lighter hue, but the kneeling Francis and his immediate companion have habits of a roseate tinge which immediately distinguishes them. The Trial by Fire, in the sultan’s court, is understandably more colorful. In a chamber originally with a blue, gold-bordered hanging, the sultan in a gold-embroidered white tunic partly covered by a carmine-rose robe occupies a

marble throne decorated with Cosmati mosaic work. He makes a clear coloristic and dramatic fulcrum, while the blaz-

ing fire toward which Francis unhesitatingly advances is balanced by the yellow robe of the frightened ’alim. Color underscores the dramatic tension. Bishop Guido envelops the naked Francis in his blue cope, while Francis'’s furious father, in a vivid yellow robe, is restrained by the consuls of Assisi.” The scene is coloristically as turbulent and unsettling as the episode it recounts. It emphasizes two unobserved, performative aspects of Giotto's color. The enraged Pietro Bernardone wears the same color Judas wears in the Capture of Christ

at the Arena Chapel when he envelops Christ in his robe. Giotto insinuates the moral aspects of yellow as an opprobri-

ous color of alienation and infidelity." It was, it should be remembered, a color often prescribed for Jews to wear, following the Fourth Lateran Council's canon on distinctive clothing.’”

The Franciscan saints who flank the lancet window must

always have provided a largely monochrome frame for the stained-glass program. Yet here too an important statement is made by color. In the narratives we noted the relative absence of the papacy when compared to the Assisi Legend. At Santa 73

Giotto and His Publics

Croce, however, the presence of the Angevins, Florence's other great political ally, is intrusive. Saint Louis of Toulouse stands out with clarion immediacy, for the lower part of his niche is draped with the red and white stripes of the Angevin

heraldic tinctures, which can be found in contemporary enamels on the saint's reliquaries.'** Louis was preeminently a

dynastic saint, about whose canonization the Order's leader-

ship had initially been strikingly reluctant.'* ‘This heraldic accent must once have been considerably more insistent, with Bardi shields studding the lancet splays. Ostentatiously placed at Louis's feet is the crown he forswore for the Franciscan habit. Here a friar unequivocally surrenders temporal dominion. Conical in shape, and studded with fictive enamels, the spurned crown markedly resembles the imperial crown

of the recently deceased Henry VI of Luxembourg, which Louis's younger brother, now Robert I d’Anjou, was eager to purchase.'"* At the time the Bardi Chapel was being painted, Florence, it should be recalled, was under the signoria of Robert d’Anjou.'® The Bardi had long had close commercial and political ties with the Angevin royal house, and this allegiance could scarcely be more emphatically displayed. Politics, in-

deed, may be the distinctive contribution of the Bardi to their chapel decoration, Politics may also have smoothed the painter's later move to Naples.’ The Franciscan cycle in the Bardi Chapel is a densely argued pictorial text. It represents the earliest surviving affirmation in Florence of Giotto’s mature fresco style. From the external evidence and other coordinates, it seems certain that 74

GIOTTO AMONG THE MONEY~CHANGERS the Bard: Chapel was executed between late 1317 and late 1319,

probably in the earlier part of that period. By the middle of the second decade of the Trecento, Giotto certainly directed a highly skilled team of assistants.” Yet while the qualitative level of the painting in the Bardi Chapel varies, it is never less than high. Some areas clearly betray the presence of less gifted painters, for example, the now artificially isolated group of friars who once attended the dying Fra Agostino. There are sublime passages of technical virtuosity in the service of that grave moral seriousness which characterized the Arena Chapel. Among these are certainly the figure of the furious Pietro Bernardone, the kneeling Francis of the Approval lunette, the pensive sultan and his first ’alim. Other passages of superb accomplishment are the heads of Francis in the Apparition at Arles and the dead saint in the scene beneath. Both these heads glow with an inner transparency which owes much to Giotto but has seemed to some to be-

tray a slightly different psychological sensibility. Whether this is sufficient reason to deny them to Giotto himself may perhaps be doubted. The contrast between the refined head of the dead saint and the powerful three-dimensionality of the friar who sees Francis's soul ascending is very apparent. In this figure the vigorous pentimenti of head and left hand surely show a great painter creating forms on the final picture surface. Yet another factor needs to be considered. The head of Francis in the Apparition at Arles has the same visionary con-

viction as the Francis who kneels before the pope, yet the hands of the floating saint are somewhat boneless and ill7)

Giotto and His Publics

articulated. Could we here be right in seeing Giotto as painter of the heads and not their supporting bodies? The condition of much of the fresco surface, and widespread loss of many details added a secco, makes overfine discriminations unwise,

and unlikely to be correct. But 1t seems clear that there was one directing painter, perhaps an extremely gifted assistant, and one or two subordinates whose idiosyncratic styles, and somewhat weaker execution, can be tentatively isolated. This is, however, still to remain at one remove from the central issue. The Bardi cycle proclaims compelling dramatic urgency and narrative accomplishment. Even though its de-

signer was partly constrained by the canonicity of the Saint Francis Legend at Assisi, perhaps—as with the Pisa Stigmatiza-

tion—at the wish of his patrons, he was constantly capable of transcending that earlier version. The abbreviated nature of the Florentine cycle undoubtedly reduced the painter's scope for privileging specific moral virtues of Francis over the required chronology of his saintly life and posthumous wonders.’ Yet the narrative is now motivated by those chosen elements in Francis person and apostolate perceived as requiring projection, rather than emerging from a pedestrian sequential illustration of the received hagiographical texts For Giotto’s patrons, mendicant and mercantile, it was a particular political moment. The raspingly authoritarian approach to the Franciscan Order of the new pope, John XXII, could already be discerned, although the convulsions of the 1320s still lay in an unimaginable future.’” This awareness can 76

GIOTTO AMONG THE MONEY~CHANGERS hardly have been without influence on the Franciscan Order's patronage and how it chose to display the life of its founder

in one of its grandest new churches. Prudence rather than contentious iconography was probably the order of the day: omission of points of friction, and emphasis on conformity to the point of view of the self-styled Community, is surely to be expected. The Bardi Chapel is emphatically not a mani-

festo of Bonaventuran harmony." Both painters and politics had subsequently been at work on the presentation of Francis. It is the commission of a particularly relaxed convent of the Order for the wealthiest Florentine banking family. The core of the Community's defense of such splendor was unabashed: dominion over their property rested with the papacy. The decoration at San Francesco at Assisi and Sant’Antonio at Padua, which appalled Ubertino and the spiritual Franciscans, was, they contended, originally achieved

either under the aegis of Nicholas IV or through the subventions of the commune.'" Santa Croce was a similar case, and it was largely through lay pressure that the church was in the process of being so splendidly decorated. In the Communi-

tys view, more beautiful churches attracted larger, bettersatisfied, and more generous congregations.'’* While both Pierre-Jean Olivi and Ubertino da Casale had been friars at Santa Croce in the late thirteenth century, any influence the Franciscan spirituals might have had was surely a thing of the past when the new choir chapels were decorated. The Franciscans at Santa Croce, and the banking families

7/

Giotto and His Publics

who commissioned the decoration of their family chapels within, were two strands of the same urban society. If not themselves members of influential families, the friars served as their confessors, testamentary executors, and confidants,'™

The laity who customarily formed their congregations, and heard outstanding preachers such as Servasanto da Faenza, were unusually literate, numerate, cosmopolitan, and entrepreneurtal, In Florence, which lacked a university, the great mendicant houses were a significant force in lay education,’ Santa Croce was a studium generale of the Order. Dante records how, in the 1290s, he frequented “li scuole de li religiosi,”

among which was certainly Santa Croce." Painters like Giotto also participated enthusiastically in commercial enterprise.''® It 1s hard to overestimate the role of lay patrons in

the development of Florentine art in the first half of the ‘Trecento.

The cycle in the Bardi Chapel is notably unmiraculous in general tenor. The necessity of reading the cycle primarily

from the oblique vantage point of the chapel threshold prompted viewing strategies utterly different from those in the Scrovegni Chapel. In the lofty, narrow Gothic chapel, the scope for repeating the sophisticated sens de la lecture of the Arena Chapel, or indeed the apsidal side of Duccio’s Maesta, was severely restricted.'"’ Nevertheless, the gravitas of the narrative style, the intellectuality and consistent inventiveness of the compositions, demonstrate beyond doubt that Giotto's was the bold designing mind behind the Bardi cycle, and the major executant of the damaged pictorial text which still 78

GIOTTO AMONG THE MONEY~CHANGERS

remains before us. Through a holistic approach, far more than searching for his hand in individual passages of painting, better understanding of his autograph work will lie. It also presents teasing problems of chronology and execution in the Vele of the Lower Church, to which I turn in the next chapter.

79

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The Lull before the Storm: The Vele in the Lower (Church at Assist

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ope Clement V attempted to halt the virulent dispute on ownership and ascetic use (usus pauper) within the Franciscan Order through the bull Exivi a Paradiso of May 1312.' The attempt foundered, although the principal reasons for its failure were accidental. In April 1314 Clement himself died, to be replaced, only in August 1316, by a choleric and authoritarian seventy-two-year-old lawyer, Jacques Duéze, a former counselor to Charles II d’Anjou, who took the name of John XXII.’ Shortly afterward the Aragonese ambassador wrote to Jayme II: “It was believed, on his election, that he would prove to be just and incorrupt. Would it were the case! Many believe, justifiably, that he takes his own opinion too seriously, which in so lofty a prelate is extremely dangerous.”” Close to the Dominicans, John was innately unsympathetic 53

Giotto and His Publics

to Franciscan exceptionalism, and he remorselessly bullied the Franciscan cardinals in consistory.* The phraseology of his bull Quorundam Exigit, promulgated October 7, 1317, sets

the tone: “Poverty is great, but purity 1s greater, and greatest of all is obedience—if it is protected from harm.” On October 5, 1314, Alessandro d’ Alessandria, the Francis-

can minister-general, also died, and was not replaced until the next General Chapter of the Order, held at Naples in 1316.° In the interim the Order was effectively in the control of the spiritual Franciscans’ persecutors, who ruthlessly seized their opportunity. [his brewing storm is an essential backdrop to our theme, the decoration of the crossing of the Lower Church. At Assisi there occurs a shift from hagiographical explicitness to complexity of content, and the fusion of nonnarrative elements into a convincing message, reflecting its patrons wishes and the identity of its intended public.

In discussing the Bardi Chapel, I mentioned the difficulty of disentangling the Florentine frescoes from the crossingvault decoration at Assisi. Nevertheless, an internal chronol-

ogy of the Lower Church painting must first be outlined. Napoleone Orsini, Roman aristocrat, nephew of Pope Nicholas Il], and cardinal-deacon of Sant’Adriano since 1288, commissioned two sepulchral chapels in the Lower Church, whose construction necessitated piercing both end walls of the transepts.’ This architectural breakthrough was enthusiastically imitated elsewhere, not least in the Baroncelli Chapel

in Santa Croce and the Strozz1 Chapel in Santa Maria NoS4

THE LULL BEFORE THE STORM vella.* The Saint Nicholas Chapel, named after Napoleone's uncle, opening off the right transept, was certainly designed after 1296, for its tomb arrangement replicated Boniface VII's own tomb chapel in Old Saint Peter's, in use that year.” The Orsini Chapel was certainly complete by March 1306 when a

document was witnessed there, and saints from its fresco decoration were copied by Giuliano da Rimini in a painting dated 1307."° It was only in these familial, private spaces in the

Lower Church that heraldry flourished. The intonaco spread for the Annunciation scene on the exterior of the Nicholas Chapel was partly taken over by the later painters of the Posthumous Miracles of Saint Francis, and the intonaco of the Annun-

ciate Virgin was overlaid—and therefore followed by—the scenes of the Infancy of Christ on the right transept vault. The transepts and crossing were frescoed from north to south (Assisi is an occidented church): the right arm of the transept was painted first, followed by the Véele, and the Passion Cycle by Pietro Lorenzetti completed the decorative project.” This relative chronology has been definitively established by examining the sequence of giornate overlaps. An absolute chronology is much more difficult to ground firmly, but it is important in establishing a plausible interpretation of the Vele that this enterprise also be attempted.” The frescoes in the severies of the crossing vault (customarily termed the Véle on account of their sail-like shape) differ in a number of fundamental ways from any of the other paintings attributed to Giotto or his collaborators in San Francesco. An essentially self-contained program was applied 55

Giotto and His Publics

to the Gothic vault above the high altar, and thus directly above Francis’ tomb. The individual vault segments have long, explicatory inscriptions. [hese frescoes replaced an ear-

lier, probably aniconic program, which originally clothed both nave and crossing. Furthermore, the Vele primarily addressed not visitors or pilgrims, nor the users of the private chapels opening off the nave, but specifically the Franciscan

community itself, congregated around the high altar of the Lower Church. The Véle are the largest and most sophisticated compositions that survive from Giotto workshop after the Last Judgment in Padua. They were designed for a learned public whose requirements we must seek to understand.

Subsequently, the pictorial iconography and the success of the designing painter in fulfilling an exceptionally demanding commission will require scrutiny. The Véle are sui generis, with limited direct formal reflections of their content, either

within the Order or beyond. Some repercussions can be detected in the Franciscan churches at Pistoia and Prato, and elsewhere, more indirectly, in other learned commissions for the Dominicans and Augustinians. he more widely dissem1-

nated effects of their pictorial revolution are to be sought farther afield, in Siena, Naples, and Avignon—to name only the most prominent sites. | am not aware of any convincing overall interpretation.

Very early in the fourteenth century, it was decided to modify the spaces and functions of the Lower Church and, consequently, its decoration. Cardinal Orsini's tomb chapels 56

THE LULL BEFORE THE STORM

had already compromised the integrity of the transept. Severe flooding damaged the Lower Church during July 1311.” The demolition of the recently erected mosaic-encrusted marble choir screen which spanned the nave of the Lower Church near the crossing was probably connected."* Although pilgrimage has recently been proposed as a contributory fac-

tor, no pilgrim badges, of the type that could then readily be purchased on the steps of Saint Peter's, have been found at, or for, Assisi.’° Certainly the insistence of powerful clerical patrons, and problems of liturgical circulation in the Lower Church, played a major role."* In any event, the repainting of the apse was apparently left unfinished in the Irecento, and that incomplete decoration was itself replaced in 1623. It may well have been abandoned because of the severe unrest fol-

lowing Muzio di Francesco's coup détat of 1319, since it would very likely have been begun only after scaffolding for painting the Véle itself was dismantled.

In the crossing vault of the Upper Church, Cimabue’s seated Evangelists were originally rendered more prominent by being painted against a gold ground.” Evidently the deco-

rative ensemble above the high altars in both Upper and Lower churches demanded unusual expense and solemnity, and thus the Véle also purposively stood out from the rest of the Lower Church decoration through the use of an ostentatious and certainly expensive gold background. Any judgment of the date of completion of the frescoes must accommodate two external events: the brutal Ghibelline coup d'état in Assisi of September 1319 and the consequent O7

Giotto and His Publics

long-drawn-out papal interdict.’* It seems inherently improb-

able that lavish decoration of the Lower Church crossing would have continued during that tumultuous interlude, and equally unlikely that it would have been started during a papal interdict. Consequently, if we conclude that the Véle was frescoed before September 1319—perhaps some considerable time before, given the necessarily consecutive decoration of the left transept by Pietro Lorenzetti—it can be categorically excluded that the Vele program can refer directly to the escalating dispute between the order and Pope John XXII, which became incandescent only in the early 1320s. In May 1316 the Paris University master Michele da Cesena had been elected minister-general in absentia at the General

Chapter held in Naples under the intrusive attentions of King Robert and Queen Sancia. The new minister-general was at one with John XXII in his attitude to the spiritual Franciscans."” Immediately after the Naples chapter, a group of twelve senior friars returned to Assisi to revise the Constt-

tutions.” They may perhaps have thought then that the mother church needed to refresh its message. Be that as it may, the Véle can be broadly assigned to a period, perhaps of

mounting unease about papal intentions regarding the dispute over property, but assuredly not to the period of open conflict. The Vele frescoes must be interpreted on their own terms, and it would be profoundly mistaken to consider them as anything other than a decoration approved and sponsored by the conventual majority. Minoritas, like paupertas, was not on the agenda. 88

THE LULL BEFORE THE STORM In the severy abutting the apse appears Francis enthroned, inscribed “Gloriosus Franciscus,” and surrounded by jubilant angels making music and dancing. Opposite is the Marriage of Francis with Lady Poverty. The right transept severy shows the Allegory of Chastity, while to the left is the Allegory of Obedience.

This arrangement means that the Marriage of Francis and Pov-

erty is fully visible only to those friars placed in the apse behind the high altar. Francis in Glory is visible down the Lower Church nave, seeming indeed to hover above the arcaded altar block surmounting the founders tomb—the optimum view-

ing point is the middle of the third bay of the nave—the titular saint set above the high altar of his church.’ It seems probable that it would have been visible above the nave screen, although it may well have already been demolished when the

Vele was painted. Chastity can be seen in its entirety only by those friars placed in the left transept, while Obedience con-

fronts those in the right transept. These friars would also have been able to see Poverty and the glorified Francis, albeit incompletely and from an oblique viewpoint. It seems likely that it was the more senior friars who sat in the apse behind the high altar, if the precedent of the papal throne—centrally placed in the apse of the Upper Church—can be taken as an indication.”

In no other painting from Giotto’s circle is meaning so contingent on inscriptions. he four compositions are underscored by elaborate texts in leonine hexameters; 1n their complex allusiveness they exceed any other fresco inscriptions at Assist.” Whereas the tituli beneath the Saint Francis Legend 59

Giotto and His Publics

were narrative epitomes of the Legenda Maior, the Vele inscrip-

tions predicate highly educated readers, and they allow us to

make a number of deductions about this intended public. The verse inscriptions emphasize inner meanings: they aim not merely at elucidation but rather to encourage meditation on the allegories surmounting them. The decorative frames of the Infancy Cycle scenes were punctuated with inset busts of prophets, angels, and friars, a decorative convention subsequently imitated by Pietro Lorenzettt in the opposite transept. Where the Véle differs comprehensively from both the Infancy and Passion cycles 1s in its adoption of a multicolored band with a herringbone pattern which separates the picture field from the frame. This com-

positional device is used throughout the Bardi Chapel, but not apparently elsewhere. Giotto had already interpolated the framing bands of the Arena Chapel with busts. The Véle 1s more radical.* The circular keystone shows the Apocalyptic Christ from the Book of Revelation, his eyes ablaze, hair like snow-white wool; he holds the Key and the Book of Divine

Wisdom, while double-edged swords protrude from his mouth,” From this central point all facets of the vault ribs are decorated with symbols drawn from Revelation, so that the Franciscan allegories must be read within this framework, at once apocalyptic armature and marginal gloss.”’ Their critical importance 1s demonstrated by the fact that the square profiles of the crossing ribs themselves were modified by beveling their edges, which must have occurred during the progO

THE LULL BEFORE THE STORM cess of painting, in order to make these vignettes more easily legible.*

This apocalyptic gloss is central to understanding the Véle.

Yet it would be misconcetived to take its program as other than mainstream Franciscan belief. Bonaventure had firmly identified Francis as the angel of the sixth seal of Revelation (7:2), “ascending from the sunrise with the seal of the living God,” and enshrined this interpretation in the Legenda Maior, the official, indeed the only, authorized life of Francis.” This

identification recurs in the sermons of the later ministergeneral Matteo d’Acquasparta.° The apocalyptic frame has the contingent effect of linking the crossing-vault program to the end of time, a concept to which we must presently return. Francis in Glory dominates the view toward the apse. This must always have been the intention, given that the apse decoration was begun later and left unfinished.*! Francis occu-

pies an elaborate throne coruscating with gold inlay. His placement consciously imitated the enthroned Saviors of the great early Christian basilicas of Rome, such as Saint Peter's

or San Paolo fuori le Mura, remade by Innocent III and Honorius II], respectively,” From its foundation Assisi had been directly subject to the papacy.* Francis wears a habit spangled with gold rectangles; he 1s barefoot, and all five wounds of the stigmata are visible. Above the embroidered throne canopy, which forms a niche around him, appears a standard bearing a gold cross and seven gold stars against a QI

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red ground. In Revelation the seven stars in the right hand of God stood for the seven churches, and Bonaventure’s Legenda Maior is constructed on a pattern of sevens.** The text “Gloriosus Franciscus” flanks the standard. As an epithet it is uncommon in Scripture, but it occurs in the early Legend of the Three Companions, where Friar Pacificus has a vision of an

empty jewel-encrusted throne in heaven prepared for the humble Francis.*° The verses below speak of him as exempli-

fying poverty, chastity, and obedience, but in a profound sense Francis enthroned in glory among the angelic host is once again alter Christus, flanked to the left and right by Christ's own infancy and Passion. The celestial throne 1s underpinned by fluffy clouds—the Legenda Maior prologue envisioned Francis glittering in heaven

above the clouds—and before his throne two ranks of nine barefoot angels clad in albs dance demurely. Their number is

not random but reflects the Celestial Hierarchy of PseudoDionysius, a text which experienced a renaissance 1n the thir-

teenth century and was deeply influential in Franciscan circles.°° Comparable heavenly delight had earlier enlivened the choir arch of the Arena Chapel, where the angels linked fingers and danced for joy at God's decision to initiate the Incarnation. [he circular composition at Assisi is very remark-

able, with angels completely turning their backs on the spectator, their color symmetry as controlled as the strict formal balance. The pale hues of the angels before the throne “float” the figure of Francis above and away from the other vault webs. Understandably, this awe-inspiring figure of Frang2

THE LULL BEFORE THE STORM cis in majesty influenced a select group of enthroned mendicant saints, preeminently Simone Martin's Saint Louis of Loulouse.’ Simone’s Angevin panel may well provide a terminus ante quem for the Vele: he had, after all, been frescoing the Martin Chapel of Cardinal Gentile da Montefiore a few meters away.” Opposite is the Marriage of Francis with Lady Poverty, set axi-

ally on the main public route toward the high altar. Fully visible, however, only to those friars behind the altar, the scene is underscored by the longest text. Only from this view-

point 1s the keystone of the apocalyptic Christ intelligible, surmounting this scene and signifying its timelessness. The placement of Francis’s twelve original companions along the rib face beneath the Marriage to Poverty, punctuating the inscription, reminded the senior friars of Francis as alter Christus, and equally of their own apostolic calling.” Christ performs the nuptial ceremony, and Francis places a ring on Poverty’s finger. Lady Poverty, tall, graceful, and emaciated, with the hexagonal halo of a Virtue and her patched shift secured by a cord, is barefoot. In front of her a thorn thicket flourishes; behind her flower a rose bush and lilies, and she is

attended by Hope and Charity. Francis is barefoot and wears an ample habit of a mysterious silvery sheen. At the lower left a youth hands a cloak to a bearded beggar, while at the right another angel grasps the wrist of a fashionably dressed young man, upon whose gauntleted left wrist is a hooded hawk. This youth with his right hand makes a startlingly obscene gesture. Beside him a hooded figure clutching 93

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a money bag patently contemplates flight. He completes a triad: charitable giving at the left, the surrender of property to God at the apex, and, finally, its sinful retention.*' In the apex of the vault web two angels clad in blue carry upward a garment and a small house with a walled garden to a waiting heavenly figure. In the foreground a child casts a stone at Poverty, while another brandishes a stick, and a dog barks at her feet. This is indeed the contempt for Poverty mentioned in the inscription, recalling the unruly children of the Bardi Chapel Renunciation.” The Sacrum Commercium S. Francisci cam Domina Paupertate

was one of the most vivid early writings on Franciscan pov-

erty. Anonymous, its composition was certainly early, although probably not 1227, as some manuscript colophons imply.* It offers some iconographical keys, although much had already filtered into the Legenda Maior. Francis, in Bonaventures words, regarded Lady Poverty as his mother, his bride, and his beloved.* Understandably enough, aggressive begging could anger people, and Bonaventure himself remarked, on taking office as minister-general, that many travelers on the road would fear encountering a mendicant friar almost as much as a brigand.* The Sacrum Commercium ico-

nography had taken firm root by the early Trecento, perhaps unsurprisingly among the so-called Fraticelli. In an in-

quisition process of 1334, the seal of their leader, Angelo Clareno, was said to be the Marriage of Francis with Poverty, al-

though it had also appeared earlier on the seal matrix of the Franciscan custody of Chiusi.** The setting exemplifies the 94

THE LULL BEFORE THE STORM stony ascent to Poverty recounted in the text, and the plateau

occupied by the protagonists resembles the summit of the mountain of brightness. This 1s fidelity to the Sacrum Commercium text rather than a precocious impact of Dante. The fashionably dressed youth scoffs at Poverty and makes a gesture toward Christ and Prancis sufficiently indecent for it to have already provoked the indignation of Fra Ludovico da Pietralunga, who exhaustively described San Francesco in the Cinguecento.” It inevitably recalls the “fiche” of Vanni Fucci

in Canto 25 of the Inferno. His hooded sparrow hawk perhaps reflects a comment of the Sacrum Commercium that Poy-

erty was hidden to the birds of the air.” Yet to interpret everything in the scene through the Sacrum Commercium would be misconceived: the youth handing his tunic to the bearded beggar at the left surely recalls Francis giving his coat to the poor knight at the gate of Assis1.°° The opulent red garment, the purse, and the house rendered to heaven in the apex of the scene signify the surrender of all dominium over goods and the change of life implied by embracing poverty. This was still what leaders of the Assisi community—such as Fra Jacopo de’ Tondi, whom we encountered earlier in Florence, former custos at Santa Croce, where he incurred the contumely of Ubertino, and now provincial minister for Umbria—could willingly endorse, for both Community and Franciscan spirituals could still hold that private and corporate expropriation was the core of the Franciscan charis.°' They differed, violently, in their interpretations of usus.°’ The personification of Charity with flaming 95

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hair, proffering her heart, is a variant of the Charity who appears in the Arena Chapel.’ At Padua, Caritas trampled bags of coin and grain while holding a bowl of fruit and offering her heart heavenward. The simplified tmage at Assisi is surely explicable by her attendant role.

The crossing decoration of the Lower Church has been termed the first monumental painted allegory.** This 1s partially true but simplistic, for techniques of allegory had long been extensively developed, particularly religious allegory—

and not only in clerical circles. In his letter to Cangrande della Scala, written between 1315 and 1317, Dante declares that

he deploys a fourfold allegorical method in the Divine Comedy.* If allegory, and it is a term I too have adopted for brevity's sake, is construed as a way of instrumentally stating an argument, it yields an important, if incomplete, explanation for the Vele. Too many historical figures appear there for it to be wholly allegorical, and some resemblance to the mystery play has plausibly been suggested,”° Even where, as with the Allegory of Chastity, aspects of its iconography can be traced back, as we shall see, to Anglo-Norman homilectic, the final

composition, made up of a bewildering variety of visual topoi, 1s not exclusively comprehensible as allegory, nor indeed narrative in any commonly accepted sense. Fundamentally, allegory is imitation and has no primary existence of its own: the painter of allegory begins with an idea and gives it form. For this type of paratactic painting in the Véele, more suggestive precedents can be found in such twelfth-century

paintings as those of Pope Calixtus H, formerly in the Old 96

THE LULL BEFORE THE STORM Lateran Palace, celebrating papal triumph in the Investiture Contest.’ The primary allegorical mode of the Véle is personification. One should perhaps emphasize that many of the Vele personifications are rare, and some are apparently unique survivors. [his might initially suggest a learned program communicated to the painter, yet the brilliantly inventive personifications of the Virtues and Vices in the Scrovegni

Chapel were conceived earlier, for a lay patron, Enrico Scrovegni, and their selection may derive in large part from penitential handbooks aimed at the laity.°> Many of the individual Virtues and Vices at Padua also occur in the Summa

Theologica of Aquinas, although whether that is the direct source requires further investigation. Enthusiasm for Thomist personifications might well have been less ardent at Assisi. Were one to regard the right transept as a more inherently prestigious location than the left, then it might be possible to claim that Chastity was more highly prized than Obedience, but this would probably be mistaken. The three personifications Francis encountered near San Quirico d’Orcia were of identical age, stature, and beauty.” The cowled personification of Obedience is seated in a chapter house in front of the Crucifixion, customarily frescoed on the altar wall, accompanied by holy Prudence and Humility. This severy is the most formally novel composition of the Véle, although its link with the brilliant architectural composition invented for the Apparition at Arles in the Bardi Chapel is clear. A capitular setting

was in any case appropriate for a visual meditation on the Franciscan Rule. But its iconography is more profound, for at 97

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its core lies a memorable description coined by Francis himself, and reported by Celano in his Vita II. The truly obedient man, said Francis, is like a dead body, mute and unmoving.

The highest obedience was without flesh and blood. This instantly clarifies the extraordinary figure in the Franciscan habit kneeling to receive the yoke from Obedience. Beneath the cowl is visible the contour of a skull. The gesture of Obedience in placing his left forefinger to his lips indicating silence had appeared also in the précis of Franciscan Virtues on the Bardi Chapel vault. Certainly it was a moment in the Order’s existence when loose talk was especially dangerous. This was performative silence, and indeed death may be seen as radical silence as well as obedience.’ The inscription terms Obedience the yoke of Christ, and it was, for John XXUH, the preeminent virtue. A Janus-faced Prudence and Humility accompany Obedience. Bonaventure in his unfinished Collationes in Hexaémeron described Prudence as knowing past,

present, and future things. At Padua, Prudence also held a mirror—the mirror which allows her, in Matteo d’Acquasparta’s words, to know eternal things.® Celano in the Tractatus de Miraculis described Francis as “obedientiae sanctae speculum

et exemplar.™* At Assisi, Prudence has, however, learned cir-

cumspection. She holds a compass, and her mirror is turned away as she gazes at Obedience. On the wooden rail before her is apparently a planispheric astrolabe. Several astrolabes

were recorded in the papal treasure at Perugia in 31, and as the instrument for establishing time’s pluralities—sidereal, 96

THE LULL BEFORE THE STORM solar, and the unequal divisions of night and day—it serves to emphasize the eternity of perfect obedience.®

On the chapter house roof stands Francis, yoked and holding a cross. He is accompanied by two angels carrying apocalyptic texts, while a Franciscan cord descends from heaven.® Again, his habit has a silvery sheen, a technical finesse which did not pass unobserved later. The chapter house Crucifixion on the east wall is set between paired lancet windows; several surviving chapter house programs, such as at Pomposa and Treviso, still preserve this configuration.” The interior closely recalls the Bardi Apparition at Arles, though lacking its visionary clarity. At the left a bearded centaur, personifying the Presumption (Superbia) mentioned in the inscription, shies violently away from the yoke. His unruliness stems from his mixed human and bestial characteristics. Both the Physiologus and the Bestiary contained centaurs, while,

virtually contemporaneously, pitiless centaurs guarded the seventh circle in Canto 12 of Dante's Inferno.® Here the centaur represents the bestialized and hypocritical humanity expelled, as are the Vices from the Allegory of Chastity. Puzzling, for a different reason, are the two kneeling fig-

ures. An angel holds the wrist of the youth in blue, who wears a transparent cuffia over his blond hair. His companion, who may be tonsured, wears a red robe with slashed sleeves Over a paler tunic. It has been suggested that these figures are

donors, although this identification, made by Martin Gosebruch, cannot be right.” For Gosebruch the figure in red was 99

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Giacomo Stefaneschi, chosen as cardinal protector of the Franciscan Order in 1334. Stefaneschit would have been in his

late forties when the Véle was painted. Crucially also, it is not he but his companion who 1s presented by the angel. It is al-

most equally improbable that they are Cardinal Napoleone Orsini and his brother Giangaetano Orsini. Giangaetano had died in 1294 and was buried in the Saint Nicholas Chapel, where, however, his effigy 1s vested as a deacon.”

In the fourth severy Chastity is incarcerated in a lofty tower set like a keep inside a fortress with four rectangular corner towers. The castle itself can be regarded as an elaborate architectural metaphor for the Virgin.” It is defended by warriors wielding scourges, whose shields bear a red cross on a gold ground, representing the arms of the Church.” Lean-

ing over the battlements, personifications of Purity and Strength, Munditia and Fortitudo, gesture toward the neophyte being baptized beneath.” Behind the angels baptizing

the youth another pair hold a Franciscan habit. At the left Francis himself welcomes onto the rocky promontory three figures, representing the orders of friars, nuns, and tertiartes. To the right is a psychomachia: angels with cross, lance, and

aspergillum, and the aged fioure of Franciscan Penitence brandishing a scourge fiercely expel the monstrous personifi-

cations of Mors, Amor, Ardor, and Immunditia.”* Clawfooted Amor, blindfolded, wreathed in roses, his quiver belt hung with hearts, clutches his bow. In their pell-mell flight, the swinish Uncleanness topples backwards off Chastity's unforgiving fastness.”” The presence of the personification of 100

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Penitence in a Franciscan habit emphasizes two important aspects of the Vele program. The mendicant orders had to a very considerable extent taken over penitential preaching, which had become more common in the later thirteenth cen-

tury, and also the specific settings. Only the truly contrite and confessed brethren could take the Eucharist prepared at the altar directly underneath.” Holy Chastity appears, fashionably dressed, framed within a tabernacle-like window, in whose pediment a naked winged

genius, in an extraordinary classical allusion to the infant Hercules, grips two birds by the neck.” An angel proffers Chastity a gold crown, while a second bears a vase of flowers. Chastity has no eyes even for the angels; rather she prays be-

fore a folding gold-ground triptych hung on her chamber wall. This is, once again, the pars pro toto panel painting we initially encountered in the Pisa Stigmatization, but it now forms a vignette of marvelous complexity. In her castle chamber a personified Virtue fortifies her resolve through private

prayer before a domestic triptych.” The central tower of Chastity’s fortress has a cantilevered gallery or ballatoio whose

unmistakable model is the tower of the Palazzo Vecchio in Florence. This had just been completed—the documents suggest 13133—and it would certainly have been known to the

Florentine painter of the Assisi fresco.” That it was so soon considered worthy of a symbolic role is proved by its inclusion, a decade or so later, in Gautier de Coincy’s Miracles Notre Dame. The new communal tower had become a topos of virtue. 101

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Chastity enabled man to conform more nearly to God and avoid the pleasures of the flesh.*' Francis welcoming the three orders counterbalances the expulsion of the monstrous Vices, who are repelled with cross, holy water, and a lance. This sug-

gests an explanation for the angelic baptism witnessed by Purity and Fortitude. Bonaventure had emphasized God's love of purity, and the discussion of Purity (Munditia) by Saint Thomas appears in his Treatise on the Divine Names of Pseudo-Dionysius.” Pseudo-Dionysius was present in the hbrary at Assisi, a gift from Cardinal Matteo d’Acquasparta.*° But probably its most pertinent occurrence is in the rite for the preparation of holy water for the sacrament of baptism, which spiritually cleanses the recipient. Baptism is the fundamental sacrament, a moment of changing allegiance, rebirth, and renewal—particularly in the case of adult baptism, which was uncommon in the later Middle Ages.** Here 1t symbolizes embracing the vow of chastity on entering the Francis-

can Order. It was also a protection against concupiscence. Baptism washed away sin, and adult baptism required thorough penitence.» Compositionally, Chastity’s fortress derives from French Gothic tvory mirror covers and caskets representing the siege

of the Castle of Love, and thus here the mirror exemplum adopts a visual form, whereas in Obedience its significance had been moral.*° Francis had notoriously been enthralled by the chivalric ethos as a young man, and something

of the courtly and chivalric ethos endures also in the Sacrum Commercium.*’ The stege of the Castle of Love is a con102

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fused and complicated tradition, but the lines of filiation which prompted its adoption at Assisi are clear enough. An Anglo-Norman poem, Le Chateau d’Amour was composed by

the bishop of Lincoln, Robert Grosseteste, an enthusiastic friend of the Order, whose works were 1n the Santa Croce

book cupboard. The poem outlines Christian theology for a popular audience. Recently it has been suggested that it was composed for the Franciscan community at Oxford, where Grosseteste lectured in the early thirteenth century. Grosseteste used an elaborate architectural image of Mary to

organize the Virtues and, implicitly, to deflect courtly romance toward an image of erotic chastity. Uhe inviolate Marian fortress and the citadel of virginity are fused. Grosseteste's text was evidently known in Franciscan circles in central Italy, for several influential Englishmen were prominent in the Or-

der, including the minister-general Haymo of Faversham, Thomas of Eccleston, and John Pecham. Grosseteste’s philo-

sophical works were familiar to Bonaventure, Matteo d’Acquasparta, and Pierre-Jean Olivi.” The didactic aim of Le Chateau d’Amour made it appropriate for the instruction and edification of the friars in the apse and transepts of the Lower Church. The four rectangular corner towers of Chastity stronghold are described in the poem.” The siege of the Castle of Love was often represented on ivory mirror cases for a female clientele, and its compositional adaptation to the defense of Chastity as the Castle of Virtue was in some sense inevitable.’ In the late 1270s Cardinal Ancher de Troyes had employed the motif in an elaborate piscina for his uncle Pope 103

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Urban IV's church of Saint Urbain at Troyes.” At Assisi the

castle repelled vice and protected virtue within: Lust was vanquished by Chastity. Franciscan virtues once more overwhelm wordly vice. Perhaps not only Ubertino da Casale might scent hypocrisy here. Any full understanding of the crossing vault would be in-

complete if it did not take into account the framing program. [his reflects the growing academic practice of glossing texts 1n ever more complex and decorative ways, a development in page layout driven more by the needs of the purchaser than those of the author.’ Prompted by the rediscovery of Aristotle, new methods of accurate reference developed, and Franciscans such as Alexander of Hales and Bonaventure himself were prominent in this process.”* Around

the keystone appear the horned lamb, the altar, the cloud, and the crystal sea, while lower down the ribs Death spurs his pale horse alongside other images from Revelation. Apocalypticism was endemic in the Franciscan Order. Bonaventure’s identification of Francis as the angel of the sixth seal, and his acceptance of Joachim of Fiore’s prophetic vision of history,

was shared by later generations of friars.” This is emphatically not to claim that the apocalyptic images of the Véle are a

manifesto of the Franciscan “spiritual” wing. Rather the contrary is true: they are an outspokenly confident expression

of the Community's leadership in the second decade of the Trecento. [he chain of patronage 1s transparent. [he convent of Assisi itself was the responsibility of the provincial ministers, Jacopo de’ Tondi and subsequently Francesco Veron 104

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from Jodi, and its visitation was reserved to the ministergeneral. It is they who are the patrons of the Véle.” The Véle is unique as an ensemble, and astonishingly in-

novative in its individual motifs. Hans Belting rightly regarded the Véle as both episodic and poetic, but these are incidentals.”” More fundamentally the Véle reflects Franciscan legislation, and in this 1t can be compared with the elaborate iconographical schemes contemporaneously being invented

for legal treatises. [here too disparate incidents were often represented side by side within the overarching argument of a single legal proposition.” Current preaching made widespread use of exempla.” A debt to earlier conciliar 1conography is also palpable. It should be recalled that the Franciscan mission dispatched by Pope Gregory IX in 1232 to negotiate union with the Byzantine emperor at Nicaea had deliberately been shown earlier conciliar murals. Conciliar iconography often depicted the extirpation of heresy, and, like the Dominicans, the Franciscans had joined the papal thought police."° Santa Croce had been the seat (and prison) of the Tuscan Inquisition since 1254.'°"' Chapter house decoration was to be indelibly marked by tribunal iconography. And yet one must finally admit that veiling is essential to both personification and allegory, and hidden aspects of the Véle undoubtedly require further exegesis.

There remains, however, one important distinction between the Véle, the Pisa Stigmatization, and the Bardi Chapel, a

difference partly adumbrated by the elaborate apocalyptic framework. Chronology lies at the heart of narrative, both 105

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sacred and secular. Unlike the Pisan or the Florentine Fran-

ciscan sequences, the Vele is timeless. When Bonaventure identified Francis as the angel of the sixth seal and made it a leitmotiv of the Legenda Maior, he placed the Franciscan Order within a developmental process moving ineluctably toward the Last Days. The End was approaching, even if the precise circumstances of its arrival remained uncertain. We are, unsurprisingly, again confronted with the prob-

lems of models and model books. Matteo d’Aquasparta noted that painters, like writers, had the models on which they drew before their eyes."” Precedents for the Vele frescoes

lie more in the genre of motifs than in compositions. A search for comparable motifs leads directly to Giotto’s workshop and points clearly to the Bardi Chapel frescoes, which had already been cited in the Posthumous Miracles of Saint Francis in the right transept. [he Bard: Chapel chapter house occupied the east walk of a cloister, a common architectural

typology. At Assisi, where the site made a chapter house flanking the cloister physically tmpossible, the painted chapter house has become autonomous, surely demonstrating the

precedence of the Bardi Chapel composition. Instead of a room viewed through a cloister arcade, the interior space 1S now unified. Obedience receives the novice, as the guardian would a postulant, before the frescoed Crucifixion. At Florence Francis floats above the threshold at Arles, his arms ex-

tended as if crucified. The Assisi chapter house is more prosaically employed for a customary ceremony. [he laymen at the left and the haughty centaur are formally debarred from 106

THE LULL BEFORE THE STORM its precinct. [his subtle reworking of the chapter house concept of the Bardi Chapel is predicated on a firm understanding of the Order's Rule. The Posthumous Miracles flanking the Orsini Chapel at the

end of the right transept permit further tightening of the absolute chronological sequence. The Resurrection of the Injured

Boy is a simplified, flattened version of the Bardi Renunciation." In Florence the external stair allowed Bishop Guido to descend from his salone and rescue Francis from his irate father. At Assisi this outer stair 1s better preserved but less obviously serves the narrative, once again suggesting that the design initially traveled with Giotto's workshop from Florence to Assisi, where it was reiterated largely by workshop subordinates. Since the Bard: Chapel postdates the canonization of Saint Louis of Toulouse in April 1317, the period for the completion of the Véle and, subsequently, the left transept decoration by Pietro Lorenzetti before the Ghibelline coup d’état of 1319 is further contracted. The Vele scenes are new creations, and only isolated motifs, like the stone-throwing child in the Marriage of Francis and

Poverty, reflect earlier Florentine inventions. In the Gloriosus Franciscus the angels who dance with linked fingers are prefigured at Padua; a decade later this celestial choreography had become a topos. How to explain, then, the underlying reminiscences and reflections? Surviving drawings of the Assisi frescoes are unhelpful. Invariably later copies by dependent artists, they contribute nothing to the creative process.'* The absence of sinopie (underdrawings ) in the Giottesque frescoes 107

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at Assisi is virtually total. The widespread use of figural patroni or stencils has been claimed, but these concern motifs

rather than compositions.’ And yet difficult subject matter was transferred from commissioner to artist. Verbal instruc-

tion is probably the most plausible channel, and here the transference of leading friars between Santa Croce and Assisi

should be remembered. Written indications of the kind occasionally found in contemporary French manuscripts may have existed, but these have left almost no trace in Italy. Franco Sacchetti records, jokingly, Giotto discussing a heraldic commission with a doltish patron.’ The close relationship of pictorial conception and fresco technique has led some scholars to invent an alter ego, the so-called Parente di Giotto, whose identification has proved as troublesome as his kinship.""” At Assisi learned patrons were continuously on site to advise, suggest modifications, and approve; subsequently they would become the Véle's regular public. This patronal situation differs fundamentally from anything we have yet encountered. An early date for the Vele and its links with the Orsini and

Magdalen chapels, as well the right transept cycles, exemplifies the fissiparous, at times almost centrifugal, tendencies

within Giotto’s workshop during the second decade of the Trecento.'* To understand this process better, more scrupulous discrimination between types of commissions is vital. Elaborate, many-storied polyptychs were customarily painted

in settled urban workshops, then delivered and reassembled on site. Fresco cycles of necessity were painted in situ, 108

THE LULL BEFORE THE STORM the master’s physical presence inescapable.” Any discussion about the autograph status of the fresco cycles in the Lower Church must bear this essential fact firmly in mind. The de-

manding subject matter and the intricate compositions it predicated, taken together with the relatively restricted time within which the program was painted, imply a workshop of considerable size, and a group of painters of notable expertise. The Vele evinces a greater level of stylistic homogeneity, and a more consistent level of quality, than does the earlier Saint Nicholas Chapel. Whereas painters whose hand can be recognized in the Magdalen Chapel are also identifiable in the Infancy Cycle, the Posthumous Miracles of San Francesco, and

subsequently in the Véle, painters whose stylistic traits are identifiable in the Orsini Chapel are absent."

Something of the stylistic heterogeneity of the Saint Nicholas Chapel decoration was conditioned by the fact that it reflects an early stage in the development of Giotto’ style, revolutionary and susceptible to rapid change." Not all his assistants could cope. It seems probable that a considerable time intervened between the completion of the chapel and the painting of the transept, a hiatus demonstrable on technical as well as stylistic grounds. The group of painters active in the Nicholas Chapel appears to have dispersed. The episodic presence of painters from the workshop responsible for the Magdalen Chapel within the Infancy Cycle and, more con-

sistently, in the painting of the Vele suggests a close temporal

connection. Giotto’ own personal style developed distinctively in the decade after the Arena Chapel; this reveals itself 109

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in color variation, physiognomic traits, and drapery style. The shift toward broader, flatter faces and a greater rectangu-

larity in the painting of the eyes chart changes in Giotto's personal style rather than the allegedly “dissident” traits of an imaginary alter ego.

In Florence and Pisa the combined patronage of banking families and Order recetved a historical Francis, located in mensurable historic time, domesticated by family heraldry, local cults, and civic allegiances. At Assisi, at the behest of the Order itself, there emerges an allegorical Francis, set in an apocalyptic frame, for an articulate and theologically competent clientele. In this the Vele resembles an ad status sermon.'”

Francis is enthroned in heaven, and earthly chronology cedes place to a timeless eschatology tinged with the apocalyptic chiliasm implicit in the Order since its founder, and institutionalized by Bonaventure. The Vele stands beyond history; it

invited its Franciscan spectators to meditate on the central verities of their Order, at least as these were perceived by their leaders, in the second decade of the Trecento. It achieves

this aim in a nonlinear, episodic mode, outside conventional narrative structures, animated by moral personifications. Like sermons, the vault compositions are studded with exempla and similitudes within an overall artistic symmetry.''* Hagiographic narrative finds no place. Nor, one might repeat, has minoritas much of a part to play. The Community was simply less interested in its historical founder than were private families, who increasingly, like Giotto himself, would name their children in honor of the modern saints. For the Community, 110

THE LULL BEFORE THE STORM Francis had already passed into history.'* The era of the liying memory of the saint had ended. His tomb was his permanent memorial, and his moral exemplarity could be safely interpreted. Whereas the Pisan Stigmatization and the Bardi Chapel cycle were ultimately about Saint Francis, he paradoxically plays a much lesser role in the frescoes directly over his tomb, Neither Pisa nor Florence possessed significant relics of Francis, whereas at Assisi, mother church and burial

place, the relic cult was implicit. In the Véle Francis is enthroned alone. Anthony, Clare, and Louis are absent. Their presence in Assisi is peripheral—in private chapels or over side altars.’™

In both the Stigmatization and the Bardi Chapel, Giotto and his patrons deliberately modified the chronology of Francis's

life to make religious and artistic statements. In a biographical praxis extending back at least to Plutarch, linear chronology was sacrificed to project moral and cultic aspects of the saint.''® The narrative message was unmediated by texts. In the Véle religious allegory obviated the need for biography or chronology, and the exposition is both meditative and hortatory. It was a mode which later flourished in chapter houses and refectories, as well as town halls, in central Italy. It privileged texts, and—unlike the Cinquina or Bardi chapels—it

had no place for heraldry." In the Lower Church heraldry informs only the penumbra of private chapels which open off the nave and transepts."* It also attests to patronage changing over time. [he Dream of Innocent LI at Pisa was cre-

ated when the papacy remained an active religious and polit111

Giotto and His Publics

ical presence in Italy. A decade or so later, when the Bardi Chapel and the Vele were painted, the appalling permanence of the Avignonese absence was beginning to dawn. [he papacyss historical role in the Order's iconography was proportionately restricted. In Florence two posthumous miracles replaced historical episodes. Perceptions of Francis changed with current politics, and in the more or less contemporaneous commissions of the Bardi Chapel and the Véle, influential and distinct patrons with differing artistic imperatives played their part in this process and accepted different outcomes.

Giotto played an exceptional part in Francis’s transformation.

112

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he Franciscans, who, as the patrons of Giotto, have played

an important role in the preceding pages, were in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries intensely local. This was particularly true of Florence, where many of the friars were also members of the leading civic families.’ It meant in practice that the internationalism of the Order was marked by local preferences and traditions. Yet fourteenth-century Florentines themselves were also, and to an extraordinary degree, interna-

tional. Boniface VII] remarked that they constituted a fifth element after air, fire, earth, and water.” Yet of the three eptsodes of patronage described in the preceding pages, only the Bardi Chapel immediately to the right of the high altar in Santa Croce is located in Florence. As a wall painter Giotto was of necessity itinerant, and to a considerable extent at the 115

Conclusion

beck and call of important patrons. At the end of his life he was summoned to Milan to work for Azzone Visconti, and a few years before this was a period of intensive activity in the service of Robert d’Anjou at his court in Naples.° Yet as we have seen, Giotto also painted for a whole spectrum of ecclesiastical organizations, the papacy and curia, the communal episcopacy, the old monastic orders and the mendicants, and

anomalous groups such as the Umiliati. Of these patron groups it was undoubtedly the Franciscans who obtained the lion’s share of his services, certainly at Pisa, Assisi, and very

probably Padua. Rimini may also have attracted him, although he does not appear to have painted for the Franciscans in Rome.

First, perhaps it would be wise to say what this book aspires to be and what it clearly is not. Painting in San Francesco at Assisi has, apart from the crossing program of the Lower Church, largely been omitted. It is indisputable that the Legend of the Life of Saint Francis is reflected in the Stigmati-

zation painted for the Cinquina family chapel at Pisa, and that this reflection (in all senses of the word) takes the form of an authoritative, if tightly focused, critique of the earlier fresco cycle. The three programs we have investigated cover the early and middle parts of the painter's career. Whereas the frescoes

of the Bardi Chapel and the Véle of the Lower Church are closely linked in both time and content, the Stigmatization originally in San Francesco at Pisa is an early work on panel, albeit a revolutionary achievement.

One figure, much referred to in the discussion of Giotto, 116

Conclusion

has left relatively little trace in these pages: Dante Alighieri, the painter's contemporary. Dante died an exile at Ravenna in September 1321. Too much is customarily read into the famous lines in Purgatorio where Giotto’s fame is said to have eclipsed that of Cimabue. This does not imply judgment of

the stature of either painter, but 1s part of an extended reflection on the transience of artistic fame.* [he passage indeed begins with a similar contrast between Oderisio da Gubbio and Franco Bolognese. Equally it is simply wishful thinking to read the Last Judgment at Padua through a Dantesque prism. The Arena precedes Inferno. The specific cruel-

ties of Giotto’ hell attest rather a growing tendency for particular sins to be appropriately, and graphically, punished.°

For a variety of reasons I have thought it best to distance Giotto from Dante. Certainly the impact of the poetry on the painter, if 1t exists at all, comes from the later period of the artist's career, when Dante was already dead. The relationship of poet to painter 1s largely a discussion of Dante reception and in some measure posthumous appropriation. | shall return to this topic when I discuss the Vele, The contrasting attitudes of Giotto and Dante to Rome are indicative. For the painter, both the physical remains of ancient Rome and its contemporary reality remained an enduring and transformative memory. From quotations of ancient statuary such as the Horse Tamers on the Quirinal, classical busts, or the techniques of classical painting reutilized in the Arena Chapel and in the Peruzzi Chapel, Rome was always vividly present in the painter's imagination.° For the Pisa pre117

Conclusion

della Giotto carefully represented the Lateran as it appeared

circa 1300, just as the tower of the Palazzo Vecchio was adopted for the fortress of Chastity in the Lower Church. For Dante, Rome too was a constant of the imagination, and his idea of Rome was of unsurpassed resonance.’ But it was also a strangely abstract city. He took little personal interest in 1ts majestic ruins or modern churches. It was exemplum as much as reality: pride in its past was matched by an awareness of its contemporary limitations. The reverence toward the physical testimony of that mysterious and imposing past which attracted the Florentine painter, as it had earlier

entranced Hildebert of Lavardin and was later to absorb Petrarch, is wholly absent.* And Dante pointedly preferred Florentine views.” In a similar way the poet was curiously indifferent to the commercial revolution which was rapidly transforming his native city. He shows little interest in and less comprehension of the stature and international importance of the merchant bankers who drove forward Florence’s

economy and who were major patrons of Giottos art.'° So perhaps the wished-for symbiosis 1s overemphasized. The re-

lationship of Giotto and Dante may well be a problem in such commissions as the Cappella della Maddalena in the Palazzo del Bargello, but that concerns the later part of the artist's career and 1s not one which concerns the present argument.

In reconstructing in the mind's eye the original setting of the Stigmatization of Saint Francis now in the Louvre, I have traced the setting of the gabled panel within its discrete ar118

Conclusion

chitectural space. [his space was, however, also a familial en-

vironment marked by the heraldry of the Cinquina both on the chapel wall and on the frame of the panel. Self-evidently this setting 1s a construct, and it remains uncertain whether the structure of the Cinquina Chapel itself was ever decorated, with either murals or stained glass—although both types of decoration existed in Franciscan churches before that date."’ The gabled shape of the panel, just like aspects of its figural program, reflect the requirements of its original site. In shape it followed, or perhaps was required to imitate, the shape of Cimabue's stately Madonna and Child, which by this date already decorated the high altar of San Francesco. The Franciscan scenes of the predella had also been given a notably Pisan nuance. When we move to the Bardi Chapel, the problems of virtual reconstruction remain but now impinge at a different level of magnitude. The chapel’s original stained glass is lost, and is now, somewhat misleadingly, replaced by a contemporary window program transferred from the Vellut: Chapel.” It remains uncertain whether there was originally an altar painting, and the present altar block is a later replacement. Only at the end of Giotto's career does the potential complexity of such a chapel program become realized in the Baroncelli Chapel, erected for the consorteria of another prominent banking family by piercing the wall of the right transept. [here the polyptych of the Coronation of the Virgin signed by Giotto forms a central element of the frescoed Marian program by Taddeo Gaddi which clothes the chapel 119

Conclusion

walls. The polyptych stands in front of a stained-glass window decorated with standing saints and Franciscan scenes which enriches and elucidates the iconographical program of the chapel. So too does the Annunciation group by the Pisan sculptor Giovanni di Balduccio which flanks the entrance: it attests the dedication of the chapel to the Virgin Annunciate.’* The polyptych stands on its original sculpted altar block. To the right of the chapel entrance, taking advantage of the more ample space provided by the chapel’s insertion into the transept wall, is a family tomb whose inscription establishes the original purpose of the chapel foundation and by its own sculptural program adds to the meanings of polyptych and frescoes.” It provides the identities of the commissioners, and in this the Baroncelli Chapel iS enviably well documented. The public for which the Bardi Chapel decorative program was created some two decades after the Louvre Stigmatization

nevertheless had much in common with its Pisan counterpart. The Bardi were a powerful, wealthy family who had acquired the rights to one of the most prominent and honored chapel sites within the newly built Franciscan church, which as at Pisa constituted one of the major modern ecclesiastical

constructions of the city. Because of their nearness to the high altar, both chapels adopted, or were directed to receive,

a dedication to Francis as the patron saint of the Order. At Pisa, Francis was also titular of the church. The Bardi were immeasurably wealthier than the Cinquina, and Santa Croce, even in its incomplete state, was a far more imposing church 120

Conclusion

than San Francesco in Pisa. But the physical dimensions of both family chapels were quite similar. How long the Bardi Chapel took to execute is by no means clear. Its painted program is too incomplete to yield an accurate count of the giornate. Even within its restricted space, however, it is evident that the qualitative level 1s not consistently high. The now isolated group of friars’ heads in the Vision of Fra Agostino is surely the work of an assistant, and by

the date of the Bardi Chapel, Giotto must systematically have been employing a substantial and accomplished workshop. If Cennino Cennini is to be believed, Taddeo Gaddi worked for

more than two decades in Giotto’s workshop. Such a duration, however, was likely exceptional. There must have been a number of painters who were active for shorter or longer periods of time as Giotto’s assistants, who then moved on, either to set up workshops on their own account or for other reasons. But one should stress that the general level of execution in the Bardi Chapel 1s nevertheless highly accomplished —so much so that even if the suggestions which have been made about the participation of Giotto's son in the paternal workshop should prove to be correct, the works attributed to Giotto ¢ figli are so substantially inferior in quality to the surviving frescoes in the Bardi Chapel that they add nothing to our understanding of Giotto’s personal artistic development. The Bardi cycle moves substantially beyond the Upper Church at Assisi in its treatment of the Franciscan Legend. This is not merely a result of familial preferences on the part of the Bardi, nor one entirely of Franciscan editorial choices, 121

Conclusion

although the role of the Order must have been important. The changing political scene 1n Italy, and especially in Flor-

ence, played its part: the Franciscan experience was seen within an Angevin hagiographic frame. The relationship between the Order and the Roman Church was more distant geographically and ideologically, and the relationship with the papacy would soon change further still. The royal saints, like the standing figures flanking a polyptych or punctuating a pulpit narrative, frame the altar wall window. In another sense the Bardi program moves beyond the Louvre Stigmatiza-

tion both in its representation of the miraculous event and also in the way its spatial frame surmounts the narratives of Francis's life and death disposed in the chapel beneath. They act in some sense once again as a predella to the Stigmatization

above the chapel entrance. The seven scenes of Francis’s earthly existence painted by Giotto for the Bardi Chapel were conceived for a largely lay

audience—members of the Bardi family themselves, their celebrating priests, and a larger and more miscellaneous lay public who would have seen or prayed before the chapel from

the transept space of Santa Croce. Such a public was little different from those who saw the Cinquina Chapel at Pisa. Florence was now probably more cosmopolitan than Pisa, the Franciscan community was certainly larger and more distin-

guished, the Bardi one of the most prominent and wellconnected merchant banking families in Europe. But this lay

public nucleated around the family of the patron, which linked the two chapel commissions. This relationship was to 122

Conclusion

change radically with the final commission I have discussed, the crossing vault of the Lower Church at San Francesco at Assisi, the burial church of the Order's founder, and a deco-

rative scheme commissioned for and daily contemplated by the friars themselves.

Chapel pictorial cycles are primarily a development of the Trecento, intimately connected with developments in ecclesiastical architecture, which increasingly fragmented the space enclosing individual groups of worshippers. [he Bardi frescoes were also a cycle painted for a family of huge wealth and

international connections, and the standing saints on the window wall broadcast the range and social status of these international links. But Florence, one should remind oneself,

was a republic: there was no court and no single individual, however wealthy or politically influential, who could act as arbiter and determine the development of Florentine society or dictate cultural fashion. The Vele composition leads the modern viewer, as it inten-

tionally took its original public, into the realm of moral allegory. This was a suggestive and imaginative terrain where Dante also worked, but the roots of the Véle iconography differ profoundly from those of the poet. It was also a monumental wall painting commission in which the workshop Grotto had built up, several times renewed and refined in its working practices, adopted a significantly more important role than in either earlier commission. As his original assistants aged and set up in proprio, so others followed them, in1tiating their own careers in a later stratum of the master's 123

Conclusion

style. [his is an important and too rarely understood argument. Thus those assistants of Giotto who worked on the Vele began their careers in the workshop very probably early in the second decade of the Trecento, well after the comple-

tion of the Arena Chapel in Padua or the Cappella San Nicola in the Lower Church. They grew to maturity during the stylistic phase of the Bardi Chapel in Florence. Our earlier examination has shown how close the Véele in the Lower Church and the Bardi Chapel are in style and chronology. They themselves can therefore also be seen as preparation for major later commissions, such as the Peruzzi Cha-

pel, which physically adjoined the Bardi Chapel in Santa Croce, the sadly fragmentary work in Naples, and the influential late polyptychs painted for Bologna and for the Baroncelli Chapel in the right transept of Santa Croce." The decade which followed the completion of the Bardi Chapel saw the acceleration of another significant feature in painting at Florence: the arrival of the Sienese. It was a phe-

nomenon not entirely new. Already in the late thirteenth century, Duccio’s great Madonna for the Compagnia det Laudesi in Santa Maria Novella had proved the attractions of Sienese painting for Florentine patrons. It may very well be that a successor to the Rucellat Madonna by Duccio, again conceived for a Laudesi confraternity, was already present in

Santa Croce, the work of a more modestly talented Sienese

artist sometimes called the Maestro di Casole.” But this practice of importation reached its greatest importance with the commissioning of a direct follower of Duccio, Ugolino 124

Conclusion

di Nerio, to paint the high altarpiece of Santa Croce itself. This huge Franciscan polyptych must have been completed and installed in the interval between the completion of the Bardi Chapel program and the start of the Baroncelli Chapel in the transept. Already by 1319 a Sienese painter, Simone Martini, had completed the great mendicant high altarpiece for San Domenico at Pisa, and shortly thereafter another Sienese painter, Pietro Lorenzetti, was commissioned by the bishop of Arezzo, Guido Tarlati, to paint the altarpiece of the Pieve at Arezzo. Ugolino’s high altarpiece for Santa Croce

can thus be seen within the framework of this export of Sienese altarpiece types and Stenese painters in the second and

third decades of the Trecento. It would be astonishing if Giotto had not himself reacted to this intrusion. In fact its impact can be seen in the manner in which Giotto adopted Sienese elements of polyptych construction, formal design, and also surface handling, most especially the prolific use of elaborate punches to decorate haloes and frames of his late panel paintings.

But it was not only in the realm of altarpiece design that there were new developments which stemmed from the intervention of non-Florentine artists. The Sienese sculptor at hand, Tino di Camaino, had been commissioned to make the tomb for the patriarch of Aquileia, Gastone della Torre, who had died in consequence of a fall from his horse near Florence in 1318. [his monument, closely modeled on Tinos tomb of Cardinal Ricardo Petroni in the Duomo at Siena, was set

up in the newly completed transept of Santa Croce itself. It 125

Conclusion

is likely that the Bardi Chapel had very recently been completed when the new marble tomb was erected.” It, like the polyptych by Ugolino di Nerio, brought recent developments in Sienese biblical iconography into the Franciscan church at Florence. The executors of Bishop Antonio d’Orso di Bil1otto (d. July 1321) subsequently commissioned Tino di Camaino to make his tomb in Florence cathedral. One of the people responsible for that design was Orso's personal notary and testamentary executor, Francesco da Barberino, himself a known admirer of Giotto.'* Bishop Antonio was almost certainly connected with the commissioning of the double-sided high altarpiece for Florence cathedral produced by Giotto's

workshop in the second decade of the fourteenth century.” But the prolonged contact which Giotto had with Tino at Angevin Naples, where the sculptor served almost as court mason, producing tomb monuments for the royal house, may well have marked the revisiting of an acquaintance already initiated at Florence a decade earlier. These Stenese intrusions would prove important for the later stylistic phases of Giotto’s career, but not for the moment of the Bardi and Vele commissions.

The period of sustained creativity in the service of the Franciscan Order which the Véle and the Bardi Chapel commissions attested was also an important one in the development of Giotto's mature artistic identity. The transformative power of his art was already evident throughout Tuscany and in Rome. It was, additionally, a period which saw the culmination of his long interrelationship with the Franciscan Or126

Conclusion

der's artistic assumptions and wishes, first seen through the prism of its historical development, as well as the complex and diffuse world of Franciscan thought and the Order's internal regulation. This potent amalgam would make an enduring impact on, and receive further significant stimuli from, the courtly art of Angevin Naples. In the Louvre Stigmatization, the Bardi Chapel frescoes, and the Vele, we have observed Giotto develop a narrative of pen-

etrating moral seriousness and sustained dramatic power. [he Vele program proved that, building on this essentially narrative base, he could produce plausible compositions of complex subjects in which the narrative pulse was less evident. It was an art that existed outside the spaces which circumscribe

the Pisan panel painting and his first Florentine chapel to have survived. In the Peruzzi Chapel the fictive architecture extends emphatically beyond the painted frame. In the Annunciation to Zacharias, the ciborium, which had long ago acted

as a pictogram for the church interior as a whole in the Arena cycle, is now itself circumscribed by the lunette frame, sug-

gesting the exceptional scale of the Temple within whose sanctuary the episode takes place. Here the fictive architectural framework of the chapel merely provides the diaphragm

through which we view a wider and more expansive space in existence beyond the church wall. In the Véle this is a vision which is developed ideologically. It is not merely a pictorial space which exists beyond the confines of its fictive architectural surround, but rather a heavenly space where allegory and symbolic content are freed from a merely contin127

Conclusion

gent terrestrial environment. Nonlinear compositional designs weaken the tenacious grip which narrative procedures had placed on earlier Tuscan painting, and the newly liberated painter could now create other versions of reality beyond the surface of the wall. The exigencies of biography or historical event were sloughed off, and the spectator was rigorously engaged in a pictorial composition which demanded theological preparation, informed analysis, and imaginative agility to reveal its full intellectual power.

126

APPENDIX

Inscriptions of the Vele

t. St. Francis in Glory ATOR RENOVAT IAM NORMAM EVANGELICAM FRANCISCUS CUNCTIS PREPARAT VIAM SALUTIS CELICAM PAUPERTATEM DUM REPARAT CASTITTATEM ANGELICAM OBEDI-

ENDO COMPARAT TRINITATEM DEIFICAM ORNATUS HIS VIRTUTIBUS ASCENDIT REGNATURUS HUIS CUMULATUS FRUCTIBUS PROCEDIT IAM SECURUS CUM ANGELORUM CETIBUS ET CHRISTO PROFECTURUS FORMAM QUAM TRADIT FRATRIBUS

Francis already renews the gospel law and prepares the way to heayenly salvation for all. While cherishing Poverty coupled with angelic chastity he prepares for the divine Trinity. Ornamented with these virtues he ascends to where he will reign. After having gathered these fruits he now proceeds serenely with the host of angels toward Christ and all follow the model which he entrusts to his brothers.

Appendix

2. The Allegory of Chastity E CASTITATIS ORANTI PRO VICTORIA CORONE DATUR CARITAS AD HANC QUERENS ACTINGERE HONESTATE SE TEGAT LOCO DATUR PERTINGERE SI FORTITUDO PROTEGAT DUM CASTTITAS PROTEGITUR PER VIRTUOSA MUNERA

NAM CONTRA HOSTES TEGITUR PER PASSI CHRISTI VULNERA DEFENDIT PENITENTIA CASTIGANDO SE CREBRIUS MORTIS REMINISCENTIA DUM MENTEM PULSAT SEPIUS FRATRES SORORES ADVOCAT ET CONTINENTES CONIUGES CUNCTOS AD EAM PROVOCAT FRANCISCUS

To Chastity who prays for victory the veil is given as a crown. Whoever seeks to join her covers themselves with honesty. One may reach

her only with the protection of Fortitude, while Chastity is herself defended through virtuous gifts. Indeed she is protected against foes by the wounds of the suffering Christ. Penitence defends herself with constant punishment while the thought of death hastens to the mind more often. Francis advocates chastity to his brothers and sisters and recommends it to continent spouses.

3. The Marriage of Saint Francis and Lady Poverty SIC CONTEPNITUR DUM SPERNIT MUNDI GAUDIA VESTE VILI CONTEGITUR QUERIT CELI SOLATIA COMPUNGITUR DURIS SENTIBUS MUNDI CARENS DIVITUIS ROSIS PLENA VIRENTIBUS ... ANT CELESTIS SPES ET CARITAS ET ANGELI COADIUVANT UT PLACEAT NECESSITAS HANC SPONSAM CHRISTUS TRIBUIT FRANCISCO UT CUSTODIAT NAM OMNIS EAM RE

Poverty is condemned thus for refusing earthly pleasures. She 1s clad in a wretched garment but seeks heavenly joys. She 1s pricked by harsh briars and without worldly riches, yet she is surrounded by blooming 130

Appendix

roses and celestial joy. Divine hope and Charity always aid Francis, and the angels ensure that poverty 1s agreeable. Christ gives such a bride to Francis because he cherishes her although others reject her.

4. The Allegory of Obedience VIRTUS OBEDIENTIE [UGO CHRISTI PERFICITUR CUIUS IUGO DECENTIE OBEDIENS EFFICITUR ASPECTUM HUNC MORTIFICAT SET VIVENTIS SUNT OPERA LINGUAM SILENS CLARIFICAT CORDE SCRUTATUR OPERA COMITATUR PRUDENTIA FUTURAQUE PROSPICERE SCIT SIMUL AC

PRAESENTTIA IN RETRO IAM DEFICERE QUASI PER SEXTI CIRCULUM AGENDA CUNCTA REGULAT ET PER VIRTUTIS SPECULUM OBEDIENTI FRENULAT SE DEFLECTITT HUMILI-

TAS PRESUMPTIONIS NESCIA CUIUS IN MANU CLARITAS VIRTUTUM SISTIS CON

The virtue of Obedience is attained through the yoke of Christ and who obeys bears his yoke lightly. Obedience may resemble death, but his works are those of one alive. Whoever stands in silence cleanses

his tongue and in his heart examines his deeds. It is done in the company of Prudence who is able to see contemporaneously present and future but can also recall the past, measuring all things as with the arm of a compass. [he mirror of virtues regulates obedience. Humility knows not Pride and kneels to discover the splendor of virtue at her hands.

oD

Note: The Latin texts given here are based on Padre Giuseppe Palumbo’s rereadings from the scaffold after the 1968 restoration, and what now survives. Some additional words, now lost or illegible, were transcribed by Fra Ludovico da Pietralunga in the sixteenth century. I have not reproduced these, but have taken them into account in my translations. 131

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Chronology

The Franciscan Order, 1287-1322 1287. Matteo d’Aquasparta, minister-general 1287-1289 1288 Nicholas IV, Girolamo d’Ascoli, O.F.M., February 22, 1288—April 4, 1292

Matteo d’Aquasparta becomes cardinal May 16, 1288

1289 Raymond Geoffroy, minister-general 1289—deposed October 1295

1296 Gtovanni da Murrovalle, minister-general 1296-1304 1298 = March: d. Pierre-Jean Olivi roo ~~ Gentile da Montefiore, O.F.M., becomes cardinal March 2—d. October 27, 1312

02 Giovanni da Murrovalle becomes cardinal December 15— d. August 1313

Matteo d’Aquasparta d. October 28, 1302 1304 Gonsalvo Hispanus, minister-general 1304-1313 General Chapter, Assisi

Chronology

Gonsalvo raises Feast of Stigmatization to duplex

307. General Chapter, Toulouse: Giovanni da Murrovalle appointed cardinal protector Gonsalvo prohibits depiction of uncanonized “saints” and beati as saints

1310 General Chapter, Padua 1311 September: Cardinal Gentile da Montefiore, O.F.M., returns from Hungary 312. May 6: Exivi de Paradiso; Council of Vienne closes 312 ~= Vital du Four, O.F.M., becomes cardinal December 23, 1312— d. August 16, 1327

13313 Alessandro d’Alessandria, minister-general 1313-1314

314. General Chapter, Barcelona 1316 Michael of Cesena, minister-general 1316-1328 General Chapter, Naples New Statutes of the Order agreed at Assisi 317 + April 7: canonization bull of Saint Louis of Toulouse, O.EM., Sol oriens mundo

320 Bertrand de Tour, O.F.M., becomes cardinal December 19 or 20, 1320—d. 1329

1322 General Chapter, Perugia Papacy and Curia, 1288-1322 1288 Nicholas IV, Girolamo d’Ascoli, O.F.M., February 22, 1288— d. April 4, 1292

1294 Celestine V, Pietro da Morrone, O.S.B., July 5, 1294—abdicated December 13, 1294

d. May 19, 1296. Canonized as Saint Peter Celestine May 5, 1313.

Boniface VIII, Benedetto Caetani, December 24,1294—d. October 11, 1303

1296 May: Boniface VIII's tomb chapel in Old Saint Peter's in use 300. ~— Jubilee of the Church 134

Chronology

303 Benedict XI, Niccolo Boccasini, O.P., October 22, 1303—d. July 7, 1304

305 Clement V, Bertrand de Goth June 5, 1305—d. April 20, 1314 310 = Dudum ad apostolatus April 14, 1310. Spirituals spokesmen ex-

empted from Community's Rule. Community censured for not correcting abuses of poverty.

311 Council of Church opens at Vienne October 16 312. May 6: Exivi de Paradiso. Church Council of Vienne closes. 14312 Cardinal Gentile da Montefiore stores part of papal treasure at San Frediano, Lucca; d. October 27 in Lucca 1313 ~~ June 14, 15: Castruccio Castracani loots papal treasure at Lucca

316 John XXII, Jacques Duése August 7, 1316—d. December 4, 1334

3317. October 7: Quorundam exigit legislates on Franciscan habit 13322, March: Quia nonunquam permits discussion of Nicholas III's Exit qui seminat December 8. Ad conditorem canonum cancels

Holy See’s dominium and alters the legal basis of Franciscan

property. San Francesco, Pisa, 1260—ca. 1321

1260 New church of San Francesco under construction 1286 Operaio elected for San Francesco 301 August 30—February 19, 1302: Cimabue works on Duomo apse mosaic November 1: Cimabue and Iohannes dictus Nuchulus stipulate contract for Santa Chiara high altarpiece for 105 Pisan denarit 3302 ~Gtucco di Lotto Cocchi leaves 150 lire for a family chapel 1303 ~~ Pisan comune adopts Feast of San Francesco as civic feast 13304. Gonsalvo Hispanus raises Feast of Stigmatization to duplex 3305 October 21: Cardinal Napoleone Orsini as papal legate allows 500 gold florins to be used to complete church building

321 Tomb of Conte della Gherardesca 135

Chronology

Santa Croce, Florence, 1287-1322

1287 ~Pierre-Jean Oliv, lector 1287— Ubertino da Casale, lector 1289

1292 November 21: testament of Donato di Arnaldo Peruzzi 1295 May 3: foundation stone of church laid 1299 ‘January 7: Lapa Russ leaves 100 lire in subsidium unius capelle fiende sive complende in choro ecclesie

1306 December 17: Fra Enrico Cerchis chapel recorded 309 ~—— January 4: d. Jacopo de Ricco Bardi

3310 September 10: payment for transept roof 314 Umiliana de’ Cerchi's remains moved to Cerchi Chapel 13317. January 22: Guardian Fra Bonanno appoints syndics 4318 August 20: d. Gastone della Torre, patriarch of Aquileia 1321 December: d. Alessandro Velluti 3322, March: d. Lapo Bardi San Francesco, Assisi, 1288-1322

1288 May 14: Nicholas IV exempts San Francesco from interdicts 1288 = May 15: Reducentes ad sedulae allows friars to use monies for

church decoration and own needs

1289 August 7: Nicholas [TV donates an altar frontal 1296 February 13: Teobaldo Pontano, O.F.M., elected bishop of Assist; d. 1329

300 ~—- February 14: April painting near altar of San Giovanni documented

1306 ~=March 6: Saint Nicholas Chapel in use

307. Saint Nicholas Chapel paintings copied in panel dated 1307 by Giuliano da Rimini 1309 ‘January 4: Giotto di Bondone documented at Assisi 3310 | September 10: Fra Jacopo de Tondi elected provincial minister of Umbria 136

Chronology

31 ~©~— July 16: flooding damages Lower Church

312 March: Cardinal Gentile da Montefiore, O.F.M., at Assisi; 600 florins assigned for Saint Martin Chapel 1318 = November 9: Venetian Senate permits Venetian glaziers to work for San Francesco Assisi

319 September 29—March 1322: papal tenth and treasure looted from sacristy 13320 June 25: Assisi placed under papal interdict 4321 August: Assisi sues for peace in war with Perugia 3322, March 29: Assisi surrenders to Perugia

137

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Notes

Preface

1. October 23, 1937; Mostra Avevstea della Romanita Catalogo, 4th de-

finitive edition (Rome, 1938). The inaugural oration of Professor Giulio Quirino Gigliolt, v—vili, states that it was organized “con il

aa - - Saika 4 - ap , I) ( 7

massimo rigore scientifico e con ardore fascista” (v).

2. Edward Gibbon, The Autobiography of Edward Gibbon, Everyman Edition (London, n.d. [1911]), 124. 3. Oliviero Ronchi, “Un documento inedito del 9 gennaio 1305 intorno alla Cappella degli Scrovegni,’ Atti e Memorie dell’ Accademia Patavina di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti 52 (1935-1936): 205-211, quotation on 210—211; Chiara Frugont, Laffare migliore di Enrico Giotto e la

cappella Scrovegni (Saggi 899) (Turin, 2008), 40.

Introduction

1. The anecdote concerning the pigs comes from Franco Sacchettt, Il Trecentonovelle, ed. Valerio Marucci (Rome, 1996), novella 75, 139

Notes to Pages 1-3

220-221, at 220; Anita Simon, “Letteratura e arte figurativa: Franco Sacchetti, un testimone d’eccezione?” Mélanges de V’Ecole Frangaise de Rome: Moyen Age 103 (1993): 443-479, esp. 473; Enid Falaschi, “Giotto: The Literary Legend,” Italian Studies 27 (1972):

I-27. 2. Giovanni Villani, ed. Giuseppe E. Sansone and Giulio C. Cura ed. (Rome, 2002), 796, 12.xit: “maestro Giotto nostro cittadino, il pin sovrano maestro stato in dipintura che ssi trovasse al suo tempo, e quelli che

pitt trasse ogni figura e atti al naturale.”

3. The document is printed by Cesare Guasti, $. Maria del Fiore (Florence, 1887), 43-44, no. 44. See Walter Paatz, “Die Gestalt Giottos 1m Spiegel einer zeitgendssischen Urkunde,” in Eine Gabe der Freunde fiir Carl Georg Heise zum 28.vi.1950 (Berlin, 1950), 85— 102,

4. Valentino Martinelli, “Un documento per Giotto ad Assisi,’ Storia dell’Arte 19 (1973): 193-208. The demonstration by John White

that the painting dated 1307 by Giuliano da Rimini now in the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum in Boston reflects the Stigmatization in the Saint Francis Legend has not been credibly impugned. John White, The Date of “The Legend of St. Francis’ at Assisi,’ Burlington Magazine 98 (1956): 344-351. See also the discussion later in this chapter. 5. Ulrich Pfisterer, “Erste Werke und Autopoiesis: Der Topos ktinstlerischer Frithbegabung im 16. Jahrhundert,” in Visuelle Topoi: Erfindung und tradiertes Wissen in den Kiinsten der italienischen Renais-

sance, ed. Ulrich Pfisterer and Max Seidel (Munich, 2002), 263— 302, esp. 264. 6. Georg Graf Vitzthum, “Zu Giotto’s Navicella,” in Italienische Studien: Paul Schubring zum 60. Geburtstag gewidmet (Leipzig, 1929),

144-145; Werner KGrte, “Die ‘Navicella’ des Giotto,” in Festschrift Wilhelm Pinder zum 60. Geburtstag (Leipzig, 1938), 223-263; Wol-

gang Kemp, “Zum Programm von Stefaneschi-Altar und Navicella,” Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte 30 (1967): 309-320; Helmtrud 140

Notes to Pages 3—4 Kohren-Jansen, Giottos Navicella: Bildtradition, Deutung, Rezeptionsge-

schichte, R6mische Studien der Bibliotheca Hertziana 8 (Worms, 1993).

7. While praying in Saint Peter's on February 26, 1380, her subsequent paralysis lasting until her death. Suzanne Noffke, O.P., The Letters of Catherine of Siena, vol. 1, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 202 (Tempe, 2000), vol. 2, Medieval and Renaissance

Texts and Studies 203 (Tempe, 2001), vol. 3, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 329 (Tempe, 2007), vol. 4, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 355 (Tempe, 2008), 4:354, 367-368: “Frater Guillelmum ordinis Heremitarum .. . narrat, ipsa eunte, ut dictum est, ad Sanctum Petrum, ibidem habuit in visione qualiter, videlicet, Ecclesie

navicula super eius spatulas postta ipsam opprimebat in tantum quod moriendo in terram cadebat.” See also Thomas Antonii de Senis “Caffarini” Libellus de Supplemento Legenda prolixe Virginis Beate Catherine de

Senis, ed. Giuliana Cavallini and Imelda Foralossa (Rome, 1974), 285; Millard Meiss, Painting in Florence and Siena after the Black Death

(Princeton, 1951), 106-107.

8. Leon Battista Alberti, Della Pittura, Raccolta di Fonti per la Storia dell’Arte 7, ed. Luigi Mallé (Florence, 1950), 95. 9. Dale Kent, The Rise of the Medici (Oxford, 1975), 275 (MAP 4, 246, October 3, 1431); Francesco Carlo Pellegrini, Sulla republica fiorentina a tempo di Cosimo il vecchio (Pisa, 1880), clxv—clxvi. Balzanello

(a spotted horse) may perhaps have the sense of a pantomime horse.

10. The phrase modified by Francesco comes from the passage on the division of property in Corpus Luris Civilis (2.1.34). The resemblance was first noticed by Joseph B. Trapp. See Falaschi, Giotto, 4 n. 22. For Envy, see Francesco da Barberino, I Documenti d’Amore, Barb. 4076; Francesco da Barberino, I documenti d’Amore di Francesco da Barberino, Societa Filologica Romana, ed. Francesco Egidi, vol. 2 (Rome, 1905-1927), 165: “hanc padue in arena optime pinsit Giottus.” For a severe critique of the Egidi edition, see Maria 141

Notes to Pages 4—5

C, Panzera, “Per l’edizione critica det Documenti d’Amore di Francesco da Barberino,” Studi mediolatini e voloari 40 (1994): 91-

18, Eric Jacobsen, “Francesco da Barberino, Man of Law and Servant of Love,” Analecta Romana Instituti Danici 15, pt. 1 (1986): 87-118, and pt. 2, 16 (1987): 75-106; Emilio Pasquini, “Francesco da Barberino,” in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, vol. 49 (Rome, 1997), 686—690. Egidi published the miniatures from the Vatican MSS BAV Barb, Lat., 4076, 4077, of the Documenti d’Amore; Fran-

cesco Egidi, “Le miniature dei codici Barberiniani det Documenti d’Amore, L’Arte 5 (1902): 1-20, 78-95. The recently rediscovered Officiolum has been published by Kay Sutton, “The Lost ‘Officiolum’ of Francesco da Barberino Rediscovered,” Burlington Magazine 147 (2005): 152-164.

i. Falaschi, Giotto, 2; Hartmut Biermann, “Das ‘O’: Giottos Anmerkungen zur Fama Giottos,” in Aufsdtze zur Kunstgeschichte Festschrift fiir Hermann Bauer zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. Karl Méseneder

and Andreas Prater (Hildesheim, 1991), 109-127, esp. 111; Ernst Kris and Otto Kurz, Legend, Myth, and Magic in the Image of the Artist

(New Haven, 1979), 23. For the story of Cimabue as Giotto’s teacher, the authors coin the telling phrase “history faking” (24). 12. Sutton, “The Lost ‘Officiolum,” 158; Eva Froymovié, “Giotto's Allegories of Justice and the Comune in the Palazzo della Ragione in Padua,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 59 (1996): 24-47. 13. Pasquini, Francesco da Barberino, 686—690; Louis Green, Chronicle into History (Cambridge, 1972); Ernst Mehl, Die Weltanschauung des Giovanni Villani: Ein Beitrag zur Geistesgeschichte Italiens im Zeitalter

Dantes, Beitrage zur Kulturgeschichte des Mittelalters und der Renaissance 33 (Leipzig, 1927); Michele Luzzati, Giovanni Villani e la compagnia dei Buonaccorsi, Bibliotheca Biografica 5 (Rome, 1971); Giovanni Cherubini, “La Firenze di Dante e di Giovanni Villani,’ Atti dell’ Accademia Peloritana dei Pericolanti, Classe di Lettere, Filosofia e 142

Notes to Pages 5—6

Belle Arti 60 (1984): 5-26; reprinted in Scritti toscani: L’urbanesimo medievale e la mezzadria (Florence, 1991), 35-51.

14. Paul F, Watson, “The Cement of Fiction: Giovanni Boccaccio and the Painters of Florence,’ Modern Language Notes 99, no. 1 January 1984): 43-64, esp. 44. Despite the possibility that Boccaccio may personally have encountered Giotto in Naples, Watson believes that “most likely Boccaccio knew his painters only at second hand” (45). 15. Giovanni Boccaccio Decameron, ed. Vittore Branca (Florence, 1960),

723, 6.5.5. Paula Stewart, “Giotto e la rinascita della pittura: ‘Decameron’ V1.5,” Yearbook of Italian Studies 5 (1983): 22-34, te-

mains important. See Watson, “The Cement of Fiction,’ 43-64; Simon, “Letteratura e arte figurativa.” 16, The signature on the episcopal tomb reads: “opervm de senis natvs ex magro camaino in hoc sitv florentino tinvs sculpsit: oe lat. nun.p.patre genitivo decet inclinari vt magister illo vivo nolit appellari.” Watson, ‘The

Cement of Fiction,’ 48; Tiziana Barbavara di Gravellona, “Tino di Camaino a Firenze e 11 monumento funerario del vescovo An-

tonio d’Orso in Duomo. I. Per una lettura del sepolcro,’ Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, Classe di Lettere e Filosofia, ser. 4,

6, no. 2 (2001 | 2004 ]): 265-299. Figures from the Death miniature (ff. 117v—-118r) in Francesco da Barberino’s Officiolum recur in the tomb relief. Sutton, “The Lost ‘Officiolum, ” 158. 17. Benedikt Maria Reichert, Acta Capitulorum Generalium, vol. 2,

Monumenta Ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum Historica 4 (Rome, 1899), 132, General Chapter of 1321 at Florence: “Item. Quia primis predicatoribus dictum est: “Nolite vocari rabbi, unus est enim magister vester, omnes autem vos fratres estis, | Matthew 23:8] inhibemus districte, ne frater aliquis nostri ordinis magister in theologia existens, quandocumque ab alio fratre ex nomine proprio designatur, obmisso nomine fratris prenom-

inetur: magister, dicendo: magister Petrus aut magister Iohannes, et sic de aliis, que nominacio vana est et secularium vocancium nomina sua in terris IA 5

Notes to Pages 6-—7 suis, sed semper prenominentur fratres dicendo: frater Petrus aut frater Iohannes sicut consueverunt fratres alii nominari.”

18. Sacchettt, Trecentonovelle, novella 75, 221. There may indeed be a his-

toric substratum to this episode. Walking toward Santissima An-

nunziata to look at paintings, Giotto might well have seen an image of Joseph at the Servite house. The Servi were the first Order to institute a feast in honor of Joseph, husband of the Virgin. In 1324 the General Chapter at Orvieto proclaimed the feast; see Annales PP. Servorum B.M.V.,, vol. 1, 248; Joseph Seitz, Die Verebrung des bl. Joseph in ibrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung bis zum

Konzil von Trient dargestellt (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1908); Prancis L. Filas, The Man Nearest to God: Nature and Historic Development of the Devotion to St. Joseph (London, 1947), 142. For the ancient sources

of the story of artists’ wit and humor, see Kris and Kurz, Legend, Myth, and Magic, 99.

19. Millard Meiss, Giotto and Assisi (New York, 1960), 25. 20. Serena Romano, La O di Giotto (Milan, 2008), 84-89, reproduces

both Isaac scenes, 322, 323. For a powerful contrary opinion, see Wolfgang Kemp, Die Raume der Maler: Zur Bildererzablung seit Giotto

(Munich, 1996), 19-22. 21. Lorenzo Ghiberti, [ Commentari, Biblioteca della Scienza Italiana

17, ed. Lorenzo Bartoli (Florence, 1998), 83. The link had been made slightly earlier by the Dante commentators; see Commento alla Divina Commedia d’Anonimo Fiorentino del secolo XIV, ed. Pietro

Fanfani, vol. 2, 1866-1874 (Bologna, 1868), 187: “Cimabue fu da Firenze, grande e famoso dipintore . . . ; et fu maestro di Giotto dipintore”: and “Giotto similmente fu dipintore, et maestro grande in quella arte, tanto che, non solamente in Firenze d’onde era nato, ma per tutta UItalia corse il nome suo. Et dicesi che ‘padre di Giotto Vavea posto all‘arte della lana.’”

22. John White, The Birth and Rebirth of Pictorial Space, 3rd ed. (London,

1987), 57-71, temains basic. See also Romano, La O di Giotto, 213—216.; Anne Derbes and Mark Sindona, The Usurer’s Heart: Giotto, Enrico Scrovegni, and the Arena Chapel at Padua (University 144

Notes to Pages 7-8 Park, 2008); Chiara Frugoni, Vaffare migliore di Enrico Giotto e la Cappella Scrovegni (Turin, 2008).

23. Julian Gardner, “The Decoration of the Baroncellt Chapel in Santa Croce,” Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte 34 (1971): 89-114. Stmone Epking, Die Entwicklung des Altarstipes in Florenz vor 12. bis 1 5,

Jabrbundert (Weimar, 2005), misguidedly regards the altar block as a later insertion.

24. Willibald Sauerlander, “‘Quand les statues étaient blanches’: Discussion au styjet de la polychromie,’ in La couleur et la Pierre Polychromie des portails gothiques: Actes du colloque, Amiens, 12-14 octobre

2000, ed. Denis Verret and Delphine Steyaert (Paris, 2002), 27— 42; Ulrich Schiess! and Renate Kiihnen, eds., Polychrome Skulptur in Europa: Technologie, Konservierung, Restaurierung. Lagungsbeitrage. 11-13

November 1999 (Dresden, 1999); Clario di Fabio, “Memoria e mo-

dernita: Della propria figura di Enrico Scrovegni e di altre sculture nella cappella dell’Arena di Padova, con aggiunte al catalogo di Marco Romano,” in Medioevo: Immagine e memoria; Atti del Conveono internazionale di studi, Parma, 23-28 settembre 2008, ed. Arturo

C. Quintavalle (Milan, 2009), 532-546; Kathleen Ashley and Véronique Plesch, “The Cultural Process of ‘Appropriation, ” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 32, no. 1 (2002): 1-15.

25. Wolfgang Kallab, Vasaristudien, Quellenschriften ftir Kunstgeschichte und Kunsttechnik des Mittelalters 15 (Vienna, 1908); Thomas S. R. Boase, Giorgio Vasari: The Man and the Book (Princeton, 1979); Patricia L. Rubin, Giorgio Vasari: Art and History (New

Haven, 1995), 287-320, esp. 159-165, 308, 313. Rubin notes that Giotto was apparently much busier in the first edition of his Vita

than in the second (314). See the review of Rubin by Charles Hope, “Can You Trust Vasari?” New York Review of Books, October 5, 1995, 10-13. See also Paul Barolsky, Giotto’s Father and the Family of

Vasari’s Lives (University Park, 1992), 4, 20ff.; Hayden B. J. Maginnis, Painting in the Age of Giotto: A Historical Reappraisal (University Park, 1997), chaps. 1 and 2, and 198-200.

45

Notes to Pages 9Q—12

26. Boase, Giorgio Vasari, 50, notes that Vasari visited Assisi at least three times: before 1563, in May 1563, and in April 1566. He may never have seen the Arena Chapel (45).

27. See Watson, “The Cement of Fiction,’ 50, on Boccaccio and Pliny.

28. Leonetto Tintori and Millard Meiss, The Painting of the Life of St. Francis in Assisi (New York, 1962), 184 n. 4; idem, “Additional Observations on Italian Mural Technique,” Art Bulletin 46 (1964): 377-380; Bruno Zanardi, II cantiere di Giotto: Le storie di san Francesco

ad Assisi (Milan, 1996). See the review of Zanardi by Julian Gardner in Burlington Magazine 140 (1998): 269-270. 29. Michael Prestwich, “Medieval Biography,’ Journal of Interdisciplinary History 40, no. 3 (2010): 325-346.

30. The document was originally published in Josef Strzygowsk1, Cimabue und Rom: Funde und Forschungen zur Kunstgeschichte und zur

Topographie der Stadt Rom (Vienna, 1888); 158-160; Eugenio Battisti,

Cimabue (Rome, 1963), 91. For an elaborate evaluation of the document, see Luciano Bellosi, Cimabue (Modena, 1998), 66, who in my view attaches too much weight to the document. 31. Sancta Sanctorum, Carlo Pietrangeli ed. (Milan, 1995). 32. Brenda Preyer, “Da chasa gli Alberti’: The “Territory’ and Housing of the Family,” in Leon Batista Alberti: Architetture e Committenti; Atti dei Convegni internazionali del Comitato Nazionale VI centenario della nascita di Leon Battista Alberti, Firenze, Rimini, Mantova, 12-16

ottobre 2004, Ingenium 12, ed. Arturo Calzona, Joseph Connors, Francesco Paolo Fiore, and Cesare Vasoli (Florence, 2009), 3-33; David Friedman, “Palace and the Street in Late-Medieval and Renaissance Italy,” in Urban Landscapes: International Perspectives, ed.

Jeremy W. R. Whitehand and Peter J. Larkham (London, 1992), 69-113. In general, see Franek Sznura, L’espansione urbana di Firenze nel Dugento (Florence, 1975).

33. A. Teresa Hankey, “Riccobaldo of Ferrara and Giotto: An Update,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 54 (1991): 244;

idem, Riccobaldo of Ferrara: His Life, Works, and Influence, Istituto 146

Notes to Pages 12-14

Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, Fonti per la Storia dell’Italia Medievale Subsidia 2 (Rome, 1996).

34. Francesco Forcellini, “Un ignoto pittore napoletano del secolo XIV, e un nuovo documento sulla venuta di Giotto in Napoll,’ Archivio Storico per le Provincie Napoletane 35 (1910): 545-552, demon-

strated that Giotto was in Naples from early December 1328 (545). Francesco Aceto, “Pittori e document: della Napoli angioina: Aggiunte ed espunzioni, Prospettiva 67 (1992): 53-65.

35. Riccardo Filangiert di Candida, “Rassegna: Critica delle Fonti per la Storia di Castel Nuovo,” Archivio Storico per le Provincie Napoletane 61 (1936): 251-323, 62 (1937): 267-333, and 64 (1939): 237-322. Doc. 8 (1936): 320: “conversarum in opere picture dicte magne Capelle ac complemento picture dicte secrete Capelle dicti Castri necnon pictura unius Cone depicte de mandato nostro in domo Magistri Zocti prothomagistri op-

eris dicte picture necnon salario seu mercede diversorum magistrorum tam

piutorum quam manualium et manipulorum laborantium certis diebus in opere dicte picture.” Canc. Ang. reg. 285f. 213ff. Francesco Aceto, “Tl

‘Castrum Novum’ Angioino di Napollt,” in Cantieri medievali, ed. Roberto Cassanelli (Milan, 1995), 251-267, esp. 266. 36. For the misdrawn figure in the Last Judgment, see Giuseppe Basile, La Cappella degli Scrovegni (Milan, 1992), 77, just to the right of the

right arm of the central cross. 37. Tintort and Meiss, “Additional Observations on Italian Mural Technique,” 380; Eve Borsook, The Mural Painters of Tuscany, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1980), 10; Carmen Bambach, Drawing and Painting in the Italian Renaissance Workshop (Cambridge, 1999), 152-153. 38. Sacchetti, Lrecentonovelle, novella 63, 182 : “disse a un suo discepolo desse

fine alla dipintura.” Simon, “Letteratura e arte figurativa,’, 46rff. 39. Simon, “Letteratura e arte figurativa,’ 447. 40. Timothy E. Duff, Plutarch’s Lives: Exploring Vice and Virtue (Oxford,

1999), 15ff., 69-70. 41. Friedrich Rintelen, Giotto und die Giotto-Apokryphen, 2nd ed. (Basel, 1923), 248 n. 217.

42. Ibid.

47

Notes to Pages 14-15

43. Hannelore Glasser, “Artists’ Contracts of the Early Renaissance” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1965), remains fundamental. The contract for the Rucellai Madonna is published in John White, Duccio: Tuscan Art and the Medieval Workshop (London, 1979), 185—

187, no. 5; James H. Stubblebine, Duccio di Buoninsegna and His School, vol. 1 (Princeton, 1979), 192-194, no.5; Jane I. Satkowski and Hayden B. J. Maginnis, Duccio di Buoninsegna: Li he Documents

and Early Sources (Athens, Ga., 2000), 49-53, no.7. See also Julian Gardner, “Giotto e Cimabue a Pisa: Two altarpieces in the Louvre, Prospettiva, forthcoming. 44. Theodor Mommsen, Petrarch’s Testament (Ithaca, N.Y., n.d. 1957]), 78—80.

45. Michael V. Schwarz and Pia Theis, Giottus Pictor (Vienna, 2004), 249: “picti per egregium pictorem nomine Giottum Bondonis qui est de dicto populo sancte Marie novelle.”

46. Frithjof Schwartz, “In medio ecclesiae: Giottos Tafelkreuz in Santa Maria Novella,” Wiener Jahrbuch fiir Kunstgeschichte 54 (2006): 95-114.

47. Sacchetti, Trecentonovelle, novella 75 : “Tutti si avvolsono uno Valtro affermando non che Giotto fusse gran maestro di dipingere, ma essere ancora

mastro delle sette arti liberali.’ See Simon, “Letteratura e arte figurativa,’ 474; George M. Richter, The Literary Works of Leonardo da Vinci, vol. 1 (London, 1939), 331-332, no. 660: “ne’ pittori dopo i romani, i quali senpre imitarono l’uno dallaltro e di etd in eta senpre andava

detta arte in declino; dopo questi venne Giotto Fiorentino il quale [ non € stato contento allo imitare Vopere di Cimabue so maestro, | nato in monti soletari, abitati solo da capre e simil bestie,—questo sendo volto dalla natura a simile arte comincio a disegniare Sopra 1 sassi li atti delle capre delle quali

lui era guardatore. e cosi comincio a fare tutti li animali che nel paese Si trovava in tal modo, che questo dopo molto avanzo non che i maestri della sua

eta, ma tutti quelli di molti secoli passati; dopo questo Varte ricadde, perché tutti imitivano le fatte pitture, e cost di secolo in secolo ando declinando.”

48. Johannes Wilde, Italian Drawings in the Department of Prints 148

Notes to Pages 19-20

and Drawings in the British Museum: Michelangelo and His Studio (London, 1953), 2; Luitpold Diissler, Die Zeichnungen des Michelangelo (Berlin, 1959), 134, no. 212. See also Paul Joannides,

Michel-Ange Eléves et Copistes, Musée du Louvre Musée D’Orsay, Département des Arts Graphiques, Inventaire générale des dessins italiens 5 (Paris, 2003), 59—61, inv. 706, no. 1, figures to

the left of the Ascension of John the Evangelist. 1. Giotto at Pisa 1. Bernard of Besse, Speculum Disciplinae, printed in S. Bonaventurae, S.R.E., Cardinalis, Opera Omnia, vol. 8 (Ad Claras Aquas, 1898),

appendix, 583-622, esp. 583, chap. 5, “De praesuntione tam in re quam in signo vitanda.’ There is information on Bernard of Besse in David Amico, “Bernard of Besse: Praises of the Blessed Francis (Liber de Laudibus Beati Francisci),’ Franciscan Studies 48 (1988): 213-268. 2. Joseph Ratzinger, foreword to Die Geschichtstheologie des heiligen Bo-

naventura (Munich, 1959). See, however, Kevin Hughes, “St. Bonaventure’s Collationes in Hexaémeron: Fractured Sermons and Pro-

treptic Discourse,” Franciscan Studies 63 (2005): 107-130. See also

“Discorso del Santo Padre Benedetto XVI ai membri della famiglia francescana, Osservatore Romano, April 18, 2009. 3. Bruno Zanardi, Il cantiere di Giotto: Le Storie di san Francesco ad Assisi

(Milan, 1996), with excellent color reproductions. See also the review by Julian Gardner, Burlington Magazine 140 (1998): 269-270; Bruno Zanardi, Giotto e Pietro Cavallini: La questione di Assisi e il cantiere medievale della pittura a fresco (Milan, 2002); Federico Zert, introduction to Zanardi, Il cantiere di Giotto, 1o—11. See the alterna-

tive suggestion of Michael V. Schwarz, Giottus Pictor, vol. 2 (Vienna, 2008), 331-344.

4. Peter Murray, “Notes on Some Early Giotto Sources,’ Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 16 (1953): 58-80, esp. 70; Donal 149

Notes to Pages 20-21

Cooper and Janet Robson, “Pope Nicholas IV in the Upper Church at Assisi,’ Apollo 157 (2004): 31-35; Luciano Bellost, ““Nicholaus IV freri precepit’: Una testimonianza di valore inestimabile sulla decorazione della Basilica Superiore di San Francesco ad Assisi, Prospettiva 126-127 (April—July 2007): 2-13. But see Robert Davidsohn, Forschungen zur Geschichte Florenz, vol. 4 (Florence, 1908), 484. 5. Davidsohn, Forschungen zur Geschichte Florenz; Frank J. Mather Jr., The Isaac Master: A Reconstruction of the Work of Gaddo Gaddi (Prince-

ton, 1932), 1; Murray, “Notes on Some Early Giotto Sources,” 70. For further discussion, see Chapter 3. 6. Julian Gardner, “Pope Nicholas IV and the Decoration of Santa Maria Maggiore,” Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte 36 (1973): 1-50; idem,

“Bizutt, Rusuti Nicolaus and Johannes: Some Neglected Documents Concerning Roman Artists in France,’ Burlington Magazine 129 (1987): 381-383; Alessandro Tomei, Jacobus Torriti Pictor (Rome, 1990), 99-118, who reproduces it, figs. xvili—xx1v.

7. Uhis had earlier been argued by Leonetto Tintori and Millard Meiss, Lhe Painting of the Life of Saint Francis in Assisi (New York, 1962), 54-55, 130. See also Zanardi, Il cantiere di Giotto, 19-58; Serena Romano, La Basilica di san Francesco ad Assisi: Pittori, botteghe e strategie narrative (Rome, 2001), 171-175, reviewed by Irene Hueck, Journal fiir Kunstgeschichte 6 (2002): 129-135.

8. Richard Offner, “Giotto, non-Giotto,’ Burlington Magazine 74 (1939): 259-268.

9. Claudio Bellinati, La Cappella di Giotto all’Arena (1300-1306) (Padua, 1967). For the liturgical ceremony of consecration, see Michel Andrieu, ed., Le Pontifical de la Curie Romaine au XILIe. Siecle,

Studi e Testi 87 (Vatican City, 1940), 436, line 12, for places “in quibus debent esse totidem cruces depicte.” See also idem, Le Pontifical de

Guillaume Durand, Studi e Testi 88 (Vatican City, 1940), 490, lines 20-21; Anselm Davril and Timothy M. Thibodeau, eds., Gvillelmi

Dvranti Rationale Divinorum Officiorvm, Corpus Christianorum 150

Notes to Pages 21-23

Continuatio Mediaevalis 115 (Turnholt, 1995), 73, Rationale Lib. 1.6.27: “Sane crismato altari, duodecim cruces in parietibus ecclesie depicte

crismantur.’ Color reproductions in Giuseppe Basile, Giotto: La Cappella degli Scrovagni (Milan, 1992).

to. Luisa Marcucci, Gallerie Nazionali di Firenze: I Dipinti Loscani del secolo XIV (Rome, 1965); Luciano Berti and Annamaria Petrioli Tofani, eds., La “Madonna d’Ognissanti” di Giotto restaurata, Uffizi Studi e Ricerche 8 (Florence, 1992), reproduced at 8, 11-13. u. Edward B. Garrison, Italian Romanesque Panel Painting: An Illustrated Index (Florence, 1949), 155, no. 408; Angelo Tartuferi, Giunta Pi-

sano (Soncino, 1991), 46-55. Tartufert reproduces the panel in color at 47. 12. Hans Belting, Die Oberkirche von San Francesco in Assisi (Berlin, 1977), 25, 43; Servus Gieben, “La croce con Frate Elia di Giunta Pisano,” in Il Cantiere Pittorico della Basilica Superiore di San Francesco

in Assisi, Miracolo dt Assisi 13, ed. Giuseppe Basile and Pasquale Magro (Assisi, 2001), 1or—110; Joanna Cannon, “The Era of the

Great Painted Crucifix: Giotto, Cimabue, Giunta Pisano and Their Anonymous Contemporaries,’ Renaissance Studies 16 (2002): 571-581, ESP. 575.

13. Non est tamen caputium, sive coram Fratribus sive coram extraneis, nimis

in capite sine rationabili causa profundandum”: Bernard of Besse, Spec-

ulum Disciplinae, no. 5, 608; Jens Réhrkasten, “Early Franciscan Legislation and Lay Society,’ in Monasteries and Society in the British

Isles in the Later Middle Ages, ed. Janet Burton and Karen Stéber (Woodbridge, Suffolk, 2008), 183-195, esp. 190.

14. Ihéophile Desbonnets, “Le Saint Francois de la communauté des origines au Concile de Vienne,” in Francesco d’Assisi nella Storia,

ed. Servus Gieben, vol. 1 (Rome, 1983), 21-61, at 37. 15. Ll Libro di Antonio Billi esistenti in due copie nella Biblioteca Nazionale di

Firenze, ed. Carl Frey (Berlin, 1892), 5, records this panel as “et in Pisa uno santo Francesco scalzo” but attributes it to Cimabue.

16. William B. Miller, “The Franciscan Legend in Italian Painting of 151

Notes to Pages 23-24 the Thirteenth Century” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1961), 86—o1; Tartuferi, Giunta Pisano, 46-54; Chiara Frugoni, “La tavola pisana con storie dis. Francesco,” in Societa, istituzioni, spiritualita: Studi in onore di Cinzio Violante, vol. 1 (Spoleto, 1995), 375-382; Wil-

liam R. Cook, Images of St. Francis of Assisi in Painting, Stone and Glass from the Earliest Images to ca. 1320 in Italy: A Catalogue, Italian

Medieval and Renaissance Studies 7 (Florence, 1999), 169-147, no. 143.

17. Prugoni, “La Tavola pisana,’ 381, sees this as “frutto di una devozione femminile particolarmente intensa, che attraverso la tavola si rivela, ma anche, si propaga.”

18. Thomas de Celano, Tractatus de Miraculis, chap. 193, in Analecta Franciscana, vol. 10 (Ad Claras Aquas, 1926-1941), 328; Eamonn Duffy, “Finding St Francis: Early Images, Early Lives,” in Medieval Theology and the Natural Body, York Studies in Medieval Theology 1,

ed. Peter Biller and Andrew Minnis (York, 1997), 193-236, esp. 211; Frugoni, “La Tavola pisana,’ 378. 19. Thomas de Celano, Tractatus de Miraculis ( Analecta Franciscana, 10), 330; John R. H. Moorman, A History of the Franciscan Order (Ox-

ford, 1968), 283-284; Frugoni, “La Tavola pisana,’ 379; Roberto Pactocco, “Come ho potuto e con parole improprie.’ in Roberto Pacioco and Felice Accrocca, La leogenda di un santo di nome Francesco (Milan, 1999), 131-135.

20. Jacques Paul, “Limage de saint Francois dans le Traité “De Mivaculis’ de Thomas de Celano,’ in Gieben, Francesco d’Assisi nella

Storia, 1:251-274, esp. 273; Desbonnets, “Le Saint Francois de la communauté,’ 26, 21. For an estimate of the Order's size, see Rosalind B. Brooke, Early Franciscan Government: Elias to Bonaventure (Cambridge, 1959), 282— 283.

22. Duffy, “Finding St Francis,” 211. 23. Louis Hautecoeur, La Peinture au Musée du Lowvre: Ecoles italiennes XIITe, X1Ve, X Ve Siecles (Paris, n.d.), 19-21. See Dominique- Vivant 152

Notes to Pages 25—26

Denon, L’oeil de Napoléon, Musée du Louvre (Paris, October 20, 1999—Januaty 17, 2000), 243-244, no. 237. The panel left Pisa on October 23, 1812, and arrived in Paris in 1813, where 1t was restored

and given its present (outer) frame. Denon himself noted: “Tableau authentique de ce peintre primitif. Il est signé” (2.43).

24. Julian Gardner, “The Louvre Stigmatization and the Problem of the Narrative Altarpiece,’ Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte 45 (1982): 217-247, eSp. 220.

25. The identification was suggested by Carl B. Strehlke, “Francis of Assisi: His Culture, His Cult and His Basilica,’ in The Treasury of Saint Francis of Assisi, Metropolitan Museum of Art, March 16—

June 27, 1999, ed. Giovanni Morello and Laurence B. Kanter (Milan, 1999), 23-51. Strehlke, “Francis of Assisi,’ 42, suggested that Natuccio (Benenato) Cinquini was the patron. 26. Alma Poloni, Lrasformazioni della societa e mutamenti delle forme polit-

iche in un Comune italiano: Il Popolo a Pisa (1220-1330), Studi Medi-

oevali 9 (Pisa, 2004), 76, 137, 420-424. 27. Les sermons et la visite pastorale de Federico Visconti archevéque de Pise

(1253-1277), Sources et Documents d'Histoire du Moyen Age 3, ed. Nicole Bériou and Isabelle Le Masne de Chermont (Rome, 2001), 778-779; Alexander Murray, “Archbishop and Mendicants in Thirteenth-Century Pisa,” in Stellung und Wirksamkeit der Bettelorden in der stédtischen Gesellschaft, Berliner Historische Studien 3, Ordensstudien 2, ed. Kaspar Elm (Berlin, 1981), 19-75, esp. 41. 28. Polont, Trasformazioni della societa, 137; Alma Poloni, “Gli uomint

d’affari pisani e la perdita della Sardegna: Qualche spunto di riflessione sul commericio pisano nel XIV secolo,’ in Per Marco Langheroni: Studi su Pisa e sul Mediterraneo medievale offerti dai suoi ul-

timi allievi, ed. Cecilia Iannella (Pisa, 2005), 157-184, esp. 160, 180-182. For this development, see Richard Goldthwaite, The Economy of Renaissance Florence (Baltimore, 2009), 220-221, 246— 248,

29. David Herlihy, Pisa in the Early Renaissance (New Haven, 1958), 1§3

Notes to Pages 26-27

170; Robert H. Bautier, “Les foires de Champagne: Recherches sur une évolution historique,’ in La Foire: Recueils de la Société Jean

Bodin, vol. 5 (Brussels, 1953), 97-145; Michel Bur, “Note sur quelques petites foires de Champagne,” in Studia in memoria di Federigo Melis, vol. 1 (Naples 1978), 255-267.

30. Emilio Cristiani, “Gli avvenimenti pisani del periodo ugoliniano in una cronaca inedita,” Bollettino Storico Pisano 76 (1957-58): 3-104,

esp. 75ff.; David Abulafia, “Southern Italy and the Florentine Economy, 1265-1370,” Economic History Review, ser. 2, 34 (1981): 376-388, esp. 379; Polont, Trasformazioni della societa, 138. 31. Polont, Trasformazioni della societa, 154-155, 423.

32. Ibid., 265. 33. Ibid., 239, 349, 351.

34. Regestum Clementis Papae V, ed. Monachorum Ordinis S. Benedicti, vol. 3 (Rome, 1885-1892), no. 2261 (Poitiers, June 3, 1307).

35. Julian Gardner, “The Family Chapel: Artistic Patronage and Architectural Transformation in Italy c. 1275-1325,” in Art, Cérémonial et Liturgie au Moyen Age: Actes du Colloque Romand de Lettres, Lausanne-

Fribourg, 24—25 mars, 14-15 avril, 12-13 mai 2000, ed. Nicholas Bock, Peter Kurmann, Serena Romano, and Jean-Michel Spieser (Rome, 2002), 545-558; Annegritt Héger, “Studien zur Entstehung der Familienkapelle und zu Familienkapellen und -altaren des Trecento in Florentiner Kirchen” (diss., University of Bonn, 1976); Irene Hueck, “Die Kapellen der Basilika San Francesco in Assisi: Die Auftraggeber und die Franziskaner,’ in Patronage and Public in the Trecento: Proceedings of the St. Lambrecht Symposium, Abtei

St. Lambrecht, Styria, 16-19 July, 1984, ed. Vincent Moleta (Flor-

ence, 1986), 81-104; Ena Giurescu, “Family Chapels in Santa Maria Novella and Santa Croce: Architecture, Patronage, and Competition” (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1997). 36. Grado Merlo, Tra eremo e citta: Studi su Francesco d’Assisi e sul francescanesimo medievale (Assisi, 1991), 101.

37. Cesare Cenc, “Silloge di documenti francescani trascritti dal P. IS 4

Notes to Page 28 Riccardo Pratest O.F.M.,” Studi Francescani 62 (1965): 364-419, esp. 369-371, no. 4: “libras quinquaginta pro opere cappelle infirmorum dicti conventus [. S, Crucis | vel pro altari sive fornimentis aut ornamentis altaris.”’

38. Robert Brentano, “Death in Gualdo Tadino and in Rome (1340, 1296), in Mélanges G. Fransen, Studia Gratiana 19, vol. 1 (Rome, 1976), 79-100, esp. 99. Antonella Mazzon, “Una famiglia di mercanti della Roma duecentesca: I Sassoni,;’ Archivio della Societa Ro-

mana di Storia Patria 123 (2000): 59-84, prints the will (81-84). See

also Ivana Alt, ““Tracce della presenza celestiniana a Roma e a

Tivoli tra la fine del XII secolo e 1 primi decenni del XIV secolo,’ in Celestino V cultura e societa: Atti della Giornata di Studio (Ferentino, 17 maggio 2003), ed. Ludovico Gatto and Eleonora Plebani (Rome, 2007), 137-171, esp. 143-144. 39. For the tomb slab of 1298, see Jorg Garms et al., Die mittelalterlichen Grabmiler in Rom und Latium von 13. bis 15. Jabrhundert, vol. 1,

Die Grabplatten und Tafeln, Publikationen de Osterreichischen Kulturinstituts in Rom, Abteilung 2, Quellen 5, Reibe 1 (Rome and Vienna, 1981), 114—115, no. 28.3. It is the oldest surviving lay tomb slab in Aracoeli. For the family chapel, ASS Firenze Diplomatico

Fondo Strozzi-Uguccioni, November 21, 1292, in Eve Borsook, “Notizie su due cappelle in Santa Croce a Firenze,” Rivista d’Arte 36 (1961-62): 89-106; Leonetto Tintori and Eve Borsook, The Peruzzi Chapel (New York, 1965), 95. See also Chapter 3.

40. Mauro Ronzani, “Il francescanestmo a Pisa fino alla meta del Trecento,’ Bollettino Storico Pisano 54 (1985): 1-55, 35 n. 92: “pro faciendo fieri et construi unam cappellam.” After the delivery of the lec-

tures on which this book is based, Gail Solberg published an important article on Taddeo di Bartolo’s altarpiece for the sacristy of San Francesco which provides new information about later family patronage. Gail Solberg, ““Taddeo di Bartolo’s Altarpiece at San Francesco at Pisa: New Discoveries and a Reconstruction,’ Burlington Magazine 152 (2010): 144-151. 155

Notes to Pages 28—29

41. David Herlihy, Pisa in the Early Renaissance (New Haven, 1958), 39,

calls it “Pisa’s business quarter.’ See also Philip Jones, The Italian City-State: From Commune to Signoria (Oxford, 1997), 212.

42. Tommaso Strinati, Aracoeli: Gli Affreschi ritrovati (Milan, 2004);

Livario Oliger, “Due musaici con S. Francesco della chiesa di Aracoeli in Roma,’ Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 4 (1911): 213—

251, esp. 218ff.; Valentino Pace, “Committenza aristocratica e ostentazione araldica nella Roma del Duecento,’ in Roma Medievale Aggiornamenti, ed. Paolo Delogu (Rome, 1998), 175-191; Serena Romano, “L’Aracoeli, il Campidoglio, e le famiglie romane nel Duecento,” in Delogu, Roma Medievale Aggiornamenti, 193-209.

43. Ronzani, “I francescanesimo a Pisa fino alla meta del Trecento’”; Mauro Ronzani, “La Chiesa e il convento di S, Francesco nella Pisa del Duecento,’ in I francescanesimo a Pisa (sece. Allle XI V) ela missione del Beato Agnello in Inghilterra a Cantelbury e Cambridge

(1224-1236), Atti del Convegno Pisa 2001, ed. Ottavio Banti and Marina Soriano Innocenti (Pisa, 2005), 31-45. 44. Kurt Biebrach, Die holzgedeckten Franziskaner- und Dominikanerkirchen

in Umbrien und Toskana, Beitrage zur Bauwissenschaft 1 (Berlin, 1908), 45; Alessandro del Bufalo, La Chiesa di San Francesco in Pisa

(Rome, n.d.); Wolfgang Schenkluhn, Architektur der Bettelorden (Darmstadt, 2000), 64—71; Antonio Cadet, “La chiesa di S. Francesco a Cortona,’ Storia della Citta 13 (1978): 16—23; Julian Gardner,

"A Vhirteenth-Century Franciscan Building Contract,’ in Medioevo: Le officine Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi Parma, 22-26

settembre 2009, ed. Arturo C. Quintavalle (Milan, 2010), 457-467. 45. Hautecoeur, La Peinture au Musée du Louvre, 16-19; Eugenio Bat-

tisti, Cimabue (University Park, 1967), 68-71; Luciano Bellosi, Cimabue (Modena, 1998), 274-275 and figs. 95-112; Mariagiulia Burrest and Antonino Caleca, Cimabue a Pisa: La pittura Pisana del Duecento dal Giunta a Giotto, Museo Nazionale di S. Matteo, Pisa, 25 matZO—25 giugno 2005 (Pisa, 2005), 76; Julian Gardner, “Ci156

Notes to Pages 29-30

mabue and Giotto at Pisa: Two Altarpieces in the Louvre,’ Prospettiva (forthcoming). 46. Raffaello Roncioni, Delle Famiglie Pisane supplite ed annotate da Fran-

cesco Bonaini, Archivio Storico Italiano, ed. Francesco Bonaini, ):

817-980, esp. 947-955, Mentions a crucifix once in S. Lorenzo alla Rivolta at Pisa with the inscription: “Hoc opus fieri fecit Dominus Benedictus [ recte Benenatus? |, rector hujus ecclesie Sancti Laurentii et

peritus in iure canonico et civili, pro anima sua et F- Cinquini sui patris de

eius pechunia. Anno Domini MCCCVIILL die XIII mensis Junii” (947). For the church, see Pietro Guidi and Martino Giusti, Rationes Decimarum Italiae nei secoli XIII e XIV, Tvscia, Studie e Testi

58, no. 98 (Vatican City, 1932, 1942), Tuscia 1, no. 3685 (Pisa 1276/ 7)s 135.

47. For the badly damaged early mural triptych by the Maestro di

San Francesco on the nave wall left of the entrance to the Magdalen Chapel, see Joanna Cannon, “Dating the Frescoes by the Maestro di San Francesco at Assisi,’ Burlington Magazine 124

(1982): 65-69; Serena Romano, “Le storie parallele di Assist: I Maestro di San Francesco,’ Storia dell’Arte 14 (1982): 15-48; Joachim Poeschke, “Der ‘Franziskusmeister’ und die Anfange der Ausmalung von San Francesco in Assisi,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 26 (1983): 15-48; Giorgio Bonsanti, ed., La Basilica di San Francesco ad Assisi, Mirabiliae Italiae 11 (Modena, 2002).

48. Desbonnets, “Le Saint Francois de la communauté,’ 26; Ignatius Brady, “The Writings of Saint Bonaventure Regarding the Franciscan Order,” Miscellanea Franciscana 75 (1975): 89-112, esp. off.

The note of caution about the commission of the Legenda Maior was sounded by Michael Cusato, “ ‘Esse ergo mitem et humilem corde, hoc est esse vere fratrem minorem’: Bonaventure of Bagnoregio and the

Reformulation of the Franciscan Charism,’ in Charisma und religidse Gemeinschaften im Mittelalter: Akten des 3. Internationalen Kon157

Notes to Pages 30—31 presses des Italienisch-deutschen Zentrums fiir Vergleichende Ordensge-

schichte, Vita Regularis Abhandlungen 26, ed. Giancarlo Andenna, Mirko Breitenstein, and Gert Melville (Miinster, 2005), 343-382, esp. 357 n. 39. No capitular decree from either the General Chap-

ter of Narbonne (1260) or Pisa (1263) commissioned the text: Constitutiones Generales Ordinis fratrum Minorum I (Saeculum XID),

in Analecta Franciscana, vol. 13, n.s., Documenta et Studia 1, ed.

Cesare Cenct and Romain G. Mailleux (Grottaferrata, 2007), 65-103; Stephen J. P. van Dyk, “The Statutes of the General Chapter of Pisa (1263),” Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 45 (1952): 299-322.

49. Andrew G. Little, “Definitiones Capitulorum Generalium Ordinis fratrum Minorum 1260-1282,’ Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 7 (1914): 676-682, esp. 678, no. 10: “Ltem precepit generale capitulum per obedientiam, quod omnes legende de beato Francisco olim facte

deleantur, et ubi extra ordinem inveniri poterunt, ipsas fratres studeant amovere, cum illa legenda que facta est per generalem ministrum fuerit com-

pilata prout tpse habuit ab ore eorum, qui cum b, Francisco quasi semper

fueruntet cuncta certitudinaliter sciverint et probata ibi sint posita dili-

genter.’ That this derived directly from Bonaventure himself as munister-general is demonstrated in the slightly fuller version of the Parisian decrees published by Giuseppe Abbate, “Le ‘Diffinitiones’ del Capitulo Generale di Parigi del 1266,” Miscellanea Francescana 32 (1932): 3-5, esp. 5, no. 12: “Ltem vult Generalis Minister quod

omnes diffinitiones Narbonensis Capituli et Pisanis a Ministris omnibus

habeantur et fratribus exponatur.” See Giovanni Miccoli, Francesco d’Assisi: Realta e memoria di un’esperienza cristiana (Turin, 1991), 293;

Paciocco, “Come ho potuto e con parole improprie,’ 51-53; Pietro

Zerbi, “Intorno a due recenti libri di argomento francescano, Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia 47, no. 1 (1993): 116-153, esp.

144; Grado G. Merlo, Nel nome di san Francesco (Padua, 2003), 172-175.

50. Mauro Ronzani, “La chiesa cittadina pisana tra Due e Trecento,’ 156

Notes to Page 31 Genova, Pisa e il Mediterraneo tra Due e Trecento: Per il VII centenario della battaglia della Meloria, Atti della Societa Ligure di Storia Patria, n.s.,

24, no. 2 (1984): 281-347; on Theodoric, 318ff. Nicholas IV put Pisa under interdict, which was lifted February 15, 1296, by Boniface VIII (ibid., 319). See also Peter D. Clarke, The Interdict in the Thirteenth Century: A Question of Collective Guilt (Oxford, 2007),

203. [he friars had long been criticized for admitting laity to the Third Order, enabling them to hear office in friars’ churches during interdict. This practice was forbidden, on pain of excommunication, by Clement V in Quum ex eo. See Clementinarum 5.10.3, ed. Emil L. Friedberg, in Corpus Iuris Canonici, vol. 2 (Leipzig, 1881), 1192; Clarke, The Interdict, 137.

51. Daniel Waley, Mediaeval Orvieto (Cambridge, 1952), appendix 4,

156-157; Mauro Ronzani, “‘Figli del Comune’ o fuorusciti? Gli arcivescovi di Pisa di fronte alla citta stato tra la fine del duecento e il 1406,” in Vescovi e diocesi in Italia dal XIV alla meta del X VI Secolo:

Atti del VII convegno di storia della Chiesa in Italia, Brescia, 21-25 set-

tembre 1987, ed. Giuseppina De Sandre Gasparini, Antonio Rigon, Francesco Trolese, and Gian Maria Varanini, Italia Sacra 43, 44,

vol. 2 (Rome, 1990): 772-835, esp. 780-783; Marc Dykmans, “Giovanni Conti, O.P,” in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, vol. 28 (Rome, 1983), 413-415.

52. Julian Gardner, “Papstliche Traume und Palastmaleret: Ein essay iiber mittelalterliche Traumikonographie,” in Trdume im Mittelalter: Tkonologische Studien, ed. Agostino Paravicini Bagliani and Giorgio

Stabile (Stuttgart, 1990), 13-124; André Vauchez, “Les songes d’'Innocent III,’ in Studi sulle societa et le culture del Medioevo per Gug-

lielmo Arnaldi, ed. Ludovico Gatto and Paola Supino Martin1, vol.

2 (Rome, 2002), 695-706, esp. 697. Innocent III's dream resembled what has been termed an “epiphany dream,” in which the sleeper is visited by an authority figure who makes a significant pronouncement. See William V. Harris, Dreams and Experience in Classical Antiquity (Cambridge, Mass., 2009), 23-56, 76-81. I am 159

Notes to Pages 31-32

somewhat more skeptical than I once was about whether Innocent II actually dreamt that Francis sustained the church. This ts emphatically not to say, however, that he did not claim that he had dreamt something similar. Idem, “Constantine's Dream,’ Klio 87, no. 2 (2005): 488-494; and Dreams and Experience, 116. The iconographical argument remains unaffected.

53. Murray, “Notes on Some Early Giotto Sources,’ 73; Gardner, “The Louvre Stigmatization, 326; Richard Krauthermer, Spencer Corbett, and Alfred Frazer, Corpus basilicarum christianarum Romae,

vol. 5, Monumenti di Antichita Cristiana 2, ser. 2 (Vatican City, 1977), 91; Volker Hoffmann, “Die Fassade von San Giovanni in Laterano 313/14-1649,’ Rémisches Jahrbuch fiir Kunsteschichte 17

(1978): 1-46, esp. 8, 43. See Eugéne Mintz, “Notes sur les mosaiques chrétiennes d'Italie VI,” Revue Archéologique 38 (1879 ): 109-117,

116 n. 1, quoting a twelfth-century variant from Paris BN Lat. 2287, fol. 169v: “exterius, super... fores ecclesiae est imago Salvatoris. Hine et bine imagines Michaelis et Gabrielis.’ See also Roberto Valen-

tint and Giuseppe Zucchetti, Descriptio Lateranensis Ecclesiae, in Codice Topografico della Citta di Roma, vol. 3 (Rome, 1946). 326-373,

esp. 350, note to line 9; Cyrille Vogel, “La Descriptio Ecclesiae Lateranensis du Diacre Jean Histoire du Texte Manuscrit,’ in Mélanges en ’Honneur de Monseigneur Michel Andrieu (Strasbourg, 1956), 457-476, esp. 475: “un texte constamment interpolé depuis la mort d’Alexandre III |d. 1181| jusqu’au début du X1Ve.s”, Francesco Gandolfo, “Assisi e il Laterano,’ Archivio della Societa Romana di

Storia Patria 106 (1983): 63-113, esp. 71-72; Peter C. Claussen, Die Kirchen der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter 1 O50—1300, vol. 2, §. Giovanni in

Laterano (Corpus Cosmatorum II, 2), Forschungen zur Kunstgeschichte und Christliche Archaologie 21 (Stuttgart, 2008), 48-50 and fig. 13.

54. Alessandro Baldeschi and Giovanni M. Crescimbeni, Stato della SS. Chiesa Lateranense nell’ anno MDCCXXIL (Rome, 1723), 52. Galt160

Notes to Pages 32—33

let's facade dates from 1732-1737; Krautheimer, Corbett, and Frazer, Corpus basilicarum, 15; Mintz, “Notes sur les mosaiques,” uo n. 1; Gardner, “The Louvre Stigmatization,’ 326-327; Tomei, Jacobus Torriti Pictor, 93 and fig, 111.

55. Ronald Malmstrom, “The Building of the Nave Piers of San Giovanni in Laterano after the Fire of 1361,’ Rivista di Archeologia

Cristiana 43 (1967): 155-164; Krautheimer, Corbett, and Frazer, Corpus basilicarum, 44; Claussen, Die Kirchen der Stadt Rom, 167— 178,

56. Josef Strzygowski, Cimabue und Rom: Funde und Forschungen zur Kunstgeschichte und zur Topographie der Stadt Rom (Vienna, 1888): 84

(“Cimabue's Ansicht von Rom in Assisi,’ 95); Alfred Nicholson, Cimabue: A critical Study (Princeton, 1932), 4; Maria Andaloro, “Ancora una volta sull’Ytalia di Cimabue,” Arte Medievale 2 (1984): 143-177; Bellosi, Cimabue, 169-174.

57. Phyllis PB. Bober and Ruth Rubinstein, Renaissance Artists and Antique Sculpture (London, 1986), 159-161, no. 125, figs. 125-125, 11.

58. Schwarz, Giottus Pictor, 2:394. Giotto’s addition of another au-

thority figure, Saint Peter, strengthens the resemblance to an epiphany dream; Harris, Dreams and Experience, 79; Jean-Claude Schmitt, “The Liminality and Centrality of Dreams in the Medieval West,” in Dream Cultures: Explorations in the Comparative His-

tory of Dreaming, ed. David Shulman and Guy G. Stroumsa (Oxford, 1999), 274-287; Carolyn M. Carty, “The Role of Gunzo's Dream in the Building of Cluny IH,” Gesta 27 (1988): 113-123. 59. Maria Luisa Ceccarelli Lemut and Stefano Sodi, eds., Nel segno di Pietro: La Basilica di San Piero a Grado da luogo della prima evangeliz-

zazione a meta di pellegrinnagio medievale (Pisa, 2003), 19-26; Maria

Luisa Ceccarelli Lemut, “San Piero a Grado e il culto Petrino nella diocesi di Pisa,’ ibid., 19-26; Pietro d’Achiardi, “Gli affreschi di S. Piero a Grado presso Pisa e quelli gia esistenti nel portico della Basilica Vaticana,’ Atti del Congresso Internazionale di Sci161

Notes to Page 33 enze Storiche (Roma, 1-9 Aprile 1903), VII Atti della Sezione, IV Storia

dell’Arte (Rome, 1905), 193-285; Jens Wollesen, Die Fresken von San

Piero a Grado bei Pisa (Bad Oeynhausen, 1977). 60. Les sermons et la visite pastorale de Federico Visconti archevéque de Pise (1253-1277): Sources et Documents d’Histoire du Moyen Age, vol. 3, ed.

Nicole Bériou and Isabelle Le Masne de Chermont (Rome, 2001), 592-594, esp. 968. In his Sermon 34 preached at San Piero, Archbishop Visconti remarks, “veniendo pedes huc ad Beatum Petrum apostolum [ad Gradum] sumus aliquantulum fatigati” (ibid., 592).

61. D’Achiardi, “Gli affrescht,” 79: “uno scudo partito, inquartato di rosso e argento nella meta sinistra, e palato di sei pezzi in rosso ed oro nella meta

destra.” These must be the arms of Benedetto di Oddone Gaetan. See Wollesen, Die Fresken von San Piero a Grado, 146-148. For Odd-

one Gaetani, see Gaetano Ciccone and Salvatore Polizzi, “Le vicende di un nobile pisano alla corte di Bonifacio VIII,” Bollettino Storico Pisano 5 (1986): 67-83; Mauro Ronzani, “Gaetani, Oddone, in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, vol. 51 (Rome, 1998), 193-195.

62. Vauchez, “Les songes d'Innocent IH,” 695. 63. Ecclesiasticus (Sirach) 5o0:1-2: “Simon, Onii filius sacerdos magnus, qui in vita sua suffulsit domum, et in diebus suis corroboravit templi etiam

altitudo.” Roberto Pactocco, Sublimia Negotia: Le canonizzazioni dei santi nella curia papale e il nuovo Ordine dei frati Minori (Padua, 1996),

16—118, The relationship with Simon, son of Onias, is also noted by Michael F. Cusato, “Francis of Assisi, Deacon? An Examination of the Claims of the Earliest Franciscan Sources, 1229-1235, in Defenders and Critics of Franciscan Life: Essays in Honor of John V

Fleming, The Medieval Franciscans 6, ed. Michael F. Cusato and Guy Geltner (Leiden, 2009), 9-39, esp. 25. 64. The whole passage, indicatively, is quoted by the Franciscan Fra Salimbene; Salimbene de Adam Cronica, Corpus Christianorum

Continuatio Mediaevalis 125, ed. Giuseppe Scalia (Turnhout, 1998), 190. Salimbene had himself been a friar at Pisa between 162

Notes to Pages 34—35

1243 and 1247 and so would certainly have been aware of the local connection. He recalled it in his chronicle, written between 1283 and 1288; see ibid., vit, for the date.

65. Vauchez, “Les songes d’Innocent III,” 697. 66. Luisa Marcucci, “Per gli Armary’ della sacrestia di Santa Croce,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 9 (1959-60): 141-158; Andrew Ladis, Laddeo Gaddi (Columbia, Mo., 1982), 114— 126, no. 6; August Rave, Christiformitas: Studien zur franziskanischen Tkonographie des florentiner Trecento am Beispiel des ehemaligen Sakristeis-

chrankzyklus von Laddeo Gaddi in Santa Croce (Worms, 1984), 123-131,

esp. 129; Miklos Boskovits, Friihe Italienische Malerei: Gemaldegallerie

Berlin Katalog de Gemailde (Berlin, 1988), 41-47, no. 21; Cataloghi della Galleria dell’Accademia di Firenze, vol. 1, Dal Duecento a Giovanni

da Milano, ed. Miklos Boskovits and Angelo Tartuferi (Florence, 2003), 251-283, no. 48 (Sonia Chiodo), 269, fig. 138. 67. Personal communication from the curator, Stefan Wochojian. For a contrary view, see Hans Belting, “Franziskus: Der Korper als Bild,” in Bild und Korper im Spéitmittelalter, ed. Kristin Marek, Raphaéle Preisinger, Marius Rimmele, and Katrin Karcher (Paderborn, 2006), 21-36, esp. 24.

68. Philippe Faure, “Vie et Mort du Séraphin de Saint Francois d’Assise,’ Revue Mabillon 62 (1990): 143-177, esp. 148; Vauchez, “Les songes d'Innocent II,” 608. 69. Bonaventura, Legenda Maior, Legendae S. Francisci Assisiensis saec. XLII

et XIV conscriptae, in Analecta Franciscana, vol. 10 (Quaracchi, 1926—

1941), 616; “De S. Patre nostro Francisco Sermo V, in Opera Omnia, vol. 9 (Ad Claras Aquas, 1901), 593: “oculis eius apparebat”

Faure, “Vie et Mort du Séraphin,’ 143-177, esp. 144; Peter Dinzelbacher, Vision und Visionsliteratur im Mittelalter (Stuttgart, 1981);

idem, “K6rperliche und seelische Vorbedingungen religidser Traume und Visionen,’ in I sogni nel medioevo: Seminario internazionale, Roma, 2—4 ottobre 1983, ed. Tullio Gregory (Rome, 1985), 57-86; Harris, Dreams and Experience, 46. 163

Notes to Page 35

7o. During the pontificate of Innocent HI (1198-1216), what later came to be called consistory was termed auditorium publicum. Werner Maleczek, Papst und Kardinalskolleg von 1191 bis 1216, Publika-

tionen des Historischen Instituts beim Osterreichischen Kulturinstitut in Rom, Abteilung Abhandlungen 6 (Vienna, 1984), 300. In any case, the scene probably reflects the papal consistory of Giotto’s lifetime. There the pope in cappa rubea and tiara presided over the cardinals and sometimes notaries and judges. Marc Dykmans, Le cérémonial papal de la fin du Moyen Age a la Renaissance: De Rome en Avignon ou le cérémonial de Jacques Stefaneschi, Bibliothéque

de l'Institut Historique Belge de Rome 25 (Rome, 1981), 463: “more consistoriali, videlicet cum manto seu pluviali rubeo, et mitra aurifrigiata cum perlis, et omnes cardinales et prelati cum communibus vestibus.”

Guglielmus Durandus, Rationale Divinorum Officiorum 3.21.18, Cor-

pus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis 340, ed. Anselm Davril and Timothy J. Thibodeau (Turnhout, 1995), 238: “summus pontifex cappa rubea semper apparet indutus” since the red symbolizes

compassion. For its origins, see Percy E. Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssybolik, Schriften der Monumenta Germaniae Historica 13, vol. 1 (Stuttgart, 1954), 57. For the use of the tiara, see Eduard Eichmann, Weihe und Krénung des Papstes im Mittelalter,

Munchener Theologische Studien 3, Kanonistische Abteilung 1 (Munich, 1954), 31.

71. Klaus Erdmann, “Neue ortentalische Tierteppiche auf abendlandischen Bildern des XIV. und XV. Jahrhunderts,” Jahrbuch der preussischen Kunstsammlungen 63 (1942): 121-126, esp. 123; John Mills, “Early Animal Carpets in Western Paintings: A Review,” Hali 1 (1978): 234-243, esp. 240-241; idem, Carpets in Paintings (London, 1983); idem, “The Coming of the Carpet to the West,” in Lhe Eastern Carpet in the Western World: Hayward Gallery, London,

ed. Donald King and David Sylvester (London, 1983), 1—24, esp. 12; Volkmar Gantzhorn, Oriental Carpets: Their Iconology and Iconography from the Earliest Limes to the 18th Century (Cologne, 1988), 100. 164

Notes to Pages 35—36

Friedrich Spuhler, Oriental Carpets in the Museum of Oriental Art, Berlin (London, 1987), 22, suggests that carpets in paintings need not always represent knotted pile carpets but may at times be flat-

woven or embroidered pieces. See Werner Briiggemann, “The Islamic-Oriental Carpet in Giotto’s Fresco Christmas Mass at Greccio in Assisi,’ in Facts and Artefacts: Art in the Islamic World; Festschrift

for Jens Kroger on His 65th Birthday, ed. Annette Hadegorn and Avinoam Shalem (Leiden, 2007), 373-393, esp. 375.

72. Emile Molinier, “Inventaire du Trésor du Saint Siége sous Boniface VII (1295),” Bibliotheque de V’Ecole des Chartes 43 (1882 ): 277-310,

626-646; 45 (1884): 31-57; 46 (1885): 16-44; 47 (1886): 646-667; 49 (1888): 226-237; see 47 (1886): 663 n. 1460. Marco Spallanzani, Oriental Rugs in Renaissance Florence (Florence, 2007), 76, doc. 5,

publishes a document of July 1296 for a Florentine merchant's purchase of a tappeto at a Champagne fair. 73. Legenda Maior, 569; Celano, Vita Prima, chap. 13 (Analecta Franciscand, 10:25), had said eleven.

74. Amico, “Bernard of Besse: Praises of the Blessed Francis,’ chap. 1, 224. 75. Celano, Vita Prima, chap. 21 (Analecta Franciscana, 10:44—45).

76. According to Roger Sorrell, St. Francis of Assisi and Nature: Tradition and Innovation in Western Christian Attitudes toward the Environment

(Oxford, 1988), 66, 1t is no accident that many of the thirteenthcentury advances in botany and natural science were made within the mendicant orders.

77. Roger Sorrell, “Tradition and Innovation, Harmony and Hierarchy in St. Francis of Assists Sermon to the Birds,” Franciscan Studies 43 (1983): 396-407, esp. 406; cf. Legenda Maior, 597, chap. 8, 1. 78. Daniel Bornstein, review of Chiara Prugoni, Francesco e Vinvenzione delle stimmate: Una storia per immagini fino a Bonaventura e Giotto (Tu-

rin, 1993), Church History 65 (1996): 262-264, esp. 262; Rolf Zerfass, Der Streit um die Laienpredigt (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1974), 282-298; Augustine Thompson, Cities of God: The Religion of the 105

Notes to Pages 36—37

Italian Communes, 1125-1325 (University Park, 2005), 88-89. Fran-

cis was following literally Christ’s injunction (Mark 16:16) to preach to all creatures: “Euntes in mundum universum, predicate evangelium omni creaturae.”

79. Julian Gardner, “Torriti’s Birds,’ in Medioevo: I Modelli; Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi, Parma, 27 settembre—1 ottobre 1999, ed.

Arturo C, Quintavalle (Milan, 2002), 605-614, esp. 608—610 and fio. u. There exist striking similarities between the birds in Torritis apse mosaics and ancient floor mosaics in Libya which must reflect metropolitan models. Salvatore Aurigemma, “ Mosaico con volute decorative ed animal: in una villa romana a Zliten in Tripolitanta,’ Dedalo 5 (1924): 197-219, esp. 200, 208; Georges Ville, “Essai de datation de la mosaique des gladiateurs de Zliten: La Mosaique Gréco-Romane,” in Colloques Internationaux de CNRS, Paris, 29 aovit—3 septembre 1963 (Paris, 1965), 147-154. For an overview, see Antero Iammisto, Birds in Mosaics: A Study on the Represen-~ tation of Birds in Hellenistic and Romano-Campanian Tessellated Mosaics

to the Early Augustan Age, Acta Instituti Romani Finlandiae 18 (Rome, 1997).

80. Those pairs which can confidently be identified include goldfinches, blackbirds, magpies, geese, and a cockerel; less certain are a little bittern and a chough. There are several somewhat generic finches. The frescoed birds are less accurate, fewer in number, and more damaged. 81. Robert Scheller, Exemplum Model-Book Drawings and the Practice of Artistic Transmission in the Middle Ages (ca. goo—ca. 1470) (Amster-

dam, 1995). For the important role played by Franciscan manuscripts in the rediscovery of accurately observed birds, see Gardner, “Torriti’s Birds,’ 606; and particularly W. Brunsdon Yapp, Birds in Medieval Manuscripts (London, 1981), 71-78. 82. Sorrell, St. Francis of Assisi, 66.

83. See Chapter 3. 84. Zanardi, Il cantiere di Giotto, 222-229, reproduced at 223. The birds 166

Notes to Pages 37-36

represented in the fresco are too generic and the painted surface is too damaged for them to be identified with any confidence. 85. Dieter Blume, Wandmalerei als Ordenspropaganda: Bildprogramme im Chorbereich franziskanischer Konvente Italiens bis zur Mitte des 14. Jabr-

bunderts (Worms, 1983), 37ff. I do not share all the author's conclusions. Cf. the review by Joanna Cannon, Burlington Magazine 137 (1985): 234-235; Louise Bourdua, The Franciscans and Art Patronage in Late Medieval Italy (Cambridge, 2004), 61-62, 149-150. 86. Les sermons et la visite pastorale, Sermon 15 on San Francesco, 757— 765, esp. 762: “voluit Christus quod stigmata sive signa quinque plagarum in beati Francisci corpore apparerent, tamquam miles novus alicuius magni

domini qui portat signum de armis illius qui fecit eum militem, ut possit dicere cum apostolo Galatians VI | 6:17]: Stigmata Domini mei Lesu porto in corpore meo.”

87. Maria Luisa Altamura, Roberto Bellucci, Ciro Castelli, Marco Ciatti, Cecilia Frosinini, Mauro Parri, and Andrea Santacesaria, “Appunti per una ricerca sulla tecnica artistica della pittura pisana del Duecento,’ in Burresi and Caleca, Cimabue a Pisa, 287-294, is

the most comprehensive discussion of Pisan thirteenth-century pictorial carpentry. For some comments on contemporary transport costs between Florence and Pisa, see Allan Evans, ed., Francesco Balducci Pegolotti: La Pratica della Mercatura, Medieval Academy

of America Publications, no. 24 (Cambridge, Mass., 1936), 209— 212; Goldthwaite, The Economy, 97—08.

88. Christa Gardner von Teuffel, “Niccolo di Segna, Sassetta, Piero della Francesca and Perugino: Cult and Continuity at Sansepolcro,’ Stddel Jahrbuch, N.E., 17 (1999): 163-208; idem, “Sassetta’s

Franciscan Altarpiece at Borgo San Sepolcro: Precedents and Context,” in Sassetta: The Borgo San Sepolcro Altarpiece, ed. Machtelt

Israels, vols. 1 and 2 (Florence, 2009), 1:211-229, esp. 218; James R. Banker, “Appendix of Documents,’ in Israels, Sassetta, 2:566—589, esp. 569-570, no. 15 (September 5, 1437). 89. “Fratris Thomae vulgo dicti de Eccleston,” in Tractatus De Adventu 167

Notes to Pages 38—39

Fratrum Minorum in Angliam, ed. Andrew G. Little (Manchester, 1951), 74; Alexander IV, Benigna operatio, in Bullarium Franciscanum,

vol. 1, ed. Joannes H. Sbaralea (Rome, 1759), 44: “Cum igitur gloriosae vitae ipsius insignia ex multa familiaritate, quam nobiscum habuit in

minori officio constitutis, plene cognita nobis essent.” Oktavian a Rieden,

“De Sancti Francisci Assisiensis Stigmatum Susceptione,’ Collectanea Franciscana 34 (1964): 5-62, 241-338, esp. 291-292.

go. Arianna Pecorini Cignoni, “Un sermone latino Francisci confessoris di Aldobrandino da Toscanella,’ Studi Francescani 98 (2001): 285-299: “uit configuratus divino signaculo, quia manus et pedes habuit stigmatibus consignatos et carneis clavis affixos et latus divino vulnere insig-

nitum. Ist sunt flores in quibus in Cantico dicitur : flores apparuerunt in terra nostra | Ps. 2:12]. Quos flores in beato Francisco depinxit ille depictor

caelestis cum pincello amoris.” Desbonnets, “Le Saint Frangois de la communauté,” 39. gt. Giovanni Miccoli, Francesco d’Assisi (Turin, 1991), 81-84; Pietro

Zerbi, “‘L’ultimo sigillo’ (Par. XI, 107): Tendenze della recente storiografia italiana sul tema delle stigmate di s. Francesco. A proposito di un libro recente,’ Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia 48, no. 1 (1994): 7-42, eSp. 9, I.

92. Etienne Gilson, “Linterprétation traditionelle des stigmates,’ Revue de l’Histoire Franciscaine 2 (1925): 467-479, esp. 474; Gardner, “The Louvre Stigmatization,’ 340. 93. Legenda Maior, 616: “investigans beneplacitum Dei... aperiri fecit per socium, virum utique Deo devotum et sanctum.’ For earlier practice, see

Pierre Courcelle, “L’enfant et les ‘sorts bibliques,” Vigiliae Chrstianae 7 (1953): 194—220.

94. Raoul Manselli, Nos Qui cum Eo Fuimus: Contributo alla questione francescana, Bibliotheca Seraphico-Capuccina 28 (Rome, 1980). In the Parisian decree of 1266 for the destruction of earlier Legendae it was noted that Bonaventure had scrupulously used these testimonies: “ipse habuit ab ore eorum, qui cum b. Francisco quasi semper fuerunt et cuncta certitudinaliter sciverint et probata ibi sint posita diligenter.” 168

Notes to Pages 39—40

Little, “Definitiones Capitulorum Generalium,’ 278; Paciocco, Sublimia Negotia, 104ff.; Giovanni Miccoli, “Bonaventura e Francesco, 5. Bonaventura Francescano Todi, 14-17 ottobre 1973: Conveoni del Centro di Studi sulla Spiritualita Medievale XIV (Todi, 1974), 47— 73, ESP. 573 Jacques Dalarun, Vers un résolution de la question francis~ caine: La Légend ombrienne de Thomas de Celano (Paris, 2007), 218.

95. Eccleston, Tractatus De adventu fratrum minorum, chap. 13, 75; Legenda Maior, Prologus, 559; Grado Merlo, “Francesco di Assisi e la sua eredita, in Iva Eremo e citta (S. Marta degli Angeli, 1991), 10-11;

Faure, “Vie et Mort du Séraphin,” 148. 96. Jules Gay and Suzanne Vitte, eds., Les Registres de Nicholas LIL, 1277-1280), Bibliothéque des Ecoles Frangaises d’Athénes et de Rome s. 214, 1-5 (Paris, 18981938), no. 564, August 14, 1270, 232-241, esp. 232: “Christus passionis sue stigmatibus confirmavit.”

97. Philippe Faure, “Corps de l'homme et corps du Christ: L'iconographie de la Stigmatisation de S. Francois en France et Angleterre,” I discorsi dei corpi/ Discourses of the Body, Micrologus 1 (1993): 327-346, esp. 331; Dalarun, Vers un résolution, 227—230.

98. Faure, “Vie et Mort du Séraphin,” 144. The Legenda Chori mentions six wings; Thomas of Celano, Legenda ad usum chori, in Analecta Franciscana, 10:144. Vhe Lractacus de Miraculis speaks of the

“seraph in cruce positum”: Faure, “Corps de homme et corps du Christ,’ 332—334.

99. Faure, “Corps de [homme et corps du Christ,’ 163. It 1s reproduced in color in Zanardi, Il cantiere de Giotto, 265.

100. Celano, Legenda ad usum chori, 123; Faure, “Vie et Mort du Séraphin,’ 144. IOI. Legenda Maior, 13.5, 617. John Pecham, writng cifca 1270, uses a similar phrase; Fratris Jobannis Pecham quondam archiepiscopi Cantuar-

iensis, Tractatus Tres de Paupertate, British Society of Franciscan Studies 1, vol. 1, ed. Charles L. Kingsford, Andrew G. Little, and Francesco Tocco (Aberdeen, 1910), 7.23: “exemplo beati Francisci . . . rege glorie passionis suis signaculis contestante et se ipsum crucifixum pene a 169

Notes to Pages 40-41 memoria bominum elapsum in Erancisco quasi viva ymagine represen~ tante.”

102. The Virgins gesture, with both hands crossed over her breast, occurs neither in the Crucifixes of Giunta and his circle nor indeed

in the repertoire of Giotto. Its closest comparator is in the Crucifix signed by Petrus from Campi Basso, (Norcia), for which see Evelyn Sandberg Vavala, La Croce Dipinta Italiana e ’Iconografia della

Passione (Verona, 1929): 137, 732-737) figs. 49, 102; Garrison Italian Romanesque Panel Painting, 205, no. 530. Its date has been variously

read as 1242 (Garrison) or, less probably, 1212 by Filippo Todini, La Pittura Umbra dal Duecento al primo Cinquecento, vol. 1 (Milan, 1989), 282. It was certainly at the time of Giotto’s Pisan Stigmatization a consciously archaic gesture. This pars pro toto of course stresses the Christomimesis of the main scene. 103. Miccoli, Francesco d’Assisi, 82-83. Cf. Zerbi, “L’ultimo sigillo,” 140-141 (11.107).

104. Julian Gardner, “Some Cardinals’ Seals of the Thirteenth Century,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 38 (1976): 72-

96, esp. 89, 95; idem, “Memoria sotto Sigillo: Descrizione e autenticita,’ in Medioevo: Immagine e memoria; Atti del Convegno inter-

nazionale di studi, Parma, 23-28 settembre 2008, ed. Arturo C, Quin-

tavalle (Milan, 2009): 319-324, esp. 322-323. 105. Michael Buhl, “De Capitulo Generali O. M. Metensi anno adsignando deque antiquo sigillo Ministri Glis,’ Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 4 (1911): 425-435. [he matrix is attested at least from

1254, the generalate of Giovanni da Parma. For the preaching theme, see Silvana Vecchio, “Langues de Feu Pentecdte et rhéto-

rique sacrée dans les sermons des XIJe et XI[]e siécles,’ in La Parole du Prédicateur: Ve—X Ve. Siecle, Collection du Centre d’études

médiévale de Nice 1, ed. Rosa Maria Dessi and Michel Lauwers (Nice, 1997), 255-260. 106, Legenda Maior, 617; “S. Bonaventurae Bagnoregis H. R. E. Episc.

Albae atque Doctor Ecclesiae Universalis,’ in Commentaria in 170

Notes to Page 42

Quatuor Libros Sententiarum, Opera Omnia S. Bonaventurae (Ad Claras Aquas, 1885-1889), II lib, sent., dist. 3, PB. 1, art. 2, quaest. 3, conclusio 109.

107. As a preacher Aquasparta had lovingly developed the topos of sealing: Creavit Deus hominem ad imaginem suam (Gen. 1:27). Man's

soul might be reformed and perfected “/ad/ instar imaginis fusae,” an ultimately classical topos which had been appropriated from earlier Victorine writers by the first Franciscan cardinal, Bonaven-

ture. Matteo speaks of impressing Christ upon Francis’s body, “ut imago crucifixi tibi efficaciter imprimatur,’ several times reiterating

the Order's identification of Francis as the angel of the sixth seal of Revelation. Gardner, “Some Cardinals’ Seals,’ go. 108. For Angelo Clareno’s seal, see Livario Oliger, “De Sigillo Fr. Angeli Clareni,’ Antonianum 12 (1937): 61-64. 109. Gardner “Some Cardinals’ Seals,’ 89, 95, and figs. 13a, 14d; Irene

Hueck, “Una crocefissione su marmo del primo Trecento e alcuni smalti senesi,’ Antichita Viva 8, no. 1 (1969): 22-34; Elisabetta Cioni, Scultura e Smalto nell’Oreficeria Senese dei secoli XIII e XIV (Florence, 1998), 70-74; Valentino Pace, “La committenza artistica del cardinale Matteo d’Acquasparta nel quadro della cultura fiourativa del suo tempo,” in Matteo d’Acquasparta Francescano, Filosofo, Politico: Atti del XIX Convegno storico internazionale, Todi, 11-14

ottobre 1992 (Spoleto, 1993), 311-330; Julian Gardner, “Curial Narratives: The Seals of Cardinal Deacons, 1280-1305,’ in Good Impressions: Image and Authority in Medieval Seals, British Museum, ed.

Noél Adams, John Cherry, and James Robinson (London, 2008), 85-90, esp. 88, with a color reproduction of Acquasparta’s seal, fig. 1, at 89; Ruth Wolff, “The Sealed Saint: Representations of

Saint Francis of Assisi on Medieval Italian Seals,’ in Adams, Cherry, and Robinson, Good Impressions, 91-99. 110. Giacomo Bascapé, Sigillografia: Il Sigillo nella Diplomatica, nel Diritto, nella Storia, nell’Arte, vol. 1,Sigillogafia generale: I sigilli pubblici e quelli

privati (Milan, 1969): 405-406; Andrea Muzi, Bruna Tomasello, 171

Notes to Pages 42—43 and Attilio Tori, Sigilli nel Museo Nazionale del Bargello, vol. 3, Civili (Florence, 1990), nos. 52, 168, 309, 310, 313, 314.

m1. Gardner, The Louvre Stigmatization, 245-246.

12. Ernst Kitzinger, “Reflections on the Feast Cycle in Byzantine Art,’ Cahiers Archéologiques 36 (1988): 51-61; Karoline KreidlPapadopoulos, “Koimesis,’ in Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst, vol, 4 (Stuttgart, 1990), cols. 136-182. 113. Ute Feldges, Landschaft als topographische Portrat: Der Wiederbeginn der

europdischen Landschaftsmalerei in Siena (Bern, 1980), 101-102. Salim-

bene records that he, like Bonaventure before him, and surely many other friars, made the pilgrimage to La Verna in 1284: “vidi omnia devotionis loca que ibi evant.” Salimbene de Adam Cronica, Corpus

Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis 140, ed. Giuseppe Scalia, vol, 2 (Turnhout, 1998), 836. In a remarkable sermon at Oxford in October 1291, the minister-general, Raymond Geoffroy, used an extensive image of the humble olive tree and its habitat, noting the white and green colors of both sides of its leaves. Andrew G.

Little, “Iwo Sermons of Fr. Raymond Gaufredi Minister General Preached at Oxford, 1291,’ Collectanea Franciscana 4 (1934): 161-174, esp. 165-169.

14. Gardner, The Louvre Stigmatization, 226; Zerbi, “L’ultimo sigillo,” 7 (11.107).

115. P-A, Fabre, ““Uhe Sleep of the Flesh: The Agony of the Visible at

the Limits of the Frame in the Iconography of the Prayer of Christ in the Garden of Gethsemane,” in Image and Imagination of the Religious Self in Late Mediaeval and Early Modern Europe, ed. Rein-

dert L. Falkenburg, Walter S. Melion, and Todd M. Richardson (Turnhout, 2007) 163-194. 16. Duffy, “Finding St Francis,” 231. 117. See note 40. 18, Giacomo Grimaldi, Index omnium et singulorum librorum Bibliothecae Sacrosanctae Vaticanae Basilicae, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana In172

Notes to Pages 43-45 ventario 5, fol. 121r: “In base stemmata ipsius cardinalis cernuntur.” Por

a review, see Schwarz, Giottus Pictor, 2:501ff.

119. The simple outer frame batten was added in 1813. See Denon, Loeil de Napoléon, 243-244. For the outer framework, see Monika Cammerer-George, Die Rahmung der toskanischen Altarbilder im Trecento, Zar Kunstgeschichte des Auslands 139 (Strasbourg, 1966), 32,

120. [his text is corrected in Roberto Lunardi, “Santa Maria Novella e la Croce di Giotto,’ in Giotto: La Croce di Santa Maria Novella, ed.

Marco Ciattt and Max Seidel (Florence, 2001), 159-181, 179-181,

esp. 179, with color reproductions at 18-22; Frithjof Schwartz and Michael V. Schwarz, “Noch einmal zur Frage der urspriingli-

chen Aufstellungsort von Giottos Tafelkreuz in S. Maria Novella,’ Kunstchronik 56 (2003): 650-652; Prithjof Schwartz, “In medio ecclesiae. Giottos Tafelkreuz in S. Maria Novella,’ Wiener Jabrbuch fiir Kunstgeschichte 54 (2006): 95-114.

121. Richard Offner, A Critical and Historical Corpus of F lorentine Paint-

ing, sec. 3, vol. 6 (New York, 1965), 9-18; Cannon, “The Era of the Great Painted Crucifix,’ 571. 122. Arno Preiser, Das Entstehen und die Entwicklung der Predella in der italienischen Malerei, Studien zur Kunstgeschichte 2 (Hildesheim,

1973), 7ff., provides a partial discussion of the etymology. See Nicholson, Cimabue, 45-46. For the importance of the church within the Hospitalis Novi Misericordie opposite the Duomo, see Mauro Ronzan, “Nascita e affermazione di un grande ‘Hospitale’ cittadino: Lo Spedale Nuovo di Pisa dal 1257 alla meta del Trecento,’ in Citta e Servizi Sociali nell’Italia dei secoli XII—XV, Pistoia, 9-12 ottobre 1987, Centro Italiano di studi di Storia e d’Arte Pistoia,

Dodicesimo Convegno di Studi (Pistoia, 1990), 201-235.

123. Battisti, Cimabue, 94: “tabulam unam [ cum | colonnellis tabernaculis et predula pictam storits divine maestatis beate Marie Virginis, apostolorum,

angelorum et aliis figuris et picturis” (November 1, 1301, Archivio de 173

Notes to Pages 45—50

Stato, Pisa, Ser Giovanni di Bonagiunta, 012:29 ). Hellmut Hager, Die Anfdnge des italienischen Altarbildes: Untersuchungen zur Entstebun-

gsgeschichte des toskanischen Altarbildes, ROmische Forschungen der

Bibliotheca Hertziana 17 (Munich, 1962), 113-114, shows a hypothetical reconstruction (fig, 164). The reconstruction of the Santa

Chiara polyptych postulated by Elisabeth Ayer, “A Reconstruction of Cimabue's Lost 1301 Altarpiece for the Hospital of Saint Clare in Pisa,’ Rutgers Art Review 4 (1983): 12-17, is untenable.

124. Julian Gardner, “Cimabue and Giotto at S. Francesco in Pisa,” Prospettiva (forthcoming). 125. fr. Gonsalvi Hispani O.F:M.: Quaestiones Disputatae et de Quodlibet,

Bibliotheca Franciscana Scholastica Medii Aevi 9, ed. Leén Amoros (Ad Claras Aquas, 1935): xxiv; José Pou y Marti, “Fr. Gonzalo de Balboa, primer General Espafiol de la Orden,” Revista de Estudios Franciscanos 7 (1911): 171-180, 332-343.

2. Giotto among the Money-Changers

1. Ewald Miiller, O.EM., Das Konzil von Vienne 1311-1312: Seine Quellen und seine Geschichte, Vorreformationsgeschichtliche Forsc-

hungen 12 (Munster, 1934); Michael Cusato, “Whence “The Community?” Franciscan Studies 60 (2002): 39-92: “The term was

self-referential, applied by the Franciscan leadership to itself. It was a declaration that they were the Order. The ‘Community’ existed only from the poverty debates of 1309/11” (65). 2. “Et cum nulla edificia possint fieri sine dispositione provincialium ministro-

rum, cum non sit provintia in ordine, in qua non sint multi excessus edifi-

ciorum ostendant ipsi unum ministrum qui pro talibus sit digne punitus, quia nullum in ordine scimus, sed vitiosos in hiis bene novimus exaltatos.”

Franz Ehrle, “Zur Vorgeschichte des Concils von Vienne,” Archiv fiir Literatur und Kirchengesschichte 2 (1886): 353-416; 3 (1887): 1-195,

quotation on 163. In his Declaratio, Ubertino declared the punish-

ments meted out by the provincial, Fra Gonsalvo, superficial 174

Notes to Page 50

(abid., 3:173). See also Silvain Piron, “Un couvent sous influence: Santa Croce autour de 1300,” Economie et religion: L’expérience des or-

dres mendiants (XI[Ie—X V siécles) 1 (2008): 321-355, quotation on 323.

3. Daniel Lesnick, Preaching in Medieval Florence: The Social World of Franciscan and Dominican Spirituality (Athens, Ga., 1989 ); Charles T-

Davis, “The Early Collection of Books of S. Croce in Florence,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 107, no. 5 (October

1963): 399-414; Piron, “Un couvent sous influence,’ 326, 331-333.

In his Rotulus, Ubertino remarked that Giovanni da Murrovalle had unavailingly attempted to limit the number of local friars: “Unde et in aliquibus provinciis Ytalie attemptavit dominus frater Johannes

cum esset generalis ad predictum abusum tollendum statuere quod in con-

ventibus non possent locari fratres nativi de terris ultra tertiam partem conventus.” Ehrle, “Zur Vorgeschichte,” 3:112.

4. Hluminato de Caponsacchi was a friar in the convent by 1279. Davis, “The Early Collection of Books,” 401. Between 1297 and 1310: guardian 1298, custos 1310; Lesnick, Preaching in Medieval Flor-

ence, 85, 186. He was still a friar in 1318. Davis, ““The Early Collec-

tion of Books,’ 401; books connected with him are nos. 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 18, 19, 22, 23, 26, 32, 33, 36, and 38 in Daviss list. An avid bibliophile, he also probably taught. Robert Davidsohn, Forschungen zur Geschichte von Florenz, vol. 4 (Berlin, 1908), directly links Jaco-

bus Tundo to Santa Croce as Tuscan provincial (484) and links Tluminato da Caponsacchi with Saverinus quond. Jacobi de populo S. Proculi de Florentia, who bequeathed a legacy to Fra Aluminato in his 1278 will at Pisa (485). 5. Jacopo del Tondo of Siena was provincial minister of Tuscia, 1310-1314; see Nicola Papin, L’Etruria franciscana (Siena, 1779), 10;

Ehrle, “Zur Vorgeschichte,’ 3:164 n. 1; Bonaventura Bartolomasi,

“Series chronologico-historica Ministrorum Provincialium et Commissarium Generalium qui Seraphicam S.PN. Provinciam dictam quoque de Umbri a primaeva institutione Ordinis Mino175

Notes to Page 50

rum inde Conventualium nuncupatorum,’ Miscellanea Francescana 32. (1932): 201-226, esp. 207; L. M. Bastianini, Brevis Conspectus Serapbicae Provinciae Umbriae S.P.N. Francisci Ordinis Fratrum Minorum

Conventualium (Perugia, 1964), 41. The tomb slab of Jacopo de’

Tondo miles of 1300, probably a relation, still survives in San Francesco in Stena. Silvia Colucci, Sepolcri a Siena tra Medioevo e¢ Rinascimento, Millennio Medievale 38 (Tavarnuzze, 2003), 193, no.

7, and fig. 6. [he very interesting article by Donal L. Cooper and Janet Robson, “A great sumptuousness of paintings’: Frescoes and Franciscan Poverty at Assisi in 1288 and 1312,’ Burlington Magazine 151 (2009): 656-662, was published some months after the Berenson Lectures on which this book is based were delivered. 6. Bastianini, Brevis Conspectus, 41. 7. Armando Sapori, La crisi delle compagnie mercantile dei Bardi e dei Pe-

ruzzi (Florence, 1926); Arnaldo D’Addario, “Bardi, Bartolo,” in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, vol. 6 (Rome, 1964), 281-182.

8. Cesare Cenci, “Silloge di documenti francescani trascritti dal P, Riccardo Pratesit O.F.M.,” Studi Francescani 62 (1965): 364-418.

In 1282 the Bardi had a palace in the popolo of Santa Maria sopr Arno; Franek Sznura, L’espansione urbana di Firenze nel Dugento

(Florence 1975), 103 n. 30. Benedetto de’ Bardi was Inquisitor in 1297; Cesare Cenci, “Costituzioni della Provincia Toscana tra I secoli XXX e XIV,” Studi Francescani 79 (1982): 369-409, esp. 387.

On May 6, 1299, a Fra Matteo de’ Bardi was left a legacy of one hundred libri “pro libris emendis.’ Cenci, “Costituzioni della Provincia,’ 392 Nn. 9.

9. Salvino Salvini, Catalogo Cronologico de’ Canonici della Chiesa Metropolitana Fiorentina compilato Vanno 1751 (Florence, 1782), 156; Elena Rotelli, Ll capitolo della cattedrale di Firenze dalle origini al XV secolbo,

Quaderni di Studi e Ricerche 9 (Florence, 2005), 50-51; George Dameron, Florence and Its Church in the Age of Dante (Philadelphia, 2005), 27-28. 176

Notes to Page §1

10. Davidsohn, Forschungen, 4:486. Fra Arrigo Cercht (1297-1303) was the son of Viert Cerchi; see Lesnick, Preaching in Medieval Florence,

186. He appears in Davis's book lists (“The Early Collection of Books,’ 409, and nos. 14, 17, and 46). See also Cenci, “Silloge di

documenti francescant, 380; Enrica Neri Lusanna, “Interni florentini e pittura profana tra Duecento e Trecento: Caccie e giostre a Palazzo Cerchi,” in Opere e giorni: Studi su mille anni di arte

europea dedicati a Max Seidel, ed. Klaus Bergdolt and Giorgio Bon-

santi (Venice, 2001). 123-130. For the Cerchi tomb, see Emma Zocca, Assisi, Catalogo delle Cose d’Arte e di Antichita d'Italia 9 (Rome, 1936), 18; also Giorgio Bonsanti, ed., La Basilica di San Francesco di Assisi, Mirabilia Italiae 11 (Modena, 2002), 295-297, figs. 95-08. i. Lettres de Jacques de Vitry, ed. Robert B. C. Huygens (Leiden, 1960), 75: “multi enim ULTIUSqUe SexUs divites et seculares omnibus pro Christo

relictis seculum fugiebant, qui Fratres Minores et Sorores Minores vocaban-

tur... Etiam per gratiam Dei magnum fructum fecerunt.” 12. Kenneth B. Wolf, The Poverty of Riches: St. Francis of Assisi Reconsidered (Oxford, 2003), 93; Lester Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy in Medieval Europe (Ithaca, 1978), 203-206. The question

of the extent to which the genuinely indigent benefited from the mendicant orders remains. The New Testament does not show Christ engaged in systematic begging; his life suggests voluntary poverty rather than begging. Stephen Munzer, “Beggars of God: The Christian Ideal of Mendicancy,” Journal of Religious Ethics 27, no. 2 (1999): 305-330. In his Apologia Pauperum contra calumniatorem

(S. Bonaventurae S.R.E. Cardinalis, Opera Omnia, vol. 8 [Ad Claras Aquas, 1898], 327-328), Bonaventure cites Matthew 10:9—10

and 19:21: “It is more perfect to be in need with Christ and to receive alms together with him than to be a friend of the poor and sustain them.” Michael Cusato, “‘Esse ergo mitem et humilem corde, hoc est esse vere fratrem minorem’: Bonaventure of Bagnoregio

and the Reformulation of the Franciscan Charism,” in Charisma 177

Notes to Pages 51—§2 und religidse Gemeinschaften im Mittelalter, Akten des 3. Internationalen Kongresses des Italienisch-deutschen Zentrums fiir Vergleichende Ordensge-

schichte, Vita Regularis Abhandlungen 26, ed. Giancarlo Andenna, Mirko Breitenstein, and Gert Melville (Munster, 2005), 343-382, esp. 347.

13. Alexander Murray, “Archbishop and Mendicants in ThirteenthCentury Pisa,’ in Stellung und Wirksamkeit der Bettelorden in der stéidtischen Gesellschaft, Berliner Historische Studien 3, Ordensstudien 2, ed. Kaspar Elm (Berlin, 1981), 19-75; Les sermons et la visite pastorale de Federico Visconti archevéque de Pise (1253-1277), Sources et

Documents d'Histoire du Moyen Age 3, ed. Nicole Bériou and Isabelle Le Masne de Chermont (Rome, 2001); Jacques Bougerol, “Saint Francois dans les premiers sermons universitaires, in Francesco d’Assisi nella Storia, ed. Servus Gieben, vol. 1 (Rome, 1983), 173-199, esp. 175; Pére Gratien, “Sermons franciscains d’ Eudes de Chateauroux (41273),” Etudes franciscaines 29 (1913): 171-195, 647—

6553 30 (1913): 291-317, 415-437, esp. 296-302, and “Sermo VII De Sancto Francesco, 303-317: “Ipse enim negociator fuit et mercator, pannorum’ (305), and “Pannos ergo spirituales vendidit” (309).

14. See Ehrle, “Zur Vorgeschichte,’ 3:93-137, for the Avignon debates of 1309-10. Ubertino da Casale quoted ibid., 15-116: “sunt multa edificia nostri ordinis . . . sed palatia apparent regum et in eis multipliciter

paupertas infringitur, quia fiunt nimis alta, ampla, longa et curiosa. . . . | Pro nibilo ducimus unam pulcram et magnam ecclesiam diruere, ut possimus maiorem et pulcriorem facere.”

15. Ibid., 3:146: “et primo ad id quod obiiciunt, quod in aliquibus locis dicti ordinis substinetur excessus in edifitii, dicitur: . . . que sint illa loca dicti ordinis, in quibus sint dicti excessus, nec per quos fratres facti sunt. Quia si

magna et ampla edifitia facta sunt per per seculares sicut Padue per communitatem civitatis et alios devotos homines in honore sancti Antonii vel in sancto Francisco,—ubi etiam auctoritate privilegii sedis apostolice man~ datur, quod certa pars oblationum convertatur in edifitiis in ipsa ecclesia ad decorem ipsius loci vel in aliis hec facta reperiantur a secularibus vel aucto176

Notes to Page 52 ritate sedis apostolice, quod ex secularium devotione in fundo vel superfitie

ecclesie romane ad honorem dei vel intuitu pietatis fit vel factum est, non spectat ad fratres tollere.”

16. Ibid., 3:105: “Ltem in aliquibus locis sacristi ipsimet candelas de sacristia acceptas faciunt super discum pont in ecclesia, ut intrantes viri et mulieres candelas emant, accipiant et offerant in loco earum super discum vel capsu~

lam pecuniam deponant; et famulus fratrum discum custodit et pecuniam recepit, ita quod eadem candela decies revendetur. Et hec fallacia videtur illi communicare quam dominus Yhesus de templo dicitur eiecisse.”

17. See Filippo Moisé, Santa Croce di Firenze illustrazione storico-artistica

(Florence, 1845): 465-467, doc. 3, for the first annual subvention of the commune of April 8, 1295. Fernanda Sorelli, “L’atteggiamento del governo veneziano verso gli ordint mendicanti: Dalle deliberazioni del Maggior Consiglio (Secoli XII—XIV),” Esperienze Minoritiche nel Veneto del Due-Trecento, Atti del Convegno Nazionale di Studi Francescani (Padova, 28—29—30 settembre 1984), Le Venezie

Francescane, n.s. 2 (1985): 37-47; Grado Merlo, Ira eremo e citta: Studi su Francesco d’Assisi e sul francescanesimo medievale (Assisi, 1991), 102.

18. Geroldus Fussenegger, “Relatio Commissionis in Concilio Viennensi institutae ad decretalem “Exivi de paradiso’ praeparandum, Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 50 (1957): 145-177, eSp. 153-154.

19. Davis, “The Early Collection of Books,” 410-412; idem, “Education in Dante's Florence” (1965), reprinted in Dante’s Italy (Philadelphia, 1984), 137-165 (on Santa Croce, see 147). From 1254 the Inguisition for Tuscany was based there (148). Mariano D’Alatri, L’'Inquisizione Francescana nell Italia centrale del Duecento, Bibliotheca

Seraphico-Capuccina 49 (Rome, 1996), 347. For Benedetto de’ Bardi as Inquisitor in 1297, see note 8. By 1280 Santa Croce was a studium generale (Davis, “Education in Dante's Florence,’ 153). See also Bert Roest, A History of Franciscan Education (c. 1210—1 517) (Leiden, 2000), 47—50.

20. Julian Gardner, “The Early Decoration of Santa Croce in Flor179

Notes to Pages 52-53 ence, Burlington Magazine 113 (1971): 391-392; Alessandro Conti, “Pittort in Santa Croce: 1295-1341,’ Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, Classe di Lettere e Filosofia, ser. 3, 2, no. 1 (1972):

247-263; Franco Carbonai, Gianni Gaggio, and Mario Salmi, “Nuove acquisizioni sulla cripta e sul transetto di S. Croce in Firenze,’ Citta di Vita 38 (1983): 31-59;idem, “Santa Croce: Inter-

pretazione attraverso le indagini metriche e documentarie, in S. Maria del Fiore e le chiese fiorentine del Duecento e del Trecento nella citta

delle fabbriche arnolfiane, ed. Giuseppe Rocchi Coopmans de Yoldi

(Florence, 2004), 243-262; Claudia Bolgta, “Santa Maria in Aracoeli and Santa Croce: The Problem of Arnolfo’s Contribution,’ in Arnolfo’s Moment: Acts of an International Conference, Florence, Villa

I Tatti, May 26—27, 2005, ed. David Friedman, Julian Gardner, and Margaret Haines, I Tatti Studies 23 (Florence, 2009), 91-106. 21. Marcia Hall, Renovation and Counter-Reformation: Vasari and Duke Cosimo in Sta. Maria Novella and Sta. Croce, 1565-1577 (Oxford,

1979), 2-6; Marcia Hall, “The Ponte in S. Maria Novella: The Problem of the Rood Screen in Italy,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 37 (1974): 157-173; idem, “The Italian Rood Screen: Some Implications for Liturgy and Function,” in Essays Presented to Myron P. Gilmore, ed. Sergio Bertelli and Gloria Ramakus (Florence, 1978), 213-218. See the reconstruction drawing in Leon Satkowski, Giorgio Vasari: Architect and Courtier (Princeton, 1993), 93 and figs. 32, 193.

22. Hall, Renovation and Counter-Reformation, 169, doc. 3, Operat S. Croce to Duke, July 21, 1566: “quando detto coro si levasse del tutto, apparirebbe bellissimo et magnifico tempio, et tutto il corpo della chiesa saria senza comparatione pin bello et dilettovole all’occhio; e questa é opinione uni-

versale edi ciascuno che l’ba vista, e particularmente di pin architettori et periti, et a not molto satisfa.” Moisé, Santa Croce di Firenze, 122-123.

23. [heir arms are “Azure Four chains in saltire meeting in a wreath on the fess-point argent.” Brenda Preyer, “"Da chasa gli Alberti’: The “Territory and Housing of the Family,” in Leon Batista Alberti: 180

Notes to Page 54 Architetture e Committenti, Atti dei Convegni internazionali del Comitato

Nazionale VI centenario della nascita di Leon Battista Alberti Firenze,

Rimini, Mantova, 12—16 ottobre 2004, Ingenitum 12, ed. Arturo Cal-

zona, Joseph Connors, Francesco Paolo Fiore, and Cesare Vasoli (Florence, 2009), 3-33; Mario Tasso, “Il ‘canto’ degli Alberti di Firenze,’ Antichita viva 10 (1971): 20-36; Due Libri Mastri degli Alberti: Una grande compagnia di Calimala 1348-1358, ed. Richard A.

Goldthwaite, Enzo Settesoldi, and Marco Spallanzanti (Florence, 1995); Thomas J. Loughman, “Signaling Alberti Patronage at the Church of Santa Croce,’ in The Patron’s Payoff: Conspicuous Commissions in Italian Renaissance Art, ed. Jonathan K. Nelson and Richard J. Zeckhauer (Princeton, 2008), 133-148, esp. 136; Ulrich Middeldorf and Bruce Cole, “Some Discoveries in the Cappella Maggiore in Santa Croce, Florence,’ Antichita Viva 5 (1975): 8-12.

24. Bruno Dini, “I mercanti-banchiert e la sede apostolica (XIU— prima meta del XIV secolo),” in Gli spazi economici della Chiesa nell’Occidente mediterraneo (secoli XLI[—meta XIV) (Pistoia, 1999), 43-62, reprinted in Manifattura commercio e banca nella Firenze medi-

evale (Florence, 2001), 67—81; Carol Lansing, The Florentine Mag-

nates (Princeton, 1991), 202-207, 239-240; John Najemy, A History of Florence, 1200-1575 (Oxford, 2006), 85-86.

25. David Abulafia, “Southern Italy and the Florentine Economy, 1265-1370, Economic History Review, ser. 2, 34 (1981): 376-388, esp.

380; Richard A. Goldthwaite, The Economy of Renaissance Florence

(Baltimore, 2009), 68-70, 106; Norman Housley, The Italian Crusades: The Papal-Angevin Alliance and the Crusades against Christian Lay

Powers, 1254-1343 (Oxford, 1982), 237-238, 240-241. Robert I continued to have huge debts with the Bardi; see Marco Spallanzant, ‘Una carta inedita della compagnia Bardi (ca. 1316—1320),” in La storia e Veconomia: Miscellanea in onore di Giorgio Mori, vol. 1, ed.

Anna Maria Falchero (Varese, 2003), 691-700. Like the Cinquina, the Bardi had at first prudently lent also to the Hohenstaufen; for Urban IV’s 1263 ultimatum to them, see Les Registres d’Urbain IV 181

Notes to Pages 54-55 (1261-1264), Bibliothéque des Ecoles Francaises d’Athénes et de

Rome, s. 2.13, 1-1, ed. Jean Guiraud and Suzanne Clémencet (Paris, 1892-1958), no. 410. 26, Armando Saport, La crisi delle compagnie mercantile dei Bardi e dei Peruzzi (Florence, 1926).

27. Ibid., 243-245. Ser Lapo Bardi and Doffo di Bartolo di messer Jacopo Bardi served as joint heads. This partnership was dissolved in 1331 and reconstituted as Messer Ridolfo de’ Bardi e Compaen (248). His associate and successor in London as head of “ragione d’ Inghilterra” (1318-1321) was Francesco Pegolottt. Fran-

cesco Balducct Pegolotti, La Pratica della Mercatura, Medieval Academy of America Publications, no. 24, ed. Allan Evans (Cambridge, 1936): xvii. Pegolotti had been on the Bardi payroll from before 1310.

28. Eve Borsook, “Notizie su due cappelle in Santa Croce a Firenze,’ Rivista d’Arte 36 (1961-62): 89-106, esp. 98-99, 105; Leonetto Tintori and Eve Borsook, The Peruzzi Chapel (New York, 1965). Donato di Arnaldo, however, made a similar bequest to Santa Cecilia in Florence: “Si contingat Corum Ecclesie S. Cecilie Florent. ampliari, voluit in ipso hedificio expendi de bonis suis... florenos 10 Flor. Parvorum.” Giuseppe Richa, Notizie istoriche delle chiese fiorentine, divise ne’

suoi quartieri, vol. 3 (Florence, 1754), 53. On Edwin S. Hunt, The Medieval Super-Companies: A Study of the Peruzzi Company of Florence

(Cambridge, 1994), see the comment of Goldthwaite, The Economy of Renaissance Florence, 236 n. 64.

29. Giovanni Villani, Nuova Cronaca, ed. Giuseppe E. Sansone and Giulio C. Cura (Rome, 2002), 375, Liber IX, cap. 7 (Santa Croce): “E comminciarsi fundamenti prima da la parte di dietro ove sono le cappelle,

pero che prima vera la chiesa vecchia, e rimase alloficio defrati infino che

furono murate le cappelle nuove.” Giovanni Villani began his career as

an employee of the Peruzzi bank. Michele Luzzati, Giovanni Villani e la compagnia dei Buonaccorsi (Rome, 1971), 1; Franca Ragone, 182

Notes to Page 55 Giovanni Villani e i suoi continuatori: La scrittura delle Cronache a Firenze

nel Trecento, Nuovi Studi Storici 43 (Rome, 1998), 226-228. 30. Cenc, “Costituzion: della Provincia Toscana,’ 389 (September un, 1297): “Lalanus olim d. Pegolotti de Gherardinis de Florentia centum flo-

renos parvorum pro una capella fienda apud locum fr. Min. de Florentia scilicet in nova ecclesia que fit distributores St Taddeum et guardianum.”

Davidsohn, Forschungen, 4:487.

31. Gardner, “The Early Decoration of Santa Croce,” 391. 32. Robert Davidsohn, Geschichte von Florenz, vol. 3 (Berlin, 1896— 1927), 617. Gastone della Torre died August 20, 13320. Davidsohn, Forschungen, 4:487—-488; Giuliana L. Fantoni, “Cassone della Torre,” in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, vol. 37 (Rome, 1989), 521-526; Wilhelm R. Valentiner, Lino di Camaino: A Sienese Sculptor

of the Fourteenth Century (Paris, 1935), 59-60; Tiziana Barbavara di

Gravellona, “Tino di Camaino a Firenze e il monumento funerario del vescovo Antonio d’Orso 1n Duomo. I. Per una lettura del sepolcro,’ Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, Classe di Lettere e Filosofia, ser. 4, 6, no. 2 (2001 | 2004 |): 265-299; Lisa M. Rafanelli, “Seeking Truth and Bearing Witness: The ‘Noli Me Tan-

gere’ and Incredulity of Thomas on Tino di Camaino’s Petroni Tomb (1313-1317), Comitatus 37 (2006): 32-64; Francesca Baldelli, Tino di Camaino (Morbio Inferiore, 2007), 170-189. The tomb is

Tino's first Florentine commission, although its execution is in considerable part by the workshop. Tino is documented in Florence on November 29, 1322, in connection with the Baptistery doors. Baldelli, Tino di Camaino, 442, no. 50. In all likelihood the completion of Gastone della Torre's tomb predates this. 33. Julian Gardner, “Magister Bertuccius Aurifex and the Bronze Doors of San Marco: A Programme for the Year of Jubilee,’ Revue de PArt 134 (2001 [2004]): 9-26; Hans R. Hahnloser and Susanne Brugger-Koch, Corpus der Hartsteinschliffe des 12.—1 5, Jabrhunderts

(Berlin, 1985), 114, no. 105, and fig. 88; Nancy M. Thompson, 183

Notes to Pages 55—56

“Saint Francis, the Apocalypse, and the True Cross: The Decoration of the Cappella Maggiore of Santa Croce in Florence,” Gesta 43, NO. I (2004): 61-79, esp. 76 n. 29.

34. Julian Gardner, “Duccio, Cimabue and the Maestro di Casole: Early Sienese Paintings for Florentine Confraternities, in I[conograpbica Mélanges offerts a Piotr Skubiszewski, ed. Robert Favreau and

Marie-Héléne Debiés (Poitiers, 1999), 109-113; Blake Wilson, Music and Merchants: The Laudesi Companies of Republican Florence (Ox-

ford, 1992) (for the Santa Croce company, see 89-91). For subse-

quent discussion of the painter, see Maria Merlin, “Maestro degli Aringheri,’ in Duccio: Siena fra tradizione bizantina e mondo gotico, ed. Alessandro Bagnoli, Roberto Bartalin1, Luciano Bellosi, and Michel Laclotte (Siena, 2003), 332-337; Alessandro Bagnoli, “T pittori ducceschi,’ in Bagnoli et al., Duccio, 292-303, esp. 294; Carl B. Strehlke, Italian Paintings, 1250-1450, in the John G. Johnson Collection and the Philadelphia Museum of Art (Philadelphia, 2004), 129-130.

35. Cenc, “Silloge di document francescani,’ 366-367, no. 1, letters

of confraternity to the Compagnia dei Laudesi at Santa Croce from Giovanni da Parma, 1255.

36. Ibid., 385, no. 12, Nertum Ugolini de Radicofano. 37. For his canonization, see Margaret Toynbee, S. Louis of Toulouse and the Process of Canonisation in the Fourteenth Century (Manchester, 1929), 201; Edith Pasztor, Per la storia di san Ludovico d’Angio (1274—

1297), Studi Storict 10 (Rome, 1955). See also the review of Pasztor by Geroldus Fussenegger in Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 40 (1956): 196-198. For Ugolino’s high altarpiece, see Gertrude

Coor, “Contributions to the Study of Ugolino di Nerto’s Art,” Art Bulletin 37 (1955): 153-165; Christa Gardner von Teuffel, “The Buttressed Altarpiece: A Forgotten Aspect of Tuscan FourteenthCentury Altarpiece Design,” Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen 21 (1979): 21-65; Miklés Boskovits, Friihe Italienische Malerei, Gemaldegallerie

Berlin Katalog der Gemialde (Berlin, 1988); Norman E. Muller, 154

Notes to Pages 56-57

“Reflections on Ugolino di Nerio’s Santa Croce Polyptych,’ Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte 57 (1994): 43-74; Stephan Weppelman, ed., Geschichten auf Gold: Bilderzéblungen in der friiben italienis-

chen Malerei (Berlin, 2006), 164-175.

38. Giuseppe Abate, “Memorial, statuti ed atti di Capitoli Generali det Pratt Minori,” Miscellanea Francescana 33 (1933): 15-45, 320-336;

34. (1934): 248-253; José Pou y Marti, “Fr. Gonzalo de Balboa, primer General Espafiol de la Orden,’ Revista de Estudios Franciscanos 7 (1911): 171-180, 332-343, Sp. 179.

39. Hildegard van Straelen, Studien zur Florentiner Glasmalerei des Trecento und CQuattrocento (Wattenscheid, 1938); Giuseppe Marchini, Le Vetrate Italiane (Milan, 1955), 30, 31. Marchint identified the popes as Honorius III (1216-1227), Gregory IX (1227-1241), and Boniface VIII (1294-1303). Ferdinando Bologna, “Vetrate del Maestro di Figline,’ Bollettino d’Arte 41 (1956): 193-199 and figs. 1-4 (fig, 4 1s misidentified as Pope John XII); Frank Martin, Die Glasmalerein von San Francesco in Assisi, Entstebung und Entwicklung

einer Gattung in Italien (Regensburg, 1997), 177; Nancy M. Thomp-

son, Vhe Fourteenth-Century Stained Glass of Santa Croce in Florence” (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1999).

40. I am very grateful to Cecilia Frosinini and Alberto Felici for assisting me in photographing and measuring this space, which I first noted in the early 1990s. 41. Bonsanti, La Basilica di San Francisco, vol. Inferiore, 405, fig. 717, vol.

Schede, 393, no. 717; Charles de Tolnay, “Les origines de la nature morte moderne,’ La Revue des Arts 2 (1953): 151-152; idem, “Postilla

sulle origini della natura morta moderna,” Rivista d’Arte 36 (19601962): 3-10; Andrew Ladis, Taddeo Gaddi (Columbia, Mo., 1982), 35,98

42. Jane C. Long, “Bardi Patronage at Santa Croce in Florence c. 1320-1343 (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1988). I am entirely

unpersuaded by the arguments for the contemporaneity of both

chapel programs advanced by Creighton Gilbert, “Lvordine 185

Notes to Pages 58—59

cronologico degli affreschi Bardi e Peruzzi,’ Bollettino d’Arte 53, no. 4 (1968): 192-197.

43. “Gules three annulets or, chief of the same.’ Howell Wills, Florentine Heraldry: A Supplement to the Guide-books (London, n.d.), 183; La Cronica Domestica di Messer Donato Velluti scritta fa il 1367 e il 1370, ed.

Isidoro Del Lungo and Guglielmo Volpe (Florence, 1914), 106: “fece compiere la cappella”. Gardner, “The Early Decoration,” 392;

Julian Gardner, “Giotto:'First of the Moderns’ or Last of the Ancients?” Wiener Jahrbuch fiir Kunstgeschichte 44 (1991): 63-78, esp.

72-73, figs. 14, 15. Monna Gemma de Pulci was the second wife of Filippo Velluti, whom she married in 1296; see Cronica Domestica, 104. Their son Alessandro, who is commemorated in the cycle, died wildfowling in Sicily in December 1321; Cronica Domestica, 105; Charles de la Ronciére, “Une famille florentine au XIVe. siécle: Les Velluti,” tn Famille et Parenté dans ’'Occident Médiévale, ed.

Georges Duby and Jacques Le Goff (Rome, 1977), 227-248; Andrew Ladis, “The Velluti Chapel in Santa Croce, Florence,” Apollo 120 (October 1984): 238-245. 44. “Di io feci compiere le graticole ferro dopo la mortalita del 1348” (Cronica

Domestica, 106). The Vellutt cancello has disappeared. The earliest to survive in Santa Croce is the cancello of the Bardi a Vernio grill

in the north transept, which reads, “ChONTE: + LELLI : dE SENIS + + ME FECIT + ANO + dNI+ + M: CCC + X*X°+X° Kv” Conti, “Pittori in Santa Croce,” 2409, fig e.

45. Gardner, “Giotto: “‘First of the Moderns,” 72-73, figs. 14-15. This suggestion was accepted subsequently by Michael Schwarz, Giottus Pictor, vol. 2 (Vienna, 2008), 424.

46. I cannot accept Ladis’s attribution of the chapel frescoes to Jacopo del Casentino. Ladis, “The Velluti Chapel,” 238.

47. The basamento is lacking, and the figure of the standing Saint Louis IX to the right of the altar wall lancet is a nineteenthcentury invention. 48. The four Evangelists in barbed quatrefoils on the north side are 186

Notes to Pages 59—61

generically identifiable by their smaller haloed symbols. Of the Church Fathers, Jerome as cardinal and Pope Gregory the Great are identifiable.

49. Boustrophedon—alternately from left to right like the successive furrows made by a plow. Florens Deuchler, “Le Sens de la lecture: A propos du boustrophédon,’ in Etudes d’Art médiéval offertes a Louis Grodecki (Paris, 1981), 251-258; Marilyn A. Lavin, The Place of

Narrative: Mural Decoration in Italian Churches, 431-1600 (Chicago,

1990); 53-55. See the review by the present writer in Burlington Magazine 135 (1993): 42—43, esp. 42.

50. Christian A. Isermeyer, Rahmengliederung und Bildfolge in der Wand-

malerei bei Giotto und den Florentiner Malern des 14. Jahrhunderts (Wiirzburg, 1937), 20; John White, The Birth and Rebirth of Pictorial Space, 3rd ed. (London, 1987), 72-76.

51. [his conceit had earlier appeared in the spandrels of the Siena pulpit by Nicola Pisano and Arnolfo di Cambio’s San Paolo fuori le Mura ciborium of 1285. 52. Villani, Nuova Cronica, 776, Lib. XII, cap. 12.1: “e simile sali a Santa Croce al luogo de’ frati minori infino a pié de Valtare maggiore.” See also

Gardner, “The Early Decoration,” 391 n. 5. In the Bardi and Peruzzi chapels these inserted panels closely approximate to a braccio (59 cm) in height.

53. For a similar conclusion, see Jane C. Long, “The Program of Giotto's Saint Francis Cycle at Santa Croce in Florence,” Franciscan Studies 52 (1992 [1996]): 85-134.

s4. Gratien de Paris, “Saint Francois au Musée de Trocadéro,” Etudes Franciscaines 38 (1926): 493-507; Bernard of Besse, Speculum Disciplinae, printed in S. Bonaventurae S.R.E. Cardinalis, Opera Omnia, vol, 8 (Ad Claras Aquas, 1898), appendix, 583-622, esp. 583, chap. 25, De disciplina circa habitum: “Honesta exigit vestimentorum formatio, ut non sint nimis lata, vel stricta. Amplitudo vel longitudo vestimenti super-

flua, sive in manicis sive in caputio, sive in collario caputii, est admodum

fugienda” (607). In his Historia septem tribulationem, Angelo Clareno 187

Notes to Pages 61-64

claims, on the authority of Leo, Bernardo Quintavalle, Egidio, and Masseo, the earliest companions, that habits should be “tantae longitudinis, quod succinct absque colligatione super cingulum terram

non attingeret.”’ Text in Franz Ehrle, “Die Spiritualen thr Verhaltnis zum Pranciscanerorden und zu den Fraticellen,’ Archiv fiir Literatur- und K irchengeschichte 2 (1886): 106—164, quotation ON 153} Gra-

tien, “Saint Francois au Musée,” 408. 55. Canon 13 of the Fourth Lateran Council (1215) forbade the institution of new orders unless they assumed the rule of an existing order. Innocent'’s prior oral approval exempted the Franciscans from this prohibition. Conciliorum Oecumenicorum Decreta, ed. Joseph Alberigo, Perikle Joannou, Claudio Leonardi, Paolo Prodi, and Hubert Jedin (Rome, 1962), 218.

56. It may be read as “REG(U)LA (ET VI)TAM (IN)ORUM FRATI(RUM) HEC E(ST) S(CILICET) D(OMINU)M N(OST) RIIE(S)V XRL” 57. Barbara Biihler Walsh, “A Note on Giotto’s ‘Visions of Brother Agostino and the Bishop of Assisi, Bardi Chapel, S. Croce, Florence, Art Bulletin 62 (1980): 20-23; Aimé Solignac, “Multilocation,’ in Dictionnaire de Spiritualité, vol. 10 (Paris, 1980), cols. 1837— 1840, esp, 1837.

58. Friedrich Rintelen, Giotto und die Giotto-Apokryphen, 2nd ed. (Basel, 1923), 135.

59. Julian Gardner, “A Minor Episode of Public Disorder in Assisi: Francis Renounces His Inheritance,’ Zeitschrift ftir Kunstgeschichte 68 (2005): 275-285, esp. 279-282. The Assisi scene is reproduced in Bruno Zanardi, II cantiere di Giotto (Milan, 1966), at 105. 60. White, Birth and Rebirth, 42; Gardner, “A Minor Episode of Public Disorder,’ 280.

61. Gardner, “A Minor Episode of Public Disorder,’ 280, 284. 62. Fr, Thomae de Celano Vita Prima S. Francisci I merely says “coram domino” (Analecta Franciscana sive Chronica aliaque varia documenta ad

Historiam Fratrum Minorum spectantia, vol. 10 |Ad Claras Aquas, 188

Notes to Page 65

1926-1941 |, 54; hereafter I), while the “ad romanam curiam” of the Legenda Maior (Analecta Franciscana, 10:570) is hardly more specific. The Assisi scene is reproduced in Zanardi, Il cantiere di Giotto, at 120.

63. Legenda Maior 9.5 (Analecta Franciscana, 10:599 ). The Assisi scene is

reproduced in Zanardi, Il cantiere di Giotto, at 175. 64. Legenda Maior 9.8 (Analecta Franciscana, 10:600), characterizes Fra

Tluminato as “viro utique luminis et virtutis.”’ Leonard Lemmens,

“De sancto Francisco Christum praedicante coram sultan Aegyptt,, Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 19 (1926): 559-578. See also John V. Tolan, Saint Francis and the Sultan (Oxford, 2009), 4.

The date of the encounter was probably September 1219. This apect of Francis’s encounter with the sultan was absent from the Bardi panel scene. Vincent Moleta, From St. Francis to Giotto: The Influence of St. Francis on Early Italian Art and Literature (Chicago, 1983), 22; Eamon Duffy, “Finding St Francis: Early Images, Early Lives,’ in Medieval Theology and the Natural Body, York Studies in Medieval Theology 1, ed. Peter Biller and Alastair Minnis (York, 1997), 193-236, esp. 223.

65. Gardner, “Giotto: ‘First of the Moderns,” 234; Josip Klemenc, Rimske izkopanine v Sempetru (Ljubljana, 1961); idem, “Das erste

Baldachingrab auf dem rémischen Cuvilfriedhof in Sempeter in Sanntale,” in Hommages a Waldemar Deonna, Collection Latomus 28

(Brussels, 1957), 292-299; Josip Klemenc, “Die Familie Prisciani und thre Verwandten auf den Grabdenkmalern von St. Peter,’ in Hommages a L. Herrmann Collection Latomus 44 (Brussels, 1957), 470-475; idem, Anticne gobnice v Sempetru (Ljubljana, 1961), fig. 1.

The tomb of C. Spectatius Priscianus was excavated in 1952-1955. The tomb type was certainly in widespread use. 66. Bologna, “Vetrate del Maestro di Figline,” 193-199. See Isa Ra-

gusa, “Terror Demonum et Terror Inimicorum: The Two Lions

of the Throne of Solomon and the Open Door of Paradise,” Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte 40 (1977): 93-114, esp. 102ff. 189

Notes to Pages 65—66 67. Canon 18: “Nec quisquam purgationi aque ferventis vel frigide seu ferri

candentis ritum.” Innocent II reconfirmed the prohibition in his decretals (5.35.3), a position confirmed by Gregory IX in Decretalium 5.35; Emil Friedberg, ed., Corpus Iuris Canonici, vol. 2 (Leipzig,

1881), cols. 877-878; Raoul Naz, “Ordalies,” in Dictionnaire de Droit Canonique, vol. 6 (Paris, 1957), cols. 1117-23; Robert Bartlett, Trial by Fire and Water: The Medieval Judicial Ordeal (Oxford, 1986), 21.

68. Julian Gardner, “Andrea di Bonaiuto and the Chapterhouse Frescoes in Santa Maria Novella,” Art History 2 (1979): 107-138, esp. 16; Hiltrud Stein-Kecks, Der Kapitelsaal in der mittelalterlichen Klosterbaukunst: Studien zu den Bildprogrammen, Italienische Forsc-

hungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, vol. 4 (Munich, 2004), 255-267. The Assisi scene is reproduced in Zanard1, Il cantiere di Giotto, at 255.

69. Pierre Péano, “Saint Frangois au Chapitre d’Arles,” in San Francesco nella Storia: Atti del primo convegno di studi per VILL centenario della

nascita di S. Francesco 1182-1282 (Rome, 1983), 239-249, esp. 240; Celano, Vita [, chap. 18 (Analecta Franciscana, 10:39), had located the provincial chapter generically in Provence. It was Bonaventure, Legenda Maior, chap. 4, n. 10 (Analecta Franciscana, 10:576) who placed it precisely. 7o. Celano, Vita I, chap. 38: “in aére sublevatum extensis velut in in cruce manibus,” repeated unaltered in Legenda Maior (Analecta Franciscana, 101576 ).

71. Celano, Vita I, chap. 38 (Analecta Franciscana, 10:38): “frater Monal-

dus respexit ad ostium.’ See Chapter 3, note 29, for the other apparttions.

72. A surviving Tuscan example with a frescoed Crucifixion on the east wall survives at S. Domenico, Pistoia, for which see Miklés Boskovits, “The Origins of Florentine Painting, 1100-1270, in Richard Offner, Klara Stetnweg, Miklos Boskovits, and Mina Gregor, A Critical and Historical Corpus of F lorentine Painting, sec. 1, 190

Notes to Pages 66-67 vol. 1 (Florence, 1993), 552-565, plates XLVII, XLVIL1, XLVIL7.

Other examples may be found at S. Niccold at Treviso and at Pomposa, for which see Gardner, “Andrea di Bonaiuto,’ 116; Bruce

Cole, “Giotto’s Apparition of St. Francis at Arles: The Case of the Missing Crucifix,” Simiolus 7 (1974): 163-165, esp. 163.

73. Geroldus Fussenegger, “Gunsalvus Hispanus, Minister Generalis visitat Provinctam Thusctiae,’ Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 45

(1952): 227-231. Gonsalvo's 1304 Constitutions, 230, ruled that lazy

friars, once warned, should fast for two days and sit on the floor of the refectory: “cogant eos duobus diebus ieiunare in pane tantum et aqua, sedentes illis duobus diebus nichilominus in terra coram fratribus in refectorio.”

74. Bonaventure himself provided another version; Robert Lerner, "A Collection of Sermons Given in Paris c. 1267, Including a New Text by Saint Bonaventura on the Life of Saint Francis,” Speculum 49 (1974): 466-498, esp. 497: “Item in morte se totum nudum et quasi in cruce extensum se poni in terra precepit, et eciam in cruce

sepultus fuit.’ The Assisi scene is reproduced in Zanardi, Il cantiere di Giotto, at 273.

75. André Vauchez, “Les stigmates de Saint Frangois et leurs détracteurs dans les derniers siécles du moyen Age,” Mélanges d’Archéologie

et d'Histoire 80 (1968): 595-625, esp. 599-600; Bonaventura, Legenda Maior, Miracula, 1.2 (Analecta Franciscana, 10:627—628): “Gregorius papa nonus... scrupulum quemdam dubitationis in corde gerebat de vulneve laterali.”

76. Caput draconis ultimum (Analecta Franciscana, 10:401) specifically re-

fers to the side wound. Vauchez, “Les stigmates de Saint FranCols, 600.

77. Michael Bihl, “De quondam elencho Assisano testium oculatorum S. Francisci stigmatum, Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 19

(1926): 931-936, esp. 932. Dominus Ieronimus is listed among those who saw the stigmata after Francis’s death, for whom see Legenda Maior 15.4 (Analecta Franciscana, 10:624). In 1230 he was po191

Notes to Pages 67—69

desta of Assisi; see Bihl, “De quondam elencho,” 932 n. 5. At the General Chapter at Genoa in 1251 Fra Bonizo tearfully testified, “Tsti oculi peccatores ea viderunt et istae manus peccatrices contractaverunt

ea.’ Pratris Thomae vulgo dicti de Eccleston, Tractatus de adventu Fratrum Minorum in Angliam, ed. Andrew G. Little (Manchester, 1951), 74; Vauchez, “Les stigmates de Saint Francois,’ 600 n. 6. 78. Legenda Maior 14.6 (Analecta Franciscana, 10:623). See the comment

by Donal Cooper, “The Franciscan Genesis of Sassetta's Altarpiece,’ in Sassetta: The Borgo San Sepolcro Altarpiece, ed. Machtelt

Israéls, vol. 1 (Florence and Leiden, 2009), 285-302, esp. 299; Stephan Weppelmann, “ Accio il fuoco non si spenga’: Zum Miunis-

tranten mit Rauchfass in Annibaldi-Grab des Arnolfo di Cambio,” in Docta Manus Studien zur italienischen Skulptur fiir Joachim Po-

eschke, ed. Johannes Myssok and Jiirgen Wiener (Miinster, 2007), 99-100. 79. Julian Gardner, The Tomb and the Tiara (Oxford, 1992), 97-101, figs. 85, 89 (de Bray), 81-82, fig. 52 (Giangaetano Orsint).

80. It goes well beyond the reemployment of the ancient affective motif of the figure seen from the back leading the spectator into the scene. Margarete Koch, Die Riickenfigur im Bild: Von der Antike bis

zu Giotto, Munstersche Studien zur Kunstgeschichte 2 (Reckling-

hausen, 1965), 61ff. (“Die Rtickenfigur bet Giotto”); Michael Schwarz, “Bodies of Self-transcendence: The Spirit of Affect in Giotto and Piero,’ in Representing Emotions: New Connections in the Histories of Art, Music and Medicine, ed. Penelope Gouk and Helen

Hills (Aldershot, 2005), 69-87, esp. 76. 81. Julia Gyarfes-Wilde, “Giotto-Studien,’ Wiener Jahrbuch ftir Kunstgeschichte 7 (1930): 45-94. Its frontal impact is of course related to that originally made by the Stigmatization in the Cinquina Chapel at San Francesco, Pisa. 82. The verbal echoes in Bonaventure’s Legenda Maior, chap. 13, are significantly more of the Transfiguration: the locum excelsum of 13.2 echoing Matthew 17:1 and 9. The marks of the nails (signum clavo192

Notes to Pages 69—70

rum of Legenda Maior 13.3) echo doubting Thomas of John 20:25.

Interestingly this episode soon reappeared in Santa Croce on Tino di Camaino’s tomb of Gastone della Torre; cf. Rafanelli, “Seeking Truth and Bearing Witness.’ The Assisi scene 1s reproduced in Zanardi, II cantiere di Giotto, at 265.

83. Celano, Vita I (Analecta Franciscana, 10772); Oktavian a Rieden, “De Sancti Francisci Assisiensis Stigmatum Susceptione,’ Collectanea Franciscana 34 (1964): 5-62, 241-338, esp. 34-35. For the hawk, see Celano, Vita I, chap. 2 (Analecta Franciscana, 10:228).

84. Philippe Faure, “Vie et Mort du Séraphin de Saint Frangois d’Assise,” Revue Mabillon 62 (1990): 143-177, esp. 163; idem, “Corps

de homme et corps du Christ: Liconographie de la Stigmatisation de S. Francois en France et Angleterre,” I discorsi dei corpi / Discourses of the Body, Micrologus 1 (1993): 332—335-

85. Faure, “Corps de homme,” 330. 86. Chiara Frugoni, Francesco e Pinvenzione delle stigmate: Una storia per

parole e immagini fino a Bonaventura e Giotto (Turin, 1993), for the origin of the drawings, 229 n. 53; Pietro Zerbi, “‘L’ultimo sigillo’

(Par. XI, 107): Tendenze della recente storiografia italiana sul tema delle stigmate di s. Francesco. A proposito di un libro recente,” Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia 48, no. 1 (1994): 7-42.

87. Duffy, “Finding St Francis,” 216.

88. The mirror theme runs through the Lives. Thomas of Celano terms Prancis “speculum quoddam sanctissimum dominicae sanctitatis” (Vita IH, Introitus, in Analecta Franciscana, 10:147), and Bonaventure terms him “sanctitatis speculum” in Legenda Maior, chap. 15 (Analecta Franciscana, 10:623 ).

89. Faure, “Corps de l’‘homme et corps du Christ,” 331. go. Davis, “The Early Collection of Books,’ 406, no. 35. ot. The Actus B. Francisci et sociorum eius, chap. 9, nn. 28-31, speaks of “unam pauperculam cellam in latere dicti montis.” See Oktavian a Rie-

den, “De Sancti Francisci Assisiensis Stigmatum Susceptione,’ Collectanea Franciscana 34 (1964): 5-62, 241-338, esp. 30. The Actus 193

Notes to Pages 7O—71

was compiled between 1327 and 1337; see Ernesto Menesto in Fontes Franciscani, ed. Ernesto Menesto and Stefano Brufani (Assisi, 1995), 2079. John V. Fleming, From Bonaventura to Bellini: An Essay in Franciscan Exegesis (Princeton, 1982), 97, noted its connec-

tion to the cave on Mount Horeb (Sinat) where Elyah experienced God (3 Kings 19:13). It was also where Moses saw the burning bush in Exodus 3:2. See Alastair Smart, The Assisi Problem and the Art of Giotto (Oxford, 1972), 204. A rather similar cave appears in the Ascension of the Magdalen in the Magdalen Chapel at Assisi.

For contemporary Italian developments in landscape painting, see Ute Feldges, Landschaft als topographisches Portrat: Der Wiederbeginn der europdischen Landschaftsmalerei in Siena (Bern, 1980).

92. Legenda Maior, chap. 14 (Analecta Franciscana, 10:620: “Iam denique circa finem, quod simul tibi ostenditur et sublimis similitudo Seraph et bumilis effigies Crucifixi, interius te et exterius te consignans.”

93. Servus Gieben, “Per la storia dell’abito Francescano,’ Collectanea Franciscana 66 (1996): 431-478; Bonaventura, Expositio super regulam

Fratrum Minorum, in Opera Omnia, 8:402: “Color etiam naturalis non artificialis in veste haberi debet”, Gratien, “Saint Prangois au Musée,’ 499.

94. For a contemporary comment on the effect of light on color, see Fr. Matthaet ab Aquasparta, O.F.M., S.R.E., Cardinalis, Quaestiones Disputatae de Gratia, Bibliotheca Franciscana Scholastica Me-

dii Aevi (Ad Claras Aquas, 1935), quaestio 9, 237-238; Wolfgang Schone, Uber das Licht in der Malerei (Berlin, 1954), 37ff.; James R.

Johnson, The Radiance of Chartres (London, 1964), 14, 18-24, who does not, however, mention Italy; Paul Hills, The Light of Early Italian Painting (New Haven, 1987), 83. 95. Ehrle, “Zur Vorgeschichte” 2 (1886): 353-416; 3 (1887): 1-195, esp. 142-143: “Sed in hoc magis videtur ledi paupertas, quia vix aliquis frater audet uti habitus repetiatis vel mantellis vel habitibus despectis, quin a mul-

tis fratribus singularis et quasi superstit / iosus iudicetur et contempnetur.”

Cf. Miller, Das Konzil von Vienne, 262. 194.

Notes to Pages 72—73

96. Compare the surviving cloister fagade of the chapter house at Santa Maria Novella, which has carved ornament and marble inlay. Gardner, “Andrea di Bonaiuto,’ esp. 113 and fig. 7.

97. The problems of maintaining uniformity of color among friars’ habits are writ long in Franciscan legislation. The Narbonne con-

stitutions, repeated at Assisi in 1279 and Paris in 1292, stated, “Omnino nigrae vel penitus albae tunicae desuper non portentur.’ Consti-

tutiones Generales Ordinis fratrum Minorum, ed. Cesare Cenci and Romain Mailleux, vol. 1, Saeculum XIII, in Analecta Franciscana, 13,

n.s., Documenta et Studia 1 (Grottaferrata, 2007), 112 (Assist), 289 (Paris); idem, “Ordinazioni det Capitol: Provinciali Umbri dal 1300 al 1305,’ Collectanea Franciscana 55 (1985): 5-31, esp. 15, 26.

Spoleto 1300, habits were not to be “albae notabiliter sive nigrae.” Gieben, “Per la storia dell’abito,’ 433. 98. Franciscan exequies had been codified at the General Chapter of

Pisa; see Stephen J. P. van Dyk, “The Statutes of the General Chapter of Pisa (1263),”’ Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 45 (1952): 299-322, esp. 320, no. 30: “In. . . exequiis mortuorum qui portat aquam benedictam precedebat, deinde ceroferarii, postea thuribularius,

induti superpelliciis; postea unus subdiaconus albis indutus, qui crucem de-

ferat, quem fratres bini et bini ordinanter sequantur pro dispositione cantorum; ultimo vero diaconus et subdiaconus sacris indutis vestibus, quos sacerdos ultimus contra medium comitetur.”

g9. Gardner, “A Minor Episode of Public Disorder,” 280. 100. Ibid.; Michel Pastoureau, “Formes et couleurs du désordre: Le jaune et le vert,” Médiévales 4 (1983): 62-73; idem, Couleurs, Images, Symboles (Paris, n.d. | 1989]), 50. ror. Canon 68: “Ut Judaei discernantur a christianis in habitus”; see Concil-

iorum Occumenicorum Decreta (Rome, 1962), 44; Solomon Grayzel,

“The Church and the Jews in the XIIIth Century” (Ph.D. diss., Dropsie College, Philadelphia, 1933), 61, 67; Jeremy Cohen, The Friars and the Jews: Evolution of Medieval Anti-Judaism (Ithaca, 1983),

43, for the mendicants’ often virulent animosity toward the Jews. 195

Notes to Page 74

102. Pierluigi Leone de Castris, “Une attribution a Lando di Pietro le bras-reliquaire de saint Louis de Toulouse,” Revue du Louvre 30 (1980): 71-75; Danielle Gaborit-Chopin, “Le Bras reliquaire de saint Luc au Musée du Louvre,” in Antologia di Belle Arti, Mélanges

Verlet 1 (Turin, 1985), 5-18, esp. 9; Julian Gardner, “Saint Louis of Toulouse, Robert of Anjou and Simone Martini,” Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte 39 (1976): 12-33; idem, “The Cult of a Fourteenth-

Century Saint: The Iconography of Louis of Toulouse,” in [ Francescani nel Trecento: Atti del XIV Convegno Internazionale, Assisi,

16-18 Ottobre 1986 (Perugia, 1988), 167-193; Michel Popoff, “Le ‘Capo dello scudo’ dans lhéraldique florentine XHIe—XIVe. siécles,’ in Brisures, augmentations et changements d’armoiries: Actes du Se. colloque international dhéraldique, Spolete, 12-16 octobre 1987 (Brussels,

1988), 252-255, esp. 253.

103. Louis had been made a bishop six days after entering the Order. Edith Pasztor, Per la storia di san Ludovico d’Angid (1274-1297), Studi Storict 10 (Rome, 1955), 26. The minister-general Giovanni da Murrovalle was absent from the initial canonization procedures. Ibid., 25-26; Toynbee, S. Louis of Toulouse, 154.

104. Percy E. Schramm, “Die kegelformigen Kronen Kaiser Heinrichs

VII. und anderer Herrscher des spaten Mittelalters,’ in Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik, vol. 3 (Stuttgart, 1956), 1o15ff. A

letter from Robert I of September 20, 1316, reads, “coronam, que fuit quondam Flenrici se Romanorum regem dicentis aliaque iocalia . . . ostenturi nobis ea intendentibus coronam et iocalia ipsa emere.” Monumenta

Germaniac Historica, Legum Sectio, IV, 1, in Jakob Schwalm, ed., Constitutiones et Acta Publica Imperatorvm et Regvm (Hanover, 1908), 1307,

no. 1247. [hat crowns might occasionally come into bankers’ pos-

session is shown by a later document concerning the Peruzzi: Ferdinando Lionti, “Le societa dei Bardi, det Peruzzi e degli Accaiuoli in Sicilia,” Archivio Storico Siciliano, n.s., 14 (1889): 189-230,

Peruzzi doc. of 1337. Among securities given to a Peruzzi agent in 1337, ‘Item coronam aliam de argento deauratam.” 196

Notes to Pages 74—75 105. Davidsohn, Forschungen, 4:544—547, lists the Angevin royal rectors. See also Romolo Caggese, Roberto d’Angiéd e i suoi tempi (Florence

1922, 1930); in 1310 Robert had been the guest of the Peruzzi (22).

106. There is nothing even allusively spiritual in the representation of

Louis of Toulouse in Florence at this date. David Anderson, “Dominus Ludovicus’ in the Sermons of Jacobus of Viterbo,’ in Literature and Religion in the Later Middle Ages: Philological Studies in

Honor of Siegfried Wenzel, ed. Richard Newhauser and John Alford (Binghamton, 1995): 275-295. [he post-1317 lives of Saint Louis emphasized obedience to church and episcopal responsibility. As

Jacques Duéze, Pope John XXII had earlier been chancellor of both Charles II d’Anjou and Robert. The Franciscan Order had initially been lukewarm to Louis's canonization because of his spiritual leanings. See Pasztor, Per la storia di san Ludovico d’Angio,

41. At the canonization inquiry Francesco Brun, his confessor, stated that Louis's habit “fuit truncatus in manicis et abbreviatus parte inferiori usque ad mediam tybiam.” Processus Canonizationis et Legendae Variae Sancti Ludovici OFM Episcopi Tolosani, in Analecta Franciscana,

vol. 7 (Quaracchi, 1951), 113. For a differing view, see Fussenegger in Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 40 (1956): 197.

107. May 20, 1331, Naples, Canc. Ang., reg. 285ff., 213ff.; Riccardo Fil-

angiert di Candida, “Rassegna Critica delle Fonti per la Storia di Castel Nuovo,” Archivio Storico per le Provincie Napoletane 61 (1936):

251-323; 62 (1937): 267-333; 64, (1939): 237-322. On Giotto, see 61 (1936): 271-273 and doc. 8, 319-322, esp. 320: “Magistri Zocti prothomagistri operis dicte picture necnon salario seu mercede diversorum mag~

istrorum tam pictorum quam manualium et manipulorum laborantium.”

For Giotto’s Neapolitan sojourn, see Francesco Forcellini, “Un 1gnoto pittore napoletano del secolo XIV, e un nuovo documento sulla venuta di Giotto in Napoli,” Archivio Storico per le Provincie Napoletane 35 (1910): 545-552, esp. 545. See further Prancesco Aceto, “Pittori e documenti della Napoli angioina: Aggiunte ed es197

Notes to Pages 75—78

punzioni, Prospettiva 67 (1992): 53-65, 40; and for a differing view, P. L. Leone de Castris, Giotto a Napoli (Naples, 2006), 10-11.

108. The argument as articulated in Julian Gardner, “The Louvre Stigmatization and the Problem of the Narrative Altarpiece,” Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte 45 (1982): 217-247, needs modification

in the light of, among others, Thomas Heffernan, Sacred Biography: Saints and Their Biographers in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1988), 31,

146, and particularly Timothy E. Duff, Plutarch’s Lives: Exploring Virtue and Vice (Oxford, 1999), chap. 9, “The Politics of Parallelism: Greeks and Romans in the Parallel Lives.”

1og. Annaliese Maier, “Annotazioni autografici di Giovanni XXII in Codict Vaticani,” Rivista di Storia dell Chiesa in Italia 6 (1952): 317—

332. For a differing interpretation and chronology, see Patrick Nold, “Pope John XXII’s Annotations on the Franciscan Rule: Content and Contexts,” Franciscan Studies 65 (2007): 295-324; Mal-

colm Lambert, “The Franciscan Crisis under John XXII,’ Franciscan Studies 32 (1972): 123-147; Malcolm Lambert, The Doctrine of the Absolute Poverty of Christ and the Apostles in the Franciscan Order,

1210—1323, 2nd ed. (St. Bonaventure, N.Y., 1998); Jiirgen Miethke,

“Papst Johannes XXII. und der Armutstreit,’ in Angelo Clareno Francescano: Atti del XX XIV Convegno Internazionale, Assisi, 5—7 ot-

tobre 2006 (Spoleto, 2007), 263-313, esp. 26off. tio. Rona Goffen, Spirituality in Conflict: Saint Francis and Giotto’s Bardi Chapel (University Park, 1988). See the critical review by William R. Cook in American Historical Review 95 (1990): 1179. m1. Ehrle, “Zur Vorgeschichte” (1887 ): 163. u2,. Ibid., 147: “Preterea habitationes et ecclesie fratrum ut plurimum fiunt per

seculares ad laudem dei et cultum divinum ampliandum; quia etiam frequenter devotius celebratur et melius conveniunt seculares ad audiendum

divina offitia in ecclesiis pulcris quam in deformibus.” See also Piron, “Un couvent sous influence,’ 321-355. 113. For this symbiosis, see Lesnick, Preaching in Medieval Florence, 46ff.

(Franciscans), 73ff. (Dominicans); Davis, “The Early Collection of Books,” 413; Piron, “Un couvent sous influence,’ 326 n. 25, 198

Notes to Pages 75—83

340-345. Apart from the friars from prominent families mentioned earlier, a Fra Tedicio Fabri Tolosini is recorded as guardian

in 1318; Alexander Murray, “The Medieval Inquisition: An Instrument of Secular Politics,’ Peritia 5 (1986): 161-200, esp. 171. 14. Davis, “Education,” 153; David D’Avray, “Some Franciscan Ideas about the Body,” in Modern Questions about Medieval Sermons, Bib-

lioteca di “Medioevo Latino” 1, ed. Nicole Bériou and David D’Avray (Spoleto, 1994), 155-174. Servasanto da Faenza often preached at Santa Croce (164 ff.). He pointedly enquired of his congregation, “Si enim creditur litteris mercatorum, cur non credatur litteris apostolorum?” D’Avray “Some Franciscan Ideas about the Body,” 172. See also Johannes B. Schneyer, Repertorium der lateinischen Sermones der Mittelalter fiir die Zeit 1150-1350, vol. 5 (Munster, 1969-1990), 380, no. 63; 171, no. 46; David D’Avray, “Philosophy

in Preaching: The Case of a Franciscan Based in ThirteenthCentury Florence (Servasanto da Faenza),’ in Newhauser and Alford, Literature and Religion in the Later Middle Ages, 267. For a

sermon by Servasanto which discusses the Stigmatization in phraseology based on the Legenda Maior, see Vergilio Gamboso, “]

sermont De Communi’ e ‘De Proprio Sanctorum’ di Servasanto net codict 520 3 530 di Assisi,” Il Santo 13, nos. 2-3 (1973): 211-278, esp, 262—266, 265. 115. Convivio 2.12.7; Davis, “Education,” 153.

116. Marvin J. Becker, “Notes on the Monte Holdings of Florentine Trecento Painters,” Art Bulletin 46 (1964): 376-377, esp. 377. 117. Deuchler, “Le Sens de la lecture”; Lavin, The Place of Narrative, 43it.

3. The Lull before the Storm

1. Ewald Miiller, O.RM., Das Konzil von Vienne 1311-1312: Seine Quellen und seine Geschichte Vorreformationsgeschichtliche Forschungen,

vol. 12 (Minster, 1934), 308-352.

2. John E. Weakland, “John XXII before His Pontificate: Jacques 199

Notes to Pages 83-54 Duése and His Family,’ Archivum Historiae Pontificiae 10 (1972):

161-185; Edith Pazstor, “Un raccolta di sermoni di Giovanni XXIL” Bullettino dell’Archivio Paleografico Italiano, n.s., 2/3 (1956-57):

265—289; Patrick Nold, Pope John XXII and His Franciscan Cardinal,

Bertrand de la Tour, and the Apostolic Poverty Controversy (Oxford,

2003); David Flood, review of Nold, Pope John XXII, Franciscan Studies 62 (2004): 225-235. 3. Heinrich Finke, Acta Aragonensia: Quellen zur deutschen, italienischen, franzésischen, spanischen, zur Kirchen- und Kulturgeschichte, vol. 1 (Ber-

lin and Leipzig, 1908), 216, no. 141: on “Post creacionem suam creditur, quod erit homo iustus et sine corrupcione. Utinam ita sit! Set multi dubitant, et merito, quod [ nimise | innitatur sensui suo, quod in tanto pre-

lato est periculosisimum” (royal procurator Johannes Lupi to Jayme II of Aragon, August 11, 1316).

4. “Cronica della quisitione insorta nella Corte di papa Giovanni XXII a Vignone, circa la poverta di Cristo,’ in Storia di fra Michele Minorita come fu arso in Firenze nel 1389, ed. Francesco Zambrini (Bologna, 1864), 59-82, cited by Charles T. Davis, “Le Pape Jean XXII et les Spirituels Ubertin de Casale,” in Franciscains d’Oc: Les Spirituels ca. 1280-1324, Cahiers de Fanjeaux 10 (Toulouse, 1975), 263-283. See, however, the comments of Jean Dunbabin, A Hound of God: Pierre de la Palud and the Fourteenth-Century Church (Oxford, 1991), 91-94. 5. “Magna quidem paupertas, sed maior integritas, horum est obedientia max-

imum, si custoditur illesa.” Extrauagantes Iohannis XXL, (Monumenta

Turis Canonici, ser. B, Corpus Collectionum 6, ed. Jacqueline Tarrant (Vatican City, 1983), 163-181, no. 6, quotation on 178-179. 6. It had been established at Narbonne in 1260 that 1f the minister-

general should die between chapters, his successor would be elected at the subsequent General Chapter. Michael Bihl, “Statuta Generalia Ordinis edita in Capitulis Generalibus, celebratis Narbonae an. 1260, Assisii, an. 1279, atque Paristis an 1292,” Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 34 (1941): 13-94, 284-358, 203, nos. 7, 8;

200

Notes to Pages 84—85 Cesare Cenci and Romain G. Mailleux, eds., Constitutiones generales Ordinis Fratum Minorum, vol. 1, Saeculum XIII (Analecta Franciscana,

vol, 13), n.s., Documenta et Studia 1 | Grottaferrata, 2007]), 92. 7. Carl H. Willemsen, Kardinal Napoleon Orsini (1263-1342), Historische Studien 172 (Berlin, 1927), 153. For the surviving codicil to his will (dated February 13, 1341), see Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, I Testamenti dei Cardinali del Duecento, Miscellanea della Socteta

Romana di Storia Patria 25 (Rome, 1980), 459-467. See also Franca Allegrezza, Organizzazione del Potere e Dinamiche Familiari: Gli Orsini dal Duecento agli inizi del Quattrocento, Nuovi Studi Storici

44 (Rome, 1998); Irene Hueck, “Il cardinale Napoleone Orsini e la cappella di S. Nicola nella basilica francescana ad Assisi,’ in Roma Anno 1300: Atti della IV Settimana di Storia dell’Arte Medievale

dell’Universita di Roma, “La Sapienza” (19-24 maggio 1980), ed. An-

giola Maria Romanini (Rome, 1983), 187-198; idem, “Die Kapelle

der Basilika San Francesco in Assisi: Die Auftraggeber und die Franziskaner,’ in Patronage and Public in the Trecento, ed. Vincent

Moleta (Florence, 1986), 81-104; Julian Gardner, “Sea-faring Saints and Landlubber Painters: Maritime Miracles and Italian Mediaeval Painters,’ in I Santi venuti dal Mare: V Convegno Internazionale di Studi, Bari—Brindisi, 14-18 dicembre 2005, ed. Maria S.

Calé Mariani (Bari, 2009), 13-34, esp. 28; Serena Romano, “Le botteghe di Giotto. Qualche novita sulla cappella di San Nicola nella basilica inferiore di Assisi,’ in Medieoevo: le officine Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi, Parma, 22—26 settembre 2009, ed. Arturo C, Quintavalle (Milan, 2010), 584-596, esp. 592, suggested a dating of the chapel frescoes circa 1300-1301. 8. Julian Gardner, “The Family Chapel: Artistic Patronage and Architectural Transformation in Italy, ca. 1275-1325,’ in Art, Cérémonial et Liturgie au Moyen Age: Actes du Colloque Romand de Lettres,

Lausanne—Fribourg, 24-25 mars, 14—15 avril, 12-13 mai 2000, ed. Nicholas Bock, Peter Kurmann, Serena Romano, and Jean-Michel Spieser (Rome, 2002), 545-558; Annegrit Héger, Studien zur Ent201

Notes to Page 85 stehung der Familienkapelle und zu Familienkapellen und -altdren des

Trecento in Florentiner Kirchen (Bonn, 1976); Ena Giurescu, “Tre-

cento Family Chapels in Santa Maria Novella and Santa Croce: Architecture, Patronage, and Competition” (Ph.D. diss., New York Unwversity, 1997).

9. Julian Gardner, “Arnolfo di Cambio and Roman Tomb Design,’ Burlington Magazine 115 (1973): 420-439, esp. 439; Michele Maccar-

rone, “Il sepolcro di Bonifacio VIII nella Basilica Vaticana,’ in Roma Anno 1300, 753-771; Julian Gardner, The Tomb and the Tiara

(Oxford, 1992), 80-82. Nicholas had not been a common name in the Orsini family; Allegrezza, Organizzazione del Potere e Dinamiche Familiari, 137-148.

10. Cesare Cenci, Documentazione di vita assisiana, Spicilegtum Bonaventurianum 10, 11, and 12, vol. 1 (Grottaferrata, 1974-1976), 45,

March 6, 1306; John White, “The Date of “The Legend of St. Francis’ at Assisi,’ Burlington Magazine 98 (1956): 344-351. The conclusiveness of White's argumentation was doubted by James H. Stubblebine, Assisi and the Rise of Vernacular Art (New York, 1985). See, however, the review of Stubblebine’s book by John White in Burlington Magazine 128 (1986): 828-830. Giuliano’s painting is reproduced in Alessandro Volpe, Giotto e i Riminesi (Milan, 2002), at 82, 83.

u. See Enzo Pagliani, “Note sui restauri degli affreschi giotteschi nella chiesa infertore di San Francesco,’ in Giotto e i giotteschi in As-

sisi, ed. Giuseppe Palumbo (Rome, 1969), 199-209, and Palumboss, introduction, xiv—xv; Anna Tantillo Mignosi, “Osservazioni sul transetto della basilica inferiore di Assisi,’ Bollettino d’Arte 60 (1975): 129-142; Hayden B. J. Maginnis, “The Passion Cycle in the Lower Church of San Francesco, Assisi: The Technical Evidence,’ Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte 39 (1976): 193-208; idem, “P1-

etro Lorenzettt: A Chronology,’ Art Bulletin 66 (1984): 183-211. 12. Hayden B. J. Maginnis, “Assisi Revisited: Notes on Some Recent Observations,’ Burlington Magazine 117 (1975): 511-517.

202

Notes to Page 57

133. Giuseppe Zaccaria, “Diario Storico della Basilica e Sacro Convento di S. Francesco in Assisi (1220-1927),” Miscellanea Francescana 63 (1963): 290-361, esp. 292-293 (July 16, 1311), doc. no. 147; Silvestro Nessi, Inventario e regesti d’ Archivio del Sacro Convento d’Assisi (Padua, 1991), 90 n. 223.

14. Irene Hueck, “Der Lettner der Unterkirche von S. Francesco in Assisi,’ Mitteilungen der Kunsthistorisches Instituts in Florenz 28 (1984):

173-202; Jiirgen Wiener, Die Bauskulptur von San Francesco in Assisi,

Franziskanische Forschungen 37 (Werl, 1991), 156-162; Michael V.

Schwarz, “Zerstért und wiederhergestellt: Die Ausmalung der Unterkirche von S. Francesco in Assisi,’ Mitteilungen der Kunsthistorisches Instituts in Florenz 37 (1993): 1-28; idem, Giottus Pictor, vol. 2 (Vienna, 2008), 327-3209. 15. Servus Gieben, “San Francesco nell’arte popolare,” in Francesco d’Assisi nella Storia, ed. Servus Gieben, vol. 1 (Rome, 1983), 339-348,

esp. 340. [he purchase of pilgrimage privileges and indulgences through surrogates, however, was widespread. For some Bolognese examples, see Acta Franciscana e tabularius Bononiensibus deprompta (Analecta Franciscana, vol. 9) (Ad Claras Aquas, 1927), nos. 563, 722, 848, 1440; Pio Pecchiai, “Banchi e botteghe dinanzi alla basilica Vaticana nei secoli XIV, XV e XVI,” Archivi, ser. 2, 18 (1951): 81-123. For surviving pilgrim tokens, see Mario D’Onofrio, ed., Romei e Giubilei: Il Pellegrinaggio a San Pietro (350-1350) (Rome,

October 29, 1999—February 26, 2000), nos. 97-115.

16. When Angela of Foligno visited Assisi in 1300, she was stopped at the screen; Il Libro della Beata Angela da Foligno, ed. Ludger Thier

and Abele Calufetti (Grottaferrata, 1985), 624-630, esp. 624.

17. Prior to the painting of the Upper Church crossing vault, the keystone had, exceptionally, been picked out in mosaic. Julian Gardner, “Rezension,’ review of Hans Belting, Die Oberkirche von San Francesco in Assisi (Berlin 1977), Kunstchronik 32 (1979): 63-84,

esp. 65; John White and Bruno Zanardi, “Cimabue and the Decorative Sequence in the Upper Church of S. Francesco, Assist,” in 203

Notes to Pages 88—89 Roma Anno 1300, 13-118, reprinted in idem, Studies in Late Medieval

Italian Art (London, 1984), 10-134, esp. 11; Maria Andaloro, “Tracce della prima decorazione pittorica nella Basilica di San Francesco ad Assisi,’ in Il Cantiere Pittorico della Basilica Superiore di

San Francesco in Assisi, Il Miracolo di Assisi 13, ed. Giuseppe Basile and Pasquale Magro (Assisi, 2001), 71-100. 18. Stefano Brufani, Eresia di un Ribelle al tempo di Giovanni XXII; Il

Caso di Muzio di Francesco d’Assisi, Quaderni del “Centro per 1 Collegamento degli Studi Medievali e Umanistici nell’Universita di Perugia” 19 (Perugia, 1989); Peter D. Clarke, The Interdict in the Thir-

teenth Century: A Question of Collective Guilt (Oxford, 2007), 202— 204. 19. David Burr, The Spiritual Franciscans (University Park, 2001), 169—

170; Michael Bihl, “Formulae et documenta a cancellaria fr. Michaelis a Caesena O.F.M. ministri generalis 1316-1328,’ Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 23 (1930): 106-171, esp. 110, 120-122. Mi-

chele was not present at the Naples chapter, and Sancia wrote to congratulate him on his election (107). See also Carlo Dolcini, Il pensiero politico di Michele da Cesena 1328-1336, Quaderni degli “Studi Romagnoli” 10 (Faenza, 1977); Samantha Kelly, “King

Robert of Naples (4309-1343) and the Spiritual Franciscans,’ Cristianesimo nella storia 20 (1999): 41-80, esp. 52-53 on Michael’s

opposition to the spiritual Franciscans. 20. Ferdinand Delorme, “Acta et Constitutiones Capituli Generalis Assisiensis (1340), Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 6 (1913): 251—

266, esp. 251: “addendo, diminuendo, mutando sicut eis videbitur expe-

dire’. Bihl, “Formulae et documenta,” 100. 21. This would have agreed with the requirements of current legisla-

tion, reflected later in altarpieces, where the titular of the altar was identified by an image or an inscription. Le Pontifical Romain de Guillaume Durand, vol. 23, De ecclesie dedicatione, ed. Michel Andrieu, in Le Pontifical Romain au Moyen~Age (Studi e Lesti 86, 87, 88,

and 99), vol. 3 (Vatican City, 1938-1941), 455-478.

204

Notes to Pages 89-91

22. Francesco Gandolfo, “Assisi e il Laterano,’ Archivio della Societa Romana di Storia Patria 106 (1983): 63-113, esp. 89-96; Wiener, Die Bauskulptur von San Francesco in Assisi, 162-191, esp. 184, which dates

the throne 1278-1280; Irene Hueck, “La Basilica Superiore come luogo liturgico: L’arredo e il programma della decorazione,’ in Basile and Magro, Il Cantiere Pittorico della Basilica Superiore, 4369.

23. [hese inscriptions are now difficult to read and have certainly been altered. Even Kleinschmidt, who gives the most complete transcription, confessed their difficulty. See Beda Kleinschmidt, Die Basilika San Francesco in Assisi, vol. 2 (Berlin, 1915-1928), 182 n. us “Der Text dieser Inschrift ist selbst mit bewaffnetem Auge dusserst schwer

festzustellen.” My reading and interpretation of the inscriptions has been greatly helped by the patient kindness and erudition of Agata Pincelli. The inscriptions are printed in the Appendix to this volume. 24. Christian-A. Isermeyer, Rabmengliederung und Bildfolge in der Wand-

malerei bei Giotto und den Florentiner Malern des 14. Jahrhunderts (Wiirzburg, 1937), 20; John White, The Birth and Rebirth of Pictorial Space, 3rd ed. (London, 1987), 72-76.

25. Rachel Meoli Toulmin, “Lornamento nella pittura di Giotto con particolare riferimento alla cappella degli Scrovegni,’ in Giotto e il suo tempo: Atti del Congresso Internazionale per la celebrazione del VIL Centenario della nascita di Giotto 24 settembre—1 ottobre 1967, Assisi,

Padova, Firenze (Rome, 1971), 177-190. 26. Rev. 1:14: “capilli erant candidi tamquam lana alba tamquam nix et oculi eius velut flamma ignis.”

27. Reproduced in La Basilica di San Francesco ad Assisi: Basilica Inferiore,

Mirabiliae Italiae 11, ed. Giorgio Bonsanti (Modena, 2002), 429— 445, figs. 750-933. 28. For the rib profiles in the Lower Church, see Beda Kleinschmidt, Die Basilika San Francesco in Assisi, vol. 1 (Berlin, 1915-1928), 84 and fig. 73, 1-3.

205

Notes to Page 91

29. First adumbrated in the De perfectione Evangelica of the Quaestiones

Disputatae, in Opera Omnia, vol. 5 (Quarracchi, 1891), 117-108, quotation on 164; subsequently the prologue of the Legenda Maior, in Opera Omnia, vol. 8 (Quarracchi, 1898), 504, and explicitly in chap. 13, De Stigmatibus Sacris: “Iam denique circa finem, quod simul tibi ostenditur et sublimiis similitudo Seraph et humilis effigies Crucifixi,

interius te incendens et exterius te consignans tanquam alterum Angelum

ascendentem ab ortu solis, qui signum in te habeas Dei vivi, et prae~ dictis dat firmitatem fidei et ab eis testimonium veritatis” (545). Joseph Ratzinger, Die Geschichtstheologie des heiligen Bonaventura (Munich, 1959); 33:

30. Palémon Glorieux, “D’Alexandre de Hales 4 Pierre Auriol: La suite des maitres franciscains de Paris au XIII siécle,”’ Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 26 (1933): 257-281, esp. 269-270; Matthaei ab Aquasparta, O.RM., S.R.E., Cardinalis Sermones de S. Francisco de S. Antonio et de S. Clara (Bibliotheca Franciscana Ascetica

Medii Aevi, vol. 10), ed. Gedeon Gal (Quaracchi, 1962), Sermo I de

S. Francisco, 23, 58; David Burr, “Mendicant Readings of the Apocalypse,” in The Apocalypse in the Middle Ages, ed. Richard K.

Emmerson and Bernard McGinn (London, 1992), 88-102; Edith Pasztor, “L’eta di Matteo d’Acquasparta,’ in Matteo d’Acquasparta Francescano, Filosofo, Politico: Atti del XLX Convegno storico internazi-

onale, Lodi, 11-14 ottobre 1992 (Spoleto, 1993), 19-50, esp. 46; Ste-

fano Brufani, “Matteo d’Acquasparta generale dell’ordine francescano, in Matteo d’Acquasparta Francescano, Filosofo, Politico, 51-77, esp. 57.

31. Kleinschmidt, Die Basilika San Francesco in Assisi, vol. 2, plate between 288 and 280; Bonsanti, Basilica di San Francesco ad Assisi, 506, illustrated 508—s09, fig. 1076a, b; Elvio Lunghi, “La perduta deco-

razione trecentesca nell’abside della chiesa infertore del S. Francesco ad Assist,” Collectanea Francescana 66 (1996): 479—510.

32. Julian Gardner, “Innocent III and His Influence on Roman Art of the Thirteenth Century,’ in Innocenzo III, Urbs et Orbis: Atti del

206

Notes to Pages 91-92 Congresso internazionale (Roma, 9-15 settembre 1998), ed. Andrea Sommerlechner (Rome, 2003), 1245-60, esp. 1249-1251; Otto Demus, [he Mosaics of 5. Marco, vol. 2 (Chicago, 1984), 13-20; Anto-

nio Iacobint, “Il mosaico absidale di S. Pietro in Vaticano,’ in Fragmenta Picta: Affreschi e mosaici staccati del Medioevo romano, Roma Castel S.’Angelo, 15 dicembre 1989—18 febbraio 1990, ed. Maria Andal-

oro (Rome, 1990), 119-129; Jean-Michel Spieser, “The Representation of Christ in the Apses of Early Christian Churches,’ Gesta 37, no. 1 (1998): 63-73. 33. Bullarium Franciscanum, vol. 1, ed. Joannes H. Sbaralea (Rome, 1759), 46. Gregory IX’s indulgence, Recolentes qualiter (October 22, 1228), stated that “eadem ecclesiam ... nulli alii, quam Romano pontifici sit subiecta.’ The bull Is qui ecclesiam (April 22, 1230, Bullarium Francis-

canum, 1: 60-61, termed it “caput et mater” of the Order. Amato

Frutaz, “Il centenario della elevazione a basilica patriarcale e capella papale della chiesa di S. Francesco in Assisi, ‘Ordinis Fratrum Minorum caput et mater,’ Ephemerides Liturgicae 68 (1954): 201-229, esp. 221-224. The phrase “caput et mater” echoed the “mater cunctarum ecclesiarum” of Innocent III's Vatican apse. See Richard Krauthetmer, Rome: Profile of a City, 312-1308 (Princeton, 1980), 205-206. 34. Bernard McGinn, “John’s Apocalypse and the Apocalyptic Mentality,” in Emmerson and McGinn, The Apocalypse in the Middle Ages,

15; Ratzinger, Die Geschichtstheologie, 16-21, 50. Joachim of Fiore

was an important influence: Ratzinger, Die Geschichtstheologie, 106ff.

35. Scripta Leonis, Rufini et Angeli Sociorum S. Francisci, Oxford Medieval

Texts, ed. Rosalind B. Brooke (Oxford, 1980), 128: “vidit unam iscil. Lhronum| eminentiorem ceteris, gloriosam et fulgentem et ornatam

omni lapide.”” Eamon Duffy, “Finding St. Francis: Early Images, Early Lives,’ in Medieval Theology and the Natural Body, York Studies

in Medieval Theology 1, ed. Peter Biller and Alastair Minnis (York, 1997), 193-236, esp. 206. See further in Thomas of Celano,

207

Notes to Pages 92—93 Tractatus de miraculis, 16.152, in Analecta Franciscana, vol. 10 (Quarac-

chi, 1926—1941), 318, a woman in the Marittima in another vision: “Vidit enim beatum Franciscum super solium sedere pulcherrimum.”

36. Ratzinger, Die Geschichtstheologie, 89-94.

37. Julian Gardner, “Saint Louis of Toulouse, Robert of Anjou and Simone Martini,’ Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte 39 (1976): 12-33, re-

produced as fig. 1; idem, “The Cult of a Fourteenth-Century Saint: The Iconography of Louis of Toulouse,” in I Francescani nel Trecento: Atti del XIV Convegno Internazionale, Assisi, 16-18 Ottobre

1986 (Perugia, 1988), 167-193; Samantha Kelly, The New Solomon: Robert of Naples (1309-1343) and Fourteenth-Century Kingship, The

Medieval Mediterranean 48 (Leiden, 2003), 98-99, 211; Pierluigi Leone de Castris, Simone Martini (Milan, 2003), 136-143. See also Klaus Kriiger, “A deo solo et a te regnum teneo’: Simone Martinis ‘Ludwig von Toulouse’ in Neapel,” in Medien der Macht: Kunst zur Zeit des Anjous in Italien, ed. Tanja Michalsky (Berlin, 2001), 79-120. For some later enthroned figures, see Dorothea Hansen, Das Bild des Ordenslehrers und die Allegorie des Wissens: Ein gemaltes

Programm der Augustiner (Berlin, 1995), 113-115 and figs. 1, 40, and 55.

38. Adrian Hoch, “A New Document for Simone Martini’s Chapel of St. Martin at Assisi,’ Gesta 24 (1985): 143-146; Andrew Martindale, Simone Martini (Oxford, 1988), 18 and cat. no. 16, 192-194.

The other panel is Thomas Aquinas in Glory in Santa Caterina at Pisa. Millard Meiss, “The Problem of Francesco Traini,’ Art Bulletin 15 (1933): 97-173, esp. 115-116; Michael Mallory, “Thoughts Concerning the ‘Master of the Glorification of St. Thomas,” Art Bulletin 57 (1975): 9-20; Joseph Polzer, “The “Triumph of Thomas’ Panel in Santa Caterina, Pisa: Meaning and Date,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 37 (1993): 29-70; Hayden B. J. Maginnis, Painting in the Age of Giotto (University Park, 1997), 157.

39. [his setting of historical figures in roundels framing a narrative 206

Notes to Pages 93—94

prefigures the insertion of members of the Peruzzi family in the frames surrounding the Johannine scenes in Santa Croce. 40. While both roses and lilies have well-established virginal symbolism, the roses behind Paupertas are reminiscent of the recently developed iconography of the Madonna, for which see Ewald Vetter, Madonna im Rosenhag (Diisseldorf, 1956), 13. Its first occur-

rence appears to have been on the choir screen of Strasbourg cathedral. Hans Reinhardt, La cathédrale de Strasbourg (Paris, 1972), 119—121; Peter Kurmann, La Facade de la Cathédrale de Reims: Architec-

ture et sculpture des portails; Ftude archéologique et stylistique (Lausanne,

1987), 26 and n. o1; Paul Williamson, Gothic Sculpture, 1140-1300 (New Haven, 1995), 187-188.

41. [he disposition of elect and expelled is strongly reminiscent of a Last Judgment composition. 42. “[PAUPERTAS] SIC CONTEPNITUR.” Amy Neff, “Wicked Children on Calvary and the Baldness of Saint Francis,’ Mitteilungen der Kunsthistorisches Instituts in Florenz 34 (1990): 215-244, ESP, 229, 235-236.

43. Stefano Brufani, ed., Sacrum commercium sancti Francisci cum domina

Paupertate (Santa Maria degli Angeli, 1990); Kajetan Esser, “Untersuchungen zum ‘de Sacrum commercium beati Francisci cum domina Paupertate,” in Miscellanea Melchor Pobladura, ed. Isidoro a Villapadierna, vol. 1 (Rome, 1964), 1-33, esp. 3-7; Mario Bigaront,

“Sacrum Commercium Sancti Francisct cum domina Paupertate: Nuova ed. critica,’ Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 86 (1993): g9—105. Stefano Brufani, the editor, with whom Bigaroni agrees, places the text in the circle of Bonaventura. Esser, ‘““Untersuchun-

gen’ 7, dated it before 1250. Michael Cusato, “Talking about Ourselves: The Shift in Franciscan Writing from Hagiography to History (1235-1247),” Franciscan Studies 58 (2000): 37-75, prefers a

dating in the 1230s (42 n. 15) and suggests Caesar of Speyer as its author. 209

Notes to Pages 94—95 44. Legenda Maior 8.6: “In privilegio paupertatis, quam modo matre, modo sponsam, modo dominam nominare solebat.”

45. In his first letter as minister-General; S. Bonaventurae Bagnoregis H.R. E. Episc. Albae atque Doctor Ecclesiae Universalis, in Opera Om-

nia, vol, 8 (Ad Claras Aquas, 1898), 469: “Occurrit importuna petitio propter quam omnes transeuntes per terras adeo abhorrent Fratrum occursum, ut eis timeant quasi praedonibus obviare.’ Gonsalvo as minister-

general in his Tuscan provincial constitutions of 1304 insisted that

to maintain the primordial humility of the Order, the leading members of every convent should beg at least twice a year as simple friars, “sine fraude petendo elemosina.” Those who did not,

without legitimate excuse, were deprived of a voice in the next provincial chapter. Geroldus Fussenegger, “Gunsalvus Hispanus, Minister Generalis visitat Provinciam Thusciae,” Archivum Francis-

canum Historicum 45 (1952): 227-231, esp. 230; José Pou y Marti,

“Fr. Gonzalo de Balboa, primer General Espafiol de la Orden,” Revista de Estudios Franciscanos 7 (1911): 171-180, 332-343, esp. 176.

46. Andrea Muzi, Bruna Tomasello, and Attilio Tori, Sigilli nel Museo Nazionale del Bargello (Florence, 1988), 260, no. 682, fig, 125.

47. Ludovico da Pietralunga, Descrizione della Basilica di San Francesco e di altri santuari di Assisi, ed. Pietro Scarpellini (Treviso, 1982), 58: “Gl qual gentilhomo fa vista non curarlo et ne volerlo bene.”

48. “Al fine de le sue parole il ladro / le mani alzé con amendue le fiche.” Emilio Bigi, ed., Enciclopedia Dantesca, vol. 5 (Rome, 1976), 852, 878-879. See also Fernando Salsano, “Fica” and “Ficcare,;” tbid., vol, 2 (Rome, 1970), 852-853. 49. “f. Paupertas | ... abscondita est ab oculis eorum et volucres celi latet.” Fon-

tes Franciscani, ed. Ernesto Menesto and Stefano Brufani (assist, 1995), 1709. The phrase is virtually a quotation of Job 28:22. 50. Ruth Wolff, Der Heilige Franziskus in Schriften und Bildern des 13. Jabrbunderts (Berlin, 1996), 228-231; Julian Gardner, “The Iconog-

raphy of the Legend of the Life of Saint Francis of Assisi: An Alternative Approach,’ in Raccolte di Vite di Santi dal XI al XVII 210

Notes to Pages 95—96 Secolo: Strutture, Messaggi, Fruizioni, ed. Sofia Boesch Gajano (Brin-

dist, 1990), 91-101; idem, “A Minor Episode of Public Disorder in Assisi: Francis Renounces His Inheritance,” Zeitschrift fiir Kunstoeschichte 68 (2005): 275-285.

51. Declaratio Magistrorum et Baccalariorum de Paupertate Christo et Apos-

tolorum, ed. Luke Wadding, Annales Minorum, vol. 6 (Quaracchi, 1931), ad annum 1322, 448-452, no. 55, reprinted in Nicolaus Minorita: Chronica, ed. Gedeon Gal and David Flood (St. Bonaven-

ture, N.Y., 1996), 71-82; Michael Cusato, “‘Esse ergo mitem et humilem corde, boc est esse vere fratrem minorem’: Bonaventure of Bag-

noregio and the Reformulation of the Franciscan Charism,” in Charisma und religidse Gemeinschaften im Mittelalter, Akten des 3. Internationalen Kongresses des Italienisch-deutschen Zentrums fiir Veroleichende

Ordensgeschichte, Vita Regularis Abhandlungen 26, ed. Giancarlo Andenna, Mirko Breitenstein, and Gert Melville (Minster, 2005), 343-382, ESP, 362-368,

52. David Burr, Olivi and Franciscan Poverty (Philadelphia, 1989), 163—-

172; Cusato, “Talking about Ourselves,’ 51-53; David Flood, “Franciscan Poverty (A Brief Survey),’ in Gal and Flood, Nicolaus Minorita, 31-53, esp. 43ff.

53. Robert Freyhan, “The Evolution of the Caritas Figure in the 13th and 14th Centuries,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 1

(1948): 68-86; Selma Pfeiffenberger, “The Iconography of Giotto's Virtues and Vices at Padua” (Ph.D. diss., Bryn Mawr, 1966), chap. 5, 51-55; Anne Derbes and Mark Sandona, “‘Ave Charitate plena’: Variations on the Theme of Charity in the Arena Chapel,’ Speculum 76 (2001): 599-637.

54. Hans Belting, “The New Role of Narrative in Public Painting of the Trecento: Historia and Allegory,’ in Pictorial Narrative in Antiquity and the Middle Ages, Studies in the History of Art 16, ed. Herbert L. Kessler and Marianna Shreve Simpson (Washington, D.C., 1985), 151-170.

55. John Hollander, Allegory in Dante’s Commedia (Princeton, 1969), 211

Notes to Pages g6—98

41; cf. Dante, Convivio 2.1.3-4; John Hollander, Dante: A Life in Works (New Haven, 2001), 98-104. 56. Kajetan Esser, “Untersuchungen zum Sacrum Commercium beati Francisci cum Domina Paupertate,” in Isidoro a Villapadierna, Miscellanea Melchor de Pobladura,, 1:1-33, esp. 25.

57. Gerhard B. Ladner, Die Papstbildnisse des Altertums und des Mittela-

lters, Monument di Antichita Cristiana, ser. 2, no. 4, vol. 1 (Vatican City, 1941-1984), 195-201. See Jéréme Croisier in Serena Romano, Riforma e Tradizione 1050-1198, vol. 4, La Pittura Medievale a

Roma 312-1431, ed. Marta Andaloro and Serena Romano (Milan, 2006), 270—271, NO. 45.

58. Pfeiffenberger, “The Iconography of Giotto's Virtues and Vices at Padua.’ 59. Celano, Vita IL, pars 11, cap. 60, para 2 (Analecta Franciscana, 10:185— 186; FF 529): “Et ecce tres mutlieres pauperculae apparuerunt tuxta viam in transitu Sancti Francisci. Sic utem staturae aetate et facie similes erant ut materiam triplicem una crederes forma perfectam.”

60. Celano, 2.12.152 (Analecta Franciscana, 10:218, FF 579): “At ille | Francis | describens obedientem sub figura corporis mortui respondit. ‘Tolle

corpus exanime et ubi placuerit pone. Videbis non oppugnare mortum, non

murmurae, non reclamare dimissum.. . . Summam vero et in qua nibil haberet caro et sanguis.’ Giovanni Miccoli, Francesco d’Assisi (Turin,

1991), 58, noted that the term “obedience” occurred forty-eight times in Franciss own writings. See Alan E. Bernstein, “The Exemplum as ‘Incorporation of Abstract Truth’ in the Thought of Humbert of Romans and Stephen of Bourbon,” in The Two Laws: Studies in Medieval Legal History Dedicated to Stephan Kuttner, ed. Lau-

rent Mayali and Stephanie A. J. Tibbetts (Washington, D.C., 1990), 82—96, esp. 91, for behavioral exempla.

61. Claudia Benthien, “Ambiguities of Silence: The Provocation of the Void for Baroque Culture,’ in Orthodoxies and Heterodoxies in Early Modern German Culture: Order and Creativity, 1500-1700,

Studies in Central European Histories 42, ed. Randolph Head 212

Notes to Pages 95—99

and Daniel Christensen (Leiden, 2007), 253-277, who does not, however, consider the reality of regular silence. 62. Fernand Delorme, ed., Collationes in Hexaémeron et Bonaventuriana quaedam selecta, Bibliotheca Franciscana Scholastica Medti Aevi 8 (Quaracchi, 1934), 95: “Prudentia est bonorum et malorum scientia et utrorumque discretio.. . de praeteritis praesentibus et futuris.”

63. Matthaei ab Aquasparta, Sermones de S. Francisco de S. Antonio et de S.

Clara, 39-40. Francis in the Vele provides visual models for behavtor reminiscent of a phrase of Domenico Cavalca: “la vita de’ santi sia una viva lezione... e quasi uno specchio ove l’uomo puo considerare e

specchiare sé.’ Cited in Timothy Kircher, “The Modality of Moral Communication in the Decameronss First Day, in Contrast to the Mirror of the Exemplum,” Renaissance Quarterly 54, no. 4 (2001): 1035-73, esp. 1040 and n. 17; Domenico Cavalca, Vite de’ Santi Padri,

ed. Bartolommeo Sorto (Trieste, 1858), 13. 64. Celano, Tractatus de miraculis (Analecta Franciscana 102312). 65. Regesti Clementis Papae V ... cura et studio Monachorum Ordinis S. Benedicti appendices, vol. 1 (Rome, 1892), 369-464, esp. 445: “Item tria axtralabia, quorum duo non videntur esse completa, et tertinm videtur esse completa; et habeant tecam.” See also 443.

66. The texts read, “TOLLITE JUGUM OBEDIENTIE SUPER VOS”

and “JAM FIXUS SUM /[SANCTAE] CRUCI POENITENITAE.” I have found no direct source, although the first text is evidently an elaboration of Matthew 11:20. 67. Julian Gardner, “Andrea di Bonaiuto and the Chapterhouse Frescoes in Santa Maria Novella,” Art History 2 (1979): 107-138; Hultrud Stein-Kecks, Der Kapitelsaal in der mittelalterlichen Klosterbaukunst: Studien zu den Bildprogrammen, Italienische Forschungen des

Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, 4 vols., vol. 4 (Munich, 2004 ).

68. Physiologus, vol. 15, trans. Michael J. Curley (Chicago, 1979), 2324; Physiologus Latinus, preliminary ed., version B, ed. Francis J. Carmody (Paris, 1939), 26; Nikolaus Henkel, Studien zum Physiolo213

Notes to Pages 99—100

gus im Mittelalter, Hermaea Germanistische Forschungen, NF 38 (Tiibingen, 1976), 173-175; Ron Baxter, Bestiaries and Their Owners

in the Middle Ages (London, 1974), 35-36. In the Physiologus the centaur is often paired with another hybrid, the mermaid. For a contemporary reference, see Giordano da Pisa Avventuale florentino 1304, ed. Silvia Serventi (Bologna, 2006), 161-162 (centaurs): “che sono altre diverse bestie, e dicono quelle favole che cci sono le bestie mischiate

con uomo, e écci il cavaliere e | cavallo.”’ They guard the violent in In-

ferno 12.55ff.; see Giuseppe Izzi, “Centauri,” in Enciclopedia Dantesca, vol. 1 (Rome, 1970), 909-910. The Latin Physiologus cites both Isaiah 12:13, 21-22, and the Second Epistle to Timothy 3:5: “habentes speciem quidem pietatis virtutus eius abnegantes.” Among such men are

the homines superbi of verse 3. The centaur archers on the dado of Porte Rouge at Notre Dame, carved circa 1260, have been plausibly assigned a moral dubiety by Jean Bayet, “Le symbolisme du

cerf et du centaure a la Porte Rouge de Notre Dame de Paris,’ Revue Archéologique 44 (1954): 21-68. See also Debra Hassig, Medieval Bestiaries: Text, Image, Ideology (Cambridge, 1995); Wilma George and Brunsdon Yapp, The Naming of the Beasts: Natural History of the Medieval Bestiary (London, 1991), 78-79.

69. Martin Gosebruch, “Giottos rémischer Stefaneschi-Altar und die Fresken des sog, “’Maestro delle vele’ in der Unterkirche S. Francesco in Assisi,’ Kunstchronik 11 (1958): 288-291; Giuseppe Palumbo, Giotto e i giotteschi in Assisi (Rome, 1969), 129-198, esp. 174.

70. For Giacomo Stefaneschi, Ignaz Hésl, Kardinal Jacobus Gaietani Stefaneschi, Historische Studien 61 (Berlin, 1908), remains valuable.

Marc Dykmans, “Jacques Stefaneschi, éléve de Gilles de Rome et cardinal de Saint-Georges,” Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia 29 (1975): 536-554. For Giangaetano’s death at Perugia, see Peter Herde, Célestin V (1294) (Peter vom Morrone): Der Engelpapst, Papste

und Papsttum 16 (Stuttgart, 1981), 66. For the Assisi tomb, see Gardner, Lomb and Tiara, 80-84; Jiirgen Wiener, Die Bauskulptur 214

Notes to Pages 100-101 von San Francesco in Assisi, 230-238; Bonsanti, Basilica di San Francesco ad Assisi, 606, figs. 1255, 1258.

71. Julian Gardner, “Legates, Cardinals, and Kings: England and Italy in the Thirteenth Century,” in L’Europa e l’Arte Italiana: Internationaler Kongress zum hundertjdbrigen Jubildéium des Kunsthistorischen Insti-

tutes in Florenz, ed. Max Seidel (Florence, 2000), 74-93, esp. 87. Anselm, Homiliae, 9.10.38, in Patrologia Latina 158.645: “castellum in quod intravit Iesus, singularem et intemeratam Virginem . . . per similitudinem accipimus. Castellum enim dicitur quaelibet turris et murus in circuitu ejus.” See Malcolm Hebron, The Mediaeval Siege: Theme and

Image in Middle English Romance (Oxford, 1997). Elements of the psychomachia are obviously present. In Robert Grosseteste’s poem the siege is of the soul. See note 88 below. 72. Donald H. Galbreath, Papal Heraldry, 2nd ed., ed. Geoffrey Briggs (London, 1972, 5. 73. Uhomas Aquinas linked Munditia to baptism; see Summa Theologiae Pars Lertia, quaestio 38, art. 1-3.

74. For Bonaventure _Immunditia was a sin of luxuria; “Sermo II post Epifaniam, S. Bonaventurae S.R.E. Cardinalis,’ in Opera Omnia, vol. 9 (Ad Claras Aquas, 1901), 184; Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, Secunda Secundae, quaestio 148., art. 6c.

75. Erwin Panofsky, “Blind Cupid,” in Studies in Iconology (Boulder, 1972), 95-128, esp. 115; Creighton D, Gilbert, “Blind Cupid,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 33 (1970): 304-305. The God of Love who appears on contemporary Gothic ivory mirror

cases is not blindfolded. See Raymond Koechlin, Les ivoires gothiques francais (Paris, 1924), nos. 1068, 1071. Among other blind personifications in the Middle Ages were Death and Synagogue.

76. The universal requirement for annual confession was enunciated in Canon 21, Omnis utriusque sexus fidelis, of the Fourth Lateran Council (1215). For the nexus between the Franciscans and pentitential preaching, see Jean-Charles Payen, “La pénitence dans le contexte culturel des XIle. et XIIle. siécles: Dés doctrines contri215

Notes to Page 101

tionelles aux pénitentiels vernaculaire,’ Revue des sciences philosophiques et théologiques 61 (1977): 399-428, esp. 414, 418.

77. Uhe episode of the child Hercules strangling snakes occurs in Pindar’s Nemean Ode 1.33. It recurs in Boccaccio; see Giovanni Boccaccio; Opere, vol. 1, Deorum Gentilium, ed. Vincenzo Romano (Bart, 1951), 13.1.633. [he kneeling pose clearly derives from a rep-

resentation of the infant Hercules transmitted by a relief or cameo such as the lost grave stele of Phoebus or the cameo once in the Harari Collection. See Susan Woodford in Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae, vol. 4, pt. 1 (Zarich/ Munich 1988),

nos. 1602, 1606, p. 829, reproduced in vol. 4, pt. 2, at 552, 553; Brunilde S. Ridgway, “The Boy Strangling the Goose: Genre Figure or Mythological Symbol?” American Journal of Archaeology 110 (2006): 643-648, esp. 647. For an example, see Museo Nazionale Romano: Le Sculture, vol. 1, pt. 5, 1 Marmi Ludovisi nel Museo Nazion-

ale Romano, ed. Antonio Giuliano (Rome, 1983), 111, no. 47 (Beatrice Palma), fig. on 110. 78. A comparable surviving folding triptych is Duccio’s Madonna and Child with SS. Dominic and Aurea in the National Gallery in Lon-

don. John White, “Carpentry and Design in Duccio’s Workshop: The London and Boston Triptychs,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 35 (1973): 92-105; Martin Davies (rev. Dillian Gordon), National Gallery Catalogues: The Early Italian Schools before

1400 (London, 1988), 14-16; David Bomford, Jill Dunkerton, Dillian Gordon, and Ashok Roy, Art in the Making: Italian Painting before 1400, National Gallery (London, 1989), 90-97. The fresco

provides a demonstration that small folding triptychs could be hung on a wall within a domestic space, and that their common loose definition as portable altarpieces is untenable. The fictive triptych at Assisi is not noticed by Victor M. Schmidt, Painted Piety: Panel Paintings for Personal Devotion in Tuscany, 1250-1400 (Florence, 2005). 79. Nicolai Rubinstein, The Palazzo Vecchio, 1298-1352: Government, Ar216

Notes to Pages 101-102 chitecture, and Imagery in the Civic Palace of the Florentine Republic (Ox-

ford, 1995); Jiirgen Paul, Der Palazzo Vecchio in Florenz (Florence, 1969).

80. Miracles Notre Dame by Gautier de Coincy, ms. from Grand Séminaire de Soissons in deposit at the Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris, fol. ov, illustrated in Henri Focillon, Le Peintre des Miracles Notre Dame (Paris, 1950), fig. 18. The miracle is of an image of the Virgin and Child wounded by a crossbow bolt (“Le Miracle comment Nostre Dame fut ferue d’un quarrel au genoil’”’). Léopolde Delisle,

Recherches sur la Librairie de Charles V, vol. 1 (Paris, 1907), 285-305, no. 83, 303. Interestingly the panel (“une ymage fresche et nouvelle de

Nostre Dame”) is represented within a castle chapel. 81. Bonaventura, De Sanctis Angelis, sermon 5, in Opera Omnia, 9:622— 631, esp. 628: “castitas reddit hominem conformem Deo.”

82. S. Thomae Aquinatis, In Dionysii de Divinis Nominibus, chap. 12, in Opera Omnia, vol. 4 (Stuttgart, 1980), 583; Bonaventura, De Sanctis Angelis, sermon 5, Dominus diligit munditiam et castitatem, 11 Opera Omnia, 9:628.

83. Ernesto Menesto, “La Biblioteca di Matteo d’Acquasparta,’ in Matteo d’Aquasparta Francescano, Filosofo, Politico, 257-289, esp. 283

n. 33. 84. Baptism of adults had become unusual by the Middle Ages. John D. C. Fisher, Christian Initiation: Baptism in the Medieval West, Alcuin

Club Collections 47 (London, 1965), 120 ff.; Pierre Torquebiau, “Baptéme en Occident,” in Dictionnaire de Droit Canonique, vol. 2 (Paris, 1937), cols. 10-174, esp. 143-145. 85. Bonaventura, Commentaria in Quatuor Libros Sententiarum, bk. 4, Dist. 21, ii, quaestio 2, in Opera Omnia, 4:405 “baptismus omnem

culpam delet.” Adult baptism commonly took place at Pentecost, the customary season for Franciscan chapters. 86. Bernstein, “The Exemplum as ‘Incorporation of Abstract Truth’”; David J. A. Ross, “Allegory and Romance on a Mediaeval French Marriage Casket,’ Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 11 217

Notes to Pages 102—103

(1948): 112-142; Olivier Beigbeder, “Le chateau d'amour dans livroirerie et son symbolisme,’ Gazette de Beaux-Arts 38 (1951): 63-76; Elizabeth Tabouret Delahaye and Xavier Dectot, “Une exceptionel coffret d'ivoire gothique,’ La Revue des Musées de France: Revue du Louvre 3 (2008): 6-8.

87. Esser, “Untersuchungen zum Sacrum Commercium,” 17ff.

88. Christiania Whitehead, “A Fortress and a Shield: The Repre-

sentation of the Virgin in the Chateau d’Amour of Robert Grosseteste,’ in Writing Religions Women (Cardiff, 2000), 109-132.

I am very grateful to Christiania Whitehead for discussing the

imagery of the poem with me. Evelyn A. Mackie, “Robert Grosseteste’s Chasteu d’Amur: A Text in Context” (Ph.D. diss., University of Toronto, 2002). The siege of the Castle of Love appears in the Peterborough Psalter, fol. 91v; Lucy F. Sandler, The Peterborough Psalter in Brussels and Other Fenland Manuscripts (Lon-

don, 1974), illustrated 31, fig. 57. It was made for Abbot Geoffrey of Crowland (d. before 1318), who presented it to the papal legate Gaucelin d’Euse, who subsequently gave it to his uncle, ironically enough Pope John XXII. Idem, English Gothic Manuscripts, 1285— 1385, vol. 2 (London, 1984), 45-47, nos. 40, 46. Another represen-

tation appears in the Luttrell Psalter. See Michelle Brown, The Luttrell Psalter: A Facsimile (London 2006), fol. 75v, 38-39, as basde-page (a blue castle with a red door). The iconography of these

miniatures is, however, more distant from the fresco than are the ivory mirror cases. 89. Grosseteste is cited as an authority in defense of Franciscan poverty against John XXII in 1322. Declaratio Magistrorum et Baccalariorum de Paupertate Christo et Apostolorum, in Gal and Flood, Nicolaus Minorita, 81. go. Le Chateau d’Amour de Robert Grosseteste évéque de Lincoln, ed. Jessie

Murray (Paris, 1918), 108.

ot. Ross, “Allegory and Romance on a Mediaeval French Marriage Casket”; Hebron, The Mediaeval Siege; Danielle Gaborit Chopin, 216

Notes to Pages 104-105 Musée du Louvre Département des Objets d’Art, Catalogue Ivoires médiévaux Ve—X Ve siecle (Paris, 2003), 415, no. 172; 437-438, no. 180.

92. Julian Gardner, “Cardinal Ancher and the Piscina of SaintUrbain at Troyes,” in Architectural Studies in Memory of Richard Krautheimer, ed. Cecil L. Striker (Mainz, 1996), 79-82. Paul Binsk1 discussed the point in his 2009 Slade Lectures. 93. Malcolm Parkes, “The Influence of the Concepts Ordinatio and Compilatio on the Development of the Book,” in Mediaeval Learning and Literature: Essays Presented to Richard William Hunt, ed. Jona-

than J. G. Alexander and Margaret T. Gibson (Oxford, 1976), 115-141. See, however, Richard H. Rouse and Mary A. Rouse, “Ordinatio and Compilatio Revisited,” in Ad Litteram: Authoritative Texts and Their Medieval Readers, ed. Mark D. Jordan and Kent Emery Jr. (Notre Dame, 1992), 113-134, for a powerful critique. See also Suzanne L’Engle and Robert Gibbs, Illuminating the Law: Legal Manuscripts in Cambridge Collections, Fitzwilliam Museum (Cambridge, 2001), 54-74. 94. Bert Roest, A History of Franciscan Education (c. 1210-1517), Education and Society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance 11 (Leiden, 2000), 126, 141, 185ff.; Mary Carruthers, The Book of Memory (Cambridge, 1990), 18, 95. Ratzinger Die Geschichtstheologie, 33; Servus Gieben, review of Stan-

islao da Campagnola, “L’angelo del sesto sigillo e Valter Christus,” Collectanea Franciscana 43 (1973): 423-425.

96. The provincial minister of the province of San Francesco was one of the signatories of the Declaratio Magistrorum et Baccalariorum de Paupertate Christo et Apostolorum; see Gal and Flood, Nicolaus Minorita, 70.

97. Belting, “The New Role of Narrative in Public Painting of the Trecento,’ 151-170.

98. Anthony Melnikas, The Corpus of the Miniatures in the Manuscripts of the Decretum Gratiani, Studia Gratiana 16-18, vol. 1 (Rome, 1975), 219

Notes to Pages 105-107

17-19, 41-44; Suzanne L'Engle, “Trends in Bolognese Legal IIlustration: The early Trecento,” in Juristische Buchproduktion im Mit-

telalter, ed. Vincenzo Colli (Prankfurt am Main, 2002), 219-244; L'Engle and Gibbs, Illuminating the Law, 92-95.

99. Alan E. Bernstein, “The Invocation of Hell in ThirteenthCentury Paris,’ in Svpplementvm Festivwm: Studies in Honor of Paul

Oskar Kristeller, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 40,

ed. James Hankins, John Monfasant, and Frederick Purnell Jr. (Binghamton, 1987), 13-54, esp. 42ff. In general see Claude Bremond, Jacques Le Goff, and Jean-Claude Schmitt, Lexemplum, Typologie des Sources du moyen age occidental 40 (Turnhout, 1982).

100. Christopher Walter, Viconographie des conciles dans la tradition byzan-

tine, Archives de orient chrétien 13 (Paris, 1970); idem, “Konzilten, in Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst, ed. Klaus Wessel and Marcel Restle (Stuttgart, 1990), 4, cols. 737-746, esp. 743; Gardner, “Andrea di Bonaiuto and the Chapterhouse Frescoes in Santa Maria Novella,” 121.

ror. Alexander Murray, “The Medieval Inquisition: An Instrument of Secular Politics,” Peritia 5 (1986): 161-200, esp. 166. 102. Matthaei ab Aquasparta, Sermones de S. Francisco de S. Antonio et de S. Clara, 32-33: “Quemadmodum enim isti pictores habent ante se exemplaria, secundum quae depingunt et formant imagines.”, See also Julian

Gardner, “Some Cardinals’ Seals of the Thirteenth Century,’ Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 38 (1975): 72-96.

103. Gardner, “A Minor Episode of Public Disorder in Assisi,” 275285. The Posthumous Miracles are reproduced in La Basilica di San Francesco ad Assisi: Basilica Inferiore, as figs. 1140, 1142, 1144.

104. Millard Meiss, Giotto and Assisi (New York, 1960), 3. See Bernhard

Degenhart and Annegritt Schmitt, Corpus der italienischen Zeichnungen 1300-1450, vol. 1 (Berlin, 1968), 107-110, cat. 46, I1, Taf. 79, for a Florentine drawing on parchment (ca. 1350) which copies the right side of the Marriage of Francis and Poverty. See also cat. 220

Notes to Pages 108-109 47, w10—111, LI, Taf. 80a, and Cat. 52, 1:117-118, 1:1, 82, which copy

the Visitation in the right transept and the Cappella San Nicola respectively. In general, see Robert Scheller, Exemplum Model-Book Drawings and the Practice of Artistic Transmission in the Middle Ages (ca.

goo—ca. 1470) (Amsterdam, 1995).

105. Bruno Zanardi, “Project dessiné et ‘patrons’ dans le chantier de la peinture murale au Moyen age,’ Revue de l’Art 124 (1999): 43-55-

106. Franco Sacchetti, Il Trecentonovelle, ed. Valerio Marucci (Rome, 1996), novella 63, 181. Giotto is commisionned to paint the coat of arms of “un grossolano artifice.”

107. Miklés Boskovits, “Restaurata la croce giottesca di San Felice in Piazza,’ Arte Cristiana 81 (1993): 133-137; Giorgio Bonsanti, “Giotto? O solo un ‘parente’? Una discussione,’ Arte Cristiana 82 (1994): 299-306.

108. For recent discussions of Giotto’ workshops, see Serena Romano, La basilica di San Francesco ad Assisi: Pittori, botteghe, strategie

narrative (Rome, 2001), reviewed by Irene Hueck, Journal fiir Kunstgeschichte 6 (2002): 129-135. Chere is little of substance in Giovanna Ragioniert, ‘“‘Allievi e gregari nella bottega di Giotto,’ in La bottega dell’artista tra Medioevo e Rinascimento, ed. Roberto Cassanelli

(Milan, 1998), 55-70. 109. Christa Gardner von Teuffel, “The Buttressed Altarpiece: A Forgotten Aspect of Tuscan Fourteenth-Century Altarpiece Design,” Jabrbuch der Berliner Museen 21 (1979): 21-65, reprinted with an afterword in idem, From Duccio’s Maesta to Raphael’s Transfiguration: Italian Altarpieces in [heir Settings (London, 2005): 119-182, 622-628;

Norman F. Muller, “Reflections on Ugolino di Nerio’s Santa Croce Altarpiece,’ Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte 57 (1994): 45-743

Marco Ciatti, Ciro Castelli, and Andrea Santacesaria, Dipinti su tavola: La tecnica e la conservazione dei supporti (Florence, 1999); Julian

Gardner, “Giotto in America (and Elsewhere),” in Italian Panel Paintings of the Duecento and Trecento, Studies in the History of Art

61, ed. Victor Schmidt, National Gallery of Art (Washington, 221

Notes to Pages 109-111

D.C., 2002), 161-181; idem, “The European Context of the Westminster Retable,” in The Westminster Retable: History, Technique, Con-

servation, ed. Paul Binski and Ana Massing (Cambridge, 2006),

66-78, esp. 70; Ciro Castelli, “The Construction of Wooden Supports of Late Medieval Altarpieces,’ in Sassetta: The Borgo San Sepolcro Altarpiece, ed. Machtelt Israels, vol. 1 (Leiden, 2009), 319—

335 (which, however, concentrates on Sienese examples); Diego Cauzzi, Ciro Castelli, Pierpaolo Monfardini, and Claudio Secca-

ron, “Il supporto ligneo: Costruzione, struttura e proporzioni, in Il polittico di Giotto nella Pinacoteca Nazionale di Bologna: Nuove let-

ture, ed. Diego Cauzzi, and Claudio Seccaroni (Bologna, 2009), 61-78. The frescoes of the Saint Nicholas Chapel are reproduced in La Basilica di San Francesco ad Assisi: Basilica Inferiore, as figs.

1224-1254, 1259-1264, 1294-1318. The frescoes of the Infancy

of Christ are reproduced as figs. 124-1139, and those of the Magdalen Chapel as figs. 630-676, 699-715. 110. An attempt to discriminate between these artists 1s made by Ragionert, Allievi e gregari,’ 58—6o.

11. Romano, “Le botteghe di Giotto.’ 112. For ad status sermons, see Carlo Delcorno, “Medieval Preaching in Italy (1200-1500),” in The Sermon in Typologie des sources du Moyen-

Age, ed. Beverley M. Kienzle, fascs. 81-83 (Turnhout, 2000), 449—

560, esp. 459; and Nicole Bériou, “Les sermons latins aprés 1200,” tbid., 363-446, esp. 393. 113. Louts-Jacques Bataillon, “Similitudines et exempla dans les sermons du XIlle. siécle,’ in The Bible in the Medieval World: Essays in Memory of Beryl Smalley, Studies in Church History Subsidia 4, ed. Katharine Walsh and Diane Wood (Oxford, 1985), 191. 114. Michael Cusato, “Whence “The Community’?” Franciscan Studies 60 (2002): 39-92, 79-80.

115. Joseph Polzer, “Simone Martinis Two Frescoes in the Lower Right Transept of the Church of San Francesco in Assisi,’ Arte Cristiana 72 (1984): 353-368; Martindale, Simone Martini, 173-174; 222

Notes to Pages 111-115 Leone de Castris, Simone Martini, 121-134; Bonsanti, Basilica di San Francesco ad Assisi, Basilica Inferiore, 554-555, figs. 1150-1154, Schede

424-426, nos. 1159-60 (Maria M. Donato). 116. See Thomas Heffernan, Sacred Biography: Saints and Their Biographers

in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1988), 31, 146; and particularly Timothy E. Duff, Plutarch’s Lives: Exploring Virtue and Vice (Oxford, 1999),

chap. 9, “The Politics of Parallelism: Greeks and Romans in the Parallel Lives.”

117. Maria M. Donato, “Nomi nascostt: Qualche caso toscano per una ricerca difficile,” in Le opere e i nomi: Prospettive sulla “firma” me-

dioevale, ed. Maria M. Donato (Pisa, 2000), 51-53; idem, “Le Opere e 1 Nomi: Problem1 e Ricerche,’ tbid., 9-14, for self-conscious signatures. 118. For the incidence of heraldry, see Julian Gardner, “Seated Kings,

Sea-faring Saints and Heraldry: Some Themes in Angevin Iconography, in L’Etat Angevin: Pouvoir, Culture et Société entre XILIe. et

XIVz siecle, Collection de I’Ecole Francaise de Rome 245 (Rome, 1998), 115-126; Valentino Pace, ““Committenza aristocratica e ostentazione araldica nella Roma del Duecento,’ in Roma Medievale

Aggiornamenti, ed. Paolo Delogu (Florence, 1998), 175-192. Whereas there was no heraldry in the predella scene of the Dream of Innocent III in the Pisa Stigmatization, Taddeo Gaddi freely employed heraldry for the same scene, and also The Approval of the

Rule and Francis before Honorius I, painted for the sacristy of Santa Croce,

Conclusion 1. Daniel Lesnick, Preaching in Medieval Florence: The Social World of Franciscan and Dominican Spirituality (Athens, Ga., 1989); review by

Julius Kirshner, Journal of Religion 71 (1991): 261; Silvain Piron, “Un couvent sous influence: Santa Croce autour de 1300,” Economie et religion: Lexpérience des ordres mendiants (XILIe—XV siecles) 223

Notes to Pages 115-117

1 (2008): 321-355, esp. 326 n. 25, 340-345; Stefano Orlandi, Il Necrologio di S. Maria Novella, 1235-1504 (Florence, 1955). 2. “Il mondo é ghovernato da quattro alimenti, cioé: aria, fuocho, acqua et terra et io dicho che i fiorentini sono il quinto alimento, et chosi appruovo.” Paolo

Pirillo, Famiglia e Mobilta sociale nella Toscana medioevale: I Franzesi della Foresta da Figline Valdarno (secoli XII-XV) (Florence, 1992), 63 n. 100.

3. Creighton Gilbert, “The Fresco by Giotto in Milan,” Arte Lombarda 47 (1977): 31-72; Giovanni Agosti, “Il pit: antico ricordo lombardo di Giotto,’ in Scritti per [Istituto Germanico di Storia dell’Arte di Firenze, ed. Cristina Acidini Luchinat, Luciano Bellosi,

Mikldés Boskovits, Pier Paolo Donati, and Bruno Santi (Florence, 1997), 43-46; Riccardo Filangiert di Candida, “Rassegna Critica delle Ponti per la Storia di Castel Nuovo,” Archivio Storico per le Provincie Napoletane 61 (1936): 251-323; 62 (1937) 267-333; 64 (1939):

237-322; on Giotto, see (1936): 271-273 and doc. 8 (319-322); idem, “Giotto a Napoli e gli avanzi di pittura nella Cappella Palatina Angioina (pel VI Centenario della morte di Giotto),’ Ar chivio Storico Italiano 95 (1937): 129-145. See also Francesco Cagli-

ott, “Giovanni di Balduccio a Bologna: L’Annunciazione per la rocca papale di Porta Galliera (con una digressione sulla cronologia napoletana e bolognese di Giotto),” Prospettiva 117-118 (2005): 21-63; Pierluigi Leone de Castris, Giotto a Napoli (Naples, 2006),

40, for a comment on Filangieri and Caglioti. 4. Purgatorio 11.79—95.

5. Jérdme Baschet, “Satan prince de l’enfer: Le développement de sa puissance dans liconographie italienne (XHI—XVe. siécle),” in Lautunno del diavolo, ed. Eugenio Corsini and Eugenio Costa (Milan, 1990), 383-396; idem, Les Justices de Vaudela: Représentations de

PEnfer en France et en Italie (XIle—XVe. Siecle), Bibliothéque des Ecoles Frangaises d’Athénes et de Rome 279 (Rome, 1993).

6. In the Mocking of Christ in the Arena Chapel, the head of Pilate clearly derives from an ancient bust. Similar appropriations occur in Nicola Pisanoss Siena pulpit (Cicero). 224

Notes to Pages 118-120 7. Charles T; Davis, Dante and the Idea of Rome (Oxford, 1957), 32ff.; idem, “Rome and Babylon in Dante,’ in Rome in the Renaissance:

The City and the Myth, Papers in the Thirteenth Annual Conference of the Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, ed. Paul A. Ramsey (Binghamton, 1982), 19-40. 8. “Quam magna fueris integra, fracta doces.” Davis, Dante and the Idea of

Rome, 1957, 6. See also Paolo Zanna, ““Descriptiones urbium’ and Elegy in Latin and Vernaculars in the Early Middle Ages: At the Crossroads between Civic Engagement, Artistic Enthusiasm and Religious Meditation,’ Studi Medievali 32 (1991): 523-596, esp. 568— 571; 573+

9. Paradiso 31.3136, 15.109-111. See Davis, Dante and the Idea of Rome, 33.

10. Giovanni Cherubini, “Dante e le attivita economiche del tempo suo, Rivista di storia dell’agricoltura 29, no. 2 (1989): 3-17, reprinted

in Scritti toscani: L’urbanesimo medievale e la mezzadria (Florence, 1991), 315-325, esp. 324: “Di quei nuovi mercanti [Dante | non capi la grandezza.”

u. Stained glass with Franciscan scenes existed in both the Barfusserkirche at Erfurt and the Upper Church at Assisi well before

the construction of the Cinguina Chapel. Erhard Drachenberg, Karl-Joachitm Maercker, and Christa Schmidt, eds., Die Mittelalterliche Glasmatlerei in den Ordenskirchen und im Angermuseum in Erfurt,

Corpus Vitrearum Medii Aevi Deutsche Demokratische Republik 1, no. 1 (Vienna, 1976); Hans Wentzel, Meisterwerke der Glasmal-

erei (Berlin, 1951); idem, “Die 4ltesten Farbfenster in der Oberkirche von S. Francesco zu Assisi und die deutsche Glasmaleret des XIII. Jahrhunderts,” Wallraf-Richartz-Jabrbuch 14 (1952): 45-72. 12. Hildegard van Straelen, Studien zur Florentiner Glasmalerei des Trecento und Quattrocento (Wattenscheid, 1938)

13. Caglioti, “Giovanni di Balduccio a Bologna,” 25-33.

14. Julian Gardner, “The Decoration of the Baroncelli Chapel in Santa Croce,’ Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte 34 (1971): 89-114, esp. 111

225

Notes to Pages 120-126 n. 15.3 Fritz Burger, Geschichte des Florentinischen Grabmals von den

iltesten Zeit bis Michelangelo (Strassburg, 1904), 56-59; Caglioti, “Giovanni di Balduccio a Bologna.” 15. Cagliott “Giovanni di Balduccio a Bologna,” 38. Cagliott makes the thought-provoking suggestion that it was from Bologna, almost immediately after the expulsion of the papal legate Cardinal Bertrand de Poujet on March 28, 1334, that the painter was summoned back to Florence to become capomaestro of Santa Marta del Fiore (42). 16. Julian Gardner, “Duccto, ‘Cimabue’ and the Maestro di Casole: Early Sienese Paintings for Florentine Confraternities, in I[conograpbica: Mélanges offerts a Piotr Skubiszewski, ed. Robert Favreau and

Marie—Héléne Debiés (Poitiers, 1999), 109-113. Martin Davies (rev. Dillian Gordon), National Gallery Catalogues: The Early Italian

Schools before 1400 (London, 1988), 74-75, Master of the Casole Fresco, no. 565, reproduced as pl. 53. 17. Tino is documented in Siena as chapomaestro in the first half of 1320; Francesca Baldelli, Tino di Camaino (Morbio Inferiore, 2007), 441, doc. 45. 18. See Elena Rotelli, Un vescovo fiorentino del trecento: Antonio d’Orso di

Biliotto, Studium 8 (Florence, 2000), 22, for the correct date: “probabilmente 18 luglio 1321.”

19. Julian Gardner, “Giotto in America (and Elsewhere),” in Italian Panel Paintings of the Duecento and Trecento, Studies in the History of

Art 61, ed. Victor Schmidt, National Gallery of Art (Washington, D.C., 2002), 161—181,

226

Index

Adam, 36 Allegory, 90, 95, 96, 97, 105, If, 123 Agostino, Fra, 62, 67, 75 Al-Malik al-Kamil, Sultan, 65, 71, 73, Alberti, Leonbattista, 3; Della Pittura, i8onb64

2 Altaty 7; 14; AAs57s $85 509 00,00; EE; Alberti family, 11, 53; coat of arms, 53, 154137

80n23 Altarpteces, 3, 7, 12, 44, 126, 135, Albizzi, Michele di Vanni degli, 14 204N21 Aldobrandino of Toscanella, 38, Alter Christus, 41, 69, 92, 93

168n90 Amor, 100

Alessandro d'Alessandria, 84, 134 Ancher de Troyes, Cardinal, 103

Alexander IV, Pope, 38 Ancient Martner, 1x Alexander of Hales, 104 Angela da Foligno, 203n16 Alightert, Dante, 2, 4, 41, 78, 95, 96, Angelo Clareno, 42, 94, 187n54 117, 118, 123; Divine Comedy, 96; — Angels, 89, 92, 94, 99, 101

Inferno, 95, 99, 117: letter to Angevins, Oy 745-03; 1225120

Cangrande della Scala, 96; Anglo-Norman literature, 96, 103

Purgatorio, 17 Annunciation to the Virgin, 42, 85, 120 ‘Alim (religious scholar), 65, 73, 75 Anselm, Saint, 215n71 229

Index Anthony of Padua, Saint, 57, 65, 66, 78, 84, 85, 87, 89, 93, 100, TOT,

72, U1 105, 106, 108, 123; Allegory of

Antonio d’Orso dt Biliotto, 4, 5, 12, Chastity, 89, 96, 99, 100, 102,

126, 143n46 104, 18; Allegory of Obedience,

Apelles, 4 89, 98, 99, 102, 106; Franciscus Apocalypse, 90, 91, 92, 104 Gloriosus, 89, 91; inscriptions, Apocalypticism, 104, 110 89; Marriage of Francis with

Aquileia, 55, 125 Lady Poverty, 89, 93, 945 955 97:

Aragonese ambassador, 83 220n104

Architectural metaphor, too, 103, 127 transept, 84, 87, 88, 103, 106, 111;

Ardor, 100 Annunciation, 85; Infancy of Arezzo, 9, 125; Pieve, 125 Christ, 85, 90, 92, 108, 109,

Aristotle, 104. 220n104; Passion of Christ, 85, Arles, 63, 106, rg0n69 90, 92; Posthumous Miracles of Arnolfo di Cambio, 79, 187n51 St. Francis, 58, 85, 106, 107, 108,

Aspergillum, too 109; Resuscitation of the Injured Assisi, 9, 107, 136; coup d'état (1319), Boy, 107 87, 107, 137; episcopal palace, San Francesco, Upper Church, vit,

63; library, 102; papal inter- 37, 63, 225n11; apse, 88; crossdict, 88; piazza, 63; San Fran- ing vault, 32, 87, 203n17; high CeSCO, 22, 50, 52, 55, 77) OL, HL, altar, 87; nave, 63; papal

118, 136 throne, 89, 205n22; Isaac Scenes, San Francesco, Lower Church, viit, 6, 9, 10 84, 88, 123; apse, 87, QI, 103; Legend of the Life of Saint Francis,

Cerchi tomb, 51; choir screen, Vill, 2, 9, 20, 21, 34, 37) 50, 61, 87, 203n16; flood (July 16, 1311), 63, 73, 76, 89, 116, 121; Appari87, 137; high altar, 85, 89, 101; tion of Saint Francis at the ChapMagdalen Chapel, 108, 193n91; ter at Arles, 64, 66; Approval of

nave, 88, 111; St. John the the Rule, 61, 66; Death of St. Evangelist (Orsini) Chapel, Francis, 62; Dream of Innocent 29; St. Martin Chapel, 93; St. IIL, 61, 63; Francis and the Poor Nicholas (Orsini) Chapel, 13, Knight, 95; Francis Praying at 28, 29, 57, 84, 85, 108, 109, 136, San Damiano, 33; Francis Re2017, 220n104; Orsini tomb, nounces His Inheritance, 59, 61, 68, 86, 100; tomb of St. Fran- 63; Preaching to the Birds, 36;

cis, 85, 89 Proof of the Stigmata, 62, 66, 67; crossing vault (Vele), 22, 58, 59, Stigmatization, 40, 45, 68; Trial 226

Index by Fire, 59, 64, 65; Vision of Betto di Ranuccio Cart, 55 Bishop Guido of Assisi, 62; Vision Bevagna, 24, 35

of Fra Agostino, 62 Bible, 38; Ecclesiasticus, 33. See also

Astrolabe, 98 Apocalpyse Augustinians, 85 Billi, Antonto, 23

Augustus, vii Biography, 9, 10, 24, 30, 61, 64, 128 Avignon, 85, 112 Birds, 35, 36, 64, 95, 101, 166nn79—81,

Ayyubids, 64 166n84

Boccaccio, Giovanni, 5, 143n14, 216n77;

Ballatoio. See Florence: Palazzo Vecchio Decameron, 5, 9

Balzanello, 4, 141n9 Boccasinit, Niccolo. See Benedict XI, Banking/ bankers, 4, 12, 25, 26, 54, 77, Pope

to, 118, 122 Bologna, 2, 226n15; San Francesco,

Baptism, 100, 102, 217n84. 56

Bardi family, 11, 25, 51, 54, 120, 122, Bolognese, Franco, 117 1825; Benedetto, Fra, 50, 74, Bonanno, Fra, 56, 136 176n8; coat of arms, 54, 74; Bonaventura, Cardinal, 19, 20, 34, 39,

Doffo di Bartolo, 182n27; Al, 64, 65, 70, 77, OL, 92, 94, Federigo di Bartolo, 50; Ja- 102, 103, 104, 106, 110, 158n409,

copo de Ricco Bardi, 136; 168n94, 170n107, 172N113, Lapo di Bonaguida, 50, 54, 17712, 191N74, 215n74; Col136, 182n27; Matteo, Fra, 50, lationes in Hexaémeron, 98; 176n8; Ridolfo de Messer Ja- Commentary on the Sentences of

copo de Ricco Bardi, 54, Peter Lombard, 34; composition

182n27; Tingua, 50 in sequences of seven, 70, 92; Belting, Hans, 105 De Perfectione Angelica, 206n209; Benedict XI, Pope, 135 Legenda Maior, 35, 40, 43, 65, Benedict XVI, Pope, 20 69, 91, 92, 94, 106, 157n48, Berenson, Bernard, x, 19 190n6o9, 192n82, 199nI14, Bernard of Besse, 19, 35, 61; De Laudi- 206n29 bus Sancti Francisci, 35; Mirror of Bonconti, Banduccio, 26, 27

Discipline, 19 Bonconti family, 25, 28 Bernardone, Pietro, 63, 73, 75, 107 Bonell1, Giovanni, Fra, 65 Bertrand de Goth. See Clement V, Bonfi, Manfredo, Fra, 50

Pope Boniface VIII, Pope, 25, 31, 545 15, 134,

Bertuccius, Magister, 55 158n50

Bestiary, 99 Bon1zo, Fra, 38 229

Index Books/book collections, 50, 70. See Centaur, 99, 106, 213n68 also Assisi: Florence, churches: Cerchi, Enrico (Arrigo), Fra, 177n10

Santa Croce Cerchi family, 51 Borromini, Francesco, 32 Chapels, 27, 28, 40, 44, 45, 545 55) 57

Boustrophedon, 59, 187n49 59, 64, 78, 84, 86, 111, 119, 122,

Brunetti, Giulia, viti 123, 182n29

Buonarotti, Michelangelo, 15 Chapterhouse, 65, 66, 72, 97; 99, 105,

Burtal, 27, 50, 55, 111 106, 107, 111, 195ng6 Byzantine emperor, 105 Charity (personification), 93, 95, 96 Charles I d’Anjou, 26

Caccini, Richupero, 55 Charles II d’Anjou, 54, 83 Caetant, Benedetto. See Boniface VII, Chastity, 97, 101, 102, 118

Pope Chateau d’Amour, 102, 103, 218n88 Caetant family (Pisa), 33, 162n61 Chiusi, 94

Caetant family (Rome), 33 Chivalry, 102

Cairo, 63 Choir screens, 53, 87, 203n16, 209n40 Calixtus I, Pope, 96 Christ: Agony in the Garden, 43, 69; Camaino di Crescenzio, 5 Passion, 38, 39; Resurrection,

Campagna, 23 67; Transfiguration, 192n82 Campania, 24 Christomimesis, 35, 37, 39, 43, 51, 67, Cancello, 58, 60, 1864.4 69, 169nNng6—IO]1, r7ONnI102,

Cangrande della Scala, 96 194ng2 Caponsacchi, I[luminato, Pra, 50, 55, Church Fathers, 186n48

175n4 Cimabue, vitt, 4, 7, 10, 1, 14, 117, 119, Cappa rubea, 35, 72, 16470 135, 144N21, 146n30, 15m15; Ma-

Carpentry, 167n87 donna and Child with Six Angels, Carpets, 35, 64, 165n72 29, 119; Santa Chiara altarCarrara, Francesco 11 Vecchio da, piece, 44, 173N123

14 Cinguina family, 25, 28, 37, 45, 111, 116, Caskets, ivory, 102 119, 122; Benenato, 27, 20; Castle of Love. See Chateau d’Amour Guiscardo, 26, 27; Jacobus, 26;

Castracani, Castruccio, 135 Natuccio (Benenato), 153n25, Catherine of Siena, Saint, 3, 147 157n46; Perrictolo, 27

Cavallini, Pietro, 8 Cinguina-Bonconti bank, 25

Cave, 69, 193n9I Clare, Saint, 60, 111

Celestine V, Pope, 134 Classical painting, 9, 117 Cennini, Cennino, 121 Cleanliness (Munditia), 100 230

Index

15850 Pope

Clement V, Pope, 26, 49, 52, 83, 135, de'Conti, Ugolino. See Gregory IX,

Cloister, 65, 72, 106 Della Torre, Gastone, 55, 125, 136, Colonna, Giacomo, Cardinal, 21 183n32, 192n82 Colonna, Pietro, Cardinal, 21, 27 Deodato di Orlando, 33 Color, 62, 71, 72, 73, 92, 110, 193N93 De’Tondi (Tundo/Tondo), Jacopo, Compagnia de Santa Maria delle Laude. See Fra, 50, 61, 95, 104, 136,

Florence, churches: Santa 175nn4—5

Croce De Tour, Bertrand, Cardinal, 34

Communes, 27, 31, 77 Dodekartion (Great Feast Cycle), Companions of St. Francis, 38, 39, 93; 42

187n54 Dominicans, 5, 6, 31, 44, 83, 85, 105,

Compass, 98 14317 Conciliar iconography, 105 Donors, 53, 99

Consecration crosses, 21, 150n9 Dormition of the Virgin, 42

Consorteria, 119 Drawings, 107, 220n104 Conti, Giovanni, 31 Dreams, 34, 35, 159N52, 161058

Contracts, 14 Duccio di Buoninsegna, 8, 14, 216n78; Corradino (Conradin) of Hohen- Maesta for Siena Cathedral,

staufen, 26 78; Rucellai Madonna, 14,

Cosmati, 9, 73 124

Crowns, 74, 196n104 Duéze, Jacques. See John XXII, Pope Crucifix, 3, 14, 40, 44, 69, 122, 157n46, Du Four, Vidal, Cardinal, 134 170n102

Crucifixion, 22, 66, 70, 97, 99, 106, Ecclestasticus (Sirach). See Bible

190n72 Elia, Fra, 22

Cuochi, Giucco del fu Lotto, 28, 135 Enamels, 74

Cupid, 21579 English manuscript illumination, 36 Erfurt Barfusserkirche, 220n10

Damiani of Montefalco, Francesco, Eucharist, 101

Fra, 50 Eudes de Chateauroux, Cardinal, 51 Davidsohn, Robert, 20 Evangelists, 58, 87, 186n48 Death (Mors) (personification), 94, Exemplum, 105, 110

100 Extit qui seminat (1279), 39, 135 Decontextualization, 7 Exivi de Paradiso (May 6, 1312), 52, 71, de’Conti, Lotario. See Innocent II, 83, 134, 135

Pope Eyewitness, 38, 67, 191n77 231

Index

Fair, 26, 165n72 choir screen, 53; Compagnia di Fieschi, Ottobuono, Cardinal, 1 Santa Maria delle Laude, 55, Florence, 25, 37, 38, 66, 71, 74; 95, 107, 56, 124, 18435; Custos, 56, 953

110, 11, 115, 18, 123, 179N17; friars, 51, 71; high altar, 53, 56, Angevin signoria, 74; bishop, 59, 120, 125; Miracle of Monte 4; flood (1333), 60; Oltrarno, Gargano (Cappella Vellutt), 58; mu; Piazza San Marco, 1; Via Operai, 53, 55; piscina, 53; sac-

Cocomero (now Via Rica- risty, 34; stained glass, 57, 7G

solt), I studium generale, 78, 179nI109; titPalazzo del Bargello, 118; Cappella ulus, 52, 70; tomb of Gastone

della Maddalena, 118 della Torre, 55, 125, 126; tranPalazzo Vecchio, 118; ballatoio (gal- sept, 55, 56, 122, 125, 136

lery), 101; tower, 101 Santa Marta Novella, 52, 84, 124;

See also Florence, churches Cappella Strozzi, 84; chapFlorence, churches: Ognissanti, 10; Or- terhouse, 193n96, 19497; sanmichele, 13; San Lorenzo, 15 Compagnia dei Laudesi,

Santa Cecilia, 182n28; Santa 124 Marta sopr Arno, 50, 176n8; Fogg Art Museum, 34 Sant’ Antonio monastery, 1; Folding triptych, ror, 216n78

Santa Trinita, 10 Fortitudo. See Strength (. Fortitudo) Duomo, 1, 50; high altarpiece, 126; Fourth Lateran Council (1215), 65, 73,

tomb of Bishop Antonio 188n55 d’Orso dt Biliotto, 5, 126 Frames / framing motifs, 25, 43, 68, 90,

Santa Croce, ix, 7, 1, 22, 27, 28, 49, 173N119 50, 52, 55) 57, OL, 63, 70, 74, 77, Francesco da Barberino, 4, 5, 126 115, 119, 120, 122, 125, 183n30; Francis of Assisi, Saint, 8, 19, 22, 33,

book cupboard/ library, 52, 57, 61, 63, 65, 67, 73, 76, 98, 111;

70, 176n8; Cappella Bardi, Alter Christus, 41, 66, 69 52, 53, 56, 64, 68, 84, 187n82; Life: admonitions, 23; Angel of the

Cappella Bardi a Vernio, Sixth Seal, 91, 104, 106, 186n44; Cappella Baroncell1, 206n29; approval of the Fran7, 58, 84, 119, 120, 145n23; ciscan Rule, 24; canonization, Cappella Cerchi, 51, 136; Cap- 67; death, 66, 19174; dream

pella Peruzzi, 53, 56, 58, of Pope Innocent IL, 24, 34; 187n82; Cappella Tolosin1, 53, fifth (side) wound, 67, 72, 56; Cappella Velluti, 57, 71, 119, 168ng90, 191n76; miracle at 186n43; choir chapel, 52, 53, 56; Greccio, 63; miracles, 23, 24, 232

Index 62; posthumous miracles, 23, Fresco technique, 60, 66, 76, 85, 87,

30, 112; receives the stigmata, 108, 121 35, 69, 70, 71; relics, m1; ser- Frescoed altarpieces, 28, 29 mon to the Birds near Bevagna, 24, 63; Stigmatization, Gaddi, Taddeo, 34, 1109, 121, 223n118;

24, 29, 38, 39, 67; tomb, 89, m1 Stigmatization, 34, 163n67 Franciscan Order, 8, 19, 20, 24, 44, 61, Galilei, Alessandro, 32 62, 69, 74, 83, 86, 102, 105, 106, | Gambacorta family, 28, 29, 34 ILO, 115, 116, 122, 126, 127; car- Gentile da Montefiore, Cardinal, 41,

dinal protector, 100, 134; com- 42, 93, 133, 134, 135, 37 munity, 49, 53, 71, 77; 84, 95; Geoffroy, Raymond, 71, 133, 172n1B

104, Ito, 174n1; Constitutions Gethsemane, 69 of Assisi (1316), 88; cult of Gherardo da Villamagna, Blessed, 56

Francis, 25; custodies, 94; Ghibellines, 26, 87, 107 Franciscan penitence, 100; Ghiberti, Lorenzo, 7, 9 Franciscan Virtues, 59; Fran- Gibbon, Edward, viit ciscan vows, 102; Fraticelli (see | Gilbert of Sempringham, Saint, 34

Franciscan Order: Spiritual Giotto di Bondone, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 1, 12, Franciscans); habit, 22, 23, 61, 14, 19, 20, 23, 26, 38, 43, 44, 45, 71; 72s 741 93, 97, 98; 99; 100, 56, 68, 71, 74, 78, 109, 112, 115, 101, 151N13, 187N54, 194N9g5, 125, 126, 136, 148n47, 226n15;

195ng7, 197n106; legislation, architecture, 1; biography, 2, 8; 105, 191N74, 195N98; provincial children, 6, 110, 121; color, 62,

ministers, 49, 62, 66, 95, 104, 71, 72, 110; literary legend, 1; 174n2, 219n96; Rule, 22, 40, sense of humor, 1, 5, 6, 13, 66, 71, 107, 191n73; Spiritual 144n18; signature, 43. See also Franciscans, 49, 71, 72, 77; 84; Giotto di Bondone, works 94, 95, 104, 204n19; Third Or- — Giotto di Bondone, works

der (Tertiaries), 158n50 Assisi: Gloriosus Franciscus, 107; General chapters: Assisi, 133; Barce- Magdalen Chapel, 109; Marlona, 34; Naples, 84, 88, 134, riage of Francis with Lady 204n19; Narbonne, 30, 157n48, Poverty, 97, 107; San Fran-

195n9g7, 200n6; Padua, 34; cesco, Lower Church, 109; St. Parts, 30, 43, 158n49, 195n98; Nicholas Chapel, 109, 124, Pisa, 30, 157n48, 195n9g7; Tou- 201n7; Vele, 22, 88, 97, 106,

louse, 134 109, 112, 116, II7, 123, 124, 126, French illuminated manuscripts, 108 127 233

Index Giotto di Bondone, works (continued) Prudence, 98; Virtues and Vices,

Bologna: polyptych, 22, 124 97; Visitation, 64 Florence: Palazzo del Bargello, Pisa: Approval of the Franciscan Rule,

Cappella della Maddalena, 35, 64; Dream of Innocent ILL, 118; cathedral high altarpiece, 35, 38, 111; Preaching to the Birds, 126; Ognissantt Madonna, 10, 35, 36; Stigmatization, 22, 24, 25,

21; Ricorbolit Madonna, 13; 28, 29, 30, 32, 33, 37, 40, 41, 42, Santa Maria Novella Crucifix, 44, 45, 68, 69, 70, 76, IOI, 11,

40, 44 116, 117, 118, 119, 122, 127, Santa Croce: Annunciation to 15223, 153N25, 173NII19

Zacharias, 126; Apparition of Rome: Navicella mosaic, 3; Stefan-

Saint Francis at the Chapter of eschi triptych, ix, 43 Arles, 59, 62, 64, 65, 67, 725 75; Workshop, 12, 13, 67, 75, 76, 85, 106,

97; 99, 106, 107, 112, 116, 121; 107, 108, 100, 121, 123, 124, 126,

Approval of the Franciscan Rule, 127, 147035 61, 64, 72, 73, 75; Bardt Cha- Giovanni da Murrovalle, Cardinal, 133,

pel, 21, 54, 56, 57, 58, 62, 63, 75, 175N3, 196N103 90, 98, 106, III, 115, 119, 122, Giovanni di Balduccto, 119 124, 125, 126, 127; Baroncelli Girolamo d’Ascol1. See Nicholas IV,

polyptych, 7, 14, 22, 119, 124, Pope 125; Death of Francis, 67, 72, 75; Girolamo d’ Assisi, 67, 72, 191N77

fictive architecture, 59, 60, 63, Giuliano da Rimini, 85, 140n4 97; Francis Renounces His In- Giunta Pisano, 22, 23, 24, 15m15, heritance, 59, 63, 94, 107; Obedi- 17on102; Assisi, 22; Pisa, 22,

ence, 59, 63, 98; Saint Clare, 60, 23, 151NI5 73; Saint Louis of Toulouse, 60, Giuseppe di San Donato in Poggio,

73; Stigmatization, 36, 41, 45, 59, Fra, 50 63, 68; Trial by Fire, 59, 62, 64, Glosses, 104 73; Vision of Fra Agostino, 59, Gonsalvo Hispanus, 45, 56, 133, 34, 135;

67, 12 174N2, 191N73, 210N45

Naples, 14735 Gosebruch, Martin, 99

Padua Arena Chapel, 6, 21, 67, 75, Gregory IX, Pope, 33, 68, 105, 19175 78, 85, 90, 92, 107, 117, 1243 Grosseteste, Robert, 103 Adoration of the Magi, 6, 32; Be- Guido (bishop of Assisi), 73, 107 trayal, 64; Capture of Christ, 73; Guillaume de Bray, Cardinal, 67 Charity (Caritas), 96; Envy, 4, r4int1o; Last Judgment, 12, 13, 86, Hagiography, 23, 31, 65, 76, I10

117; Mocking of Christ, 224n6; Haloes, 13, 56, 59, 69, 93

234

Index

Hawk, 69, 93 John XXII, Pope, 56, 62, 76, 83, 84, 88, Haymo of Faversham, Fra, 103 98, 135, 197n106, 218nn88—8o Henry VU of Luxembourg, Emperor, Joseph, Saint, 6, 144n18

26, 74, 196n104 Jubilee (1300), 134 Heraldry, 25, 33, 37, 43, 53) 54s 57) 745 Judas Iscariot, 73 85, 100, 110, 111, 162n61, 167n86, _— Justinian, 4, 141n10 183nN23, 186n43, 223n118

Hercules, ro1, 216n77 Key, 90 Hildebert of Lavardin, 18

Hohenstaufen family, 26, 18m25 Landscape, 3, 43, 62, 69, 193N91

Holy Land, 64 Laudesi companies, 55. See also FlorHoly See, inventory of (1295), 35 ence, churches: Santa Croce

Honorius III, Pope, 61, 91 and Santa Maria Novella Hope (personification), 93 La Verna, 22, 24, 34, 36, 39, 40, 69, 70,

Horse Tamers (Dioscuri), 32, 117 172N113 Hugh of St. Victor, 70 Legend of the Three Companions, 33, 92 Humility (personification), 97, 98 Legendry of St. Francis, 23 Leo, 38, 39, 69

luminato, Fra, 65, 189n64 Leonardo da Vinci, 15, 148n47

Imitatio Christi, 66 Light, 7, 68, 70, 71, 72 Immunditia (Uncleanness ), 100 Liturgical feasts: Invention of the

Incendium amoris, 69 Cross, 54; Stigmatization of Innocent II, Pope, 24, 31, 33, 34, 91, St. Francis, 45, 133 188n55, 190N67, 207N33; London, 54 dreams, 33, 159n52, 161n58 Lorenzetti, Pietro, 85, 88, 90, 107,

Inquisition, 94, 105, 174n8 125 Inscriptions, 89, 90, 93 Louis [X, Saint, 186n47

Interdict, 31, 88 Louis of Toulouse, Saint, 56, 57, 60,

Investiture contest, 97 74, 107, I, 134, 193N103,

Isaac Master, 6, 7, 9, 67 197N106

Ivories, 102, 103 Louvre, 22, 24, 25, 29, 30, 41, 118, 122 Lucca, 3, 55

Jacopo del Casentino, 186n46 Ludovico da Pietralunga, Fra, 95,

Jacques de Vitry, Cardinal, 51 131

Janus, 98 Lust, 104 Jayme II of Aragon, 83

Jews, 73, 195nto1 Maestro di Casole, 55, 12.4, 18434 Joachim of Fiore, 104 Maestro di San Francesco, 15747 235

Index

Mantegna, Andrea, vitt Naples, 2, 6, 54, 74, 85, 116, 124, 126,

Marble veneer, 9, 72 127; great palace Chapel, 12, Marcucci, Luisa, viti 147n35; secret chapel, 12 Martini, Simone, 41, 125; frescoes in Napoleon, 24 St. Martin Chapel, 41, 93; Pisa Narrative, 5, 30, 42, 59, 60, 62, 64, 66,

polyptych, 125; St. Louis of Tou- 68, 69, 70, 72, 76, 78, 90, 105,

louse, 93 106, 110, 122, 127, 128

Master of the Santa Maria Novella Neri di Ugolino, 56

Cross, 44 Nicaea, 105

Mathew of Aquasparta, Cardinal, 41, Nicholas I, Pope, 39, 84, 135 42, 91, 98, 102, 103, 106, 133, Nicholas IV, Pope, 20, 32, 36, 41, 77,

17ONn107 133, 1334, 136, 158n50 Medici family: Averardo de’, 3; Cosimo —_ Nicola Pisano, 224n6 de’, 3; Grand Duke Cosimo, 53

Meiss, Millard, 6, 7 Obedience, 20, 84, 97, 98, 99, 106,

Miccoli, Giovanni, 41 212n60

Michele da Cesena, 88, 134, 204n19 Oderisio da Gubbio, 117

Milan, 2, 16 Oftner, Richard, 21, 44

Minoritas, 61, 70, 88 Olivi, Pierre-Jean, 77, 103, 133, 136 Mira circa nos (1228), 33, 67 Omobono of Cremona, Saint, 34 Miracles Notre Dame (Gautier de Oral tradition, 39, 67, 69

Coincy), ror Ordinamenti di Giustizia (1293), 54 Mirror, 98, 102, 103, 193n88, 213n63, Orsini family, 13; Giangaetano (d. ca.

215n76, 218n88 1292), 68, 100; Giovanni

Mnemonics, 8, 45 Gaetano (see Nicholas II], Model books, 36, 106, 220n102 Pope); Napoleone, Cardinal,

Monaldo, Fra, 66, 67, 75 28, 84, 100, 135

Monochrome, 64, 72, 73 Orvieto: San Domenico, 68

Montefalco, 50 Oxford, 103 Monte Gargano, 58, 62

Montelupo, 55 Pacificus, Fra, 92 “Mostra Augustea della Romanita” Padua, 2 , 12, 27, 16; Arena, 21; Arena

(1937), Vil, B9NI Chapel, vitt, 4, 7, 8, 9, 12, 21, “Mostra Giottesca” (1937), vit 150n9; Campanile, vitt; Eremi-

Motifs, 106, 108 tani, Ovetart Chapel, vit;

Munditia. See Cleanliness (Munditia) Santo (Sant’Antonio), 52, 77

Muzio di Francesco, 87 Papal camera, 34, 54 236

Index

Papal consistory, 35, 72, 84, 164n70 135; interdict, 158n50; Kinzica, Papal inventory (1311), 98, 213n65 28; Operaio (San Francesco),

Papal tiara, 35 29, 135; san Domenico, 125; Parallelism, 64 San Francesco, 23, 25, 28, 68, Paratactic composition, 67, 96 111, 116, 119, 121, 122, 135,

Parente di Giotto, 108, 110 162n64; San Lorenzo a RuParis: Notre-Dame, 213n68; University, volta, 29, 157n46; San Piero a

88 Grado, 32, 33, 37

Parrhasius, 4 Piscina, 53, 103

Patronage, 8, 25, 27, 45, 76, 87, 104, Pistoia: San Domenico, 190n72; San

108, I10, 115, 122 Francesco, 85 Patroni. See stencils Pliny, 9

Pecham, John, Fra, 103 Plutarch, 13, 1

Pegolotti, Francesco, 182n27 Polyptychs, 7, 14, 56, 108, 119, 120, 125

Penitence, ror, 102, 215n76 Pomposa Abbey Chapterhouse, 99,

Penitential handbooks, 97 192n72

Pentecost, 41, 17on105, 217n85 Pontano, Teobaldo, 136 Personification, 59, 95, 97; 100, IOI, 105, Poverty/ voluntary poverty (paupertas),

110 6, 51, 61, 84, 88, 177N12

Perugia, 98, 137 Prato: San Francesco, 85

Peruzzi family, 4, 1, 25, 51, 208n39; Preaching, 25, 33, 35, 36, 38, 78, 101, 105 Donato di Arnaldo, 28, 54, Predella, 43, 44, 45, 64, 116, 119, 122,

136, 182n28, 197N105 173N123 Peter, Saint, 32, 33, 161m58, 162n6o0 Presumption. See Superbia

Peterborough Psalter, 218m88 Prisciant tomb, 65, 189n65 Petrarch, 2, 14, 118; Madonna (Giotto), Provence, 62, 66, 190n69

14 Province of St. Francis, 50

Petroni, Riccardo, Cardinal, 125 Provins, 26

Physiologus, 99 Prudence (personification), 97, 98 Pietro da Morrone. See Celestine V, Pseudo-Dionysius: Celestial Hierarchy,

Pope 70, 92; Treatise on the Divine

Pilgrims/ pilgrimage, 62, 86, 87, Names, 102 172N113, 203NI5 Psychomachia, 100, 215n71 Pisa, 2, 8, 14, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 31, Punches, 125 37, 38, 40, 45, 55, 70, 71, Ho, Purity, 84, 100, 102 111; Camposanto, 34; Hospital

Church of Santa Chiara, 44, Quorundam Exigit, 84 237

Index

Radicofant, 56 Ruota di Guidoccto, 55 Ratzinger, Joseph. See Benedict XVI, Russi, Lapa, 55, 136 Pope

Ravenna, 117 Sacchetti, Franco, 1, 5, 6, 13, 108, 39n1,

Refectory, 111 144n18, 147n47; Novelle, 5, 13 Regula Bullata (1223), 61, 188n56 Sacrum Commercium S. Francisci cum

Relics, mm Domina Paupertate, 94, 95, 102, Riccobaldo of Ferrara, 12 20943 Ricuccio del fu Puccio del Magnaio, Salimbene de Adam, Fra, 162n64,

14, 44 17ONI13 Rimini, 116 Sancia da Majorca, Queen, 88, 204n19

Pope a Grado

Rinaldo of Jenne. See Alexander IV, San Piero a Grado. See Pisa: San Piero

Rintelen, Friedrich, 14, 62 San Quirico d’Orctia, 97 Robert I d’Anjou, 1, 8, 12, 74, 88, 116, Sansepolcro, 38

197N105 Sassetta, 38

Roman Church, 41, 122 Sassone, Aduardo d1 Pietro, 28, 155n39 Rome, 2, 9, 27, 32, 43, 63, 16, 117, 118; Savell1, 28 Capitol, 28; Lateran Palace, 1, | Schwarz, Michael, 32

32, 97; Quirinal Hill, 32, 117; Scourge, 100 Sancta Sanctorum, 11; San Scrovegm, Enrico, vitt, 12, 13, 21, 27

Paolo fuori le mura, 91; Seals, 41, 91, 94, '70NI05, 171107 Sant’ Adriano in Foro, 84; Sempeter, 65 Santa Maria Maggiore, 21; St. Sens de lecture, 29, 78

John Lateran (San Giovanni Seraph, 39, 40, 41, 69, 70

160N53 19gni4

in Laterano), II, 23, 32, 118, Sermons, 25, 33, 66, 110, 172n113, Santa Maria in Aracoel1, vit, 27, 28, | Servosanta da Faenza, Fra, 78, 199n114

29; Colonna Chapel, 28; Co- Severino del fu, Iacopo, 27, 55, 15437

lonna mosaic, 27; Savelli Shields, 25, 37, 45

Chapel, 28 Siege of the Castle of Love, 102, 103 St. Peter's, 33, 64, 87; apse mosaic, Siena, 85; Duomo, 5; high altarpiece,

gl, 207n33; atrium, 3; Navicella 78; tomb of Cardinal Ricmosaic, 3; necrology, 2; tomb cardo Petront, 125 chapel of Boniface VHI, 85, Signatures, 22, 143n16, 152n23, 223n117

34 Simon (son of Onias), 33, 162n63 Rose, 93, 131, 209n40 Sinopia (underdrawing), 107 236

Index

Slovenia, 65 Throne, 65, 73, 91, 205n22, 207N35 Solomon, 65 Tino di Camaino, 5, 125, 126, 143n16, Sortes biblicae, 38, 168n93 183n32, 193n82, 226n17 Sparrow hawk, 36, 69, 95 Titulus, 57, 70, 71, 120, 204n21

Specularity, 69 Todt, 105

Spinelli family, 25 Tolomei, Andrea, Fra, 51 Stained glass, 71, 19, 225n1 Tolosint, 53, 56, 199n113 Stefaneschi, Giacomo Gaetani, Cardi- Tombs, 27, 28, 53, 65, 68, 85

nal, ix, 12, 13, 100 Tomb slabs, 28, 155n39

Stencils, 108 Torriti, Jacopo, 32, 36 Stigmatization. See Francis of Assist, Treviso: San Niccolo Chapterhouse,

Saint: Life; Giotto di Bon- 99, 192n72 done, works: Florence and Trial by ordeal, 65, 190n67

Pisa Triptych, 1o1, 157n47, 216n78 Strasbourg Cathedral, z09n40 Troyes: St. Urbain, 104 Strength (Lortitudo) (personification), True Cross, 55 100, 102

Studium generale. See Florence, Ubertino da Casale, 42, 49, 50, 51,

churches: Santa Croce 525 53, 55) O1, 77, 95, 104, 136,

Superbia (personification), 99 178n14 Suppedaneum, 70 Ugolino di Nerio, 56; high altarpiece for Santa Croce, 56, 124, 125,

Tagliacozzo battle (1268), 26 126 Tarlati, Guido, 125 Umbria, 50, 62, 95

Terra di Lavoro, 62 Umiliati Order, 10, 116 Theodoric, Cardinal, 31 Uncleanness. See Immunditia (Un-

Thomas, Saint, 67, 192n82 cleanness ) Thomas Aquinas, Saint, 97; Summa Urban IV, Pope, 104, 18125 Theologiae, 97, 215173; Treatise Usus pauper, 72, 83, 95 on the Divine Names of Pseudo-

Dionysius, 102 Vanni Fucct, 95 Thomas of Celano, Fra, 34, 36, 39, 40, Vasari, Giorgio, 7, 8, 9, 1, 3, 14,

43, 63, 65, 69; Legenda Chori, 146n26; Vite, 9 40; Tractatus de Miraculis, 23, Velluti family: Alessandro, 57, 136,

98; Vita Prima, 23, 39, 40, 63, 186n43; chapel (see Florence, 65, 190n69; Vita Secunda, 98 churches: Santa Croce); coat Thomas of Eccleston, Fra, 39, 103 of arms, 186n43; cronaca domes~ 239

Index

Velluti family (continued) Vita panels, 23, 30, 43 tica, 57; Donato dt Berto, 57; Vittorio, Emmanuele, vit Monna Gemma, 57, 58, 186n43

Venice, 134 White, John, x1 Veroni, Francesco, Fra, 104 Workshop, 7, 12, 21, 32, 67, 85, 108, 121. Vienne Church Council (1311-1312), See also Giotto di Bondone,

AQ, 51, 52, 71 works

Viewpoint, 78, 88 Villani, Giovanni, 1, 4, 5,27, 55, 140n2, Yoke, 99, 131, 213n66 182n29

Virtues and vices, 97, 103 Zanardi, Bruno, 20 Visconti, Azzone, 1, 12, 116 Zeri, Frederico, 20 Visconti, Federigo, 25, 33, 375 51 Zliten (Libya), 166n79 Visions, 34, 62, 66, 163n69

240